^Jf F 866 CoDv/ 1 'The purpose of the government is to hold the scale of justice ti even hand; to treat all alike; to do violence to the rights of none; I by insuring justice, and only justice, to the strong man, we will be certain that nothing less than justice shall be done the weak."—* [Franklin K. Lane, in speech at Los Angeles, September 25.] FRANKLIN K, LANE Democratic Nominee for GOVERNOR Some Reasons Why Franklin K* Lane and the Democratic Ticket Should Be Elected. ISSUED BY THE DEMOCRATIC STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE B. D. MURPHY, Chairman, State Central Committee. AL. McCABE, Secretary, A. CAMINETTI, Chairman Campaign Committee. THK STAR l-RKSS C^^^^ *zt> lio And after the last campaign the men of the Typographical Union gave me the proud honor of naming me an honorary member of that union. Was it suo-aested th^n FraSco tha/Tl' '^' ''^"' "' ^^ '^^^ oth^r^mlf in'san' i^rancisco that I was any man's man; that I wore any man's collar; that_ I was willing to make the slightest sacrifice in order to gain a political honor? You know what I have n mind, every one of you, and I want to sav to you that I am as independent as any man who sits in this hall, for I have made no pledges. No man controls me; no man ever will direct mv nfedlr^""'- I ^^".^ot make pledges. I do not ma"e pledges to gam nominations, and I will not make pledges to gam elections. I do not propose to make any campaign goin^ rom county to county dealing out political offices in retm^ fo? support. If men do not say to me, "Lane, you are a Democrat- you are a man of brave, human sympathy; you are a man whose face is turned to the future, whose eye has hope inT° If they do not choose to come and say that to me, and stand beside me in this fight, unless I bow down to them and s °y Take this office as a bribe for your support," I will have noYe I have blood within mv veins, and there is a goodly propor- tion of red corpuscles in that blood. I know men when they are ray friends, and I want to say to you there is nothing that touches me so, in the little that I have seen in political life, as this; that while it is a game in which men can be mean, contemptible and dastardlv, it is a game also that brings out the finer, better and nobler qualities. I know why some men are in politics to their own financial loss, because they find it is a o-reat big man's game, which calls for men to fight it, and they want to stand beside their fellows and do the battle. Do I need say anything more to you on the proposition that I am independent? " You believe me, do you not? Have I ever been false to you in any way? Have I ever stood on a platform and said a fa'lsehood to you? Then I appeal to you as friends of mine, as loyal men, as gentlemen, as American citizens, whether you are of mv party or not, go forth and put your blight on' a lie by which it is attempted to cast a blight on a man's political future and his life. SENATOR BEVERIDGE. The Republican campaign is to be opened in San Francisco on Monday evening by one of the most distinguished members of the United States Senate, Senator Beveridge of Indiana. I ht)pe that vou gentlemen will go to hear him, because we wish always to show California hospitality to our visitors. You will be well repaid, because Senator Beveridge makes one of the finest talks that man ever listened to. He is a beautiful speaker. He makes a speech, as Mr. Dooley says, that you can waltz to. He will tell you a great many reasons why you men of San Francisco, who own property here and have inter- ests in California, should support a Republican for Governor of this State. It takes a man from Indiana to have the nerve to do that. He will tell you, for one thing, I presume, that you are all prosperous and happy, and he will say that you should be cvraieful to the Republican party for all the things that God has given you. He may speak to you about the full dinner pail and' he may, incidentally to his remarks on the full dinner pail! speak of the situation back in Pennsylvania. Thev talk about organized labor, my friends. I want to point out to vou that that strike back in Pennsylvania is one of the most remarkable events in all history. There are 200,000 men— more men than there are in San Francisco, Sacramento and Oakland and San Jose, and Los Angeles all combined— • 200 000 men out of work fighting, not for butter on their bread, but' for another slice of plain bread— 200,000 men, Huns, and Poles illiterate, but members of a union, and they have been peaceful, quiet, respectful, law-abiding citizens, and I do not believe that history records such another case. That is the result of modern organization of labor. STATE ISSUES. But I suppose that in a talk such as this I should say some- thing to you upon the broad State issues that we have pre- sented in our platform. I do not know whether you have read that platform or not. If you have not my advice is that you get it and read it. It is probably the best declaration of modern advanced Democratic principles that has ever been made in the United States. We know how our Republican friends have chided us for a long while that the policy of the Democratic party was a policy of negation; that we were cast- ing reproaches on the other fellow, but had nothing to say for ourselves. Well, we have a platform now that is full of affirmation; a platform that has set up broad lines of policy which this State should follow. Let them attack that platform in this campaign. REVIEW OF THE PLATFORM. The platform adopted by the Democratic convention at Sac- ramento is one to which every Democrat can give unhesitating allegiance and every independent voter give willing and cordial support. It is broad enough indeed for all Californians to stand on, and we can safely invite all of our fellow citizens to come up and stand with us on election day and make it unanimous. The planks of the platform divide themselves into three classes— first, those that reaffirm the loyalty of California Democrats to the fundamental principles of Democracy that have been sustained by generation after generation of Demo- crats from the days of Jefferson down through those of Jack- son and Douglas and Tilden to our own time; second, those which emphatically declare the sympathy of Democracy with the rights of labor in the industrial struggle that is now going on; third, those which set forth a comprehensive programme of legislation for the advancement of California and the interests of her people. To each and all of these planks I give a hearty and unre- strained pledge of fidelity and zeal. Those which reaffirm the great constitutional principles of our party ought to be read and pondered carefully by every citizen. Those principles have been of great import to the Republic at every crisis of its history, but they were never more important ithan now. In these days of loose construction of the constitution and of law, when extremists on each side are seeking to use the powers of government to advance class interests, it is im- perative that the great body of Americans bold fast to the constitution and to that Democratic doctrine of indisputable justice, that this government was founded for the benefit of all and not for the aggrandizement of a few. So far as that doctrine is maintained by a resolute majority of the voters there can be no strife among Americans, but if it be set aside and the Government be used for the promotion of class interest or ambitions, there can be nothing else but strife. Democracy holds the balance fairly between all fac- tions and by offering nothing beyond justice to the strong assures the weakest that he also shall have justice. PROUD OF DEMOCRACY. It is a matter of gratification to me that as I advance in years I find nothing in my studies of history, nor anything in my personal experience that does not confirm me in my al- legiance to Democratic principles. The sympathies which led me to join the Democratic party in my youth have been strengthened by all that my reason has taught me since. The path in which I began to walk was, to my youthful under- standing, hardly more than a party path, but I have seen it broaden and widen into a great highway of political truth along which can march the whole American people through all generations to come. It is a broad middle road of political safety. It has no promise to the extremists of any class or party; but it has the best of all promises to the whole country — the promise and guarantee of giving equal rights to all and special privileges to none. PREVAILING PROSPERITY UNEQUAL iN ITS BLESSINGS. Upon those planks of the platform which deal with the relation of labor to the industrial conditions of our time, I believe every true American can firmly stand. They ask nothing but what is embodied in the divine declaration, 'The laborer is worthy of his hire." A fair day's wage for a fair day's work is the right of every man, and surely no American will dispute the proposition that every workingman has a right to a full share in the prosperity which his work has helped to procure for the nation. Our platform demands that the hours of labor be shortened, the burden lightened and the wages increased. Such demands under present conditions are not unfair. In the prevailing prosperity the cost of living has been increased and it is but right that the wages of the workers should increase in proportion. Prosperity created by the joint labors of all should be like the sunshine that falls witli equal warmth and brightness upon the cottages of the poor and the mansions of the rich. It should carry a blessing to every home and to every heart. It should be as universal as the air, and every man should breathe it in with the breath of life. TRIBUTE TO LABOR. In this desire to bring about a fair division of the profits of industry and the benefits of prosperity, we cannot overlook the plain fact that the chief agent in achieving that desire has been organized labor. The men who have built up the labor unions and who have sustained them through good repute and through ill repute, have done more to equalize American industrial conditions than all the rest of us put together, and it is but just that Democracy, whose political principles can be sustained only by men who are resolute to maintain their rights, should at this juncture join with organized labor in its struggle to obtain an equal share in the common pros- perity. Should plutocracy triumph in the industrial world there could be no longer a democracy in the world of politics, other parties may or may not promise much to labor; other parties may or may not do much for labor; but Democracy is bound both to promise and to do all in its power to advance the just claims of the workingman, for Democracy and labor are bound together by bands irrefragable and not to be broken. Bands forged in the furnaces of Nature herself bound them together in the beginning and will hold them together till the end of time. United they stand, but divided they fall, and it is not one of them only that falls — they fall together. The third class of resolutions in the platform — those which deal with the material interests of California — are those which more directly concern me as a candidate for the office of Governor. The occupant of that office is but indirectly con- cerned with national politics and with legislation. His duty is to promote by faithful administration the welfare of the State and to enforce with impartial justice the laws enacted by the representatives of the people. The strictly Californian planks in the platform are therefore those to which I must chiefly address myself in asking your suffrage. I know that national politics offers a larger and fuller theme for a speaker, and that in dealing with its issues there is a greater oppor- tunity for eloquence. LOVES CALIFORNIA. But I am a Californian, I love the State, I delight in meditat- ing upon its golden possibilities; I have no higher ambition than to be instrumental in helping to bring these possibilities to a glorious realization, and I therefore turn to this theme with a feeling of gratification in the very fact that I stand before you as Democracy's candidate for Governor of Cali- fornia. Our platform pledges us to promote our mineral industries of every kind; to conserve our waters and forests; to further the practice of irrigation; to improve the public highways; to advance the cause of education in every department from the primary school to the University; to further all agricultural interests; to liberally support the county and State fairs; to establish State, count}' and municipal administration upon the basis of merit, and to provide for the just assessment and taxation of the property of corporations. This programme, briefly and hurriedly stated, is the most (comprehensive that has ever been undertaken in California politics. Any single feature of it constitutes a vast work. Great as it is, however, it is not too great for California nor for her opportunities; neither is it too great for me to pledge myself to, if I can be assured of the support of my fellow- citizens. ' MINING INTERESTS. In advancing the interests of our miners we have a right to ask the assistance of the National Government. It is a singular fact that while America is the greatest mining country in the world, ours is the only first-class nation that makes no adequate provision for governmental supervision of mining. At the present time the direction of mines and min- ing in this country, so far as the Government directs them at all, is scattered through half a dozen bureaus, divided among several distinct departments of State. The mining men have repeatedly asked for the creation of a department of mines and miners, and California as the chief mining State in the Union may rightly take the lead in asking that justice. We have also a right to ask for the full co-operation of the Na- tional Government in providing for the construction of barriers that will prevent the debris of the mines from injuring the streams and the lands of the valleys. The wealth of gold which California has poured into the National Treasury jus- tifies us in asking the national appropriations for that work; and in asking them we can give the assurance that if the redemption of our rivers be guaranteed along with free and un trammeled mining, the wealth which we shall hereafter add to the golden store of the Union will be even vaster than that already bestowed. It is on the preservation of our forests and the wise con- servation of our waters that the future prosperity of the State mainly depends. The Democratic party is in a special sense charged with the work of irrigation, for it was the Democratic party under the lead of Democratic statesmen that brought (he whole of this great West, including our own Golden State, under the starry flag; Democracy furnished the pioneers that built it up and Democracy owes it to the present and to coming generations to provide for the irrigation necessary to enable California and the West to become what they are destined to be, the granary and the orchard of the peoples, the garden of the world. A PROUD HERITAGE. My fellow Democrats. I am loath to close when speaking on this theme. California and her possibilities, as disclosed in the plain opportunities of the present, is a subject that thrills me with exultant hope, and I never weary in expatiating upon it. I share with every one of you the patriotic pride of being an American, but even when I am most sensitive to the in- tluences of our national greatness and glory, there is ever conscious in my brain and in my heart a sentiment of proud joy that I am not only an American but a Californian. There is nothing in the State that is alien to me. I love its moun tains and its valleys, its sunshine and its fogs. I wish to feel that I am helping to make it prosperous and advancing its great career. I can wish to leave to my son no better heritage than this, that when he grows up to be a man and sees our California forty years from now, perceives all its beauties and its glories, sees its workingmen higher paid and lesser burd- ened than any others in the world, sees its labor and capital united and harmonious and maintaining just and equal laws, sees its mountain streams washing forth the hidden gold of the mines, then as they roll down in a thousand cateracts set in motion the electric energy that is to turn the wheels of industry in our cities and light the streets of traffic, next spread themselves over the fields to start the blossom, to ripen the fruits of orchard and vineyard, and finally flow on through deep, clear channels down the rivers bearing vessels to the sea — that when he sees all that, and beholds its beauty and knows its value, he shall be able to say: "My father helped to bring all this about; he was one of the workers worthy of his hire; one of the fighters who in the struggle for Democratic equality fought the good fight and kept the faith." That is the eulogy that I want, and I want to be worthy of such a eulogy. It rests in jour hands, my friends, to say whether I shall have that opportunity or not. LANE STATES HIS POSITION. Is Interviewed by E. H. Hamilton, of the Examiner, and Answers Questions Relating to State Issues. BY E. H. HAMILTON. To me, Franklin K. Lane always was serious and thoughtful. It is such men who come to high position when their serious- ness is backed by ability; and I don't suppose any one ques- tions the ability of Lane. He has the better of me by four years in the matter of age, and he says that when he was washing ink rollers on the Oak- land "Times" and I was a full-fledged reporter on the "Tribune" of the same city he regarded me as having already achieved distinction. Still, I cannot remember the time when I did not regard Lane with that respect which a lad who is saucily cocking his hat in the face of the world always has for his fellow who is honestly grinding away at the perplexing problems. Evidently Lane made up his mind in his very early years that life is not much picnic and very little vaudeville. He was a messenger boy for the Western Union Telegraph Com- pany in Napa. Possibly he used to bat sky-balls in the vacant lot when he had a telegram in his pocket awaiting delivery, but I don't believe it. I can't fancy Lane skylarking when he had work to do. When he became a clerk in the store of Thompson & Beard in Napa there were a good many people in the neighborhood who spoke Spanish. So Lane set about picking up some Spanish, that he might the better trade with these folk of the countryside. That was at an age, mind you, when most lads are prinking for the eyes of the girls, and are far more con- cerned about the pimples that precede the beard than about acquiring a soft speech for the purpose of driving hard bargains. HE HAMMERED HIS WAY. Then he came down to Oakland and went to the high school. Of course he went into the debating society. A boy of his bent naturally would find joy in tackling those problems which wrinkle the brows of statesmen and ruin the eyes of scientists. In other words, he had a natural liking for brain work at an age when some of us had begun to think it was smart to get tipsy and to play poker. 13 There wasn't much chance for Lane to unlimber and paint the town after his high school days. He became a printer's devil. There's no fun in that. I've been one myself. He cleaned rollers, and swept the office and ran errands, and learned to set type. I, too, ^'had my nose in tlie space-box" for several grinding years. There's something wrong with the man who has taken that course in the college of necessity and then forgets how to kindle with sympathy for every effort of the toiler to better his condition. I don't believe there's anything wrong with Lane. I can readily fancy that Lane, after he became an employer of printers, honestly won his honorary card in the Typographi- cal Union. The printer man is over-worked and underpaid, my masters, to this day; but he was in much worse condition when Lane was at the case, because the union had little power save in the big newspaper offices. But Lane had no notion of letting a High School education serve him through life. He entered the class of '86 at the University of California. He couldn't be carried to a sheepskin "on flowery beds of ease." He had to work his way. So he arranged to take the lessons and lectures of his course in the forenoons. Then, in the afternoons and evenings he set type or wrote articles for the papers. On the same grim conditions he hammered his way through the Hastings College of the Law. A man has to be serious when he is rowing against the tide in that fashion. TALKER AND WRITER. As early as 1886 he took to the political platform, making his maiden speech for Bartlett and Democracy at Santa Cruz. In that campaign he spoke with Tom Geary at Santa Rosa. People began to know that here was a young man with a head on his shoulders. In 1888 he was active in the Young Men's Democratic Club, which was fighting Chris Buckley. He kept pegging away at newspaper work while trying to get a foothold in the law. Then we heard of him in New York, writing edi- torials for the "Herald" and corresponding for a San Francisco paper. Going to Tacoma, he got hold of the "News," fought against the boodlers and for the cause of unionism. He was a good newspaper man. I had occasion to know that. Once upon a time I spent several unhappy months as managing editor of "The Examiner." The Southern Pacific thought it a good time to attack us. Reaching out for talent to carry the war into the enemy's territory, 1 got hold of Lane, who was back from Ta- coma. There was some good fighting. They were glad to quit. Lane was a vigorous and resourceful scrapper. I've had a H great respect for his abilities and much admiration for his honesty ever since. In polities Lane is a seasoned campaigner. The party's thoughtful meh in the East know him and regard him highly. He was the friend of Russell in Massachusetts and of Pattison in Pennsylvania. He has been on the stump in both those States and in New York. He knows that campaigning is something more than making a speech. The Union Iron \\'orks mechanics said he was the first man who ever came back there after the election to thank them for helping him into office. Perhaps that sort of thing made his subsequent elections easy. And he seems to wear about the same sized hat he did when I lirst knew him. AS A BASEBALL ENTHUSIAST. There isvonly one occasion when he seems to forget the seri- ousness of the game of life and that is when he is looking at a game of baseball. Then he becomes a persistent and declara- tive "rooter." He used to be captain of the Hastings Law College nine and you'll often find him on the benches out at Eighth and Harrison streets, generally with Judge John Hunt. I fear that occasionally he lets out a good, resounding yell when the ball goes over the right-field fence. He is much at home with his wife and boy, cares nothing for clubs or club life, and while not much of a *'jiner" holds mem- bership in the Foresters and Woodmen. If he has a special economic hobby it is irrigation, in which he became interested during the Stoneman riparian-irrigation extra session of the Legislature in 1886. I have never heard any man or any boy accuse Franklin K. Lane of a mean or a dishonorable act. Beyond this brief esti- mate of his character the reader may get some line on his manner of thought by reading his answers to some questions I submitted to him the other day — questions bearing directly on topics and issues of the present campaign. He's not a bad fellow on any side of him, and if you had to select a companion for crossing a desert, Lane would be square and even generous about the water and the grub. QUESTIONS ASKED MR. LANE. 1 — ^A'hat do you consider the most imi)ortant State issues? '2 — What are j'our views on the Chinese question? ?> — fn case you are elected Governor and there should be a strike of workingmen, what would be your attitude? W^ould you call out the militia to aid one side of the strike, or keep the iforces of the law impartial? 15 ■ 4— What is your attitude toward the Southern Pacific Rail- road and allied corporations? 5 — How do you stand on the ownership of public utilities? y— What is your attitude toward the hibor unions and work- in gmen generally? 7 — How^ did you acquire citizenship? 8 — Have you always voted with the Democratic party? MR. LANE'S ANSWERS. What do you consider the most important State issue? IRRIGATION. The purpose of the State government should be to advance the interests of the people of the State. It is my belief, and has been for twenty years, that no one thing would conduce as greatly to the prosperity of California as the adoption and putting into effect of a complete and modern code of laws touching the storage and use for irrigation purposes of the waters of the State. The lands of California, properly irri- gated, are capable of sustaining twenty to thirty million peo- ple. We have allowed and we are allowing the water which is a vital necessity to the use of the land to be so appropriated as not to be of the fullest possible benefit to the State. The forests must be preserved, the waters must be stored and the lands that need irrigation must have the right by law to the use of this water. This is a programme which will require years to carry out, but a beginning should now be made and be made upon right lines. FOR THE MINER. Another method which we may follow in the general scheme for advancing the prosperity of this State is to permit the con- tinuation of placer and hydraulic mining in the mountains, and it is the duty of the National and State governments to erect such barriers as will prevent the debris from clogging our navigable streams and ruining the agricultural lands adjoin- ing. The two greatest of our resources are our mines and our fields, and we should not be so near-sighted or so improvident as to neglect any course now which would retard the develop- ment of these great natural resources. The Governor of the State is not the Legislature. Tt is his function primarily to suggest matters of legislation, and to approve or disapprove of bills passed by the Legislature. 1 shall endeavor, if elected, to make the State Government of use to our people by putting on foot enterprises of a State character, which will bring growth, increased population and greater wealth to the State. 1 should call to my assistance men who are experts along lines of progressive legislation, and i6 ask them to pass upon measures proposed, and to present to me and to the Legislature such measures as they might deem the most practicable upon the various subjects of State de- velopment. LABOR BUREAU AND FREE MARKET. Two other matters of importance suggest themselves to me. One is the establishment of a free market upon the watei- front of this city, wherein the fruit raisers and the farmers of all adjoining counties may deal directly with the small buyers. And another is the establishment of a free labor bureau, such as exists in many other cities and most countries of Europe, wherein the person seeking employment may come into direct contact with the person desiring help without expense to either. We have the machinery already partially organized for such a bureau, and by a slight additional expense it could be made of the greatest practical value to the working classes and the employers. There is only one issue in a State campaign, and that is how best to promote the interest of the State through State legis- lation and State administration. We want an honest govern- ment and an economical government. We should see that we get a dollar's worth of labor and a dollar's worth of material for every dollar that we expend; but we should not hesitate to expend a dollar when by so doing we can insure a tenfold return to the people. THE CHINESE QUESTION AND STRIKES. What are your views on the Chinese question? I am in favor of the complete and entire exclusion of the Chinese under the bill drafted by the Anti-Chinese Commission and the Federation of Labor. From a study of the present law passed by the present Congress, I believe that it is not such an exclusion law as the necessities of the situation require or the people of this Coast demand. In case you are elected Governor and there should be a strike of workingmen, what would be your attitude — would you call out the militia to the aid of one side of the strike or keep the forces of the law impartial? The militia should not be used to settle strikes; but should be used solely for the protection of life and property. All the forces of the State should certainly be held impartial. I would use all of my influence to bring about a peaceable settlement of such disputes. 17 AS TO RAILROADS. What is your attitude toward the Southern Pacific and allied cor- porations? I believe in fair treatment for all corporations, as for all in- dividuals. The more railroads that we have in this State the better for us; but they should keep out of politics, and rely, not upon political manipulation or the use of money for their protection. The people of California are neither illiberal nor unjust, but they resent any attempt at dictation by corpor- ations. It is my belief that the policy inaugurated many years ago of appealing to the venality of legislators and officials rather than to the right reason and the good conscience of the people, was unfortunate alike for the railroad and the State. We now have two transcontinental railroads in this State, and we will soon have a third. The State of Washington, to the north of us, is better supplied with transcontinental railroad facilities than we; and more railroads will certainly come into this State. I believe in making them pay for what they get and allowing them to take nothing to which they are not entitled. My attitude toward such corporations has been made manifest during my four years of office; and I think I have demonstrated that a man may be successful in public life who is not the servant of the corporations, nor yet their enemy. OWNERSHIP OF PUBLIC UTILITIES. How do you stand on the question of ownership of public utilities? I favor public ownership and have written extensively in its advocacy for the past fifteen years. Such utilities to be successfully managed must be kept out of politics, and must be under the direction of well paid and expert men. THE LABOR UNIONS. What is your attitude toward the labor unions and workingmen generally? I was made an honorary member of the Tacoma Typographi- cal Union ten years or more ago, when I was an employer of labor and not in politics. I have recently been made a member of the San Francisco Typographical Union. Organized labor is, to my mind, one of the most effective civilizing agencies of the day.*^ The organization of labor makes for a higher type of manhood and a more responsible citizenship. President Koose- velt said the other day when he was made an honorary member of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, that labor unions had never asked him to do a thing which in good conscience he could not do. That is my own experience. I need not say that, like all other men who have had to struggle for themselves — for I have made my own way since I i8 was sixteen years of age — I have great sympathy with the wage-worker. I know him perhaps better than most men who are in my profession; and I believe him to be more intelligent, more capable and more worthy of entire confidence than do those who have not had my experience. The nobler qualities in man are neither the product of a university education, nor of the possession of wealth, and if men have not had the ad- vantages of higher education and are not fortunately possessed of the money-making faculty, it does not argue in the slightest that they are not capable of passing a sound and sober judg- ment, or that they are in any way lacking in any of those qualities which make good fathers, good husbands and good citizens. NOT A CONTROLLED VOTE. There is much nonsense talked in political campaigns about this man or that man having the labor vote. The working classes are individuals, and I believe they resent the claim on the part of any candidate for office that he, in any way, can command their support. Abraham Lincoln, in his first annual message, said: "Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed; labor is the su- perior of capital and deserves much the higher consideration." We may not, therefore, pass over with indifference or disregard the claim which labor makes upon our consideration. How did you acquire citizenship? By virtue of my father's citizenship. I have been a resident of the State of California since seven years of age, excepting during a brief absence in Xew York and Washington. Have you always voted with the Democratic party? Yes; and I have always supported the Democratic ticket by word, by pen and by contribution. I have spoken in all but one campaign in this State since I was of age, and have also participated in campaigns in Massachusetts, New York, Penn- sylvania and Washington. I have never sought any office other than the one which I now hold and that for which T am now a candidate. PLATFORM. \ DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES AS LAID DOWN IN THE PLATFORM. In common with all citizens of this Nation, we deeply deplore the death of the late President William McKinley, and we tender our heartfelt sympathy and condolence to his beloved and devoted wife. The Democratic party, in State convention assembled, recognizes that as the Nation grows older new issues are born of time and old issues perish; but the fundamental principles of democracy advocated from Jefferson's time to our own will ever remain as the best security for the continuance of free government. Among these principles are: Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, the preservation of personal rights, the largest freedom of the individual consistent with good govern- ment, the equality of all persons before the law, the preservation of the Federal Government in its constitutional vigor and the support of the States in all their just rights, economy in public expenditures, maintenance of the public faith, and opposition to paternalism and all class legislation. The Democratic party has ever maintained and ever will maintain the supremacy of law, the independence of its judicial administration, the inviolability of contracts, and the obligation of all good citizens to resist every illegal trust, combination or conspiracy against the just rights of property, and the rights and liberties of the citizen, in which are bound up the peace and happiness of the people. THE TARIFF. We denounce the present unjust protective tariff imposed upon the people by the Republican party, and demand such a revision of our tariff laws as will result in the removal of all unjust burdens and the placing of trust-made goods and the necessaries of life upon the free list. We believe in a tariff for revenue only. W^e are opposed to all schemes of tariff legislation the design of which is to collect large sums of monew in excess of the actual requirements of the Govern- ment, economically administered. TRUSTS AND COMBINATIONS. We denounce private monopoly in every form, and are emphatically opposed to those combinations or aggregations of capital commonly called "trusts," whereby the price of commodities is arbitrarily en- hanced, without reference to the factors of supply and demand, and price of production is regulated by the same agencies. We believe the continuance of these combinations to be inimical to the best interests of the people and likely, if not effectually checked, to prove subversive of the Government. We demand the proper and rigorous enforcement of the present anti-trust laws, and the adoption of such further measures as may be required to effectually check this great, menacing, national evil. We denounce the efforts of the Republican National Administration to injure the growing and important beet sugar industry of our State by unequal and unjust tariff arrangements entered into at the dictation of the sugar trust and designed for its advantage. INSULAR POSSESSIONS. Leaving to the courts of the United States the interpretation and construction of the Constitution, we nevertheless are in favor of securing to the inhabitants of our insular possessions the same personal and property rights as are guaranteed to the inhabitants of the several States by the Constitution, and to accord to them the same measure of civil and political liberty as it has been the practice 20 of our Nation to grant to the inhabitants of the territories thereof, taking care, however, that the final settlement of the Philippine prob- lem shall be such that the United States shall be freed from the existing danger of an enormous Oriental immigration therefrom. CHINESE EXCLUSION. We unqualifiedly favor the complete exclusion from all American territory of all Chinese, of either whole or mixed blood, according to the terms of the bill presented to Congress by the American Federa- tion of Labor and the California commission, and we denounce the Republican majority in Congress for their treason to the working people and the Pacific Coast in rejecting this bill and passing the present weak and inadequate law. ISTHMIAiM CANAL. We are in favor of the speedy construction of the Isthmian Canal and the taking of all such further measures as may be requisite to its earliest possible completion. ELECTION OF U. S. SENATOR BY DIRECT VOTE. We favor the election of United States Senators by the direct vote of the people. GOVERNMENT BY INJUNCTION OPPOSED. This must be a Government by law and not according to the will of officials. We, therefore, demand the enactment of laws, both State and Federal, prohibiting the issuance of injunctions in labor disputes infringing upon the rights of free speech, free assemblage, full freedom to organize and to quit work, and trial by jury, to the end that such rights may be maintained in complete integrity. LABOR ISSUES We favor the eight-hour day for public work, whether done directly or by contract. We favor the construction of Government vessels in the Govern- ment's navy yards, and we pledge our candidates for Congress to use every effort to secure the immediate construction of such a vessel at the Mare Island Navy Yard. We favor the establishment of a State Free Labor Bureau in con- nection with the State Bureau of Labor Statistics, to the end that the laborer seeking employment may be furnished with reliable information of sources of employment without cost. We recommend the amendment of the act relating to the employ- ment of State police for railroad and steamboat corporations, so that the privileges accorded corporations to employ special police for the enforcement of order shall not include the right to use an armed force under the pay of a private corporation in cases of labor diffi- culties which may arise between employers and their employees. PRISON-MADE GOODS. We are opposed to the present practice of purchasing State supplies partly or .wholly manufactured in State prisons, reformatories or asylums, and to prevent this practice we demand that such laws shall be enacted that the union label must necessarily be on all goods pur- chased by the State. BALLOT MACHINES. We favor constitutional amendment No. 14. which provides for local option in the use of ballot machines in the cities and counties of this State, as we believe it would tend to improve the conduct of elections. INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM. We favor the submission of a constitutional amendment providing for direct legislation by means of the initiative and referendum, in State, county and municipal affairs. YOSEMITE NATIONAL HIGHWAY. We condemn the inaction of the Republican members of Con- gress from California in failing to procure an appropriation for the 21 construction of a model highway leading into the Yosemite National Park, as recommended by the Yosemite National Park Commission. We pledge our nominees in Congress to an active effort to secure an appropriation for that purpose sufficient to secure the construction of a safe and easy highway leading into Yosemite valley, free to all. IMPROVEMENT OF NAVIGABLE WATERS. The waterways of the State, being the main distributing arteries of commerce, are of the first importance to our citizens. We demand of Congress a fulfillment of its obligation to the State to maintain our navigable waters in navigable condition, and that our Congressmen exert their utmost efforts to secure sufficient appropriations made for such purposes; and further demand that, after such appropriations are secured, they see that the same are actually used for the purposes for which they are made. STATE HIGHWAYS. We favor legislation providing for a system of permanent highway construction. Under existing laws over $2,000,000 are expended an- nually upon our roads, chiefly in making temporary repairs. We be- lieve that a portion of the money annually raised for road purposes should be used for permanent highway construction. STATE AND DISTRICT FAIRS. We favor liberal appropriations for the .maintenance of State and district agricultural fairs. We denounce Assembly Constitutional amendment No. 28, by which ASSEMBLY CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT NO. 28 DE- NOUNCED. it is proposed to take from municipalities and counties the control of water w^orks, lighting systems, street railroads, or any public utility whatever, and to vest in a State Commission to be appointed by the Governor the sole right to fix rates charged for public service. CIVIL SERVICE FAVORED. We favor the placing of all public appointments, State, county and municipal, which are not administrative in their nature, upon the competitive merit basis, and we strictly advocate the passage by the Legislature of such enactments, and the adoption of such constitu- tional amendment, as will be necessary to accomplish fully this reform. TAXATION SHOULD BE EQUAL. We believe that all public service corporations should bear their proportionate share of taxation, and that they should not be permitted to have one value for the purpose of fixing rates and another for the purpose of taxation. We believe the most important question now before the people of this State to be the assessment and taxation of corporate property, including franchises. The failure properly to assess this character of property is a crying evil, which throws upon the owners of real estate and the farming community undue and unjust burdens. We condemn the action of the Republican majority of the State Board of Equalization in not assessing railroad property in proportion MINING INTERESTS, to the assessments imposed upon the small property holder. We recognize in the mining interests of the Western States and Territories a factor of immeasurable prosperity. Believing that all mining claims will be endangered if pretended agriculturalists, under the guise of scrip locations, may be permitted to dispossess honest miners, we condemn as vicious and special legislation House bill 14,898, now pending in Congress, and purporting to grant an appeal from the Secretary of the Interior to the Court of Appeals of the District of Columbia in contests arising under such scrip locations, and we earnestly urge our representatives in Congress to work for its defeat. Of the mining industries of this State, that of petroleum mining, although in its infancy, lias already become one of our greatest wealth- producing resources, and we commend the courage and industry dis- played by the petroleum miners of California. We recognize our indebtedness to them for the remarkable develop- ' ment of this industry, and urge the defeat of all legislation having for its object the discouragement of a bona fide miner for petroleum or other mineral. We favor the creation by the general Government of a Department of Mines and Mining, the head of which shall be a member of the Cabinet. DEBRIS DAM S We favor continued liberal appropriations by the general and State Governments for the building and maintenance of barriers for the purpose of restraining the debris from mines and to protect the navi- gable streams of the State. STATE UNIVERSITY AND PUBLIC SCHOOLS. Realizing that the ultimate welfare of our commonwealth depends upon the education of its people, we favor the careful development of our public school system and the enactment of a practicable com- pulsory education law. We commend the officers of the University of California for the wise administration of the increased appropriations voted the Uni- versity by the last Legislature, particularly in their promotion of the investigations in dairying, irrigation and forestry, in the assistance rendered in the destruction of the peach moth, the grasshopper and other pests, the development of the farmers' institutes, the organiza- tion of the College of Commerce and the extension of University education throughout the State, and we pledge the nominees of our party to provide for the growing needs and functions of the University from permanent sources of revenue. AMENDMENT No. 4 ENDORSED. We indorse Senate Constitutional amendment No. 4, and recommend its adoption. We favor a management of State educational affairs that will give the public full value for money expended for school text-books and -more suitable and better books at less cost to the children. NATIONAL IRRIGATION. We rejoice at the passage o • a national irrigation bill. It was framed by a Democratic Representative and supported by Democratic votes in both Houses as a distinct party measure, in the face of the opposi- tion of the most conspicuous Republican leaders in Congress. We demand a much larger appropriation for this purpose in the early future. PROTECTION OF PUBLIC DOMAIN. We declare that the remainder of the public domain must be saved for the benefit of the American people, whose heritage it is. LTnder existing laws it is rapidly passing into the hands of private syndicates and corporations. STORAGE OF WATERS AND FOREST PRESERVATION. We declare that the storage of flood waters and the preservation of forests is the foremost economic question in California to-day. The early solution of this mighty problem is vital to the continued growth and prosperity of the commonwealth. To this end we recommend the retention by the State of all denuded forest lands acquired by means of delinquent tax sales and the purchase of such other lands by State authority under proper legal regulations. We are opposed to the private monopoly of public streams. We declare the ownership of water should vest in the user. We favor the creation of comprehensive public works for the storage of flood waters for the distribution of irrigation supplies and for the drainage of lands subject to overflow. Extracts from the Speech Delivered by Franklin K. Lane, at Los Angeles. My ambition is not to be the Gov- ernor of any section of the State or of any class, but of the whole State of California and of all its various sec- tions and classes. My sentiments are strongly with all those who work. I have believed from my youngest days, and do still, that econonjic conditions have not been so regulated as to give to the man who labors, his full proportion of the wealth which he produces. This is true, not only of those who are generally called the working class, and who are now organizing them- selves into unions, but it is true, as well, of those who labor on the farm, whether as farm owners or farm la- borers. We have seen the day in this country when the farmer himself or- ganized a union which culminated in a great political movement, the Gran- ger movement. There is no radical dividing line between those who work upon the soil and those who handle the products of farm and mine. There is no class that is more naturally in- terested in the prevention of labor troubles in our great cities than those who raise the fruit and the grain and the vegetables. It is a necessity for them that their products be shipped. The whole effort of the year may be lost in a single week by labor trou- bles for which the farmers themselves are in nowise responsible. It is to the farmer quite as essential as to the laborer that some one should sit in the chair of the Chief Executive whose sympathies shall be so broad as to appreciate the position of all classes in the great industrial strug- gles that may develop. The farmer and the workingman alike need some one at the head of affairs in the State who, with due regard to the constitu- •onal rights of all, will use the au- ''■v and the dignity of his position to bring to a speedy termination such trouble as may develop. Such work, tending to bring about peace between capital and labor, cannot be done by one who has not the confidence of the laboring class. President Roosevelt said when he was elected an honorary member of the Brotherhood of Loco- motive Firemen, that he had never been asked by a labor union to do anything which, in good conscience, he could not do. I concur in this sentiment. The employer and the employee alike will find, in my opin- ion, that the organization of labor is of value to both. Organized labor is responsible labor. It must be remembered that we are now passing through a transition pe- riod to which we will have to accom- modate ourselves gradually, and I hope to be one of those who, in a political way, will do something to- ward working out the solution of the economic problems which face us. The solution cannot come through narrowness. The time is passed when the demands of the man who furnish- ed the labor to create wealth may be treated with indifference. We cannot say, let these alone, nor can we say, in all honesty, make this a govern- ment of any class. The great strug- gle of our time is against special priv- ileges, and if I understand the attitude of the fruit raiser and the farmer, it is also that of the laborer, namely, that special governmental privileges by which the few may become wealthy at the expense of the many, must be denied. The purpose of the government is to hold the scale of justice with even hand; to treat all alike; to do violence to the rights of none; and by insuring justice, and only justice, to the strong man, we will be certain that nothing less than justice shall be done the weak. ill \m 017 137 949 DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET Governor FRANKLIN K. LANE, San Francisco Lieutenant-Governor L B. DOCKWEILER, Los Angeles Chief Justice Supreme Court JOHN K. LAW, Merced Associate Justice Supreme Court... E. C. FARNSWORTH, Visalia Associate Justice Supreme Court D. K. TRASK, Los Angeles Secretary of State ALEXANDER ROSBOROUGH, Oakland Controller FREDERICK HARKNESS, Santa Barbara Treasurer SAM H. BROOKS, San Francisco Attorney-General WILLIAM A. GETT, Sacramento Surveyor-General CHARLES H. HOLCOMB, San Francisco Clerk of the Supreme Court. .LAWRENCE H. WILSON, Santa Rosa Superintendent of Public Instruction E. W. LINDSAY, Fresno Superintendent of State Printing E. I. WOODMAN, Sacramento CONGRESSIONAL NOMINEES. First District THOMAS S. FORD, Nevada City Second District THEODORE A. BELL, Napa Third District CALVIN B. WHITE, Oakland Fourth District E. J. LIVERNASH, San Francisco Fifth District WILLIAM J. WYNN, San Francisco Sixth District GASTON M. ASHE, Tres Pinos Seventh District CARL A. JOHNSON, Pasadena Eighth District WILLIAM E. SMYTHE, San Diego RAILROAD COMMISSIONERS. First District W. J. HASSETT, Sacramento Second District SAMUEL BRAUNHART, San Francisco Third District TIMOTHY SPELLECY, Bakersfield BOARD OF EQUALIZATION. First District Second District W. H. FRENCH, Alameda Third District R. H. BEAMER, Woodland Fourth District JAMES HANLEY, Los Angeles jr the