■ I I III ■ ■ M I • ■ ■ M i rf ri ■ ■ ■ 111 lilt .V ,0>^ AN ESSAY ORIGINAL GENIUS AND WRITINGS HOME R: A COMPARATIVE VIEW Cp Ancient ann tlrrentt SbUtt of tt>t STroatre. BY THE LATE ROBERT WOOD, Esq. AUTHOR OF THE DESCRIPTIONS OF PALMYRA AND BALBEC, LONDON; JOHN RICHARDSON, ROYAL EXCHANGE AND RICHARD NEWBY, CAMBRIDGE. 1824. Printed by J. F, Dove, St. John»» Squar*. TO THE READER. Having, in my Preface to the Ruins of Palmyra, informed the Reader, that one of the objects of our Eastern voyages was to visit one of the most cele- brated scenes of ancient story, in order to compare their present appearance with the early classical ideas we had conceived of them ; and particularly, that we proposed to read the Iliad and Odyssey in the countries, where Achilles fought, where Ulysses travelled, and where Homer sung; I considered myself in some sort accountable to the public, and my friends, for the result of this part of our scheme: and therefore determined to employ my first leisure in throwing together such observations, as this in- quiry had furnished ; confining my first Essay of this kind to what concerns the Greek Poet. But, however ambitious I was to engage in the cause of Homer, the difficulties I found as to the manner of doing him justice, greatly embarrassed me. For though our expectations from this object of our curiosity were by no means disappointed, yet I almost despaired of a satisfactory method of con- veying to others a tolerable idea of the entertain- ment we received from it on the spot. I must ac- knowledge, that those difficulties may, with great justice, be charged to my own account, rather than to that of my subject ; for they do not arise so much a 2 4 TO THE READER. from a scarcity, as from an exuberance of matter, which crowds upon my choice too abundantly, to admit of that contracted form, in which I think it prudent to make an experiment of public taste, be- fore I venture upon a work of more labour and ex- tent. A review of Homer's scene of action leads naturally to the consideration of the times, when he lived ; and the nearer we approach his country and age, the more we find him accurate in his pictures of nature, and that every species of his extensive Imi- tation furnishes the greatest treasure of original truth to be found in any Poet, ancient or modern. Desirous, however, of giving some idea of what occurred to us, as travellers through those countries, where Homer had formed his conception of things, I submitted my thoughts upon this head some years ago to the judgment of a friend, a who, from his pe- culiar interest in the subject, his known respect for the public, and his approved tenderness for me, had a right to that compliment. The sketch, which I communicated to him in the form of a Letter, was so fortunate as to meet with his approbation. But while, in compliance with his wishes, I was preparing it for the press, I had the honour of being called to a station, which, for some years, fixed ray whole attention upon objects of so very different a nature, that it became necessary to lay Homer aside, and reserve the farther considera- tion of my subject for a time of more leisure. However, in the course of that active period, the duties of my situation engaged me in an occasional ■ The late Mr. Dawkins. TO THE READER. 5 attendance upon a nobleman, b who, while he pre- sided at his Majesty's councils, reserved some mo- ments for literary amusement. His Lordship was very partial to this subject ; and I seldom had the honour of receiving his commands on business, that he did not lead the conversation to Greece and Ho- mer. He desired to see the Letter here mentioned, b The late Earl of Granville. Being directed to wait upon his Lordship, a few days before he died, with the preliminary articles of the Treaty of Paris, I found him so languid, that I proposed postponing my business for another time : but he insisted that I should stay, saying, it could not prolong his life, to neglect his duty? and repeating the following passage, out of Sarpedon's speech, he dwelled with particular emphasis on the third line, which recalled to his mind the distinguishing part he had taken in public affairs. ft ITETTOV, El flEV yap 7ToX£/LtOV TTEpl TOV%E (j)VyOVT£Q t Aiei Srj fiEWoifXEV ayrjpio r adai/arto te EoaEvy£iv fipoTov, ov& i>7ra\v£cu, Iv/liev II. xii. 322. Could all our care elude the gloomy grave, Which claims no less the fearful than the brave, For lust of fame, I should not vainly dare In fighting fields, nor urge thy soul to war. But, since, alas! ignoble age must come, Disease, and death's inexorable doom ; The life, which others pay, let us bestow, And give to Fame, what we to Nature owe. Pope's Hom. II. xii. 387. His Lordship repeated the last word several times, with a calm and determinate resignation ; and after a serious pause of some mi- nutes, he desired to hear the Treaty read; to which he listened with great attention : and recovered spirits enough to declare the approbation of a dying Statesman (I use his own words) on the most glorious War, and most honourable Peace, this nation ever saw. 6 TO THE READER. and was pleased to approve my method of treating his favourite Poet. He advised me to publish the substance of what I had written, changing the epis- tolary style and form into that of a more regular dissertation; and extending the work, from mate- rials of the same sort (of which I laid a specimen before him) into a more general Commentary upon Homer. I think, that I am justified in following only the first part of this advice : for I consider it not only respectful to him, for whom I write, but more pru- dent with regard to myself, to trust these extracts from my eastern observations to the Reader's indul- gence, in their present contracted state, before I ven- ture farther, even under the sanction of his Lord- ship's respectable opinion. If the manner in which this Essay is received, encourages me to proceed, I shall, with more confidence, extend and methodise the work, upon the plan his Lordship proposed ; if not, there is already too much of it. At present we shall confine our inquiry to Homer's Mimetic Powers ; for, whether we consider him as Geographer, Traveller, Historian, or Chronologer, whether his Religion and Mythology, his Manners and Customs, or his Language and Learning, are before us ; in these several views his Imitation alone is the great object of our attention. We shall admit his ancient title of Philosopher only as he is a Painter. Nor does it come within our plan to exa- mine his pictures, except so far, as their truth and originality are concerned. * See the distinction of the Essay at p. 16. TO THE READER. 7 His sanguine admirers may perhaps allege, that of all poets he stands least in need of this sort of illustration ; that the accuracy of his description is too striking to want any comment : which, while it explains, also damps and extinguishes the true spirit and fire of his imagery ; and that his natural and unaffected manner carries with it those obvious marks of original invention, which discover (at first sight, or not at all) that the picture has been faith- fully taken from life. Admitting the justness of this encomium in its utmost extent, it will surely be allowed, that he enters most into the spirit of the Copy, who is best acquainted with the Original. If, therefore, we would do the Poet justice, we should approach, as near as possible, to the time and place, when and where, he wrote. This applies more properly to the Odyssey; for, as that poem is more descriptive of private and domestic life, so its beauties are more local, and its paintings are of that finished kind, which produces resemblance and character out of very trivial incidents ; and these delicate touches, though essentially concerned in making out the likeness, are so minute, as to escape observation, if the copy and original be not confronted. May not this, in some degree, account for that superiority, which the Iliad has assumed over the Odyssey for many ages ? a superiority, which, if I am not mistaken, must still gain ground, in propor- tion to our distance from, and ignorance of, the times which the Poet describes. For, supposing their merit equal, that Poem must longest survive, 8 TO THE READER. which abounds most in the great tragic passions, and partakes least of the fluctuating manners of common life. It may, perhaps, be alleged on the other hand, that, in d an early competition between d Madame Dacier, in her Preface to the Odyssey, says, " II est constant, que le jugement de I'Antiquite sur ses deux Poemes est, que celui de l'lliade est d'autant plus beau que celui de l'Odyssee, que la valeur d'Achille est superieure a celle d'Ulysse ; c'est ce que Platon nous apprend dans le second Hippias, ou So- crate dit a Eudicus, qu'il avoit sou vent oui porter ce jugement a son pere Apemantus." I wish the Reader would turn to the pas- sage, on which this confident appeal to the judgment of antiquity is founded ; I am persuaded, he will see, that Madame Dacier has been mistaken in the single instance, which she produces of an ancient preference of the Iliad to the Odyssey ; and that this learned Lady has not sufficiently attended, either to the grave irony, which is the character of this dialogue, or to the sense of the particular passage to which she alludes. Socrates advances no opinion of his own here, nor does he seriously refer to the opinion of Apemantus ; but, for argument's sake, he slyly suggests a topic, which he knows will engage the sophist's vanity, and takes occasion thence to exhibit a humorous caricatura of the pedantic pre- sumption, bad taste, and absurd reasoning, of that set of men, Nor is the valour of Achilles under consideration in this ridiculous dispute. The word afieivuv, which, in its early signification, fre- quently alluded to mere strength and courage, might indeed have been equivocal, had not all ambiguity been removed, by a thorough explanation, in the subsequent part of the dialogue, where Socrates asks Hippias, which of the two, Achilles or Ulysses, he preferred ? and in what the one excels the other ? TroTEpov afjietru); kai vara n ; Hippias answers the first question by saying, that he thinks Achilles the best (apiaror) of the Grecians ; and second, by observing, that he excels as much in plainness and truth, as Ulysses does in duplicity and falsehood. The veracitv of the heroes of the Iliad and Odyssey being thus ludicrouslv laid down as the test of their merit (in which that of the two Poems is absurdly involved), Socrates proceeds to demonstrate, with much ironical sophistry, that Achilles has no claim of preference under this title. In short, if any conclusion at all could be drawn from a detached paragraph of this dialogue, with regard to the judgment of antiquity, upon the merit of those two Poems, it would be rather TO THE READER. 9 the two poems, the judgment of antiquity was fa- vourable to the Iliad. But I believe, that, what- ever weight such a preference ought to have, it can be traced no higher than Longinus, whose partiality for this poem (which, however, is but slightly marked) seems founded, partly in his own genius, and, perhaps, a little in that of his age, when the modes of life differed so much from those of the heroic times. It is not extraordinary, that a critic of his fire and imagination, should prefer a pathetic drama to a moral story, and kindle at pictures of passions, which he had often felt, though indifferent to the representation of manners, he never saw. But I cannot help thinking, that the Odyssey, con- sidered in its interesting character, as a picture of ljfe, must have been most generally relished, by the age and country, to which it was addressed ; and that, if it has contributed less to the Author's fame in later times, it is because the peculiar precision, and closeness of its minute representation^ well in manners, as landscape, must find fewer modern judges, in proportion to our ignorance of the private characters, familiar occurrences, and domestic sce- nery, of the heroic ages : while the Iliad, addressing unfavourable to M. Dacier's opinion, and could only amount to this, that the dogmatical presumption of the Sophists (who had arro- gantly assumed a right of decision in every province of Literature) is exposed, on this occasion, by Plato, for preferring the Iliad to the Odyssey, upon principles of criticism, equally void of taste and reason. I must also observe, that Aristotle, Horace, and Quintilian, the great professed critics of antiquity, make no such distinction that I can find ; nor does Virgil (the best of all critics on Homer, and his most distinguishing admirer) discover any partiality of this kind. 10 TO THE READER. itself more universally to the passions, in. animated pictures of human nature, appeals more forcibly to those feelings, which are common to every age and country. I must confess I am a little surprised, there should still be so large a field open for observation, of this kind; and, particularly, that those who have af- fected to discover so perfect a system of morals and /politics in Homer, should have bestowed so little consideration upon the character of the times for which this instruction was calculated. For, though the Poet's age, and that of his great critic, have never been properly distinguished by any author I have yet met with, I will venture to say, that they differed as much, with regard to their reigning vir- tues and vices, their state of police and degree of civilization, their modes and tastes, in short, the great business and leading pleasures of life, as we do in these respects, from our Gothic ancestors in the days of chivalry and romance. I believe the truth is, that Homer's deep political and ethic plan has been carried much farther than he intended : his great merit, as an instructor of mankind, seems to be that of having transmitted to us a faithful transcript, or (which is, perhaps, more useful) a correct abstract of human nature, impar- tially exhibited under the circumstances, which be- longed to his period of society, as far as his experi- ence and observation went. Nor should we think less respectfully of the important moral lessons which may be collected from the Iliad, and still more from the Odyssey: for elegant imitation has TO THE READER. 11 strange powers of interesting us in certain views of nature. These we consider but transiently, till the Poet or Painter awake our attention, and send us back to life with a new curiosity, which we owe en- tirely to the copies which they lay before us. In a judicious collection of those pleasing and instruc- tive sketches of manners, where the artist is happy in his choice, the arrangement, and the truth of his characters, have this advantage over real life, that they are susceptible of a more deliberate exa- mination and close comparison, than the fleeting and dispersed originals will admit. Should the fate of the experiment, I am now making, convince me of a common error, of which I have too much reason to be apprehensive, viz. that of mistaking a fondness of my subject for a know- ledge of it, I again promise to stand corrected, and to spare at least the Public, if not myself, any far- ther trouble on this head ; hoping that my partiality to those romantic scenes of heroic action will meet * with some indulgence, especially from those, who can imagine, and therefore, I hope, excuse, that species of enthusiasm, which belongs to such a journey, performed in such society, where Homer being my guide, and Bouverie and Dawkins my fellow-travellers, the beauties of the first of poets were enjoyed in the company of the best of friends. However wild and unreasonable these feelings may appear to judgments of a more sober cast, I must still confess a return of their influence, whenever I indulge in a grateful review of those happy days, which we passed together, examining the Iliad on 12 TO THE READER. the Scamandrian plain, and tracing Ulysses, Me- nelaus, and Telemachus, through the various scenes of their adventures, with the Odyssey in our hands. Had I been so fortunate as to have enjoyed their assistance, in arranging and preparing for the Pub- lic, the substance of our many friendly*conversa- tions on this subject, I should be less anxious about the fate of the following work. But whatever my success may be in an attempt to contribute to the amusement of a vacant hour, I am happy to think, that though I should fail to answer the ex- pectations of public curiosity, I am sure to satisfy the demands of private friendship; and that, acting as the only survivor and trustee for the literary con- cerns of my late fellow-travellers, I am, to the best of my judgment, carrying into execution the purpose of men, for whose memory I shall ever retain the greatest veneration. And though I may do justice to the honest feelings, which urge me to this pious task, by mixing an air of compliment in an act of duty, yet I must not disown a private, perhaps an idle consolation, which, if it be vanity to indulge, it would be ingratitude to suppress, viz. that as long as my imperfect descriptions shall pre- serve from oblivion the present state of the Troade, and the remains of Balbec and Palmyra, so long will it be known that DAWKINS and BOU- VERIE were my friends. ROBERT WOOD. AN ESSAY ON THE ORIGINAL GENIUS HOMER. ORDER AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE SUBJECT. Though the account we have given the reader of that particular object of our eastern tour, which furnished the subject of this Essay, may not have entirely reconciled him to our views; yet, I hope, the following fragment of ancient history will soften the imputation of singularity, or affectation, to which, I fear, our undertaking may, in some measure, be exposed: as it will, at least, shew, that we were not the first who thought of going to Troy to read Homer. When iEschines the orator was banished from Athens to Rhodes, by his victorious rival in elo- quence, we are told, that one of the amusements of his exile was an excursion to Troy, accompanied by his friend Cymon, in order to examine that cele- brated spot, with the Iliad in his hand. We also learn, that a very romantic piece of gallantry, in which his fellow-traveller rashly engaged on the banks of Scamander, in violation of the laws both 14 ON THE ORIGINAL of decency and hospitality, interrupted the execu- tion of this scheme ; and perhaps by these means deprived us of a valuable piece of criticism on the geography of that poem. The reader, who wishes to see this tale prettily embellished, must look for it in Fontaine: in the mean time, I shall refer him to the annexed note a for this curious historv, and the authority upon which it is founded. His attempt, however unsuccessful, suggests this observation in our favour, viz. that about the most refined period of Greek letters, when Homer was best understood, and most relished, an Athenian of distinguished taste, who was his great admirer, had formed such expectations from reading the Iliad on the Scamandrian plain, that he undertook a voyage to Troy expressly with that view. Whatever the object of our plan was, the reader is only interested in the fruits which it may have produced ; and of this he will be best enabled to a Without vouching for the authenticity of those letters of iEschines, in which this story is contained, I shall take from them the following abstract of it. It was an annual custom at Troy, that the girls, who were to be married that year, on a certain day, bathe in the Scamander, and consecrate their virginity to the god of that river. &schines and Cymon were admitted, as strangers, to see this ceremony, at a proper distance. When Callirhoe, a beautiful young lady of a good family, went into the river, and pronounced the words used on that occasion, viz. " Scamander, take my virgin flower;" Cymon, who had concealed himself among the bushes, dressed like a river god, stepped forth, and answered, u The god Scamander accepts your present, and prefers you to all your companions," and retired with her. A few days after, when the new-married couples assisted at the festival of Venus, the tra- vellers also attended upon that occasion ; and Callirhoe discovering Cymon, innocently pointed him out to her friend as the god Sca- mander, to whom she had consecrated her virginity. The affair was by these means discovered, and iEschines and his friend were obliged to make their escape. GENIUS OF HOMER. 15 form his own judgment, by comparing our survey of the Troade, with the account which he finds of it in the Iliad. If, at the same time, he will take the pains of extracting from that poem a mere journal of the siege of Troy, stripped of all poetical embellishments, he will find, that, notwithstanding the great share, which fancy has had in the compo- sition, it contains in general a consistent narrative of military events, connected, and supported, by that due coincidence of the circumstances of time, and place, which history requires. But as his accuracy is by no means confined to the principal scene of his action, I beg leave, before we come to the examination of our map of Troy, to take a view of that exactness, which runs through his descriptions of every kind. If, upon the whole, the observations which I shall offer on this head have any weight, I think they will support this con- clusion ; viz. That however questionable Homer's superiority may be, in some respects, as a perfect model for composition, in the great province of imitation he is the most original of all poets, and the most constant and faithful copier after nature. I was the more confirmed in this judgment, the more I referred myself back to the state of society and manners of that early period. I therefore ex- amined the materials of the Iliad and Odyssey, not only where they were collected, but, as nearly as possible, in the same order, in the same light, and under the same point of view, in which I imagine they presented themselves to the Poet's choice- making it the chief object of my inquiry to investi- gate the several circumstances, and various relations of this kind, which may be supposed to have influ- enced his conception of things. Though, from what has been already said, the 16 ON THE ORIGINAL reader will not expect strict method in this speci- men; yet, for the sake of perspicuity, it may not be amiss to lay before him the general order, which I propose to observe in treating my subject. I shall begin by offering a few conjectures with regard to Homer's Country. In the next place I shall take into consideration his Travels. These I shall chiefly deduce from his Navigation and Geography ; the first will lead to some observa- tions on his Winds, as the second will introduce a review of that part of Mr. Pope's Translation, which relates to this matter : and each of these articles will give me an opportunity of vindicating Homer from some unmerited imputations of inac- curacy. I shall also enter into an examination of his Religion, Mythology, Manners, and Cus- toms ; and, having considered him as an Histo- rian and Chronologer, shall take a view of his Language and Learning: and shall conclude with his pretensions as a Philosopher; confining myself however, in what I shall offer under these different heads, to what is connected with my sub- ject, and may serve to throw light upon his Ori- ginal Genius. HOMER'S COUNTRY. The opinion of the ancients in respect to that old subject of controversy, the place of Homer's birth and education, though it coincides, in a great mea- sure, with my judgment on that head, is not so much the object of this inquiry, as it is to learn, if possi- ble, from the Poet himself, where his fancy began to open to the wide field of matter, which he so hap- GENIUS OF HOMER. 17 pily collected and arranged in that wonderful epic form, that still continues to hold the first rank among compositions of genius. What occurs to me, in favour of the most received opinion, that he was an Asiatic, probably an Ionian or iEolian," and per- haps of Chios or Smyrna, is as follows. If we survey his map of the world with attention, I think we may discover, that his first impressions of the external face of Nature were made in a coun- try east of Greece, at least as far as we may be allowed to form a judgment from his describing- some places under a perspective, to which such a point of view is necessary : as for example, when he places the Locrians beyond Eubcea. This piece of geography, though very intelligible at Smyrna or Chios, would appear strange at Athens or Argos. His description of the situation of the Echinades, beyond sea, opposite to Elis, c has something equi- vocal in it, which is cleared up, if we suppose it addressed to the inhabitants of the Asiatic side of the Archipelago. But if, with Mr. Pope, d we un- derstand the words beyond sea to relate to Elis, I think we adopt an unnatural construction to come at a forced meaning; for the old Greek historians tell us, that those islands are so close upon the coast of b When we consider in how narrow a compass those contiguous countries lie, I believe we shall think it a little too nice to deter- mine that Homer belonged to the latter upon the authority of his language, and some customs which appear ^olian. c Ueprjv aXoc, HXicioe avra. II. ii. 620. d " And those who view fair Elis o'er the seas From the blest islands of th' Echinades." II. ii. 759. Madame Dacier has adopted the construction for which I contend, without the least idea of applying it to the purpose for which I quote the passage. Her words are, " Ceux de Dulichium et des autres Echinades, de ces Isles sacrees qui sont a l'extremiK 1 de la, mervisa visde la cote d'Elide." 18 ON THE ORIGINAL Elis, that in their time many of them had been joined to it by means of the Achelons, which still continues to connect them with the continent, by the rubbish, which that river deposits at its month, as I have had an opportunity of observing. I think I can discover another instance of this kind in the fifteenth book of the Odyssey, where Eumaeus, the faithful servant of Ulysses, is de- scribed, entertaining his disguised master with a recital of the adventures of his youth. He opens his story with a description of the island of Syros, his native land, and places it beyond or above Ortygia. Now, if we consider that Ithaca was the scene of this conference between Ulysses and Eu- maeus, it will appear, that the situation of Syros is very inaccurately laid down ; for, in reality, this island, so far from being placed beyond, or farther from, Ithaca than Ortygia is, should have been de- scribed as nearer to it. An ingenious friend thinks that KaOvTTtpQev may relate to the latitude ; and that Homer meant to describe Syros, as north of Orty- gia : but I cannot help thinking that the application of high to northern latitudes is much later than Homer. As therefore the same description would have been perfectly agreeable to truth, had it been made in Ionia, is it not reasonable to suppose, that the poet received his early impressions of the situation of Syros in that part of the world, and had upon this occasion forgotten to adapt his ideas to the spot, to which the scene is shifted ? If my conjecture is thus far admitted, I beg leave to proceed to a farther use of it, in attempting to throw some light on this obscure expression, o0, rpoTrai »?£Xtoio. It is important to that part of the Poet's character now under consideration, to have GENIUS OF HOMER. 19 his sense of these words restored, if possible; for they have been urged as an argument of his gross ignorance of geography, by those, who think they relate to the latitude of Syros, and that this descrip- tion places that island under the tropic. Without entering into that labyrinth e of learning, e Mr. Pope and Madame Dacier's notes will point out to those, who have farther curiosity on this head, some of the different ex- planations which have added perplexity to this passage. " There curious eyes inscribed with wonder trace The sun's diurnal, and his annual race."— Od. xv. 440. " The words in Homer (says Mr. Pope) are rpo-rrai ijeXioio, or solis conversiones. M. Perrault insults the Poet as ignorant of geo- graphy, for placing Syros under the tropic; an error (says he) which commentators in vain have laboured to defend, by having recourse to a sun-dial of Pherecydes on which the motions of the sun (the rpoirat fjeXioto) were designed. The last defence would indeed be ridiculous, since Pherecydes flourished three hundred years after the time of Homer. No one (replies Monsieur Boileau) was ever at any difficulty about the sense of this passage ; Eusta- thius proves that rpe-Kzabai signifies the same as vvetv, and denotes the setting of the sun ; so that the words mean, that Syros is situ- ate above Ortygia, on that side where the sun sets, or westerly, Trpog to. Zvtikvl fj.ept] Ttjg OpTvyictQ. It is true, Eustathius mentions a bower, I^Xato^, in which the conversions of the sun were figured. This indeed would fully vindicate Homer ; but Bochart and others affirm, that Eustathius is in an error ; and that Syros is so far from lying to the west, or irpoq rpoirac yeXwio, that it bears an eastern position both with respect to Ithaca and Delos : How is this objection to be answered ? Bochart, p. 411. of his Geographia sacra, explains it by having recourse to the bower mentioned by Eustathius, in which the motions of the sun were drawn. Phere- cydes (says Hesychius Milesius) having collected the writings of the Phoenicians, from the use of them alone, without any instruc- tor, became famous in the world by the strength of his own genius : and Laertius writes, that an Heliotrope made by him was pre- served in the island of Syros. Thus it is evident, that he borrowed his knowledge from the Phoenicians, and probably his skill in astro- nomy ; they being very expert in that science, by reason of its use in their navigation. Why then might there not be a machine which exhibited the motion of the sun, made by the Phoenicians,, B 2 20 ON THE ORIGINAL with which the critics on both sides have so much embarrassed this passage, that it is hard to say, and why might not Homer be acquainted with it? It is probable thatPherecydes took his pattern from this Heliotrope, which, being one of the greatest rarities of antiquity, might give a great repu- tation to Syros, and consequently was worthy to be celebrated by Homer, the great preserver of antiquities. Fallitur igitur (says Bochart) Eustathius, cum vult intelligi, quasi sita sit Syrus ad occiduas partes Deli ; cum contra Deli ad ortum sit Syrus, non ad occasum ; et rem sic se habere ex ipso Homer o patet, apud quern Eumceus in Ithaca, Syriam asserit esse trans Delum, quo nihil dici potuit falsius, si Syrus sit ad occasum Deli. If this answer ap- pears to any person too studied and abstruse, the difficulty may be solved, by supposing Euinaeus speaking of Delos as it lay with respect to Syros, before he was carried from it; for instance, if Syros lies on the east of Delos to a man in Ithaca, both Ithaca and Delos will lie on the west of Syros to one of that island. I would therefore imagine that Eumaeus speaks as a native of Syros and not as a sojourner in Ithaca, and then Delos will lie towards the sun-setting, or irpog i)\iov rpoTrac. But this last I only propose as a conjecture, not presuming to offer it as a decision." So far Mr. Pope. — Madame Dacier observes as follows : " Voici u n passage tres-important. M. Despreaux, dans ses Reflexions sur Longin, a fort bien refute la ridicule Critique que l'Auteur du Parallele, homme qui etoit tres iguoraut en Grec, en Latin, et sur-tout en Geographic, avoit faite contre Homere, c'est- a-dire, contre le pere de la Geographie, en l'accusant d'etre tombe dans la plus enorme bevue qu'un Poete ait jamais faite : C'est, dit-il, d'avoir mis VIsle de Syros et la Isler Mediterrante sous le Tropique ; btvue^ ajoute-t-il, que les Interprttes d Homere ont tdcht en vain de sauver, en expliquant ce passage du Cadran que le Phi- losophe Pherecyde, qui vivoit trois cens ans apres Homere, avoit fait dans cette Isle. II n'y a rien-la, qui ne marque lignorance gros- siere de cet Auteur; car il est 6galement faux et qu'Homere ait place lisle de Syros sous le Tropique, et qu'on ait jamais voulu justifier ce Poete, en expliquant ce passage du Cadran de Phere- cyde,qui ne fut fait que trois cens ans apres. Mais je suis fachee que M. Despreaux, qui refute cette malheureuse Critique avec tant de raison et de solidite, ne soit pas mieux entre lui meme dans le veritable sens de ce passage, et qu'il se soit laisse tromper par une noted'Eustathe, qui lui a persuade que ces mots 6di-po-ai IjeXioio, GENIUS OF HOMER. 21 whether Homer has suffered most by his ignorant enemies, or his officious friends ; I beg to carry the veulent dire que lisle de Syros est au couchant de Delos ; car c'est ainsi qu'Eustathe Pa d'abord explique, Keifxevrj irpog rpo-rrag r/XioVj rjTot TTpog ra cvtikcl jj.epr) ttjq Oprvyiag, &c. C'est-a-dire, que Syros est situee au Couchant du Soleil, au Couchant de l'Isle d'Ortygie; car rpETrecrSai, se tourner, se dit du Soleil pour Svveiv, se coucher. M. Despreaux devoit voir que cette explication est insoutenable, car il est absolument faux que l'Isle de Syros soit au Couchant de Delos. Aucun Geographe ne Pa jamais dit. Et comment Homere auroit-il pu le dire dans le meme vers ou il a dit OpTvyiag KaQvxepQev, au dcssus de l'Isle d'Ortygie ; ce qui est au dessus ou au-de-la, de cette Isle par rapport a Eum6e qui est a Ithaque, ne peut jamais etre au Couchant. Voici comme eu parle le savant Bochart dans sa Chanaan, Liv. I. chap. xiv. Ens- tathe se trompe quand il veut que par ijXtov rponag, on entende le Couchant, comme si VIsle de Syros ttoit au Couchant de Delos, car au contraire elle est au Levant et non au Couchant de cette Isle. C'est la situation que lui donnent les Geographes, et il ne faut que ce vers d' Homere pour prouver que c'est sa veritable posi- tion, puisqu' Eumte, qui est a Ithaque, assure que Syros est au dessus, au de Id d'Ortygie, ce qui seroit trts-faux si elle ttoit au Couchant de Delos ; Eumee auroit plutot du dire en deed. II falloit done s'en tenir a la seconde explication qu'Eustathe a .ajoutee dans sa meme Remarque: D'autres, dit-il, expliquent ce passage en disant que dans VIsle de Syros il y avoit un autre qui marquoit les conversions du Soleil, c'est a-dire les Solstices, et quon appelloit V autre du Soleil par cette raison. Et voild ce qu' Homere entend par ces mots, oil sont les conversions du Soleil. Voila la seule ve- ritable explication ; elle merite d'etre eclaircie. Nous voyons par ce passage meme que les Pheniciens avoient fait un long sejour dans l'Isle de Syros ; il est certain que le nom meme de Syros vient des Pheniciens, comme nous le verrons plus bas, et nous savons d'ailleurs que les Pheniciens etoient tres-savans en astrono- mie, c'est de-la qu'il faut tirer l'explication de rpoirai fjeXioio et il est aise de voir que c'est ifkioTponiov, l'heliotrope, e'est-a-dire le Cadran, et par-la Homere nous apprend que les Pheniciens avoient fait dans cette Isle un Cadran dont le style ou l'aiguille, par le moyen de son ombre, marquoit les solstices. Et comme e'etoit une chose fort rare et fort merveilleuse dans ces temps-la, Homere, fort curieux et fort instruit de tous ces points d'Antiquite, la 22 ON THE ORIGINAL reader, for a moment, to the Asiatic side of the Archipelago, in order to examine, whether a view of things under that perspective, offers any appear- ances, to which those words can be naturally ap- plied, without violence to their literal meaning. No part of our tour afforded more entertainment, than the classical sea prospects from this coast, and the neighbouring islands ; where the eye is naturally carried westward by the most beautiful terminations imaginable; especially when they are illuminated by the setting sun, which shews objects so dis- tinctly in the clear atmosphere, that from the top of Ida I could very plainly trace the outline of Athos on the other side of the iEgean sea, when the sun set behind that mountain. This rich scenery prin- cipally engaged the Poet's attention : and if we con- sider him as a painter, we shall generally find his marque comme une rarete qui distinguoit cette isle. Bientot apres Ies Cadrans fureut plus comrauns. Environ six vingts ans apres Homere, l'Ecriture sainte fait mention, 4 Rois. xx. 2. d'un Cadran qui 6toit a Jerusalem, et qu'on appelloit le Cadran d'Achas, sur lequel Dieu fit, en faveur de ce Prince, que Tombre retrograda de dix degrez. Ce Cadran rnarquoit les heures, et non les solstices. II y avoit done des Cadrans avant celui de Pherecyde, qui ne fit le sien a Syros que deux cens ans apres celui d'Achas, et trois cens ans apres celui des Phenicieus, et par consequent, pour ex- pliquer ce passage d'Homere, on n'a eu recours qu'a ce Cadran des Pheniciens, et nullement a celui de Pherecyde, qu'Homere n'a jamais connu. II me semble que cela est- prouve. Mais il y a plus encore, e'est qu'il y a biende lapparence que ce Cadran, que Pherecyde fit a Syros trois cens ans apres Homere, ne fut fait que sur les decouvertes des Pheniciens; car Hesychius de Mil t, dans le livre qu'il a fait de ceux qui ont ete celebres par leur erudition, nous assure que Pherecyde, qui etoit de Syros meme, n'eut point de maitre, et qu'il se rendit habile en etudiant quelques litres se- cretes des Pheniciens qu'il avoit recouvrez. Je me flate que ce pas- sage d'Homere est assez eclairci, et e'est par le secours que M. Dacier m'a donne." GENIUS OF HOMER. 23 face turned this way. In the infancy, and even before the birth of astronomy, the distinct variety of this broken horizon would naturally suggest the idea of a sort of ecliptic to the inhabitants of the Asiatic coast and islands, marking the annual northern, and southern progress of the sun. Let us suppose the Ionians looking south-west from the heights of Chios at the winter solstice, they would see the sun set behind Tenos, and towards Syros, the next island in the same south-west direction : and having observed, that when he advanced thus far, he turned back, they would fix the turnings (r|0O7rai) of the sun to this point. I submit it, as matter of conjecture, whether this explanation does not offer a more natural interpretation of the passage than any, which has yet been suggested. In pursuance of the same method of illustrating Homer's Writings and his Country from each other, I shall draw some conjectures with regard to the place of his birth, or at least of his education^ from his similes. Here we may expect the most satisfac- tory evidence, that an inquiry of this obscure nature will admit. It is from these natural and unguarded appeals of original genius, to the obvious and fami- liar occurrences of common life, that we may not only frequently collect the custom, manners, and arts, of remote antiquity ; but sometimes disco- ver the condition, and, I think, in the following in- stances, the country of the Poet. I shall begin with that beautiful comparison f of f 'fie & avefxot ()vo ttovtov opiverov i)(dvo£vra t BOPEHI KAI ZEWP02, Til TE 0PHKH0EN AHTON, E\0ovr' B^aTcivqQ* afivZiQ he te KVfxa KeXaivov Kopdverai, ttoWov Se irapei, ct\a (}>vkoq eyevav' 'fie (.ZolI^eto OvfioQ evt erTtjdeaariv Kyanov, — II. ix. 4. As from its cloudy dungeon issuing forth A double tempest of the west and north . 24 ON THE ORIGINAL the wavering and irresolute perplexity of the Greeks, to an agitated sea ; and take this passage into con- sideration the more willingly, as it has given occa- sion to some severe strictures on the Poet's geo- graphy. Here we not only find a happy allusion, but, if I am not mistaken, a beautiful sea piece : and in order to do justice to its perspective, we should place our- selves on the spot, or in the point of view, where the Painter made his drawing; which will only answer to some part of the Asiatic coast, or its islands. It would be a false and affected refinement to sup- pose, that the simile acquires any additional beauty by the discovery of a real landscape in those lines. The Poet's purpose, which was to paint the struggle of wavering indecision in the people, distracted be- tween a sense of honour and of danger, and alter- nately resolving to fly or to stay, is, no doubt, com- pletely satisfied in the general image, which he makes use of. But though his meaning went no farther, I am not less of opinion, that, upon this oc- casion, his imagination suggested to him a storm, which he had seen : and having myself had more than once an opportunity of observiug from the coast of Ionia the truth of this picture in every cir- cumstance^ I cannot help giving it as an instance of the Poet's constant original manner of composition, which faithfully (though perhaps in this case inad- vertently) recalls the images, that a particular strik- ing appearance of Nature had strongly impressed upon his youthful fancy, retaining the same local as- Swells o'er the sea, from Thracian's frozen shore, Heaps waves on waves, and bids the iEgean roar; This way and that, the boiling deeps are tost ; Such various passions urg'd the troubled host. — Pope. GENIUS OF HOMER. 25 sociations, which accompanied his first warm con- ception of them. But lest my testimony, as an eye-witness of the exact correspondence of this copy to the original, from which I suppose it taken, should not be satis- factory; I would propose a test of this matter, upon which every reader will be enabled to form his own judgment. Suppose a painter to undertake this subject from Homer, he will find each object, not only clearly expressed, though within the compass of four hexameters ; but its particular place on the canvas distinctly marked ; and the disposition, as well as perspective, of the whole ascertained, with a precision of outline, from which it is impossible to depart. The Thracian mountains must form the back ground, thence the tempest is to burst on the iEgean sea, which has its proper stormy colouring; while the Ionian shore covered with sea-wreck, by a succession of waves breaking on its beach, will make the fore-ground, where the Poet views, ad- mires, and describes the whole. A curious and attentive observer of Nature is per- haps most liable to retain those marks of locality, which it has been my object to trace in the Poet. An elegant conception of external forms cannot easily divest itself of the precise order and arrangement of objects, with which it has at any time connected the idea of beauty; and this may account for that Io- nian point of view, to which Homer's scenery is so much adapted, sometimes even in violation of those rules, which critics have since laid down in regard to unity of place. We shall find this negligence more excusable, if we credit that probable tradition of the wandering Bard's chanting his compositions to his countrymen, in the manner practised at this day in the East: a 26 ON THE ORIGINAL tradition which is favoured by the dramatic cast of the Iliad and Odyssey. I have often admired the spirited theatrical action of Italian and Eastern poets, when they recite in the open air, pointing out each object of description in an imaginary scenery of their own extemporaneous creation, but availing themselves at the same time of every real appear- ance of Nature within view of their audience, that is applicable to their subject, and connects it, in some degree, with the spot, where the recital is made. After what has been said on this passage, I should think it needless to mention the censure Erato- sthenes passed upon it, had it not been so frequently produced to the Poet's disadvantage, and urged as a proof of his ignorance in geography. The error laid to his charge is, that of making the west wind blow from Thrace. I rest his defence against this accusation upon the obvious answer of Strabo to so strange a piece of criticism ; which is, in substance, that Eratosthenes mistakes the Poet, when he con- cludes from this passage, that he asserts, as a ge- neral proposition, that the west wind blows from Thrace ; the wind here mentioned blows from the Thracian mountains upon the iEgean sea, and must of course be a west wind in respect to Ionia. For though this may not be exactly true, if we are to talk with the precision of a modern seaman ; yet we should remember, that in Homer's time there were but four points to the compass. I must ob- serve, that there are but two passages in the Iliad, where winds are described as blowing from the Thracian mountains across the iEgean upon the Asiatic coast ; and in both cases Boreas and Ze- phyrus are employed together. But to proceed to other instances of the same GENIUS OF HOMER. 27 kind : when the formidable march of Ajax with his corps is compared to a threatening storm coming from the sea, I must observe (as an illustration, not of the obvious beauties of the simile, but of the Poet's country) that this can be no other than an Ionian, or, at least, an Asiatic storm ; for it is raised by a west wind, which, in those seas, can blow on that coast alone. When again, the irresistible rage of Hector is compared to the violence of Zephyrus buffeting the waves, we are not immediately reconciled to this wind's appearance in that rough character, so little known to western climates, and so unlike the playful Zephyr of modern poetry. But, before we condemn Homer as negligent of Nature, we should see, whether he is not uniform in this representation, and whether this is not the true Ionian character of Zephyrus. The very next simile of the same book is as much to our purpose, where the numbers, tumult, and eagerness of the Grecian army collecting to engage, are compared to a growing storm, which begins at sea, and proceeds to vent its rage upon the shore. The west wind is again employed in this Ionian pic- ture ; and we shall be less surprised to see the same allusion so soon repeated, when we find, that of all the appearances of Nature, of a kind so generally subject to variation, there is none so constant upon this coast. For at Smyrna the west wind blows into the gulf for several hours, almost every day during the summer season, generally beginning, in a gentle breeze, before twelve o'clock, but freshening consi- derably towards the heat of the day, and dying away in the evening. During a stay of some days in this city, at three different times, I had an opportunity of observing the various degrees of this progress. 28 ON THE ORIGINAL from the first dark curl on the surface of the water, to its greatest agitation, which was sometimes vio- lent. Though these appearances admit of variation, both as to the degree of strength, and the precise time of their commencement, yet they seldom fail en- tirely. This wind, upon which the health and plea- sure of the inhabitants so much depend, is, by them, called the Inbat. The Frank merchants have long galleries running from their houses, supported by pillars, and terminating in a chiosque, or open sum- mer-house, to catch this cooling breeze, which, when moderate^ adds greatly to the Oriental luxury of their coffee and pipe. We have seen how happily the poet has made use of the growing violence of this wind, when he paints the increasing tumult and agitation of troops rush- ing to battle ; but, in a still silent picture, the allu- sion is confined to the first dubious symptoms of its approach, which are perceived rather by the colour, than by any sound or motion of the water, as in the following instance : When Hector challenges the most valiant of the Greeks to a single combat, both armies are ordered to sit down to hear his proposal. The plain, thus extensively covered with shields, helmets, and spears, is, in the moment of this solemn pause, compared to the sea, when a rising western breeze has spread a dark shade over its surface. When the reader has compared the similes, I have pointed out, with the original materials, which I have also laid before him 5 I shall submit to his con- sideration, as a matter of doubtful conjecture, whe- ther the Poet, thoroughly familiarized to those Ionian features, may not have inadvertently introduced some of them in the following picture, to which they do not so properly belong. When Eidothea, the GENIUS OF HOMER. 29 daughter of Proteus, informs Menelaus at Pharos of the time, when her father is to emerge from the sea ; the circumstance of Zephyrus, introduced in a de- scription of noon, darkening the surface of the water, is so perfectly Ionian, and so merely accidental to the coast of Egypt, that I cannot help suspecting the Poet to have brought this image from home. It would add no small weight to this reasoning, could I find Virgil on my side of the question. His judgment with regard to the Greek Poet deserves more attention, than the highest critical authority we can appeal to on this subject ; and if we examine the imitations he has left us of some of the last pas- sages to which I have referred ; we shall see, that in each instance, he has omitted the original Ionian circumstance of Zephyrus. In claiming the sanction of so respectable an opi- nion, I do not conclude from this omission (what is immaterial to my purpose) that Virgil saw these pictures were Ionian : it is enough that he saw they were not Italian .; as every reader must, who consi- ders that Zephyrus is not the stormy wind of that country, and that it does not blow directly on any part of the Italian coast. In short, though Virgil copied Homer, perhaps, ■ more than is generally imagined, at least more than I have seen pointed out; yet, in the instances before us, he copied him no farther, than he found Homer [ and Nature to,agree ; and if he rejected the circum- stance, which I call local, and retained only the ge- neral beauties of his great master, in so doing, he very properly accommodated himself to the natural history of his own country. Thus the compliment of the Italian to the Ionian poet is such, as we might expect from the superior judgment of the one to the superior invention of the other. 30 ON THE ORIGINAL There is a passage in the Odyssey, where Ze- phyrus appears as a freezing, and Eurus as a thawing wind. One would think it impossible for a Roman poet to introduce these winds in this man- ner, as it is so contrary to their established charac- ter in Italy. Yet I am much mistaken if Ovid had not these lines in view, and imitated them, without departing from the ideas of his own climate. Of this the reader will judge, by comparing them together. The old fable of a cave in the mountains of Thrace, which was the habitation of the winds, was most probably taken from Homer. But succeed- ing poets, the inhabitants of more western climates, have dropped the particularities of this piece of mythology, which seem to mark it the peculiar growth of Ionia, or that neighbourhood; and are satisfied with the general idea of all the winds dwelling, indiscriminately, in those lofty mountains. Whereas Boreas and Zephyrus are the only winds he describes as the settled inhabitants of this coun- try; and when, upon one occasion, he assembles them all here, it is at an entertainment in the house of Zephyrus, who appears to be at home, whilst the rest of the company are guests and visitants. I think, nothing leads us more directly towards the Poet's home, than his general manner of treating countries, in proportion to their remoteness from Ionia, in the style of a traveller, and with that reve- rence and curiosity, which distance is apt to raise; while this spot, and (which is more remarkable) even the grand scene of action of the Iliad, in its neighbourhood, seem to have been too familiar and indifferent for description, and are introduced, not upon their own account, but from their inseparable connexion with facts. And yet it is very observ- able, that, whenever they appear, it is always under GENIUS OF HOMER. 31 that exact and just representation, which shews a perfect knowledge of the ground. Should it be objected, that, notwithstanding the distance of Egypt and Phoenicia from Ionia, we do not find the speciosa miracula of the Poet in those countries, nor are they chosen for scenes of the mar- vellous; it may be answered, that they were too much distinguished, the one by Arts, Commerce, and Navigation, and the other by fertility, popula- tion, and science, to have admitted any representa- tions, not coinciding, in some measure, with these notorious circumstances. While the unfrequented southern coast of Italy, with the island of Sicily, and the kingdoms of Alcinous and Ulysses, though not more distant, were less known, and of course gave a freer scope to the Poet's fancy. The major I longinquo reverentia is an observation too well founded in Nature to have escaped Homer. And though I may be accused of refinement, should I carry my conjectures on this head so far as to suspect, that it influenced him in choosing the hero of one of his poems from a country very remote from his own ; yet I must observe, that, whether it was a matter of accident or choice, of all the Grecian princes, who went to Troy, Ulysses was the most distant; it certainly was a circumstance, which accommodated the Odyssey particularly to an Ionian meridian. Were I to be guided by the faint lights which history has thrown upon this subject, I should say, that Homer was of Chios or Smyrna; and were I, upon the same information, to take a part in that competition, which has subsisted above two thou- sand years between these places, I should declare for the first: though, when I collect my evidence merely from the Iliad and Odyssey, I see nothing 32 ON THE ORIGINAL that can be seriously urged on either side of that question. To say the truth, whatever has been offered, as mere conjecture, to shew that the Poet was an Asiatic, cannot, without refinement, be al- leged as a reason to determine whether he was an Ionian or an ^olian, and still less to decide bet* Chios or Smyrna: if, therefore, I am at all prq sessed in favour of either place, I am ready to g it up for any other part of the Asiatic coast, from Rhodes to Tenedos, which future travellers may. upon more careful examination, find most worthy of that honour.* HOMERS TRAVELS: AND, FIRST, HIS NAVIGATION Having taken a short view of the Poet it hoi if, according to our proposed order, we follow him abroad; I think, we shall find him a traveller of curiosity and observation. If our conjectures with regard to his country well founded, he lived in an island, or upon the s< a- coast. The Asiatic Greeks did not spread iota the inland parts of that continent, but confined them- selves to the shore, looking towards their mother- country with an attachment and respect link do wn to later ages. When the great objects of human pursuit, whether wealth, power, honours, or science, were do! lo be acquired at home, it is not reasonable to supp that a turn of mind like Homer's, should sit d< * See Homer's Mythology, page 33.36, for farther illustration of his country. GENIUS OF HOMER. 33 contented with the poverty, ignorance, and inglo- rious insignificance of his native spot. For though ambition or avarice might not, yet curiosity, which we cannot doubt his possessing in a great degree, would naturally draw him forth into the active scene. An impatient thirst after knowledge was in those days only to be satisfied by travelling. The tranquillity and security essentially necessary to studious retirement were unknown to that state, either of letters or government, at least in Greece. Homer therefore had only the great book of nature to peruse, and was original from necessity, as well as by genius. Few countries of the same extent have so much sea-coast as Greece. The intercourse of its inha- bitants with other countries, or with one another, was mostly kept up by water. There is no land- journey regularly described, either in the Iliad or Odyssey, except that short one of Teh uiachus from Pylos to Sparta; and even there Nestor submits to the choice of his guest the alternative of going by sea, though much the longest way. In this state of things, and considering how much the various occupations of high and low life were then confined to one rank and order of men, it is not extraordinary, that we should find the Poet so conversant in the language and manners of the sea, and so knowing, as welj in the business of the ship- wright as of the sailor'. Indeed, it is only by follow- ing him through each of those arts, that history is furnished with the earliest account of them. Let us therefore first examine his method of building, and next his manner of navigating a ship. If we compare the naval force of the different states of Greece at the time of the Trojan war with that of the same countries afterward, when iEgina, c 34 ON THE ORIGINAL ■ Corinth, and Athens, had turned their thoughts to trade and navigation ; we shall find, that their pro, cress as maritime powers did not correspond with die account of their shipping, as it is accurately stated in Homer. It is natural to suppose that Co- rinth, from its advantageous situation, should be among the first cities on the continent of Greece, after that country began to have a settled govern- ment, which would enrich itself by commerce ; and it was undoubtedly a great maritime power. But this was long after the heroic, or, which is the same thing, the mystical age of Greece. When Corinth furnished her quota under Agamemnon, who from the extent of sea-coast, and from the islands under his command, was by far the greatest naval power of that time, she is barely mentioned, without any distinction to point out the consideration which she afterward acquired in maritime affairs. The fleet, which assembled at Aulis, consisted of open half- decked boats, a sort of galleys with one mast, fit for rowing or sailing. They were launched, and drawn up on the beach occasionally, or fastened on shore, and served as mere transports for soldiers, who were at the same time mariners. There is nothing in Homer that alludes to a regular sea engagement; or that conveys any idea of that manner of carrying on war. Those poles of an extraordinary length, which he mentions, seem to have been used as an offensive weapon against boarding; and may have been of service in landing. When Achilles or Ulysses talk of commanding naval expeditions, and destroying cities with a fleet : or when Hercules is said to have taken Troy with six ships only; the allusion is to the numbers, which they carried to act on shore. Their boats had a rudder, and ballast, but no an- chor. The name of it does not occur in Homer; GENIUS OF HOMER. 35 nor was the use of that instrument known. If we may form a judgment from the raft of Ulysses, there was no metal employed ; the timbers being fastened by pegs. In short, we know/ from good authority, that ship-building had not made any great progress in Greece before the expedition of Xerxes. The best accounts thai; we can collect of the naval en- gagements of those times is a proof of this. It is, no doubt, difficult to describe and under- stand accounts of battles. But whoever places him- self on the spot where the Persian monarch is said to have viewed the battle of Salamis, and at the same time reads the account, which Herodotus, or that which iEschylus, an eye-witness, gives in his Persae, of that action ; and considers the shoalness of the water, and the small space into which so many ships were crowded, must think contemptibly of the marine engagements in those days. Agreeably to this account of ancient ships and ship-building, we see, that though Homer's seamen are expert in their manoeuvre, yet they are confined to the precautions of that timid coasting navigation, which is at this day practised in the Mediterranean, in slight undecked vessels, unfit to resist the open sea. Their first care is, to venture as little as pos-. sible out of sight of land, to run along shore, and to be ready to put in, and draw up their ships on the beach, if there is no port, on the first appearance of foul weather. We find Nestor, Diomedes, and Menelaus, con- sulting at Lesbos upon a doubt, which this imperfect state of the art alone could suggest. The question was, Whether, in their return to Greece, they should keep the Asiatic coast till they past Chios, which was the most secure, but the most tedious way c 2 3(j ON THE ORIGINAL home; or venture directly across the open sea, which was the shortest, but the most dangerous? I was present at a consultation on the same sort of question, near the same place, and under the same circumstances, as far as they concern the illustration of our present inquiry. It was id the year 1742, that I happened to be on board His Majesty's ship the Chatham, then escorting the Turkey trade from Constantinople to Scanderoon. When we were be- tween Mytelene and Scio, and due north of the lat- ter, in a dark night, with a brisk gale at north-west, our Greek pilot proposed pushing through the chan- nel of Scio ; but our officers, not caring to engage so much with the land in that narrow passage, pre- ferred the broad course, and, hauling close up to the wind, left the island of Scio on the larboard side. If we compare our situation with that of Nestor, Diomede, and Menelaus, who had the ablest pilot of that age on board, we see, that though our desti- nations were different, our point under deliberation was so far precisely the same, that we both doubted between the shortest and the surest way. They ventured to sea, though it was most dangerous ; we chose it, because it was most safe; and this consti- tutes one of the great differences between ancient and modern navigation. As the most respectable commentators on Homer have, by their different constructions of part of the passage here alluded to, deviated from that plain sense of the Poet, in which, I think, his accuracy consists, I shall enter a little more largely into the consideration of the lines, which describe this navi- gation, in order to ascertain their meaning. Though it may carry us a little beyond the object immedi- ately before us, it will only anticipate a specimen of GENIUS OF HOMER. 37 his historical accuracy (one of the proposed objects of this Essay), and will shew how cautious we should be not to disturb that delicate connexion and thread of circumstances, which are seldom disranged, even by the smallest alteration, without endangering his truth and consistence. Should we, in this view, strip those lines of their poetical dress, and extract a plain narrative or journal from the most literal and natural construc- tion of the whole passage, it will, with very little paraphrase, and that entirely furnished by the Poet himself, produce the following piece of ancient history. " The demolition of Troy being at length accom- plished, Agamemnon and Menelaus, disagreeing about the farther measures to be taken upon that occasion, summoned a council, in order to state their different opinions. But this was done precipi- tately, in the evening, an unseasonable time for de- liberation, when the chiefs, rising from table, and heated with wine, came improperly prepared for considerations of that moment. The event corre- sponded with the irregularity of such a proceeding; for, the council being assembled, Menelaus pro- posed, that they should embark for Greece : but Agamemnon advised them first to appease the wrath of Minerva by a hecatomb. This produced a de- bate, which ended in much altercation between the brothers ; so that the assembly broke up tumultu- ously, without coming to any resolution. " The Grecian army was, by these means, divided into two parties, one espousing the sentiments of Agamemnon, and the other those of Menelaus. Of the last were Nestor, Diomede, and Ulysses; who, having embarked their women and baggage, sailed next morning, with a fair wind, forTenedos; where 38 ON THE ORIGINAL they sacrificed to the gods, to grant them a pro- pitious voyage. -Here a second dispute arose; for Ulysses s party, paying court to the commander in chief, re- turned to Troy. But Nestor, foreseeing the mis- chiefs likely to happen, prudently continued his voyage the second day, with Diomede, leaving Menelaus behind at Tenedos. However, Menelaus followed and overtook them the same day at Lesbos, where he found them deliberating whether, in that advanced season, it were most advisable to consult their safety in the slower method of coasting round by Mimas and the Cyclades, or to risk the shorter passage, and make directly for Eubcea. " They preferred the most expeditious course, and sailed the third day from Lesbos; and the wind proving very favourable, they made Geraestum that night. " Having so prosperously accomplished the most dangerous part of their navigation, they offered a sacrifice of thanks to Neptune ; and the wind being still fair, they pursued their voyage the fourth day along the coast of Greece. As they passed the Simian promontory, Menelaus had the misfortune to lose his pilot Phrontis, who died suddenly. Though im- patient to see his native country, he stopped here to perform the funeral rites, and pay the last duties to his skilful friend; but Diomede continued his voyage, and arrived the same day at Argos, being the fourth from his departure from Troy. Nestor took the advantage of the same fair wind, which carried him to Pylos." This journal of four days navigation is so entirely Homer, and Homer only, the circumstances of time and distance correspond so exactly with one ano- ther, and bore so scrupulous an examination, when GENIUS OF HOMER. 39 we made the same voyage, that I shall not trouble the reader with any other confutation, either of Eustathius or Madame Dacier's sense of this passage. The first was led into an error by mistaking the meaning of one word, and the last, by the mistaking the distance from Lesbos to Eubcea; but both by attending more to grammatical criticism than to the genius and character of the Poet, and of the age when he wrote. Though, from the general character, by which Homer constantly distinguishes the Phoenicians as a commercial seafaring people, it has been naturally supposed, that he was indebted to that nation for much of his information with regard to distant voyages : yet I think we cannot be at a loss to ac- count for the Poet's acquiring at home all the know- ledge of this kind, which we meet with in his works. We know the Ionians were among the earliest navi- gators, particularly the Phocaeans and Milesians. The former are expressly called the discoverers of Adria, Iberia, Tuscany, and Tartessus. They are said to be the first among the Greeks, who under- took long voyages; and we find they had established an intercourse, and even formed close and friendly connexions, on the ocean, as early as the time of Cyrus the Great. The Milesians were so remark- able for colonization, that they had founded above seventy cities in different parts of the world, and were respectable at sea long before the Persian in- vasion. Nor can we, except from the resources of their navigation and commerce, account for their being a match for the Lydian monarchy, as early as the reign of Gyges; up to which period, from that of Croesus, we can trace these two nations almost constantly at war. When we consider how far back this leads us, 40 ON THE ORIGINAL upon explicit historical authority, and without the equivocal and suspicious aid of etymology, upon which Phoenician colonization is so much extended ; it does not seem probable that Homer's couutrymen should have arrived at so flourishing a state of navi- gation, so soon after his age, without having made some progress towards it before his time. To what extent navigation was known to him, either from his own experience or the information of others, is rendered difficult to ascertain, by the con- stant method he follows of preserving some reality in his wildest fictions. The history of the Cimme- rians seems to have furnished some of his ideas with regard to the gloomy infernal shades, and the dis- tinguishing features in the Phseacian character are Phoenician. Even where he is most fabulous, he takes the hint from tales propagated before his time, and embroiders his own variations on that extrava- gance, which had already the sanction- of popular credulity. Thus the Poet's genius, though impa- tient of the limited knowledge of his age, is unwil- ling to abandon Nature ; and when he seems to de- sert her, it is in favour of some pleasing irregularity, which vulgar opinion had substituted in her place. This mixture of something, that was either true, or commonly believed to be so, with regard to the scene of his fabulous narration, is observable in his de- scription of the islands of Circe, iEolus, and, above all, in that of Calypso. His knowledge of the sun setting in the ocean might fall within the observation even of that con- fined state of navigation, which we may reasonably allow to his age; for it is probable, that not only the Phoenicians, but the Poet's countrymen, had passed the Pillars of Hercules, and of course could, as eye- witnesses, report such an appearance. But bow he GENIUS OF HOMER. 41 could learn that the sun rises out of the ocean, or that the globe is entirely surrounded by water, was so much beyond my idea of his experience, that I continued to attribute this knowledge to guess and conjecture; till upon farther consideration I was in- duced to think, that this account of the ocean, upon which so much of his geographical science is found- ed, will, if rightly understood, rather convince us of his ignorance upon that head ; and that the ocean in his time had a very different meaning, from that which it now conveys. Nor am I surprised that, so much later, Herodotus should treat this idea of an ocean, where the sun rises, as a poetical fiction. The country and manners of Phoenicia and Egypt were so well known to Homer, and so frequently alluded to in his works, that it is needless to point out the particular passages. He also mentions Arabia and Lybia, but probably did not know the extensive southern limits : neither were they de- scribed particularly by the best of the Grecian geo- graphers. I should imagine, that he was not a stranger to Judea and its inhabitants : but as the authorities for such an opinion may not interest every reader, I shall refer them, who have any curiosity, to the annexed note. h h There is nothing in Greek or Roman fable more known than the story of Typhon, who was vanquished by Jove's thunder, and buried in fire and sulphur. The poets differ about the place, where this giant was defeated. I am of opinion that the plain of Sodom and Gomorrah was the original scene of this fable. My notions are not merely drawn from the striking similitude between the Greek and Jewish accounts of the impiety which drew down the divine vengeance, but I found my opinion on the testimony of Homer and Hesiod, who place the scene of this fable eiv Apifioig. Now, the Apijiot are confessedly the same as the Syrians, as we learn from the Septuagint, Strabo, Josephus, Eustathius, Bochart, and others. There is moreover a line belonging to the passage, I 42 ON THE ORIGINAL He has left us traces of his knowledge of parti- cular places beyond Thebes to the south, as far as ^Ethiopia. Beyond this was ^Ethiopia, the country of the Blacks, divided into two parts, containing most probably, as Strabo thinks, the S. E. and S.W. part of the southern globe, as divided by the Red Sea. But the extremities of the earth here, as else- where, are terminated by the river ocean. That the Euxine or Black Sea was known to Homer, I have not the least doubt: of this his de- scription of the Hippomolgians, and other nations in its neighbourhood, affords sufficient proofs : nor can we draw any conclusions to the contrary, from his neither mentioning this sea, nor Sinope and other cities on its coast. It is strange how far the argu- have quoted, which, I believe, is not to be found in any MSS. of Homer. We meet with it imperfectly preserved by Strabo ; but it has been happily corrected by Dr. Taylor : Xwpw evi dpvoevTi Xdrjg ev ttiovi ^rj/no)' Which he renders, Xwpw evt SpvoevT lovdriQ ev ttlovl fyfup. — Strabo, 1. 13, p. 929. See Taylor's Civil Law, p. 554, The passage thus restored fixes the bed of Typhon to the spot in the world most adapted to such a fable, and adds such propriety to the simile, that I think it is impossible for any man who has read Homer with pleasure, to visit the Dead Sea and plains of Sodom aud Gomorrah, without feeling a lively reflection of this passage. When Virgil carries the scene of this fable to the neighbourhood of Naples, it is evident that he had this passage of Homer in view, and that out of the two words eiv apifxoiQ of the Greek Poet he forms Inarime, a name which was afterward affixed to the little island before called Pithensa, Pithecusa, and ^naria. It is at this day called Ischia. Whether this was by mistake or design, is doubtful. However, I think it probable, that Virgil introduced this novelty into the Roman mythology, and entailed it upon his poetical successors, Ovid, Lucan, Claudian, Statius, &c. In this they seem to have acquiesced implicitly without examination : for Pliny roundly asserts (1. iii. c . 6.) the Inarime of Naples to have been so called by the Greek Poet. GENIUS OF HOMER. 43 ment of the Poet's ignorance of places, because he does not expressly mention them, has been carried ; but never more unreasonably than in the present case. Is it a fair way of judging to suppose, that Homer did not know Sinope, a colony founded by his own countrymen, the Ionians, rather than con- clude, either that he did not think proper to take notice of this, more than of several other places not less considerable : or that it was founded after his time, or that he could not, without gross anachron- ism, introduce, in the times of the Trojan war, the name of a city built so long after? I shall not therefore conclude, because the flux and reflux of the Adriatic must have been matter of particular curiosity to the Asiatic Greeks, that Homer must necessarily have mentioned it : for we see that he takes no notice of the tides of the Eu- ripus, so much the object of admiration in all times, though this strait, where the Grecian fleet first assembled, is in the midst of those countries, which he has described with accuracy. I must nevertheless observe, that though some marks of most other parts of the Mediterranean seas are to be found in the Iliad or Odyssey, yet I could not discover the least trace of the Adriatic in either of those Poems ; i for we find no country 1 1 may be told, that the evidences by Hesiod, and also by Homer (if the Batrachomyomachiabe his), are explicit, who makes Physignathus boast his birth to have been bred upon the banks of the Eridanus. It is true : but this was another river : for the Padus had not acquired its Greek name so early : nor was the story of Phaethon yet invented. Pliny fixes this fable no farther back than /Eschylus. Herodotus mentions the name ; but in a way, that shews he could not think of any such river in the Adriatic (see Bayer and Polybius) : nor can I find that this old historian, who had collected so much of other places, was at all acquainted with this Gulf; which, considering its vicinity to Greece and Italy, 44 ON THE ORIGINAL mentioned nearer its coast than Thesprotia. If the assertion of Herodotus be true, that this sea was discovered by an Ionian, there may be great pro- priety in the Poet's silence, as it is a mark of his care to distinguish the state of things in his own age, from that of the time he describes. I must own, that, besides the positive testimony of the oldest profane historian, there are other reasons which incline me to believe, that the coasts of this Gulf on either side, above the Ceraunian mountains, was not frequented by the first navigators: though not so distant as many places better known. I shall give the reader the observations upon which this conjecture is founded, as they occurred to me in travelling on the Dalmatian and Italian sides of this Gulf, but more particularly in a voyage I made in May, 1742, from Venice to Corfu, in a Venetian ship, the Ercole e Rosa, commanded by Captain Rota, a skilful seaman and a good pilot, who had forty years constant experience of that navigation. The difference between the Dalmatian and Italian coasts of the Adriatic is remarkable : that of Dal- matia is bold and steep, with some good ports for the largest ships; few rivers are discharged on this side of the Gulf, the disposition of the ground being such, that almost all the moisture of the adjacent countries is carried into the Danube. The Italian shore, on the contrary, is low, flat, and shoaly. Here great rivers from the Alps, and rapid torrents from the Apennines, carry much rub- affords less classical information than any other part of our travels. Supposing Phaeacia to have been the same as Corfu, Homer's account of it implies, that he knew nothing farther that way : for they are called foremen, which can only be understood with relation to the east. GENIUS OF HOMER. 45 bish into the sea, and by these means cause the land to encroach upon it ; so that all the harbours, from Venice to Brundusium, are, in some degree, affected by it, according to their vicinity to those rivers and torrents. Ravenna, once the principal harbour, and naval station of the Romans on that side of Italy, being in the neighbourhood of the Po, has been long since choked up, and the place where it was situated is now a league from the sea. The general navigation of this sea (particularly that part occupied by the Venetians) is regulated agreeably to this description of it. Ships avoid the Italian shore, and indeed seldom get sight of it, though in a very clear day I could discover the mountains of Ancona from those of the opposite side. They keep the Dalmatian coast, in sailing for Venice till they get as high as Rovigno, a con- siderable town in Istria, where in summer, they take in a pilot to conduct them across the Gulf to Venice; but in the dangerous winter months, they keep the coast as far up as Parenzo, ten miles higher, before they steer directly for Venice; and signals are erected alternately at Rovigno and Pa- renzo, according to the season of the year, to sig- nify at which of those places pilots attend. This is the common method observed by ships bound for Venice; though English vessels, accustomed to a bolder navigation, often despise those precautions. Causes, so permanent and invariable in their na- ture, must have always produced like effects ; and we may reasonably suppose the Italian shore to have been ever dangerous, and that the method of keeping close upon the Dalmatian coast was still more strictly observed in the early and imperfect state of navigation. This is the course which Vir- gil makes Antenor take ; but with this difference, 40 ON THE ORIGINAL that, not having the advantage of a pilot, by which the navigation is at present abridged, he proceed- ed along shore to the farthest extremity of the Gulf. This was, no doubt, the Roman course in Virgil's time ; but, as the necessity of this circuitous navigation could never occur to those, who are un- acquainted with the nature of the Italian and Dalmatian coasts, and have formed their ideas of Antenor's voyage from maps alone, it is not extra- ordinary, that the Commentators should not have been able hitherto to comprehend the geography of one of the most original descriptions of the JEneid. Let us see the passage ; the Poet's vindication seems to lie within a narrow compass, and is not foreign to our subject. Antenor potuit, inediis elapsus Achivis, Illyricos penetrare sinus atqueintima tutus Regna Liburnorum, et fontera superare Timavi ; Unde per ora novera, vasto cum murniure montis, It mare praeruptum, et pelago premit arva sonanti. Hie tamen ille urbem Patavi sedesque locavit Teucrorum. k ].v. i. -24*2. k As these lines are before me, I cannot help observing that they are not understood by any commentator I have seen, and the words mare prcer upturn seem to signify literally the sea, and not figuratively the river Timavus, as they are commonly explained. And that this is not a description of the river runnini: with violence into the sea, but of the sea bursting into the channel, and even the sources of the river, and overflowing the laud. I won- der how this escaped so constant a reader, and so perfect a judge of Virgil, as my late friend Mr. Holdsworth, who had been upon the spot, and must have seen that the Timavus is a collection of several springs, joining in one stream, which discharges itself into the sea quietly, after a very short course, when the tide is out ; but, when the tide comes in, it not only beats back the fresh water with noise and violence, but overflows the laud, rendering the pas- sage impracticable till it ebbs again, as travellers between Vienna and Venice frequently experience. I think, that by restoriug this GENIUS OF HOMER. 47 A direct course must have brought Antenor to Padua, before he could reach theTimavus, contrary to the description in those lines. Various conjec- tures have been formed to solve this difficulty : some charge Virgil with a mistake in geography, others change the situation of Padua, rather than give up the Poet; while a third conjecture, in defiance of the universal testimony of antiquity, and in spite of Virgil's circumstantial description, changes the river, and will have the Brent to be the Timavus of the ancients. But they all agree in the obscurity of the passage. Now, if, as we have stated it, agree- ably both to the principle and practice of this navi- gation, we bring Antenor along the lllyrian shore, he must pass the Timavus, before he arrives at the place of his destination : and his progress will be marked exactly in that order, in which it is laid down by the poet; viz. Ulyrium, Liburnia, Timavus, Padua. But whatever Virgil and the Roman historians may say either of Antenor's or Diomedes voyage, it is without any authority from Homer, who is so far from taking any notice of the Adriatic, or Ionian Gulf (for that was the name under which we might expect to find it in the old writers) that he appears sense of the passage, we recover the peculiar propriety of expres- sion; which is more justly descriptive of the breaking waves of a returning tide, than of the canal of a river, however violent. The singularity of this communication of the Adriatic with the sources of the Timavus, and the situation of the river at the head of the Gulf, gave rise to a very ancient vulgar opinion, which tra- dition has preserved among the common people to this day. They say that the Timavus supplies the Adriatic with water, and they therefore call it the Mother of that sea: Polybius took notice of this (see Strabo, lib. V.) f7rt^wpiovg Trtjyrjy iceu /urjrepn 6a\ciTTr)c ovofia- frtv tov tottov, and the peasants at this time call it, La madre del mare. 48 ON THE ORIGINAL to make Ithaca the boundary of his geographical knowledge that way, and seems to treat Corcyra with that ambiguity, which we have observed him to affect, when he gets into his fabulous regions. And the more I consider the coast of this sea, its dangerous navigation, and the inhospitality and fe- rocity of the inhabitants of the north-east coast, at all times, from the Sinus Flanaticus (Gulf of Quar- ner) to the Acroceraunian mountains inclusively, the more I am inclined to think, it was but imper- fectly known to Greece for some time after the Trojan war. HOMERS WINDS. Under the article of Homer's Country, we haw anticipated some observations on the Winds of that climate : but his Navigation naturally engages u> in a farther consideration of this subject. We find only those which blow from the four cardinal points expressly mentioned in the Iliad and Odyssey. In the storm which Neptune prepares against Vljm sailing from Calypso's island, they are all introduced in the following order, Eurus, Notus, Zephyras, and Boreas. So imperfect a list of winds corresponds with the coasting navigation of those times, and forbids D8 to expect more than a general idea of their nature and qualities. Some of the ancients imagined, that the Poet meant to express a subdivision of those principal winds by certain epithets ; which they un- derstood to convey the idea (for which it should seem the Greek language had not yet found a name\ it is rather to be discovered where he employs two GENIUS OF HOMER. 49 of them together, as in the instances already taken notice of, where Boreas and Zephyrus blow from the Thracian mountains on the iEgean Sea ; for if we translate them literally, the north-west, we shall bring that description still nearer to Nature and truth. 1 Taking those winds in the order in which the Poet has placed them, we find their most remarkable difference of character is, that Eurus and Notus are more mild and gentle, Zephyrus and Boreas more stormy and boisterous. The two first are intro- duced less frequently than the last ; for, as allusions of this kind generally serve to illustrate animated pictures, the characters of Zephyrus and Boreas best suit the Poet's purpose upon such occasions. Accordingly we find them employed oftener in the Iliad than in the Odyssey. Eurus is never distin- guished by an epithet : and Notus only by that of swift. They are never represented as persons, ex- cept in one instance; they are described -by quali- ties, the reverse of those of their antagonist winds ; for Eurus is employed in melting the snow, which Zephyrus brings down, and Notus covers the mountain-tops with clouds, which it is the business of Boreas to dispel. Zephyrus is called hard-blowing, rapid, the swift- est of all the winds, noisy, whistling or rattling, moist, and is represented as bringing rain or snow. I find two passages in the Odyssey, which seem to give an idea of Zephyrus, different from this 1 See Martyu's Virgil, 8vo. p. 336. Pliny, H. N. 1. ii. c. 47. See Strabo, p. 608, 609, notes. See Hesiod. Theog. v. 388. It is extraordinary that Hesiod should omit Eurus, Theog. v. 379. 869. See Strabo, 1. i. p. 28, where the ancient writers upon winds are mentioned, Thrasyalcis, Aristotle, Timosthenes, Bion. D 50 ON THE ORIGINAL general character, and more like the Zephyr of mo- dern poetry. One is in the Poet's description of the Elysian plain, " where neither winter's snow nor rain are seen, but a continual refreshing Zephyr blows from the ocean ;" the other is in the descrip- tion of Alcinous's gardens, where the rich vegeta- tion is ascribed to a constant Zephyr. When we recollect (what I have attempted to prove) that the Zephyr of Homer's country, upon which he must have formed his familiar ideas of that wind, blew from the mountains of Thrace; and that the two instances which I have given, are the onlj ones in which he describes the qualities of that wind in a distant western climate, instead of contradic- tion and inconsistence, we discover an extensive knowledge of Nature. For, while he is accurate in his accounts of the known appearances of his own country, he accommodates his descriptions to what he had either heard or seen of distant parts. To have used the gentle Zephyr, in a simile addressed to Ionian readers, or to have given the character of severity to that of western climates, would have been equally incorrect. Both Zephyrus and Boreas make their appear- ance as persons ; they are equally concerned in kindling the funeral pile of Patroclus, at the prayer of Achilles. Xanthus and Balius, the immortal horses of that hero, are the offspring of Podarge and Zephyrus; a pedigree worthy of Homers ima- gination, but, perhaps, like many of his fictions, en- grafted upon some tradition, which had popular prejudice on its side. For a strange notion pre- vailed, that upon the coast of the Atlantic ocean mares were impregnated by the west wind ; and however ridiculous this opinion may appear, it has GENIUS OF HOMER. 51 been seriously supported by grave and respectable writers of a more enlightened age. As to the amours'" of Zephyrus and Flora, they are the natu- ral mythology of later poets and of a more western climate, and unknown to Ionia and Homer. Boreas is rapid and violent, but serene aud dry- ing; dispels clouds, brings hoar frost and snow, is clear, pure, wholesome, and reviving. This account of Boreas coincides much more with that of modern poetry, and is in general more agreeable to the experience and observation of western climates, than that of Eurus and Zephyrus. It has probably been owing to Homer's example, that succeeding poets and artists, though in other respects departing from his description of those subjects, often represent Boreas and Zephyrus as persons. Their air and figure are familiar to us in the machinery of modern poetry, as well as in the works of painters and sculptors, who give the cha- racter of harsh and aged severity to one, and that of youthful beauty and gentleness to the other; while Eurus and Notus, especially the latter, ap- pear so seldom in a human shape, and are so im perfectly described, that we have no determinate idea of their dress or persons. We find the figures of the four principal with the four intermediate winds, in alto relievo, bigger than life, on the octagon tower of Andronicus Cyrrhesfes at Athens. As this is the only monument of anti- quity, that I have seen, where they are so well exe- cuted and so well preserved, I examined them with a view to those conformities between the poet and the sculptor, by which we sometimes trace the bor- m Ver erat ; errabam: Zeplijrus conspexit ; abibam. Insequitur; fugio ; fortior illc fuit. D 2 52 ON THE ORIGINAL rowed idea to its original source, but with little success. Whether it was that the artist was con- fined to certain ideas by the intended use of this tower, which was particularly adapted to the me- ridian of Attica ; or that his invention was inferior to his execution, I shall not venture to judge; but there is a sameness of attitude, drapery, and cha- racter, in those winds, that would make it very dif- ficult to distinguish their names, were they not in- scribed over each figure. I cannot finish this article without comparing Homer and Virgil as navigators, in order to shew the superior accuracy of the former with regard to those minute circumstances of Nature and truth. The winds which Homer employs in his poem are adapted to the ship's sailing ; to which Virgil does not pay the same attention. I shall confine myself to one instance. The description of the departure of iEneas from Carthage is not only inconsistent with truth and possibility, in this respect, but con- tradictory to itself. He sails in the morning with a west wind, which is very improperly called favour- able ; n but before he is out of sight of Carthage, we find him pursuing his course with a north wind, which is still more contrary to his intended course; when, in the evening, he has gotten clear of the land, the wind changes to the west, with every prognostic of a stormy night; Palinurus, in this situation, orders his men to reef their sails and ply their oars ; but, finding it vain to struggle with this west wind, which was before called favourable, he n Nate Dea, potes hoc sub casu ducere somnos ? Nee, quae circumstant te deinde pericula cernis ? Demens! necZEPHYROs audis spirare secundos ? -En. iv. 560. GENIUS OF HOMER. 53 consults the stars in a very dark night, and<;onclud- ing that he is not far from the coast of Sicily, steers for that island. HOMERS GEOGRAPHY; AND POPE'S TRANSLATION. We can produce no evidence of Homer's travels so satisfactory, as his geographical accuracy, a thorough examination of which we must reserve for a more enlarged plan of this work, if I should be ever able to complete it. For it would be impossible to give Interea medium /Eneas jam classe tenebat Certus iter, fluctusque atros Aquilone secabat; Moenia respiciens, qua? jam infelicis Elisae Collucent flammis : qua? tantum incenderat iguem, Causa latet: duri magno sed amore dolores Polluto, notumque, furens quid foemina possit, Triste per augurium Teucrorum pectora ducunt. Ut pelagus tenuere rates, nee jam amplius ulla Occurrit tellus; maria undique et undique coeluni ; Olli ceeruleus supra caput adstitit imber, Noclem, hyememque ferens, et inhorruit unda tenebris. Ipse gubernator puppi Palinurus ab alta: Heu quianam tanti cinxerunt octhera nimbi? Quidve, Pater Neptune, paras? sic deinde locutus Colligere arma jubet, validisque incumbere remis ; Obliquatque sinus in ventum, ac talia fatur. Magnanime jEnea, non si mihi Jupiter auctor Spondeat, hoc sperem Italiam contingere coelo. Nee nos obniti contra, nee tendere tantum Sufficimus : superat quoniam fortuna, sequamur. Quoque vocat vertamus iter : nee litora longe Fida reor fraterna Erycis portusque Sicanos, Si modo rite memor servata remetior astra. Turn pius iEneas, Equidem sic poscere ventos Jamdudum, et frustra cerno te tendere contra : Flecte viam velis. jEn. v. 1. 54 ON THE ORIGINAL this article the consideration it deserves, without exceeding the bounds which we proposed to this Essay. His map of Greece alone would take a volume to do it justice, especially as we followed Homer through that country, under the direction of Strabo, whose judicious commentary upon the geo- graphical part of the Iliad and Odyssey leaves us less reason to regret the loss of twelve books of Apollodorus the Athenian, with twenty-three of Me- nogenes, and the works of several other writers 00 this subject; among whom Demetrius of Seep composed sixty books on thirty lines of the cata- logue. So diffusive and extensive an illustration does not, I confess, give a favourable idea of the work : but as an apology for Demetrius (perhaps a compliment to Homer) I must observe, that la* lived within sight of Troy, upon an elevated spot, which commanded a view of the great scene of action ; and of course he might be more particularly interested in that minute accuracy of his author, which fell so much under his daily observation. The reader will be less surprised at those volu- minous commentaries on the catalogue, if he con- siders how highly the authority of this venerable record was respected, even by the jurisprudence of those times. In some cities it was by law enacted, that the youth should learn the catalogue by heart. Solon the lawgiver appealed to this code, in justifi- cation of the Athenian claim against the pretensions of the Megareans, when the right to Salamis wz warmly contested by Athens and Megara. And the decision of that matter was at last referred to five Spartan judges, who, on their part, admitted the nature of the evidence. And the affair was ac- cordingly determined in favour of the Athenians, though by a different reading more favourable GENIUS OF HOMER. 55 their claim. We find three other litigated cases with regard to territorial property and dominion, which are said to have been determined by reference to this original chart. That Homer should escape so entire, out of the hands of lawyers and grammarians, is a piece of good fortune to letters, upon which his friends have great reason to congratulate themselves. For, con- sidering how cruelly both his compositions and the countries they describe have been tortured by bar- barous treatment of various kinds, and the changes they have undergone in so great a length of time, his descriptions correspond more with present ap- pearances, than could be reasonably expected. Not only the permanent and durable objects of his description, such as his rock, hill, dale, promon- tory, &c. continue in many instances to bear up- questionable testimony of his correctness, and shew, by a strict propriety of his epithets, how faithfully they were copied ; but even his more fading and changeable landscape, his shady grove, verdant lawn, and flowery mead, his pasture and tillage, with all his varieties of corn, wine, and oil, agree surprisingly with the present face of those countries. So remarkable a resemblance between periods so distant from each other would induce us to believe, what is not otherwise improbable, that agriculture is pretty much in the same neglected state, in that part of the world, at present, as it was in the time of the Poet. 1 doubt much, whether his descrip- tions of this kind could have so well stood the test of our examination, two thousand years ago, in those days of elegance and refinement, when Nature was probably decked out in a studied dress, unlike the elegant dishabille in which Homer and we found her. But, I must own that great part of the amuse- 56 ON THE ORIGINAL ment, which we enjoyed in Homer and Strabo's company, on the spot, arose as much from the in- vestigation, as the discovery of the correspondence and resemblance. Nor can I, for that reason, pro- mise the same entertainment to the reader, should I live to lay before him our farther observations on this head ; yet I hope my labour will not be entirely lost, if I can raise the attention of future commenta- tors and translators to a matter, which has, I think, been too negligently treated. I cannot perhaps, more effectually point out the use of a more extensive consideration of this subject, than by shewing how much a neglect of it has been injurious to the Po truth, to which I shall at present confine myself. I choose to take the instances, which I shall pro- duce for this purpose, from Mr. Pope's elegant translation, rather than from others of less merit I because I think they must have more weight, when collected from that quarter, to which the Iliad and Odyssey have the greatest obligations: for though Madame Dacier comes nearest to the Poet's mean- ing, I believe it will be acknowledged, that of all the languages we know, in which Homer has hi- therto appeared, it is in English alone that he con- tinues to be a poet. While, upon this occasion, I shall take that li- berty with Mr. Pope, which a free inquiry demands. I shall not forget how much is due to so great an ornament of our country; nor am I insensible of the great merit of his very poetical translation. I could with pleasure enlarge upon his improvements of the original, were the beauties of that work H much connected with my subject, as the ungrateful task of finding fault, in which I happen to be en- gaged : but, as the scope of this Essay is to vindicate the truth and consistence of Homer's description. GENIUS OF HOMER. 57 the translation comes properly before us only so far, as it contradicts that character. Now, though it must be acknowledged, that Mr. Pope is the only translator, who has in a certain de- gree, kept alive that divine spirit of the Poet, which has almost expired in other hands; yet I cannot help thinking, that those who wish to be thoroughly acquainted, either with the manners and characters of Homer's age, or the landscape and geography of his country, will be disappointed, if they expect to find them in this translation. Had Mr. Pope pre- served the first; viz. the manners and characters, Homer would have continued to speak Greek to most of his English readers. For though the dis- guise of several passages in a modern dress may proceed from his not being very conversant with ancient life and manners; yet he often purposely accommodates his author to the ideas of those, for whom he translates; substituting beauties of his own (as similar as he can bring them to the origi- nal) in the room of those which he despaired of making intelligible. But as a truly poetical translation could not be effected, even by Mr. Pope, without his u venturing to open the prospect a little, by the addition of a few epithets, or short hints of description ;" so " the most valuable piece of geography left us, concern- ing the state of Greece in that early period," has of course suffered by such liberties; v and, when every descriptive epithet in Homer should have been re- ligiously preserved, Mr. Pope's alterations have produced a new map of his own, and deprived us of that merit of the original which he called upon p See Pope's observations on the Catalogue. 58 ON THE ORIGINAL us to admire. Thus the GraBa and spacious My- calessus of Homer become by translation, " Greea near the main, And Mycalessia's ample piny plain." Had it been proper to describe the narrow strait of the Euripus, by the name of the mam, yet it is not at all distinguished, by such a situa- tion, from several other places mentioned on this shore ; and as to the ample piny plain, we searched for it to no purpose. It is, therefore, matter of doubt, whether it existed in the time of Homer, though mentioned by Statius about a thousand years after. Indeed it would be difficult to assign any reason for the addition in the English, except that the rhyme requires that Grsea should be near the main in the first line, and that Mycalessia (for so the translator was obliged to write it in order to make out the line) owes both to rhyme and measure her piny plain in the second. When the additional epithets of the translator are descriptive of some permanent circumstances, as in those lines ; u From high Trcezene and Maseta's plain And fair YEgina, circled by the main ;" the description (though not Homer's, and inertly introduced to help out the rhyme and measure) has probably been always true; but when unautho- rized, and without consulting his author, he enriches the picture with the fluctuating and transitory cir- cumstances of husbandry, it is less excusable. Thus when he informs us, that the following two places were famous " For flocks Erythrae, Glissa for the vine ;" and mentions those GENIUS OF HOMER. 59 " Who plough the spacious Orchomenian plain ;" he substitutes the state of those countries in the time of Plutarch and Statius, from whom he takes his account of them, for what it might have been in that of Homer, who connects no such ideas of pasture, vintage, and corn, with those names. In short, these concise, but descriptive, and therefore interesting, sketches of ancient arts, cus- toms, and manners, with which Homer has enli- vened his map of Greece, cannot be translated faithfully, and at the same time poetically. Mr. Pope has succeeded surprisingly in the latter; but then his study of a flowing and musical versifica- tion frequently betrays him into a florid profusion of unmeaning ornament, in which the object is greatly disguised, if not totally lost ; as when, for the grassy Pteleon of Homer, we have, " And grassy Pteleon deck'cl with cheerful greens, The bow'rs of Ceres, and the sylvan scenes." In the same manner the single epithet, noble, which Homer gives the Cephissus, is extended to a complete landscape. u From those rich regions, where Cephissus leads His silver current through the flow'ry meads." He is still more lavish of ornament, when he dresses up the Peneus and leafy Pelion of Homer in as much additional finery, as can be well crowded into four lines: 11 Who dwell where Pelion, crown'd with piny boughs, Obscures the glade, and nods his shaggy brows ; Or where thro' flow'ry Tempe Peneus stray'd, The region stretch'd beneath his mighty shade." Here the translator gives us a picture, not with- out its beauties; but beauties so much his own, that (JO ON THE ORIGINAL they retain little of Homer, either as to the subject, or the manner. We shall say no more at present of the catalogue, where Rhaetor is green, Lilaea fair, and Cynos rich, without any authority from the original ; Anemonia has her stately shining turrets, and Corinth her im- perial towers, Parrhasia her snowy cliffs, Tarphe her sylvan seats, and jEtylus her low walls, from Pope, not from Homer. It is owing to these liberties, that we find the old Poet often loaded with English ambiguity, and even contradiction, for which there is no foundation in the Greek ; as where Ithaca is sometimes fair, and some- times barren, and where, in spite of the sandy coast of Pylos in one place, we have, in another, " Alpheus' plenteous stream, that yields Increase of harvest to the Pvlian fields." Besides those insuperable difficulties which ev. poetical translator of Homer has to encounter, when we consider (what it is our great object at present to point out) that he copied from Nature, and trusted to his own observation, we see how this original method of collecting his materials produces a con- sistent whole out of corresponding parts, every ob- ject of description recurring, though in a new light, yet always agreeable to the first idea, which he con- veys of it. And when we also consider, that none of his commentators, since the time of .Strabo, have been at the pains of forming to themselves any dis- tinct idea of his geography ; it is not surprising, that when they lose sight of the original, they should be inconsistent, not only with truth, but 'with them- selves. However, the translator's representation of the same scene of action under different appearances, m different parts of the poem, falls less under ob^ GENIUS OF HOMER. 61 vation, than when the same description contradicts itself within the compass of a few lines ; as where we see " The great Achilles stretch'd along the shore, Where, dash'd on rocks, the broken billows roar;" though, in three lines after, " Along the grass his languid members fall :" and yet, after all, the same description, which puts him to sleep, both on the rocks, and on the grass, awakes him ; " Starting from the sands." Should we give this sleepy Achilles to a painter, he must be strangely puzzled with the hero's rocky, grassy, sandy couch ; a sort of prevarication (if I may use that expression) impracticable upon can- vas. Thus, while the Poet, by judiciously selecting the mere characterizing circumstances of the object which he describes, leaves us fully impressed with truth and reality ; his Translator, over-studious of embellishment, wanders into inconsistence in search of it : nay, sometimes into sudden contradiction ; as when the same picture of the sea is, in one line, " The foaming flood;" and in that immediately following " The level surface of the deep." Much of this is, no doubt, owing to that unhappy restraint of English rhyme, which so unworthily en- grosses his thoughts, that he not only frequently loses sight of his author, but is sometimes even; di- verted from a just sense of his beauties, and betrayed into an unfaithful translation, of what he perfectly well understood. Of this distracted attention we 02 ON THE ORIGINAL find a ridiculous effect in that passage of the Hind, which expresses Hector's eagerness to retrieve the honour of his brother Paris, who had proposed to decide the war by single combat with Menelaus The spirit of the original is as justly conceived in Mr. Pope's note, as it is unhappily misrepresented in his translation; and both together produce the following contradictory medley : " Hector stays not to reply to his brother, but runs away with the chal- lenge immediately, with steps majestically slow." When these discordant pictures of the same ob ject are thus closely confronted, the falling off is so striking, that we must, in candour, suppose it the work of different hands hastily revised. It is impossible to account, in any other way, I some ofthe inaccuracies of the map of Troy prefixed to the English translation. So capital an error as that of discharging the Scamander into the iEgean Sea, instead of the Hellespont, is a striking specimen of the careless and superficial manner in which thi*> matter has been treated. Yet this mistake, material as it is, does not seem to mislead the Translator in other respects : for he is as inconsistent with his on u incorrect map, as both he and his map are with tin real situation ofthe ground ; and, by not having i»- certained any invariable and fixed idea of tin BC4 KM of action, either true or false, he has led his author into a labyrinth of contradiction, out of which no imaginable disposition of the scene can extri. him. Thus, when he supposes that the Greeks had not passed the river before the beginning f the sixth book, it is a necessary consequence of such a sup position, that they were, till then, at some miles dis- tance from Troy. But this is inconsistent with that beautiful digression ofthe third book, where Priam GENIUS OF HOMER. 63 and Helen see the Grecian leaders so distinctly from the walls of that city, as to distinguish the per- sons and figures of the leaders from the walls of Troy. In short, this map would not deserve the few lines, which we bestow upon it, were it not for the respectable name of Pope, who, no doubt, trusted this inferior part of his work to unskilful or negligent hands. I was at a loss to account for so much ob- vious inaccuracy, collected into so small a compass, till I discovered, besides the mistakes of the draughts- man, a certain method and regularity of error, which could belong to the engraver alone, who, by a piece of negligence, not less unpardonable in the artist than fatal to geography and Homer, has given a map, which reverses the drawing from which it was engraved, and of course changes the respective si- tuation of all the parts, from right to left, and from left to right ; so that the Sigeiim stands where the Rhceteum should be, and the Scamander runs on that side of Troy which belongs to the Simois. How so material an oversight should have re- mained hitherto unnoticed, or how Mr. Pope could contrive to explain his own reversed map; 1 is not to our present purpose. To say more on this head, is needless; to have said thus much, on the only chart which has hitherto attempted to illustrate the prin- cipal scene of the action of the Iliad, was unavoid- able. It has been already observed, that while places distant from Ionia are marked more distinctly, as objects of curiosity, the same attention has not been paid to those in the Poet's neighbourhood. Though we find him thoroughly acquainted with the scenery round Troy, these objects are introduced less upon <* See Pope's Letters with regard to this map. (34 ON THE ORIGINAL their own account, than as circumstances connected with the action. This I take to be a principal rea- son, why the correctness of his map of the Troade, opening thus gradually with the story, has hitherto escaped particular observation ; and has been taken for granted, upon slight examination. It is scarce to be expected, that a translator of Mr. Pope's taste could, in the midst of the poetical beauties of the Iliad, submit to a dull patient attention to its mere topographical accuracy/ r Mr. Pope was assisted in this part of his work by Mr. Broom, who supplied most of the notes collected from former Expositors of Homer, to which he added some observations of his own. Mr. Pope adopted the whole, and under his daily revisal every sheet was corrected. If Mr. Broom really went through the voluminous Commentaries of Eustathius, as is hinted in the introduction to the notes, he must have done it very superficially ; and has added very little to what had been so judiciously done by Madame Dacier, at the same time not acknowledging how much he was indebted to that very learned lady. As to Eustathius, not to repeat what has been so often said in favour of that treasure of Greek learning, from which almost every later illustration of Homer has been gleaned, I shall only observe my disappointment in finding so little in him for my particular purpose. Though a Bishop, and one who is said to have written in defence of the church, he makes no use of the Scriptures in his Commentaries. I take it for granted, that he did not understand Latin, or at least that he had not read Virsil ; as he makes no use of him. Though an inhabitant of Greece, he trusts for Homer's geography to Strabo, without any additional ob- servations of his own in respect to places in his very neighbour- hood. Nor do I find that he visited Troy, though he lived so m ar it: nor does he remark the changes, or agreement between either the lauguage or manners of Homer, and those of his own age, which we should naturally expect from one so well qualified and situ- ated for forming a judgment of both. Wheu I add to all this, that his Commentaries, in my opinion, contain the dullest and most iu- sipid, as well as the most ingenious and judicious remarks on Homer, I cannot help suspecting, that he was rather the compiler than the author of those criticisms; and that his principal merit is that of having preserved from oblivion some curious ozona- tions of writers, whose works have perished since his time. GENIUS OF HOMER. 65 But I shall not trouble the reader farther on this head, it being ray object, not to condemn the trans- lation, but to justify the original; where we do not discover, even in the boldest flights of fancy, that careless contradiction of circumstances, which his- tory, poetry, and romance equally disclaim. But in vain do we attempt to support Homer's character as a geographer, unless we can rescue him from some severe imputations of inaccuracy on this head, which have gained too much credit by remaining so long unanswered. The accusation of this sort, which seems to have made the greatest impression, relates to the distance he places the isle of Pharos from Egypt. It is incumbent on me to attempt the Poet's vindication against a charge, which has so materially affected his geographical reputation, that he has, in this instance, been aban- doned even by some of his best friends. DESCRIPTION OF PHAROS AND ALEXANDRIA. The lines which have given occasion to so much censure, are those in the fourth book of the Odyssey, where Menelaus, relating to Telemachus his adven- tures, describes Pharos as situated a day's sail from Egypt. 5 Those who saw that this island was not S N»J<70£ £7T£irtt TIQ EffTt TToXvKXvffTU EVL TTOVTto AiyvnTOv 7rpo7rapoi0e, 4>apoy Be t KiKXtjaKovai, 'Yoaaov avevd\ baaov re iravtjfiepit] yXcupvprj vtjvc Hvvaer, y Xiyvg ovpoQ ETnirvti^aiv o-mrrdev. — On. iv. 354. " High o'er a gulfy sea, the Pharian isle Fronts the deep roar of disemboguing Nile: K G6 ON THE ORIGINAL eight stadia, or an English mile from Alexandria, made strong objections to the accuracy of this de- scription. His friends could not help acknowledg- ing that the distance at which be seemed to place that island from the continent did not correspond with the apparent state of things in their time; but some of his admirers discovered, in this want of correspondence, a new proof of his extensive ob- servation and exactness. Homer, say they, was well acquainted with the constant accession of land to the Delta, by means of the Nile, which must have gradually shortened the distance of Pharos from Egypt ;* and he made allowance for the effects of this operation, from the time of Menelaus, with a view to accommodate his description to the period of the Trojan war. u Such was the state of this dispute in the times of the Ptolemies and Csesars. With how little advan- tage, either to the Poet or his readers, it has been since carried on, may be seen in the annexed note. 1 Her distance from the shore, the course begun At dawn, and ending with the setting sun, A galley measures ; when the stiffer gales Rise on the poop, and fully stretch the sails.'' * The word Aiyv7rroc in Homer always relates to the Nile. u JZvtevBev de (airo KavwfiiKov orojuarog) em fyapor ri]v yjjaov aXAoi eraSioi 'ile. The river was, at this season, within its banks ; but I was told, that the semicircle of fresh water is much more extended, when the Nile overflows Egypt, and that its mixture with the sea is discoverable fifteen or even twenty leagues from shore. I should think that this account was exaggerated by seamen. The first objects, that we saw towards the shore, were the ships at anchor in the road of Damiata. We next got sight of the tops of some palm trees; and soon after of some buildings. Last of all we dis- covered the low flat land of Egypt. Such are the present appearances; and such in general, are those which may be collected from Herodotus. His remarks on the face of this coun- try seem to entitle him to more credit than he has met with, when he speaks from his own knowledge, and as an eye-witness. There being no port on the coast of the Deli ships bound for Rosetta or Damiata anchor in an open road, till their business is done; exposed to much danger, when the wind blows hard upon that harbourless shore. They are therefore ready to shp their cables, and run to sea for security, upon the first appearance of foul weather. We had scarce let go our anchor, in company with a Ragusean bound to the same port, when it began to thunder and lighten; and the wind sud- denly shifting to the north-west, blew hard. Nigh! approaching, our pressing object was to -et off the coast, upon which there is no harbour from Alex- andria to Mount Carmel. After three davs blow- ing weather, we made Cyprus., and got 'into Li- misso, where we were detained three weeks by con- trary winds We sailed again for Egypt the thirtieth, and in two days arrived upon the coast of the Delta GENIUS OF HOMER. 77 After the same succession of appearances similar to those already described, we got to our anchoring ground, before the Bogas, in doubtful weather. Here a germe (which is a very strong-built boat of this country, entirely calculated to resist the Bogas), tempted by a reward which custom has established for the first boat, that ventures over upon such occa- sions, soon boarded us. By this time, things wore so gloomy an aspect, that our captain was prepar- ing, in all haste to run to sea. To share his fate, or risk the Bogas, was a point that called for imme- diate decision : for neither the germe, or our vessel, could stay a moment. I chose the latter. It is not easy to imagine any thing more awful than the approach to this Bogas in stormy weather. The breakers, which were heard and seen at some dis- tance, had now the appearance of a succession of cascades, which we were to pass through for half a mile. If the most striking and expressive resem- blance of a picture to that appearance in Nature, which it attempts to represent, is a sufficient proof of the painter's having seen the original, we might conclude, from three a lines in the Iliad, that Homer had been in Egypt, and passed this Bogas. One of our boatmen got up to the mast-head ; and as his voice could not be heard, he directed our course by repeating signals, which he received from a boat a ' ilg J* ot £7ri 7rpo\otjai Sutteteoq norafjioto BfjSpi/^ev fJiEya KVfia iron poov. AjjlQi ie r aKpai Hioveg BOOH2IN, epevyofjiEvrjc d\og e'£,o). Toaatj apa Tpwiov ta^rj ytver.' II. P. v. 265. These lines are said to have determined Solon and Plato to abandon poetry, despairing of ever being able to produce any thing like them. To those who admire the art of making the sound an echo to the sense, they certainly offer beauties, which are beyond all translation. 78 ON THE ORIGINAL within the Bogas, stationed there to pilot germes, in blowing weather, through the breakers on the bar. We struck thrice before we got into smooth water; and had the mortification to pass the wreck of our unfortunate Ragusean fellow-traveller, who had not been able to get off the coast, and perished with his crew upon this bar. There is a proverbial expression used by the Arab sailors, and adopted by the Franks, who fre- quent those seas, that " he, who fears not the Bo- gas, fears not the devil." Indeed the present state of this coast seems to justify the extreme reluctance, which Menelaus expresses at undertaking this voy- age a second time; especially if we consider the greater distance he had to run, in his own ships, without boats calculated for the Bogas, or seamen experienced in that navigation. We may add, that the coast of Egypt, which now projects so far, formed a deep bay in his time, which must have added to the danger, as it was more difficult then for a ship to disengage itself from the land. I flatter myself, that this account of the ancient and present state of the coast of Egypt may justify Homer's account of the length and danger of Mene- laus's voyage ; and vindicate him from the charge of ignorance on this head, under which he has so long laboured. HOMERS RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY We cannot well take into consideration Homer's Religion and Mythology, without some notice of his Allegory, which has opened so large a field for ancient and modern speculation. It would be GENIUS OF HOMER. 79 needless to enter into the extravagant fancies and laboured conjectures, by which the sense of the plainest passages in the Iliad and Odyssey has been sacrificed to this allegorizing humour. Nothing- can be more contrary to our idea of the character of his writings, and to that unbiassed attention to the simple forms of Nature, which we admire as his distinguishing excellence. I do not indeed think that those, who read him with true relish, and not from affectation, run any risk of falling into such refinement. However, as great pains have been taken to trace the mysterious knowledge, which the Poet is supposed to conceal under this dark allegorical veil, up to his Egyptian education ; and as a late ingenious writer b has attempted to shew the extensive effects of the Poet's travelling from a country, where Nature governed, to one of settled rules and a digested polity, it may be worth while to take the best view, we can, of the state of learning in Greece and Egypt in Homer's time, in order to see, what foundation there is for this opinion. Referring the reader, for the state of Homer's learning, to a particular section on that head, I shall now lay before him my reasons for thinking, that the high compliments, which have been so long paid to the knowledge and wisdom of the ancient Egyptians, have not been so well founded as is ge- nerally imagined ; and I shall draw those reasons from the only sources, which can furnish evidence of this matter; viz. first, the monuments which they have left of their taste and genius ; secondly, the accounts, which other nations have given of them in these respects. It would be difficult to form a judgment of their b See Inquiry into the Life and Writings of Homer. 80 ON THE ORIGINAL literary merit, without a specimen of their perform- ance in that way : and I do not find that antiquity has transmitted to us even their pretensions to ex- cellence in composition. I must observe, that, though Egypt produced the papyrus, its use to letters was a Greek discovery. Their hieroglyphics, indeed, have been long admired as the repository of much wisdom and knowledge ; though there seems great reason to think, that they were the production of an infant state of society, not yet acquainted with alphabetical writing. And they have been pre- served by means of circumstances, which were pe- culiar to Egypt. For this country had the driest atmosphere, and the most durable materials. Hence these memorials have been preserved, while monu- ments of the same early stage of knowledge have perished in other countries. Architecture, sculpture, and painting, seem to owe little to Egypt. If the temple of Theseus stands to this day at Athens an undoubted proof of the great perfection of Greek arts, as early as the battle of Marathon : in a climate so favourable to build i as that of Egypt, where there are still considerable remains to be seen of pyramids of such perishable materials as unburnt bricks, some fragments surely would have been preserved to justify their preten- sions. But though we are apt to trace every thing back to Egypt, I believe, in those arts the Greeks are entirely original, and took their ideas from Nature alone: and it appears in sculpture, that the Egyp- tians stuck to their own stiff dry manner, even after they were acquainted with the perfect models of the Greek artists. Egypt has, no doubt, produced the most stu- 1 See divine legation of Moses. GENIUS OF HOMER. 81 pendous and amazing, but I must add, the most absurd and unmeaning public works, to be seen in any country : I mean pyramids, obelisks, labyrinths, artificial lakes, which are without art, elegance, or public utility. Though jealous of strangers, they took little pains to fortify their frontier : and seem to have placed their security more in hiding, than defending, themselves. And though well situated for commerce, they neglected a good harbour, of which the Greeks shewed the value and importance, as soon as they got possession of this country. When the Greeks first applied to the study of Na- ture, and travelled to Egypt (supposed to have been then the school of science) for instruction, we might reasonably expect some favourable accounts of them. But, besides, that what we are told of these early travellers is obscure, and suspicious, all we can collect from them does not raise our ideas of Egyp- tian knowledge. If Pythagoras sacrificed a heca- tomb upon finding out the 47th proposition of the first book of Euclid, and Thales an ox on having discovered how to inscribe a rectangled triangle in a circle, after they had studied mathematics in Egypt, the parent of geometry, what opinion does it give us of the knowledge of their masters in that science ? d The obscure account we have of their scheme of joining the Nile and the Red Sea, e looks, d Eustathius formed his system of Greek chronology without ap- plying to Egypt, the seat of learning, whence it came. e To whatever degree of perfection and use this work might have been carried by the Persians, Greeks, Romans, or Mahometans, for something is attributed to them all, we have the best authority to believe that neither Sesostris nor Necos could carry it into exe- cution, though the first was so powerful, and the latter was a great promoter of the Egyptian marine ; and had built ports and havens in the Mediterranean and Red Sea ; the remains of which existed in the time of Herodotus. F 82 ON THE ORIGINAL . if thev did Dot understood how to take a level. cardinal points ot the compd-=>, decree of mathematics does that require f and >u. > Thales having shewn them how to measure *• heights of those pyramids by their shadow, , proof of their little progress in JW^fJ-. . . Bat let as proceed to a third period o then bit tory, from which we might expect .o d,:,v thingto form *iudgm«utofthe.r arte and 8C.«^ When the Greeks conquered Phoenicia, ( balds and Egvpt, their taste, and of coarse tin ir « was at the highest. Whatever accounts that eh-gant and learned people may have given ot the school from whence they are supposed to have ., o i« d the rudiments of all their knowledge: I can hod very little said of the learning or art- ot Eg] I" . «*■ cept what they brought there themselves. Homer was studied with more critical attention in Egypt than in any other country, but it was by Gre. k$; nor do we find that Zenodotus or Aristarchus, < took so much pains in settling the true reading! his works, under the Ptolemies, drew any illustra- tions of their author from the productions of the country in which they wrote. Those learned tors superintended the greatest and choicest library, that had ever been seen, of which Aristotle's valua- ble collection made a part ; yet they have told us nothing of the writers of that country in which it was collected, nor do we find that they left any translations into the Greek, except that of the Bible. GENIUS OF HOMER. 83 If our inquiries into this period are unsuccessful, we cannot expect much after this country became a Roman province. Strabo, who, with good taste and a sound judgment, was a traveller of curiosity, and a great admirer of antiquity, had a favourable opportunity from his friendship with iElius Gall us, whom he accompanied as far as Syene and the ^Ethiopian borders, of knowing what could be learn- ed of this country at that time ; but his accounts furnish nothing to induce us to change our senti- ments on this head. For these reasons I am of opinion, that Egypt, though civilized, when Greece was in a state of bar- barity, never got beyond mediocrity., either in the arts of peace or war. Nor shall we find this out of the order of things, if we consider the different na- ture of those countries. The singular advantage of Egypt, was, a climate so temperate, that little cloth- ing was necessary; and a soil so fertile, that it yield- ed food with very little labour. And its situation in the tract of the East India trade will account for its riches. But these circumstances, to which it owes antiquity, population, and wealth, are not fa- vourable to genius. Great efforts and happy exer- tions, either of mind or body, are not to be expected in a country where Nature has so well provided >''■ against hunger and cold ; and where a universal sameness of soil, and a constant serenity of sky, af- ford nothing to awake the fancy or rouse the pas- sions. Compare this with the landscape of Greece, the varieties of her soil, and the vicissitude of her seasons; and we shall not think it extraordinary, that the arts of life should begin in one of those coun- tries, and be carried to perfection in the other. Having said thus much of the supposed nurse of that mysterious learning, which the Poet is said to f 2 84 ON THE ORIGINAL have brought from Egypt, and wrapped up in alle- gory ; let us bring the reader back to his true cha- racter as a Painter, and see if we cannot find marks of imitation even in his Religion and Mythology. I believe that a comparative view of the divine truths of his Theology, and the ingenious fictions of his Mythology, will shew, that, as far as he was at li- berty, he drew both systems from an accurate and comprehensive observation of Nature, under the direction of a fine imagination, and a sound under- standing. As to his Religion, it would be idle, indeed unfair, to introduce a few general observations, which I shall offer on this head, by common-place exclama- tions, against the gross extravagances of the heathen creed. For though we must acknowledge, that the general conduct of Homer's gods would even dis- grace humanity ; yet, when we consider the pure and sublime notions of the Divine Nature, which so frequently occur in his writings, it is but justice to such exalted sentiments of the Supreme Being, to pronounce them incompatible with the belief of those ridiculous absurdities, which distinguish the opi- nions of the multitude from those of the Poet. He believed the unity, supremacy, omnipotence, and omniscience of the Divine Nature, Creator/and Disposer of all things : his power, wisdom, justice, mercy, and truth, are inculcated in various parts of the Ihad and Odyssey : the immortality of the soul, a future state, rewards and punishments, and most of the principles of sound divinity, are to be found in his writings. This looks much less like the religion of mystery, than of common sense; and those sublime but evi- dent truths want not the illustrations of deep learn- ing. Ihey are obvious to the plain understanding GENIUS OF HOMER. 85 of every thinking man, who looking abroad and con- sulting his own breast, as Homer did, compares what he sees with what he feels, and from the whole draws fair conclusions. Even his Mythology, considered with a view to his original character, will discover, if I be not mis- taken, some original strokes of the Painter and of his country. It seems to constitute a very distin- guishing difference between true and false religion ; that while the evidence of the first is universal, of every country, and coextensive with creation, the origin of the latter may be often traced to the local prejudices of a particular soil and climate. Star worship was the native idolatry of a serene sky and desert plains, where the beauties of the heavens are as striking as the rest of the external face of Nature is dreary and lifeless. In vain should we look for Naiades, Dryades, Oriades, &c. among the divinities of a country, without springs, rivers, trees, or moun- tains, and almost without vegetation. These were the natural acquisitions of superstition in her more northern progress. What share Homer had in dressing up and mo- delling the fables of the heathen gods, can, at this time, be little more than matter of mere conjecture; it would however be unreasonable to think, that they were of his own creation. 1 should rather suppose, that the liberties of poetical embellishment, which he may have taken with the popular creed of his time, were strongly engrafted upon vulgar tradi- tional superstitions, which had already laid strong hold of the passions and prejudices of his country- men ; an advantage, which so perfect a judge of human nature would be very cautious of forfeiting. For when the religion of poetry and that of the peo- ple were the same, any attempt of sudden innovation 36 ON THE ORIGINAL in such an establishment would have been a hazard- ous experiment, which neither a good citizen nor a good poet would care to undertake. I shall there- fore venture to conclude, that the part of the Poet's fiction, which dishonours his deities with the weak- ness and passions of human nature, was founded in popular legends and vulgar opinion, for which every good poet, from Homer to Shakspeare, has thought proper to have great complaisance. Take from that original genius of our own country the popular be- lief in his ghosts and hobgoblins, his light fairies and his dapper elves, with other fanciful personages of the Gothic mythology; and you sap the true foun- dation of some of the most beautiful fictions, that ever poet's imagination produced. That Homer carried this too far, and studying to please neglected to instruct, may be very true ; for though Plato's se- verity on this head has been criticised, we must find it extremely becoming his zeal for the inseparable interests of religion and virtue, if we consider that he had weighty reasons, which do not reach Shakr speare's mythology, to be alarmed at examples of vice and immorality in the very persons, who wuv at that time the acknowledged objects of public re- ligious worship. Though the persons, and perhaps some part of the action, of his fable, might have been originally taken from Egypt and the East: yet we know that his figures, I may say portraits, were his own ; and the scenery of his Mythology is Grecian. And (what strengthens our conjectures' with regard to his country) of the various perspectives, into which we may attempt to reduce this Greek uytholog scenery, the Ionian point of view will appear pre- dominant. I fear, I may appear prejudiced to m> subj< ct, it GENIUS OF HOMER. 87 I look for Nature in this imaginary province, and expect a regard for truth even in the Poet's fable. Yet I cannot help thinking, that, where his persons are most ideal, his scene is not less real ; and that when his subject carries him beyond life, and his divine agents, or (in the language of criticism) his machinery is introduced, the action is carried on with greater powers, no doubt, and upon a larger scale ; but with the same attention to a just propor- tion, and generally in the same subordination to the invariable laws of time and place. This is a ma- nagement, which, though it cannot entirely command assent, softens extravagance, and leads the reader so insensibly to fancy reality in fiction, by rendering both conformable to the same general rules of pos- sibility and consistence, that it is not easy to say, where the historian ends, or the poet begins. And yet I despair of giving satisfaction on this head, within the compass, which I have prescribed to myself: for though the important and frequent use of the machinery, in contributing so largely to a spirited succession of interesting variety, and espe- cially in relieving the eye from too much of the Sca- mandrian plain, must be obvious to every attentive reader; yet the easy transition, by which this is ef- fected, can only be discovered by a nicer examina- tion of those classical regions, which gave birth, or at least gave system and maturity, to his fable. If we form to ourselves a just idea of the respective situation, distance, and perspective, of Olympus, Ida, the Grecian camp, &c. we shall find Homer's celestial geography (if I may so call it) so happily connected with his map of Troy, that the scene is shifted from one to the other naturally, and with a certain mixture of circumstantial truths, which ope- rates unobserved, and throws at least an air of pos- 88 ON THE ORIGINAL sibility into the wildest excursions of fancy. I shall explain myself by example. Jupiter, seated on Mount Gargara, the summit of Ida, not suspecting, that any of the gods would vio- late the neutrality he had so strictly enjoined, turns his eyes from the slaughter upon the Scamandrian plain to the peaceful scenes of Thrace and Mysia. But Neptune, anxious for the distressed Greeks, had placed himself on the top of Samothrace, which commands a prospect of Ida, Troy, and the fleet. Having from hence observed Jupiter turn his back upon the scene of action, he resolves to seize that opportunity of annoying the Trojans. With this view he goes home to Aegos for his armour, and proceeds thence to the field of battle, putting up bis chariot and horses between Imbros and Tenedos; At the same time Juno, not less interested in the Grecian cause, discovers from Olympus, what is passing at the ships. And watching the motions of Jupiter and Neptune, she forms her plan according- ly for rendering the operations of the latter effectual, by keeping Jupiter's attention diverted another way. Having with this view procured the cestus or girdle of Venus, she proceeds, first to Lemnos, to solicit the aid of the god of Sleep, and thence to Jupiter on Gargara. I doubt much, whether any reader has ever sus- pected, that this fanciful piece of machinery is so strictly geographical, that we cannot enter into the boldness and true spirit of the Poets conceptions upon this occasion, without a map. But if he exa- mines it in that light, he will be pleased to find, that a view of the land and water here described, under a certain perspective, clears up the action, and con- verts what may otherwise appear crowded and con- tused, into distinct and pleasing variety. He will GENIUS OF HOMER. 89 then see, that the mere change of Jupiter's position, while it introduces a most beautiful contrast between scenes of innocence and tranquillity, and those of devastation and bloodsd,is essenhetial to the episode of Neptune and Juno. He will attend those Divini- ties with new pleasure, through every step of their progress. The mighty strides of the first, and the enchanting description of his voyage, long admired as one of the happiest efforts of a truly poetical ima- gination, will improve upon a survey of the original scenery, when its correspondence with the fable is discovered. Juno's stages are still more distinctly marked : she goes from Olympus by Pieria and iEmathia, to Athos ; from Athos, by sea, to Lem- nos, where, having engaged the god of Sleep in her interests, she continues her course to Imbros; and from Imbros to Lee turn, the most considerable pro- montory of Ida; here leaving the sea, she proceeds to Gargara, the summit of that mountain. When I attempted to follow the steps of these poetical journies, in my eye, from Mount Ida, and other elevated situations on the -^olian and Ionian side of the iEgean Sea ; I could take in so many of them as to form a tolerable picture of the whole. But I could not make this experiment with the same success from any station in European Greece. This induces me to suppose the composition to be Asia- tic, and that the original idea of Neptune and Juno's journey was most probably conceived in the neigh- bourhood of Troy. 1 must own, that in this sort of inquiry we are apt to indulge our fancy ; and it is not without some apprehensions of falling into this error, that, by way of farther explanation, I risk the following conjec- ture. When I was in these classical countries, I could not help tracing one of the most ancient pieces 90 ON THE ORIGINAL of heathen mythology up to its source, I mean the war of the Titans with the gods. For though the scene of this story lies in old Greece, yet some of its embellishments look very like the production of an Ionian imagination. I have already taken notice of the beauties of a western evening prospect from this coast. When the sun goes down behind the cloud- capped mountains of Macedonia and Thessaly, there is a picturesque wildness in the appearance, under certain points of view, which naturally calls to mind the old fable of the rebel giants bidding defiance to Jupiter, and scaling the heavens, as the fanciful b gestion of this rugged perspective. And we find this striking face of Nature adapted to so bold a fic- tion with a fitness and propriety, which its extrava- gance would forbid us to expect; for it was by no means a matter of indifference, which mountain^ were to be employed, or in what order they wire to be piled, to effect this daring escalade. If we coin- pare Homer and Virgil's account of this matter with the present state of the country, we shall find a nation in their descriptions, which, while it Miili- ciently distinguishes the Roman copy from the* Jreek original, will best explain my meaning. There was an old tradition 1 in Greece, which 1- Oo-ffav £7r' Ov\vfXTTG)fie[.ia.ho did not understand the language in which he wrote. GENIUS OF HOMER. 95 how far this resemblance between such distant periods extends. That so many of the customs of Homer's age, and still more of the ancient Jews, should be continued down to the present times, in countries, which have undergone such a variety of political revolutions, is extraordinary. President Montesquieu's manner of accounting for this singular stability of Eastern manners is not at all satisfactory in my opinion. I shall propose a conjecture on this head, which occurred in that part of our travels through Arabia, where we found this resemblance most striking. But that the reader may form a better judgment on this matter, it will be necessary to lay before him a general view of the interior and uncultivated part of that peninsula, and its inhabitants. There is perhaps no country in the world less capable of variation, either for better or worse, than the extensive deserts of Arabia. The former mag- nificence of Palmyra, which flourished in so remark- able a degree in the midst of those uncultivated plains, though now desolate and in ruins, may ap- pear to contradict this opinion. But if we consider the motives and means which produced a most mag- nificent and opulent city in so extraordinary a situ- ation, it will remove this difficulty. The first inha- bitants of Tedmor could have no temptation to settle there, except on account of the fountain, which we have elsewhere described.* 1 This made it, at all times, the most convenient resting-place between the Euphrates and the cultivated parts of Syria on the sea-coast ; the possession of which ef- fectually commanded the passage of the desert. For neither troops nor caravans could proceed without the permission of the proprietors of this h See Ruins of Palmyra. 9sam e footing with those of former ages. I never travelled in any part of tho.e deserts where it would not have been d!^ *£%£ GENIUS OF HOMER. 99 my Turkish firman or passport; and where a janis- sary, instead of procuring that security and respect, which I experienced from his protection in provinces acknowledging obedience to the Grand Seignor, would not have exposed me to abuse and insult. The presents (a term of extensive signification in the East) which are distributed annually by the Ba- shaw of Damascus to the several Arab princes, through whose territory he conducts the cara- van of pilgrims to Mecca, are at Constantinople called a free gift ; and considered as an act of the Sultan's generosity towards his indigent sub- jects; while, on the other hand, the Arab shecks deny even a right of passage through the districts of their command, and exact those sums as a tax due for the permission of going through their coun- try. In the frequent bloody contests, which the adjustment of those fees produces, the Turks com- plain of robbery, and the Arabs of invasion. This is the substance of all, that I could procure on this head by diligent inquiry, not only at Constantino- ple, and in the desert, but at Damascus. At the last place I had an opportunity of collecting the most authentic information on both sides of the question. The Arabs of Palestine have the same ideas with regard to that country. They consider it as their hereditary property from the earliest times, notwith- standing many temporary invasions of their right. And though there is now an Aga at Jerusalem, acting under the Bashaw of Damascus, he looks more like a military officer levying contributions in an enemy's country, than the governor of a province, in acknow- ledged allegiance to the Sultan. He has no influ- ence, no respect paid him, even no security but in his walls, and in his military force. The pilgrims, who do not purchase Arab protection, are frequently 02 100 ON THE ORIGINAL plundered within sight of the holy sepulchre, and at the very gates of the capital. 1 In this sketch of the interior of Arabia, which has, to the best of my observation, all the accuracy, that so general a description will admit ; the reader will perhaps acknowledge with me (as one cause, which may have contributed towards the uniformity and stability of Oriental manners), a perpetual and inexhaustible store of the aboriginal modes and cus- toms of primeval life. These are inaccessible to the varieties aud fluctuations, which conquest, com- merce, arts, or agriculture, introduce in other places; and expand, or contract, their circle of influence on the neighbouring countries, according to their vicinity, their intercourse, and the various revolutions of their respective fortunes. But it is impossible to do this subject justice, without taking likewise into consideration the man- ners 111 of the sacred writers, which come so much nearer those of Arabia than Homer's, as they lived nearer that country, and as most of the scenes, which they describe, lie either in it, or contiguous to it. As to the conformity of style and sentiment between those writers, and the Poet, it is no more than what we are to expect in just copies of the same original: nor does it seem at all necessary to account for the agreement from Homer's soppo knowledge of the Jewish learning through the Egyp- 1 See Palmyra, for Arabia not conquered. m American manners might also have a place here, and bear testi- mony to the truth of Homer's picture of human nature; but though, in some respects, savage manners have full as much dignity, as those of the Heroic, or any age (for even the Spartan education never carried a sense of honour, contempt of danger, patience of pain. farther than some of the Indian tribes); yet in general their of civilization is too far short of that, which the Poet descnb come under our present consideration. GENIUS OF HOMER. 101 tian priests, as some ingenious men have too loosely conjectured. To enter into this comparison of the Heroic, Patri- archal, and Bedouin manners, with that minuteness, to which it may hereafter be extended in the journal of my Eastern travels, would exceed the purpose of this abstract. I shall at present content myself with laying before the reader some of the most striking features in this resemblance, which I shall consider separately. The traveller, who has time and opportunities of making observations on the manners and customs of those countries, which I have visited in the East, will (1) be surprised to see how far dissimulation and diffidence are carried in that part of the world. He will (2) be shocked at the scenes of cruelty, violence, and injustice, which must necessarily fall within his notice ; as he will (3) be charmed with the general spirit of hospitality, which prevails so much more there than in Europe; he will (4) regret the loss of female society, and be disgusted at the licentious style of pleasantry, which takes place in its room. When he sees persons of the highest rank employed in the lowest domestic duties, he will (5) be offended at the meanness of such occupations : and as to the general turn of wit and humour, it will (0) appear either flat and insipid, or coarse and indelicate. But when he finds similar representations of life in Homer, he will conclude, that they are not the capricious singularities of a particular age or coun- try ; but that they may be traced up to some com- mon causes : perhaps to the nature of soil and cli- mate, and to the spirit of that unequal legislation, to which Oriental timidity has hitherto indolently submitted •, not daring to assert the natural rights of 102 ON THE ORIGINAL mankind. Let us now see how far the six general classes, into which I have divided the similarities of the ancient Greek and Jewish, and the present Ara- bian manners (merely in conformity to the order in which observations of this kind occurred in our travels) are connected with the same imperfect state of society. I. There is nothing more remarkable in the man- ners of the East, especially to an English traveller, than the degree of refinement, to which profound dissimulation is carried in all ranks, but especially among those in power. In the visits and common intercourse of the great, more attention is paid to the looks than to the words of the company : and the speaker generally weighs, what he is to say, by the countenance of the person he converse* with, rather than by his own sentiments or opinion of the question. He accommodates his language much less to truth and matter of fact, than to the private purposes of his hopes or fears. In short, all confi- dence is destroyed by the despotism of the East. Suspicion begins with the prince, and from him a general diffidence spreads through every rank and order, ending only in the man, who has nothing to fear, because he has nothing to lose. The arts of disguise are in those countries the great arts of life ; and the character of Ulysses would form a perfect model for those, who wish to make their wav iu it with security and respect. A spv, who is secretlv employed in other countries, is here an avowed officer of state. But then, in proportion to the mu- tual distrust, which so universally prevails in the several departments of government, confidence be- tween individuals, where it exists at all, is carried great lengths; and the Arab history, winch is so lull of political treachery, abounds also in account- GENIUS OF HOMER. 103 of private friendships, which do not fall short of those of Pylades and Orestes, Achilles and Patro- clus, or David and Jonathan. II. Cruelty, violence, and injustice, are so evi- dently the result of defective government, that it is unnecessary to look for any other general cause of the scenes of this sort, with which Homer abounds in common with other ancient writers, and agree- ably to the present manners of those countries. For when every man is, in a great measure, judge in his own cause, vices of this class are not only more fre- quent, but, inforo conscientice, less criminal than in a civilized state, where the individual transfers his resentments to the community, and private injury expects redress from public justice ; where the legis- lature does not engage for our personal security, we have a right to use such means, as are in our power, in order to destroy the aggressor, who would destroy us. In such cases bodily strength and courage must decide most contests, while on the other hand, craft, cunning, and surprise, are the legitimate weapons of the weak against the strong. We accordingly find, that both the ancient and modern history of the East is a continued narrative of bloodshed and treachery ; and in the heroic times homicide was so common, that we see the Poet alluding to a fugi- tive murderer taking shelter under the roof of a stranger (to escape, not public justice, but the re- venge of the relations of the deceased) as a familiar occurrence in life. Some of the favourite person- ages of the Iliad and Odyssey had fled their country for this crime ; and most of Homer's heroes would, in the present age, be capitally convicted, in any country in Europe, on the Poet's evidence. III. But that hospitality should be derived, in any degree, from the same source, may seem a para- 104 ON THE ORIGINAL dox to those who have not observed, that this virtue prevails in most countries, and in the different provinces of each country, very much in proportion to the idleness, poverty, and insecurity, which attend a defective police. As dissimulation may he pro- perly called an Oriental vice, so hospitality will retain the name of an Oriental virtue ; and both will prevail in the East, as long as the Arab mode of government continues in that part of the globe. It is some consolation, in so wretched a state of society, that hospitality should be most cultivated, where it is most wanted. In Arabia, the rights of hospitality (so properly called the point of honour of the E are the happy substitute of positive law ; which, in some degree, supplies the place of justice, connect- ing, by a voluntary intercourse of disinterested offices, those vagabond tribes, who despise legisla- tion, deny the perfect rights of mankind, and set the civil magistrate at defiance. A strong instance of the powers of that generous sympathizing principle in the social constitution of our nature, which the wisest government will encourage; and which the most depraved cannot suppress. IV. We must acknowledge, that this most pleasing feature, in a portrait of Heroic, Patriarchal, and Modern Oriental life, is sadly contrasted by a gloomy part of the picture, which products the most striking difference between our manners and theirs ; I mean, that unnatural separation of the Bexes, a hich precludes the female half from that share in the duties and amusements of life, which the common interests of society demand. The bad effects of this tyrannical proscription of the most amiable part of the creation (true charac- teristic of savage life), are only known to those, who experience the happiness of a more liberal distnbu- GENIUS OF HOMER. 105 tion of the business, and pleasures of the male and female province, which only soothes the cares, and enlivens the joys, of the retired, domestic scene : but, in the more active and enlarged sphere of am- bition and enterprise, softens ferocity, while it ani- mates indifference, and rouses into action the noblest powers of the mind. What a blank must we then find in the manners of a country, where that sex, to which Nature seems to have intrusted so extensive an influence over the most active period of our lives, is debased by a most humiliating servitude and ba- nishment, which deprives us of the most powerful motives to great and generous undertakings ! Yet such was the Heroic and Patriarchal state of society ; and such it is, at this day, in the East; with a dif- ference, however, that is much in favour of Homer's manners: for though the female subordination is strongly marked in the Iliad and Odyssey, yet wo- men seem to make a more considerable part of so- ciety there than among the ancient Jews ; and cer- tainly much more than the present Oriental restric- tions on this head permit. As the influence of a custom so fatal to public and private happiness must have extended, in some de- gree, to the whole system of heroic manners ; it is impossible to do justice to the original productions of genius in that age, without making allowance for its effects in a true picture of life. Is it not very remarkable, that Homer, so great a master of the tender and pathetic, who has exhibited human na- ture in almost every shape, and under every view, has not given a single iustance of the powers and effects of love, distinct from sensual enjoyment, in the Iliad?" though the occasion of the war, which is ■ Mr. Pope has observed, "That pity and the softer passions are not of the nature of the Iliad ;" he might have said, that they 106 ON THE ORIGINAL the subject of that poem, might so naturally intro- duce something of this kind: nor can I allow the story of Ulysses and Calypso, in the Odyssey, to are not of the character of Homer's manners. Yet, when they are introduced amidst the terrors of death and slaughter, the contrast is irresistible: and a tender scene in the Iliad, like a cultivated spot in the Alps, derives new beauties from the horrors, which surround it. Indeed, had he left us but one specimen of this kind, the interview of Hector and Andromache, in the sixth book, this would have been sufficient to shew his entire command over our softest feelings. Should I presume to see a fault in this admired picture, it is one that falls, not upon the Poet, but his manner*; and may help to explain my ideas on this matter. Andromache having raised our pity and compassion to the utmost stretch, that tragedy can carry those passions; Hector answers, H kcu Efioi race Tzavra /j.e\ei, yvvat. and concludes, AW' eiQ oikov tovaa, &c. His meaning here was to divert Andromache's attention to oth.i objects, and the expression was meant to convey the utmost tenderness; but has it that effect upon us? is not the English reader offended at a certain indelicacy in those word-, which Homer puts in the mouth of an affectionate husband t.» hi- wife, and, in another place, of a most dutiful son to his mother? See Odyss. . 350. In short, the whole behaviour of Telemachus to Penelope, however respectful, puts us in mind of the Ath- law, which constituted the son, when he was of age, the kvpto?, or guardian of his mother. Indeed that republic seems to ha* nished women not only from a share of their amusement?, but virtues. When an oration was delivered iu honour of those, \s ho died for their country in battle, they were permitted, it is true, to be present : but with what an impolitic mortiticatiou to their m we find that indulgence disgraced, when Pericles pronounced the funeral oration upon those, who fell in the first year of the Pelo- ponnesian war. For having enforced every argument, that elo- quence could suggest upon that solemn and interesting occasion. when he turns to the widows and female relations of the deceased. he addresses them with an unpardonable coldness. He tells them, that he shall say little: that he hopes, that thev will not be worst than Nature made them : and that their greatest honour was to have as little, as possible, said of them among the men, cither good or bad. GENIUS OF HOMER. 107 come up to our ideas of that passion, any more than that of Jupiter and Juno, Mars and Venus, and some other love scenes of primitive manners. Virgil's age happily supplied him with those pictures, to which Homer was a stranger ; and he availed him- self most successfully of this opening. For, taking the mere outline of his story from the Greek Poet, he has left us a master-piece in that kind, as much above the original, for elegant expression of all the varieties of that passion, as Dido is superior to Calypso in tenderness and delicacy of sentiment. Let us not account for this by supposing, with some of his best commentators, that he considered the passion of love as a weakness unworthy of a hero. Homer respected Nature too much to despise or suppress any of her genuine feelings. But, in short, this passion, according to our ideas of it, was unknown to the manners of that age. Not only the male characters, particularly that of the hero of the Iliad, retain the harshness and ferocity of this defect ; but the female sphere of action, which is now properly extended, was then confined to the uniformity of servile domestic duties. The prude and coquette, with all the intermediate shades ° H pa, Kai ayicag efxapwre Kpovov iraig i]V TrapaKOtrrjV Tokxl 5' v7ro x^ wv ^ ta

e\tjv eacrapro KaXjjy, yj>vour\v y GTiktrvai 5' aTreiwrTOV itpaai. 'Slg 6 fiep arpe/nag ivEe Trartjp ava Tapyapu) a/cpw, Xttv(j) Kai (f>i\orr}Ti dafxeig, e\e B* ayicag a-yocnv. II. H. v. 346. Speluncam Dido, Dux et Trojanus eandem Deveniunt. Prima et tellus et pronuba Juno Dant signum : fulsere igncs et conscius sether Connubiis. <£n. 1. iv. v. 165. 108 ON THE ORIGINAL of female character, are as much beyond Homer's knowledge of life, as his employing royal beauty in the meanest offices of domestic drudgery falls short of the refined attentions of modern gallantry. Without pursuing this thought to the remote con- sequences, to which it may lead a more curious inquirer; I shall only attempt to deduce from it an apology, or rather an account of some coarse pictures, which are but too often and too faithfully copied from the manners now under our conside- ration. When ideas of love extended little farther than animal enjoyment, the poet, who engaged in this subject, was confined to mere licentious descriptions of female beauty, or to such representations of its effects, as modern delicacy will not suffer. As the subject, so of course the language, of this passion, was barren and contracted; the simplicity of those times had not yet wandered into circumlo- cution : the whole vocabulary of love consisting of one explicit term; and, in proportion to the rigour and severity of the female proscription, the eX[ sion was careless and indelicate. But the footing upon which a more rational inter- course of the sexes is now conducted, gives a new turn to society, and has a great share in producing the varieties of modern character; for a certain pro- portion of voluntary attention in one sex, and of no- prescribed reserve in the other, equally unknown to Homer and the East, not only regulate in measure the style and tone of what is so variously called good-breeding in private life, but materially influence public virtues, and the happiness of a peo- ple. Hence arises a new set of words, as well as ideas; the coarse, the delicate, the decent, the ob- scene, the forward, the reserved, are relative terms, GENIUS OF HOMER. 109 not only varying as to their former and present sig- nification, but bearing different meanings now in different parts of Europe, as the male and female intercourse is more or less promiscuous and familiar. While I should be sorry, by these observations, to reconcile any reader to certain indecent pictures of the Iliad and Odyssey ; yet still I could wish to dis- tinguish them from some infamous productions of later dates, and more polished countries, for which there is no apology, by throwing the blame, where it chiefly lies, upon the manners of the times, rather than on the painter. It would be great injustice to Homer, not to pay him the compliment which these considerations suggest : I will venture to say, that, upon an impartial view of this part of his character, he will appear to excel his own state of society, in point of decency and delicacy, as much as he has surpassed more polished ages in point of genius. V. In an age when rank and condition are multi- plied and subdivided with so much nice and punc- tilious precision, it is difficult to reconcile ourselves to the simplicity of one uniform set of manners, where the great distinction is that of lord and slave, master and servant : nor can we bear to see those, who preside in public council, and lead an army to the field, employed in tending their flocks, and dress- ing their dinners. We are likewise disgusted, when we see queens and princesses employed in the lowest departments of domestic drudgery. In short, it is impossible to be so much interested in the justest representations of Nature, which we never saw, as in those, which come home to our own experience of life. I cannot help, therefore, observing, that the pastoral poetry of an age or country, where pastoral manners do not prevail, however natural in scenery, must be artificial as 110 ON THE ORIGINAL to characters ; and that the only original pictures of this kind are to be found in the state of society now under consideration. Let us take a short view of the matter. When the cares, as well as the pleasures, of the country, were compatible with the highest rank, and the prince and peasant were literally united in the same person ; elevation of sentiment and expression be- longed to the royal shepherd, and were found in rural life. Hence it is that Oriental pastoral, though obscure, and defective in the art of composition, affords the boldest flight of genius of this kind ; and that Homer stands next in rank for original pastoral beauties, with less sublimity of sentiment, it is true, and less energy of expression, but more picturesque in his scenery, and more delicate in his manners; advantages over other poets, which he derived from a finer country, and a less rude period of society. The modern Arab, in whom I have seen the characters of prince, shepherd, and poet, united, retains, in his compositions of this kind, the wildness, irregularity, and indelicacy of his fore- fathers, with a considerable share of the same ori- ginal glowing imagination, which we could discover, even in their extempore productions, and under the disadvantage of crude and hasty translation. But when Theocritus, and his imitator, Virgil, wrote each in a more refined age, and for polished courts, the prince and shepherd were so totally se- parated, that they formed the opposite extremes of society; their pastoral dramatis personce were of course, taken from the lowest condition in life, to deliver the sentiments and feelings of the highest ; an absurdity which the acknowledged beauties of the Greek and Roman Poet cannot make us over- look. Nor were they insensible of this inconsis- GENIUS OF HOMER. Ill tency ; but in attempting to correct it they fell into a worse fault ; for it must be allowed, that their cha- racters please least when they are most pastoral, and approach nearest to real life. As to later produc- tions of this kind, being confined to no standard in Nature, they fluctuate between those extremes, ac- cording to the fancy of the poet, the degree of his veneration for the great models of antiquity, or of his prejudices in favour of the manners of his own country. The consequence of this is, that either the language and sentiment are lowered to the con- dition of the speaker, and become mean and dis- gusting ; or they are borrowed from a higher sphere in life, and offend one of the most established rules in poetics. VI. We now come to the sixth and last object of our comparison. There is perhaps no display of the human faculties, with regard to which the taste of different ages and countries coincide so little, as productions of wit and humour ; whose genuine spirit is so subtle and volatile in its nature, that it evaporates upon the least change in the circum- stances which produced it, leaving nothing behind but the insipid dregs of low buffoonry. If such has been the transitory fate of Greek and Roman wit of the best times, we can have little ex- pectations from those rude productions, which are the objects of our present comparison. But as the resemblance of manners, now under consideration, extends to certain comic similarities, which seem to point towards the same despotic origin, whence we have attempted to deduce the most striking features in Oriental life: a farther inquiry into this matter (including what has been said on that gross and abandoned humour, which prevails in a defective state of female society) might furnish some hints 112 ON THE ORIGINAL towards the true history and real character of ridicule. At this time we shall only observe, that imperfect society neither affords the matter or manner neces- sary to a fair experiment of talents of this kind. The uniform sameness of primitive life is inca- pable of the first ; for, while it gives an air of gravity and dignity to manners, it cramps the comic genius, which can only ripen and flourish amidst variety of character. The attentions of rude society are barely sufficient for the necessaries of life ; those of a more advanced period are taken up with its superfluities. Then it is, that false appetites and imaginary wants are created, unknown to Nature, to Homer, and the Bedouin; arts, trades, professions, multiply; new distinctions, ranks, and conditions are produced; and, in short, the various vices, follies, and affecta- tions, of a wealthy, commercial, free people, open an ample field of pleasantry to a Swift, an Addison, or an Hogarth. If we have excelled other countries in this walk of humour, it may be ascribed to our rich diversity of original character, open to every artist, without those restrictions, which seldom check licentiousness without suppressing geniu>. As the matter of primitive wit is circumscribed by this barrenness of subject, so its manner is checked by the danger of offending. Thus the first sallies of this kind are either controlled by timidity, or disgraced by roughness, which is so closely con- nected with actual violence, that they are often ex- ercised together, and called in aid of one another. Hence that illiberal mockery of personal deformity, that ungenerous sneer at poverty, and, above all, that cruel, unmanly irony, and insolent triumph of the conqueror over the vanquished; which form 90 many disgusting pictures in Homer, in the pre- GENIUS OF HOMER. 113 sent manners of the East, and all barbarous coun- tries, as well as among the vulgar of the most civi- lized, with whom the transition from raillery to blows is so natural, that the latter seems only a bolder and coarser expression of the first. So close and so early an alliance between wit and violence is, I must own, very little to the credit of the former: I fear it is butabad apology for her to say, that she commenced acquaintance with that rough companion when she was very young. But we must not, from partial observations, upon a sub- ject requiring a more enlarged consideration, draw general conclusions, unfavourable to Homer and ourselves; for there aresome strokes of humour 1 ' in the Poet, that it will be difficult to resolve into that tyrannical principle, in which, 1 must confess, the brutal raillery of the Iliad and Odyssey is too much founded. As there is no part of this Essay to which the observations which occurred to me in my Eastern travels, particularly in Palestine, Egypt, and above all, the interior of Arabia, contribute so largely, as to this article of Homer's manners ; so there is none, which has cost me so much pains in selecting and arranging, out of copious materials, what might be proper for this contracted specimen, which, after all, is imperfect in its present state. I shall be dis- appointed if some of the Poet's abler admirers, taking up his defence on this ground, do not anticipate part of what I have farther to say on this subject, when I shall attempt to try the truth and consist- p Of this sort is the comic story, which the disguised Ulysses tells Eumajus, in the 14th book, of his having forgotten his cloak, when he was on an advanced post before Troy, in a cold night; aud of the arch trick played upon one of the party,* who was sent on a fool's errand upon that occasion. H 114 ON THE ORIGINAL ence of the leading characters of the Iliad and Odyssey, by that true test, viz. the manners of the Heroic age; to the reader who judges of them by the present times, the courage of Achilles must appear brutal ferocity, and the wisdom of Ulysses low cunning. If this short sketch of Homer's life be just, it allows me to conclude with the highest compliment to the powers and extent of Homer's original genius: for I may venture to say, that from the greatest uni- formity of simple manners that ever fell to the share of any poet, he drew the greatest variety of distinct character that has ever been produced by the same hand. HOMER AN HISTORIAN. From what has been already said, Homer must stand unrivalled, as the father of history : to him wl owe the earliest account of arts, science, manners, and government; and without him, no just ideas can be formed of the state and true character of primitive society. This is not only the most in- teresting of all historical information, but it is trans- mitted to us upon the most incontestable authority ; for he, who has established the name of poet in his own age, by just pictures of life ; becomes the his- torian of posterity, upon the most respectable pre- tensions. This is a sort of appeal to conlemporarv evidence, which the dry annalist cannot claim. I am therefore entirely within my subject, when I attempt to shew, that Homer was a faithful histo- rian, because he was a correct painter. But some of the most discerning judges of anti- GENIUS OF HOMER. 115 quity did not confine him to these limits ; they pre- fer his authority, even in matters of fact, to that of professed writers of history. The original charac- ter of his composition is favourable to this opinion ; and so natural and plausible a correspondence be- tween the scene and the action of the Iliad would induce us to think, that he took the first from ocular examination, and the last from the prevailing tra- ditions of the times. His living in the neighbour- hood of Troy strengthens this conjecture. It gave him an opportunity, not only of being thoroughly acquainted with that spot, but of collecting circum- stantial accounts of the most renowned achieve- ments of the war, perhaps from those who were eye-witnesses of the siege, and had signalized them- selves upon the Scamandrian plain ; or at least from their children. Though our object is to establish the credit due to Homer, as an historian, chiefly upon the consist- ence of his facts, and his general character of truth, yet we may appeal to other authority for this opi- nion. The most satisfactory information of the early state of Greece, with regard to its policy, laws, manners, navigation, and strength, is that concise but sensible account which Thucydides prefixes to his history of the Peloponnesian war; and that writer, though a declared enemy to poetical his- tory, forms his opinion of the ancient state of that country from Homer. That the ancients differed as to the circumstances of the Trojan war, is well known ; and that some variations, even in the accounts of those who were actors in that scene, left the Poet at liberty to adopt or reject facts, as it best suited his purpose, is highly probable. Succeeding poets would take the same liberty. Indeed the tragedians, whose h2 116 ON TOE ORIGINAL subjects are mostly taken from the Trojan story, have departed from Homer in several instances. Euripides chose a subject for one of his plays, which supposes that Helen never was at Troy ; and though he was so fond of that plot as to repeat it (for his Helen and Iphigenia in Aulis differ very little in this respect), yet we cannot suppose that he would have deserted Homer without any authority. The account, which Herodotus received of Helen and Menelaus from the Egyptian priests, was suffi- cient ground for him to go upon ; and shews the different ideas which prevailed so early with regard to the Trojan war: yet, when this matter comes to be fairly stated between the Poet and the Historian, I think it will be decided in favour of the first; not that I would encourage that diffidence in Hero- dotus, which has been already carried too far. Were I to give my opinion of him, in this respect, having followed him through most of the countries which he visited, I would say, that he is a writer of veracity in his description of what he saw, but of credulity in his relations of what he heard. But there are still other causes which have con- tributed to perplex Homers history. As the first poets took liberties with regard to the Trojan war, so their brother artists adopted variations which helped to puzzle that story. Polvgnotus, who studied the poets, and took his subjects from the Trojan war, did not always follow Homer: nor do we find, that his account of things has been scrupu- lously adhered to in some of the ancient pieces of sculpture, where the subjects of the Iliad and Odyssey are represented. As to the poetry, paint- ing, and sculpture of the Romans, I cannot think that they are sufficient authority for Trojan sub- jects. There is no reason to believe, that Virgil GENIUS OF HOMER. 117 had ever been at Troy ; and though he is so great an admirer, and so constant an imitator of Homer's poetical beauties, it does not appear that he con- sidered him as an historian, or geographer, or paid much attention to that accuracy, which is the sub- ject of our present inquiry. Tryphiodorus, Colu- thus, and some others, are still of less weight; and when we meet with facts related by them, and not mentioned by Homer, they deserve attention only so far, as those writers might have seen ancient authors, who are no longer to be found. Nor are Dares Phrygius, or Dictys-Cretensis worthy con- sideration in any other light, than as forgeries of an age when they might have had an opportunity of collecting some minute circumstances from books, which are now lost. The Roman poets took great liberties with the Greek mythology and the heroic history. This is remarkable in Ovid, who worked up those subjects into a system, which, from its connexion, and the fanciful additions which he has made, is considered as the most complete; and being first put into our hands, is that which we are most acquainted with: for the general custom of learn- ing Latin before Greek, forms our ideas more upon the Roman mythology. Were Homer the first poet taught in our schools, it would be easier to separate his mythology from the fable of latter times. Since the religion of Greece and Rome has been consi- dered speculatively by ingenious writers among the moderns, who look for deep meaning in every thing that the ancients have left us, they have generally adopted, what best suited the purpose of their sys- tem, according to the more or less favourable ideas they had formed of the wisdom of antiquity. It is curious to observe what notions were propagated on this head upon the revival of letters, when a tincture 118 ON THE ORIGINAL of ancient fable and heroic history was received through Italian and French translation. We find in q Shakspeare, who drew from those sources, an account of the Trojan story, collected from various quarters, and a mixture of heroic and Gothic my- thology, made up of the traditions of different au- thorities and different ages. Such are the adulterations, which both Homer's Fable and History have undergone. It is difficult to relieve him from the load of contradictions, with which his successors have embarrassed this matter; but we may separate his own consistent story ; and, in matters of this obscurity, we may venture to call that the most authentic. What I have collected with this view, from the Iliad and Odyssey, may be ranged under a chrono- logical order, consisting of three periods. The first, anterior to the departure of the Greeks from Aulis, will draw the line between Homer's Mythology and History. This will take in the tra- ditions of the gigantic race which ended in Eury- medon ; the accounts of the Centaurs and Lapithfte : of Ixion and Perithous; of Belierophon, Perseus, Theseus and Hercules; an account of the Calydo- nian boar; the Theban wars; and the causes and preparations for the siege of Troy. The next period commences with the sailing of the Greeks for Troy; relates the operations of al- most ten years' siege, or rather blockade of that city, including the principal action of the Iliad, and end- ing with the demolition of the town. The third period begins with that specimen of the whole, which I have already given. It contains the « See Farmer upon Shakspeare's learning. See Bernier and Fourmont. Argouautic Expedition. GENIUS OF HOMER. 119 dispersions, various misfortunes, and different esta- blishments of the Greeks, Trojans, and auxiliaries, and brings us down to Homer's history of his own times. It may throw light on theiEolic, Ionic, and other migrations ; and afford some conjectures with regard to the origin of Greek Arts, Manners, and Language. As the principal action of the Iliad takes in no part of the first period, and very little of the second ; and as that of the Odyssey employs a still less por- tion of the third; the Poet has interspersed the several facts, which are prior or posterior to the du- ration of either poem, which he marks with the greatest precision, and yet so happily as to produce variety, without injury to that chronological order, of which I find them susceptible, when collected and arranged, so far as I have hitherto made the experiment. To avoid anachronism, it was neces- sary, that the later events of the last period should be predicted. Among these we find the destruction of Mycenae/ the demolition of the Greek fortifica- tions, the succession of iEneas and his family to the kingdom of Troy, &c. As this last event has been strongly controverted by succeeding writers, it may be necessary to do the Poet justice in a point, which r Mycenae. I do not mean, that Homer necessarily alluded to the destruction of Argos, Sparta, and Mycenae in A. v. 53. and still less do I suppose with Eustathius, and some other Commen- tators, that he means there to prophesy about the destruction of those towns, which happened after the Poet's time. If Homer is to be considered as an historian, as Virgil is ; the destruction, which he has left upon record of these towns, must be that, which happened soon after the time of Agamemnon. Mera ra Tpajuca Aya/if/xvovog ap^T/c Xv^eiarjg. — Strabo. This being upon the return of the Heraclidae, coincides with what we suppose to have been the age of Homer. 120 ON THE ORIGINAL affects him as much in his historical capacity, as those supposed mistakes, with regard to the coast of Egypt, and the situation of Pharos (which we have attempted to set right), injured him in his geo- graphical character. We shall, at present, confine our further consideration of Homer, as an Historian, to his justification in this particular. It may appear strange at this time to dispute the voyage of iEneas to Italy; a fact upon which the origin of the Roman empire is so generally founded, which Livy takes for granted, which Dionysius of Halicarnassus pretends to have so fully proved, and which has gained such universal credit for so many ages. I might defend myself from the imputation of either paradox or singularity, by a pretty long list of dissenting voices from those authorities, in which our veneration for Roman antiquity has so implicitly acquiesced. But if a confutation of that fact can be supported by reason and common sense, it will not want the parade of much learned quo- tation. I shall state the nature of the evidence on both sides of this question as succinctly as I can ; taking into consideration the arguments both for and against Homer's testimony; and I shall conclude with some observations upon Virgil's conduct, under the diffi- culties, which embarrassed the historical credit of his subject. But in order to form a tolerable idea either of the History or Geography of Troy, it is necessary to correct a mistake, which has long contributed to the misrepresentation of both, by confounding the Phrygians with the Trojans. We found ancient geography no where more perplexed, than in our travels through Phrygia. This intricacv rise< chiefly from a very early inattention to the different exteol GENIUS OF HOMER. 121 of that country at different times, so that its doubtful limics became proverbial. It may be difficult to remove tbe impressions which we receive on this head from ancient authors, particularly from one so familiar to us, so much and so justly admired, and so thoroughly acquainted with Homer, as Virgil. He not only represents the Trojans and Phrygians as the same people, but confounds the ancient and modern character of the latter; how improperly, the reader will judge from the follow- ing observations, by which I hope to ascertain Homer's sense of this matter. 1. When Helen, upbraiding Venus as the cause of her misfortunes, asks tbe goddess, what other favourite she has to indulge at her expense, and if she means to lead her farther to some city of Phry- gia or Mrconia, she of course distinguishes those countries from the Troade. 2. When Hector com- plains that the wealth of Troy is carried to Phrygia and Maeonia, it impMes the same distinction. 3. In a description of the extent and boundaries of Priam's country, it is expressly distinguished from Phrygia. 4. The Phrygians are numbered among the Trojan auxiliaries in the Catalogue; and are described as living at a distance. 5. Priam mentions his having formerly visited their country. (3, and lastly, The plot of the story of Venus and Anchises, in the hymn to Venus (which both Lucretius and Virgil seem to have admired), turns chiefly upon this difference of the two countries : the scene is on Mount Ida; where the goddess is represented as personating a Phry- gian girl, and passes with Anchises for the daughter of Atreus, king of that country. She invents a story of the manner of her coming from Phrygia to Troy, and describes the variety of country she passed over in her way. But that her language may not betray 122 ON THE ORIGINAL her (which, according to her assumed character should be Phrygian), she acquaints him, that she was brought up by a Trojan nurse, who taught her the language of Troy, which was as familiar to her as that of her own country. From the passages, to which I have referred, I think we may conclude, that, at the time of the Tro- jan war, Phrygia and Troy were distinct countries, governed by princes independent of each other, and using different languages. How soon and by what means the distinction was lost, is not certain ; pro- bably soon after the Trojan war, at least, before the time of the tragic writers, who, as 'Strabo observes, confound those names. There is a wretched piece of wit of Mnesilochus preserved, which plays upon the Synonymous term of Phrygian and Trojan. Here I should observe, that the proofs which es- tablish this distinction, deprive me of one of the mod favourite arguments of a very powerful advocate for Homer's account of iEneas. Bochart having, with much learned pains, demonstrated a total want of affinity between the Roman and Phrygian lan-uam, concludes, that it is incredible that one of those na- tions should be desceuded from the other ; because, says he, there never was an instance of a colony, 6 Strabo, 1. xii. p. 849. 1 It was supposed that Euripides was obliged to Socrates for as- sisting him in his Tragedies. When his TROES appeared, Mne- silochus, in one of his comic pieces, observed, that Socrates had supplied fuel to kindle the fire of that play: and instead of Tpw*c, he calls it ovye£, for the sake of jingle in the word, and a N blance to pt/ycuw, which >ignified dry wood, such as a fire is lighted with. OPlTee' £', rot Key ^eroTriade ycriayrac II. xx. 307. GENIUS OF HOMER. 127 was liable. The colony he was said to have con- ducted and established there, retained no marks of their Trojan origin ; nor did the descendants of those conquerors preserve the least remains of the man- ners, customs, language, or even name, of their sup- posed ancestors, at the same time that they differed greatly from them, both in the modes and objects of their worship. The Romans would perhaps, of all nations, be least sensible of the force of this objection: as no people was ever less bigoted to their own manners, or more apt to adopt those of their conquered ene- mies. Yet Virgil saw, that so very unnatural a neglect of the mother-country, and so unaccountable a compliment to the inhabitants of a new conquest, could not pass unnoticed ; he therefore closes the poem with the following piece of machinery, per- fectly well calculated for a solution of those diffi- culties. As Turnus and iEneas are preparing for the final decision by single combat, Jupiter makes a conci- liating overture to Juno, and expostulates with her Strabo says, that those who apply this passage to the Romans ; write it thus : Ni/v <)e 2tj Aiveiao yevog FIANTEI2IN avafyt; Which Virgil translates, Hie domus iEneae cunctis dominabitur oris. This correction was therefore suggested, in order to reconcile Homer to the Roman History. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who has been at most pains to support the Trojan origin of Rome, taking these Hues of Homer into consideration, mentions no such reading. We may therefore with probability suppose it to have been thought of after Dionysius and before Strabo. This period coincides with Virgil's time of writing the iEneid, and at that time precisely the Roman conquests authorized a correction of the text, which pro- phesied their becoming masters of the world. 128 ON THE ORIGINAL upon the inutility of endless opposition to the de- crees of Fate, " Quae jam finis erit, conjux? quid denique restat ? Indigitem iEneam^scis ipsa, et scire fateris, Deberi coelo, fatisque ad sic'era tolli. Quid struis?&c." He then entreats her to desist; and first putting her in mind of the unhappy lengths, to which her passion had been already indulged, he concludes with a concise and positive injunction to proceed no farther; " Ulterius tentare veto." The goddess, who could retard, but not control, the wid of Jove, answers submissively, apologizes for her past conduct, and promises to renounce the cause. But in return she requests " Ne vetus indigeuas nonien niutare Latinos, NeuTroas fieri jubeas, Teucrosque vocari, Aut voces mutare viros, aut vertere vestes," &c. Jupiter grants her petitions, and declares, " Sermonem Ausonii patrium, moresque tenebunt ; Utque est, nomen erit : commixti corpore tantum Subsident Teucri : niorera ritusque sacrorum Adjiciam ; faciamque omnes uno ore Latinos," &C Here we see, that the Poet is obliged to have re- course to a decree of Jupiter to account Tor ihe waut of affinity between the language, manners, names, and religions, rites, and ceremonies of Troy and Rome. But he had still other difficulties to en- counter. The iEneid is like the Iliad, full of ma- chinery : and Virgil's imitation of Homer in this particular lay under two very great disadvantages. The first of these, of which we have before takeu notice, was, that the scenery of Homer's mythology was fixed in Greece, and adapted to the action of GENIUS OF HOMER. 129 the Iliad. The second was, that the parts, which the dramatis personae of this mythology acted in the Trojan story, were arranged not exactly in the man- ner most suitable to the purpose of Virgil. For he is by these means deprived of the character in which Minerva appears with so much propriety in the Odyssey ; and is obliged to puthis pious legislative Hero under the protection of Venus. This goddess, though very fit to have the conduct of his affairs at Carthage, when he is carrying on an amour with Dido, was not so well qualified to promote his views in Italy, Dum conderet urbem, inferretque Deos Latio. Again, Juno having been employed in the Iliad as the inveterate enemy of Troy, takes an active part in the iEneid against the establishment of the Roman empire. It is true; the Poet derives from this the happiest allusions to some of the most interesting scenes in the Roman history. But surely her first appearance in this hostile character, at the opening of the poem, must have been an awkward circumstance; when Juno Romana was the favourite deity of Rome. Turn vos, O Tyrii, stirpem et genus omne futurum Exercete odiis ; cinerique haec mittite nostro Munera : nullus amor populis, nee foedera sunto. Exoriare aliquis nostris ex ossibus ultor, Qui face Dardanios ferroque sequare colonos ; Nunc, olim, quocunque dabunt se tempore vires. jEn. 1. iv. v. 622. It was not proper that the reader should wait for the unravelling of the plot to have this matter ex- plained ; he is therefore apprized in the first book, thatthis enmity of the goddess is to be converted into protection and regard ; and Jupiter promises, " Consiliain melius referet; mecumque fovebit Romanos rerum dominos, <&c." I 130 ON THE ORIGINAL Accordingly, towards the conclusion of the last book this reconciliation is effected : " Annuit his Juno, et mentem laetata retorsit." The great point being thus settled, Turnus is killed, and the poem ends. From this digression on the conduct of the Ro- man Poet, with regard to the event which he chose for his subject, I would infer, that, notwithstand- ing the powerful prejudices of Rome in its favour, he was apprehensive of objections, which might be drawn as well from Homer's authority, as from the incredible singularity of a colony's retaining no traces of the names, language, dress, or religious rites, of their ancestors. HOMER'S CHRONOLOGY. There seems to have been nothing more extraor- dinary in the history of Grecian knowledge, than the various modes of computing time ; as they pre- vailed within a narrow compass, and among a peo- ple of the same religion and language. But this was long after the age of Homer, in which we dis- cover nothing like a formal calendar. His time is measured by the returns of the sun, moon, and sea- sons, of light and darkness, labour and rest; but we find no political distribution of it, no weeks, hours, or minutes, no allusion to dials, clepsydrae, or any other mode of computation known before the inven- tion of pendulums, the most exact of all chronome- ters. His day is subdivided by the occupations which convenience had allotted to the different parts of it in rude society; a mode of computation GENIUS OF HOMER. 131 taken more from Nature than art, therefore more poetical than accurate. There was no stated era in Greece before that of the Olympiads; therefore no settled chronology. Nor was this science made use of to arrange and connect events in their due order of time, till after the writings, not only of their oldest, but of their most admired prose historians y had appeared : when I imagine the alphabet, though known before, was first applied to common use. The Chronicle y Pherecydes of Syros, and Cadmus of Miletus, supposed to have been the first prose writers, lived about 544 years before Christ. Acusilaiis of Argos, who, according to Suidas, wrote his genealogies from brazen tables, which had been found by his fa- ther, is placed near this time. We have none of their works, nor •of Epimenides, or Pherecydes of Athens, genealogists, who suc- ceeded them : nor of Hellanicus, who is placed about a hundred years after them. He regulated his chronology by the succession of the priestesses of Juno at Argos ; and must have been puzzled in reducing facts to order; as we may guess by his making Helen nine years old, when Theseus, who was fifty, carried her away. These are facts, of which, I believe, all that we shall ever know, is from Homer. I own, I was a little disappointed, when I found that beauty so far advanced in years, when at Troy, where so much blood was spilled for her sake : and was sorry to learn, that she had been acquainted with Hector for the space of twenty years. But if it was at all proper that this should be told, the Poet takes the best time for it. Hector is killed ; Helen grown old ; and what is worst of all, the poem near an end. Timseus of Sicily lived about this time; and attempted to com- pare and correct the dates of the Olympiads of the Spartan kings, the Athenian Archons, and of the priestesses of Juno, by one ano- ther ; and to reconcile the whole to the history, transmitted by the poets. When we consider, that this was the first attempt, that we know of, to establish an era ; and that it was in the hundred and twenty-ninth Olympiad, what are we to think of the preceding Greek chronology ? Eratosthenes lived about forty years after Timaeus. His calcula- tions are lost; but his epoques are preserved. See Sir Isaac Newton's Chronology. 12 132 ON THE ORIGINAL of Paros, that curious manuscript, which the Uni- versity of Oxford possesses, seems to be the ear- liest, as it is the most authentic, series of Greek dates upon record. But the author of that collection, who appears not to have lived above two hundred and sixty-five years before the commencement of the Christian era, takes no notice of the Olympiads. And, though they were adopted by history about this time, we can scarce allow, that chronology was treated scientifically till the time of Eratosthenes. He first compared and corrected former calcula- tions and conjectures, and established epoques in Greece. I cannot help thinking, that it was unfortunate for letters, that the first among the ancients, who undertook to range the facts of Greek history in. that order which was adopted by succeeding his- torians, did not take Homer into his consideration. Whether this ingenious philosopher, who lived at a time, when the Poet was the object of much blind admiration, might not have been disgusted at the idle compliments paid to his science, we cannot pretend to say : but he certainly took more pains to expose Homer's ignorance, than it is easy to account for otherwise. The respectable authori- ties to which we have appealed in the preceding section, as vouchers for his facts, may, with equal propriety, be called in evidence, for the order of time in which he has placed them : and the early chronology of the Greeks must be drawn from the same source which has furnished the first events in their history. May I venture to add, that it is also to be re- gretted, that Newton, the ornament of our country and of this age, when he took Eratosthenes and the Greek Chronology into consideration, should not GENIUS OF HOMER. ' 133 have consulted our Poet? Had the relaxations of ■ that great man from more severe and important studies permitted him to consider Homer in the light we have attempted to place him, I am per- suaded it would have given him so different an opi- nion of the heroic state of arts, that he would not have taken Chiron, or his daughter Hippo, for prac- tical astronomers, upon such slight authority, or have supposed, that, before the siege of Troy, the Greeks had either instruments fit to take an ob- servation, or science to make a proper use of them. On the other hand, he would have found Homer's authority favourable to his limited idea of Greek antiquity : for, notwithstanding the pains which have been taken to shew the Poet's partiality to his coun- trymen, he left nothing on record that could flatter the Grecian vanity upon this head. He might have drawn great assistance from him in support of that part of his system, which contracts the distance of time between the Argonautic expedition and the siege of Troy. He would indeed have seen the whole Homeric history, antecedent to this last epoch, contained in a very narrow compass, not going much farther back than the birth of Nestor: but he would also have seen that short period so full of consistent facts, that, with whatever degree of poetical exagge- ration they have been magnified, the circumstantial connexion of the whole is too well ascertained, not to shew that they were founded in events, which had already the sanction of general tradition : and had acquired some share of credit, before the Poet's embellishment gave them a portion of fame; which they owe more to his genius, than their own impor- tance. With regard to Homer's age (a matter of as much obscurity, as his country), if we be allowed to form 134 ON THE ORIGINAL conjectures upon this head from his writings, we may suppose, that he was born not long after the siege of Troy : and had finished both his poems about half a century after the town was taken. That, as the first interesting stories he heard, were, when a boy, of the exploits performed there ; so in his riper years he had still an opportunity of conversing with the old men, who had been engaged in it: that their immediate descendants were his contempo- raries : that he knew their grandchildren ; and saw the birth of their great-grandchildren, which made the fourth generation from iEneas. It is true this makes the birth of Homer prior to the Ionic migra- tion, which Thucydides places eighty years after the siege of Troy : in which there is no solid objec- tion. We know, that there were Ionians in Asia, before a colony of that name was brought thither. To this there is no allusion in the Iliad or Odyeu and we may as well derive the name of Ionian, as we find it written in z Homer, from Javeon, the son of Japhet, as from Ion, the son of Xuthus. I have already observed, that it would have been both difficult and useless for him to have forged that account of the family of iEneas, from which I draw this conjecture with regard to his own age; nor do I believe any testimony can be produced, of equal authority with this passage of the Iliad, for placing him nearer the Trojan war. The reasons why I am induced to fix him precisely to that, rather than to any later period, are these : first, the succession of the great-grandchildren of JEneas to the kingdom of Troy is the latest fact that he has left upon record. The JEolian migration would probably disturb that very generation in their possessions : which I there- fore suppose the Poet did not live to see. In the I The appellation of Iaor* c in Homer's Iliad, X. v. 680. GENIUS OF HOMER. 135 next place, it is the character, indeed I may venture to say it is among the faults of Homer, to be mi- nutely descriptive. He frequently introduces super- fluous circumstances of mere precision, rather than leave his object vague and uncircumscribed ; even where a general view of it would have done as well, or perhaps better. In short, his genius for imita- . tion, and his love of truth, seem to carry him too far into the province of painting ; of which one parti- cular privilege is, to be minute and circumstantial, without becoming dull or tedious. I am therefore inclined to think, that, though the time we allude to will, at any period after the birth of his grandchil- dren, be applicable to the posterity of iEneas, the Poet might have in view that particular generation for the descendants of those, who fought at Troy, with whom he lived and conversed, and who are so distinctly pointed out by this passage, taken in the literal sense. Thirdly, His picture of society agrees best with that early stage of it. Those, who bring down Homer as low as a Lycurgus (I fancy, be- cause the idea of an interview between two such personages has something pleasing in it), do not consider, that such a Poet and such a Legislator do a It is dangerous to truth, when great men, for want of better materials, catch at any plausible conjecture ; to which their ad- mirers give more credit than they intended ; as for instance : In the temple of Jupiter at Elis, there was a disque with the name of Lycurgus inscribed upon it; therefore, says Aristotle, this lawgiver was contemporary with Iphitus, and the first Olympiad. But, says Newton, Aristotle did not consider that the Quinqu6rtium, of which the disque was one game, was not established till the eighteenth Olympiad. But may we not ask both Aristotle and Sir Isaac New- ton, upon what authority they suppose this to have been the Law- giver's disque? for the name of Lycurgus was common long before the Spartan was born, and we find it in Homer, II. Z. v. 130. H. v. 142. 136 ON THE ORIGINAL not properly belong to the same state of manners. And lastly, his account of persons, and facts, could not have passed through many hands; for his man- ner, not only of describing actions and characters, but of drawing portraits, looks very much, as if he had been either present, or at least had taken his information from eye-witnesses. I should not presume to oppose this reasoning to historical authority, did I not proceed upon these grounds, that, where the whole is so much conjec- ture, we may offer what appears most plausible. But as this is the best account that I can get from Homer of himself, so it is the only one that I find in history. We learn from Herodotus, that the Poet became the guest of Mentor, who was personally acquainted with Ulysses. It may be here requisite that 1 take some notice of the ancient life of Homer, handed down to us, and ascribed to Herodotus, as I differ from many upon this subject. The life of Homer is supposed by several not to be the genuine production of that historian. Mr. Pope and Dr. Parnel (for they were both concerned in the Essay) wonder that it should be ascribed to him, as it evidently contradicts his own history. They say, that it is an unsupported minute treatise, and of small estimation. I cannot help differing greatly from this respect- able authority in my opinion of the work. That the events are unsupported is true: and we may add, that they are often trivial and minute. But this does not induce me to think, that they were not col- lected by Herodotus, who was born in the Poet's neighbourhood; and would naturally wish to put together all the traditions of his life, which he could learn upon this coast. And as it is impossible to imagine a collection of circumstances, which have GENIUS OF HOMER. 137 less the appearance of fiction, 1 do not see why we should not suppose, that this was the last and most probable account, the historian could get. As for the observation, that they belong to the lowest sphere in life, I fear, it is suggested by modern distinctions of rank, unknown in those times. When we are told, by way of depreciating this written life, That it is conducted by the spirit of a grammarian ; that there is nothing in it above the life which a gram- marian might lead himself: nay, that it is such a one as they commonly do lead, the highest stage of which is to be master of a school ; we are treated with objections which arise much more out of a knowledge of modern than ancient times. The character of a grammarian was unknown not only to Homer, but to Herodotus : and when it did ap- pear, was much more respectable, than of late ; when, by an easy transition, it is connected with the name of schoolmaster, as in the present case, and conveys very false ideas of the state of know- ledge and learning. Of the same sort is the stric- ture upon the extempore verses of this treatise: which, far from being an argument against it, I take to be the most genuine mark of the age, to which it pretends. When in a written composition, the dis- tinction of verse and prose was of a short standing ; what we here called extempore verses, which are so often interspersed in the works of Herodotus, and the oldest of the Greek writers, I suppose to have been quotations from that period of knowledge previous to the common use of writing, when prose was confined to conversation, and all compositions were in metre, that they might be more easily remembered. However, our subject leads us rather to consider 138 ON THE ORIGINAL the agreement between the action of the Iliad, and the time it employs, than the Poet's age, or the chronological order of those pieces of ancient his- tory, which he has inserted in different parts of his Poem : and I have already ventured to say, that, if we examine that Iliad, as a journal of the siege of Troy, stripped of its poetical embellishments, we shall find it, in general* a consistent narrative of events, related according to the circumstances of time and place, when and where they happened : our map of Troy is proposed as the truest test of this matter. The action of the Iliad is limited to a number of days, twenty of which pass before the armies en- gage, four in battles, one in burying the dead, and one in building the fortifications: the remaining days are chiefly employed in the mourning and funeral rites of Patroclus and Hector. As the ac- tion is more animated and interesting, his time is more minutely marked and divided ; though he is extremely exact in marking time as a circumstance of truth, which gives probability to his description. He is indifferent about any other duration for his action, than that which tradition had assigned it : indeed, the strongest mark of his original character is seen in the manner, in which he treats the cir- cumstances of time and place. For, while he is ac- curate and consistent with regard to both, it is only by particular examination, that we make this disco- very. And it seems never to have entered into his head to give a map of Troy, or a journal of the siege; they are taken for granted, and as things already known. Had this been his view, he has exe- cuted it to very little purpose; for I will venture to say, that Bossu, Pope, Dacier, &c. are mistaken GENIUS OF HOMER. 139 as to his time; nor has his scene of action been minutely examined or tolerably understood by any writer, I know of, Strabo excepted. This exactness extends to his machinery, and in order to do it justice, we must take his gods into the dramatis personae : it is also as remarkable by night as by day ; and the same rule is observed of marking the circumstance of time and place with more precision, as the action is more interesting. The journey of Priam and the aged herald to the tent of Achilles, and the excursion of Ulysses and Diomede to the Trojan camp, are beautiful in- stances of this. And here let ine observe, that the severest struggle for victory happening on the day after those nocturnal exploits of Ulysses and Dio- mede, they could not be well absent on so interesting an occasion, when the whole was at stake; yet they do not make their appearance, till they had found time for that repose, which the extraordinary fatigues of the preceding night made necessary; and till the fortune of the day took that critical turn, which called for their appearance. I must own, it requires great patience to acquire a distinct idea of the days of battle : the reader is hurried with a rapidity, which does not admit of cool observation, through scenes of bloodshed and slaughter; and though his eye is now and then caught by a detached groupe, or single figure, he admires it separately, without seeing its connexion with the whole composition. I have already ob- served the advantage which painting has over poeti- cal imitation, in conveying clear and distinct ideas, by the help of minute circumstances : yet even in the best painted battle-piece this distinct expression is confined to a few principal figures in the fore- ground. But, without entering into any apology 140 ON THE ORIGINAL for Homer (which I think even the rough manners of his age cannot furnish), I will venture to say, that his descriptions of this sort become less tedious and more interesting, as we become more acquainted with the time and place of the action. As to that propriety, with which his times and seasons are, in general, adapted to his facts, it will appear through this history, when it comes to be extended in the manner above proposed. The de- tention of the Greeks at Aulis, and of Menelaus at Pharos, will fall in with the season of the Etesians; which produce the same effects in the same places, and at the same time of the year, to this day. \\\ contrary to some opinions, I open the Iliad in sum- mer, it is, because it corresponds with the operations of the tenth year of the siege, which are the subject of the Poem; and because, in a marshy situation, like that of Troy, unwholesome at this day in the hot season, nothing could be more probable and natu- ral than the fever of a crowded camp, when the >mi was most powerful : and this 1 take to have been the plague which Apollo sent among the Greeks. If I reject the opinion of those who suppose, that the town was taken in spring; it is, because they are contradicted by various passages in the Iliad. And although we should allow Virgil, or Petronius (who are called in aid upon this occasion), to be sufficient authority in such a case, still it will not operate in their favour; for though they suppose the town taken about the full moon, this does not decide the season of the year; b and as ^Sneas sails, according b Homer tells us at the opening of the Poem, that nine vears were completed, and that the tenth was begun. If we suppose this to ha?e been only Gamelion, the first month of the Attic Year, it will agree with Homer; and the deteution at Aulis, and the plague, will fall in this month. GENIUS OF HOMER. 141 to Virgil, the very beginning of the summer, we cannot suppose, that he could cut down his timber, and build a fleet of twenty ships, in a few days. But if we allow him the winter for that purpose, his operations will agree with probability and Homer. But if, laying aside the history of iEneas, and the anachronism of Dido, we examine the subordinate events of the Greek and Roman Poets, stripping them of their poetical dress, we shall find more nar- rative, precision, and consistence in the first; and that the action of the ^Eneid, though less varied by incidents, than that of the Iliad or Odyssey, is not so naturally connected by probable circumstances. As to its duration, notwithstanding all the com- mentators have said to clear it up, it remains vague and unsettled, I fear, contradictory. For iEneas arrives at Carthage in the seventh summer of his voyages ; and the next year he solemnizes the fu- neral games in Sicily, in the seventh year after the destruction of Troy. If he is right in the first cal- culation, he must be at least a year mistaken in the last. Nor is a want of distinct chronology the only defect in the account of iEneas's voyages. If we examine them with a view to that chain of consistent circumstances, which are as essential to poetical as historical truth, we shall be disappointed. Cas- The commencement of the Attic year is very material to our pur- pose ; as it will authenticate our position, as it began at the end of autumn. But will it not be best to see, what was the most mate- rial division of the Grecian year, and suppose this to have been the year alluded to by Homer, though not yet reduced to the pre- cision of the civil year? This was variously constituted among the different states of Greece. If this variety existed in Homer's time, why should we suppose him to adopt one year more than another 1 See Casini for the commencement of the Attic vear. 142 ON THE ORIGINAL sandra had laid open to Anchises the destination of his family for Italy. It is pointed out to iEneas in various manners, but most explicitly foretold by Creiisa's ghost ; who not only informs him, that he is to go to Italy, but describes the part of it, where he is to reign. Yet, in a few lines after, we see the Trojans embark, without knowing where to go. iEneas turns his back upon this promised land, and sails for Thrace; which, though, in his neighbour- hood, he describes as a distant country. The con- trivance for his leaving it is forced, unnatural, and against history : and when he sails from thence to Delos, to get information with regard to what had been already explained, it is with a wind, which could not carry him thither. Should we proceed in examining the whole action of the iEneid in this manner, we might observe little inaccuracies of the same kind, which are not to be found so frequently in Homer. But the instances, I have produced in the course of this Essay, are sufficient to shew that difference of character in the compositions of those great Poets, which is the only object of this comparison; for I do not propose it as a test of their merit. Nor are they brought to- gether in the spirit of those commentators, who think they cannot advance the reputation of the one, but at the expense of the other. I consider Homer and Virgil, as the most perfect models, that any age or country has yet produced ; perhaps less different in their genius than their fortunes : for had Virgil written first, I doubt not but Homer would have copied him. Indeed, the importance of mere priority, if properly considered, will appear much greater, than we are apt to imagine. Those, who have observed, how small a part of mankind think for themselves, how much our tastes are formed GENIUS OF HOMER. 143 upon authority, and governed by habit, must see the great advantage of getting into possession of universal, unbounded admiration. Though Homer was born with a genius, that must have figured, if not taken the lead, in any age; and wrote under greater advantages, than ever fell to the lot of any other poet; there is still a peculiar circumstance of mere good fortune, that attended his productions, to which they perhaps owe more reputation, than to their intrinsic value : viz. that they were presented to the golden age of letters, by the most acute and distinguishing genius of that or any other period ; who was in a great measure al- lowed to judge for the rest of the world, both in matters of taste and philosophy, for above two thousand years. Could I presume to oppose opinions which have been long respected, I should attempt to account for that chain of connected truth, which is more ob- servable in Homer than in Virgil, from the different objects, which those Poets had in view. That it was their intention, both to please and instruct, is not to be doubted : but in what degree these dif- ferent motives prevailed in each of them, when they did not coincide, has been much disputed. We have been told, that Homer's great object was, to make mankind, and particularly his countrymen, wiser and better ; that the Iliad, in which he teaches the blessings of order and union, and the mischiefs of ambition and discord, is in this view addressed to the whole Greek confederacy ; and that, in the Odyssey he lays down the principles of political prudence for the use of each particular state. We have also heard much of those secrets of Nature, and that physical philosophy, which he is supposed to have wrapt up in allegory ; of that fertility of 144 ON THE ORIGINAL imagination, which could clothe the properties of elements, the qualifications of the mind, the virtues and vices, in forms and persons, and introduce them into actions, agreeable to the nature of the things they shadowed/ I could wish, that those, who think so highly of the mysterious wisdom of the ancients, and take so much pains to explain their dark mode of convey- ing profound knowledge, would tell us, by what method they acquired it. I can easily conceive a connexion between mystery and falsehood or ig- norance ; but I do not see, what it has to do with truth or knowledge. When, therefore, I admit, that one of these Poets had a deeper purpose than the other, I differ totally from those, who give it to Homer, and consider the meaning of the iEneid, as more obvious, plain, and simple, than that of the Iliad or Odyssey. Nor can I help thinking (without offence to the father of criticism) that the Greek Poet found great part of his moral in his fable; and did not, like Virgil, in- vent a fable for his moral. If therefore, he only adorned the facts he took from history, they would naturally retain the same consistence in his com- positions, which they had already acquired in the opinion of the world : for it is the nature of oral tradition, the only mode of recording events then known, to magnify and embellish, rather than sup- press or pervert truth. But Virgil, who iutended a panegyric upon his prince, and a compliment to his country, looked for a fable most suitable to that plan. And we cannot do justice to his invention, without entering into the extent of his views, and the difficulties he had to encounter in carrying them into execution : for while he copied Nature through c See Pope's Essay on Homer. GENIUS OF HOMER. 145 Homer, he was to accommodate what he borrowed from both to the fortunes of Rome, and the charac- ter of Augustus. That this was his great object, he expressly declares, when he promises his JEneid to the world, and unfolds the plan of his poem. Such are the considerations I would offer to those, who are fond of comparing Homer and Virgil; not as a discouragement to our making such a compa- rison (which is curious and instructive, and affords, I think, the highest of all classical entertainment), but to shew the caution, with which we should proceed, in order to do justice to both Poets, and to explode that illiberal spirit of criticism, which has so much prevailed among commentators, that they are constantly complimenting the one, by find- ing fault with the other. HOMER'S LANGUAGE AND LEARNING. It is much to be regretted, that those, who are in other respects so well qualified to throw light on this part of our subject, by not taking into their con- sideration the Poet's age and manners, have not conceived a just idea of the genius and character of his language. Professed scholars, and critics in the Greek tongue, confine their observations prin- cipally to its state of perfection/ without consider- d This was not till after the Persian invasion, when the Greeks were roused to a sense of liberty, to which we may, in a great mea- sure, attribute more great actions and more elegant compositions than any other nation ever produced. The distinction of Greek and Barbarian was unknown to Homeland his supposed partiality K 146 ON THE ORIGINAL ing how long Homer lived before that period. They complimented him for having enriched his language with the different dialects of Greece ; though the distinction of dialects can be only known to a cul- tivated, and, in some degree, settled state of lan- guage, as deviations from an acknowledged stan- dard. 6 — They point out his poetical licences ; for- getting that, in his time, there were no composi- tions in prose. — They settle his pronunciation by an alphabet f which he did not know, and by cha- racters he never saw. — For whatever credit his story of sixteen letters brought into Greece by to the former poems to have as little foundation as the political plan of his poem. But iEschylus, who fought at Marathon, Sala- mis, and Plataea ; Sophocles, who was also a soldier; and Euri- pides, who was born amidst the triumphs of his country for vic- tories obtained in defence of the rights of a free people, looked down upon the Asiatic character with a conscious dignity and su- periority, which, though it breathes through their writings, Homer never felt, and therefore could not express. Virgil did not attend to this distinction, and even the hero of the .Eneid lets slip some allusion to the term Barbarian, which is the effect of this negligence : " Quinquaginta illi thalami, spes tanta nepotum, Barbarico postesauro spoliisque superbi, Procubuere." .Ex. ii. 504. e Nor would it be judicious to employ them indifferently. The Bergamasc, Neapolitan, and Venetian dialects, do well on the Ita- lian stage in the mouths of Harlequino, Pulcinello, and Pantalone, but a Tuscan would never think of enriching his language by using them promiscuously in an epic poem. f Without entering into a debate, whether writing was in common use in the days of Homer; let us suppose it to have been familiar to him : yet the letters with which he was acquainted were few If they were the Cadmian ; they were all capitals: and there were no stops; and accents were of later introduction. And if we may judge from the Sigean inscription, the arrangement bv the manner of writing stated /Wrpo^or was different and embarrassed. GENIUS OF HOMER. 147 Cadmus may deserve, it is allowed, that the twenty- four letters of the Ionian alphabet were not in use till after Homer's time. — His prosody, 5 or musical expression, must have been soon corrupted ; for it is remarkable that the old chaste Greek melody was lost in refinement, before the other arts had acquired perfection. Could Homer have heard his poems sung or recited, even at the Panathenaean fes- tival, I dare say he would have been offended at the elegance, perhaps the affectation, of the Attic ac- cent and articulation; not to mention the various changes to which Greek pronunciation has been and is daily exposed. — I remember, when I was at Athens, that I sent for a Greek schoolmaster, and when we read the Iliad together, we could not bear each other's manner of pronunciation. I make no doubt but Homer would have been as much at a loss to understand his own works, read by us, as we were to understand one another. History cannot point out a period, when the lan- guage of Greece, like that of Rome, and of most other countries, was confined to a single state, or community. In what proportion it was original ; or of foreign extraction ; in what degree a Northern or Oriental mixture entered into its composition, or which part of the Greek continent, or islands, gave it birth, and first distinguished it by a name, will ever remain the obscure questions of antiquaries. * Much has been written on this subject; but to so little pur- pose, that even the meaning of that word is not ascertained. It is not clear in what degree the Upocrahat of the ancients belonged to music or to grammar. If they were at first entirely musical (which I think is highly probable), at what time were they adopted to fix pronunciation ? Could we understand the real use of those marks which we call accents, it is probable, that all we should learn by it would be to know imperfectly, how Greek was pronounced by those who studied and taught it as a dead or foreign language, k2 148 ON THE ORIGINAL But so far we know, that in its early and unpolished state, it was the language of various independent tribes ; who, being all interested in the common stock, contributed towards its increase and im- provement, according to their different circum- stances and fortunes. How it got so early into verse and measure, and was in that shape admitted into the service of legislation, morality, and religion, is uncertain. How prose composition came to be of a later date, introduced perhaps with the use of writ- ing, which brought with it arts and philosophy, and a more chaste and faithful mode of recording facts, is also matter of obscurity. That their alphabet was borrowed is very clear. Yet their terms of science seem to shew, that in the study of Nature they were original. Indeed we have no better guide to the rise and progress of Greek knowledge, than Greek etymology; which is in this respect Greek history. It is curious to trace the lan- guage of Homer to its passing into the service of philosophy : and it is no less so, to find the diction of Plato and Aristotle in common use at this day in the Archipelago. It is indeed disguised : and ap- pears like rich marble friezes of temples, and frag- ments with inscribed decrees of ancient councils and senates; which are frequently found reversed in the mud walls of a Turkish cottage, retaining in their present humiliation the genuine marks of better times. It appears from Homer, that, before the siege of Troy, it had spread considerably, not only over the continent, and islands of Greece, but on the Asiatic side of the Mediterranean. We may also conclude from him, that it was the language of Troy. h In- deed, if we inquire critically into the history of * See Strabo, on the affinity of the Thraeiau and Trojan language. GENIUS OF HOMER. 149 Greek composition, we must look for their first pro- ductions of this kind in the neighbourhood of the Troade, long before Athens had given any indications of the figure she afterward made in letters. — Or- pheus, Musaeus, Eumolpus, and Thomyris, were of Thrace; and Marsyas, Olympus, Midas, &c. were of the Ionian side of the Maeander. Totally diffe- rent from this was the rise and progress of letters at Rome. Her illiterate citizens loved liberty and their country, before they relished science, and discover- ed a taste for the arts of imitation. And when they turned their thoughts late that way, it was less im- pulse of genius, than the striking productions of Greece, which roused them from a lethargy of a most extraordinary duration. Accordingly their first poets and philosophers frequently copy and sometimes translate: and their best performances are those, which retain most of the borrowed spirit, by which they were first enlivened. A language, like that of Greece, formed, at least improved, under the rival patronage of so many separate states, is a singularity, which it is less dif- ficult to account for in a cluster of small islands, almost surrounded by a broken and divided conti- nent. The same distribution of land and water, which, as we have already observed, furnished Homer with so much picturesque scenery, was also well calculated for a variety of little settlements, distinct and independent of each other, within a narrow compass ; and therefore capable of an inter- course without jealousy, which the contiguous pos- sessions, and disputable boundaries of an extended plain country would not permit. Besides, the effects of war and conquest could not be felt here: the business of war, as well as of peace, being carried on in Greek, between Grecian and Grecian : so that 150 ON THE ORIGINAL the language might be enriched, while the country was impoverished. I cannot help considering those separate nurseries of the Greek language, as a circumstance which most materially promoted its progress, by raising a competition, and secured its duration, by affording refuge and protection from the persecution and dis- couragements of any particular state; and I think we may venture to reckon the emulation and pro- tection, which this produced, among the causes, that contributed towards carrying literature in Greece to a degree of perfection which it never reached in any other country. We shall perhaps find, that the particular period in this progress, which fell to Homers lot, though not the most advanced, was not, for that reason, the less adapted to the purposes of that original cha- racter, now under our consideration : nor will it, upon examination, appear so extraordinary, while manners were rude, when arts were little cultivated, and before science was reduced to general princi- ples, that then poetry had acquired a greater degree of perfection than it has ever since attained. We have already seen, in our review of Homers state of society, a uniformity of manners, previous to the distinction of rank, and condition, which pro- duced that noble simplicity of language unknown to polished ages. Though the venerable beauties of that antiquated style must, in some degree, strike every reader; yet we cannot do it justice without looking back to the times it describes ; it is only from a knowledge of those early times, that we im- prove a relish of its beauties, and find an apology for its faults. . As to the Poet's Learning, I must own, that very different accounts are given of it, even bv some of GENIUS OF HOMER. 151 his best commentators ; and great pains have been taken to shew, not only that he was extensively ac- quainted with the arts both of use and elegance, but that he was knowing in the secrets of deep and ab- struse science. This opinion has been both credited and supported, from the earliest times. And we find Plato, who admired Homer, as a poet, taking- great pains to confute those who had conceived so highly of his knowledge. I know of no authority to which we can appeal, in this case, of equal weight with Homer himself. It is principally from him that we have formed our ideas of that sameness in the pursuits and occupa- tions of mankind in the heroic ages, which is the genuine character of an early stage of society. Trades and professions were as yet scarcely divided into separate classes ; nor was that useful distribu- tion of industry yet imagined, which makes labour light, gives perfection to art, and variety to manners. But then, as the business and pleasures of life were rude, simple, and confined, they lay more open to the Poet's observation : and as he painted what he saw with so much truth, I fancy, we are too apt to think he knew much more than he painted. But I wonder, that those who have conceived so highly of the Poet's science, should not have at- tempted to settle a question, which seems so neces- sary towards forming a just judgment on that head, viz. How far the use of Writing was known to Homer? We are not far removed from the age, when great statesmen, and profound politicians, did not know their alphabet I mention this undoubted fact to lessen the readers astonishment at any insinuation, that Homer could neither read nor write. Nor will it appear altogether so paradoxical, if we consider, 152 ON THE ORIGINAL how much the one is the work of genius, and the other of art. Poetry is found in savage life ;* and, even there, is not without those magic powers over our passions, which is the boasted character of its perfect state. But the art of establishing that won- derful intercourse between the senses of hearing and seeing, by means of arbitrary marks, that iia\e no resemblance to the idea, which is by agreement affixed to them, must have been the result of much deep thought and reflection. I am not surprised that antiquity, however fond of tracing every art up to its inventor, should attribute that of writing to the gods. If the invention of printing is ingenious, what shall we say to that of letters? But indeed we treat this invaluable gift of Art, of which we are in constant use, as we do some of the greatest gifts of Nature, which we daily enjoy, without due atten- tion, or proper respect either for the ingenuity or utility of the discovery. If we consult the Poet on this question, it must appear very remarkable 1 , that, in so comprehensive a picture of civil society, as that which he has left us, there is nothing, that conveys an idea of letters, or reading; none of the various terms, which belong to those arts, are to be found in Homer. The Iliad and Odyssey are apparently addressed to an au- dience; nor is therein either poem any allusion to writing. As to symbolical, hierogh phical, or pic- ture description, something of that kind was no doubt known to Homer, of which the letter k (as it 1 Strabo, p. 34. tells us, that as poetical composition first ap- peared with success, prose only left out the measure; following the poet in every thing else. By degrees the poetical manner was discontinued, and Poetry, as Plutarch expresses it, at length de- scended from her car. k arinara Xirypct. — II. vi. 168* GENIUS OF HOMER. 153 is called) which Bellerophon carried to the king of Lycia, is a proof. The Mexicans, though a civilized people, had no alphabet; and the account which they sent to Montezuma of the landing of the Spa- niards was in this picture-writing. As alphabetical writing is one of the most difficult, so this method of communicating thoughts by imitation, is one of the most obvious, of all inventions. The first efforts of our infant expression are of the mimetic kind ; and the names which different nations have given to the constellations are a proof of our natural disposition to communicate and explain our thoughts by help of animal resemblances. Though I will not con- clude, that Homer did not know that which is not taken notice of in his writings (a manner of reason- ing which has been carried too far upon other occa- sions) ; yet I cannot help thinking his silence on this head of some weight. There are many evidences to be obtained, which will prove, that writing came late to Greece. Ac- cording to Homer, and other early writers, all trea- ties, stipulations, and contracts, were verbal ; and on this account they were enforced with signs only, and solemn allusions, and appeals to Heaven. The rites of hospitality were held sacred, and were duly commemorated. This was effected, not by any formal deed, and with the ratification of a signet; but by a mutual present of a tripod, or a sword, or perhaps some arrows : and oftentimes of a robe, or garment. The ancients were very zealous to keep up the memory of those, who had deserved well of their country : but all the memorial, which they were able to afford, was a mound of earth over the deceased. This is the whole, that Hector requests, should it be his fate to be slain in single fight; and he desires, that the same may be bestowed upon his 154 ON THE ORIGINAL adversary, should it be his fortune to kill Ajax. For farther record he trusts solely to tradition ; by which he supposes, that his tomb will be distinguished. It was not uncommon to erect a aTv\oq or rough pillar, over those of note, who were buried : and there was sometimes a device: but no mention is made of an inscription. Elpenor had an oar put over him to de- note his occupation, but no writing. When, in pro- cess of time, this art became known in Greece, it v by no means in general use : for it was attended with much difficulty, as well as uncertainty : being desti- tute of aspirates, and intervals ; and without the be- nefit of punctuation. The materials too for writing were very rude, and inadequate to the purpose. For want of the necessary helps in arrangement, it was difficult to distinguish words, and sentences, and readily to arrive at the purport of any composition. These inconveniences are mentioned by Aristotle : and every inscription of early date evinces, that these difficulties subsisted, when learning first , dawned. And from hence we may fairly inter, that writing could not have been long introduced, where such rude specimens were exhibited. Joseph us rightly observes, that there are no allusions to any written laws in Homer: and that the word m does not occur as a law in any part of that Poet. The first written laws, of which we can be assured, were those of Draco. Before these times all m effected by memory; and the histories of ancient times were commemorated in verses, which people took care faithfully to transmit to those, who came after them. They were also preserved in temples, where, upon festivals, the priests and priestess used to chant them to the people. There were also bards, whose sole province it was to commemorate the great actions of their gods and heroes. Their GENIUS OF HOMER. 155 law was intrusted to verse, and adapted to measure and music. From all which we learn, that all was consigned to memory ; and that there was no written record. If it is asked, At what time then did the Greeks find out the alphabet ? for, according to this account of it, the interval between Homer and the Persian invasion was not equal to such a discovery, and after that period the use of writing was familiarly known in Greece. The answer is, that it was not of Greek invention; and without returning to the obscure history of Cadmus, I shall only observe, that the authority of Herodotus in favour of Phoenicia de- serves the more credit, as it contradicts the known vanity of his countrymen. Had it been discovered by them, we should certainly have known more of its history. Besides, the resemblance between the old Eastern and first Greek character seems to put this out of dispute. Now, as the use of an alphabet, though difficult to find out, when once found is easily communicated, it is not extraordinary, that we should know little about the time, when it was in- troduced : which introduction was probably effected not at once ; but must have depended not only upon the degree of civilization in the country, and the pro- gress of its own knowledge, but also upon the com- mencement, the nature, and the extent, of its inter- courseand connexion with Phoenicia, and the south- east part of the Mediterranean. But there is a singular circumstance in the history of Greek literature, which, if properly considered, will, I think, throw some light on this subject. It is allowed on all hands, that prose writing was un- known in Greece, till long after the Poet's time; and that, down to Cadmus the Milesian, and Phe- recydes of Syros, all composition was in verse. After 156 ON THE ORIGINAL much refined and unsatisfactory modern reasoning on this head, I beg leave to go back to the plain account of it, which Aristotle 1 long since suggested; when, inquiring why the same word in Greek sig- nified a song and a law, he asked, whether it was not because, before the invention of writing, laws were sung, that they might not be forgotten, accord- ing to the practice of the Agathyrsians in bis time? It would be difficult to account for so long a prio- rity of verse to prose, if we suppose them to have been some time in possession of an alphabet. 111 It is contrary to the natural order and progress of things, to imagine, that the first essays of alpha- betical writing should be made in ver>e : and even granting its first application was in this way, it is unreasonable to think that it could, for any time, be confined to that species of composition, and that other obvious advantages of a discovers fill to society should be so long neglected. Before that invention, verse and music were very necessary aids to memory, then solely intrusted with the whole deposit of law, history, and religion, till the art of writing introduced a more faithful, and comprehensive method of recording thi Perhaps we cannot give a better account of the policy of obliging the youths to get by heart Hon Catalogue, and ordering his works to be publicly 1 Problem Sect. \ix. Art. '28. ra See the Life of Homer by Herodotus, where Phenias the school- master is said to have taught the children yoaufjara. *»• ibo the epigram upon the sepulchre of Midas. It is scarce worth trou- bling the reader with an answer to any } !>ring these as evidences of Homer's knowing letters. -f/<« »s a monu- ment, or mark of a burial-place, and often to be found in Homer. It was a large heap of earth or stoues over the dead. Then oftentimes something added to denote the person's } which is a custom still practised in Scotland. GENIUS OF HOMER. 157 recited at the Panathensean ceremonies, than by considering them as regulations relative to a state of society ignorant of writing, or at least unpro- vided with the materials necessary to reap the benefit of the invention, which were extremely scarce even for ages after that time. If this reasoning be admitted to have any weight, it will allow us to fix the common familiar use of an alphabet in Greece, and prose writing, to pretty much the same period, viz. about five hundred and fifty-four years before Christ. The best account we can collect of the rise and progress of knowledge in Greece corresponds with this state of things. The seven Sages, so much ce- lebrated for their wisdom, have transmitted very little of it to posterity ; and all their works consist of a few smart sayings, moral sentences, and scraps of poetry, which oral tradition had preserved. Thales and Pythagoras, whose schools peopled Greece with philosophers, left no writings behind them; the same may be said of Socrates, who lived still later. Thespis wrote no tragedies, Susarion no comedies, and most probably iEsop no fables. What is more ex- traordinary, legislation was considerably advanced before written laws were in use, if we may credit the accounts concerning Charondas and Zeleucus, who lived before Draco, by whom written laws were first produced. As to the difficulty of conceiving how Homer could acquire, retain, and communicate, all he knew, without the aid of letters, it is, I own, very striking. And yet, I think, it will not appear insurmountable, if, upon comparing the fidelity of oral tradition, and the powers of memory, with the Poet's knowledge, we find the two first much greater, and the latter much less, than we are apt to imagine. 158 ON THE ORIGINAL The Mexicans, who had no alphabet, and whose picture-writing on the leaves of trees was very in- sufficient for the purpose of history, trusted to the memory of their poets and orators, from whose recitals the Spaniards wrote down the accounts which they have transmitted. In like manner the historians of Ireland have collected their materials from the lays of their bards and fileas ; whose ac- counts have been merely traditional. But the oral traditions of a learned and enlight- ened age will greatly mislead us, if from them we form our judgment on those of a period, when history had no other resource. What we obsei v< d at Palmyra puts this matter to a much fairer trial ; nor can we, in this age of dictionaries, and other technical aids to memory, judge, what her use and powers were, at a time, when all a man could know, was all he could remember. To which we may add, that, in a rude and unlettered state of society the memory is loaded with nothing that is cither useless or unintelligible: whereas modern educa- tion employs us chiefly in getting by heart, while we are young, what we forget before we are old. When all exertions, not only of the judgment, but of the imagination, depended so much upon me- mory, the Muses were with peculiar propriety sup- posed to be the daughters of n Mnemosune. This pedigree will perhaps account for Homer's addi ing them with such solemnity, when he is going to n 'Movercu Q\vf.i7riahe, KOVpflU Aioc aiyio\oio, Tag er Tlupirj Kpovictj reice Tarpi fiiyeiaa Mn// Li0 < Tl ' , ' 7 ?» yovvoiffiv HAeiStjpog pEceovera, Aiicrf-ioavniv re kcikiov, af.nravj.ia re uepftrjpa^y. Erica yap 61 rvxrag efiiffyero fji]rura Zf re, Noc^tv air adararioi-, tepov \e\oc EiaavaSau u>> • AW ore h) p iriavroQ £>/r, tteoi ? tr tu, M»;i u)r otfirn run -, ~eot c quara ircW t-tXeadt], GENIUS OF HOMER. 159 recite the Grecian and Trojan forces, the names of their commanders, and the number of their ships. This mere arithmetical part of the Iliad is that, which he undertakes with most diffidence ; and where he is most solicitous of their aid : though a modern poet would scarcely think of invoking his muse on such an occasion. It is true, we find the same invocation in Virgil, when he enumerates the forces of iEneas and Turnus. But besides that his close and constant imitation of Homer will go a great way in accounting for this, he copies him in this instance with an exception, which I think fa- vours my conjecture: for he omits Homer's exagge- ration of the difficulty in recollecting the numbers ; though he liked the expression so well, as to adopt it upon two other occasions. 'H & erst: evvecl Kovpag 6jj.o(f)povag, rjaiv aoidri Mfju/3\erai, ev (TTrjdeaffty aKrfha Qvfiov £-)(ovaaig, TvtQov an cu'porart/c Kopvtyi)g vityoEvrog 0\vfJL7rov, Er0a otyiv Xnrapot te \opot y ko.i diofiara kclXcl. Hesiod, Theog. v. 52. • The reader may form his judgment, by comparing the original, and the copy: E, manner? The laws of Zaleucus were not committed to writing. It is true, that the Jaws of Solon were engraved either in stone or upon wood, like the Decalogue, and those of the twelve tables. But there seems to have been but one copy of them : and that was for some time deposited in the Acropolis, but was after- ward removed to the Prytaneum for the more easy inspection of the people. While writing was con- fined to engraving upon wood, brass, or marble, the art could not well be in very general use. Agree- ments and contracts, both public and private, were made before witnesses. The conditions of the treaty between the Grecians and Trojans were au- thenticated only by a solemn verbal convention, to which both armies were witnes:*e>. The tenure and Here Virgil omits his " Non, mi hi si lingure centum siut oraque centum, Ferrea vox — " which he introduces, Georg. ii. 42. and JEneid vi. G'2b GENIUS OF HOMER. 161 purchase of the cave at Macpelah, which Abraham bought for himself and his heirs for ever, at the price of four hundred shekels of silver, were ascer- tained in the presence of Ephron, and the sons of Heth. Commerce consisted in little more than an ex- change of superfluities in kind ; p coins were un- known ; gold, silver, brass, and iron, were all used as marks of riches, but with little knowledge either of the relative value, or of the separate uses to which they were afterward applied in a more advanced state of the mechanical arts. When Proteus takes an account of the numbers of his sea-calves, the manner in which he performs that operation is expressed by a Greek verb, q to which there is nothing in our language literally equivalent. When therefore I say that he fived them, I take the liberty of coining a word, which, corresponding precisely with the old Greek term, will convey to the English reader an allusion to the origin of arithmetic ; for the Greek word, not used, that I can find, by any writer after Homer, seems to point out the first simple method of enumeration, while the operation was confined to the h\e fingers of one hand, and before the decimal computation, or the arithmetic of two hands, was practised. I do not mean to undervalue Homer's arithmetical know- ledge, so much as to measure it exactly by this primitive term ; for though it continued to express enumeration in his time, it certainly belonged to a more imperfect state of that art, as we find him use the decimal progression; which has been adopted by all nations, ancient and modern, with very few p See Iliad vii. v. 471. where brass, iron, skins, oxen, and slaves, are exchanged for wine. * TrefJiirat had a beginning. Yet I see nothing in the Iliad or Odyssey like the use of the pencil and colours in producing resemblance ; no hint of the clair obscur, or the art of raising an object on a flat surface, and approaching it to the eye by the management GENIUS OF HOMER. 165 of light and shade. Nor can I find a word in the Iliad or Odyssey to express any thing like such an art. I know it is generally understood, that the same word u signified originally both to write and to paint. That it had both these meanings in later times is true : but the Poet always applies this word to express incision made by a sharp weapon or instrument; and it would be easy to shew from a variety of Jewish as well as Grecian authorities, that the first writing practised by either of those nations was engraved, and not painted. The same may be said of architecture, which, though it owes more to Homer's country, if he was an Ionian, than to any other, seems not to have been known in his time as an art. x I do not mean to say that ornamented convenience or even magni- ficence of a certain kind was not yet introduced into buildings ; the contrary is evident from many passages in the Poet : but we see no marks of that symmetry and proportion which afterwards distin- guished the architecture of Greece from that of Egypt, in the Iliad and Odyssey; the Greek orders were not yet invented ; and Priam's palace, " Rais'd on arch'd columns of stupendous fame." is of the translator's building, whose ideas upon this occasion are borrowed from the magnificence of later ages. In short, we do not even find the tech- nical terms of this art in Hemer. Sculpture, so far as it had the human figure for its object, arrived soonest at perfection in Greece; and from the ten- dency of Grecian education towards athletic and manly exercises, had the advantage of elegant and graceful form. Architecture not being the imitation u ypa(f)(o. * Sardis, the capital of Crcesus, consisted of a parcel of thatched houses. Herod, i. v. c. 101. 166 ON THE ORIGINAL of any model of Nature, could not be so soon esta- blished, for want of some universal settled princi- ples : its most perfect style was therefore late. Homer has been highly extolled for his know- ledge of medicine and anatomy, particularly the latter ; and his insight into the structure of the human body has been considered as so nice, that he has been imagined by some to have wounded his heroes with too much science.' This has been con- firmed by those of the profession, who finding the Poet correct and learned in his anatomical term-, have not hesitated to pronounce him knowing in their art. But had they considered, that those were not terms of art in the Poet's days ; that he had no words to express the parts of the human body, than those, which have been since consecrated to a par- ticular profession : and if, at the same time thtv had observed, that ail his anatomical knowledge di not exceed the reach of that cariosity, with which he seems to have surveyed and examined ever] object in Nature, that fell within his observation, they would have suppressed that inconsiderate ad- miration, which has been lavished on his scien and have paid it, where it is due, to his just con- ception and happy expression as a painter. In the same manner, the words rpemu m\ioio 1. I think, misled those, who, collecting from that expression the Poet's astronomical science, draw from its conclusions with regard to the time when he lived. The Tropics, say they, were rir>t known to Thales; but they are mentioned by Horn therefore the Poet was posterior to the philosopher. I have already attempted to restore lion sense of this expression; and if. agreeable to the T See Pope's Essay on Homer. GENIUS OF HOMER. 107 explanation which I have given of the passage, we translate these words the conversions or turnings, instead of the tropics of the sun ; that is, if we take a synonymous word from common life, instead of that which, though it belonged to common life in the Poet's time, has been since adopted by science, we shall come nearer to the simplicity of his mean- ing; and we shall find that the expression implies no more astronomical science, than falls to the share of every peasant, who observes that the sun turns from us in winter, and towards us in summer. When I learn from Plutarch, that Alexander ad- mired Achilles, and envied him such a poet as Homer to sing his praises, I can easily give credit to a circumstance so much in character. But when I consider the great improvements in the art of war between the time of Homer and the son of Philip, and yet am told, that the latter consulted the Iliad for military knowledge, I cannot help imputing it to his own affectation, or his preceptor's pedantry. For Homer's battles, like those of Bourguignon and other painters of that class, exhibit a few distinct figures in the fore-ground ; all the rest is unintelli- gible confusion. From this short view of what I conceive to have been the compass of Homer's knowledge, I shall venture to offer my opinion, as matter of conjecture (to more I do not pretend, without a farther investi- gation of this subject); that the art of writing, though probably known to Greece when the Poet lived, was very little practised there ; that all knowledge at that time was preserved by memory, and with that view committed to verse, till an alphabet intro- duced the use of prose in composition. Nor do 1 propose this entirely without authority. 2 2 See Iliad vi. 168. and vii. 175. 168 ON THE ORIGINAL Eustathius is of this opinion, as well as Didymus, or whoever was the author of the less Scholia. Add to these the testimony of a Josephus, who, though not without his national prejudices, was a most re- spectable judge of this question. He cannot fail of having great weight with those, who will be at the trouble to takea candid and dispassionate view of his answer to Apion. In this treatise he takes notice of the variety of calamities, which had destroyed the re- cords of the Grecians, and introduced great changes in life and society, upon which rival pretension- to antiquity were founded, each tribe and >tah -claiming seniority. He proceeds to observe, 10 respect to their late and imperfect knowledge of letters, that they, who carried that claim highest! went DO farther back than the Phenicians,aud Cadmus, from whom they are supposed to have received the use of the alphabet. At the same time he expressly declares, that they could not produce a single m< moriitl in writing of so old a date, neither in their religious Off civil records; and he adds, that the works of Homer, the oldest known production of Greece, were not preserved in writing, but were sung, and retained by memory. If then, with Josephu>. we suppose that Homer left no written copy of his works, the ac- count we find of them in ancient writers becomes more probable. It is generally supposed that Lv- curgus brought them from Ionia into Greece, where they were known before only by scraps and de- tached pieces. Diogenes Laertius attributes the merit of this performance to Solon: Cicero gives it to Pisistratus: and Plato to Hipparchus : and they may possibly a Contra Apion. lib. i. b Jackson, v. 3. p. 133. in contradiction to Must alh in «. Plu- tarch, /Elian, and others. GENIUS OF HOMER. 160 have been all concerned in it. But there would have been no occasion for each of these persons to have sought so diligently for the parts of these poems, and to have arranged them so carefully, if there had been a complete copy. If, therefore, the Spartan Lawgiver, and the other personages com- mitted to writing, and introduced into Greece, what had been before only sung by the rhapsodists of Ionia, just as some curious fragments of ancient poetry have been lately collected in the northern parts of this island, their reduction to order in Greece was a work of taste and judgment: and those great names which we have mentioned might claim the same merit in regard to Homer, that the ingenious editor of Fingal is entitled to from Ossian. What we have offered on this head may seem in- jurious to the Poet, as it certainly robs him of a re- spectable part of his character, which has been long acknowledged, and contradicts that favourite opi- nion of his learning, which his admirers, ancient and modern, have taken so much pains to propagate. But let us, on the other hand, inquire whether he might not derive some advantages from this illite- rate state of things, to compensate that loss. Perhaps one of the greatest was that of his having but one language to express all he knew. Nor was the particular period of that language, which fell to his lot, less advantageous to him. For if we exa- mine the rise and progress of language, with a view to its application and use, we shall find that the several stages of its advancement are not equally favourable to every display of genius; and that the useful artist and the philosopher will find their ac- count in certain improvements, which rather impede than forward the Poet's views. His business is en- tirely with Nature ; and the language, which belongs 170 ON THE ORIGINAL to imperfect arts, simple manners, and unlettered society, best suits his purpose. If then Homer found the Greek language consi- derably advanced, without the assistance of writing, its improvements (to which, no doubt, he contri- buted largely) being entirely addressed to the i in a climate, where conception is quick, and the organs of speech capable of nice articulation, it * of course formed to music nod poetry, then closely united. When the sen C&tcbed from the sound, and not deliberately collected from paper, simplicity and clearness were mora necessary. loTOlfed period* and an embarrassed style were not introduced, till writing became more an art, and labour supplied the place of genius. The frequent repetition of entire passages (for which Homer is censored) x not only more natural, but le ter more attentively, we shall find, that criticism is founded in the distinction between what was mimetic, and what was not so in poc try. Not to trouble the reader with much quotation (which I wish to avoid, at least for the | will refer him to Plato. This writer, in the third book of bifl K« - public, is very explicit in distinguishing what is pure narration; and what is mimetic, or dramatic. The first is, where the Poet speaks in his own person. The second, when an actor is intro- duced. He according^ gives instances out of the Iliad and O sey, which poems consist of both. Eustathius, whenhe begins his Commentary upon the Catalogue, recites this distinction very fullv, in order to introduce his observation upon the manner, in which Homer keeps up his spirit in that enumeration oi the form it WIS difficult to be here maintained, as the the GENIUS OF HOMER. 171 do not see, why written poetry is to be ascribed to that class : or why Homer's account of the Curetes and iEtolians should be imitation, while the war between the Grecians and Persians, by Herodotus, is to be called narration. The language which we bring into the world with us is not confined to the organs of speech; but it is made up of voice, countenance, and gesture. And had not our powers of articulation, that distinguish- ing mark of our social constitution, suggested a more convenient mode of conveying our ideas, the simple tones of Nature, with the varieties of modulation, which are now assigned to the province of music, might have been applied to the purposes of common life, as we are told they are in some degree among the Chinese. Speaking and singing would differ little, as the original Greek words, which signify both, seem to imply ; the human countenance would have not only retained but improved its natural powers of expression, which it is now the great bu- siness of education to suppress, and the dumb lan- guage of gesticulation would have made a very sig- nificant part of conversation. Such is the language of Nature, without which there could be no language of compact, the first sup- plying that communication of ideas which was ab- solutely necessary to establish the latter; though, afterward falling into disuse, in proportion to the progress and improvement of what was gradually mimetic or dramatic kind. Aristotle, in his Poetics (C. 24.) com- pliments Homer particularly, as the only Poet, who knew, how little he should appear himself, and how much he should leave for imitation. Dionysius Halicarnasseusis, or whoever was the author of the Treatise upon Homer's Poetry, takes notice of the Poet's transition from the narrative to the mimetic, from the fariyrjuaTimv to the j-tifiiiTiKov. 172 ON THE ORIGINAL substituted in its stead. But, though banished in great measure from common use, it still retains its powers in the province of poetry, where the most finished efforts of artificial language are but cold and languid circumlocution, compared with that passionate expression of Nature, which, incapable of misrepresentation, appeals directly to our feelings, and finds the shortest road to the heart. It was to , be found in every production of genius, and in all poetry ; that is to say, all composition was dramatic. It was therefore an advantage to the Father of poetry, that he lived before the language of Compact and Art had so much prevailed over that of Nature and Truth. The same early stage of artificial language may perhaps help us to another 11 reason for a circum- stance not less extraordinary in itself, than fortu- nate to letters; viz. that Homer, though the oldest, is the clearest and most intelligible of all ancient writers. The Greek vocabulary, though copious in his time, was not yet equivocal; ambiguity of , expression was little known before the birth of Science; when Philosophy, adopting the language of common life, applied known terms to new mean- ings, and introduced that confusion and obscurity, which still continues to supply matter for polemical writings, and to be the chief support of metaphysical subtlety and refinement. Could Homer take a view of the various fortunes and changes which his language has undergone in the service of literature, he would be surprised to see so many volumes of controversy about the sig- nification of words, which conveyed to him the in 11 Sec above, where his simplicity ind clearness of style is sup posed in some degree owing to writing not having been in use. GENIUS OF HOMER. 173 distinct images of things ; and to find, that terms, which, in his time, were universally acknowledged as the signs of certain external objects of sense, should have acquired an additional meaning, which the philosophy and learning of so many ages have not yet been able to settle. If his language had not yet acquired the refine- ments of a learned age, it was for that reason not only more intelligible and clear, but also less open to pedantry and affectation. For as technical and scientific terms were unknown, before the separa- tion of arts: and till science became the retired pur- suit of a few, as there was no school but that of Life, and no philosophy but that of Common Sense; so we find in Homer nothing out of the reach of an ordinary capacity, and plain understanding: and those who look farther, seem to neglect his obvious beauties. It may perhaps be thought that this early state of artificial language, to which we attribute so much of the Poet's clearness and unaffected simplicity, must have cramped him in the variety of his num- bers: but the Greek tongue never had more distinct sounds e in proportion to its clear ideas, than at this period; which was therefore precisely the time in this respect fittest for poetical expression. It is true, that in its more enriched and polished state, it was the repository of much knowledge, to which Homer was a stranger ; but its acquisition of new words was by no means in proportion to that of new meanings, as we have already observed ; and the business of literature in all its branches was carried on chiefly upon the original stock. e After his poems were introduced at Athens, we find that they were sung and recited, and that rhapsodists were employed for this purpose. 174 ON THE ORIGINAL But, besides that his language was sufficiently co- pious for his purposes, it had other advantages more favourable to harmonious versification, than ever fell to the lot of any other Poet. I shall first mention the Greek particles ; and I cannot help assigning the priority of verse f to prose in this language, as the reason why it abounds so much more with par- ticles than any other; which are to hexameter verse, what small stones are to a piece of masonry, ready at hand to fill up the breaks and interstices, and connect those of a larger size, so exactly as to give a smooth compactness to the whole. And we accordingly find them occur more frequently in the old poets, and in the early prose writers, who had no poetical models, and artificial helps, upon which they could form their style. I do not mean to say that Homer's particles were altogether condemned to this mere expletive duty. They contribute very much to the clearness of his meaning as well as to the length of his vera B. And though the great use made of them by the best prose writers may be in some degree owing to an imitation of Homer, we must acknowledge that they have a great share in the connexion, and per- spicuity, which is remarkable in those early compo- sitions. We find them much used by the first prose writers of the best Greek times, who found them necessary to connexion and perspicuity : qualities in an author, which are strangely neglected since those inferior parts of speech have been so much discarded from the fashionable style of most mo- dern languages. Another great poetical advantage of Homer's language is, that facility with which two or more See Aristotle of Sostrales aud Mnesistheus. See Plato's Iou. GENIUS OF HOMER. 175 words connect and join together, g to the great im- provement both of the sound and the sense ; for it is hard to say, whether the ear is more filled with the harmony, or the mind with the imagery, of those sonorous and descriptive compound epithets, which have an effect in this language, unknown to any other. What was of so much use to poetry and Homer, has not been without its convenience to philosophers and artists after him. Even at this day the expression in modern languages is enriched by a Greek compound, coined for the purpose of expressing much in a single word. While to all this we add, that very extensive poetical licence, which shortens, lengthens, adds, suppresses, changes, and transposes letters and syl- lables, at the beginning, the middle, and the end of words, we must also consider, that those are not only advantages, which the Greek language pos- sesses above all others ; but which, in all probabi- lity, Homer enjoyed above all Greek poets. For when criticism took its rise as an art, and Aristotle found in the Iliad and Odyssey those rules of com- position, which the Poet drew from Nature, those e When the Rhapsodists recited Homer from written copies, the whole was in capitals, without punctuation, aspiration, or any marks or intervals to distinguish words. This has been the chief cause of false readings in Homer. Our account of Greek composition beginning with verse, affords a reason for the ignorance of the first critics in the etymology of their own language. Plato is so ridiculous upon that head, that it is scarce possible to believe him serious. I will venture to say, that the etymology of his language is better understood at this day than it was in his time. It also ac- counts for the great abundance of particles in this language be- yond all other languages. The poets introduced them for helps to measure ; and their successors retained them, copying implicitly those who had gone before them, as the best models for com- position. 176 ON THE ORIGINAL bounds of poetical licence were prescribed for others, which his unlimited fancy had freely sug- gested to himself; and the liberties he chose to take, 11 became the laws which they were obliged to follow. Thus the simplicity, without meanness or indeli- cacy, of the Poet's language rises out of the state of his manners. There could be no mean or indeli- cate expression, where no mean or indelicate idea was to be conveved. There could be no technical terms, before the separation of arts from life, and of course no pedantry, and few abstract ideas be- fore the birth of philosophy ; consequently, though there was less knowledge, there was less obscurity. As he could change the form without changing the meaning of his words, and vary their sound without altering their sense, he was not tempted to sacrifice truth and nature to harmony and numbers. Such was the advantages of language which contri- buted to makeHomeras original in his expression, as in his conception; and (keeping to our idea of him as a painter) as happy in his colouring as his outline ; simple with dignity; natural without indelicacy; informed without pedantry ; the most clear and in- telligible, as well as the most musical and harmo- nious, of all poets. h I do not mean that Homer extended bis liberty so far, as to pay no regard to the quantity of words, which use had established. The absurdity of such a supposition is so obvious, that I wonder it should have been admitted for a moment. But he certainly in- dulged in liberties of this kind to a degree, which could not es- cape early animadversion. * Euclid the elder used to say. it is easy to be a poet, if you may lengthen words as you please. * Aristot. Poet. C. "22. GENIUS OF HOMER. 177 CONCLUSION. If our conjectures with regard to the two leading circumstances of Homer's poetical life, viz. his coun- try and his travels, founded upon the different ideas he seems to have conceived of men and things, under the various influences of those distinct relations, are at all plausible, considered separately, they will de- serve additional credit under a comparative view ; for as, on the one hand, the traveller discovers him- self to be an Ionian, so, on the other, the Ionian proves himself to be a traveller. But whether M'e view this Ionian traveller at home or abroad, whether we attend him in his contempla- tions on the external beauties of the creation, or follow him into the secret recesses of our own hearts, in either light we trace him by the most natural re- presentations of every characterizing circumstance of truth and reality. This original mode of composition, so essential to unity of time, place, action, and character, parti- cularly in the epic, where both the narrative and descriptive parts of an extensive plan, purposely avoiding the formality of historical and geographi- cal order, are more exposed to inconsistence, has, I hope, in some degree been pointed out by the fore- going loose and indigested observations. I shall therefore venture to conclude, that the more we consider the Poet's age, country, and travels, the more we discover that he took his scenery and landscape from Nature, his manners and characters from life, his persons and facts (whether fabulous or historical) from tradition, jand his passions and senti- ments from experience of the operations of the hu- man mind in others, compared with, and corrected by, his own feelings. M 178 ON THE ORIGINAL As therefore every sketch of this great master is an exact transcript of what he had either seen, heard, or felt, it is not extraordinary that the same compositions, which have ascertained, beyond com- petition, his poetical rank, should not only have de- cided his superiority as a geographer, and secured his credit as an historian, but have procured respect to his philosophical character, which Strabo would not suffer to be disputed. If an unbounded venera- tion for his works has carried his claim still higher, his amazing powers of original imitation furnish the only apology I can think of for such extravagance. I mean to say, that those, who found Homer and Nature the same, are, so far, excusable in deriving the principles of all science from the Iliad and Odyssey. Nature includes them all : her propor- tions are just and invariable; whoever paints her true, or any part of her, that is full of action, and applies that action to times, places, persons, and their signs, will include those proportions and their measures without intending it, almost without know- ing it, but never without some perception of their propriety and truth.* Such is that faithful mirror of life, which oue of the most competent 1, judges of antiquity chose to consult for the rule of his conduct, rather than the abstract systems of speculative writers, unpractised in the world ; a compliment, which if it does great honour to Homer, does no less justice to the human character. For, making proper allowance for the heroic state of society, I do not think, that mankind is unfavourably represented by the Poet ; nor do I find that any modem Chrysippus, or Crantor, has A See Inquiry into the Life and Writings of Homer, p. 314. b u Qui quid sit pulcbrum, quid turpe, quid utile, quid non. Pleuius ac melius Chrysippo et Crautore dicit." — Hor. GENIUS OF HOMER. 179 made discoveries, which ought to depreciate so just a picture of mankind. It is flattering to receive, from a hand so correctly formed in Nature's school, those fair and pleasing delineations of a generous sympathy, and social affection, which are inter- spersed even amidst the horrors of the Iliad, but more frequently in the peaceful and hospitable scenes of the Odyssey : here and there shaded, I own, with folly and vice enough to put us out of humour with the Poet and ourselves, did he not kindly throw in a comfortable proportion of phi- lanthropy, which gives both warmth and resem- blance to the picture. Yet so far am I from subscribing to the wild pre- tensions of that refined criticism, which discovers not only the principles of all arts and science, but the most profound system of ethics and politics, in Homer, that I consider it to have been of peculiar advantage to his original genius, that he was not diverted by any hypothesis from a free and impartial examination of things ; and that, whatever his plan of instruction, either moral or political, might have been (for to deny that he had any would be highly unreasonable), his choice of characters for that pur- pose never carried him beyond Nature, and his own experience of life. To this unbiassed investigation of the different, powers of Nature, and the various springs of action, not as they are fancied in the closet, transcribed from speculative systems, and copied from books; but as they were seen exerted in real life, we owe the most correct history of human passions and af- v fections, that has ever yet been exhibited under one view ; so impartially checquered with the good and bad qualities, which enter, in various propor- tions, into the composition of every character, that m 2 180 ON THE. ORIGINAL he has not left us one complete pattern of moral beauty or deformity. Nor should we for this reason hastily conclude, that he was negligent of the interests of humanity, or indifferent to the cause of virtue; there is a cer- tain early stage in the progress of manners when the mind is more effectually roused to the duties of so- ciety by real than by fictitious examples ; and it is easier, perhaps wiser, in such a state, to shew u- what we may be, than what we ought to be. Such were the times, that fell to Homer's lot. To blame him for the manners of those times, and to find fault with the only materials which he had to work upon, is highly unreasonable. I must confess, that he sometimes seems to aban- don us, to our own fancy, in the labyrinth of his great drama of human action, where so many dif- ferent paths of life are laid open, not only to the judgment, but to the passions of every age, temper, and condition. And here, no doubt, those mimetic powers which characterize his genius carried him too far into promiscuous imitation, where the prin- cipal, sometimes the only, merit is that of natural, striking, resemblance. But it would be unfair to say that he had nothing farther in view ; for while he flatters our vanity in letting us liud our own road through life, he has not left it too intricate for those, who are serious and diligent in search of it. And if we giddily lose our way in it, it is our own fault: for his morality will bear as scrupulous a test, as his religion. If, after all, the learned reader finds this method too closely confined to pictures of real life for the moral epic plan, I beg he will consider, that it VII Homer's object to please as well as to instruct. And though he does not neglect the latter. I mu>i GENIUS OF HOMER. 181 own he seems to have the first principally in view. But, as I have already said, this should be put to the test of that state of society, to which it was ad- dressed ; when barbarous manners, not prepared to receive either plans of Government or systems of Morals, wanted the immediate softenings of music and poetry ; and men were to be tamed before they were taught. It has been the great object of this Essay to carry the reader to the Poet's age, and country ; before he forms a judgment of him. I will venture to say, that it has been much owing to a neglect of this consideration, that he has been so often complimented with beauties of which he was not conscious, and charged with faults which he never committed. It may be asked, whether Homer is to be esteemed a philosopher? Had the treatise of Longinus upon this question reached us, we should probably have seen many re- ferences to the opinions of antiquity upon this sub- ject. Strabo does not scruple to put him in the class with Anaximander: and it is curious to see opposite sects lay claim to him. Whatever stress I may lay upon this compliment to the Poet as a philosopher : it is certainly a very great one to him as a painter; when we see the lead- ing writers in ethics consider Homer and Nature as the same. We have respectable authority for supposing, that he has been partial to human nature in his pic- ture of life ; and that he has represented men better, than they are. See Aristot. Poet. c. 2. But of the accuracy of this most interesting part of the Poet's imitation, which has for its object the human mind, and its various operations and affections, every reader is a judge. And if this matter is to be canvassed 182 ON THE GENIUS OF HOMER. by the suffrages of so many ages and countries, to whose feelings the Poet has appealed, the question seems to be decided; and his impartiality established. But I have already wandered from the bumble duty of bearing testimony, as an eye-witness, of the Poet's veracity. If I endeavour to rescue him from errors, nothis own, by bringing within tbeobsen of a cursory perusal of his works their truth and con- sistence, as to time, place, persons, and things, it is as a traveller only, that I can hope to do him that justice. I shall therefore resume that character, observing the same method in the description of the Troade, that I followed in that of Palmyra and Bal- bec ; where, after a plain account of the app anceof things us we found them, I left the read< judge of our conjectures with regard to tin ir ancient state. A COMPARATIVE VIEW OF THE ANCIENT AND PRESENT STATE OF THE TROADE. Juvat ire et Dorica castra, Desertosque videre locos, littusque relictum. Hie Dolopum manus, hie saevus tendebat Achilles, Classibus hie locus, hie acies certare solebant. JEn. U ii. i ■ . of ANCIENT TROAS together with the SCAJffAN H\K it And MOUNT IDA SMStalwim. anriq MDCCl, A COMPARATIVE VIEW OP THE ANCIENT AND PRESENT STATE OF THE TROADE. In order to give the reader a clear and satisfac- tory account of the ancient and present state of this country, I shall refer him to the annexed Map. This was taken upon the spot, and represents things as we found them. It must, at the same time, be compared with the accounts given by Homer; for by these means we shall be enabled to discover the variation, which has happened, since the Poet wrote. The chief difference consists in this; that the source of the Scanrander is now considerablv V more distant from the Hellespont, than we conceive it to have been at the time when Homer saw it. In describing these parts, I shall give the reasons upon which I found my opinion about this variation. I make no doubt, but that the face of the country has been considerably changed. This circumstance has been brought about by earthquakes, to which the regions of Asia Minor are extremely subject. I have seen several parts of Ida, and also of Tmolus, which have been evidently separated from the two mountains by the shock of an earthquake. And there are in the plains of the Scamander many pieces of massy rock, that are manifestly detached 186 THE DESCRIPTION from the place, where they originally Mood, lint as alterations of thi> nature have DOfl been pui ally recorded, and arc n<»i easil] to be ascertained, I have marked out any variation of ground in tin following Map of the country: m\ i bjecf being to point out the difference of distance, which subsists between the of the ri?er and tin- sea. It will therefore be my business t<» shew, that such an alteration bas happened : and at the same time to put it in the reader's power to judge, bj recurring t<» the journal of tin siege of tin- Iliad, how far the bounds and disti i bj the Poet an- consistent \n i 1 1 i tin* opposite plan, which I here exhibit. mi DESCRIPTION OF THE TROADE Juli the twenty-fifth, 1760, we anchored under the Sigean Promontorj io our return to the Gn islands from Constantinoph : and goii the month of the ScamaudiT. We found that the country, which is frequentlj infested with banditti, was at this time BO si-cure, as to afford US an op- portunity, without risk, of carryinj ocutiou our scheme of travelling to tin of tin- m Upon this information. having hired horses and guides, and landed our tint, servants, and camp- equipage, we performed in a fortnight the journ which may be traced out in the Map. By tin- the reader may see, under one view, the onl air discoveries, without the tedious formalin journal. OF THE TROADE. 187 Having, before we landed, visited the whole king- dom of Priam ; and upon another occasion seen some of its inland parts, I shall give, in a few words, the best idea that I could form of it upon the whole. A straight line drawn from the Caicus to theiEso- pus would probably very nearly describe the eastern and inland boundary of Priam's dominion. Its cir- cumference, according to this estimate, includes about five hundred English miles. Of this above two hundred afford a maritime coast, which is washed by the Propontis, Hellespont, and iEgean >eas. Few spots of this extent enjoy more natu- ral advantages. The climate is temperate and healthful: the hills are covered with woods: and the fertile plains, whether pastures, or corn-land, are well watered* There are mines in the moun- tain^ which have never been sufficiently tried. There are also mineral waters, and hot-baths, of which the natives, to their great benefit, make use (qt several disorders. The country produces oil; and some parts were of old famous for wine. The Greeks assured us from experience, that, if the vine- yards hen were properly cultivated, they would produce a grape not inferior to the Muscadine of Tenedos in its neighbourhood. Its compact penin- sular form, and happy situation, together with plenty of timber, and variety of commodious harbours, render it very tit for trade, and navigation. However, if we may venture to form any judg- ment upon a matter of such antiquity, it would ap- pear from the few remaining fragments, which afford any light towards the antiquities of this people, that it was a principle both of their civil and religious constitution to discourage navigation ; and to favour a taste for agriculture, and domestic industry. An old prophetic admonition was among them in com- 188 THE DESCRIPTION nion acceptation against the dangers of commerce, and it is still preserved. And the peculiar severity, with which their laws treated those who were con- victed of stealing an ox, or ploughshare, or any im- plement of husbandry, is also upon record. Though such maxims are not agreeable to the prevailing commercial spirit of modern politics, yet, if we con- sider the genius and manners of those ancient times; there will appear great propriety in them. Upon looking backwards, we shall find reason to allow, that the happiness of the inhabitants of a region, abundantly supplied with all the real comfor life within themselves, could not be more rationally consulted, than by keeping their attention at home, recommending inland industry, and discouraging all communication with strangers. In short, when navigation and piracy were almost synonymous terms, it was wry natural for a people abounding with flocks, corn, wine, and oil, those substantial and almost only articles of primitive opulence, to avoid an intercourse, by which they could gain little, and might lose much. For ths reason, in those early days, when the law of nations was not advanced into that acknowledged and re- spectable system, which now countenances a n confidential communication among civilized na- tions, Egypt, and other rich countries were jealous of strangers. Indeed the fate of the Troade has justified their fears upon this head: for notwith- standing all their precautions, they were thrice con- quered and plundered before the time of Homer. And this was effected upon such frivolous pre- tences, that we may very reasonably suppose, this would not have happened, had they not been richer than their neighbours. The same temptation was probably the motive of the JEolic migration ; a pal- OF THE TROADE. 189 bating term, under which the Greek historians have thought proper to transmit their unjust invasion of this country. That the first migrations, which we find upon record, into this part of the world, were made upon this principle of removing from poverty to plenty, will be easily conceived by the traveller who sails up the Hellespont. For he cannot but observe, how much the Asiatic side exceeds that of the European both in fertility and beauty. Though Homer, speaking of the country of Priam, calls it in general Troy, and its inhabitants Tro- jans ; yet when he comes to an exact enumeration of the forces under their several commanders, he distinguishes the people of I lion, the capital, peculiarly by the name of Trojans. It is in this confined sense, that we call the survey which we made, the Map of Troy. In this probably is in- cluded little more than the district which Hector commanded : and of which we shall now attempt to give a more particular description. In doing this, we must refer the reader to the preceding Map, in which there are two things to be particu- larly distinguished : the one is the coast of the Troade upon the iEgean Sea; the other the coast of the Troade upon the Hellespont. Before we come to the inland part of our dis- coveries, it will be proper to give a general idea of these coasts, as they appeared to us, when we were sailing close along the shore. From Cape Baba, the ancient Lectum, to Cape Janissari, which was the ancient Sigean Promontory, the coast runs al- most due north. Upon the first of these Capes there is a castle to defend the country from the Maltese corsairs, whose invasions are so much dreaded by the Turks, that there are few villages to be seen upon the shore, till you come near to the Helles- 190 THE DESCRIPTION pont. The coast is covered with Valonia trc sort of Ilex, whose bark and fruit are used iu tan- ning; and are a matter of commerce. The country is less mountainous, as you go north ; till opposite to Tenedos, which we kept upon our left. Here it exhibits a beautiful shelving landscape crowned with woods: and at the same time affords, as people sail by, a fine view of the city Troas. and of the venerable ruins which surround it. From hence, as we still proceed northward, the coast grow e steeper, till it at last terminates in the high perpendicular cliff, Cape Janissari, which divides the iEgean Sea from the Hellespont. As you turn eastward into this narrow sea, the same Cape terminate -s by B den slope in a beautifully planted plain. Here the Scamander dischargcth itself: and at it- month is the castle above-meutionedj to defend the entrance of the Strait. Oo the opposite ride ifl another erected for the same purp Prom Cape Janissari the flat marshy shore retires, forming ■ eurve. which is terminated eastward by Cape Barbieri. This was the ancient Rhceteum : and is lower and lesfl abrupt than the Cape above. Dardaninm must haw l< en near this spot; as we may jndge by the Strait, which retains the name of Dardanelle. The castlee form the extremity of our Map eastward, which were built for the security of this p to Con- stantinople. That on the Eorop an tide Mauds. where formerly SestOfl waa Bitoated : and that on the Asiatic is founded upon the rains of Abydos; This was that Abydus, so famed for the bridg Xerxes, and for the loves of Hero and Leander. Having thus described the pn sent appearance of these coasts and seas, we are naturally led to make some inquiry into their history, as it is afforded in the Iliad. I believe, we shall find, upon inquiry; OF THE TROADE. 191 that the iEgean and Hellespontic Seas are very truly distinguished there : and that they are seldom men- tioned with such epithets and circumstances, as are indifferently applicable to either. In the beginning of the first book the priest Chryses, after his un- successful petition, is represented as returning home- ward, and walking in a melancholy mood upon the shore of the boisterous, or turbulent sea. The situa- tion of the city Chrysa shews, that the iEgean Sea is alluded to in this passage : and this is farther manifest from the epithet turbulent or boisterous : for this term might as well be applied to the Da- nube or Nile, as to the Hellespont, and therefore must be appropriated to the sea below. Neither the Hellespont nor the channel have breadth enough to be boisterous : and I must observe, that the epi- thet insaniens, which a Horace applies to the latter, is very improperly taken in that sense. At the same time nothing can express more happily, than this term, the contrariety of currents for which that Strait is remarkable. In the same book of the Iliad, b Achilles is described as retiring to indulge his resentment upon the frothy beach, and as looking upon the dusky main. hi this passage we have an extensive prospect of the sea, whose waves break upon the shore: and herein is exhibited a picture which corresponds with the iEgean Sea only ; near which we know, that Achilles was stationed. While this Sea is in this manner described, the Hellespont is either dis- tinguished by epithets, which are adapted to that Strait only, or pointed out by the circumstances of the camp, and fleet, in its vicinity. There is something remarkable in the epithet broad, * Insaiiienlcm navita Bosporum Tentabo L. iii. Od. 4. b L. i. v. 350. 192 THE DESCRIPTION which is more than once by Homer given to the Hel- lespont: for it seems to he improperly applied to a sea, which is narrower than many rivers. And j this Poet is not single in representing it in tfa light, for Orpheus speaks of the broad Hellespont. Eustathius and other Commentators have endea- voured to explain this term, but in a manner, 1 think, not satisfactory. I shall therefore beg to offer a conjecture upon thi> head, m hich occurred to me upon the spot. When I was sailing upwards from the iEg- into the Hellespont, we were obliged to make our way against a constant smalt current ; which, with- out the AMMFtanee of a north wind, general I v nilM about three knots in an hour. At ihr were land-locked on all sides : and nothing ap- peared in view, but rural scenery ind » wry nl»! conveyed the idea Of a line river, running through an inland country. In Ibifl Situation 1 could hardly persuade myself, that 1 w »a; and it i natural to talk of its comparative great breadth, ifl to mention its embouchure, its pleasant stream, woody banks, and all those circuin- which belong to rivers onh. The epil tring or rapid, which the Poel applied to it (but ne\erto anv other sea) shews that he considered it tnereli a running stream; and Herodotus, who visited I Hellespont with the curiosity of a traveller, actually calls it a river. The description given by Homer of Mount Ida corresponds with its present state: for its many summits are still covered with pint -in i>. and abounds with fountains. In a journey which we made over part of it by night, the constant howl • A>ap.H)o» t\V -I i . M. v. 30. IV Ayni pou^'h 6 ioti (r a irooden bri ■ er it. Not far from hence it receives the Simo'N amid corn- fields, interspersed with tine mnlbt -rry-tr* I l< From the ruined bridge to Bornabaschi the course of the-. united streams lies through a rocky mountamon> country, thinly covered with pines, and BOOM Other trees; and having a \ try Alpine appearance. The vale, through which it winds anions these hills, is irregular as to breadth : for in some places it takes up little more space, than that which the river oc- cupies in winter. At the time, when we saw this river, we found it confined to a small part of its channel which was only tilled in the latter season. We accordingly pitched our tent in its dry gravell\ bed close to the stream, which was then so small, that a less army than that of Xerxes, might have drank it dry. The river, in this exhausted state, had very fine falls below Chirlik. At Bwnbaschl it c|iiits the chain of hills, which it had entered at the OF THE TROADE. 195 ruined bridge, and steals through a marshy flat; which, where it is drained and cultivated, is ex- tremely fertile quite down to the sea. During this last part of its course the current was scarcely per- ceptible. Bornabaschi signifies the fountain-head; and there is a fine rivulet so called. This gives name to the village before mentioned, which consists of half a dozen huts. The water here gushes out of the rock in such quantities, as to form immediately a stream more considerable than any that we saw in the chan- nel of the Scamander. However, hardly any of this water joins that river ; but stagnates among the reeds of the marshy plain, notwithstanding a drain has been made by a Turkish governor to carry it downward to the iEgean Sea. The plains at the mouths of the Cayster, Ma?ander, and other rivers of Asia Minor, which are constantly encroaching upon the sea, make exactly the same appearance with this spot. For all these rivers are choked up, and stag- nate io summer among the soil and rubbish, which are brought down by their violence in winter. At the time, when we saw the Scamander, it was in its lowest state ; and had not water sufficient to sup- port one continued current from its source to the sea. It consisted of a succession of several small streams, produced from different springs ; all which were absorbed in the gravelly channel, after a short and languid course. But we could easily see by the breadth of its channel, and the length of the three bridges over it, that it must make a very different appearance in winter. And indeed, though we had not been told by the inhabitants of the dreadful ravages, which its violent equinoctial and winter inundations produce, they were very easy to be conceived, from many evidences before us. For we could observe stones N 2 186 THE DESCRIPTION of a considerable size, which had been brought down from the mountain : also shrubs and trees torn up by the roots, together with mud and rubbish of dif- ferent sorts. Some of the soil was to be seen twelve or thirteen feet from the ground, sticking to trees near the banks, where the overflowing in the rainy season had lodged it. This was particularly to be observed between the ruined bridge, and Boma- baschi ; for here the stream is confined, and cannot vent its rage by spreading. I have been thus particular in describing this i both in its turbulent and in its placid and exhai state,because 1 think, that the reader may find t; of both in the Iliad. The circumstance of a fallen tree, which is by Homer described as reaching from one of its banks to the other, affords a \ i i v jusfl idea of its breadth at the season, when we saw it. <>n tin other hand, he could not have employed a more effectual power for the total demolition of the Greek intrenchmenl, than the same river m its >tate of vio- lence : and perhaps the furious raTages, and sudden devastations of the Scamander, may have furnished the hint of that very bold allegory. When we look upon the regions of Troas, as re- presented in my map, it will be found, I bi lie\< differ from the history of the counti •] by Homer. This difii consists in ha? iug the distance of Troy from the sea increased : for the sea, by an accretion of land, is farther off than it w old. The present town indeed stands upon the sea ; but this is not the Troy o( Homer: for that was higher up, and looked towards the Hellespont, and not towards the JEgean. I am likewise very cer- tain, that the situation of the Scamander is conside- rably changed from what it was in the days of Homer: and the reasons for my opinion are these. The hot OF THE TROADE. I97 spring, accordiug to the Poet, was one of the sources of this river : but it is now much lower than the pre- sent source, and has no communication with the Scamander. The fountains, whence the river took its rise, were, according to Homer, close by the walls of the city : but the ground about the fountain, which we saw, is too steep and rugged for the situation of a city. Such a situation cannot be made to accord with the pursuit of Hector, and with many other in- cidents in the poem. The distance also of the pre- sent source from the Hellespont is far too great to admit of the actions of the day. Not but "that the city was far removed from the sea : for the Grecian camp and navy could not be seen according to the situation allotted by Homer. And perhaps Virgil has been wrong in supposing that the city could be discovered even from a tower: for in that case it would have been needless to have sent Polites to the tomb of JEsyetes to reconnoitre the enemy. In- deed it is probable from the plan, which the Roman Poet gives of Troy, that he never took an opportu- nity, when he was in Greece, of going over, and visiting this region. Whatever change there may have been in respect to the source of the Scamander, it must have happened, before it was visited by Strabo. He seems to have found things in much the same state, as we have been now describing them : and, comparing them with the account given by Homer, he concludes, that an alteration must have happened since the time of the Poet. I shall therefore venture to fix the ancient source of the river, and the situation of the city itself, lower down than the springs of the Scamander; though higher than the plain : a situation, which seems best to cor- respond with the description given by Homer. As to the junction of the two rivers, we leave it 198 THE DESCRIPTION as we found it: though we have reason to think, that these rivers were always united before their streams reached to the ruined bridge. To say the truth, the frequent shiftings of these torrents, and the changing of their beds, of which we could per- ceive marks in this place, leave us in a manner at liberty to fix their junction in any part, which b< M agrees with the action of the poem. That part of the course of th< Scamander, of which we have no trace in Homer, is from the mined bridge to Bornabaschi. There is nothing in the Iliad, which affords us any idea of it: though, from the manucr in which the ground lies, it is the only part of the stream, which we can with tolerable certainty affirm to run precisely in its ancient channel. At Bornabaschi commences tb< plain, which reaches to the Hellespont. Of this it is very l\i- dent, both from history, and from present app ances, thai a great part has be< n produced since the time of Homer. For the land has been inert by the soil brought down, and lodged at the mouth of the Scamander: just as Egypt has been enlarged by the Nile] and other regions by the rivers, which run through them. The coast of Asia is particularly liable to such increase: and particularly about the Mseander. The island Lade was at no great dis- tance from the coast, and is mentioned by Strabo and Pausanias as lying opposite to Miletus ; but it is now joined to the continent. We shall tl upon these authorities, venture to cut oft' some miles from our ancient Map of the Trojan plain. Having thus reduced the distance between the fountains of the Scamander and the Hellespont to a smaller space; I shall suppose the Grecian camp to have occupied the whole of the sea-coast before the OF THE TROADE. 199 city. To prove the necessity of this extent, it will be proper to consider the numbers of the army, and their manner of encamping. It appears, that the whole of their forces amounted to one hundred thousand men. These were indeed not encumbered with the numerous attendants which are usual in modern armies. They had no train of artillery: and the simple military manners of those times ad- mitted of neither cooks nor footmen. If, however, we take in the article of women, we shall, I believe, find, that they exceed the numbers which on these occasions are usual in our times. It appears of old to have been a uniform custom among military gentlemen to leave their wives at home ; and to carry only their mistresses abroad : and these ladies seem to have answered the purposes both of domestic convenience and gallantry, as we may conclude from old Nestor's housekeeper. In those days the females made a considerable part of the soldiers' plunder; and what is now so often an officer's ruin, was then an article of his riches. If to this account we add all the children, which we may suppose a hundred thousand Grecian heroes to have produced in ten years, we may reasonably suppose that their place of encampment could not contain less than one hundred and fifty thousand persons. The horses and chariots must have occupied a large space; and the ships would demand no inconsiderable extent of ground. They were drawn up, and secured upon the land among the tents : which is a circumstance not attended to by Mr. Pope. He falls into fre- quent errors from not having observed this promis- cuous disposition of the tents and shipping. It is true, they were merely transports, and had no small boats belonging to them. As to the tents, we may conclude from that of Achilles, that they were a 200 THE DESCRIPTION kind of barrack, or hut, constructed for all sorts of weather. To the front of the camp towards Troy allow- ance must be made for the great intrenchment. This consisted of a rampart with towers and battlements, and was defended by a ditch with palixados, being much in the style of fortification which prevailed io Europe before the invention of gunpowder. On the side next the Hellespont, there was left a space, between the camp and the sea, sufficient for the as- sembling of the principal officers upon matters of moment. The extent of this camp, from right to left, is determined by the two well-known promon- tories upon the express authority of Homer. One extremity reached to the Sigean promontory, where Achilles was stationed ; the other to the Ilha-t» an, where Ajax had pitched his tents. The centre had been allotted to Ulysses, as being the most con- venient for consultation, if they at any time stood in need either of his eloquence or wisdom. Hence, when Agamemnon, upon an emergency, wants to assemble the Grecian chiefs, he Ti pairs to the ship of Ulysses, which was opposite to that hero's tent, and there raises his voice. li -r?; & £7r' Oivacnjo^ piyciKrjTti rrji pt\(n 'H p tv fJLtcraaT^) utki, yeywtpev afuftorepuxre' II f.uv eir AiavTog xXiaitje TeXapuJi *■ II & eir' A\i\\i]oc, rot p ear^ara ytjac etaac Efpvo-nr, ijropetj mavi o«, kai Kciprii ^apwv. High on the midmost bark the king appear'd ; There from Ulysses' deck his voice wa> heard To Ajax and Achilles reach'd the sound. Whose distant ships the guarded navy bound. In this version Mr. Pope mentions, that the voice of Agamemnon from the centre was beard to the a Iliad. 0. v. 220. The same is said of the goddtil Brit, A. v. 5. OF THE TROADE. 201 two extremes : and so much is certainly to be in- ferred from the original. Yet according to our Map, and to the best evidences of antiquity, these ex- tremes could not be less than twelve miles : for such is the distance between the Rheetean and Sigean Promontories: so that the Grecian monarch, who was equally removed from both, must have been heard six miles each way, which is incredible. We must therefore look upon the Poet's language in this place, as only a bold poetical figure. The chief thing to be pointed out, if it were pos- sible to be ascertained, would be the precise situa- tion of the city itself. But this, I fear, is not very easy, as there are not the least remains, by which we can judge of its original position. There has been likewise a great change in the face of the country by earthquakes, and inundations, of which many writers take notice. In how high veneration the history of this city was held, may be known by the many poems, histories, and dissertations, which were composed in its honour. The time of its being taken was looked upon as one of the principal eras in Greece. Indeed it was many times taken, if we may believe the best authors of antiquity. The three first calamities which it underwent are men- tioned by Lycophron in the person of Cassandra. 1.TEVU), Irtvw, at (iiffcra, kcu rpnrXa, dopog AvBlq 7rpoQ aX/crjj/, /cat diap-rrayag dopwp, Kai nvp avavya'Covaav a'iffrioTr)piov. c c V. 61. 202 THE DESCRIPTION Much I lament, my dear country, your unhappy fate: who are doomed twice, and even three times, to behold a hostile invasion: and to see your edifices ruined, and the wide-wasting fire prevailing. In this account the Poet alludes to three periods; in which Troy was taken by Hercules, by the Amazons, and lastly by the Grecians, under the conduct of the Atridae. To the invasion by the Amazons Homer alludes ; but he is silent about the city falling into their hands, though it is men- tioned by other writers. Troy was also taken, as we learn from Plutarch, and Polysenus, by Chari- demus Orites : and last of all by C. Fimbria, B Quaestor, under Valerias Flaccusin the Mithridatic war. It has been observed by those who have written Upon the subject, that a horse had been always ominous to the Trojans. They were first subdned by Hercules, when the dispute was about the horses of Laonn -don. The Amazons were all eques- trian, and our of their device- was a horse: ami when the city was surprised by the Grecians, it was by means of the wooden horse Doris. Lastly, When it fell into the hands of Charidemns, the cap- ture was owing to a horse which fell down in the entrance of the city, and prevented the shutting of their gates. There is an old Latin epigram, made upon some person, whose name seems to have beeu Asellus, and who had not shewn a proper venera- tion for the books of Homer. In this there is an al- lusion to the histories above, which describe the city as being always ruined by a horse. Cariuinis Iliaci libros consumpsit Asellus: Hoc fatuin Troja* est, aut Equus, aut Asinu>. However, this last-mentioned catastrophe of the OF THE TROADE. 203 city, as well as that under Fimbria, could not relate to the ancient Ilium, buttoTroja Nova, which was situated at a distance from the former, and was supposed to have been built by Alexander the Great, or at least greatly enlarged by him and Lysimachus. Of this city there are some noble remains : but of the true and famous Troy there have been no traces for ages : not a stone is left to certify, where it stood. It was looked for to little purpose as long back as the time of Strabo : and Lucan having mentioned, that it had been in vain searched for in the time of Julius Caesar, concludes his narrative with this me- lancholy observation upon the fate of this celebrated city, that its very ruins ivere annihilated. Fama duce, tenditin undas, Sigaeasque petit famae mirator arenas; Et Simoentis aquas, et Graio nobile busto Rboetion, et raultum debentes vatibus umbras. Circuit exustse noraen niemorabile Trojae, Magnaque Phoebsei quaerit vestigia muri. Jam sylvre steriles, et putres robore trunci Assarici pressere domos, et templa Deorum f Implicita radice tenent: ac tota teguntur Pergama dumetis : Etiam periere Ruince. e f Lucani Pharsalia. L. 9. v. 953. 961. * Implicita radice. In this manner I have taken the liberty to alter the verse : the common reading being, Jam lassa radice. THE END, Printed by J. F. Dove, St. John's Square. 4 //*/. I /if * ltd y .: i U■ >L /?■. AM & J? /^A i -c H**U> { i. T^Xt PROLEGOMENA A D H O M E R U M S I V E DE CARMINUM HOMERICORUM ORIGINE AUCTORE ET AETATE ITEM QUE DE PRISCAE LINGUAE PROGRESSU ET PRAECOCI MATURITATE SCRIPSIT RICHARDUS PAYNE KNIGHT. EQ. RURSUS EXCUDI IUSSIT E T PAUCULA PRAEFATUS EST D. FR. ERN. RUHKOPF DIRECTOR LYCEI HANKOVERANI. L I P S I A E IN LIBRARIA HAHNIA cIjidcccxvi. yuum Richardi Payne Knight y Equi- tis britanni inprimis splendidi et doctis- simi, Prolegomena ad Homerum dignis- feima visa essent, quae apud nos quoque legerentur, facile Vir honestissimus Gui- lielmus Hahn, possessor librariae olim Fritschiae, quae Lipsiae floret, sibi a me persuaderi passus est, ut ea impensis suis repetita praelo harum literarum amicis fau- toribusque in manus traderet. Paucissi- VI studia, quibus Wolfius Heyniusque (caris- sima mihi nomina) aliique viri doctissimi de his carminibus eximie raeruerunt, ex* hibeantur. Scr. Hannoverae Cal. Jul. cIdidcccxvi. D. F. E. RUHKOPF Dir. Lye. Hannov. S.i. Octogesimo post Trojam captam anno, Mycenarum re, gnum tenente Tisameno Orestis filio jam sene, magna et infausta mutatio rerum toti Graeciae oborta est ex irruptione Dorum , gentis semibarbarae, in Peloponne- eum *) ; qui vel expulsis vel in servitutem redactis veteri- bus incolis , alios ac duriores mores, et linguam rudem ac vitio8am secum intulerunt. Pauca et parum certa de hac status ac fortunae conversione tradidere veteres: cujus tamen gravissimum fuisse momentum ad res Hel- lenicas in deterius mutandas, ea ipsa mutatione , quae inter Troica et Medica tempora facta est, certissime constat 2 ). <). II. Achaei vel Danai 3 ) veteres, qui expulsi erant, pri*. mum in Boeotiam et Atticam sese recepisse videntur; atque inde in Asiam paulatim transtulisse, famam se- quuti majorum, qui tenia ante aetate bellum iis regio- nibus gloria maxima, minimo licet fructu, diu gesse- rant. Ibi, cum omnem paene oram maritimam occu- passent, urbes quamplurimas condiderunt, quas statim 1) ThucvJ. 1. T. c. 12. £) Vide Heyne in Apollodor. 1. II. c. VIII. s. i. 5) Sit Graepi universi in Homericis appellati sunt; poetae enim vetoes tabulas de *egibu9 Achaeo, Danao, lone, Hellene etc. on&a sibi confmxerimt postcii, at eoruni ncmina diversis Btirpibus ixnponerent , piorsus ignorasse videntur. A ab incunabulis praeclaras fuisse , tarn ingeniis quam opi- buscivium, Homerica carmina, earum antiquissima et aeterna monumenta , satis testantur. §. III. Quis' fuisset antea rerum Graecarum status; quae populorum conditio; quae regum ac civitatum jura; qui jnores hominum ; quibus porro artibus, et quo cuku vi- tae, emolliti quodammodo, et expoliti essent, ex his carminibus cuivis scire licet: omnia enim, facundia ea simplici et exquisita, kctorum animis ita obversantur, ut depicta potius quam cnarrata videantur. De ipsorum autem carminum auctorc we] auctoribus nihil omnino 6cimusnec scire possumus: ncque enim ipsiGraeci, qui, poesi resurgente sexcentis circiter annis post Dorum ir- ruptionem, de cjusmodi rebus inquirere coeperunt, ul- lam ccitum aut probabilem notitiam de patria, aetate, vel nomine poetae obtinere potuerunt. §• IV. Post direptas autem et in servitutem redactas a ( ducibus civitatei A^iae, ingens carminum copia in Grae- ciam illata est, ac per urbes et vicos decantata sub no- mine Homeri, vatis antiquissimi , de quo multa et in- cohgrua narrabant isti homines, qui poemata sparr decantabant; atque idcirco paywidbt, i. e. (*uiiu 9 inimtf uutdoi J ) appellati sunt. Carmina ipsa in diversorum cor- porum compages ab iisdem hominibus congesta vel red- acta esse feruntur: atque sumtibus et cura Pisistrati , et aliorum forsitan principumvel tyrannorum illius saeculi, literis mandata. Ipsum Pisistratum ^rammatiii et critici 1) Piud;»r. Ncra. If. officio functum esse, et Homeri libros , confusos antea, sic disposuisse, ut jam inde exstiterint, Cicero e quodam. rumore incerto tradidit *). Complures apud posteros eadem repetierunt, sublata omni dubitatione; ut solent homines in ejusmodi rumoribus tradendis; dum inviti etiam, naturali quodam impetu, feruntur in augendo et ornando, et pro compertis et indubitatis venditando, quaecunque e traditionibus obscuris et incertis accepe- rint. At neque Herodotus, neque Thucydides, neque Plato, neque Aristoteles , qui tot de Homero, de Pisi- strato et filiis ejus, memoriae prodiderunt, tanta in poetam beneficia nosse omnino videntur. Aristoteles autem, vir rerum antiquarum peritissimus, laudes in Homerum cumulat ob pulchram carminum dispositio- nem , et artificiosam compagum structuram ; neque un- quam suspicatus est, eas laudes ad eorum redactoremPi- sistratum, non ad poetam, jure pertinuisse. Fabula ni- hilominus sic crevit eundo, ut e fama tenui et obscura inter Aristotelis et Ciceroni6 aetatemorta, ac variis de- inde circumstantiispaullatim aucta et ornata, Iudaeorum tandem somnia de sacrorum librorum interpretatione ae~ mulatasit; atque Pisistratus, quemadmodum posteaPto- lemaeusPhiladelphus, LXXII grammaticorum opera usus, inter quos Zenodotus et Aristarchus praecipuum locum obtinerent, Homerica carmina sparsa aut deperdita col- legisse et in duo corpora redegisse crederetur z ). Nuga- cissimorum hominum putida commenta recensere pudet pigetque: tametsi a quibusdam haud indoctis, sed nova- rum in re critica et historica opinionum nimium studio- 1) De oratore 1. III. *) Vide Diomed. in VUloison. Anecdol. ap. Wolfii Prolegofla. A2 813, Thucydidis et Aristotelis gravi judicio ct auctor praelata esse, dolens indignansque videam ■). §• v. In dialogo Socratico, cui nomen Hipparchi adjcri- ptum est, et qui inter Platonis, dubia auctoritate, rr- censetur z ) , Pisistrati filiu3 Hipparchus Horn erica car- mina primus Athenis intulisse dicitur, et a rhapsodw in ordine, alterum altero excipiente, io Panathenaeis de- cantanda curasse; qui mos apud posteros etiam vi- guit 3 ); atque inde forlasse fabula de carminibus a Pi- sistrato autPisistratidis in corpora collectis et in ordinem redactis originem traxit. llhapsodos, qui antea confuse, pro suo quisque libitu, singulas singuli rhapsodias in Panathenaeis 6acris cantitavcrant , aut Solon, aut Pisi- stratus, aut Hipparchus ^varie enim a diversis script bus res narrata est) 4) primus cocrcuit et in ordine Ilia- i) Jeune Anachai d. Bryant ancient Mythology. Siege of Troy etc. Woliii prolegom. in Homerum. 2) Aclian. Var. Hist. 1. VIII. c. 2. jfl ut HXXa ts no/./.d *a] j . oor/» (< x.^* ixaoTT;v Trsvratrt^idu r.J; Jhxi . u6iov nJ* aiimr 5 clem et Odysseam ab initio ad finem , alterum altero ex- cipiente, in iis sacris decantare jussit; atque inde fama, quae postea latius sparsa est, apud Athenienses percre- buit, carmina ipsa a Pisistrato vel ejus filiis in ordi- nem redacta esse, et earn formam accepisse, qua, Ari- siotelis et aliorum criticorum sententia, tantas laudes poeta meruisset; cum ille tamen , si iis horrfinibus cre- dere libet., ne in somniis quidern ejusmodi formam ani- mo concepisset. Aristoteles autem non tanto intervallo temporis Pisistratidas subsequutus est; neque carminum Homericorum fama per id intervallum adeo tenuis aut obscura fuit, ut historiarum omnium et naturae et artis indagatorem acerrimum, quid in ea contulissent princi- pes illi Atheniensium, fugere potuerit. Plus etiam isti rumori homines postea tribuisse videntur, quam primi ejus auctores significare vel tradere voluerint: nam libri antea confusi non sunt libri inconditi aprincipio, vel sua natura diversi, sed ii, quibus, ordine justo compo- sitis, postea confundi et commisceri contigerat; atque eo sensu verba Ciceronis accipienda, non quo viri do- ctissimi Heyne et Wolf ea acceperunt. §• vr. Praeter Iliadem et Odysseam , Hymnos et Epigram- mata, a diversis auctoribus inter Homerica recensita sunt : l) BaTQ(xxonvonct%la , ranarum et murium pugna, qua majoribus operibus praelusisse Homerus a nonnullis fertur. Alii Pigreti Halicarnasseo, Artemisiae, quae inter Xerxis nararchos strenue dimicavit, fratri, tri- noirjxMV Qrtyo>§uod-cu rd enij. p. 209. ed. Reisk. De Solone vide Laertii 1. 1, n. 57. buerunt r ). Verum enimvero e sermonis indole 2C forma, nee non e ecribendi more h di'/.xoig, in tabu* iifc 1 ), haud lv atq,\}t'()cug , in pellibus ovillis vel capri- nis , quibus Asiani veteres usi sunt 3 ;, Attico cuidam poetae prioris aevi potius tribuerim. Galli gallinacei quoque cantus matutinus, de quo poetae antiquiores vix siluissent, si avis ilia iis innotuisset, hie, ut om- nibus jam notus ct familiaris, primo memoratur 4 ). Indiae indigena esse videtur avis, ubique terrarum jamdudum domestical sed in Samothracum et Hime- ren6ium nuromis ar^enteis, sexto saltern ante Chri- stum natum saeculo cu ?a occurrit. 2. * Horn* ti cum Hesiodo, nugatoris cu- lam infic^ti commentum, haud alio loco haben- dum, quam versus isti extemporanei poetae tributi in • ejus sub Hcrodoti prrsona ac nomine venditata. < apn hirsuta >] : jnOf^ at; ludicrum poemation, de quo nihil restat, aut memoriae proditum est. nisi quod versu iambico sit compositum; quam ob causa m, pm serioris aevi opusculo ccrtissime habendum eel 4. \4Qctyioua%ia , araneorum pogna. 5. rt-ourniiw/jct , granna pogna, et 6. Vctoonayia , stuinorum pugna ; tria pocmatia ludicra, a Suida in voce laudata, ct ad imitationem fortasse Batrachomyomachiae composita. ~. Ktfmwnts (cicadarum genus apud Aelian. Hist. Anim. O Fabricii biblioth. Grifc, ed. Hade?, lib. II. -. I. 2) Vide vs. 3. 5) HerocUt. lib. V. c. 53. 4) Vs. 191. 5) Vide Fabric, ib. s. XXIV. no. 10. 7 X. 44.)* carmen argumenti perinde ludicri de homini- buscallidis, fraudulentis ac versutis; qua vcro forma aut quo modo conditum, minime constat s ). 8. MctpyiTiig, poema satiricum, ludicrorum omnium ce~ leberrimum de Margite quodam, nomine fatuo et in- epto, qui noXX ijtiIgtccto loya , xaxoig d* i)ni6Taro nccvra : rel antiquiore forma, no?.?, t7TiFiGTa.ro Ftoya. , y.ay.uyg 6 ? tmFtGTa.ro nccvra.'. quod facetissimum et jucundissimum fuissc, ex hoc quidem fragmento , uti et Aristotelis de eodem judi- cio, sentire licet. Homero illud tribuunt ha*ud dubi- tanter et Plato et Aristoteles; Callimachus vero ita in deliciis habuit, ut imitando expresserit. Merito igitur antiquissimum fuisse quivis secure dixerit: nequehae- rendum est propter aliud poema ejusdem argumenti trimetro9 iambos dactylicis hexametris catalectis per- mixtos habens; quod quidem Pigreti Halicarnasseo nonnulli serioris aetatis scriptores tribuerunt, cum ta- rn en recentiori cuidam tribuere fortasse debuissent. Pigres iste totam Iliadem versibus alternis interpolasse traditur , et in elegiaci carminis formam, singulis pen* tametris post singulos hexametros insertis, redegisse; cujus specimen conservavit Suidas sub voce IJiy^g: JMfjvw uudf fad n?ibiiddeo) ^f^AiJoe JIovgoi, gv yaQ naGtjg ntiQctT t%tig Gocpln?' Pari ratione Timolaus quidam Larissaeus dacrylicos hexametros singulos singulis versibus Homericis sub- didit 2 ). i) Vide Fabric, ib. no. 14. 2) Vide Eustath. in Odyss. prooera, et Said, in TtfioXi*' 9. * Eni&altt{it,a , et poema perinde amatorium *), 10. *BnvM%XWes nuncupatum, quia poeta , cum id pue- rib decantitaret, praemii loco xi%?.«g y turdos, ab iis re- tail en t 2 ). 11. *^fiui;6viu a Suida laudata, aed nomine tenus tantum nota 3 ) % 12. Tvoifxtu, «ententiae extemporaneae a Pseudo-Hero- doto memoratae, et a nugacissimo isto homine for, tasse coiifictae. i5. E/otowJn; , ab eodem laudata; eed de ea nihil certi comperimu i4. Oi^uUug uXcootg, Oechaliae evpu^natio, ab Hercale nempc; q^i, loles, Eurvti i ae , amore c,: urbon < am expngnaVerat et diruerat. Poema alii Ho- 21 ' . 'iM n phvlo cuidam, eju3hospiti velmagistro, trilmerunt 4 ) : melius autem , qui Creophylum islam serioris aevi poetam fuisse, quamvis vetu&tum, credi- derHfii *). *5. ' dc priore Argivorum in T1k bas cxpeditione, septem frtem sive libris constans 6 ), cujus hoc initium rctulit scriptor certaminis Homeri atque Hesiodi : MMiSt &(U TtoivdltfHOV, XTlj i) Suid. in "Out;?. 2) Athenae. 1. II. p. 65. ct XIV- 659. 5) I" "Oft 4) Vide Fabric. *b. no. 19. 5) tovtov Ttitg x«i cV j. na l v a,' tor Toiijta ■' Plu>t. Lex. Ms. a Bentlejo citato in epi»t. ad Millium Mi- lalae Hist, dhron. subjuncta. Oxon. 1691. 6) Vide Fabric, ib. no. 9 Alii quoque memoraverunt, et Pausanias proximum Iliadi et Odysseae locum ei assignat x ). 16. 'Enlyovoi, de Argivorum altera inThebas expeditione, qua urbs expugnata erat, JVn? sive carmina septem % quorum initium idem certaminis scriptor retulit: Nvv avd onXortQvw uvd(/o)v Gcyyojpt&ct, fAoZaav, Herodotus dubitanter Homero tribuit 3 ); atque ipsa ejus dubitatio poema satis antiquum fuisse demohstrat. \J. KvnQia en?], Cypria carmina (ita nuncupata fortasse ab insula, in qua primum decantata fuerint), res a Thetidis et Pelei nuptiis usque ad Iliadis initia duode- cim libris comprehenderunt; ut ex eorum argumentis a Proclo collectis et adhuc exstantibus patet. A vete- rum nonnullis inter Homerica recensita erant, Hero- doto tamen plane adversante 4 ): neque aliquidcerte de eorum auctore vel aetate eciri potest, alio aliis tri- buente. Iliade autem et Odyssea haud paullo aetate posteriora fuisse, ex ipsa fabularum ratione certissime constat. 18. '/hag fitxQu sive ikaaawv, Ilias minor, a nonnullis Homero tributa; ab aliis tamen, ratione potiore, Le- echeo, poetae Lcsbio serioris aevi, res Iliacas a morte Acliillis et armorum judicio usque ad urbis excidium, equo intra moenia recepto, amplexa esse videtur 5 )j neque dubitandum est, quin ex hoc poemate Q. Smyr- naeus ea, quae melioris aevi et felicioris ingenii, 1) tyu) St trjv rcoiriaiv tavTTjv fisra ys 'iLdda, xal ta l'itt] rcc it 'OSvaata trcaivu) paliora. Boeot. p. 729. <* 2) Vide Fabric, ib. no. 7. 3) tan Si xal 'O/if/pw iv 'Emyovota^ el Srj tm- ima . di< run obd;. xiu^- occasionem ut eju ornamenta ad Acuilli* poiius quam ad Yul ThcUdis imi induUm adapt! tndum er.it; cum ejus modi smbtiles et an uioiuias audita. .ie postulaluri, neque I suri cssent. §• » Si autem Achilles in oratione ca - callidi. tatem, aut I rvidam Achiliis vehementiam usur- If passet, nemo erat, qui non statim offenderetur ; in diju- dicandis enim diversorum hominum diversis moribus, et in sermonis specie, quae unicuique apta fuerit, dis- criminanda, haud paullo acutiores redduntur animorum sensus quotidiano rerum usu, quam philosophorum aut criticorum sapientia: sed quaenam armorum ornamenta du« i unicuique convenient, hominis est theorema in ludo literario aut artincis officina magis quam inacie aut foro, aut aliis cjusmodi negotiis, versati, §. XV. Neque poctam, at clvpeum fingeret, similis opificii opera nosse oportcb..t, magia quam statuas sese sponte moventcs, quales paullo ante finxerat 1 ), vidisse: neque satis inirari jKK-sumus, Heynium, tantum virum , di- e, „quidquid fmgimus ad 6imilitudinem alicujus rei f quae natura vel arte naturam adumbrante , jam sensui ecta fuerit, ammo conceptum esse;*' cum tironibus in no turn sit, id rerum esse de simplicibus tantum- !o, et primariia animi notionibus et conceptis; equi- composita pro libitu confingere unicuique liceat. Hinc profecta sunt monstra ilia rerum naturae ignota, quae Ae^yptii et Indi dcorum loco venerari solebant. Artium projiressui ac consuetudini magis consentaneum est, clypei ejusmodi archetypum a poetae phantasia po- tius quam artificis inanu profectum esse: lovis enim imaginein illam sublimem , quam adhuc simulacris anti- qui6 miramur, non poeta ex artincis alicujus opere, sed Phidias e poetae versions efnnxit: atque ita necesse est, omnia omnium artium inventa mente prius concepta esse, quam manu periicerentur. 1) Iliad. 2. 376. B i8 §. XVI. Poetae autem munus solenne et peculiare est, non tantum naturae operibus artis epeciem obducere, sed naturam ipsam tanquam dei artem exhibere : unde m - monc poetico omnia, etiam quotidiana horainum ne- gotia ac rerum vicissitudines, deorum ope et minist fiunt: neque vir dociissimus magis oftendi debut; quod clypeue tarn orratus, et tanta artis subtilitate elabo- ratus, intra paucarum horarum spatium malleo et incude a Vulcano perficeretur , quam quod Iupiter fulgura et tonitrua rnanibus ex Ida in planitiem Trojanam jaculare- tur. Si deorum opera iisdem rationibus atque hominum fieri credidissent veteres, et poeta curiosum critici ho- dierni ingenium sortitus csset, Vulcano fortasse scalprum et ]ovi fundam tribuit>set. Moribus autem illorum tem- porum simplicior miraculorum expediendorum ratio t veniebat; et cum poeta clypeos et tuoraces , rudibus forte figuiis , mallco extusis, aut acu *to im- pressia, ornatoa vidisset, perfacile erat \ nio majorem in imitando solertiam ac peritiam ueo tri- buere, atque plcniora argumenta, ex omni rerum natura collecta, ei subjicere. Ncque, quomodo, aut quibus i etiumcntis divina ilia opera perfjcien talia essent, qualia ab nomine ullo, aut ullo instrumento, perrici potuissent, cura erat ei inquirerc: instituto enim eufficiebat, laeta esse ac jucunda, atque ad animos audi- entium deliniendos ac delectandos apta. Si Cuusarum et eventuum rationi et congruentiae potius quam audien- tium delectationi studuisset, quam longissime ab iai tuto aberrasset, cum ducem exercitus, ardescente pugna, abstraxerit et in urbem miserit, nullo urgente r nisi ut auguris mandata, praeconi cuilibet tradenda, ct *9 alioquisine effectu evasura , matri perferret. At scena jam mutanda erat; et post tot virorum strages , tarn multiplici varietate enumeratas, fastidio et satietati oe- currendum, diversa aliqua rerum specie obtenta, qua alii animorum affectus commoverentur: neque opportu- nity quidquam nee efficacius induci poterat, quam He- ctoris cum conjuge colloquium; quod ideo omnino pro- ferendum erat, etseriei narrationis quocunque modo in- texendum; neque, qua verisimilitudine id fieret, magno- pcre fait ei curandum, cum auditores homines rudes et simplices, imaginum illecebris delinitos et delectatos juditrs parum severos in causis expendendis et rationi- bus exigendis experturus esset. §. XVII. Disputationis suae conclusionem ipse vir doctissi- mus timere videtur: tanta enim experientia et usu lin- guae Graecae edoctus , vix hoc episodium pro opusculo eeptimi ante Christum natum saeculi habere potuit, cum serio et ex sensu animi sui, non e praesumptis opinioni- bus, judicium proferret: saeculi enim istius poemata extant; neque alii tribuerim Batrachomyomachiam, lu- dicram illam Homericorum imitationem, quae inter Ho- mprica ab antiquis semper recensita est. In eo autem, alioquin haud inficeto, poematio quam diversa et ab hoc epibo semper constent: siquid eriim ejusmodiinscite tractatum esset, auditores, quamvis rudes alioquin, at earum ta- rnen. rerum ohservantissimi, protinus sensissent atque irrisu ac sibilo cxcepissent. Quae autem inente sola concipipossent, parum curabant, an congrua, an incon- grua essent: neque rationem inventorum a poetis requi- rebant: quo fit, ut omnia de Superis aut Inferis, de Olympo aut Hade, de deorum aut mortuorum sedibus, confusa, incerta et incongrua sint. Olympus nunc cc/uipiqog et nolvnrv'S, est, ut mons terribilis, nunc coe- lestis quaedam beatorum regit* *■ — oi/V atvifxotm xcvaaanai , ovre not ofipyo) Aevtxai, orii %uav liu&ilvatou, • alia pal a'i&Qtj Tlinxaxai uiJcJg \ , Diomedea et Ulysses e custris proi sunt; ita ut primo diluculo, cum jam videre pos*- quomodo res gerendae essfent, Khesum adorti sint. ( autem redibant, diem plane exortum er toris de Rhe6i equis judicium — v*, .»»-. — manifestum t §. XXVII. Cum lib i dine quadam aut credendi aut non credendi mens semel imbuta sic, nihil est, quod credere, vcl non credere possit, speciosis adscitis rationibus: atque quanto quis ingcnii viribus et doctrinae copiis praepol- i) Observ. praelim. in II. K. 2) In A. i. Vide similin quoque in YVolfu proleg. XCIV. \ V leat ,' tanto avidius praesumptas opiniones amplectitur, et tanto majore apparatu ac validiore custodia contra communem hominum sensum eas tuetur; unde saepe fit, ut ludibria vulgi philosophorum deliciae sint, et Plato, Zeno, Berkeley, Hume etc. serio tractaverint, quae quivis e liivio homunculus jure risisset. Hujus- modi homunculum me esse fateor: neque exquisitiore lo ingenii acumine, sed communi hominis cujusvis eensu in re critica uti; at quoad communi hoc sensu jiulicare liceat, venia viri docttssimi dixerim, nulla pars neque Iliadis , neque alius cujuscunque poematis, magi3 raecedentibu8 et ante narratis pendet, quam rhapso- illa decima. Animorum aftectus, locorum situs, ca- stiorum custodiae , ducum orationes, omnium denique rerum gestarum in utroque exercitu nexus et consilia, non nisi ex ante actis intelligi possunt; neque poeta, si ejusmodi carmen singulare apud homines simplices et agrestes, quales erant omnes propemodum illius aevi, cecinisset, ad vigesimum versum audientium coronam tenuisset. Quod vir eximius ex Eustathii commentariis protulit, hanc scilicet rhapsodiam sigillatim ab Homero eciiptam esse, et a Pisistrato Uiadi insertam, ad naida- ;< ;ytiu rciegandum est cum aliis ejusmodi fabulis anili- bus, qui bus abunde scatent quae de poeta tradita sunt eub Herodoti, Plutarchi et aliorum personis ab ineptis- eimis ludimagistris; qui virum viribus ingenii et ani- mi celsitudine omnibus praefulgentem, ludimagistrum quoque fuisse perinde fatuum et stolidum, pueris per- suasum adnitebantur. §. XXVIII. Viri critici, qui animos multiplici scientia imbutos ad carmina legrnda adhibent, omnia zd naQalunofitvct e 2% memoria facile supplere solent: sed cum Jibrinulli trant, neque rcrum anteactarum memoria nisi a poetis con vata, omnis aut historia aut fabula, ut placere integra esse debuerat, ita ut ex se ipsa plane intelligere- tur, neque interpretis aut commtntatoris opere egeret. £. .XXIX. Quae in undecima I'iadis rhapsodia narrata sunt, haud minus ex . it; neq* pugnae cnminisr. reram in ea get arum nexnm atque ordinem quisqujiu int< iram et sects&um Achillis et *ictoriam, quam Trojani inde con- eequuti erant, autea co^ Initimn qnoquc, ej<.cto • exordio insititio, vs. j, 2, finem | !ibri aptis- siroe excipu: Rhesi enim caede Trojai Graecorum exploratoribus r< , uterque exerci ad pugnam so accingit ; atque e pugna, quae eequuta est, et rebus in - -, mors Pair itua et ufjuuficc Achillis, et omn [ne , quae poeta in annuo narrare lnluisset, serie coulinua et ordine pro- babili oriuntur. § XXX. Ita parum in sequentibus vir egrcgius 6ibi con utpostea, in O. 5eam, tanquam poen lata ea forma, qua per quad mpridem annos exdtissent 2 ). Poemata quoque ip« 'iris alienis, aut partibus hetcrogeniis, conllata » gu^a et Integra fuisse ab initio , et • ctorura - audi end um commodo in rhapsodia? me jam comprobasse confido argumentis hau dis , quibus alia fortasse adjeccro , cum in notuli? derim, interpolationes baud paucas eo insertas esse, ut singulae rhapsodiae commode a se invicem sejungeren- tur, et partes integrae viderentur. 1) Collectanea Hibernica, YoL III. Praef. ft) Lib. II. C. 116. 5 * §. XXXIV. Praeter Massiliense aliarum etiam civitatum satque gentium nominibus insignita singula exemplaria a ntiqua a grammaticis Alexandrinis laudata sunt; scilicet Chii, Cypri, Sinopes, Cretae et Argeos ; quae d'Ansse de Villoison, vir de omnibus bonis literis, praesertimiGrae- cis, optime meritus, non singula exemplaria a rnajori- bus tradita, aut a rhapsodis collecta credit, sed „edi- tiones, quas curaverant nonnullae civitates ')." Me ta- men fateor (venia viri doctissimi et nobis, dura vixif, amici?simi dixerim) haud intelligere, quomodo civitates aut respublicae editorum ofiiciis fungi possent; aut qua- lia senatusconsulta vel plebiscita fierent de singulorum vcrsuum variis lectionibus, cum ex unoquoque c;odice aliae seligendae, aliae repudiandae essent. Minus etiam compertum habeo, qua ratione omnes civitates insula e Cretae vel Cypri unius editoris vel grammatici munus exequerentur vel cxplerent: Graecorum autem vetremm moribus et institutis optime congruit, singulas vel ijocias civitates singula exemplaria e sparsis et divulsis diverse- rum rhapsodorum cantilenis communi auctoritate inte- gra comparasse, ac publico sumptu literis mandasse. §. XXXV. Haud tamen Fred. Aug. Wolfii de hac re sententiam omnino repudiare ausim: neque enim a ratione vel con- 6iietudine veterum alienum est, custodes bibliothecae Alexandrinae singulis Homericorum carminum exempla- ribus nomina posuisse earum civitatum vel insularum, e quibus ea, privatorum fortasse scriniis, emissent vel col- legissent ; atque inde orta esse duo recensionum vel edi- i) Piolegora. in Iliad, p. XXIIT. tionum genera, quae ab Alexandrinis laudata sint; al xar avdoa, quales essent Antiraachi et fthiani; et al xaru no- lug ve\lx noXiutv, ut Massiliensis , Chia, Argiva , Sino- pica, Cypria et Cretica 1 ). Praeterea fuit exemplar per- celebre illud ix vuodr t /.og; quod cura Aristotelis 2 ), vel, ut aliimaluerunt, Callistheiiis etAnaxarchi, correctun Alexander in cista pretiosissima , inter spolia Persarum capta, depositum tent-bat, et secum semper habebat. Wolfii autem sententiae vocabula txdooag et dw quibus vetera exemplaria dignoscuntur , obbtare vi. tur; :i (f-aotr, • •jiQvi -7; xakatra dyyigiov , xnt kaddiv rd —u, K«x Aia% Hort o'to(V , xara«;iaoa; 7 xaXUorort, a 1 -rapd *A xaTiOXSiaotv. fatft umi&m* rd/.rtrra , xar tlimp na- Aauuv, tdxaivd. Galen, in Hippocr. Epideni. 1. III. Coram. II. 55 aliquo conquirendo ex ea civitate, quae ih formam ipsam indui8set , et Uteris prima consignasset , unquam cogitasse. Quod si tanta beneficia in poesim contulis- 8ent Attici , ut lliadem et Odysseam e sparsis ac disjectis diversorum poetarum carminibus condidissent, antiquis- eima earum exemplaria haud minus quam tragoediarum ex Athenis comparanda fuissent. Bibliothecae tamen conditoribus ac curatoribus potius visum est, neglectis prorsus Athenis talia exemplaria e Sinope et Massilia, extremis Asiae etEuropae oris, inter gentes feras ac bar- baraS conditis, conquirere; ubi diccvxtvciGTwv et emen- daturientium fuco et commentis minus obnoxia fuissent, atque ideo pristinum nitorem carminum integrum et il- Jaeeum conservassent. Fabulam itaque istam aut ne- ecisse aut sprevisse eos oportet: studia enim regum et grammaticorum haud paullo acriora erant in Homerum, quam in tragicos, vel alios quoscunque poetas; neque sumptui aut labori ulli perpercissent, quo codices me- liores vel antiquiores se obtinere posse sperassent. §. XXXVIL Ipse Wolfius , cum e sensibus animi potius quam e praesumptis opinionibus judicium profert, parum huic fabulae ndere videtur; tametsi, ut sententiam suam, quae tota ex ea pendet, quoquo modo tueatur, aliam et absurdiorem , ei quasi fulcrum ac supplementum , sibi confinxit; atque religiosam earn et perpetuam morum veterum observantiam, et loquendi sentiendique formu- larun con6tantiam, quam in carminibus miramur, et quae uni aetati, et unius hominis ingenio tantum con- gruere videtur, ex unius Aristarchi el eganti ingenio et G 34 doctrina profectam esse contendit *); cum nihilominus ex innumeris locis constaret, ut doctissimus Heyne jam. pridem monuit, Aristarchum neque indolem neque pros- odiam veteris linguae cognitam habuisse. §. XXXVIII. Haud tamen ulliim Homericorum carminum exem- plar Pisistrati saeculo antiquius extitisse, aut sexcente- simo prius anno ante Christum natum scriptum fuisse, facile credam: rara enim et perdiflicilis erat iis tempo ri- bus scriptura ob penuriam materiae scribendo idoneae; cum literas aut lapidibus exarare aut tabulis Jigneis aut laminis metalli alicujus insculpere oporteret; quo modo in laminis plumbeis antiquissimum liesiodi exemplar apud Delphos asservabatur. Laminae autem, quae to- tius Iliadis vel Odysseae capaces fuissent, omncm ratio- iiem modumque ponderis et impensi excessissent; atque ideo memoriter retenta sunt, et hacc, et alia veterum poetarum carmina, et per urbes ac vicos, et in princi- pum virorum aedibus decantata a rhapsodis istis, qui histrionicam quandam artem exercebant, et alienorum fructibus ingeniorum sese alebant. Neque mirandum est, ea per tot saecula sic integra conservaia esse: quo- niam , 11011 ut Scotorum quidam de Pseudo-Ossiani sui potmatibus persuadere laborabant, casu quodam novo et inaudito per homines rusticos et indigentes , aliis ne- gotiis et curis distractos et iropeditos, tradita erant, sed per eos, qui, ab omnibus Graeciae et coloniarum regi- bus et civitatibus mercede satis ampla conduct! , omnia sua studia in iis ediscendis, retinendis, et rite recitandis i) Prolegora. $. 2. 55 conferebant. Ne tamen Scoti.de poesi sua Celtica soli sine aeraulis gloriarentur, Hibernicus antiquarius face- tissimus poerna haud paullo antiquius, si credere libet, de bello Trojaiio, patria lingua prisca scriptum invenit: quam linguam, sive Celticam, sive Scythicam, sive Magogicarn, sive Pelasgiam dixeris, non aliam esse ea, e qua omnium Graecorum carmina antiquiora translata pint, praesertim Homerica; quae Terpandrum , septimi ante Christum natum saeculi lyricum et citharistam aut ahum quemvis ejusmodi hominem transtulisse conten- ds ; neque unquam suspicatus est vir egregius, Iliadem euam Hibernicam ex iisdem materia , quibus Shakes- pearii „Troilus et Cressida", confictam esse, eodem vel eeriore etiam saeculo: quamvis id tuto admittere potue- rit, et plane nihilominus eviocere, Hiberniae Iliaca ve- tustiora quam Scotiae Ossianica carmina esse *). Haud minus egregie hallucinati sunt veterum non- nulli , qui, sacerdotum Aegyptiorum jactatione et prae- stigiis ludificau , Homerum Memphi e libris in Vulcani templo asservatis Iliadem et Odysseam transtulisse vel confinxisse, tradiderunt 2 ): Aegyptii enim, etsi mate-, riam ad conscnbendos libros idoneam Graecis medio se- ptimo a. Ch. n. saeculo primi suppeditaverint 3 ), ipsi nullos nisi rituales et annales scripsisse videntur; neque minus coelum et solum, quam hominum ingenia et in- doles lir | ,ac, poesi, quae varia et inaequalia poscir, inimica fntrunt. 1) Collectanea Hibernica, Pracf. in vol. III. 2) Ibid. 3) Rege Psammiticho } qui Aegyptum alienigenajciun Corniner« ciis primus aperaerir. Ykle Herodotun.. C2 §. XXXIX. Plutarchus autem Lycurgura, Lacedacmoniornra legislatorem , carmina Homerica in Ionia apud Cleo- phyH cujusdara posteros invenisse, tradidit, atqne ea nono a. Ch. n. saeculo exscripsisse, et in patriam retu- lisse , cum jam antea obscura quaedam eorum fama inter Graeciae incolas percrebuisset, ac partes aut laciniae nonnullae sparsim et singulatim circumferrentur. Sed haec fabula, ut cui vis sentire licet, in Lacedaemonio- rum vel eorum legislatoris laudem tota conncta est ab homine rerum antiquarum et priscae morum indolis prorsus ignaro , qui iibros exscribere ejusdem impensi atque operis in Lycurgi , ac sua ipsius aetate, ere- diderat. $. XL. Si vero carmina tarn sero literis mandabantur, haud mirandum est, grammaticos Alexandrinos tam parum luminis aut fructus e suis codicibus hausisse; cum scri- bae, qui ea e rhapsodorum recitationibus exceperant, rei antiquariae parum etudiosi , sua quisque ipsius, aut ejus qui recitabat, patria dialecto usi sint; quam, gen- tis cuiuscunque iuisset, Pisistrati aetate plurimum ab Homerico sermone immutatam esse oportct; itaut, ne in antiquissimo quidem Bibliothecae exemplari , gram- matici illi digamma inventuri essent; neque si forte in Argivo vel Cretensi occurrisset , pro alio quam dialecti eemibarbarae signo exoleto, a poetae cultissimo sermone prorsus abigendo, habituri essent. E breribus titulis, in laminis et lapidibus insculptis , linguae veteris reliquiae cruendae erant ; atque ex iis norma aliqua constituenda, qua, exemplaribus inter se collatis, ct metri analogiac- ^7 que justa ratione habita, e diversomm discrepantiis unum congruens et sincerum, ab omnibus rhapsodorum sordibus purgatum, confici potuisset. Sed alia pror- sus criticorum veterum emendandi corrigendique ra- tio fuit. §. XLI. Inscriptionum , quae adhuc extant, vix unam aut alteram ad aetatem Pisistrato priorem referre ausim : in liummis enim antiquissimis, quorum complures haud paullo vetustiores sunt, signum pro nomine gentis vel civitatjs est; et literae aut nullae aut initiales tan turn: neque Homericorum temporum monumenta inscripta speranda sunt, sed posteriora potius exquirenda ; quae inter gentes minus cultas condita , sermonem ipsis anti- quiorem, et Homerico propiorem exhibeant. Hujus- modi est tabula ilia Heracleensis ; quae, sub finem quarti a. Ch. n. saeculi exarata , dialecti speciem vetu- stiorem exhibet, quam quae in alio quovis ejusmodi monumento adhuc deprehensa sit. Si Peloponnesi, Boeotiae, et Phocidis urbium reliquias perscrutari lice- ret, alia forte et antiquiora, hominum haud magis ele- gantiis recentioribus elimatorum, inventuri foremus: neque hujus saeculi principes, si partem aliquam opum, quas in bellorum et luxus voragines profundunt, in iis eruendis , exquirendis , et in lucem proferendis expen- derent, minus suae ipsorum gloriae , aut civium et sub- ditorum felicitati consulerent. Quae reges Alexandrini bello fortiter gesserint, vel pace splendide ostentave- rint, vix est qui nunc scire curet : sed quae in bonas artes acliteras, praesertim in Homerica carmina contu- lerunt, ea demum omnia pro communibus in genus liu- 58 manum beneficiis adhuc agnoscuntur; et ubicunque terrarura humanitatis et elegantiae studia aliquid pro- gre6sus fecerint, tanquam gloriae monumenta celebran- tur, quae eo etiam omnibus aliis ejusmodi monu- mentis praestant, quod ipsa vetustas, quae cetera sub- mit, haec auget, in aeternumque auctura est. §. XLII. De se suaque patria Hesiodus in carmine quacdara memoravit; aique ideo ansam pratbuit chrono^raphia accuratius inquirendi de aetate, qua viverit: sed n**que lliadis neque Odysseae auctor aliqi. e ipso di neque ullam notiiiam vel homiuurn urn sui sae- culi posteris tradidit, e qua vel de loco vel de tempore quo tloruerit, quicquid cerli statuere po^ tx indole tamcn linguae et syllabarum noiinullaru: sun's certissimc constat, utrumque Htsiudo amiquio- rem esse: nam omnium linguarum progressio rudem est; atque in contrahendo et comprimendo paullatim tonos ac syllabas, et in elidendo ac ruolliendo vocis ar- ticulationes praecipue fit. §. XL1U. Hanc praescrtim ob causam Ilias mihi videtur anti- quior Odyssea, et a poeta praecedentis aevi condita Par in utroque poemate simplicitas moruni, idem %vovg cxpzaionpiTi)^ xat yu^t; <■ atqui voces quaedam Odysseae e vitae cultioris u>u et rerum statu jam maturiore orta esse videntur; ut y^uarm, opes, quae xr ;;/<«:« in lliade sunt; Xtayr, , diversorium publi- cum; ffvfih j, iunis e biblo, herba Aegyptiaca, lliadis auctori iguota, factus : 6 operam aiercc- 59 nariam facio, verbum e nomine #^> servus mer- cenarius, effictum, ac novum hominum ordinem, me- dium inter servos et ingenuos, indicans; qui nusquam in lliade memoratur, neque civili rerum statui in ea adumbrato satis congruere videtur. §. XLIV. Voces aliae, in utroque poemate perinde obviae, in Odyssea breviorem sumunt formam , atque Atticam ietam elegantiam et concinnitatem, quae majestatem veteris linguae pauJlatim subruebat, jamdudum obre- ptantem produnt. Hujusmodi sunt Nowvpog , penulti- ma breri , pro Ntovvpvog , e participio Nowvptvog con- tracto; Siamg pro fytant'oiog; et'^/^o'rr;? pro ' AyQOitnvrig'y atque item secundus casus nominis 'Hajg, 'Hqoq in dis- eyllabum; et Aoaxo , paenultima correpta, pro Aoaoau- to; Kloi quoque ei Kma in monosyllaba ; et participia praeterita TeOir^jg, Hinri^g etc. quae, more antiquo Ionico, paenultimaa semper productas in lliade, nisi locis interpolatis , habent, in dissyllaba Te&vecogi 77*- Ttximg , etc. poetarum Atheniensium more contracta. Vox, quae in lliade, uno dempto loco x ), Psgrnn tri- syllaba est ubique, in Odyssea non nisi dissyllaba vel monosyllaba, _T/ , rptivg, et diaeresi r^iig, occur- rit; quae more antiquo r^ocFi], r$uFg> et T^ccFcg scri- benda esse, e Latino Gravis , inde deducto, certissime constat; atque ita TeQccFog et rs(jaFtj, pro ytQcuog et yeQai)], pari ratione Iliadi restituenda sunt. *) r. 386. Interpolatum esse totum locum 536 — 8- alias ob cau- sas suspicari licet; sed qua ratione repurgandus sit, vix ope„ raepretium est, conjecturis indulgere. 49 §. XLV. In sententiarum constructione, quae vulgo •yntaxia vocatur, parum differentiae est: ob6ervare tamen licet, *Em\v in Odyssea hand infrequenter inclicativum sibi 8ubfunctum habere; quod in Iliade nusquatn evenit. Alia est autem mythorum et sacrorum ratio; cum IliacuS poeta neque Mercurium deorurn nuntium, nc- que Neptunum tridentigerum, neque Delon insolam Apollini sacram , neque deum eum oraculit zpeiovra, ant homines ftfaojuvovg '), neque Thesea aliquem heroa, neque hominem ullum impia ista postcriorum tempo- rum dno&ewoit inter deos relatum, nosse videtur. $. XLVII. Vestigia etiam OJysseae insunt artium ac scientia- rum , rudium scilicet adhuc et agrestium, auctarum ta- men, et gradum aliquem paullo eminentiorem adepta- rum. Lyrae chordae baud diutius c lino factae sunt *), aed ex ovium intestini- , at hodie fiunt; et verticillas, xulkoip, quo intendeientur ct remitterentur , adjectus est 3 ); quod Iliacus poeta in Achillis lyra 4 ) vix silen- tio transisset, si ei innotuisseL Usus etiam colurana- rum in aedinciis frequens in Odyssea . nusquam in Ilia- de memoratur; atque ideo ignotum fuisse poetae anti- i ) Odyss. Q. 79 — gi. 2) Iliad. 2. 570. Ha ml me effugnt, rlros doctor knot istud pr» cantiuncula qua Jam habuisse; sed obstac eorum sententiae V, nam cttiriti qui ad citharam canir, ipsa wxntti 5) Odyss. <*>. 4°i>- 4) Iliad. /. 136. quiori colligere licet; vix enim in Priami aedium tarn magnifica descriptione x ) cum siluisset, si cognosset. Columnae, quae in Ulyssis aula sive triclinio stabant, arborum trunci, medio aedificio erecti ad tigna tecti imbricati suatinenda, fuisse videntur, atque ita, ut ha- 8tas , quibus Graeci antiquiasimi nunquam non armati prodibant, appositas continerent, circumquaque striati, haud alitor quam columnae Doricae in posterorum tem- plia 2 ). Oceanum denique uxpoQQOv , refluentem, esse, longinquiore navigatione , quamvis obscure et ambigue, homines jam turn percepisse videntur; cum nihil ejus- modi in carmine lliaco , nisi in versu manifeste spurio et commentitio 3 ) , memoratum sit. In artibus humi- lioribus quoque et agrestibus usus atyviuiov, aquilarum minorum , in aucupio *), et retis , dwTvov nokvwnoij, in 1) Iliad. Z. 242 « — 50. 2) Odyss. A. 210. Haud me fugit, doctrina et ingenio in- signes esse viros, qui negaverint, dovQoSoxrjv istam colu- mnae striam sive canaliculum fuisse, et pro appenso velprope apposito quodam, vel ipsa media columna excavata potius habuerint. Venia taraen eorum dixerim , male eos intelle- xisse Graeca tarn poetae quam commentatoris Eustathii: nam w()off xiova, columnae ipsi, non rei alicuiex ea exstanti vel antepositae, hastam adnixam, unice significare potest; ut hene reddidit Vhgihus : quae mediis ingenti adnixa columnae Aeaibus adstabat, validam vi corripit hastam. (Aen. XII. 92. ) neque Eustathius per sk xiova tyysykvfiftivfjv mediam columnam excavatam voluisse existimandus est; cximia V tixlovaxs*odojulv7iv exprimendum foret; sed su- perficiem ejus insculptam vel exaratam, xta ut hastae, ei adnixae, immotae starent. 3) -*• 399- O Odyss. X,3«2 — € - piscatu 1 ), progressus indicant, qui, utcunque sper- nendi in hac satietate et fastidio renim , iis aetatibns nonnisi tarde et pluribus irritis conatibus fiebant. §. XLVIIL Ut uberior et validior in ornando, ita modestior in (ingendo est Iliadis auctor; quod non a mente solum ve- gctiore et judicio scvcriore profecium esse crediderim, scd quodammodo etiam e locornm, ubi res g» <*nt t propinquitate: Troadis enim caraporum - murium cujaus, montium praerupu et- cacuroina , audientibua proximarum regionum incolis, apprirue nota esse de- bucrant; atque ideo, darn hero ac foi tit udo su- pra oinnem naturae modum eirerebatu odi am ratio justa et accural a hubenda crat, qua inte- ritatif species in rebus notit, iingendi licentiae in iguotis obtcndcrctur. §. XLIX. De Ithaca autem, insula parva, longinqua et obseu- ra, cum nihil omnino coloni illi Asiatici. pro- nil auribus, ad quaecunque poetae fingere libuerit acci- pienda , audittun venicbant. Minus etiam curiosos fuisse oportuit de percgrinationibus Ulvssis , de gentibus et re- gionibua, quas emu adiisse, et portentis ac prodigiis, quae eum in iis vidisse, poeta commentus sit: neque se- rioris aevi geographi, qui eas gentes et regiones inter *) lb. 536. Ejusmodi rete sub alio nomine, oki'oi t.ivov, memo- rattur II. E. \2T- scd total locus — , — insititius et Serioril cujusdnm poetae esse videtui ; baud pnuca enim ei insuut ab Homevico seruione alicna , gu«a in notnla 1 mus. 45 fretaSicula, Tyrrhena, etc. perquirebant, alitcr erras- se mihi videntur, quam si quis inter insulas Oceani Au- stralis Gulliverianas istas, Lilliput, Blefuscue, etc. per- quirere susceperit. Ita nonnullos gravioris judicii viros inter veteres sensi6se constat ') ; quanquam recentiorum poetarum siudia , dum res, quas tractarent , Homericis fabulis ornare et augere laborarent, alteri opinioni plus ponderis et auctoritatis addiderint. Gentes quoque, quae cas regiones incolebant, dum in patriae honorem anti- quitaiis speciem e carminibus Homericis unaquaeque captaret, rumorem vel indicium quodcunque, tenuissi- mum etiam, quo Graecorum principes a Troja redeun- tes ea loca attigisse crederentur, avide arripuere et amb- itiose auxere: unde evcnit, ut Sicilia pro Cyclopum, Campania pro Laestrygonum , et Corcyra pro Phaeacum patria habita sit; cum tamen revera non aliter e mente poetae de Cyclopibus ct Laestrygonibus quam de Brob- dignagiensibns statuendum fuerit; neque Phaeaces et eorum insula Scberia alio loco habendi, quam Panchaea, Laputa, Eutopia et aliae ejusmodi fabulosae , quas face- tiS8imi homines, sive in sacerdotum et philosophorum ludibrium, sive in summae beatitudinis exemplum , euopte quisque ingenio eflinxerint. Neque multum profecit vir acerrimus, qui, post Iliacam topographiam tam felici industiia expeditam, Odyssiacam haud pari- bus auspiciis tentavit: omnis enim similitudo Homericae cum posterorum Ithaca e nova lectione Jacobi Bryant, u4vzdo pro Al di x in Odyssea IX. 26., pendet: quam senex, inscitia vix tironi condonanda, protulit, et juve- nis, verecundia ctiam in pucro nimia, amplexus est: 1) Strabop. 1. I. p. 24. L VII. p. 299. 44 quoniam JvtuQ pronomini emphatico Avvy) sic uvzidtu- -Awg subjunctum de una eademque re nulla unquam vel ratio vel consuetudo loquendi agnovit. Non aliam ob causam forsitan poetalthacamet resUlyssiscaeteris Grae- corum a Troja redeuntium materiam carminis praetulit, quam quod, audientibus minus notae , majorem fingen- di licentiam praeberent: insula enim parvula, pauperri- ma, et remotissima nullas illecebras habebat, quibus per- egrinatorem , raercatorem, vel etiam piratam Asiaticom visendi studio allectaret. S- L. Odysseam Homcricam in libri XXIII. vs. 296. finem habuissc, gramraatici celeberrirai, Aristophanes et Ari- starchus, olim censuerunt x >; neque aliter cuivis Home- ric is paullo altius imbuto ccnsendum est; tarn rnulta subsequentibus iiisunt a moribws ac sermone illius aevi prorsus aliena. E Tiresiae vaticiniis quoque constat, Ulyssem ob procorum caedem in exilium actum esse 2 ), et longinquis peregrinationibus postea diu jactatum er- rasse. Pauca, quae veterum traditionibus poeta acce- perat, ornare et augere speciosis miraculis studebat, mutare non audebat; atque ea nihil amplius docuisse videntur, quam Ulyssem, a Troja in patriam redeuntem, via aberrasse, et inter terras longinquas et ignotas nau- fragium fecisse et diu latuisse; decimo autem anno so- lum sub aliena persona clam rediisse, et principes ali- quot viros, qui uxorem sollicitarent, et hospitioabuteren- tur, dolo interfecisse; a quorum parentibus et propin- 1) Vide Schol. min. et Eustath. y. 2") Vide ./. i2o etc. . 46 quis e civitate exaclus sit. Horum numerum, ut ejus gloriae consuleret, poeta immodice , supra omnem fi- dem et opinionem , ampliavit et auxit ; quo praecipue ct in foedfs istis et immanibus suppliciis , quae Ulysses et Telemachus de caprario et miseris aliquot mulierculis sumunt, judicium limatius et liberalius desiderandum est 1 ). Bellatores suos atroces, saevos, et feroces ex- hibuit Iliadis auctor; sed a frigida ea ac tarda crudelita- te , quae odium duntaxat ac nauseam pariat, oranes ab- horrent. Caede et sanguine hostium, non cruciatibus inimicorum gaudent : neque Achillis tantum vel Diome- dis , sed Ulyssis etiam , qualis in Iliaco carmine adum- bratur, excelsior et generosior est animus, quam ut in servos et ancillas saevierit, aut tam vili et miserando sanguine ultionem vel iram placaverit. Veruntamen, quo minus judicii et ingenii in fin- gendo , eo plus artis et elegantiae in distribuendo et or- nando prodit Odysseae auctor. Summus est ubique ni- tor, et lactea quaedam ubertas tenuissimas res citra tu- cum auget, et veram earum speciem, quamvis religiose retentam, honestiorem reddit. Quoties res postulant, vigore, nonimpetu ; assurgit; alioquin extenuat consulto vires, et cursu facili et aequabili fertur; dum res com- munes , domesticas et rusticas , sermone culto quidem ac nitido, a quotidiano tamen proximo, plane et per- spicue narrat. $. LI. In universum tamen utriusque poetae ratio fingen- di eadem est, atque ita pro audientium captu instituta, X. 465 ete. 46 ut Veritas in notis ac reapse existentibus fulem faceret fictis et ignotis : quae item omnes crederent simul et stuperent. De rebus sensibus subjectis subtiliora pl«- rumque et morosiora judicia sunt hominum foris et sub dio aetatem degentium quam criticorum, qui scholarum «t gymnasiorum literariorum umbraculis cessantes, ali«- iris oculis saepe vident ct sensus animorum e pracsura- ptis opinionibus arte professoria concinnant. At ea ipsa judicia co exercenda, quo experientia quotidiana nihil valere,t, prorsus bebescefrent , ita ut omne rniiaculuro, vel loci vel temporis spatio semotum, facile creditu ea- set; et quidquid liccntia fingendi de Achillis vel Ulyssis rebus gestis profcrre posset, pronis auribus, tanquam fidedignum, accipcretur, ab iis etidni, quo* ne Vii lianas quidem hyperbolas de fluctibus ad bidera atsui ■-. tibus , etc. 1 ) aequo animo auscultatun < eo colligere licet, quod in carmiuibus tarn muhipln modi rerum species tam varie adumbratas compltxis ni- hil tale veteres poetae ausi sint. Pari quoque mode* imparl quamvis arte et ingenio, poetae barbari scpten- trionales eandem materiam tractarunt, adaeque immo- dici in deorum et heroum fact is ultra omncm humanac naturae rationem augendis et exagirerandis: de iis enim audientes omnia credere parati erant, quia cire potuerant. In omnibus autcm, quae c colitis navigandi, venandi et armenta pascendi studiis c> _nita haberent, nihil, quod non veruin esset, oblectare potuit; atque lianc ob causam, si nulla alia subesset, inanium ista ampullarum farrago, quae sub Ossiani cujusdam ficto nomine venditata est, pro commentitia et subdititia a 1) Aeneid. I. 103. nr. 5C7. etc. V quovis non veterum morum et consuetudinum prorsus ignaro habenda foret. §. LII. Cum flumina Troadis Simoenta et Scamandrum. male alterum ab altero distinxissent geographi veteres, omnia, quorum riotitia aliquo modo ex iis pendebat, situm nempe urbis et planitiei Trojanae, navium Grae- corum stationem, etc. perperam intelligebant, et locis alienis perquirebant; neque nisi hoc demum saeculo, Chevalieri , Morittii , Gellii et Clarkii curis et laborious, ju6ta ac vera aliqua eorum expositio facta est; quae tan- dem aptissime congruere traditis a poeta visa sunt, Nullo modo igitur nugarum venditatoribus auscultan- dum , quorum alter bellum Trojanum * ) , alter Medi- cum 2 ), nullo quasi negotio, de medio sustulit. Mihi etiam puero senera haud minus doctum , neque alioqui magis delirum , audisse contigit , qui paribus argumen- ts , nee majore nisu, Americam et insulas Americanas ex orbe terrarum sustulerat; quaecunque enim de iis narrata essent suis temporibus , cum omnia fraude et mendaciis impudentissimis referta et inquinata essent, nemini sano credenda esse, contendebat; neque quae Hitfpani, Lusitani et Itali deChristophoriColumbi, Ame- rici Vespucii, Ferdinand] Magellani, et aliorum longin- quis per maria incognita profectionibus antea tradidis- sent, pluris aestimanda , quam quae eorum populare3 iisdem temporibus de Amadis, Palmerini, Orlandi, vel Rinaldi rebus gestis scriptitassent; sive quae, pari im- 1) Bryant, siege of Troy- 1) Richardson, Oriental Dissertations 48 pudentia, nebulo quidam sub Gulliverii nomine de cjusmodi navigatione nuper proferre au9u§ esset. §. LIII. Diversorum hominura diversi cum ratione insanien- di sunt modi. Huic aliquid verum credere, quod non et antiquum, religio fuit: illis omnia omnium hominum ac temporum commenta, versus Sibyllinos, Phoenicias Sanchoniathonis, nescio cujus, historias, poemaU Row- leiana, etc. etc. pro Sanctis et sinceris amplexari et ven- ditare solenne erat; dum virorum giavissimorum, Thu- cydidis, Aristotelis et Strabonis, de rebus antiquis testi- monia via notatu digna viderentur. Quae de Anaxago- rae, Metrodori Scepsii et aliorum opinionibus suam serw tentiam comprobantibus attulit quidam , falsa sunt omnia; nemo enim veterum, ne eorum quidem, qui sub Homericarum fabularum involucris suae sapientiae argutias se invenisse credebant, de ipso bello Trojano dubitationem unquam attulerat; licet poeta res in eo gestas exornasse potius quam enarra6se visus sit, et de animis audientium commovendis magis quam de men- tibus instruendis cogitasse , atque idcirco vera consilia belli non aperuisse , sed speciem quandam probabilcm, poesi magis quam rerum rationi aptam , ei praetendisse; nam Helena, si praetexta, vix vera causa tanti belli esse potuit; numquam enim homines usque eo fatui et stuki fuerunt , ut pro una muliercula , aut illi tot labores sus- cipere voluissent , aut isti tot mala sustinuerint. Si de belli Peloponnesiaci ausis nihil cogniium csset , praeter ea quae tradidit Aristophanes , non alia fuisse Periclis in eo suscipiendo consiJia quivis crediderit, nee de Grae- cia subigenda et imperi© rerum occupando, sed de mu- *9 lierculis quibusdam recuperandis eum taritum cogitas- se 1 ). Quae comicus vituperandi et mordendi, antiquus poefa ornandi studio fingebat , baud nescius, quantum Helenae persona ei profutura esset, atque audientes non adeo curiosos ejusmodi rerum aestimatores esse, ut jasta earumralio in omnibus reddenda foret. §.-LTV. Vera belli causa fuisse vicetur' aucta ultra modum imperia, cum Agamcmnonis, turn Priami; atque inde mutua aemulaLio, sibi invicem praecavendi studia, ti, mores , odia , et irae ; quae inter praepotentes semper suboriri solent. Imperium Trojanum quoque Pelopida- rum regnum avitum fuisse traditur; quodDardanidarum familia, expulso Tantalo, Agamemnonia et Menelai proavo, vi occupasse credebatur. Recuperandi itaque imperii studium momenti aliquid in consiliis habere po- tuit, nee non et juris aequi probabilem obtendere spe- ciem expeditioni, qua majorum res sibi vindicandas, et injurias prius illatas ukiscendas, susceperat. Belli au- tem eventus vix minus funestus victoribus quam •victis fuit ; quantumvis enim gloriae Graecorum prin- cipes inde retulissent, res domi , quae interim labe- factabantur, nihilo validiores ex ea post reditum fa~ ctae sunt; at conquassata Pelopidarum potentia, et eumptibus ac caedibus fractae et imminutae Achaeorum opes, Heraclidis et Doribus occasionem redeundi et Pe- loponnesum invadendi praebuisse videntur : ita ut me- morabili, haud tamen unico exemplo, victoris populi clades et ultima ruina e bello prospere gesto successent. i) AcLarn. 524 etc, ed. Brunk. 5o S- LV. Etiamsi alia sit in nonnullis mythorum et sacrorum ratio, Odysseae taraen nihilominus quam Iliadis aucto- ri mystica ilia et symbolica posterorum religio prorsud ignota fuisse videtur y neque dei ex ea orti, vel ad cam pertinentes, ut Pan, Silenus, Bacchus, Cupido, etc. , in locis non interpolatis usquam obversantur. Neque H;/mrcc ista quae in tabella plicatili Bellerophontes a Proeto acc^pe- rat, symbola erant quaedam IV it, inter socerum et geneium prius constituta, quorum volunta- tem neque Bellerophontes neque alius quipiam, non ab iis edoctus, intelligere posset 2 ); neque ulentwn auri numisma, sed pondus est, nulla alia re usurpatum; un- de numisma fortasse initium cepit: quatenus enim e pre- tii ratione magnitudinem ejus definire licet, haud alia existimanda sunt numismata ea antiquissima, quae ad- 1) Odyss. A. 500 — 4. Xki.oy%a.Q too, interpolatorem nunif* prodit. 2) Iliad. Z, 163 etc Si hue extant, pondo granorum CCLX plu9 minusve, sin- gula, quam talenta ilia Homerica cusa ac signata. Omnia ex auro non decocto, quale efodinis ac metallis provenit, opere vetustissimi moris, rudi et informi, facta sunt; neque e quatuordecim , quae mihi videre eontigit, nisi unum literis signatum est, 2/nempe, initialibus «£/-» &N/S2N 1 ) ; quorum insula, alioqui sterilis et saxosa, au- ri metalla satis ampla habebat. Hi nummi fortasse Kqol- utloi GTctTfjpfQ Pollucis sunt, quorum ad exemplum post- ea Darici ex auro decocto, quo primus Darius Hystaspis fili us in moneta usus est 2 ), facti esse videntur; majores enim ejusdem quasi ponderis sunt, minores dimidii ; atque ex his urbium Asiaticarum et regum Macedonum Gvarijoig velPhilippi, Romanorumaureivel solidi, etaliarumdein- ceps gentium numismata aurea usque ad nostratium Gui- neas et Francogallorum Louis, originem forte traxerunt; pondo enim quasi omnia, auri plus minusve puri in non- nullis ratione habita, Persarum Darica minora aequiparant; licet pretium , e copia continuo aucta, sensim imminu- turn sit. Omnes etiam omnium civitatum Graecarum nummi aurei e partibus aliquot talenti Homerici conficti esse videntur; atque usque eo talentum id in mercan- tium et vendentium commoda divisum est, ut eCXXX ra » ejus parte nummuli cusi sint; quorum unus Coiorqm, conservatissimus, pondo II granorum, in museo nostro 1) Cantabrigiae apnd virum ornatissimum D. E. Clarke, LL. D. qui co et cornpluribus aliis veterum civitatum , regum et gentium minimis pretiosissimis Museum nostrum huma- nissime ditavit; ita ut e quatuordecim, quos vidi, undecim nunc habeat. Caeterorum , duo in locupletissimo nummo- phylacio Baronis de Northwick, et alter in Hunteriano as- acrrantur. 2) Herodot. lib. IV- 16$, D Q asservatur* Talentum vetus quatuor drachmarum a scriptoribus de re nummaria memoratur *); quod Ho- mericum talentum , et regum Lydorum staterem, Kqqi- oahv urutTJoa, fuisse, vix dubitandum est. Apud Siceliotas et Italiota9 argentea pari modo mo- neta ponderis ratione in talenta, minas et nummos divisa erat 2 ): nee non et aerea quoque; quae apudEtru- scos et Latinos, qui earn ab Italiotis receperant, fusa, non cusa, antiquitus erat. Unicuique tamen genti, et in unoquoque metallo, ratio ponderum et divisionum diversa fuit. Fallitur autem Ricbardus Bentlejus, cum e locis pa- rum sinceris Pollucis et Festi Siceliotas et Italiotas 6cri- bit minas in re nummaria non habuisse, talentum au- tem e nummis XXIV constituisse 3 ) : in tabula enim He- racleensi, sub finem quarti a. Ch. n. saeculi insculpta, MNAI et NOMOI diserte memorantur 4 ) ; atquc edi- tor ejus Mazzochius plane ostendit, ratione pretii utro- rumque habita, et loco Diodori Siculi citato, minam istam Italicam XXIV nummos, et talentum Siciliense XXIV minas valuisse 5 ). NOM02Z (sic enim omnino 1) Schol. Ven. in II. *P. 269. 2) Tab. Heracl. Neap. 1, 95, 96, 1:15, ct Mazzoch. Disquis. in eand. 75. 3) Dissertation on Phalaris etc. S. XIV- to uivrot 2txtl*MO¥ taXavrov ikaxioTOv farof, to ulr d^xalov, o'z 'slgiGTv Xiysi '• , rtooapa9 v.al elxoci rot's roi'uuoii' ro dt loTsgor &o- xaidsxct' fi'iacftai de tuv vovuuov Tgt'a i;uiol6/.ia. Polluc. IX. 37. Atticum (talentum) est 6000 deiiarium, Srracusa- num 5 denarium. Fest. 4) Vs. 75, 95, 9 6 > J -3- 5) Mazzoch. in vs. 75. to ziXavrov Si, to vvp lsy,\unov *Jt- riXQV, crcxpa J2utsXtQjT«ii to piy g.f>%aiQV r 4 y fii cut KJ' rvpi 55 acribendum, cum vovfi^og mera barbarizes sit e Latina pronuuciatione orta) " x ) quarta pars plus minusve drachmae A tticae fuit; cujus moduli frequentissimi ex- tant nummuli civhatum Italicarum. Aitqu et 'Oyttla (sicenim, non ovyxia, scribendum ) Libra et Uncia, aeris, et rerum pondera viliorum distinguebant; quam- vis postea ALzqu monetam argenteam, quae libram aeris vel |- partes nummi apud eosdem significant, et 6y- sticxg XII valeret. Sic Menandri versus irtelligendus est, quern e codice bene restituit Athenaei editor elegantissi- mus — fiiytgov tccXuptov yiverav xazd koyov — ■ at male iriterpretatus est — impensa, si summam rerum sub- ducas, est talenti — fttngou — parum abest. Sermo est enim de vilitate rerum et parsimonia, non magnifi" centia sacrificantiunr, quorum impensa in deos ad ratio- nem parvi talenti, Siciliani scilicet, tota computanda esset. Vide Athenaei Deipnos. L. VIII. C. LXVII. ed. Schweigh. §• LVII. Graecorum aliorum numismatibus ratio numeric non ponderis, nomina dedit, e clavis deducta vel obo- lis ferreis vel aereis, qui apud Dores forsitan pro num- dk IB. Diodor. Sic. apud Suid. in voce xaXavtov^. Aliter et emenda tius fortasse Diodori verba extant in Schol. Ven. B. in U. E. 576. ralavzov Iqtv (Ivojv a. t? Se pva SgaxfMuv P. 7} Ss Sfjayjty opoliov F. 6 §s yolxovs Xetctwv Z. to raA«v- rov $£ vvv Icyo/uerov ^Arxi^iv napd. Se ^mekLOjTaiS to fiev aQy.oXov r/v fivcuv KJ, vvv §& KB. 1) Quod Bentleji acumen fugisse mirum est, cum quartam se- dem in versu iambico senario Epicharnii, quern laudat, te- neat. p. 335. et apud Suidam HOM02. — Jojqius Si e A\hjvalQi h '- cv 01 oe th'jxovra v.al ixaroi' txtj ysyovlvai /used tj]v Tooiav 1 Qov T f y.al 'Hoiodov. C. XVIII. S. 11. 5) Herodot. lib. I. C.5G. 65 De Doribus autem silet poeta , quod eos non participes belli crediderit, aut in patriae hosles iniquior, rerum gestarum gloria fraudare voluerit. Parcus est quoque tarn Tliadis quam Odysseae poeta in Herculis Jaudibus; quanquam res ejus materiam carminibus antehomericis haud paucis praebuisse videntur: sed posteri ejus Do- rum, qui Peloponnesum subegerant, duces erant: at- que earn ob causam fortasse nlius ejus Tlepolemus, pri- ma statim pugna, et nullo memorabili edito facto, so- lus e regibus Graecis occisus est 1 ); et ipsi pessimum omnium facinus, hospitis nempe caedes inter sacra men- sae patrata, imputatum est E ). §. LXIX. t)orum sermonem antiquum aC semibarbamm, a Lacedaemoniis, veterum morum modorumque tenacis- eimis, servatumesse, credo; et specimen ejus , corru- ptum scilicet ac mendosum, adhuc extare in decreto conrra Timotheum 3 ). Dorica dialectus, alyricis* tra- gicis et bucolicis poetis usurpata, non est sermo genti- licius populi alicujus ; sed lingua in usum poeticum con- ficta, atque partim e variis archaismis, partim ex usu vulgari recentiorum Dorum conflata ; quorum praeci- pua pars sermonis ex Aeolico formata est. Aeolum tamen atque lonurn lingua una eademque fuisse videtur, neque in diversas abiisse dialectos, nisi post emigrationes inAsiam; ubi gentes illae, qiiae ge- neratim t)anai et Achaei appejlabantur, in varias ct a f) II. E. 663. a) Odyss. <£. 27. etc. 3) a Boettiio asservat. et Oxonii edit. ami. 177' E 66 se invicem remotas civitates dispersae , in varias Species diversorum idiomatum patrium eermonem paullatim de- flectebant ; ita ut Herodoti aetate quatuor varietates lin- guae inter ipsos Iones Asiaticos observarentur x ) ; neque pauciores neque minus diversos fuisse modos loquendi in Siciliae et Italiae coloniis , e veterum monumentis ac testimoniis certissime constet. Verbum , quod in com- muni et Attico sermone TIAA22SI et TIAATTSl scribe- batur, apud diversos Doricae 6tirpis populos TIAAZQ, IIAA2ASZetIIAAAA£2, fiebat; atque alias Dorismus an- tiquus in varias abibat formas, singulas singulis civitatibus proprias et peculiares: alius enim erat sermo Argivorum, alius Lacedaemoniorum, alius Rhodiorum, alius Creten- 6ium, etc. etc. *); neque ipsius Cretae una eademque erat omnium civitatum dialectus , at aliarum aliae, ut e nummis adhuc extantibus plane liquet. J$. LXX. Ab his omnibus Attica dialectus quam plurimum di- etabat; atque quo elegantius ornata, exculta et perpolita esset, eo magis a fontis ac parentis lucida et simplici magniloquentia delabebatur; ipsis tametsi istis elegan- tiis locum et auctoritatem parentis postea acquisiverit. §. LXXI. Parens autem ac fons, e quo reliquae omnes "efflu- xerunt, est lingua Homerica, quae non e diversis dia- lectis et licentiis poeticis, ut grammatici somniarunt, conflata est, sed Achaeorum vel Danaorum veterum ser- i ) Lib. I. S. 142. 2 ) Gregor. Corinth. Episc. de dialect. Dor. S. XLI. XCI. et Koen. not. in eunJ. 6 7 mo quotidianus et universalis fuit; quo Homericis tem- poribus omnia publica et privata negotia transigeban- tur, atque omnes sensus et affectus animorum expri- mebantur: eorum enim temporum homines neque lexi- ca^, neque gramniaticas , neque libros ullos habebant; quopropter, si poeta verba insolita, aut modos loquen- di ab usu communi abhorrentes , in carminibus usurpas- set, nemo auditorum intellecturus fuisset. §. LXXTf. Haec tamen lingua, cum carmina literis primum mandabantur, iamdudum exoleveratj qua evenit, ut rhapsodi et grammatici, qui ea sic redegerunt, cum ne- que indolem neque formam ejus plane perspectam habe- rent, omnia ad suas ipsorum dialectos vulgares tradu- xerint, atque, quoties versuum mensurae modos loquen- di longiores vel pleniores desiderarent, toties licentiam istam poeticam excogitaverint, ac literis insititiis hia- tus suppleverint: Graeci enim veteres cum omnium ex~ terarum linguarum incuriosi, turn in suae propriae prisca indole et originibus indagandis minus seduli et attend fuere; ita ut Thucydides et Aristoteles, viri acumine, scientia et eruditione facile principes , haud aliter in hac re caecutirent, quam quivis e trivio sophista vel rhapsodus. §. LXXIIL Incredibile cuipiam fortasse videbitur, poema ornatissimum , et omnigenae eloquentiae gratiis ac firtutibus referturn, in lingua tarn exculta compositum esse sexcentds annosf antequam ullus prosae oratioriis scriptor extitisset. At quamdiu usus literarum , ob pe- nuriam materiae ad scribendum aptae, in paucis tan- turn et brevibus titulis in lapidibus, aut tabulis ligneis, E 2 65 aut laminis plumbi vel aeris insculptis, haesit, quidquid de laudibue deorum, heroum factis, aut sapientiae praeceptis, uberiore eloquii cursu traderetur, versibus condire solenne erat, ut facilius memoria teneretur> atque ita per rbapsodos, qui et librorum et librario- rum vice tunc fungebantur, in publicum prodireU Mu6as ideo non Phantasiae neque Inventionis filias esse> 6ed Memoriae , mytbographi finxere ; et poeta eas ma- xima intentione animi invocavit, non ut Achillis vel Diomedis ingentia facta cantaturum adjuvarent, sed ut catalogum facerent, partem operis, cui Musarum opem minime necessariam qui vis nostri aevi poeta putaverit. §. LXXIV. IVoicis jam temporibus regem unumquemque po- tentiorem in familia poetam aluisse, constat, qui ho- spites et amicos in conviviis delectaret, ac civium ani- mos ad pietatem et virtutem accenderet , dum deorum laudes, et majorum res fortiter gestae, carminibus ad lyram cantatis celebraret. Poetae item singu- li, qui arte et ingenio caeteris praecellerent, et quo- rum Fama jam latius percrebuisset, haiul uniua princi- pis patrocinio, vel unius gentis aestimatione content!, longinquis peregrinationibus gloriam captabant, atque artem , quam colcbant , vario rerum usu, et hominum experientia ornabant augebantque. Talem fuisse credo Thamyrim ilium Thracium; qui, dum ab Oecbalia red- lbat, vocem ac memoriam , morbo aliquo in itinere correptus, perdidisse videtur (Iliad. B. %o. ); talem- que fuisse ipsum Iiiadis auctorem, turn veterum tradi- tio, turn carminis indoles ac forma vix dubitare sinit ; non enim curiosus adeo in laudibus inter Graecorum procerus aequaliter dispcrtiendis fuisset, neque tarn sub- tili artificio singulorum agtortiag^ ita ut reliquorum gloriae non obessent, distribuisset , nisi singulis eorum posteris , turn forte regna singularum gentium tenenti- b,us , placere etuduisset, §. LXXV. Poetarum itaque arte et ingenio, aeque atque ora- torum studio et contentione, lingua Graeca ab ipsis in- cunabulis exculta et perpolita est; atque ea ratione un- ctior quaedam splendidiorque consuetudo loquendi efciam in quotidian© sermone et de tenuissimis rebus in^ valuit: neque in ilia simplicitate morum, cum. maximi reges aratorum , messorum , pastorum , atque etiam co- quorum ofliciis fungerentur, ejusmodi officia Musae de- dignatae sunt: at humillimas res nativa verborum gra- vitate, modorum gratia , et numerorum suavitate, in heroicae majestatis fastigium extolleba.nu §. LXXVf. Neque eloquentiae popularis ac forensis minore* fnisse laudes aut praemia viliora, quam bellicae fortitu- dinis, in heroicis temporibu^videntur; e compluribus enim utriusque carminis tocis satis liquet, nullum foe-* dins opprobrium in principem virum ingeri potuisse, quam dxairoiw&ov , confuse loquentem, esse: cum enim regna et imperia moribus plus quam legibus, et opinio- nibtis plus quam viribus starent, unusquisque rex vel princeps civitatis tantum inter cives potestate praevale- bat , quantum armis in bello vel eloquio in pace prae- minere visus esset; quapropter omnes, qui eo loco nati cssent , ut sibi rempublicam capessendam quodammodo 7* sperarent, artem dicendi baud minus quam pugnandi callere oportebat, principemque virum liberaliter insii- tutum arte omnia decebat S* quis autem exquisite ornatum se reddere studeret, Ho- merici instar Achillis, medicinae scientiam , quatenus bello utilis in vulneribus tractandis , et musicae vel poe- eis faeultatem, qua propriam virtutem , alicrum fortia facta canendo, accenderet, addere oportebat. Ex ipsa itaque morum simplicitate, et aliarum artinm inscitia, eloquentia invaluit; ac lingua, natira quadam gratia et elegantia ab omni fuco rhetorico aliena, exculta et or- nata est. §. LXXVII. Carmina haud pauca ante Iliadem per Graecornm urbcs decantata fuisse, vix dubitandum est, quamvis nihil antiquius nunc extet, neque in veterum bibliothe- cis extitisse videatur; nam quae sub antiquiorum po- rum nominibus circumforcbantur , ipsa serraonia indo- les ac forma postrriora aetate esse prodit. Ante Shahs- pearium item nostrum haud pauci tragoediarum et comoediarum scriptores fnerunt, qui plausu sui quisque theatri vicissim gaudebant ; etsi omnes ille vie fulgore ingenii sui ita perftrinxit, ut vix rei antiquariae studio- sis nunc isOti sint, ncque iis etiam adhuc innotuerint, nisi ars imprimeudi exemplaria ultra modum multipli- casset. Siclliacus, Credo, pacta omnes qui praeis- sent, longe supergvessus, eorum scintillis spleudorern suum ita oiiudit, ut prorsu& extinxerit, et quaecunque cecinissent, oblivisccnda ieceiit, antequam literis man- darentur. Tituli hexametri, quos Herodotus ex anathe- y 7 i matis templi Apollinis Thebis exscripsit, ni justis su- £picionibus obnoxii forent, specimina carminum non tantum ante - Homericorum , sed ante - Troicorunr, obtulissent: quandoquidem decimi quarti et decimi ter- tii a. Ch. n. saeculi esse debuissent^ neque de fide He- rodoti in exscribendo quae vidisset, vel narrando quae audisset, dubitandum est: de ejus autem judicio et acu- mine in fraudibus sacerdotum , sanctitatis famam e glo- ria antiquitatis captantium, detegendis jure suspicari licet; praesertim cum vox ftovva^ioiv, ut nihil dicam de sono ipso ac tenore versuum , notam manifestam se- rioris aevi prae se ferat J ), Alioquin ipsa anathemata il- liu6 aevi esse potuerint; etsi deorum templa, Homericis etiam temporibus , nondum in Graecia extitisse , e si- lentio utriusque poetae, nisi loco manifesteinterpolato a ), probabile est: attamen sacros fuisse thesauros ditissi- mos et celeberrimo8 et Orchomeni et Delphis certissime constat 3 ); et quam solide et magnifice ejusmodi aedi- ficia, ad res pretiosas fidei commissas tuendas, exstru- eta essent, adhuc exemplo est, quod, tantum non inte- grum, extat inter Mycenarum reliquias. Apud Graecos quoque veteres , urbibus vi captis ac dirutis , quodcun- que in «unum sacrorum sic depositum erat, intactum manebat; ita ut, Thebis paullo ante bellum Trojanum expugnatis ac direptis, nihil obstaret , quo minus quae Apollini antea dedicata essent , illaesa ad Herodoti ae- taiem pervenire potuissent; neque custodibus religio fuissct, quo minus quae de eorum veneranda antiqui- 1 ) Heiodor. V- 59. etc. £) Iliad. B. 549. 3; Iliad. I. 53! - 404, 5. 72 late tradita accepissciu, Uteris inscriptis connrmare auderent. $. LXXVIII, Unde literae Graecae originem duxcrint, et quo tempore signorUm numerum plenum acceperint, in ob- scure est: omnia enim , quae tradita 6unt de Cadmo, Palamede, etc. lubrica admodum et incerta sunt. De Cadmo, Leucoiheae, quae nata mortalis dea maris fa- cta est, patre, memoravit Odysseae auctor; ita tamen, ut nullam de ejus patiia \ el stirpe reliquerit notitiam x ) t Cadmei isti celeberrimi, qui Thebas inBocotia vel con- diderant vel occupavcrant , a poetaantiquiore memorati sunt, nulla tamen mentione facta vel stirpisvel regionis, qua oriundi esscnt. A Danais autem vel Achaeis prorsus alieni fuisse videntur: sed a ratione rcrum et moribua illius saeculi plane abborret , Phoenices, maiitimum genus, sedein occupasse aut coloniam constituiss procul a mari inter gentee ignotas et infestas. Caclmuui ipsum prorsus ignorasse videtur : neque, si nosset , et gentem Cadmeam pro ejus posteris habuisset, eos A'ctdfiiiovg , 6ed Kadftldag e sermonis indole uomir, Casmilus vel Cadinilus vetus Mercurii nomen fuit *); neque aliud fuisse credo Cadmum : unde Ilarmoniam, Martis et Veneris filiam, UBOrem duxiste fertur, atque cum ea in anguem mutatus esse, et dei sceptro vel ca- duceo adhaesissc; qua mysticae rcligionis allcgoiiam cuivis deprehendere licet. i ) Od. E. 555 — 5- 2) Schol. iii Apolion. Rkod. I. 9x7, §. LXXIX. De Palamede uterque silet poeta; unde patet, nul- lum fuisse eo nomine ducem in bello Trojano, sed omnia de eo tradita, et de literis ab eo inventis, poste* rorum commenta esse. Neque minus incerta sunt, quae de literarum vocalium duplicum, postea inventarum, origine et usu memorantur, Earum usus apud Athe-* nienses anno quarto Olympiadis nonagesimae sextae, a. Ch. n. trecentcsimo nonagesimo tertio , arclionte Euch% de, primum obtinuisse dicitur *): unde y /ast Evxltidriv y^c.fi/ituTW} seriorem et perfeciiorem scribendi modum. denotat 2 ). Euripides autem,, qui quatuordecim anr- te annis mortuus est, in tragoedia, quam diu ante mortem composuisse videtur, signa literarum et II in nomine QII2R T2 accuratissime descripserat et audien-* tibus, ut omnibus jampridem nota et usitata, obtule- rat 3 ). Atque Calliaa, comicus Atheniensis Sophocle et fcuripide antiquior, H> et SI haud minus graphice expres- 1) 'J&ijvaZot w&vro aroi'^loit KJ %Qdo&ai , ttqotsq'ov IF %QoU fiti'oi. Chion. Pascli. 2 ) Plutarch, in Aristide, 5) Tliei. fvagm. V- JCt'xApff Tli CUff TOQVOlGlV tXUSTQOVfilVOS ' tiros d* ly m st tnjpilov tv fiioq? oacpts * «ro dsvrspov Ss , ttqujto, fxiv ygapfial Svo\ rcn'ras Steigyu & iv fitoais tilh; fiia * xqltov St @6otqv%os ns ok ti'kiyptvoS' to # al rlraQTov, qv pH «'S ogfrov fzt'a, Aofcti o , oulofii)vi]v , etc. semper dicant: neque nos Angli, qui duvO(*(ititfiv , ovXofAfAtvnv^ €tc - P ar * constantia dicimus, aures delicatiores vel doctiores habere vide- mur. In alterutrum vitium incidebant omnes, qui, me audicute, accentuum vim in Graecae linguae pronun- ciation exprimcre conati sunt: aut enim, voce sublata, et sono intentiore, vocalem producebant; aut ictu vel impetu quodam vehementiore ; articulandi consonantem cequutam conduplicabant. Hermannus, qui vim tantam in syllaba producenda accentui acuto tribuit, eum cum ictu, sive emphasi linguarum hodiernarum plane con- fudit; atque inde accentum gravem pro signo muto, nihil praeter acuti absentiam signihcante, necessario h#- F 82 bet. Mira tamen inconetantia, circumflexum ex utroque, id est, ex acuto etnihilo, compositum, plena potentia sua, vir doctus retinuit. De Metris lib. I. c. XXII etffl* et de Emend, gram. rat. lib. I. c. XIII. §. XC. Linguae veteres , praesertim Graeca , pins melodiae in pronunciation quam nostrae habebant ; quoniamspe- ciem quandam ac modulationem cantus , etiam in usu quotidiano et vulgari, ab ipsa natura acceperant; atque quo quaeque antiquior esset, eo magis haec species et modulatio ejus indoli propria erat; quia minus remota a vagitu infantum vel ululatu ferarum. Si quis nostrorum temporum orator servum tibicinem a tergo haberet, qui do*mini vocem eburneola fistula inter concionandum moderaretur, vix ullus, puto, ex infima etiam plebe, ri- sum teneret. Ita tamen in foro Romano concionabatur oratoruin sui saeculi princeps Caius Gracchus 1 ). Pro- nunciatio nihilominus latina concitatior ac velociorquam Graeca fuisse videtur , ea etiam aetate, qua Graecorum eermo ab antiqua grandiloquentia, et plena ilia ac so- nora Homericae linguae majcstate, jam diu delapsus erat 2 ). §. XCI. Poetis antiquis non INIusa tantum , sed ipsa natura dedit loqui ore rotundo : 6ua enim sponte fluebant ma- gnifica ilia 6esquipedalia verba ; quae, cum posteri pro fuco quodam poetico accepissent atque viribus et animis imparibus tractarent, in linguam istam facatam ac facti- 1) Cicer. de Orat. lib. III. ad fin. 2) Plutarch, in Demostb. sub iait. 85 tiam Alexandrlnorum poetarum abierunt, qua omnes postea usi sunt, qui carmina heroica versu dactylico he- xametro scriptitabant. Nam lingua ista, cum e variis ac discordibus dementis confiata esset, quantum quo- tumque quisque voluisset licentiae poeticae facile admit- tebat ; atque ideo percommoda erat iis , qui versus ad nauseam usque eftutire vellent, quales sunt Quinti Ca- ^labri, Ncnni, Tryphiodori, etc. etc. Nebulones autem isti, cum linguam Homericam haud minus scatere licen- tii8 poeticis putarent, se proculdubio pro alteris Home- ris animo habebant , et attoniti mirabantur suam ipso- rum facundiam, quae in tot volumina, Iliade et Odyssea majora , nullo quasi nisu sese diffuderit. Neque minus fucatus , inquinatus, et ab omni omnium hominum ac temporum usu ac ratione loquendi alienus est sermo Arati et Apollonii Rhodii; cum poesis alioquin, si quis ejusmodi sermonis usum ei condonaverit, haud inficeta neque inelegans sit. In dictionum tamen sensu et syn- taxi, vera et aniiqua loquendi ratio, perinde atque in forma et flexione, neglecta est; neque minus stupuis- flent, aut magis intellexissent veteres aoidol aut eorum audientes a^qpaolr] pifiokfifitpog , oXe&Qov £yyvtxfo'€£, /?po- fitfanov axovcci , et alia infmita ejusdem farinae, quam nyaaTcc , wpaara, aaumTcc , et caetera istiusmodi monstra e grammaticorum et criticorum fuco conficta, quibus ad nauseam usque recentiorum carmina heroica farcta sunt. Virgilius vix magis miratus esset latinitatem Merlini Coc- caii. Neque vero tragici ea religione, qua poetae vete- res, suam unicuujue verbo propriam significationem tri- buerunt; sed multa indiscreta et ambigua adhibuerunt, quae inHomericis nonnisijusto ac certo discrimine usur- pantur. Ejusmodi sunt ®A2r^NON, 'ErXG2 et F2 BEA02, singula singulorum armornm nomina; quae a Sophocle , poetarum Atticorum 'doctissimo , eousque confusa sunt, ut ensis, quern ab Hectore Ajax dono ac- ceperat, nunc &j£2FJNON, nomine proprio, raodo EVXOZ, hasta, et modo BEA02, jaculum vel sagitta, denominaretur J ); neque ea cultissimos Athenienses of- fendebant, etsi eorum majoribus, alioquin agrestibus et indoctis, sibilo vel irrisu excepta fuissent. §. XCII. Homericam autem linguam certa analogia consiste- re, suisque legibus teneri perinde atque Atticam tragi- corum, neque magis epenthesin vel metathesin vel alias qualescunque grammaticorum farragines unquam admi- sisse, epero fore, ut extra omnem dubitationem stabi- liam. Interim ut judicium aequum atque integrum ad- hibeat lector, neque de singulis singulatim, 6ed tota perspecta et perpensa rerum ac verborum serie et corn- page, sententiam ferat, obtestatus oro. Monumenta antiqua, e quibus aliquid luminis haurire possumus, perpauca sunt; et conjecturae e ratione linguae vel ana- logia grammatica petitae tantum auctoritate valent, quantum numeio exempla, quibus fulciantur. Potue- rim , ut Clarkius , ejusmodi exempla in notulis usque ad molestiam cumulare et iterare; sed malui indulgen- tiam lectoris petere quam patientia abuti. §. XCIII. Si verbo unicuique forma sua antiquissima redden- da esset , ad certum aliquem tinem certa quadam ratione Ajac. 653. 354. 85 perduceremur: sed lingua Graeca Homericis jamdudum temporibus immutari et perpoliri coeperat, ac paullatinl adlonicam illam elegantiam serioris aetatis flecti 5 ita ut, quo gradu steterit, cum Ilias et Odyssea conderentur, in tanto monumentorum veterura defectu, nullo modo sci- re possimus. In multis tamen haud prorsus improba- bilem ariolandi rationem praebent vocum mensurae; quas, cum metri legibus definitae sint, ipsa natura atque omnium linguarum indoles proclamat, non epenthesi- bus vel diaeresibus arbitrariis expletas vel productas, sed sermonis quotidiani usu communi fixas acstabilitasesse: inter homines enim literarum prorsus ignaros quisnam alium 8ermonera intellecturus fuerit? §. XCIV. In nonnullis etiamsi haud dubitaverim quin a rha- psodis vel grammaticis immutata sint, cum nihil tamen certi de Homericis formulis comperissem , vulgata reti- nui : nam mihi quoque inter virtutes grammatici habe- bitur aliqua nescire. Audacius nihilominus in aliis for- sitan egisse videar ; atque in his vereor ne mihi judicum inscitia crimihi aut fraudi sit : nam Alexandrinorum do- ctrina adhuc vigere apud criticos videtur; ita ut verba contracta pro primariis et antiquissimis thematibus ac- cipiant, atque 20B& vel 20F& a 2R , BOASi a B& etc. soluto circumflexu deducant. Oportuerit etiam, si in nugando viri docti sibi constare vcllent, Plautina ilia MAVOLO, NEVOLO, PRAEHIBEO, ITINER, SENI- CEM, etc. a MALO, NOLO, PRAEBEO, ITER, SE- NEM, etc. derivare, et rationem reddere, sicut solent grammatici, epenthesi literarum VO, EV, HI, IN, 1C , etc. 36 §. xcv. Sed harum nugarum taedet pudetque; atque ideo, lie lectorem taedio , quo toties ipse affectus sum 3 afti- ciam , ad opus me accingam ; et primum gramniaticam, quatenus a seriore et vulgata discrepare visa sit, expo- nere conabor. §. XCVI. In vetustissima lingua omnia nomina augmentum in secundo casu accepisse videntur, adjecta syllaba, vel syllaba iinali in duas dissecta; ut 2SIMA 2SIMATOZ, BEMlZ SEMIZTOZ, KEPAZ KEPATOZ, TPIHPHZ \TPIHPEOSj etc. etc. Eodem modo ill ad TOZ ad- junctum fuisse credo omnibus nominibus in JZ desinen- tibus, quamvis dura ista et antiqua terminatio secundi casus paullatim emollita et contracta sit apud posteros in ITOZITOZ, hoZ/AOZ, et/OZ l ); Attica enim ter- minatio ejusdem casus in LSIZ e corruptela semionis ve- teris orta esse videtur; atqu 1 ideo pro dialecti idiomate nulla analogia fulto habemla; e qua grammatici , cum antiqua forma in quibiudani voc;bus jamdudum exole- 1) TTapa tj Sairtpo? to JIOATUPUL — 6 Zoffoxlr,: "UPTJA (iji; ti]x> aiV/ar//?/)', o rt $>qvv»%09 ttjv si&tlav 'IJPIJE2. Schol. Ven. in II JT. 219. dijkov dt ort rt aklo otjuat .oov to&tlt *ABEMIT02 rragd ror ivzav&a 'Otn^txov 'A0EMI2TON- xal or* wnttQ XAPIZ XAP1J02 xa. ptxcJc X-4P1T02, xara &L r?> iaQa 7/(>J \4kxuavi- X17V iwoiv, xai APTEMIJ02 'APTEMJT02, olc Mil 02 0EPAI1ONTA , ovrlt xal 9BML2 GEM1T02 xal mil uraoutu tov oiyua(jEMI2T02, oiov 9BMLZTM JE it AIIMPRM, xai eg at tov 'A0EA2I2TO2. Eustttb. in Od. 1. p. 1613. 1. 27. et sq. BOALSTQN. C1VIUM. Tab. He- xacleens. Neap. I. 32. Scholiastae, ut semper, formas anti- quissimas pro licentiis et dialectorura abeiTationibus kabent. 8/ visset, et metrum nihilominus penultimam syllabam Ion- gam atque ultimam brevem flagitaret, monstrum illud poeticum in H02, ut HOAH02, effinxerunt. Tarde tamen et pedetentim haec licentia Homericis admissa esse videtur; Gregorius enim Corinthi episcopus, Co- mnenorum saeculi grammaticus , HOAI02 tantum pe- nultima producta, nusquam UOAH02 aut aliud ejus- modi inter dialectorum exempla citat, §. xcvir. In nulla autem lingua vel dialecto, quae verborum forma8 ac flexiones ex indole propria et usu hominum communi, non grammaticorum fuco, eiHnxit vel rede- git , ulla fuit unquam contractorum solutio , vel circum- flexus diaeresis, in alia quam in ea ipsa elementa, e qui- bus conflata sunt; ita ut Attica ista EI et OT 9 quae ex EA vel EE, et AO velEO, toties contracta sunt , non in EI vel of, sedin antiquaiL^ vel EE, et AO ve\EO, quoties disyllabis opus sit, dissecanda eint; et quaecun- que in recentiorum scriptis, praesertim Alexandrinorum, contraria occurrunt, pro factitiis habenda, atque eorum linguae fucatae adjudicanda. Sic KPATOZ in KAPA- T02, ut BAHTO in B AAETO , resolvi debuerat, non in KPAAT02 ', quod plane factitium est, ab omni omnium hominum patrio et quotidiano sermone alie- num, atque ideo ejusmodi, ut nemo e ve terum doidwv auditoribus intellexisset. Neque minus ex Homericis tollenda sunt alia , quae, distracto circumflexu, rhapso- di et carminum redactores, ad versus, e posterorum contractionibus claudicantes, supplendos, intulerunt; ut 0& pro Si ex AO contracto, etc. etc. 88 §. XCV1IL Quarti casus nominum in 12 desinentiam duplex est terminatio, IAA et IN; quae nihilominus ex una eademque antiquiore forma fiuxisse videntur; Latino- rum enim , qui M, pro Graecorum A", in compluribus nominum terminationibus usurpaverant, quartus casus in ejusmodi nominibus in IDEM desinebat; quod Grae- cis literis ac pronunciatione IAEN, et antiquiore eermo- ne IAAN fuiseet; e quo, amputatione literae nnalii, IAA; et elisione intermediarum, IAN > et postea IS factum est; ita ut PARIDEM, IIAPIAA, et Til FIX* ejusdera formae diversae variationes feint. Secandus ca- sus Latinorum in LDIS originem habuisse in notaxtouo) recentiorum videtur; nam antiquiora moaumenta eo- rum linguae VENERUS, CERERUS, HONOROS, etc. pro VENERIS, CERERIS, HONORIS, etc. exhibent';. §. XCIX. Hie iQ)Taxiap6g , cujus alia vestigia notabimus infra, e consuerudine pronunciandi ore constrictiore orieba- tur; atque usque adeo apud recentiores invaluit, ut ce- leberrimi regis norhen, quod in titujis ac nummis uni- ce 3I1BPAAA TII2 est , dcrivationi a deo Mithra con- gruen9, in libris omnibus tarn Graecis quam Latinis, tam manuscript* quam impressis, 6emper MWPIAATH2 vel JMITHR1DATES sit; atque Greed hodierni vocales II et Tac diphthongos Bl % OI et 27 pro signis diversis ejusdemeoni, qui est simplicis /, habeant. i) Lanzi sopra lc lingue morti d'ltalia , P. I. C. VII. S. 1, 06seir. IV". »9 $. C. Etsi nullus unquam sonus in ulla lingua ad libitum loquentis immutari poterat, in linguis tamen parum cul- tis , ac nondum literarum usu fixis ac stabilitis , omnes soni, qui inter 6e aliquo modo cognati essent, usu quo- tidiano perfacile commutabantur. Hinc eae literae, quae spiritu denso vel aspero , i. e. non tantum a labris, eed a gutture vel pulmonibus , impetu quodam acriore, educto pronunciabantur *), ut 2 et P, \ et F, in va- rus dialectis, vel modis loquendi ex usu ortis, commu- tabiles erant; itaut x . in secundo casu plurali nominum eecundae declinationis , exempla extarent in antiquis Italorum sermonibus uniuscujusque harum literarum in eodem loco adhibitae ; atque MUSASUM et MUSARUM, MOTZAFSlNet MOT2A\SlN<> diversis regionibus ac temporibus perinde usurparentur. §. CI. In aliis titulis eerioris aevi, cum ejusmodi usus li — *; terarum jamdudum inter Graecos obsolescere coeperar, puncta nuda earum locos occupaverunt ; ut in MOTJSA, SIN, NTMOA.flN t etc. 2 ) Etrusci autem, quibus litera Oignotaerat, VUSAlS pro XOFAI2, vulgo ioaiq , in titulis scripserunt ; at Latini veteres ERIHONT et ERI- 1) tori yaQ y filv ipil-q , 7CoioTr\i ovklaftys , uad' 7}V axgoig to~s xtileai To nvsvfia TtQO'ptQsrai , oiov Aias* ij Se daoeta, TiotoTTjg avV.a^tJg, xa^' ijv in fia&ovs ysiltojv ro nvsvfta ttt- Iqstt7T£fi7ieTai, -?] Se xjJih) *£ axQOJV twv %Bt).ioiv» Ibid. 3) Salmasius de L. Hellen. p. 431. Lanzi ib. Vol. I. p. 1Q> 26r. n<>r. T. ct pa-g. 506. 9° FONT pro ERUNT, in tabulis Eugubianis, atque ERA- RUNT pro eodem in aliis monumentis; et RUIUS pro HU1US, INCROANDI pro INCHOANDI , etc. 1 ) Plau- tus etiam habebat pro GNAROS , GNARURES 2 ); unde originem ac formationem secundi casus GNARORUM in- telligere possumus; qui lingua et literis Graecorum anti- quissimis TNAPOFON vel TNAFoFON fortasse fuerit. Hanc tarhen formam exolevisse , et contractionem in SIN communi hominum usu sancitam esse, etiam in Home* ricis temporibus oportet; quoniam nullum ejus exem- plum in carminibus extat. In altera declinatione ratio- nem antiquissimae formae in ASIN vel AFSIN facile reddebant grammatici nkeovuofAw too A — tial di Aiolt- xa nteovaopov avowee xoZ A ficucyov 3 ). $. CH. Secundus nihilominus tertiae declinationis casut,' qui terminationem in oto habet, vexatissimus inter grammatico8 est; aliis Thessalicae, aliis Boeoticae dia- lecto eum tribuentibus 4 ); qua diversitate sententiarum hoc saltern plane declarabant , se sane nihil omnino de eo scire. Si vero in antiquissiroa forma pluralium F vel f- locum habebat, vix dubitare licet, quin eadem li- tera in singularibus eundem quoque locum usurpaverit: neque difficile est rationem reddere istius /; cum enim punctum literae obsoletae locum obtinuisset, usui ac i) Lanzi ib. p. 259. 2) Mostel. Act. 1. S. 1. v. 17. 3) Eustath. p. 173. 4) at Sid rov 010 ysvixal , xard filv tovs ciV.ois GsTTaltxat st- ow tv Se rot* *JhtUn*Q xai 'iloodvjfjov Boiojtvjv qrf\ ;Ar locum in Homericis carminibus ha- buerint. §. cv. Nomina in evg vel iiFJT desinentia omnes casus obli- quos constanter ex ordine, ut ab origine forraata erant, in Homericis retinuisse videntur; neque contractio nisi in tertio plurali usquam occurrit. Schema declinationis antiquae et Homericae fuisse credo : s. D. P. EFS EF02 :EFE iLFES : SF&N EFl a EFOIN : EFEZ1 : EFII EFA ETA2 ef EFEZ Quod tamen e virorum doctorum conjecturis tan- tum, et ratione quadam grammatica , consequuti su- mus; haud enim scintillam lucis vel Italorum dialecti vel Graecorum monumenta praebent. Maximi autem momenii est literas E et T in hujusmodi vocabuli6 nus- quam diaeresi separari ; quod vix non aliquo evenirepo- tuisset , si ambae ab origine vocales fuissent. 95 Quarti casus contracti unjcum est exemplum ZETN in Aeschrionis Samii epigrammate usurpatum x ), atque 6ic restituta forma antiquiore A2EFN e A2EFAN eo mo do, quo HAP IN e TI API A AN contrahi ostendi- mus, contracta, in 1L 6* 206. jfc 256. et 42. 35i. Omni- no rescribendum pro ZMN; quod, elisa vocali in fine versus dactylici hexametri, seu, ut grammatici malue- runt, divisa syllaba finali, ita ut JV* ad versus sequen- tis initium transferretur , in iis locis tantummodo extat, et alioqui a carminis heroici indole prorsus alienum esse videtur. $. C% Ex his nominibus formata sunt patronymica in EFIAH2 vel EFIAA2, vulgo iidfjg ct aLdas; at solute semper «ara didaraaiv apud Pindarum et alios Aeolicos Doricosve poetas antiquiores a ), qui digammain carmi- nibus sonuisse videntur. §. CVII. Nomina autem in T£ et T antiquissimis temporibus casus secundos in tFOZ habuisse, e reliquiis veteris La- tini certissime constat; inter quas PECUVA pro vulgato PECUA in quarto casu, et QUESTUVIS ac FRUCTUVIS pro QUAESTIBUS ac FRUCTIBUS in tertio vel sexto plurali occurrunt 3 ); figura enim antiquissima tov vau vel digammatis apud Italos et Italiotas Vet E fuit 4); at- 1) Apud Athenaeum VIII. p. 335. Brunck. Analect. T. I. pag. 189. Gaisford in Hephaest, p. 255. 2) Eustatli, p. 21 et 28. 3) Lanzi Vol. I. p. 316 et 322. 4) Sic in Veliensium minimis et Tabulis Heracleensibus. 9* que usus rov B pro ea litem inter Lacones 6olennis , ne- que infrequens apud Latinos et alios Italiae antiquae populos. §. cviii. Hac ratione to B in tertiis casibus pronominum SIBI, TIBI, NOBIS, VOBIS, etc. locum habuit; dura in MIHI spiritus asper eodem modo, extruso nempe di- gammate , eundem locum obtinebat 5 quod in vocabu- lis Graecis etiam, dialecto 11011 mutata, saepe accidisse videbimus. Sic quoque adverbium relativum loci vel temporis UBI ex antiquissima forma tertii casus prono- minis relativi [&FI, postea \£ll, effictum est In usu pronominum to Oq uptl n^oraATiAov too 'O Our t oog ou- dtnoxe Ti&r,atv , ut recte monuit Atbenaeus : at non ae- que verum est quod adjecit Deipno6ophista , Toupna- ).lv da avri rou Og vtiotolxtixov nctQaXafiflmPii 10 ttqoiuxti- xov c O * ) : nusquam enim istud 6 pro iff nisi in locis cor- rupts vel interpolatis occurrit. §. CIX. Vocales itidem / et T inter se commutabiles erant tarn in antiquissimis quam in recentioribus dialectis; quo evenit, ut in Etruscis inscriptionibus idem nomen promiscue EELUA atque EELIA scriptum sit 2 ); Attici praeterea ES12 pro TOS vel TF02 substituebant in de- clinatione nominum in T2" desincntium , et iyzi'ktatj pro tyZ&vog scribebant 3 ); atque inde declinationem com- 1) L. XI. C. LXXXIY. ed. Sckweigh, 2) Lanzi Vol. I. p. 257. not. 4. 5) Eustath. p. 1240. 1. 15. munem in EOS, ut TIEAEKT2, UEAEKE02, 0£T2\ 0£E02\ ortam es6e puto ; nam earundem literarum com- mutationem in Etrusca lingua modo observavimus : at seriorem elegantiam sapit potius quam severam ratio- nera grammaticam Homerici sermonis. Digamma ni r hilominus in hujusmodi nominibus exolevisse ppetae ae- tate videtur; penultima enim in secundo casu semper corripitur; ac nonnunquam ultima item in quarto. §. ex. Sin autem adjectiva masculina in X2 secundum casum in lOZ desinentem habuerunt, feminina eorum in TIA desiisse debuissent; neque dubito, quin vulgata terminatio EIA> EA etEH, aut ex Attica elegantia orta fiit, aut ab altera forma masculina in 112 desinente fiuxerit. §. CXI. In Homericis A OPT, rONT, etc. penultimam sem- per brevem in recto, et semper longam in obliquis casi- bus habent, metathesi, ut grammatici dicunt, tuv T; ita ut AOPT02 factum sit A07F02; TONT02, TOT- NOZi etc. x ) In Latinis autem, etiamsi metathesin istam nemo unquam somniaverit, eadem syllaba eodem modo obliquis casibus producta est; ita ut GENU priore brevi, factum sit GENUA diaovlXv.pm priore lon- ga; quod ex antiqua forma GENUVA contractum esse, exemplis PECUVA et PECUA jampridem citatis con- l) JOTP02 fitv TtQovnaQXEv to JOPT' «fe yaQ TONT FO- NT02, r.al uera&iosi, TOTN02, ovw xal JOPT JOPT02 JOTP02. Eustath. p. 1606. 1, 62. 9$ stare puto; ideoque syllabam pfoduci vi diiorum conso- nantiumNV, et vocabulum recte scribi GENVA. De- clinationem ac contractionem parem fuisse in Graecis rONT, AOPT, etc. nemo sanus , credo, negabit; at- que ideo syllabam priorem , quae natura brevis in inte- gris casuum formis A0PTF02:, A0P7FI, etc. foret, positione longa in contractis AOPFQ2, AOPFf, etc. fieri. Ita denique vera et antiqua forma, quam, cam jampridem, ratione grammatica tantum, assequutus es- sem, irridebant critici, certissima auctoritate et analo- gia veteris Latini ab acutissimo Lanzio eruti et expositi, confirmata stabilitaque est. Similem contractionem in no- minibus Etruscis, ut GAXAVEJLpio toAXA'WElL, ejusdem vfri docti thesaurus locupletissimus veterum sermonum Italiae exhibet 2 ). §. CXII. Nominum in S12 et SI desinentium baud aliam fuis- se declinationem, sed ex £12 fieri OFOZ, OF/, OFA t etc., e Latinis BOS, BOVIS, BOVI, etc. probabili sal- tern ratione colligere liceret, si litera S2 in omnibus lon- ga facta esset usu ac consuetudine tantum loquendi: at- tamen baud paucis ex aliarum literarum elisione earn productam esse constat; et, cum nesciamus in quibus- dam quaenam eae fuissent, antiquam eorum formam, vel recti vel obliquorum casuum , nullo modo scire pos- sumus. Nonnulli veterum grammaticorum MJN&N02, M1X&NI, MI^SINA, etc. scribebant pro 3I/M2(j2\ M1NQI, MIN&A 2 ) , qua ratione vel auctoritate, non 1) Vol. II. p. 239. etc. 2) Vide Heyne in supplend.inll. A T . 520.SCI10L Ven. A. in VL.B. 262. 97 liquet ; atque in riominibus propriis raro aliquid certi ex analogia statuendum est, cum e vario ac diverso diver- earum gentium usu ac consuetudine loquendi diversis modfs eiHcta et contracta sint. Cretensium forte diale- cto nomen MINSIZ fuit, quod aliis MINQN fuerit: utrumque enim ex antiquiore participii forma, in Lati- nis asservata,, MINON2 pari ratione effingi licuisset. In hujusmodi nominum flexione literam excidisse , quivis facile dixerit; sed quaenam litera fuerit, vix ariolari au- sim. Inter haec nomina autem in £12 desinentia haud recipienda sunt ®S12 - J2 TV 2 , XP&2 -. XP& T02, etc. e &OA2 - &OATOH, XPOA2 - XPOAT02, etc. contracta; neque &S12, lumen, quod a &AF02 con- tractual est ; neque in Homericis alia quam haec plena et antiqua forma occurrit, \HP£IE in iisdem secundam syllabam in casibus obliquis ubique productam habet, at in Pindaricis correptam esse aliquoties versus antithe- tici , si qua est eorum auctoritas , plane demonstrant *) ; et digamma locum habuisse, mediis etiam vocabulis , in veterura Thebanorum sermone, ex eorum nummis cer* tissime constat. §. CXIII. Pronomina linguae veterid Latinae digamma in obli- quis casibus admisisse supra ostendimus; et, cum pos- sessiva ex obliquis positivorum casibus efformata sint, necesse est id in iis quoque locum habuisse. SicinOsco- rnra vel Campanorum sermone semibarbaro SVLE-)S, i. e. 'SUVE1S, et antiquo Latino SVVIS pro SUIS, in ti- a) Vide Pyth. I. 103. Ill, 13. IV* 102. 354. Nem. iy. 47. VIII. 6a. G 93 tulis inscripta observavit Lanzius; atque praeterea in lin- gua Osca EEST-JRi, i. e. VESTJRI, etEVEBjS, i. e. VUEBIS, pro VESTRI et VOBIS x ). §. CXIV. In eadem antiquissima lingua secundus casus plu- ralis TDJ8ADAKACVM, i. e. TRIPHARACAVUM , oc- currit; quod dialecto ac literis vetustissimis Graecia TPI I; quod sermo- ne ac literi*Graecis redditum JT0/27neret. Cum tameti eermo in his tabulis rudis ac barbarus est, et scriptura parum constans, iota illud mutum Ta> SI adjungere sine validiore auctoritate mihi religio est. Alia adverbia e casibus quartis nominum ac pronominum formata sunt/ subaudita praepositione quadam. 110 §. cxxxv. Cum Etrusci veteres literas A et non haberent, ratio ipsa grammatica proximas potestate, quae T et V sunt, in earum locis postulabat; quod in nomine Dios- curorum alterius, Graece II0ATJETKII2, Etrusce FU^TUCE, satis apte evenit: at qua ratione A in A aut T in QU transient, ita ut OATZ1ETZ, ULYSSES; AAKPTMA, LACRUMA; TE QUE sint facta , ne con- jectura quidem ulla assequi valeo , tametsi haud antiquis- cima putem : cum enim Latinum UTI vel UT ex Graeco 1 OTI plane connctumsit, et yYafliiieT« TE, mutatio- nem earn post UT ex I- OTI translatum evenisse oportet. §. CXXXVI. Neque minus difficile est rationcm reddere, qua La- tini veteres literis Bet DU in iibdem verbis atque, ut vi- detur, iisdem sonis significandis usi sint; ut in BEL- LUM, DUELLUM; BELLONA, DUELLONA; BILILS, DUILIUS , itemque VILIUS *); quod ultimum minus mirandum est, quoniam B et V consonans (quod item ac F Aeolicum) ambo literae labiales essent, atque inter se aflines; ita ut, in Lacooum dialecto, usus tov B pro JF solennis esset. Idem mos in Pamphyliae quoque civi- tatibus, atque apud alias fortasse gentes cum Doricas turn Aeolicas obtinuisse videtur 2 ); itemque inter Lati- nos etiam recentiores , sic ut LIVERTUS pro LIBER- TUS, BOTUM S0LB1T pro VOTUM SOLVIT, in a) Lanzi P. I. C. VII. S. 1. Osserv. IV. No. 5. et C. VTH- S. 1. No. 5 et 6. &) Heraclides apud Eustath. p. 1654, 1. £1. 1 J i titulis sepulchralibus ac votivis, sub Caesarum impe- rio incisi8, satis testantur 3 )» §. CXXXVII. In omnibus linguis singula quaeque verba, quo ma- gis usu quotidiano in hominum colloquio vulgata et oon- trita sint, eo magis corruptelis obnoxia fiunt; ac faci- lius ab indole naturali et justa analogia uniuscujusqme sermonis detorquentur : quo fit, ut verbum illud, quo quisque primam notionem mentis ac conscientiam sui voce exprimit, apud omnes gentes maxime abnorme sitt^ et a communi conjugandi ratione latissime aberret. Ita, in nostra lingua Anglica, BE, AM, ART, IS, WAS, etc. nullo vinculo conjugations aut ratione afnnitatis invicem cohaerent : sed singula sparsa ac divulsa , a diversis quasi radicibus orta , videntur: et quan- quarn in linguis antiquis, praesertim Graeca et La* tina , analogia grammatica plenior haud paullo et accu- ratior sit, quam in nostris vulgaribus , nihilominus La- tinum verbum SUM tantum a Graeco EIMI distat, ut vix sibi quisquam persuadere possit, utrumque unum at- que idem esse; quo tamen nihil certius; nam antiquissi- ma forma erat 'E2& et terminatione in MI, *EZQMI\ e quo Etrueci, qui literam O nullam habebant, et I in E libenter mutabant, ESUME fecerunt; quod Latini soli- to brevitatis studio in SUM redegerunt, conservatis ni- hilominus vestigiis formae antiquioris in ESEM, ESE, etc. (sic enim veteres scribebant) 2 ) itemque in ERAM, ERO, etc., mutato tamen S in R, ut apud Latinos haud 1) Torremuzz. iiv.cript. Sic. Class. VI- No. IV. Cor. yet. musei nostri. a) Lnnzi 1, i. 113 minus quam apud Laconea fieri solebar. Praeteritum autem perfectum FUI , quod veteres semper FUVI scri- bebant, haud ejusdem verbi est, sed ad Graecum &TF& pertinet. 0. CXXXVIII. Futura ilia Graeca 'EZ20MM, 'ElSEAI, *EZ- SETMet *E22EITAfex antiquissima forma y E2Sl sunt: omne enim futurum natura desinit in E£Sl% nt omne praeteritum perfectum in EKA: sed duo modi contra- hendi fuerunt; unus, ejecta vocali, ut in TZ*P&, -:1E~S2, etc., quae fatura prima vocata sunt; alter, ejecta conso- nante> ut in TTITES2, yiETESl, postea in 7 I jlErSl contracta atque futura secunda appellata. Fu rum itaque passivum antiquissimum verbi 'E1S2 erat % ESESOMAl\ quod iUtiyn too E in tenia per=c 2ETAI, atque xov 2 alteriua *E1 tl ficbat; e quo eolita contractione too EE in EI, et sibili in pronuiu i do productione, factum est monstrum istud poeticum 'EZ2EITA/. §. c\ Forma in MI contracta fuisse videtur, Homericis €tiam temporibus, in *E£MJ et *EMMI (unde '£££/, 'E2TI, 7.2 .7/ //A, etc.); et , ejecta consonante ac pro- ducta vocali, in 7/3// emollita, e quo 7///.V, 'MSN, 7/.V, HA, 'EA, 7/V/X. etc. etc. variis contractioni- bus efficta sunt: semper enim in memoria tenendum ear, formas longissimas ac plenissimas in omnibus verbis an- .tiquissimas esse, neque ullam justam licentiam imrnu- tandi unquam fuisse in ullo hominum sermone, nisi quae in.contrahendo et emolliendo consisteret, atque ea n3 non pro arbitrio cujuscunque usurpata, ee.d usu ac con, suetudine loquendi paullatim introducta: neque nova ilia et augmentata themata, quae aut ex augmentatis quorumdam temporum formis conficta sunt, aut modurn aliquem vel consuetudinem generalem actionis adjuncto aliquo exprimunt, sicut verba in : IZR , :I£K£l, etc. in hanc legem peccant; compositorum enim numero ha- benda sunt, ut singula exempla facile probabunt. 6. CXL. Sed quoniam verborum analogia , qua antiquae il- lae formae, a poetis tantum usurpatae, aut singulis dia- lectis propriae, ad certain aliquam rationem redigeren* tur, inter cruces graramaticorum semper fuit, haud a proposito alienum puto, praecipuas eorum eententias de hac re, e scholiis veteribus collectas et librariomm mendis aliqua ex parte saltern purgatas, in ordinem aliquem disponere, atque antequam plura disputavero, lectoris judicio submittere. §. CXLI. Itaque, ut a verbo diflicillimo, ac grammatico v£- terum subtilissimo et doctissimo exordiar: l. 'Joriov ore to 'EMMENAI o 'HQaxtetdfjQ ov xcctu ti}v doxouoctv To7g nXeiOGiv dxokov&tciv TtttQCtyCl , «A- lu nQomxQafojyovoav uvtov , ijyovv Tfjv EM GvXla^v CCJIO nupctfor/oi>Tog II ytvtodav (iovXsvcti gvgtoXij yccl dtnka~ IACI\\ IAII- MENAI' xal X0JL1IEXAI xal (DPOXII.UEXAI' wA to 'AHMEJNAI vh (.laQivfjil tv} ASi TTtGiGncofitvo). dr t ).ov ovv, (fr,(jlv t o)g xal to IIMEXAI duo tov *fl ntoionoi- fnivov Tt ( g npmnjg auGuyictg , ov xal f t peropj TreoiGTiuTai, A&.iotI q.u(iiv 'EMMENAI' xcOoti Aioltig xal tv #*- (.tu fH TigoqtQOPTat,' Tag yap tig 42A XttfOXroag oiiTuvovg ,«*- To;ftts t)iov i:xl twit (j^uarcuv tig OX ntgutovo&ai ft,. roptvov x«ra X Q mn w -aqogojtioi , o7ov AABSIN *EAA- BOX, 0AE.QX 'E'VArOX, xul ra Suota, mvwol dno- PuXXovug to X xal petuTi&tmg ro /tuxooy O tig £ % n5 A TTQoqtQQVTULj and tov AABSIN xal &Ar&N, *EAA- BA Xtyovztg xal 'E0ATA' xal tqUu di toiitojv nbjOvv^ zixd tig AN Xtjyovra It'yovGiv. 6 ovv dno trig 'ESIN, qr}Gl, fUTOffig, \EA Xiycav av~ rl tov 'EON, d^iagxavH ojg d xal dno tov AABSIN EAABA q.ulr r kt'yet di, cog xal dvaXoywzSQov tov 'EA to HA' ylwGGijg ph dv Aavavrjg, xtl(.uvov de xal napu KaMif-iay**) ' ai yu.Q and ifuXovpivov E diovMafiOi fiiToyul to E fig H [KTccfadkovoiP iv Qt'maoi. Xtyev ds xal iq7]giv tlvuv tov 'EON jiuqu 'Akxaloj ' xal otl coansp &AEON-* T02 'E0ArON, APAM0NT02 'EAPAMON dmlsv- att zijg fiiio%i,xr}g h^yova?]g, ovtto xal ' E0NT02 'EON QtjTtov , xal ova EA' xal cog 'laxajregov f.iev to 'EON 9 to 8t 'HON xoivdv ■ o&ev to '11E2 xal 'HE" to di *HON ITtl 71Q0)T0V 7TQO(TOJ710V i^UlQiOit, TOV 0\*HN yiViTUlt* c3 6fi6(fOJvov 9 xazd XaXxidtlg, to 'HN 'EKE1N02* dq? ou AoiQtxug 'Holodog tqv to THZ A 'HN TPEI2 KEA~ A A I. to dt toiovtov ' Hniodtiov 'HN noiei, (pyol, to '112 AN TTQOG&icszt, tov 2 xccl tov A. o 8)} xal ol t?j 'Aeiavfj X9 i0 ^ pivot pwttf tiovovgi, to 'E0TrON xal 'HA®ON> naQtv- Oian Tt"jg AN Gvllapug, 'E0TW2AN llyovxtg xccl 'llA~ 002. AN' ovtu) 8t xal tu d/uoia* nccQctdidojGi, 8i avrdg xal oil * A^iGxaoyuoi to HN EA ftvtG&vu tlnov xaxd T^ttJGiv , dnoia Tig ylviiat x(t\ iv xu> *11NTAI 'EATA1 xal To7g dtioloig' xal iv tm 'A2TTA- rHN'AZTTAFEA, AlOMHAHN AIOMHAEA' xal iv tm "lUAHN 111AEA, xal To7g lomolg. Eustalh. p. 1768 et 9. 5. otv 81 'laxov iGTi to *E&N, v Alolixdv , i Jot- 0*xov, ndvzfg yap uvtio xqmvtcii, 'H^axKddfjg fyQcapi nov, iv&a tyu xal otv org 'EA&SZN, 'EAQtJTSl, xccl rot opow, evT<»g 'EaN'EETfl* «(*l uvaloyy xgdau, 'EiTtl did II 2 dup&oyyov, ojg 4jIAEIT&, TIAEITSl ' xul Aa>Qix ttqojzo) rzoog- OlTtOi 7TOQO(fVO)g t%H ZO A XUZU Gvyxont]v ZOV 'llOX, OTtlQ iazlv vnrjo/ov. to 6i zo'itov ttrg o'uzujg i'/iC XUZU TOV '// xltidov loyov I'yovTu ovzog' zo7g fig pQ*%v :uoctioiuti ilrct ovvuiOf&f7oi, i zoiorroi* zi'j'jmirjroiq ovxt'zt fifzovoia zoo JV t&riv* woze Iv zvt '//OX, *IIEZ, 'HE, xul acvaiototk 'IIX, ovx 6(j0ojg i/u ij :i(j(jCituvQig zoc A. KOtrow 6c g»;- nt xul to \HXKEIh > ag I/SKEE izuig :. «pa- TUTixog fig X Tifouzovzui iv ioii<()\ h 'J'.uiJt, ovxt'rc ovv i /#/;* o'vziog ovdi zo II fifzu zov A yguqt,Gfzai r ullu dr t kadti dtya zov N, xu\ o),uuivu to 'TUMP W zov LE dtjXovoif xul Oi y.uziOz\oiv 6 ooqog zoiavzrjw YQ*". i'azt, di xul iuJ.wg p(zxi zov A ro^aui to 'IIX Aqjqi- Xiog auu xul Antx< \ / /yuxii.fidtjv unov- ■ru ovi uj' to 7iu(j q/ih EILl/JI xul EPPEI naga. pir To7g "Ivjoiv 7://.//;/:.\; BPPE1 u dtqd. Tf^tt'Ojutvtjg txuq uviolg fig ufiqt) zuvzu' nu^u 6f A(»[ ■ oiv , (dv zjj diukt'xzo) xul aoxuwi -Izzixol ypwizut. zcl toi- avza dvo EE fig IIX onuiof7za& • to yug EIL I J 'EPPEEX, y EIIAFIXxul EPPJ1X W uizoU- •» wiwm tovtx) didozui> zi Pmlvit xazri zo 'EIIALJ 1IIX Acooixdig xul EPPEEX, EPPI/X a nog dim xal 'J JEV, 7upio7uo t uiiwg /<*Wo* did to tqv £>;iiaTog .uoroav^r U7 ia t %v ; xaQtisTcav ry AwQMr} q&vrj xccl zdov 'Azzixoov* oT veil to AAMATEP Aooqixov ov qiiXovGb XaXtlv, cog yial uXXo&t> tdifiw&r) , 6z( zi ftccvftu TcgoxtiTUi, oog xal 6 tov xaopixov TTXovzog fhjfau. m iGztov, bzi, zo tigriptvov '/£ZV, tm zglzov fvr/.ov tiqog coTiov y. o 'AtXy.fidv *H2 Xtytt, fiizuX^fifiitrnvzov N tig £ AooQtxolg , cog 6 c J£ganXt!dr]g nccQccdldooGiv. Igtl dt avzov %QVj ' cog scat iv too TIE- TtOIHKAMEN nccl AErOMEN nal T 7g o^oloig Toinov* gi to N elg 2 ol Awyitlg Xtyovztg TIETIOIHKAME2 y.ul %uXXa oooamoog, dqXovGiv ol %Qi]G(Xfiivoi: to dt tuxq *I£ai6d(p THS A 3 HN TPEIZ KE&AAAI dvzl tov ' HL AN Bom * xuov Xiytzai yXooGG^g tlvai, ov tPixd ()>)(iaza nXtj-dvvzwoTg QVOllOLGL OVVtzaZZOV, EuStatll. p. 1892. 1. 5<>* 5. iGTiOP dt, oog ^IlQccKXildfjg iJpccQztlG&ab unoov to JJSTSl yQOUplL TOMXVTCI+ zd did tov 2 txrptooiitvot, nQOGTuxTixd xcci tig SI Xyyov- rcc nQuzixov t%ti zov SI to Q, ohv AETEZOQ , TLOIEI- ~<9S2, xai zd (ipota. i]pctQTr { Tcci ovv to 'I2TSI, xcc&d wxl to 'E2TSI , ded tov T Xtyoptvu. votjztov dt\ q^Giv , i]{.wq~ h~g&cu avid did zijv TlQOxttGlV tov 2? 9 i'jittQ ti]v Sid tov T ygaqyv. zavza dt ovzoog tlnoov , trtdyti per oXiya, on I'viov £p ii[i *E2TSl *cu *12TSlov qpuGi ntQizztitiv to 2, t* tov I1ETSI dt xcd 'E2ETSI aut i'^Giv ytvio&ui to 'I2T& ved 'EJZTSl. y.dv fxtv doQ.iGzoodf] ygovov Gr]f,t(xlvtt> to °E£TSl> to A tlvai i'§cciQOVfi£vov * int dt ptXlovzog to E Xtintiv , ov lo A. tty oTg iniAQivtiy on to A Xtintt, Tvcc y 'EJZATSi \/:±TS2. TlOIHZETSlydQ, 7] NTSETQ ovdtlg Xytf tl Si, (f>]Gi, nod Xtlnti to E, oog ivteiooTU vov\Ttov naTcc to \ YZZETQ* tv Tovioig dt xctTaGtloov y.ul Tovg to 'ETS2, dep ov to *E2TSl, \UTSl Xt'yovTccg tKrdaH tov E tlgH, Xtyti, oog ovdtv tig TSl Xyyov ttqqbtu'avmov , i%ov nagaTtXtv tov to E, litTcaid^Giv avzo tig II' ovdtlg yd@ to 0EPETSZ AETE- Ill TSl, &EPHTSI AEEHTSl f*1*' ovxovp M 'ETJl, 'HTSl. alg oV, qnol, xal to 'ETSl tjftmgnjrms did tov E Atyofievov , n'aQCf.nr,yfjiu du)a£et, rodi' nana fAfioyrj tig SIN 6t;i>TOvog to tqitov nooaraxTixop did tov ETSL 7i(oaio7' 'EA- OSlN'EAGETSl, 2XSIN2XETSL, 2IISLS ZUE- TSl, xal META2IIETSI, zavrtj tqi> xal dno tov El- IISIN EllIETSl (f^Tt'oP. TlQOOTaXTlXOP fiiPTOl doQlGTOO fifToyr t g dnap ?.r / yomrjg fig 2, OTt tig TSl nfouiovrai inl tqitov ngoaomov , to") El TiaQah\yuai. o7ov 2ll- TSl, Xiyei , xal on m.g Ovtl El 11 quai :iQOGxaxTixop , ovt( dri avcov to ffTJl , dlXa EETSl toktl/.).u lor i rrjg 'ESIN fitroxng * d-Otp ytvioOat ro 7.7 TSl h diqOo, \ Mi IxtlOiv 'HTSl did rov 11 , tog ip rjj A ouyoidiu no yOwiTUt. v <)' avrog 'ijQCtxXridrig T*jg aJr>;; 'ESl\ ~ uzvtopov fitro- yi-g i<) fvxTixop xavovl^otv , ktyti on , xu&d Ttjg 'E N xat 'EWSIX utroy7;g fvxnxd EAGOl xal 'ElllOf, ou- tio M xal IXSIN 'EJUZXOf, xal EIUZIIJIX no- TMOS 'EBOBOl mm m ;, EJlX'EOf, ovyl 'Elf I. KfQi di tov 'Ell I . ov '/.uyog i'orai Tig xal iv to7g (il- ia ravra, It'yei, o>g nmp {"];i« nxnxop iyop t>]p El diqdoy- yop TTagartlfVTot', xal to TtXog did too H , *x ftfToy/;g nt- rxohtiai /.ryovaf;g tig EIS, Ot' u)]v fig SIX' xal tuvto qa- itoop qr,aiv in reap jJioXtxiup fifToyulr. siiolug ydo to \oji\ : yoomx. po\jis yn:tg cliil r0» <1>1 111S xal NO JIN, HUTU 6)] TO OfiOlOV HOU OtTlO T%Q SIN , TtQbiTOTVnOV fllTO/JjS OV&yiCCQ TTQWTqg TCOV UfQlGnOJfieVCOV y HY\ (XV &VHTC- xovto OIH i xal AioXixulg EIH* inn xal q fi(TO%i] EI2> ovio) dt iiQWTQv elnojv , vnoxaTTui , y.czTu ruijaiv rr,g HN avkXccprjg fig E nmt A , * EAT MI XtyenW oTov, 'OI 4H NTNEATAl 2IFHL tritm « 6 mm** Z™yn xal on I'viot tojp Iojvcov, oig dwolov&ei , gi\g\ , iter* o va Xuha- xd yocafjag /;ra*, ftwio&i 1 E.-lTAI. ioi '/finfOi'iui Bouo- Tt/Ang cirri irhtBpOTOMOV TOO HSTAI EATAl Iv kZ 01 Jll NTS' EAT 11 Z I Till, o *j r/fti 6 ( Hga- ttXttfyg lincov ovdmoxt tov "Our;gov h uglv uirl Tx\i]\}vvTtxioi>, xax Bouoiuiv tdo&v. Eustath. p. i8u5. 1. 15. ". 01 xa& *HoamliidfJP ra ro/ra unv oOKnixtov nioir- g-tcoi(H oji 7 i t g 7TO0)rr,g ov^ryt'etg xat riov ( jugvToiwv di g>, ' xaid to inx6i> fig ujv 21 GvXXaprjp ntgc \ II 121 tiaoablyovrog ' to yap $IAEI, xal NOEI, xal AETEI, *<*l$EPEI, &IAH2I, qwl, xalNOHSI, ™l AE- TH2I, wl &EPH2L Totovvov di xctl to AAM11PON T1AM&AINH2I net(f c Ofi^QM «7T«|, y^Gi, yQf]Ga t ittva) ty dialiXTcn inl tovtov, xuIutqu di xal to Gyijttct *Ifivy.?iov vno yQct^ficcTixcjv dux tov ptlonoidv df]lad?] y '/pvxov ydtidijo-ciVTU TOlCtVTT] yXbJGGIJ " fldl}, (f^Gl, XCtl TO'JI, T01IT tGTlV TO vnctQXw , ngoWrig tarl Gv&ylag , xar« to f&IAJl,' x«l IgtI tqitov avTOu Ely AojQi^6f.ievov xaTCt 'Pr t yivovg yivovt ccv oftolcog Ac tovtov'ITSIN 6 iveoTwg. tGTtov di, oti ov tisqI tql- TO)V av&V7I0T(X'ATGJV tGTlV 6 l6} f 0g , OnoloV TO A ASH , AA- XH- i£ olv AABHEI, AAXI1II' *yv* ydo wl ogk ToiavTu, ov ^Piiylvoiv tlatv, coUa '/avow* Eustath. p. 1676. I s 7 . 8. to di AEAAKTIA tyn piv vqigtmov nuQv.xtlfAtvov xccl did tov H. AEAHKE yaQ mg to AAIMONIII TI AE- AJIKA2. — 'Jovixojg di 1] Xtgtg no A nQonuQvlriyiTv.i , gv~ GTtiXtvTO; tov EI, AojQitlg t uiv yap to II eig A fiaxgov tqz- ttovgiv oTov AIIMOZ AAMOZ, MIIN MAN. "Iwvzg di iig pQctyv xavaGTQtqjOVGLv * ohv AEAIIKTIA AEAA- KTIA , MEMIIKTIA MEMAKTIA. oikiog Aqjdoviog. 'Ugaxkeidfjg di , iv oTg Xtyst to AAKNJl AtoQidi, xul 'iccdc ninoujG&uv dtaXtmuy AtQQulg (.liv yuQ , qtjoiv , tvTt- tkuniy TtoN' OTSl OTNSl, ATSl ATNSl, *to- tfg di pgayvvovGi to H dice tov A' indyeb ovtco, ME2HM- IJPIA ME2AMBPIA, IIUPH 1IAPH, AEAH- KTIt AEAAKTIA, MEMHKTIA MEMAKTIA, ■n>\?>upu)v ovtw xcxi avTog tm 'Agt&ovion Eustath. p. 1711. 1.%. 9. 7T«QIAfL IIE&IAEIA' n(j6g Sp "O[i v oog iff*** to NEKTSLN KATATE- GNEISlTSlNtxTOv TEGXEIA naoav.fuuiov. m'fiinzog nuQaxttfitvog ix tov 1JE&IAEIA 6 llE$IAEA di/u roe /* cv noog dxolov&iav to 'E2TE0l v 'EIN 'yflJAO, d^6 Tf'ig E21EJ22 , qr,ot , fi£TO"/y,g tov 2TJI (jfjfuxrog* noX~ Xdxig di, (fy]oiu , vnctU.anoiat xal txxr t v diuqopdv naoaxitr- ftt'vojv ix tov E fig co A. to yovv E2TEA \A — PA1 Xi- yovaiv ' d(p ov fAfTox*j E2TAJUS' TOvrodi, qr t oi», •/ pfrdziioxjig fori to? E tig A 'Jionwg , ij tov II fig A* naru di to "EZTAA-EZTAILZ yU-erai xal AEAaSIZ h na- (JUXflfitVOV TOV JJLJXjL OVTOi 61 XUl BEBAJlS, PE- TAS1~ } MEMAJ12 , xui u'O.u. iv TOvroig di 6 anog IlQuxXeidiig xal to 11EIIAGTIA SiaoaquZv , OMQ iv ro7g izijg nov y.Hvca TTug'Ou> n xal on ru i-Tjxuxrt/.d 9 d)i> al iinoyal fig JiX olviovoi , giop TTX1L-TT \Ji \, 'EPPJl-ETPJiX, 6 t uoio>g To7g nfQianui^fvoig ogtony.olg •sunt rov iTuoaxfiufiov uXbortm*' oh* Th TT\ //A /. EX" PJIKA' itctiftfToyal TETTXHKSLZ ETfHKMX ovxovf xal tov llAGJl-JIAOJlX xktoig dpoiu II PA I A- GHKA 11E1I AOHKS1I, Or^vxov UEUAGriA.o^fo <)i AEAHKHK&2 AF4HKQJS, TErMSHKHZ FErilGJlZ 'lajvtx?; ovyxoxf, , octco xal IIEILIGHKJIZ 1IE1IAGJIZ, ov &yjXvwo\ nEIIAGTIL otj[.i£iu>oui <$ fv to7g noofip^juftoig to it qv)it~ uoi ■»• MrJ in; i» ypaqij ' o d) t ?>o7 uu^uxtlutvov q toioi ufi'Ov /uiv mml ;:). : (>ccig xal poi.Gft fioitj, ftij ypuqonciov di y tK 125 cvov dr>l(xd)j -/ml ccva£oioTov, wg IlouxXeld^g (f^oiv, Eustath. p, 1700. 1. 5i — 5i. 10. ngohcc /iuv iuttov, ozt to FINSL2K0N ^ccgrrj- g&m tioxu fiij yQCiffOuevov FFFNSLZKON iv dvai F, o)Q *HQay.ltLdv}Q poiXerai* Xiyti ydp ixthog, oxv } cHottsq TEASl TEAI2KSZ 'liavt'Aojg did tov K ncxQccX^yofiivov rot Sxal tv} J, ofiolwg *ul eOPSl OOPIZKSL, -ml MOJfl MOAI- 2KJ2, ovtoj xul NO SI JS0I2KSL. ix tovtcdv aard j^)«- aiv OPS12KSI, BJJ12KSL, NSL2KJI, **l AioUx^ rNSlZKSl- Alolelg ydg , xal ol 'UniiQtoTcct, , wg xccl dMa'/ov i(S$e&ii, top AOTIIOJSf FAOTIION XtyovTeg • Sfey xul 'EPIFAOTIIOZ HOZIZ l HPH2. i'v&ct tiv^Tiov xul tov 'E11I A 'EFJOTIIH- Z AN 'AQHNAIH TE KAI C HPH' ngoo^tg jt «- ntv xul otv dno Tod NE&02, N0 ulXwg AN0&02* Y.al otl w»l iv rji'lUddt FENTO y t'iyovv s'ilno, i£codtv ifyu to F' ml wg 1] FNSIMH TtXtovd&t, xul aim} tm F, ywopiv?] d>jXudf} ix too NOSL NOHZSl, Ampwk ^ NSIMH , Aioliv.m 61 FNSIMH , didd; 'llouy.liidr,^ (HovltTai, xuOu MJSNdi MEMNSL % g, 'vadinlo)Gtg £ , inttotlTat, to uloxh;fjuv inif< mtXlu6r tt Intzut to Tt'ltov xai xot- vov fuag OulXccprft ttootto dinluaia^jutiov' to yc"> AABJ2, fitrt orllupy ovTiog voiton tov xutu dvuduilaou 1E- ' ItSL to 6 avid y.c.l M tCjv alibi*' ore dt yaau^an ii>\)to)i)t7TUi ti 1 / < >ni; , Tort iaoai > f uiudt- SinXutnivi't too).',. < . }£ENJ1 M/M \Ji II. - \Jl r/IWJi- Ovtoj H xul MBAft M/;\J.L r l. xul it).foi/a(7 t u(y i'/yoiv nuociOiGfi xov B, MEMB 111 nupfp- TtOt'vTOg too 11 did to i(t;dt'nOTt xard uluv avlla3i]i> r<7 ./ IntoOi.i ro .1/' xul tx too ILdPAMEME HI- KE, TIAPJMEMBMIK& Evsfttl L 36. etc. §. CXLII. In his omnibus criticoruni vcterum solennis et in- reteratus error, quo archaisnios pro idiotismis, ant, ut Latine loquar , piisci et obsoleti sermoni* rtliquias pro singularum gentium aberrationibus vel poctarum licen- tiis acceperunt, plane conspicuus est. Ceteroqni, con- versis eorum scntentiis, et quae singularum usui consuetudini abnormi tvibuerunt, in sincerornm et a 12 b tiquissimorum loco habitis > exempla, quae ex fontibus jamdudum bbturatis ac deperditis arcessivere, ad justam aliquam notitiam priscae grammaticae quemvis adduceie possunt, §. CXLIII. Verborum modis , temporibus , numeris ac vocibus ea grammatica locupletissima est, atque in eorum usu ac discrimine poetae antiquissimi ccv.Qifjtia ubique con- stans et eadem : cum posteri vocum discrimen in multis neglexerint, haudparvo detrimento linguae; quae eomul- turn perdidit perspicuitatis illius subtilis et exquisitae, quae singulis vocibus singulos vel cogitandi, vel agendi, vel patiendi modos distincte ad amussim exprimere so- lebat. Modorum tamen usus Homericus paullo licen- tior quibusdam visus est : sed an ratione grammaticae minus aptus et congruus sit, quam posterorum con- suetudo, quaestio admodum diflicilis est, cuius solutio petenda ex intimis recessibus humanae mentis. $. CXLIV. Verborum tempora in omnium linguarum principiis tria tantummodo fuisse, praesens, futurum ac praeter- itum, ipsa rerum natura indicare videtur: nam distin- ctions vel modificationes illae perfectorum , imperfe- ctorum, etc. nonnisi e grammatica jam culta, et ad animi subtiliores sensus exprimendos ordinate, oriri po- tuerunt. Si autem conjecturis indulgere liceret, ex iis quae Heraclides commentatus est in 'EA, *HA> 'JEON 9 'HN, etc. *) dicerem, omnia praeterita terminationem 1) \ido supra in Exeejptii* 126 primae personae singularis, voce activa, in A habuisse, atque ideo praeteritum imperfectum et utrumque aori- stum una eademque forma expressos esse: adjecto enim jVnnali, quod conclusionem duntaxat vocis post lite- ram vocalem significabat, transitio zou A^S in OA baud minus facilis quam xov^EAS in V/lVficret; atque bac ratione originem ac veram indolem aoristi secundi asse- qui possumus ; in quo HemsterhusiusetLennep praeter- itum imperfectum ex alio tbemate se percepiase credc- bant, cum usus tamen ejus Homericus aorLtum tempua subaudiendum indicet. Neque duo futura a diversis thematibus , ut iidem viri docti pro comperto babue- runt, orta esse videntur, ecd diversa literarum elisione in diversas formas contracta esse, modo quo supra ostendimus. §. CXLV. Aliorum quoque scbemata temporum, quae cocoiia- IwTiQcc quibusdam visa sunt, eadem ratione formata esse nullus dubito ; ita ut non modo TTHTE2SI i" 7T- IFTEJl, TFPJl, Trunin TTllll paullatim con- traberetur, sed TETTIiA TETT*A TETTMMAt % 'JETTWIX, 'ETMGHNt etc. eadem ratione e formis regularibus ab uno themate TTllill deductis, literii paullatim elisis, aut emollitis, enScta suit. Si enim unumquodque verbum ihemata tam varia ac diversa ba- buisset, non eadem ratione in omnibus ea theraata for- mata essent: at singula quaeque verba suas varietatcs ab aliis diversas habuissent, ita ut nulla analogic int'-r sese conjungerentur; neque cum themata TYll'Vll* TTIISI, TTUEJly TT etc. magis Homerica sint, cum pro compcrto non habeam, vulgata soliici nequaquam ausus sum. §. CXLVI. Nodum in scirpo quaerit 6 (to&vQ lleraclides, cum $e torquet de A" fmali in imperfectis contractorum *); contract io cnim ista tuu EE vel EEX in El Attica est, et dialectis vetustioribus prorsus ignota ; neque A finale in tenia persona singulari alienius plusquamperfectis quam imperfectis fuit 2 ). Contractio quoque, in se- cunda persona passiva, tov EIAI, E\41\ HAI, vel EAI in HI vel EI, posterorum esse, et Honiericis per- i) Vide supra in excerpt. 2) Corinth. Ep. de Dial. Att, s. LVHI. 12 9 inde ignota videtur. Aritiquis&ima forma erat proculdu- bio ESAI; quae more Ionum , ejecta consona et pro- ducta vocali , HAI fiebat , atque ejecta tantum consona HAI, et sibilo in spiritum asperum Dorice mutato, E\AI x ) , et Aeolice fortasse EFAI; cujus tamen nul- lum extat exemplum , quoad nobis scire contigit. §. CXLVII. In aoristis primis et praeteritis perfectis verborum in AFJ1 desinentium Iones emolliebant terminationes naturales AF2A et AFKA in HA, atque "EJAF2A, "FKAFZA, JEJAFKA, KEKAFKA, etc. *EJHA, V EKHA, 4E AH A, KEKHA, etc. scribebant. Ita quoque 'EQHKA pro 'EGEK2A ab obsoleto GEKSl, atque alia ejusmodi haud pauca : egregie enim halluci- natus est clarissimus Hermannus, cum, contra sensum perinde ac rationem grammaticam, °'EGHKA, v EA£l- KA etc. praeterita perfecta esse voluerit. 2 ) Suaviorem hanc Ionum priscorum pronunciandi consuetudinera Homericis temporibus haud ignotam fuisse, eo patet, quod in nonnullis, ut in TEGNHJITA pro TEGNH- KOTA, KEKMHSITA?™ KEKMHKOTA, etc. me- tri integritati necessaria est: quo praecipue motus omnia ejusmodi retinenda esse putavi, ut &IAAI, 'E&IAATO, etc. pro $Ij12AI, 'E&IA2AT0, etc.; quibus detri- 1) e'&os ds t'xovai JojQiiojv rivte, ok yv.Q ol ^Agystoi, xal Aa- xojve? , y.al Ilaucpvhot, , xa* ^EQeTQitts , v.al 'fipoJ-rrioL, tvdstav tov 2 TtoiovvTss, Saosiav yaQarrovoi rote titi(psQO^vot? « , iytigu) — ilyeiQoty etc. scribuntur } to H in locum tou El recipiendum putavimus, tarn constan- tiae ergo, quam quod ita pronunciasse videntur: nam utrum primae positiones antiquae JlEIPJlj 'ETE1PJI, i) Vide Auli Gellii librura II. cap. XVH. S) In II. E. 61. to U KEKMHP.TI ty.ov vti 'lujyixor tart, rnvTor ov 9m KEKMUKOTI, aTvloi.y]v to" K -Ti~Tor$o; 'iiw- ■rixto*, xal ixTaaii' toc O. Enstarb. p. 641. 1.2. Ratione paullo diversa EZTAKOTA, rEFAKOTJ , etc. e ZTAQ, TAQ t * etc. fovm.ua, in * &2TQTA , r£! .QTA, etc. contracta sunt. Eadem tamen prima syllaba in mikmrvm prodncitur ^Hymr. in Cerer. 117.) : est enim futurum subjuncrivi, exrruso sibilo et producta vocali, Ionuni more s oleum, pro yi/.cuarcu. i5i etc. an HEPPJI, 'JETEPPJl, etc. fuissent, futura et aoristi regulares IlEPZSl — "E17EP2A — 'EPEPSJl — HFEP2A esse debebant ; e quibus, solita elisione zov 2, et productione vocalis antecedentis, ItHPSh °'EI1HPA , 'ETEPSl — °'HFHPA , etc. fieri oporte- bat. Praeteritum perfectura, participio et verbo auxi- liari'XYiZsignificatum, ut ZTHZAZ^EXEIH, BE- BOTAETKSIZ ^EXETS 1 ), etc., quod Attici in deli- ciis habuerunt, Homericus serrno non agnoscit; et, At- ticorum venia dixerim, recentiorum magis barbariem quam veterum elegantiam sapit. In Homericis autem praeterita perfecta et plusquamperfecta passiva tertia persona plurali, quae, postea exoleta, participiis et ver- bis anxiliaribus exprimebantur, haud infrequentia sunt; ut TETETXATAT, 'ETETETXATO, etc.; quae Atticorum et aliorum aetate posteriorum sermone TE~ TTFMEN01 ElZl ^H2JN, etc. fuerint. In hac enim re grammatica antiqua locupletior fuit, ut consuetudo loquendi in omnibus splendidior , unctior et nume* xosior. §. CXLIX. De modorum ratione et U6u Homerico aliquid certi statuere aut defmire perquam difficile et lubricum est, quoniam alia loquendi consuetudo in hac parte apud po- steros obtinebat, ad cujus norraam rhapsodi et gram- matici linguam veterem flectere et convertere, quoad metrum sineret, semper studuerunt; ita ut haud pauca mutata et corrupta esse , in re tarn diu tractata et tam i) Sophocl. Oed, Tyr. 699 — 701. Ed. Brunei. I 2 l52 parum intellecta , credere liceat. Cum tamen optativus et subjunctivus de indicativo pendere quodammodo vi- deantur, ex eo profectos esse credendum est, alterum e tempore futuro, alterum, adjecto verbo otfiaw vel trjfu; atque inde tvtitouh,, Tvipouu, rwpcufu, rv\puu 9 etc. confxcta esse. Impetum itaque vel voluntatem animi in agendo exprimere debuerat optativus; atque sic usor- patum esse in sermone antiquo, ex Homericis constare puto. Apud tragicos optativus, sine AN vel KE, desi- derativum, et, adjecta ista particula , potentialem si- gnificationem semper habet; antiquiores autem poetae nullum ejusmodi discrimen agnovisse videntur. §. CL. Subjunctivus actionem de alia actione vel conditione ali- qua pendentem exprixnit, atque ei ideo quodammodo fu- turam, unde in Homericis futurum indicativi locum sub- junctivi saepe usurpat ; et futuro rum formae in utroque modo eaedem sunt. Apud posteroa discrimina subtiliora in usu subjunctivi observata sunt, poetis antiquissimispror- sus ignota; itaut t'rustra laboraverit vir y/inxoiraro^nec minus animi virlutibus quam ingenii elegantia aestima- bilis, Burneius noster, remissiora ea et vetusta ad mo- rositatem Atticam redigere J ). Attici conjunctionem conditionalem EI indicativo et optativo tantum adhi- Duerunt; atque adjecta particula dubitantis KE vc 1 *A \ dubitationem vel itaaqnav generaliter exprimit; et utra- que, vel separatim vel conjunctim, prout sententia po- stulaverit, unlcuique modo adhibita sunt ; nequeffjr,- pcrr«*//?t/xeMt, quibus indicativus more subjunctivi tic- 1) In Miltoni Poexu.ua GraecA. Lond. 1791, ioa ctebatur, e Rheginorum dialecto, quam Homerici per- inde acSinicam vel Iaponicam intellexissent, arcessenda sunt; neque viro praestantissimo EI JE KE et EI KE in EI JE TE et ET TE commutami obsequendum x ): alteram enim nusquam in Homericis occurrit, alterum semel tantum, ubi TE, restituto F, locum sponte ce- dit: (lys titv eifoirjg, scribendum EI MEN FEI- JEIH2 2 ). TE apud poetam vel inavoQ&MTixov vel inuvuXrjTCTixdv velfopcctcotixov est in vocemproxime ante- cedentem ; neque ulla ratione copulis KAl ', TE , JE, etc. subjungi potest, nisi cum pronominibusveladverbiis •mxaesiiit, xitinTOTE, "OJE, 'ENSAJE, etc. Eandem ob causam nuili usquam aut pronomini relati- to 3 ), aut adverbio loci vel temporis indefiniti et in- certi, ut IIOTE, c 'OTE, UOGI, IIOGEN, etc., flubjungitur , sed iis tantum , quae locum vel tempus ali- quod certum ac defimtum indicant, ut 'ENOJJE, KEIOI, KEI2E, TOTE, NTN, 'ETI, 'EHEITA, UP IN, IU.P02, etc. Usum hunc particulae justum , subtilem et discre- tum neque poetae, neque historici postea unquam ob- servarunt; neque critici vel grammatici Alexandrini in- tellexisse videntur; magnumque est exemplum mode- fctiae , fidei et religionis , qua veteres carmina Homeri- ca tractaverint , eos fulcrum tarn commodum metro, e detrimento digammatis claudicanti et hianti, non sae- pius inculcasse. Kecte intellecta et accepta vim mirabi- i) Iliad. ^. 526. Odyss. Z. 2%2. 2) Odyss. E. 206. 3) ovriva ys semel dictum est Odyss. T. 511. sed tOtum epis- odium rhapsodi serioris foetus est. lem saepe habet in exprimenda et augenda vehementia loquentis in orationibus incitatioribus; cujus insigne exemplum est Iliad. E. -8? — 8. Usus ejus Inaialr^xir- nog couatano ac solennis est in utroque carmine; ut in avzu: oyt, II. B. 667. r. 32& £ 3o8. 3 27 . 585. Z 4- 1. ©. 26K. /. 206. A'. i54. ^4. 46i. 483. A T . i64. 099. O. 4:g. 52.3. 65o. P. 108. 0. 367. 55o. ^. 42. 896. J2. 5o. 189. Odyss r. 17.0. 7. 536. AT. 264. 71. 4i. 2*. 5^. T. i4o. A". 116. 482. — in npk n » J1 - r - fiOh & 219. 288. Z. 465. /. 488. 65i. M. 172. 45*. iV. io5. O. 55j. 77. 20j. p. 5o4. 2. 76, 1 55. 189. 190. 534. 0. 5 7 8. A. 266. V. 45. Odyss. ^. 2 jo. B. 128. 547. ^4. 255. 4;-. //. 196. If j8~. A. n4. 3»a 55ft. P. y. 2*. 288. y. 45. l5& — f] r. l^JK 35o. 429. 827. p. 483. etc. Odyss. / 4 12. A. 25$, O. 026. 71. lSo, LQ^. etc etc.: quern usum cura Alexandrini neque satis iniellectum haberent, neque hiatu omnino offende- lenrur, particuiam e multis locis, utinutilem et redundan- tem, extru! .ibua pmjiibiu , e\ aliis paribus, a nobis restitucndu erit: ut 11. ./. 555. B. ic 548. v. ..-.,. z. 81. iaa a -'-1. -' 77. OJic. uio ♦/>. 55. 5»o. A. -. — Odyss. //. 2 5o. P. 100. £ m 4oi. 71 !. 5i. T. 1.: uicunqiie enim lu- bricum et periculosum sit fulcrum tarn commodum pro arbiuio adhibero, tute lamen e locis paribus, vi ejus et ratione satis intellecta, transferre et reponere licet. $. CLI. Haud minus emcivlaturientibus commoda et oppor- tuna est copula poetica IAC\ atque magis etiam caven- da: quo enim jure in Homericis stet, in ambiguo est; 1) Vide Schol. Ven. in II. JV. 599. quoniam nusquam occurrit, nisi ubi KAIve\ HAE e quo factum esse videtur, locum ejus sine injuria occu- pare potuerit: ita ut e posterorum Hcentia poetica pro- fectum et a dactylorum captatoribus insertum ease, su- spicari liceat. Si pro comperto haberem ex *HAE con- tractum esse, sine alia mpdTjkevftarog nota, haud cun- ctanter ejicerem. Caeterum particularum, copularum, articulorum et pronominum usus in Homericis, a se- riore totus di versus, testimonium satis amplum et ido- neum affert, carmina sinceriora, quam vulgo creditur, ad nos venisse. §. CLII. In Dorum veterum lingua usus subjunctivi perinde atque optativi cum Al vel EI sine KE vel AN solennis fuit; eo tamen discrimine, ut subjunctivus potentialem, optativus desiderativam significationem habeat *)♦ In- dicativumitem haud aliter, quam in Homericis, eos par- ticulis AI KA vel mfau subdidisse , intemeratis tabula- rum Heracliensium exemplis plane constat; neque solu- tiorem hunc modorum usum grammaticae nondum per- fectae cum Heynio tribuere ausim, quoniam in eo nihil sentire queam, quod grammaticae universalis rationi et indoli adversetur: modus enim Joquendi proprie sub- junctivus est, qui actionem non tam dubiam vel incer- tam , quam priori alicui, de qua pendet, subjunctam vel subjungendam exprimit; ita ut verbum antece- dens , potius quam particula aliqua, eum praefinire de- buerit; quod in Latinis evenit. Futurum tamen tantum 3) Vide foed. Lacedaemon. et Argiv. apud Thucyd. "V. 77- et 79. i56 indicativi pro subjunctivo Homericus 6ermo agnoscit; tifjof/ev enim, ayeigo^ifv , etc. futura sunt Ionica , scriben- aa FHJOMEN, *ATHPOMEN, etc. pro FEJZO- MEN.'jrEPZOMEN, etc., eliso sibilo , et produ- cts voc^li antecedente ; neque haerendum est in Iliad. A. 67. ubi pro fiovXttat esse debuerat BOYAHT' 9 am- putata syhaba finali , more Homerico, de quo vide infra S. CLXV. Latini autem, vice versa, praesens subjun- ctivi pro futuro indicativi in verbis omnibus tertiae et quartae conjugations adoptarunt, paullatim exolescen- tibus form is tuturi naturalibus; quarum nihilominus exempla extant, inter I erentianas etiam elegantias, SCJBO, SERVIBO, etc. pro recentioribus SCIAIM, SER- VIAM, etc., quae e praesenti subjunctivi translata eive reducta sunt. 8. CLIII. Cum in suscepto opere restituendae Homericae lin- guae complurium verborum foruiae haud paullo immu- tandae erunt, plus ad rem arbitratus sum ea verba in Ordine recensere, atque rationts, quaa in singulis ini- mutandis sequutus sim , singulis subjungere, quam crebris repetitionibus earundem observationum in anno- tationibus lectorem pariter ac me ipsum defatigare. In liia autem si a viris suromis , Bentleio , Hernia, etc. haud raro disaentiam, ne mihi obsit eorum nomen et auctoritas; at judicium suum integrum ac sincerum lector unusquisque adhibeat, etiam atque etiam precor. In re tarn obscura quotusquisque criticorum non sae- pe et egregie hallucinatus est ? neque me communi sor- ti exemptum esse speravi: at dummodo critici , non ra- bulae, more in alienos errores animadvertam, parem irv 3 37 dulgentiam in meos me poscere aequum est. Ob mul- tos libro de hac re Anglice scripto piacularem esse profi- teor: attamen cum pari jure gloriari liceat, plura con- jecturis assequutum esse, quae, viris criticis tunc fasti- dita, veterum monumentorum fide nunc comprobata sunt, verecundiae simul ac modestiae consultum iri putavi, si neutra sigillatim retractarem aut perscrutarer curiosius, quam opus esset, ut vera elucerent, falsa pro- derentur: nam hoc saltern, salva modestia, gloriari li- cet, veritatem, non victoriam, in omni disputatione, tarn critica quam philosophica , animo me meo fiiiem unice propositum habuisse, neque ullam unquam praesum- ptam|opinionemtanto amore amplexum esse, utnon, me- liora edoctus, sponte ac libenter repudiarem. De re etymologica multa atque ingeniosa protulit Daniel Len- nep, sed omnia e suo ipsius aut magistrorum, Tiberii Hemsterhusii et Ludovici Caspari Valkenaerii, ingeniis deprompta, omni veterum inscriptionum et dialectorum auctoritate neglecta, neque ulla ratione habita vel ser- monis vel metri Homerici ; e quibus solis leges ac nor- ma s in regulls suis generatibus stabiliendis accersere et accipere debuerat. Ipsae itaque regulae, perinde atque omnia ex iis deducta, harum rerum studiosis maxime praecavendae sunt; neque ullo modo auscultandum do- centi, „AMNOS, Latine AGNUS, exAMENOZ, parti- cipioverbi AMJl, formatum esse ; quod 'AMEN02 et AMNOE is proprie diceretur, sensu medio, qui com- plecteretur et amplecteretur; vel, sensu passive, quern amplecteretur alius , sive, qui amaretur, quod tenerri- mo agno non incongruum nomen." *) Hisce et talibus i) Etymolog, Vol. I. p. 132, i58 gaudeant ii, quibus argutiae e longinquo petitae in deli- ciissint; nobis autem , quo minus doctrinae tam recon- ditae et exquisitae insit, eo etiam minus sensu coraraa- ni sic carere licet; ita ut non aliunde 'AtMNOE et AGNUS quam ex ^ privativo cum MEXOZ et FONOS deducenda videmtur -AM ENOZ et AEONO-! , con- tracta in 'AMNOS et 'ArNOS. Ncque alitor in aliis obvia et simplicia abstrusis et eruditis omnino praefe- renda erunt. Quam vero sit periculosum in via tam lu- brica et distorta caecutiente6 errare , nugae hujnsmodi, quae viri tanri tam cumulate congesserunt, satib super- que demonstranr. Ut enim concedamus, verba primitiva quamplurima periisse, quits tamen diacreverit, quae fue- xint deperditorum formae, nisi quorum fragmina aut reliquiae in dialecris aut monumeniis antiquis super- sint? Atque si e conjecturis analogicis primitiva pro li- bitu supponamus, ut exinde derivata et vulgata ad nor- mam qualemcunque refingamus et constituamus, qua denique ratione evhabiraus errores, qui e falsis prin- cipiis sponte pullulant, et quibus etymologica Len- nepiana haud minus quam antiquinra ubique scatere fa- tendum est. Audacter tamen progrediamur, quatenus veterum dialectorum auctoritas, monumentorum fides et justa metri ac scrmonis ratio viam ostendant ; at non ulterius. I\[F, exclamatio mirantis vel miserantis , vulgoa, ut « iM' 9 sed Latine VAH, quod Graecum antiquissi- mum esse videtur : nam in exclamatione, impetu vehe- mentiore prolata, spiritus ilie in fine vocis locum habe- re poterat in Graeco haud minus quam in Latino ser- mon c. 159 AF. v. a v — retro, vel eo sensu -quo syllaba RE in compositi6 Latim's — unde 'AFTAP, exAF, TE, et APA compositum atque 'AFT02. v.avTog, etc. 'AFASl. 'AFAA2SI et *AFHMT divers a themata esse verbi , quod in Lati- nis AVEO scriptum est, formae ac sensus similitudo vix dubitare sinit, atque inde adjectivum "AFATOZ idem atque AVIDUS et AVARUS; ut in P AFAT02 IIOAEMOFO[—v. dzog nolz'fioio, cwi- dus belli. Adjecto A privativo, fit 'AAFATQ2* v.'uactTog, innoxius, vel, e quo nul- la mala cupido vel avaritia oriri possit$ et 'AAFATT02 vel 'AAFA2T02, v. '« « « r o g, in- violabilis, vel nulli malae cupidini pel ambitioni o&- noxius. Aoristi formae contractae *A2E et 'ASAIe themate contracto 'AH effictae sunt; quod Homericis ignotum fuisse videtur; nam versus, in quibus eae formae oc- currunt, rhapsodorum, non poetae, sunt, ut posthac ostensuri eumus. Hesychius liabet * A ASTON — dvccfxccQtTjtov , «/Ua- fih» et AATON, eodem fere sensu; at litera A ex utroque , librariorum incuria aut desidia , excidisse vi- detur, perinde atque Homeri exemplaribus, quibus Seberus in indice conficiendo usus est. In prisco au- tern sermone literae 2 et T inter se commutabiles erant, etOATMATTA (sic enim duplici T scribi clebuerat, non ® ATM AT A, ut in vulgatis) apud Pindarum pro i4o OATMJ2TA erat, teste Eustathio x ) ; atque ita etiam multa alia ejusmodi. Pro MHAEA Hesiodum MEZEA habuisse idem prodidit Eustathius 2 ): ac sic antiquicres pronunciasse oportuit: Ionum enim est MHAEAt sen- au quo hie usurpatum est, ejecta consona et producta vocali, eorum more solemn: quo etiam *AAFATOH eflingi potuisset. At vetustius et ma^-is Homericum est 'AAFATTOS. Attici post A privativum in contractis hujusmodi rocabulorum formis N paragogicum inssrebant; ut iit] it ccpc.tov TiQuypa tuvz dno'ttpujp.*) atque eo modo Dawesius 'ANyJFATON et \iSAFA- 2TON scribi voluit; contra tamen Homericam consue- tudinem in AOTTON etc. conservatam; qua motisus- tollendum illud JVcuravimus, ubicunque vocalis subse- quuta sit. 'AFATH* v. "Azri — avaritia — niala cupido et noxa, pka(5i), ex ea orlunda. In Homericis non nisi trisyllaba usurpabatur: omnes enim versus, qui earn for- xnam recusant, ut II. T> 85 — i5g — SI. 22 — 5o, etc., alias etiam ob causae pro interpolationibus rhapsodorum, qui sermonem veterem parum callebant, habendi sunt. ATAFO^. v. uyuvog, praeclarus , superbus; a verbo antiquo* tTAFSl — unde 'ATHMIet AT AM A L FATNTML v. ayvvpt, quod et FANTSl, et antiquius forsitan FPAXril; unde Latinum FRANGO; atque item Graccum FPH22SL vel FPHrSl. v. ()}\GOQ} t de quo infra. In aoristo secundo 1) p. 400. 2) Ibid. 3) Aeschyl. Suppl. 354. ed. Glasg. ill jVejectum est, et pennhima correpta, fit *EFATH. v. layr], a FANFSl deductum ea ratione, quaJETTllH a TYFLTSL. In uno tantum loco, 11.^/. 558, penultimam longamhabet: sed aut in aoristum primum *EFAN~ XOH mutandum est, aut versus, alioqui suspectus, pro insititio habendus atque ejiciendus. rol uuy?}g, penul- tima producta, to N perinde ac to F certissima analogia restituendum est, atque scribendum 'AFANFH2; il- lud enim NF a recentioribus semper FF scribebatur, et librarii, cum literae geminarentur, aut incuria aut festinatione alteram saepe supprimebant , praesertim in vocabulis minus usitatis. Vide supra S. CXXV. Litera- rum defectu tempora futura etaoristaactiva xexbiFAN- TSl formas eorundem temporum verbi v AFSl t duco 7 accepisse videntur, ut in rj£ov 9 fife, etc.; a quibus ta- men, antiquo pronunciandi ac scribendi modo, prorsus aliena sunt. FANJANJ2. FAAESl. FAASL — v. dvduvo), udito et oldcu •*— placeoi at in Hesychio tamen FANJANEIN, FAAEIN, FA- dE20AIj eodem sensu ; quae formas antiquas plane in- dicant: solennis enim est Hesychio usus tov F pro F. Facilis ac prona erat alioqui mutatio aherius in alterum; undo FHOESL, FANTMAl, et Latinum GAUDEO. Iones autem, amputato vel commutato spiritu et pro- ducta , ut solebant, vocali, °'HJSl vel \BASl et 'HJ02 vel YHJ02 effinxerunt; quae poetae cognita esse vi- dentur. Ab hoc verbo deducenda sunt FEdNON. v. tdvov et i'edvov, unde 'AFEJN02 -~ v. Kvdtdvog— indotatus, genii- 1*2 nato privative* ad metrum complendum, pnstquam ple- niores veterum loquendi modi jamdudum exoleverant. \AASl et \AAESl, v.iido) et a dim. Latini verbi forma SA- TIO vix dubitare sink, ZAAESl fuisse antiquiesimo ser- mone: nam Etrusci. Latinorum doctores ac masristri, literam A non habuerunt; atque ex aliis certissime con- stat, voces quamplurimas, Homericis etiam temporibus, durum ilium spiritum dentalem 2 in molliorem (- mi- tigasse. }-AAHN — v. a S tj v — abimde — ad satietatem us- que, quod spiritu aspero ab antiquis grarrmaticis scri- ptum esse, testis est Eustalhius — on, dt nut iduGuitio, ol naXouoi quae x ). \AAL\()2. v. udivog, co'f>rtux, de?i*us- 7 ut omnia vocabula enjuscunque generis , quae initiun. A collectivo vel u&qoiotmm capiunt; nam i pro ixftcc est, atque idcirco antiquis Uteris fad scribendum. \AFESl — \AFSl et Ionice '//J//; unde pradixo fortasse 'Ufil, &AFJ1 et 4>IIMf — monstru , .'ere facio, ac metaphorice dico; e quo verba Latina FAOR, AIO et alia innuniera in utraque lingua emcta sunt, quae speciem ac formam parentis plus minusve exhibent; ut \AF02, lonice 'HJ12 — quod fortasse Homeric cum; Attice *oj£ — aurora. e, et diaeresi ad metrum supplen- dum qoa>Q — lux — lumen. Idem alia dialecto est La- tinum FAVOR. Atque hie cuivis mirari licet, doctissimum Hovne usque adeo coecutiisse, ut pro AAM04>AFSIS et AA- *) P» 1556. I. 59. Eustathio 01 rcalaioX Alexandrini sunt. FOKAFJIN in epigrammate, quod Friscianus legerat in tripode vetusfissimo in Xerolopho Byzantii, A AMO- &OFON et AAFOKOFON seriptum esse voluerit 1 ). Vix enim tiro aliquis paullo accuratius institutus nomi- na antiqua ita e eontractionibus et diaeresibus recentio- rum refingere ausus esset, contra omnem rationem ac consuetudinem prisci sermonis. \AFAPF2TON — v. vqkjtov — prandium — cibus qui primum mane sumebatur; unde nomen ab \AFQ2 accepisse videtur. Sensum ejus recte ceperunt veteres; de etymo mira commentati sunt 2 ). A\FHP — v. ui]q — tenebrae — et casibus obliquis fitQQs* tfiQh etc.; quae antiquissima esse videntur; signi- ncado autem ortum indicat ex A privativo et \-AFEfl; unde pleniorem ejus formam *A\AFHP fuisse credide- rim , atque ex ea Homericum *A\FHP contractum. 'AFEIKH2 — * r. defxqg — indecens — ab A privativo et FEIKSI; de quo infra. *A\Ul, *A\-ESl et 'AFHMI — splro — unde epitheton Vulcani A\ 1H TOE> v. a'h]Tog, anhelus, nvevaxog — e t *A\HTH2. v. flatus — verities. 'AYE A A A. v.«^;.« — procella; atque item vox Latina ANHELVS; et A\HP. v. dyp — aer — casibus obliquis yzgoQ, WQo, etc.; quae Homericis etiam temporibus sic forte pronunciata erant. i) Not. in exctirs. III. in II. T. Vol. VIII. p- 7^7- a) Viae Polyb. IV c. LXXI. Eustath. p. 1432. h &> P- *79 x ' 1. 35. etc. f Ay ATP SI f 'AYEIPSI et *A\-E/PESl — v. deign — utiotco — sumo, tollo, ex^intensivo et YEPJ1 , \AIPJl et \A1PESI composita esse videntur, atque idcirco iia scribenda: nam antiqui in mediis vocibns perinde atque initiis aspi- rationem densam exprimebant ac literarum notis signi- ficabant *). 'A\EKSLS* v. axoji/ et detutp — invitus, nolens, 'AYEKH11. v. «#'«4*< — invite, ab A privativo et \EKSl. A\EATJSl» v. at). no) — despero — ab A privati- vo et YE A1IJ1, quod vide infra. Vide item 'AFEPFOI v. ii Qf6o, 'AFE2T/02 v. « . 4* nog, 'AFHO E22SL v. * *, & t> a w, 'AF1JU2. v. * Aiding — et Atticc j 'AFIJP/2, etc. w.aid(ji^ etc. in I LP TJ1, FE- QSl , FETJSl, etc. infra exposita. *AIFAN2 — v. A tug — nomen e participio elK- ctum, atque ita cum F scriptum in gemma antiqua Etrusci operis 2 ). 'AFEGAOX. v.a&Xov — certaminis praemium — ab ' AFAP , de quo supra. In Homericis est semper tri6yllaba ; neque certior interpolationis nota quam for, ma ejus contracta ostendi potest. 'AIFEL v. ait I 1) Vide tab. Heracleens. Non alitcr in Alexandrinis Hon coram codicibus locum habuissc e sckoliis Veneiianis plane liquet. 2) Collection d'Oileans. Tom. II. pi. z. 145. AIFSlN. v. ahov — Latine AEVTIM; quod ami- quum Graecorum scribendi raodum plane indicat. 'JFUffyJ02 — v. ccU^Xog — . tenebricosus r — . ab ^ privativo et FJEIJJ1 deductum. A\-I22JL — v. aiGGw — - ruo — ab A intensive* et \IKSl fortasse confictum. \AASl -» \AAESl -* « A cm — « A i w , bigt/U,, coU ligo, coacervo. \AAiIMI spiritu f- omnino scribendum, quod ^ collectivum est; unde alia IIsquojv apud Herodotum 1 ); etsi eadem vox ab aliis, etiam in insoriptionibus antiquis, sine spiritu * AAIA scripta sit 2 ). 'AAAFJl. 'AAAFESl. ' 'AAAFHMI — v. d A a w — uktxXti-fu — coecutire vel err are facio ; et AATFJ1 — v. aAKw — mente erro vel turbatus swm, composita sunt ex ^ privativo et verbis AAFSl, AslFESL, AAF/IMIet ATFSl; de quibus infra. Rhapsodi et grammatici, cum formas verborum an- tiquas nescirent , et vulgatas tamen versibus Homericis haud suflicere comperissent, neque diaeresibus hiatus supplere potuissent , syllabas quasdam geminabant : at- que eo modo, cum 'AAAFJIMIin' 'A AHMI contractum invenissent, neque pleniorem formam, neque mutatio- nis rationem nossent, monstrum illud dkcdiipi compin- gebant et inducebant. Ita quoque aliis, quae pari de- fectu laborare videbant, percommode succurrebant. i) Vide Eustath, p. 179. a) Ijiscript. Sic. et Tabula Heracleensis. i4b 'AAEF&. v. d I tv a> — cvrVo — : ex ^ quoque pri- vativo et AAFSi , quod et AEF&, ut infra videbimus, form a turn. *AAOFA$l. v. aUtao) — pw/«o — tundo. *AAGFH. v. cUoa — area, in qua contundendo triturabatur frumentum. F melius, quam /, antiqui sermonis indoli hie con- venit: at neutrum tamen ratione aliqua certa, vel aucto- ritate suffukum est. 'AMTFM&N. v.dpvfiwv — egregius — 'AM TT- M&N, uul dqiaiQt'aft, tou r 'AMTM&N* Hort. Adon. solenni lexicographorum errore xov jfpro F; quae enim sequuntur de etymo, ridicula sunt. 'AMTFN& — v. d/uvpco — defendo — arceo, ex r A privativo et exoleto M7FNSI, unde M1FNH, de quo infra , compositum. FAJSTA&X FANA2— aval — rex. FANA22SI — u vao a a — regno, Dores Italiae BCribebant BANNAZ, F in B mutato , et consona li- quida geminata; quod iis solenne fuisse jam antea osten- dimus. E terminatione brevi in AZ vocativus Homeri- cus FAN A — v. ava formatus est. Significationem apud Atticos planam facie Isocrates in Euagora: tojv *| ac- tov yevoptvav ovdepa %uxi).L-^tv iduarixolg otouaac nyoci Qtvofiivov dXXd rov flip ^aaiXe'a nuXuvpevov , rovg di dva- *tuq, rag di dvdaaag: neque alia ki Homericis fuisse vi- de tur. ANJFA. v. dvlaetuvfia, dolor. dviagov — Xeytrat, dviygov. Suid. — i. e. *ANj FPON ex 'ANI- FaP ON contr actum, mutatione, jampridem iu Hesychii lexico notata, tov Fin JT. i47 \AFOAFHZ — v. uoM.riq, congregatus- -confer- tus, ab A collective) et FEslFQ, de quo infra. *AFOAK2. v. wl'g — sulcus — pro contractione vo- cis ccvXctl habitum; cui tamen ne affine quidem est: at ex A intensivo et verbo antiquo FEAFSl — volvo for- matum. i *A\OP -v.aop- ensis , ab *A\EI&&, atque inde *A\OPTHP , loru/n quo appendebatur , etc. \APAl02. v. kqccioq — rams — tenuis. Recte Schol. Ven. daavveTui, to uqucul , lemal " u d£ ipikovuep, 'APTEIF02. v.'A$y£7og. Latine ARGIVUS an- tiquiore adjectivi forma. FAPAR — v. uQd(o 9 irrigoy atque inde FAPAM02, v. «p — statim. ix tov 'AI1TS2, 'A*PSl, '110 A yivixui, teste Eustathio 3 ); atque etymi ratio constat. \AOEX02 — v. uq.ivog — opes, nay ij/*7t> i) P. I. C. VIII. S. i. n. i. 2) *JTQ ynq y to grtfcuyw to 'TfJ to ppi/a' ATQ, /u«r« to* otsqijti/.qv A, xttl x(jovtF2 desinenti- bus rescribenda sunt. i) Eustath. p. 73. i5o TAAFKI. v. ylttvl ~ noctua — TdAFKOS. v.ylavxog — TAAFKIASl, etc. v. ylavxiaco, etc., a verbo antiquo r AAFSl, postea AAFSl, AEFSl et AABSl, diversis loqu< nui modi's, formata 6unt; atque sensus ejui primarii, dittorti scilicet acfucati, vestigia retinent. FEPAF02. v. yjpatoj, ae^ex TPAFI2 vel rPEFIE — contractum in FPAFE vel rPEFE — anus — atque deinde in ypi'uV dfaereei vulgo distensum. Vide supra S. XLIV. FTF1J2 — v. yv> — tWtor. FTFF02. v. yvoog — cujus formam ac eignifica- tionem antiquam exprimit Latina vox CURVUS. AA^HP — v. dai}$ — levir — ex \AIPSI vel \EIPSI — uimo, nuto, formatum esse videtur. AAFSl. v. daiot — accendo — unde AAFI2. v. datg — taedax et metaphorice pugna, AAFN02* v. Savog — ad urendum apt us, AAF02— v. ^J? —fax. AAFEAOZ contractum in JAFA02 et AHA02, quod Ionicum ac fortasse Homericum; etsi formae antiquiores in dialectis minus cultis apud posteros usurparentur. AABEA02, dulog, ./axw- veg. AAEAON, diadtjko*. AEEAON , d>~Xor. He- sych. trt Xiyet, (HgaxXtidtjg^) xal on AioXelg rw A ngogrt- ftivxtg to T, amputato augmento, esse debuerat; atque ita nobis rescribendum in Homericis videtur. Ejusdem stirpis esse videntur FEI2KSI. v. itoxm, adsimulo. FEIKSl — v. etna — similis sum: — atque item FI2F02 — v. laog — aequalis. Hesychio IY_ 2TON, I gov; ex. BIO P — tuwg' yfuxuveg. In tabula tamen Heracleensi est \I202$ sculp toris errore an gentis idiomate , incertum ; contra analogiam certe. \EAFLSl — \E\OAttA, etc. v. ilnta, i'oXncc, etc. spero : Bentleio FEAIISl, FEFOAllA, etc. quod metro haud necessarium auctoritati obstat; nam in titu- lo antiquo nomen Graecum ab hoc verbo plane dedu- ctum , Latinis literis HELPIS inscriptum est x ). FHGOS. v.j&og, etc. FEG02 — v. Z# og — mos. FEQSl — FEFJ1GA pro antiquiore IEFOOKA, extrusa consona et producta vocali Ionum more, v. J'#w, {tati-a, etc, consuesco; unde FEGN02. v.i'&vog, gens, natio: atque FEGETPA. v. i&eiQcc — coma, i&ugaol cti *jj i&ovg inifiekov^evat rglx^g* Suid. FOGONH. v.o&ovn — stola. FEAFSl. v.* a w . FEAFESl. v. ilXdw* i) MINDIA HELPIS. Winkelmanii. Hist. Art. 1. IV. c. VII i56 I'EAFYSl. v. tllvm, Latine VOLVO; quod non aliud est ijuam Graeca forma antiqua; unde F0AF02. v. ovXoq, crispy s 9 tortus, rotundas^ et Latinorunx vox VULGUS ; atque item FOAFAM02 — v. ovlufiog, caterva. *ESEiSl — v. "Emu — Bellona, atque inde 'ENEFAAI02. v. 'Ewuktog — Mars. In vase fictili a Mazzochio edito, ' ESETAAI02\ utrumque a verbo antiquo 'ESAFSl, *ENEFJl, vel ivavuy, de quo vide Eustath. p. i4o. formatum; unde etiam SE- KTSet verba Latina ENECO etNECO origineni habuis- se videntur. FEPlISl thema antiquissimum esse credo verbi, cujus futurum secundum vel Ionicum FEPESl. v.zoe'oj, dicam, in Homericis frequcn- tissimum est; ratione eadem emctum, qua TTilESl e TTllTSli ita ut Latina vox VERBUAI idem sit ac Grae- cum (j i t u a — i. e. FJ J IIMyl, atque FEZLLSl — v. f t'nu), cujus antiqua forma una tan- tum 6ententiola , ianm i act* 1 )* a rhapsodis et librariis asservata est, idem ac FEP11J1* alia dialecto, qua to 2 locum zov P obiinebat. In aoristo secundo sub- junctivi 6cilbcndum est FEIISi pro v. t\ no} — ct in praeterito perfecto pas- sivo alterius thematis FEFEPTM pro v. e?p?;ra<, quod ab alio verbo iiQtoucti, rogo, acceptum est. FPHTON — v. f»/roi/ — dictum — Laconice BPHTOX, i) II. B. 46 h J- 213. ? 503. n. 31: FPHTPA — v. Q7jt q a — pactio, FPHTHP — • v. QrjTtjQ < — . orator < — Laconice JBPHTHP, producta altera vocali, e priore elisa , for- mata esse videntur. Ejusdem stirpis sunt composita 'ENEml, 'ENllTLSl, "ENJZ1SI, 'EN1IIS2> 'ENII1ATISI, 3 'ENENI2 11 & etc.; quae, varie elisis spiritibus, produ- ctia vocalibus, et adscitis augmentis , fonnata sunt. 'ENJIITfi quoque et *ENLNIIlT£l , eodem sensu, in vulgatis Komericorum exemplaribus haud infrequenter oceurrunt; 6ed in praestantissimo codice Harleiano 'EN/IlSl et*ENENlII&, penultima producta, eorum locum ubique tenent; et cum NJT1TSI sit verbum pror- sus alienum, pro factitiis, et ad linguam fucatam poste* rorum pertinentibus habenda videntur. FEPPON — v. k'gyov — opus. FEPI'Si — praeteritum FEFOPFA. v. eopya, facio. \EPrSl — \E\EPTA et \E\EPXA — v. J'^w, t'igyoi, itgya et ttpycx, arceo : sed antiquiore modo cum spiritibus in tabula Heracleensi; atque ita quoque in vulgatis nomina ejusdem stirpis ipnos, tppcc, etc. ficripta sunt. FEPPSl — v. iqq(o , apud Hesychium TEPPSl — BAPPEL pereo, pessumeo; Latine VERRO, et anti- quius foreitan VERVO ac BERBO: unde nomen anti- quissimum dei Martis BERBER in carmine arvali x ). Aliter tamen Alexandrini , qui dialectos antiquas , prae-. sertim ltalicas , nesciebant — i^skofievot htivov ovico xa&\ i) Romae effoss. aim. i778» et inira sagacitate a viro doctks'u mo Ludovico Lanzio interpretat. in Saggi spfra la lingua morte J 1 Italia. Vol. I. p. 142. i58 *HQMt\*ldqv ' inudt} tx tov &&EIPSI ylvnav to 'EPPSZ — nagiffii tov xal 0. i'diov yag '/wvotv xat Aiolmv xa ra>v kdfW TIQWTCC GV(A.(fO)t>« UlQtlV , llTt £ P TV'/Ot, OV, OlOV AAI" WHP02, AI X VHP02- thi duo, TLAETPAZ, ETPA^ k. t. X. — ovvto yovp xal 0SEIPSI , EIP& , «| ou ^/oA*- ws'EPPSl- ugKEIPSl, KEPPSl' AE/PS2, AEPP&> x.t. A. x j) Judicet lector: sed speciosa magis quam va- lida haec mihi videntur. FEPTSi — v. ipvo), et FEPTA2& — v. igvCo>y trako — rerbum mire corruptum rhapsodorum et grammaticorum licentia ; et cum 'PTFQ, v. gvto, tueor, perpetuo confusum. FE22SI — - v. i'oou) et FENNTMI —v. twvuc — Latine VESTIO: atque inde FERGUS — • v. ta & v g et FEZMA — v. tTfia — vestimentum. FETOZ — v. i'rog — Heaychio TETOZ, atque in tabula Heracleensi EET02 — annus : unde Latinum VETUS et VETUSTUS, idem quod ANNOSUS. FE2IIEP02. v. tontQog — Latine VESPER. \ETEOZ.v. ireog, \ETTM02. v. i v v u o g , et \ETHTTM02. v. irtjTVfiog, verus > ejusdem stir- pis, cujus \ETH2, \ETAlPOZ, etc. \E2XSl, et amputata syllaba ZXSl, et eliso 2*, YEXS2. v. *"j£W, futuro i£m, habeoi at in aliis per- inde temporibus adhiberi debuerat 6piritus; quem in Homericis versus saepe postulat. Hinc \OXEFZ — v.ogti/ff, pessulus, retinaculum; atque i) Eustath. p. i647- 1- 42. etc. i59 \OX®H — v. o%&ri, ripa. 'HjFON — * v. ycov — viaticum, more adjectivorum Latinorum, qui est item Graecorum antiquissimus , e vexbo 'EISI, 'EIMI, eo, effictum. \HMAP — v. tjftap — dies; sed ?/ p £q a semper cum spiritu aspero in omnibus dialectis; et rj [.iccq item in Attica vetere. \HKA. v. ^x«, Attice »Jjca, lente, quiete, unde TJttioia, quod spiritum asperum nusquam non habuit.. FHNOTI2 — ri v o ijj — splendidus : contractum fortasse Ionice ex FOINOTI2. v. olvoyj, quod eodem sensu usurpatur; atque ideo Homericis, ut antiquius, restituendum. \HPION—v. n q to v, tumulus, ab \A1PSI — \HPA. FHXH. v. r] x n — sonitus. FHXE& — tjxta — sono. GAFA22&. v.^Kftffaw- sedeo; et inde GAFAK02. v.^wxo? etti 6(o%og, consessus, SAFEOMAI. v.&suopab — video — miror : Io- nice SHESl; etsi 0AFMA. v. <&ctvpcc — miraculum — formam ab antiquo themate obtinuit, atque in omnibus dialectis, mutato tantum F in T, conservavit. GEFSl — v. #iw et &tl(o — Aeolice &tvu f ) — ' curro; atque inde eOFOZ. v.&oog — velox. GTF&. v. &v(o, ruo, ferveo, sacrifice-. FlFAXSZ. v. id%(0 — idem quod FHXE&; adscito augmento , ut in IU&AFZKSl a 0AF& et compluribus aliis. i) Gregor. Cor. ep. de Dial. Aeol. S. XXXVU- i6o \IAFSl v. Imm — vaco vel ore aperto re&piro. La- tine HIO, HIARE; et antiquiore fortasse 6ernaoneHIAO et HIAVO. F/FAOMAI. v. i don at — medeor ■ ) ; et FjFHTHP. v. /;;r?Jo — medicus — verbo Latino VIVO cognata esse videntur; atque ab FI2 — v. Tg % Latine VIS, deducta; unde elium F/1WON. v. h>iov — ntrvusy F/2XX2* v. toxvg — rubur — vis tenentH — La- tine VISCUS — Hesychio JV-iA fcZV et B12XTN — frjwrj ex FIZ et \LXSl confictum : Fj&f. v. l/. 2 ) Priorem itaque longain habet semper; ut ex Fj^\U>/ t <-li- sa consona et producta vocali, contractum. iqdipoq autcm, ut alia composita quamplurima, Fin initio baud recepis8e videtur. FLAFEF2 — nomen patris Ajacis minoris , v. livg, a Zenodoto autem J/.n ', ^criptum , quemadni jdurn apud Hesioduin, Stcbichorum , et l'indarum aatea stiterat. 3 ) i'saepein Oabiit; ut in nomine flnminif et urbis in Creta insula , quod in nummia est FASuZ — FASlSlXx 4) at Virgilio OAXUS — et rapidum Cretae vtniemus Oaxum s ). i xoTft r* yriora$- xal dvetX&i'a taoao&ni , i. e. FlF.i- 7. Aretini jo. fragni. apud Heyn. supplend. in II. A. 515. Vol. \ I. 2) Schol. Ven. in U. A. 151. *>) Vide Heyne in II. £. 527. Sic et Lycophron 'itios duuo: vs. 1150. 4) Dittens MeJ.ulles. 5 ) Eclog. I. 66. i6i \I\HM2. v. Znh ex \ESl — \HMI, mitto, edo, protrudo, adscito augmento eodem modo, quo FiFA- XX et P^, I1I&AF2KSI e — perficio ; e XP^- ,F/2, spiritu leni Ionum KPAFSl pronunciato, compo- situm. KPO& l/Xll. v. xpoat'vo) — pulso — et KPOT \ OX — v. x o o v » 6 q — torrens, utrumque e verbo antiquo KPOFSl efTlctum. K7FA?\0Z. v. xvavoQ — color nigricans, ATFJOS, etc. v. xv do 5, etc. gloria, A TFMA — v. x u a — in. da j ASIA TF.Q — v. ummvm — lamentor, et K UK 7FT0Z. v. x en uvrig, lamenlatio , omnia e verbo exokto A'TFSl confieta; quod alio pronunciandi modo KTBSl, atque inde KTTlTSi fiebat. -L/FS2 — v. I mm, prehendo, vel manibus, vel oculis* vel alia quaeunque ratione: Aeolice i avw ; at- que alia pronunciandi consuetudine AABSl , e quo in- nuraera fluxerunt ; ut AAFA2 — AAFS —v.Xaag, XZq — lapis, AAFlNIX— v. Xaiyl — lapillus, AJFOS — v. A « of — Attice i*»f , popidus. i6 5 AAFP02 — v. lavpog — lotus — capax, AAFEPTH2 — v. slaiQT Vg ; atque ita alia no- mina ex eodem cornposita; AAFISIN— et AAFlTEPOS — v. Xco^v et l^l- rtgog — potior , optabilior; cujus accusatfvum AA- FWNA, in I coco contractum, notabile praestet exem~ plum ejusmodi licentiae in Atticorum sermone. Vide Sophocl. Philoct. 1079. AEFKOZ. v. levxog— albus. AEF2Z2Q — v. I i v a a w — specto, cujus verbi formam antiquissimam fuisse credo rAAFSZSl^ ut tov AAFSl, TAAF&i e quo TAAFK2 v. ylav'e, atque item TAAFKSITLI2, epithetonMinervae; quod neque caesios neque noctuae ocu Zos significat ; sed oculos plfnTtxovg, ev oyuTOvg , vel tfinvgov tv (Hen ovt ag, nagd to rAAT22f£, dcp 00 xul rAATZ; ut recte inter- pretati sunt grammaticorum veterum nonnujli apud Eu- etath. p. 06, et 1202, 1. 9. AEFllJS 1 — v. \tu)v — leo — ab eodem, AEFOZ — v. A f log — Latine LEVIS. AE1M02. v. Xifiog — fames — a AEIII&. AOF& — v. X v co — Latine LAVO : cum enim Etrusci veteres literam O non habuissent, locum ejus in sermonibus semibarbaris Italiae modo A, modo U obti- nebat. ATFSl — v. X v o) — a quo vocabula Latina LI- BER, LIBET, LIBERO, etc.; itemquenomenEtruscum WEISVI in titulo sepulchrali x ). MAFSl — v. fA. u co — cupio vehementer , impetu feror, unde nomen Latinum MAVORS, postea in MARS 1 ) Lanzi Vol. II. pag. 439, No. 396, L 2 104 contractum ; quod non aliud quam participium hujus verbi, more antiquo ac semibarbaro formatum , fuisse videtur. MEMAF&Z fit avarolp , xitAEAHK&Z et AE- AAKS12 e AHKSl vel AHKE& , MEMAXfLZ e jtfff- AT^vel MHKAS2, etc. MHNlFSl. v. fly via), penultima longa, irascor — e MIINJ2 — ira, antiqui sermonis consuetudine in ver- bis et adjectivia e nominibus fingendis, efRctum. MOFZA — v. Movaa — Musa — a verbo exoleto MOFSl , in Latinorum MOVEO asservato , deductum. MTF& — v. ft v o> — elaudo — comprinw ; unde MTFEA02. v. pvtlog — medulla. MTFS2N — v. fi v o) v — muscuhis. MTFjVIf — v. fivvtj — excusatio — liaesitatio* JIIIFT/A — v. uvlu — musccu MT&&02. v. [tv&og — svrmo — fabula; etc NAF2—NAFu2l—y. vuvg , viog, *»;o; t etAttice t>i(og— riavis eXAFJZ, NAF/AOZioxtzsse contractual; quod plenum et integrum in nomine Lacedaemoniorum tyranni NABIS , ut in Latino etiam vocabulo NAVIS, extitisse videtur. Formatum est e verbo NAFQ — v. v a auritum, quod inHornericis in wTtofvza vulgo contractumest,antiquiore integra forma, et mutata tantum litera obsoleta, ouaroevTcc laycov, in epigrammatis fragmento apud Suidam v. Xaycog asser- vatur; ubi adaeque contractum esse, si secunda versus elegiaci penthemimeris spondeum admisisset. > OFl2. Latine OVIS. Saepe in obliquis casibus di- syllabum est , priore ancipiti ; OF: 102 'OFIE2I etc. pronunciatur; ut in Virgilianis PAR:IETIBUS, AR: 1ETE, etc. Sic et AirTIITiIOI, \I2T:IAIA, etc. Io- ta spiritus lenis vice fungitur. 'OAON2. v. 66 ovg: at Ionice odcov (Herodot. VI. c. 107.x utrumque ab antiquiore 'OAONE'-, unde Latinum DENS ; atque in obliquis casibus 'OAONT02, 'OAONTT, etc. Participia, quae terminationem in i2iV~et sermone antiquissimo in 0N2 habuerunt , apud Aeoles recentio- res in EI2J 9 et apud antiquiores in EN2Z earn accepe- runt "). \OAT22EF2 — v.'OdvcTaevg — noted riot (*tv da- Guvtrat, napd rtjv odov' vnb rivcov deipdovTcttnctou to odvti- aco. Eustath. p. 68. Recte priores ; quos toium episodium 1 ) Gramrn. vet, apud Eustath. p, 1755, i66 de Ulyssis apud Autolycum peregrinatione *) repudiasse oportuit; quodab'oquin repudiandum, et pro insititio ha- bendum es^e, validioribus adductis argumentis, postea 06tendemu8. Nomina virorum e verbis infaustae signi- ficationis usquam apud veteres efficta esse, hand facile crediderim; quod ab enrum moribus, et insitis de omi- num vi oninionibus , prorsu* abhorret ; neque obstant quae tragici de nominibus Homericis commend sunt: IA2 iion %%AI\ All 2 ) sed ex eodem fonte quo *AI- FUN , 'AjFj-/, etc. defluxit, ut supra ostendimus. FOSONH — v. oVo v?j — indusium — a FEOfi. \01JEfi. v. o tdt'o) , et \OIAANQ — v. o i u u v oj — tumeo. \OJJLMA — v. olbti a — tumor. FOIKUZ. v. olxog — Latine VICUS. FOIKJA. v. alula; sed cum F in tessera Velitr. FOJKEQ — v. olxt'o) — habitu, FOIKEF2 — V.oixivc — domesticus. FOIKJAZSl. v. o/y.t'i'o) — habitarc facio , etc. etc. FU/yOS— v. olvog — Hesychio rOJyOZ — La- tine V1NUM; unde composila quam plurima eadem ra- tione scribenda ; ut FOINEfX x.Olvevg, FOJS01J2i. v. 1 v i/» ; et recentiorum more loquen- di ore strictiore rjvoxp; in quorum usu variant codices. Vide Heyn. in Iliad, y. 6*5. FOINOFLEAOX — v. i v 6 n td v — vinetum , et*. etc. 1) Odyss. T. 343 — 587- 2) Ajftc. flagel. 450. ed. Bruiicfc. i6 7 '07FSI — v. ota) et otco penultima longa, puto, au- gur or; unde '01FIA2SI.V. o?£w, 'AOIFI2TQ2 — v. ai/fiilVro?, OIFSIN02 — v. oiuvog, etc. etc. J-0/J2 — 7 FPH22SI — v. ^'(jffw, FPHrMIN vel FPfiTMIZ — v. fafplvj 7vog — littus uhiun- dae allidurUur et J-ranguntur 1 vetustiore fortasse forma FPHTM1NZ : IN / 6 FPAKQ2 — v. ^axoc — Aeolice fiouxog — fe- sfo's lacerci , FPAXIZ — v. puxtg — spina dor si, FPIirOZ — v. yrj/og — stragulum superficiein- aequali variatum: Angiice RUG. FPHTTUZ — v. qi)%tqs — qui rumpi vel fran- gi potest. FPlirZHKSlP — v. (itiltvoiQ — qui virorum or- dines perrumpit. FPAJZSl — v. paZw, FPAIXSl — v. Qaiv 0), FPAI& — v. () a i to — spar go , disperdo ; FPAJlXOZ — v. (tabtvog — Aeolice p oa di vog *— gracilis, FPASAJf7.\rZ — Qtt&d/itiy!; — gutta — aspergo ; FPOJlOX—v. (jodov — Aeolice § god ov — rosa, FPOJA — v. qoiu — malum punicum. FPOIBJLfl — v. (joipdiio — sono rauco vel fra- cto alsorbeo vel diglutio. FPOUZOZ — v. QolSog — stridor raucus vel fractus, FPOIJ2ESZ — v. yoiZi'u) — ejusmodi stridor em cdo; FPOIlAAOy — v. Qonalov — clava; 1 7 1 FPOX&ESI — v. $o%&£(o — strepo'sono aspero etfracto ; FPSirS — v. pw£ — avuhum vel abruptum ali- quid, atque ita gradus vel scala ; Fp&rAAE02 — v. Qwyctliog — later — ru- ptus ; FPQXM02 — v. Q(a%fi6q — ruptura — fissura. PEFA — v. (5«aet qs~iu — facile, PEFUI02 — v. Qiftdtog — facilis, PEFIZTOZ — v. ()i]iarog r— facillimus, etc. t verbo fortasse PEFSl — v. p e' cacumen: quae Omnia e verbo exoleto FPISl efficta videntur. ZAOZ. v. oujq, et soluto circumflexu aoog — salvus, 2ASI — v.uw ; et 2AOSI — v. ffolfii — salvo. Latina rocabula SAL- VUS et SALVO antiquiseimas Graecorum formas exhi- bere vix dubitare licet; unde manifeste apparet, licen- tiam contrahendi haud parce grassatam esse , etiam Ho- mericis temporibus, quoniam in carminibus priorem temper correptam habent. 2EFSI — v. a e v (a — agito , persequor ; ejusdem etirpis ac Latinum SAEVIO : unde HOF&. v. 06(0 etaopo) eodem sensu; atque 20F02. v. aoog — in compositis AAFo<±\ZOF02. v. laoaaoog , concitator populi, etc. tantum usurpa- tum. Vocalis ante 2AJFSI semper producta est in Ho- mericis; qua constantia duplicem fuisse spiritual pro- nunciation antiqua conjicere licet. 2IFAA02. v. a la log — saginatus — pinguetu- dineflorens; unde vexatissima vox SiWAAOENS. v. aiyakoiig — splendidus , w- rius , deducta esse videtur; ut ZIAAQ^U, ^oixUat, apud Hesychium. Vid. Heyne in Iliad. E. 226. 2TEFSI —v.9vtvm — stare facio ; quod et 2TESI, 2T/fJ//variatione solita. ZTE&3TA — oTfpficc — corona , infula — e 27!ff- \ inscriptis patct : at illius antiquum signum diviserunt Graeci caeteri : et ..dexteram partem supra li- teram poncntes psilt-ii notara habebant sinistram autem cortiariae illi a^pirat i\»iii- daseJHB M ') , si Pri^cia- no fidem habeamus. In nulla tamen inscriptione antiqoa nota ista uu.* t invrnta est: nequ. tilitatem depre- hendere possumus: quandoquidrm vocalis omnis x quae non decor i&i't act, suajite natura ipAq esse debuerat. Usum alterius in Italia Graeca perantiquum fuisse. e tabula celeberrima itemque nummis Heracleensium patet. 1) Priscian. lib. I. p. 560. *77 $. CLviir. Z, S et *P, binarum literarum siiiguli sunt nexus, ut ista librariorum Constantinopolitanorum commenta », g, etc.; atque ideo a proposito nostro, in anti- qua scriptura restituenda, prorsus aliena. Priscianus quidem scribit, „multo molliorem et volubiliorem so- nitum habere *P quam BS vel PS" : sed de pronunciatio- ne, cum Graeca rum Latina, sui saeculi, p Ch.n. sexti, tantum cogitabat grammaticus ille; atque ea in jejunam quandam et exilem concinnitatem, ab austera veterum grandiloquentia prorsus alienam, jamdudum emollita et concisa erat *). In ^et *P" secundum locum 2 occupasse in omnibus dialectis praeter Doricam, quae signa haec composita non accepit, e monumentis adhuc extantibus abunde constat; atque ideo, si ratio linguae in testimonium ad- mittenda est, locum eundem in Z, quod vetustius est, et in antiquissimis Ionum et Atticorum inscriptionibus usurpatum, tenuisse debuit. Verumtamen in eo modus pronunciandi Doricus latius' apud posteros in sermone communi praevaluisse videtur, ita ut grammatici Alexan- dria etConstantinopolitani alium non agnoscant, et He- rodianus inter errores scribendi audacter enumeret ZMTPNA pro 2MTPNA, quod nullius hominis os in unum et eundem sonum comprimere possitliteras^z/^f. At nihilominus Iones veteres ZMTPNA omnino scribe- bant; neque 2MTPNA in nummis ante Caesarum im- perium cusis occurrit; unde plane patet, eos signi ele- menta ea subaudisse, quae facile pronunciari possent; cum Graeci veteres omnes modum scribendi ad usum i) De Uteris duplicibus vide Vossiigram. LI. c. XXL M pronunciandi , cujusque gentis proprium et peculiarem, semper et ubique accommodarent, atque ita dialectos diversas formarent. Cum igitur J£ ante labialem M vel B a quovis facile pronunciari posset, ex iis sic posi- tis Iones veteres Z effecisse , non aliter quam £ e K2 seu XZ, et «F e 5^, TIZ seu 02", mihi pro comperto est; atque in eas itaque in Homericis signum illud com- positum resolvendum putavi. §. CLIX. Vocales longae vel duplices H et Si pari ratione for- tasse arceri et relegari debebant: at in hac vetustissimi 6ermoni6 obscuritate paucae 6unt admodum voce?, qua- rum elementa sic discernere possumus , ut, quae pro iis substituenda essent, certe stiremus: raro enim vocalis duplex e binis eiroplicibus compobita est, sed natura simplex et brevis ier concii>ioneni , e suppresso spiritu vel consona vel alia quacunque litem , facta loi Iones enim Homericis etiam temporibus sermonem hac rationc emollire jamdudum coepisse, compluribu plis supra os tendinitis : Deque .'2, in syllaba finali par- ticipii praeteriti perfecli) e binis OO confictum esse, ratio grammatica uila suadet, sed potius ex elisione alius cujii6dam literae productum; tov J 1 foriasse; si e nomi- ne Latino 1S1AVOKS, quod participium verbi .!/_.■ fuisse videtur, ariolari liceat. Haud tamen nescius sum. titulis pseudo-Amyclaeis \i\esseK4AAIPOEJ: M - i T£ AAKEAA1MOQ& . et alia quamplurima eju^dem fari- nae, quae e scriniis nebulonis impudenti^simi Four- montii, pari inscitia et audacia, Barthelemi nuper pro- pagavit. Si KAAAIPOFA, MATEP2 et AAKEAAI- l 79 3I0N2 scripsissent, speciem aliquam veritatis saltern mendaciis obduxissentu §. CLX, 11, K et T e vehementiore vel ipyctTixGJTiQtn mo- do pronunciandi B, F et A orta esse videntur; atque jnde duplicum consonantium potestatis metricae capa- ces fieri , in prima saltern pedis syllaba primaeet tertiae tlipodiae (et dipodiae in Homericis etiam, pro hac sal- tern vice , liceat mihi rationem habere) : aliis enim locis baud occurrunt ista ozzi, OTmaig, onnoie, etc.; etsi in secunda dipodia obvia sint 'JEJIl KAKON, EAKEl lllllTSlN, NHT TE, et alia ejusmodi: nusquam au- tem vocalis sic producitur bis in eodem versu, neque in alia quam prima syllaba pedis. Veteres plerique consuc- tudinem pronunciandi potius quam rationem grammati- cam in scribendo sequuti sunt ; et ubicunque litera du- plicem potestatem in versu e tono et impetu recitandi adepta esset, duplici signo earn notabant, ita ut non so- lum \OTTl, \OllllOTE, etc. scriberent, sed AEM- MET A, AEslA04>02, etc.; atque constantia procul- dubio in hac re omnino retinenda , neque pro levitate et inscitia librariorum Constantinopolitanorum , ut in vulgatis, deserenda. Rationem grammaticam, ut cer- tlorem, notiorem et stabiliorem, nos ubique praetulimus. §. CLXI. Consonantes simplices B, T, A nulla unquam li- centia pronunciandi aut impetu recitandi duplicare de- cuit , ita ut syllabam , natura brevem , longam redde- rent, nisi ubi tres syllabae breves continuae concurre- M 2 i8o rent: ibf enim prima, si priorem in pede locum obtinue- rat , ex impetu recitantis semper produci poterat. In 'E1II JHPON autem, 'ETl AHN , OTAE AHS y MAAA AHN, etc. vim zov "E, ex antiquiore forma adjectivi AHPOE in Latino SERUS asservata deductam, poetae veteres retinuisse videntur; antiquissima enim forraa fuit fortasse IAEEPOS vel Sl'EEPOS e verbo XIASl vel 2THMI etficta; unde, prout in XfW et CUM ex antiquiore jTJETiV Graeci alteram, Latini alte- ram literam e duplici retinebant. In A1FASTI AE, quod bis tantum occurrit 1 ), licentiae aliquid nomini pro- prio e necessitate rei condonandum forte fuit ; ea ratio- ne, qua hiatus in <1>JISL)1UA2IAAHI Z ) toleran- dus est. $. CLXII. Liquidae ac spiritus quocunque in loco pedis aut versus produci poterant; baud ita tamen, ut privatorum arbiuium ab omni consuetudine et usu commoni libe- rum ct solutum fui6se credam ; etsi normam aliquam stabilire aut legem sancire, qua dirigi debuisset, hodie ncsciamus. §. CLXIII. Nulli unquam poetae, vel Graeco vel Latino, labam an re bints consonas corripere licuit: nam io- ta penultimum in JimUJOL \I2TIAIA et aliis ejnsmndi pro litera muta vel spiritu leni, ut no- stras Y in vocibus YES, YET, YEAR, etc. habendum 1) Iliad, g. 459. P. 123. 2) Ibid. P. 585. i8i est, atque pronunciandum AI*TT11T\I0I> \I2Ti I Ah A 9 etc. §. CLXIV- Neque Musae Homericae licitum erat, syllabam pro brevi habere, qua vocalem aut binae liquidae, aut liqui- da consonae vel spiritui consono subjuncta , aut alia quaevis ejusmodi literarum conjunctio excipiebat, nisi cum liquida palatialis A vel P consonae adjuncta esset: neque obstant norafiolo ^xccfiuvdQOv , ocgtv Zefalag, vlyeo- ou Zuxvv&og, etc. nam Iones et Aeoles veteres ea ratio- ne , qua in nummis Zanclaeis et Naxiis dANKAE pro Zu/xXtj et NAXION pro JSa'iicov scribebant , iMapav- dpog, KAMANJPOS; ZiXd*, JEAETA; et Zu*vrtog, /IAKTN002 pronunciasse videntur J ), §. CLXV. Attici et Alexandrini syllabam corripiebant, quavis liquida cuivis consonantium II, K, 7\ vel aspiratarum <£, X, G, subjuncta, vocalem brevem excipiente; quod poetis antiquioribus, quorum sermo gravior, unctior et tardior incedebat, neutiquam licuit : unde Batrachomyo- machiam, ludicram istam Homericorum imitationem, quae ejusmodi licentiis scatet, ab Attici cujusdam, ele- i) TQonjj rov Z sis J Alohxvlsy wottsq ZTrOZ Jrr02. Scliol. Ven. L. in II. B. 191. Ionicae tamen stirpis erant co- loniae Sicilienses, quarum nummi hie citantur. Anno prirao Olympiadis LXXVI. Hiero Syracusanorum tyrannus veteres incolas Ionas e Naxo iu Leontium migrate coegit, et Dores e Pelopoivneso et Syracusis induxit : quorum nummis nomen more seriore NAZI&N vel NJSION inscriptum est. Vide Diod. Sic. 1. XI. 4 9 . ifcj gantioris quam doctioris poetae , ingenio profectam eesej haud multo ante tragicoram tempora, nullum dubito. §. CLXVf. Vetustissimis autem poetis vocalem longam, atque etiam diphthongum , ante vocalem brevem elidere li- cuii; quod Atticis nequaquam in carmine serio licuisse videtur: eorum enim sermonc vocalis longa vel di- phthongua in fine vocis, vocalem brevem ab initio subse- quentis , craei , quae sua natura longa est , semper ab- sorbcbat: atque id fieri credo ex Attica pronunciandi consuetudine, qua ictus vel emphasis in ultimam vocis syllabam diiYorebatur; ita ut IAF02 fieret JLS12, A//0-T- \7'J7.1\ etc.; unde stabilior, firmior et eli- sioni minus obnoxia ea syllaba reddebatur. Contrarium prorsus fuisse Latinorum pronunciandi morem, plane ostendunt ea, quae Quintilianus de eorum vitio 6olenni tradidit ; ,.plerisque nempe extremas syllabas non profe- rentibus, dum priorum sono indulgeant" 1 ,). Neque alia ratio durissimae isti^ elisionis literae M reddenda vide- tur; quam tamen non omnino f.xemtam fuisse in lo- quendo ct recitando, idem Quintilianus observavit, eed ohm-uratam tantum modo nobis vix satis intelligendo 2 ). Einulem ob causam fortasse vocalem in fine dictionis pro brevi habere an si sunt ante sibilum S et mutam conso- nantem, in sermone saltern pedestri et poesi eiproxima; unicum enim ejusmodi licentiae exemplum in Virgilia- nis a Frisciano laudatum 3 ) viri doctissimi Burgefs et a) Institut. 1. XI. c. UT. 2) Ibid. I. IX. c. IV. 5) Acneid. XI. 309. i85 Heyne interpolatum esse demonstrarunt. In sermoni- bus tamen Horatianis haud infrequens est; neque Lu- cretius earn vitasse videtur. §. CLXVIL In Homericis crasis locum non obtinet nisi inter articulum vel pronomen et vocalem brevem in vocis subsequentis initio; narii xdyto, nQovjisptpe , nQOvvvipe, 7igov(p etc. sicuti HP0EPT22E, UPOE\EPTE, 11POE- \-HKE, etc, quae, demto tantum spiritu, pristinam alio- qui formam in vulgaris conservasse videntur. Si autem prima in his syllaba crasi producta esset, versus aliquan- do initium ab ea cepisset* quod nusquam evenit. Ne- que in verbo ullo composito augmentum temporis ullius praeteriti praepositioni praefixum est; sed inter earn et verb um locum semper habet : composita enim erant ad- buc tantum, non, ut postea , conjuncta. fl. CLXVIII. Apud Atticos in carmine serio spiritus asper vel den- sus \ nullam omnino vim metricam habuit, quanquam eo praecipue gaudebant: at in Homericis facultatem flustinendae, itemque producendae vocalis, Heliodorus, metricae artis inter veteres antistes, ei tribuisse vide- tur 1 ); quam nos quoque concedere oportet, nisi hia- tum, quem in caesura tantum Homerica poesis agnoscit, locis quam maxime alienis ferendum esse statuamus. In Pindaricis quoque eandem potestatem habuisse necesse 1) Vide Eustath. p. 1465. 1, 10, est; hiatus enim iis tantum locis occurrit, ubi dialectic antiquis (• vel F vocalem excepisset. Comici etiam At- tici et leviorum carminum scriptores ovdi tig , p^d* etc. ubique admiserunt; et Menandii fragment m ovdl iT^ Gtoojotf olojg exhiDet 1 ), quo tragicus neque hiatum ncque elisionem ejusmodi admittere ausus esset. §. CLXIX. De spiritus alterius vocalis^F vi metrica aliquid cer- ti dicere admodum difficile est, cum jamdiu anteAlcxan- drinorum tempora prorsus exoleverat, nisi obscuris ali- quot Italiae, Cretae et Peloponnesi dialectis , quas illi, tanquam horridas, incultas et semibarbaras, adeo con- temnebant , ut scire dedignarentur: male profecto con- sulentes rci , quam tractandam susceperant, quonijin quaeque dialectus , quanto incuhior eeset , tanto anti- quissimae propior, ct ad poeein antiquissimam illustran- dam aptior. §. CLXX. Priscianus, quern olim sequuti sumus , parem fa- cultatem in metro tu> F concessit, atque alii ioi y, voca- lem scilicet antecedentem producendi , vel corripiendi, vel resorbendi etiam, prout poetae libuerit. ,,Illi (Acoles)," inquit, ,,>olebant accipere digamma F pro consonante simplici, teste Astyage, qui diversia hoc ostendit versibus, ut in hoc vorsu 'OIOMENOX FE.iE\ i\ i:iik:iiiui. Sic nos quoque pro .'simplici habemus consonante pie- mmque V loco F digamma positum , ut i) Apud Athenaeum I. XIII. c. VIU. ed. Schw«ighatM«. i85 At Venus haud aniino nequicquam exterrita mater. Est taraen quando Aeoles idem F inveniuntur pro duplici consonante digamma posuisse , ut NE2TOPA AE FOT ILA1A02. Nos quoque videmur hoc sequi in praeterito perfecto ct plusquamperfecto teniae et quartae conjugations , in qui bus I ante V consonantem posita producitur, eadem- que subtractacorripitur, utCUPIVI, CUPII; CUPIVE- RAM, CUPIERAM; AUDI VI, AUDII; AUDIERAM. Inveniuntur etiam pro vocali correpta hoe digamma illi usi , ut Alcman KAI XEIMA ntP TEJAFION: est enim dimetrum iambicum, et sic proferendum F, ut faciat brevem syllabam. Nostri quoque hoc ipsum fecis- ee inveniuntur , et pro consonante V vocalem brevem accepisse , ut Horatius SYLVAE trisyllabum protulit in cpodo hoc versu , Nivesque deditcunt Tovem, nunc mare nunc sylvae: est enim dimetrum iambicum conjunctum penthemimeri heroicae, quod aliter stare non potest, nisi SYLVAE tri- eyllabum accipiatur. Similiter Catullus Veronensis Quod zonam solvit diu ligatam, inter hendecasyllabas Phalaecias posuit; ergo nisi SOL- VIT trisyllabum accipias , versus stare non potest. Hoc tamen ipsum in derivativis vel compositis frequenter solet fieri, ut VOLVO, VOLUTUS; SOLVO, SOLU- TUS; AVIS, AUCEPS, AUSPICIUM, AUGURIUM, AU- GUSTUS; LAVO, LAUTUS; FAVEO , FAUTOR. F digamma Aeoles est quando in metris pro nihilo accipiebant, ut i86 . "JMME2 A FEIPANAS TO AE T 'AT GETO MS12A AIT At. L est enim hcxametrum heroicum. Apud Latinos quoque hoc idem V invenitur pro nihilo in raetris , et maxirac apud vetustissimos comicorum , ut Terentius in Andria Sine irwidia laudtm invenias, et amicos pares-. est enim jambicum trimetrum; quod nisi SINE IE pro tiibracho accipiatur, 6tare versus non potest. Sciendum tamen, quod hoc ipsum Aeoles quidem uhique loco aspirationis ponebant, eiFugientes spiritut asperhatcm," Lib. I. p. 646. 9. CLXXI. Ex his ccrtissime constat, vocalem 2? saltern in vo- culis JJE, i i. II'.. eke etfsionean ante spiritun esse Aeolicorum poetarum cxemplaribus, quae l'ii>cianus, sexti p. Ch. n. saeculi grammaticus, in xerat; Alcmanis enim versum citat pro cxemplo commu- nis usus, non prodigii cujusdam unici ac singulari:?. In Homericis autem adeo rara est ejoamodi licentia, et locis omnibus non interpolatis adeo lcnicorrectionecoer- cenda, ut earn e rhap6odorura et dtaatctraoToiv inscitia et temeriiate potius, quam e veteris linguae consuetudine, prof'ectam es^e. facile dixeris. Ex hemistichio a Prisciano supra laudato plane li- quet, Aeoles F pro \ in pronomine positiro usarpasse; et in Homericis ante tertium ejus casuiu 6ingularem vo- calis brevis semper .-ustinetur, et syllaba nature brevif saepe producta est: unde viri doctissimi Bentlev et H ne I OI pro 1-0/ scripserunt. At unum duntaxat casum ita pronunciatum et scriptum fuisse vix unius hominis vel unius gentis aut aetatis sermoni convenire puto . et i8 7 credere malim, spiritum asperum fortius, densius ac du- rius pronunciatum esse in hoc casu tertio, ut facilius a recto plurali distingueretur. §. CLXXIL Spiritus f- et F inter se commutabiles fuisse una eademque dialecto , voces FET02 et nENTA\ETH- PFZ in tabula Heracleensi plane demonstrant x ) ; neque dubitandum, quin uterque, more vocalis potius quarn consonae, ore raodice aperto et aere exspirato, pronun- ciatus sit; quanquam F leniore exspiratione et ore stri- ctiore paullulum quam f-5 baud ita tamen, ut ulla rei metricae ratione cogi vel evinci possit, brevem sylla- bam in spiritum aut liquidam desinentem , ut ON, AP, 02", etc., ob F subsequutum necessario produci potuis- fie. Ejusmodi idcirco, etiamsi tam pauca ac rara inHo- mericis, ut jure su6picionibus obnoxia haberentur, at- tentare aut vexare mihi religio sit. Pindarus autem, qui digamma adhibuisse videtur, non qua ratione in Home- xicis, sed qua in tabulis Heracleensibus Dorice scriptis usurpatum est, syllabam brevem , cujus litera finalis \i» quida vel spiritus est, ante spiritum ilium vocalem nus- quam productam habet; quamvis elisae seu amputatae vocalis in ejusmodi locis exempla perpauca sint et su- ©picionibus obnoxia. Constantia tamen in hac re a poe- ta, qui diversa carmina diversis patronis diverse loquen- tibus scripserit, haud exspectanda est; etsi non facile credam , diversos eum scribendi modos in eodem carmi- ne sibi permisisse: nam Homericae verborum formae, 2 ) Sic Bruttiorum urbis nomen, quod priiis HIPO fair, poste* VIBO scripturo est in nuixunis- N iff quas contractioribus sui ipsius saeculi ubiqae immiscuit. pro poeticis tunc habebantur, et a poetis omnibus tam lyricis quam epicis , ut sui juris, usurpabantur; non ea quidem licentia, qua postea Alcxandrini usi sunt: nam Pindarus licet 'aFESAON et 'ACJAOX, 'AFATA et *ATA promiscue, pi out magis expedire visum esset, scri- pserit, monstra ista fucata recentiorum. KPAATA, TE- PA AT A, 'TIHE2, etc., prorsus ignoravit. §. CLXXIII. Ex eadem tabula Heracleensi constat, F in compo* •iti6 supprimere Kcuisae; neque veteris linguae iatio- nem impedimento esse, quo minus ex F12, et F/&1 "jfhh/MOZ fieri possit; neque enim stabiliorem validio- rcmve in loco tuendo fuisse alioquin hunc spiritum li- t< ns aliis consonis ac liquidi& crrdendum est; sed quo- mod o A' et A ex *APAPKSkl ftl _ l/'JBSl , quo ties cxpe- dii.s<( t, tictswrillt, ita ut APAPSUL et EI fill fierent, •ic F ex YTFJSIP (ab f ducto), ita ut yjj: priorecorrcpta,quotiespoetaeli! ictum sit. Usita- tiiistamtncr.it, si quando consonavelliquida vel -piritus elideretur, vocalem antecedentem aut tubsequentem pro- duci; ut in TESMJii't VA pro TEQNftKOl HA pro '7; a . ill ! , E9MKA et / et E JO Alt. et tot aliis. Pari ratione credo, IIUZ ex \-AF02l, 'MTM ^ ! HEAIOZ ex \Ai A/OX, \ilMi c\ B£Mf, et alia ejusmodi iniinita orta esse; quae, quo facilius lector quilibet discernere pos- sit, notanda apice circumflexus cuiavimus. §. CLXXIV. Sic quoque, duplicata , quae alias producu est , li- i8 9 tera, 'EEAA03IAI, *EEAASIP, 'EEPTSl, etc. ex \-EAAOMAf, \EAASIP, \EPrSl, etc. facta esse po- tuerint ; nisi ex augmentatis verborum positionibus pri- marum loco receptis potius deducenda esse videantur; alia enim ratione solitus linguarum progressns in curtan- do et corripiendo inverti nequit, neque voces produ- ctiores e brevioribus in prima positione fieri, §. CLXXV. Quaenam signa literarum dupla scribenda sint, aut quae singula ac simplicia ex usu ac consuetudine tan- tum loquendi producenda , melius ac certius constantia vcl inconstantia pronunciandi et ratione grammatica, quam veterum auctoritate scire et discernere licet: nam ars scribendi, dum rara adbuc erat, etapaucis, atque lis baud e trivio bomunculis, intellecta, non pro vulgi captu exercebatur, sed eorum, qui ea scientia praediti erant, ut quae manca et trunca relicta essent, facile supplere possent. Qui scribebant itaque, brevitatis stu- dio indulgebant, et literas singulas pro binis, et duplici potestate praeditas tantum non in omnibus adhibue- runt: unde duo spiritus vocales F et y paullatim in de- suetudinem abierunt, et signa inventa sunt, quae bina3 literas singula exprimerent. Nonnulli etiam, Etrusci praesertim et Latini veteres, vocalem unicuique conso- nae adjunctam in nomine ejus sonnndo, ut A rw K et to7 2, E toi A et iw T, JrwlZ, TrojMetN, O toj P, etc. pro parte ejus habebant, atque in scribendo prorsus omittebant; unde in eorum titulis sepulcbralibus , etc. LARCNA et MARCNA pro LARCANA et MARCANA, TITN1 pro T1TINI , et alia ejusmodi quamplurima sa- N 2 igo gacissimns Lanzius obserravit *). Econtrario Hterae Ro* manaeQ, a Graecis, ItalisetSiciliensibusacceptae, vocalis U nusquam non subjuncta est, quia noraen ejus anti- quum apud eas gentes non KAIH1A, sed KTvel CU erat. 5. cum Sic in aliis recentiores literas redundantes inculca- bant; et ubicunque syllaba e tono et impetu pronun- ciandi produceretur, earn, geminata consona, aut in- scrto jfvel /, scribebant; uncle orta sunt oxxi, o^jio- rf, ou(jfa, ovl i'/wtcos\ riovlvg, nuooj, etc.; quae nusquam occurrunt, nisi ubi syllaba prior priorem ia y< .!<• locum obtimt, ita ut e tono producenda sit; qua- reneque nequejTap, ver , casu r usqnam in Homericis usurpatur, cum in illo *0P02 et //\ jtiioribus COrreptif, esse debuerint *). Sub In -ji) secundi post Christum natum saeculi, bonis arli- bn- ac Uteris jam dt-ficimiibus , diphfhongum EI pro / lon^o ubiqur adbibere moris erat, neglccta oinni vete- rum auctoritate et ratione grammatica, ita at llOJ TH2, NEIKHt tc consumer scribe* Nis, in originibus ei vocibus primariis auctoriutrm veterum , quatenni innotuisset, religiose sequuti, in derivatis rationi grammaticae periiule obtemperandum esse censuimus; earn enim in Homericis ratio melrica ubique confirmat et dex&OOSUat. 1" S iggi ^cpr.i le lirigue morte d' Italia, p. 11. c. III. 2) \)H>Uonius RhodiUS in limati- ;' xal 01 t > etc. adiuisit, quae ia Hon . !lo mo do lo- cum liAbeic potuisicnt. Arg. J- 160. cd. .Bruiic*. 191 §. CLXXVII, Etsi versus antitheticos in strophis et antistrophis Pindari supra §. CXII. in testimonium adduxi, me ta- men fateor pro lubrico prorsus et incerto habere, quid- quid de mensura syllabarum e ratione metrica , qua vel ille vel tragici in canticis usi sunt, colligi possit: nam quae sit ea ratio, mihi diligenter perquirenti nondum comperisse contigit; neque viri ingenio et doctrina in- eignes , qui hoc nostro saeculo earn expediendam , ex- plicandam et monstrandam susceperunt, aliud quam quantae sint tenebrae, quibus ejusmodi studia involuta et impedita sint, ostendisse videntur. Carmina ea, quae cantu quodam exquisitiore, vocis varia et diversa fle- xione et modulatione producto et ntnouuXfa'vco recitari solebant, dum continuato instrumentorum sono tenor pronunciandi fulciretur, et ultra communem sermonis usum et consuetudinem proferretur, numeris aut lege solutis, aut legi saltern minus severae subjectis, compo- sita esse, credere licet; ita ut syllabae syllabis et pedes pedibus in strophis et antistrophis non omnes omnibus invicem responderent , tametsi mensura quaedam utris- que communis comparata es6et, qua singulae singulis totae convenirent, quamvis partes discreparent. De- mosthenes plane distinguit ifufier^ovg ab adof.tiv(ov poetis * ); eos scilicet, qui versus justa symmetiia defi- nitos, et justo ordine distributos, quales sunt Homen, Alcaei, Sapphus, etc. ab iis , qui cantica , qualia sunt Pindari et tragicorum, liberiore spiritu et cursu compo- i) uIots xal rove t/uutrpov? xal tojp dSoutvojv '7roirjtds i *<& 1Q2 nebant, atque arti minus severae tibicinis et citharoedi plurimumindulgebant x ). Grammaticorum autera sapien- tia, ornni ejusmodi indulgentiae et Hcentiae semper inirai- cissima, in iis corrigendis et reformandis, et ad regulam quandam et normam artis redigendis, tandem adhibita est; multis semper post saeculis, omni ejusmodi poc6i jamdudum prorsus extincta, et aliia bonis artibus et li- teri6 sub imperatorum Romanorum dominatione jacen- tibus et oppressis: Cicero enim omnes ejusmodi cona- tus ignorasse videtur*), neque Quintilianus pro alio quam importunismolestorumhominum nugis habuii IVluki taraen postea in ea arena sudarunt, atque demura, sexto post Christum natum eaeculo ineunte, Eugenius rinvx, qui Anastasio imperante jam senex Con-tanti- nopoli docebat , lv //(Mtyu tXQltnr tmv fitUxaiv u£J9jy- io\ . EotpQxXtQVQ Xfi nfou dno doufiuituv niviixui- titxu * nf(Ji tou zi to nan /(tow, x. t.A." 4 ), acumine, quod ipsi proculdubio illi poetae in primis stu- puisseut, vix crcdituri, quanta scicntiae et artificii sub- tilitate carmina texuis6enU lluic homini foitasse maxi- ule Athenaei 1. X. c \ XXIX c,\. S l.weigb. locum obscu- rum sane ct Intellect u difficilem; e quo tamen colli^ere licet, quantum ex arte citbarisue sen Mpotft camicorum in snophti, amistropbas et epodos dependeret. S) A modis quibusdam cantu rcmoto, soluta Yiderur esse or»- tio, maxim eque id in optimo quoque eorum poetarum, qui IvQtxo) I Graecis nomin.uitur , quo* cum cantu spoliaveris, nuda paene remnnet oratio. Cic. orator. 5) In adeo molestos incidimus grammaticos , qaara fuerunt qui lvricorum quaedam caiuiina in varia* mensural coege- nuu. Quintil. iiiititutionos. 4) Suidas in r. 193 ma ex parte debentur canticorum formae, quae vulgo le- ctae sunt ante quam Burney, Brunck et Porson alias nuper indiderunt, doctius quidem et ingeniosius exco- gitatas, at nulla tamen veterum auctoritatesancitas, qua antiquiore8 aut magis e mente poetarum esse ostende- rentur: omnis enim de hac re doctrina, quae linguam Graecam tot tantisque pedum etversuura nominibus ses« quipedalibus ditavit vel oneravit, a molestis istis gram- maticis, quos reprehendit Quintilianus, originem acce- pisse videtur, neque ulli priorura et feliciorum tempo- rum scriptori omnino innotuisse. Plato canticum, to fit' Xog 9 ix zqiwv Gvyxeiiuvov, loyov ti ttcti aQfiovlag xal Qvdf-iov , esse, nulla rnetri mentione injecta , diserte docet x ); neque Hephaestio, secundi post Christum natum saeculi grammaticus, in suis carminum veterum cxemplaribus versum, qui non in integra voce finem habuerit, agno- vit 2 ), paucissimis quibusdam, quos reprehendit vel ex- cusat, exceptis: neque Horatius, lyricorum Graeco- rum , quos desideramus, imitator et interpres eximius, ejusmodi licentiam sibi unquam permisit: nam versus 19. et 1. carminum 1. II. 2. et 1. IV. 2. in „beatorum" et ,,admirari" fmiuntur, altero ,,beato — ;" et nomine „Iulc" post alterum disyllabo pronunciato ; atque xofAficc XrjxTixov seu reXixov dactylici hexametri, Sapphico hen- decasyllabo tertio subjunctum, quod metrici recentio- res versum Adonium denominarunt, non pro versu in- tegro, sed pro membro, versui praecedenti adjecto, ha- bendum est (vide 1.1. 2. vs. 19, 20. etc. etSapph. fragm. in x) De republics I. III. p. 393. D. eel Serr, a) ttoiv fjtitQov els zekuay mgazoorat It^iv , *. r. X. c. IV* 8. 3. 19^ Brunei*. Analect I et V.). Nostri tamen hodierni oanti- corum Pindari et tragicorura redactores versus tantum non omnes, mediis dissectis vocibus, definiunt et di- stinguunt ; qua ratione versus solutos tragici Italici IWetaetasii qui vis nainore etiam negotio in strophas et antistrophas invicem respondentes redigere poseit. J I P S I A JMPRESSIT BE.M.DICTVS CuTTHlLPVi TEVBNERV5. 63 DMCMfed MlngtN BooMoMpa* : ;:ess Neutraizing agent: Magnesium 0> Treatment Date: Juty 2006 PreservationTechnologies A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESE $< ■ I ■ ■ I 1 V LIBRARY OF CONGRESS " nu ill in ii minimum 003 045 606 3