IL 197 E 757 .S83 Copy 1 L WHEN THEODORE s , K I N G Price, 25 ce7its — by Mail jo cents tVhen Theodore is King EXTRACTS TAKEN FROM A COMPLETE ACCOUNT OF THE NEW DECLARATION OF THE CHANGE FROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED KINGDOM OF AMERICA AND THE ESTABLISHING OF Theodore on the Throne By VlTER StRIKESHOULDER NEW YORK CHAUNCE Y HOLT 27 Vandewater Street 1909 t LIBRARY of CONGRESS, Two Copies Receivea NOV 21 raoz Copyright Entry OPY 8. GLASS/f cc Copyright, 1Q07 By WAYLAND SPAULDING FOR SALE BY OWNER OF COPYRIGHT 411 West 115th St. NEW YORK CITY Price, 25 cents — by Mail 30 cents. PREFACE, THE KING sits in the White Palace. It is Springtime of the New Era in THE KINGDOM OF UNITED AMERICA. His chief ministers have left him for the day. With manifest eagerness he takes from its case a large volume, bound in purple. Laying it upon the arm of his great chair he opens it and reads attentively for a full hour. He does not proceed in course but seems to be "tasting it" here and there. At length, as if reading had rested him, with a murmured "Good, very good!" King Theodore closes the volume. Now that he has laid it down you and I may take it and read. Perhaps we shall say with the King, "GOOD, VERY GOOD!" ^ PARTI. Step I, The Source. Step 2, The Strain. Step 3, The Change. Step 4, The Plan. Step 5, The Letter. Step 6, The Consent. Step 7, The Council, Step 8, The Preparation. Step 9, The ''Meeting." Step lO, Theodore in the Bowery. PART II. Step I, Committee Work. Step 2, The Declaration. Step 3, The Result. PART III. Step I, Party Spirit Dying. Step 2, Blacks and Whites. Step 3> The Two Conventions. Step 4, The Proposal. Step 5, The Response. Step 6, The Joint High Convention. Step 7. The Platform. Step 8, The Effect. Step 9, The Court. Step lO, Canada. Step 11, '^U.K. A., Theodore, R." PART I. Step I. The Source. Our story is drawn from the King's book, "A Complete Account of the Change from 'U. S. A.' to *U. K. A.,' and of the Coronation of Theodore as King." It bears this curi- ous date: ''About the Year of the Double-Triple Triad, 1909." The writer's name, Viter Strikeshoulder, speaks distinctly for itself. In a frank, vigorous, and sharply individual way, he sketches the Peaceful Revolution in the Western World in the years 1907 . Beginning when the nation was called "The United States," he carries the account for- ward until we are in "The Kingdom of United America," Theodore (or Diodorus, or Elnathan) on the throne. We need not attempt to reproduce the book; as with Wordsworth's poetry, a part may be more than the whole. The King tasted; let us follow the King. In one respect, however, we will follow our author. He omits all titles whatsoever. "A man's a man" seems to be the watch- word. Step 2. The Strain. We read that in the years 1907 relations between "class" and "mass" became so strained that the people would endure no longer. Rich men assured the laborer that his wages were higher and his condition better than in the old world. The latter declared that he was not in the old world but in the fertile, abounding new. Told that he fed better than did Queen Elizabeth, he declined to be content even with the royal standards of three hundred years ago. Men declared that the land produced enough each year to keep everyone in comfort, that old ways and standards had ruined the nations, and that a new order, based on fellow-service, must be set up here and now before it should be too late. They claimed that no one should have more than he himself earned or was willing to earn, that the possession of more than he needed by any man was proof that wealth was not justly divided. But the rich paid no heed. By agile dodging, now be- hind State charters, now behind the Federal Constitution, they managed to evade the control of commissions, legis- latures, and courts. Food and the necessary things of life rose to prices almost prohibitive. They who produced had small share in their product, while many who produced nothing wallowed in luxuries. Middle men were reaping vast profits. The probe of investigation never failed to open a state of things sickening to every honest man. Care for human life and social happiness seemed to be forgot- ten. But the evil-doers laughed and went boldly on their ruthless way. It was clear that industrial peace and progress could never come so long as men sought personal riches and aggrandizement. Effort to build permanent prosperity on such a foundation was mere "daubing with untempered mortar." Step 3. The Change. Then strange quiet fell upon the people. Talk gave place to sober, earnest thinking. There was no open re- bellion, yet men agreed that a change must come. They hoped to find a way by which, without breaking the Union, this nation might move as one in a common purpose of right to every man. Messages, suggestions, pledges of co-operation ran swiftly, secretly, back and forth like niaf,nictic currents in the earth. Laws with iron teeth were hinted. At lenj^^h it became clear that all depended upon the rich. If they held on their way dark shadows lay before, for tlie poor would bear it no longer, but if they came freely into tlie new movement prosperity and happiness would be multi- plied for all. In either case a new movement, a new state of things must be and that without delay. Rumors of this deep determination reached the "classes." For a time they went on unheeding. "Let the people chatter," they said, "what do we care? We are safe." But the rumble of purposeful millions made itself heard above the clink of gold. Thoughtful men became anxious whither this would lead. Urged partly by dread, partly by good sense, even the "financiers," as they were called, began to weary of their work and to long for a better way. "Call it fear; call it selfishness; call it mastery of the higher nature, or what you will," says Strikeshoulder, "as by one sweep of con- viction, wealth changed its mind." Here he describes a meeting. It appears to be in a mansion on the avenue. A park lies opposite. Mils is speaking. Listen. "A ruined country has no attraction for us. We mav be Samson but we must not pull the temple down about our ears. England coined the blood of her tenants and later of her innocent children into shillings." "Mournfully true," said Andreas, "to-day many of her 'nobles' are ignoble; her poor a hopeless multitude. Her evils are chronic. It is wicked to bring this pestilent tree across the wide, free seas and plant it on American soil." "Repulsive. Impossible!" cried Bishop, amid a murmur of approval. "Clearly I see," said a woman of gracious yet command- ing presence, "that our children are being robbed of that sense of responsibility which make? moral fiber." 8 Thus for many pages the conversation goes on, the rich- est men of the country taking part. They agreed that a crisis was at hand. "See," cried Jonson, "miUions of im- migrants are coming to us, many of them cold, selfish peo- ples, trained to hate all government. We must stand to- gether, rich and poor, to save the country." So the "classes" had a mind to yield with some grace to the inevitable. But what to do and how to do it — that was still in the unknown. Step 4. The Plan. Three men are deep in conversation. Where they are we are not told nor is the precise date put down. They are walking together. "I never saw the people so restless, so determined, so intelligent." "Nor I, Abot," said Huze. "They have borne wonder- fully, but I am convinced that the breaking point is near unless some peaceful way is found." "That is the very thing — a peaceful way; concessions on both sides." It was Gompers who spoke. The three walked on in silence for a time. At length, we read, the eldest glanced keenly at the others; then his cheery voice rang out: "Gentlemen, what do you think of this plan?" The others listened. "I suggest that we gather the people — all the people, and trust to the good sense of men standing together on American soil to reach a fair understanding. I believe the rich are convinced that their wealth is in dan- ger. The laws are defied. Bad legislation is on our stat- ute books. We may find even the Constitution outworn by a century's hard use." The others agreed. "Now, how shall we work this out?" "Well," continued the leader, "great meetings are im- pressive. Let the people be called together and the case stated, temperately but frankly, and with no reserve. Let poor and rich be assured of just dealing, sucli as wv have not had in this land, else had we not been in our i)rescnt plight" "Would you seek decisions then and there?" asked Gompers. "I think not. Let the great questions be stated and the meeting thrown open. Let there be free discussion — I say discussion, not controversy. Then let committees be chosen to outline definite action and report later at 'similar meetings." ''And some of the points?" said Huze, reflectively. ''You knows Huze," said Gompers, smiling, "and no man can state them better." '"Such as these, I suppose, tariff, corporations, rights of labor, federal and state relations." "Yes," cried Gompers, "and a most 'Roman' committee must call together those who have more than a certain amount of wealth and lay before them a method whereby, with their co-operation, the excess may be diffused among those who have produced it, according to merit." The rest looked grave and no one spoke for a time. "I believe it is worth trying," said Huze. "What choice have w^e?" asked Abot. "To be silent means revolution, with ruin. To go forward means revo- lution, too, but deliberate, peaceful, and with the responsi- bility in the right place. Besides, what a leader we have !" "Exactly," assented Gompers. "There is no use in talk- ing of this man or that. The people will have no one but Theodore. He is not perfect, but he has stood the fire." "These be strong reasons," said Huze. "Now let us mark out our course — in the rough." The men talked long together, maturing the plan. They agreed to meet three days later. "We must consider care- fully," they said, "not to determine whether we will go ahead, but how." Thus began The Peaceful Revolution of 190 — . 10 Three days pass; again the men are together. ''What do you say, then, brothers ? Shall we try to work out a complete program for the mass meeting?" It was Abot who spoke. 'The more I think it over," said Huze, "I incline to the belief that it would be wiser to make a few suggestions and let others come from the audience spontaneously. Above all, this must be a people's movement. Let some representative man state the case in general terms and then call for opinions. At least, that is my view." "Who is the man?" asked Gompers. The three looked at each other and a significant smile spread over their faces. Each divined the other's thought. Huze spoke. "There is one man, and but one, in the United States who can do it." "And that man is Theodore," said Abot. "Not a doubt about it," assented Gompers. "The people respect him for his able honesty. Good men rest in him and bad men know he is right, in the main. To open a new era for eighty million people is a task to suit him, He will do it." "I agree with you fully," said Huze. "Should not some of us see him before we go further?" "I am to consult him on business this week," said Abot. "What do you say? Shall I carry this message?" To this they agreed. Having prepared the following letter, they adjourned: Step 5. The Letter. To Theodore, Princeps : Dear Sir — Three men whom you know, Huze, Gompers, and myself, have found ourselves of one mind on the fol- lowing points : The nation approaches a crisis ; the "masses" daily grow more sensible of their wrongs, more conscious of their might. Wealth goes blindly on, defiant of both 11 protest and warning. Laws that touch them are poorly enforced or inadequate. In view of this, we have planned a simultaneous meeting in every town and city. We hope that you will make a statement of the situation, the same to he delivered perhaps in New York, but especially to be printed and sent all over the land in time for every meeting to consider it. If convenient, I will call upon you at four, the day after to-morrow. This is written that you may have time to think the matter over before we speak together. Sincerely yours, Abot, Gompers, Huze. Step 6. The Consent. On page 87 of the volume is the meeting between Theo- dore and Abot. The former speaks. "It shall be done. It must be done. The difficulties are tremendous, but the American people are miracle workers. Chains of gold are hardest to break, but we must not think of that. It is a crisis ; we will meet it." Said Abot: "We will follow your lead, but not lag in the rear. By 'we' I mean the good men in our borders out of every nation under heaven — the American people." Then methods were discussed and a plan of action laid down. As the men arose and clasped hands, Theodore said : "The sound 'horse sense' of the country will surely carry this thing to success." Step 7. The Council. With Princeps enlisted in the great movement, the reti- cence which had obtained hitherto ceased. To let the peo- ple know— all the people— quickly and widely, was the thing desired. On the following day the Princeps called together his "family." It cannot be denied that there was anxiety in his mind, for he meant to lay the matter before them. But 12 he simply stated the case, referring to the visit of Abot and the deHberations leading up to it. To his surprise, he found substantial agreement. Taf was the first to speak. 'T am confident that this is a wise plan. Some move we must make. If we do not move, we shall be moved. Revo- lution is imminent. I hope it may be peaceful. It will be if the rich see the peril and act of their own accord." "I cannot forget," said Corsica, "historic crises in the land of my birth. If the nobility could have done, in the middle of the eighteenth century, what they had to do before its end, they might have saved the revolution. I think the American people are too cool-headed to repeat the madness of the Paris Commune, but something they will do, and that soon." ''Yes," said the head of the "family," ''I think we shall keep sane, if not sweet." Others spoke, some with miore confidence, some with less. but all in the same courageous spirit. When the council broke up, Theodore felt that these trusted statesmen were with him.. None denied that there were difficulties, but they were ready to go forward. Step 8. The Preparation. Strikeshoulder tells how the news spread through the length and breadth of the land. The Princeps prepared no long, set speech. In a few^ days his statement was ready. Copies were struck oflf and sent from ocean to ocean. Post- masters were asked to call the meetings, either themselves presiding or inviting a leading man to do so. In many cases the chairman was the mayor, or perhaps a congress- man. In New York City Chote was selected to preside. The newspapers were on fire with curiosity. While the general purpose of the great meeting was known there was enough mystery about it to carry interest to a high pitch. Men like Abot, Shah, Parkst, Heeny, Graves, Wil- 13 shir and others published brief hints of what mic^ht Ik* ex- pected. It was in the air that a p^reat event was iinpmdinp:. that it might open a new path to the nation, and that no man could afford to be indifferent. Details of arrangement follow: the method of proced- ure, control of the crowds, the distribution of Theodore's statement. At last all was ready and the great day came. Step 9. The Meeting. We turn to the chapter in the King's book where the meeting in Madison Square Garden is described. The whole country was in a state of high excitement. Crowds everywhere — in Chicago and St. Louis, in Philadelphia and Baltimore, Boston and San Francisco, Seattle, Omaha. At- lanta — ^but nowhere were there greater throngs than in New York. The spell which ensues when a mighty people is stirred by one hope, fixed in one determination, came upon the country. Gathered in groups, men spoke low and earnestly. Long before the hour the Garden was filled and throngs waited in the Square. Many remarked upon the order and quiet which prevailed. Theodore was expected at eight. At 7.45 an automobile appeared moving up Broadway. In it were four men— the Princeps, Huze, and two stout guards. Suddenly, near Twenty-second street, the auto stopped. People began to crowd around it when, like Scots from the heather, appeared a score of detectives. As they gathered about the car Theo- dore rose and lifted his hand. The cheering crowds took ofiF their hats and a great hush fell. He spoke : "Americans all, we are here as your guests. When we go to visit our friends we do not take armed guards. T thank these faithful men about me, but I herebv excuse them from further attendance upon me. Gentlemen, go where you like, for your own pleasure. Theodore is among his friends." Then, with a smile, he added, motioning toward the two 14 guards in the auto, "These men may finish their ride ; we two will walk." With this the men sprang out and began to walk quietly along Twenty-third street and up the avenue. "It would be beyond words," says the writer, "to describe the effect of this upon the multitude. No loud, vociferous bawling, but a pecu/iar humming or crooning sound, deep, almost deafening, but pleasant to the ear, as if men murmured to each other, 'Our Princeps, our Gubernator !' " Word of what was passing ran quickly through the vast audience within. As the two strode through the great entrance, coming just as every man there had come, the democratic act put the audience in the best and cheeriest humor. It was a happy omen for the meeting. The guests stepped briskly upon the platform. Arrange- ments had been made with tact. Instead of an imposing structure railed off from the pit, embellished with an array of dignitaries, it was but a foot or so above the floor level. The seats were carried up and around it so that, to one entering, there hardly seemed to be a platform. A speaker could literally lay his hand on the nearest of his hearers. As if to heighten the effect some of the city's most noted financiers sat side by side with the poorest and plainest there. It had been agreed that there should be no hand- shaking. Delany, Abot, Gompers, Butla, were among those nearest. They with others rose and nodded pleasantly as chairs were set for the newcomers. Smiles and simple dress with entire absence of formality made the meeting seem a family gathering. After a few minutes in which they chatted, now with one, now with another, the chairman rose, turned first to the Princeps, then to the audience, and said, "Theodore." There was a burst of applause which (so says Viter) grew fuller and mellower in tone when the guest, rising, gave his chair to a white-haired old soldier who had made his way to the platform and stood leaning heavily on his cane. Then slowly silence ensued. With a sweeping gesture the Princeps raised his hand and said, "The free, American people in council to-night." No formal address, no dictation, no instruction. Every man felt himself called to be earnest, broad-minded, judi- cious. The speaker held a copy of the statement. With slight reference to it he went on : "Not a man, woman, or child left out. A just and kind spirit in all the land. We speak of a 'happy' people. Tliis nation is a unit; 'if one member suffer all suffer.' So long as we have one little child for whom the best is not pro- vided we fall short. "Joy comes with deeds. We, the American people, are great doers. A free field, a square deal for every one. Work enjoined upon all who can work, with a wage set by worth. A man's worst foe is he who cuts oft" toil and toil's reward. A nation's strength is in its common people. To lack work and its wage is bad; to have so much money that the incentive fails is quite as bad. "Laws must be made and heeded, burdens borne, benefits shared by all of us, fairly, honestly, willingly. The Spar- tans sought in their rough way to make men brave and hardy. We would have men wise, good, useful, happy. They chose out a few; we count every man a man, every noble man a nobleman. There may be a leveling down of material possessions but a great leveling up of power, comfort, manhood. "We have made missteps, but we are not lost. By a strong, united effort we shall regain the path and move on aright. Laws must be examined, methods probed, wrong restrained. I merely say aloud what we all think and know. This is our council — yours and mine together. "Now, I propose two things : "i. That you who are here speak your minds frankly. "2. That before we separate committees be chosen to consider the various forces in our national life, cutting off 16 with unflinching hand what is bad, but developing to the full what is good. "We are on an upward path. Let us keep clear heads, stout hearts, and move on as one man wherever right shall lead." Listeners without waited to hear applause. They won- dered that it was so quiet while the speaker went on in his direct, deliberate way. But they who heard were calm, intent, thoughtful. Applause broke out as he turned and gently pushed back the old soldier, who half rose, and took the seat offered him by the chairman. Among the first to follow was the great financier, Nathan Stonebridge. As he began men watched him eagerly. They felt that his position might be the crux of the whole mat- ter. They had expected bitter opposition from him and men of his class. But it soon appeared that the call of the nation had been heard and heeded. We draw from his brief, impromptu speech the sub- stance. Looking around him with a smile, grim yet kindly, he began: "We have seen a light. We are ready to try a new thing in history. Men gifted by nature with the power to acquire wealth have always done so with life-long persistence. The past tells one tale throughout. We do not like it; we are ready for a change. Our money has not brought us the satisfaction expected. "We cannot rest while the cry of the underfed, the igno- rant, the suffering is unheeded. I, and I think many are with me, stand ready to co-operate in radical measures for the diffusion of wealth. We think it can be brought about in peaceful ways. We agree that a great nation should have happy people. This condition we find not in the pos- session of much by a few but of enough by all. We have looked at this matter soberly as is our custom and are con- tent to take our share of life's good with the rest." Then indeed a shout of approval broke forth. Men said 17 to each other, "This is amazing-. We have misjiulq^cd the man. Plainly he means what he says — and he is the leader among financiers. It is revolutionary. Carry this out and the country will be a shining example for the world. In truth he is a great man." The chairman let this buzz of conversation j^o nn for a time. A speech so significant could not be grasped in a moment. At length Roc rose to speak. He declared that if toilers throughout the land could have heard these words before they would never have felt so bitter toward mill- ionaires. He did not believe that a true American could or should be content while one person lacked the means to make the most of himself. He affirmed that labor had no apology for laziness, whether in the poor or the rich. Turning toward Stonebridge he said, "There is use for some of your money, but quite as much for your high ability. I shall oppose any change that does not enlist such men to guide it. I shall be glad to see wealth widely but not carelessly used. Stonebridge and his fellows will find the dollars invested in brightening lives the best investment they ever made, if they consider happiness good interest." Roc's speech had called forth exclamations at almost every sentence: "That's it. You've said it. Right, right!" Far over at one side a rugged looking man of medium height called out, "]\Ir. Chairman." Everybody looked and Chote, recognizing a leader, cried, "Finly." "If you please, I will take the platform." Up he sprang upon his own chair and they laughed at the shrewd hit. "I would rather hear these words to-night and see this audi- ence than 'see Naples.' No one can realize what wealth may do until he comes to grips with young men, until he knows their struggles, their hopes, their aspirations. It has been no small handicap that we have seen, or seemed to see, the leaders among our people drawing to them- selves with passionate energy and success the money, the 18 goods, the power which are proper prizes for faithful labor wherever it is done. "But I do not believe that this is our only task. Now that the ploughshare is in let us sink it deep and drive it through. Let us bury the weapons raised against each other by labor and capital. These words stand for great social forces, each weak without the other, each strong in the other. "Nor must we neglect broader interests, for we share in them. Education, municipal government and national, the laws, the courts, the tariff, the color problem, immi- gration, temperance, the land question, the railroads. Shall we not be in earnest to adjust our affairs to the new and nobler spirit? "This nation is a child growing up. Though we have made mistakes, we must not persist in them as an old, hide-bound nation might. We can hold ourselves off and look ourselves over before it is too late. We have begun : let us finish. We will set the great nation upon a new path to heights of which no man has dreamed." A strong, deep chorus of assent followed these crisp sen- tences. But we must not dwell here too long. Others spoke and the scope of 'suggestion was broad. Rich men declared that they were sick of the game. They had succeeded, but one success created hunger for another. There was no rest in it, no comfort. They were ready for changes that would give the fruits of labor to the laborer and would claim from every man his share in the world's work. They who knew the feelings of the poor admitted, calmly, courteously, that the strain had been severe, that hard words and harder deeds would surely have followed had this change of spirit been delayed. They discerned no patron- izing air in the rich, but an honest desire to do right. In this lay the hope of progress. Brain and brawn must be more evenly rewarded. They did not expect the revolution 19 to come in a moment; it might take a generation. But with a humane spirit all classes would be content, while the adjustment might proceed faster than any anticipated. At length the resolution proposed by Theodore was brought forward. It had been carefully worked out by Wilcox and provided that, in New York, Huze, Ivins, Gompers, Hilis, and Lo should formulate the subjects, many of them discussed in the speeches. This committee re- ceived power to increase its number and instructions to work with representatives from other meetings to the end that a platform might be prepared and a course of action marked out. All America had been hot with discussion for many months. Since the committee was certain to be made up of experts no long time could be needed for a report. Such was the issue of the New York meeting. As the address of the Princeps had been sent to the ends of the country, action covering the same ground was taken by each meeting, the details being left to local judgment. The result was that in a short time strong, grave men, well qualified, were studying public questions from a standpoint entirely new. Casting off the bonds of selfish expediency and realizing the vast resources placed for the first time at the service of the people, they squared everything by the simple law of right for all men. Thus the nation entered new paths. The rich saw their riches pluming wings. They could only help direct the flight. But they were honestly surprised to find this work more interesting and absorbing than any they had known. Full of energy and ambition, they found that, to a wise man, there was wider scope and higher enjoyment in di- recting a noble uplift of the people than in heaping dollars. And the poor, the patient poor, long taught to bear in silence, were quiet in the contented assurance of better things at hand. The meeting had been an object lesson; 30 both in the Garden and in the street the rich and poor had met together on even terms for a common purpose. Throughout the country similar meetings were held on that eventful night. The Auditorium in Chicago witnessed scenes like those in New York. Slightly more demonstra- tive perhaps, the West uttered even stronger expressions of purpose. Once only was harmony interrupted. When the chairman, Kenesaw, called for opinions, they came from every side— brief, temperate, yet full of that frank decision characteristic of the great Central City of the future. Suddenly, from a distant corner, arose the voice of a little, old man, plainly from the country. With the air of one accustomed to rule in his small baiUwick, he shouted, "Mr. Chairman!" As everybody looked the latter said, 'The gentleman from ?" and hesitated. ''Scrabble Flat," yelled the little man, and went quickly on. "This is all wrong, I tell you. I object to it." He paused, as if that settled the matter. Then he cried, "It wouldn't do no sort o' good. I own a big bean-pole farm down in Scrabble. Tm the richest man there. I own sixteen horses, for we're twenty mile from the rail- road. Now, s'pose we divided everything up, how long would it stay so? Why, in less 'n a week " But he got no further. Strikeshoulder says that when the audience heard this ancient, moss-grown objection, a sound arose which was indescribable. A laugh? A groan? A cry of "Hush!" as some felt that the age and sincerity of the man should be respected. Whatever the sound, the critic was drowned in it. As soon as the presiding officer could be heard he quietly observed that no such course as the gentleman feared was intended, that the new regime would only carry out the opening sentence of the Declaration of Independ- ence, now held to be a truism by every American. A striking speech was that by Nels Arma. He said, in 21 part, "Prosperity has made us careless. I do not believe one of the men called wealthy in this country really sat down and thought just what the effect of his business course would be. When a man finds he can do a thing which others try in vain he likes to do it. Should it in- volve risk, should it call out all his energies, then he would not breathe American air if he did not feel the stim- ulus of adventure. "We have been like steamboats racing on the Mississippi, careless of the means we used, careless of harm to others, careless of everything but winning. Some of us have won — at least we have attained what we sought. To go on would be, to conquer other worlds like the one already ours. What is the use? From motives of mere selfishness, if you please, we are ready to enter the new paths, count- ing it a more interesting work to spread prosperity through a great nation than to mass money around ourselves. We do not doubt our ability to keep the wolf from our doors while we help to keep him from the doors of other people." The speech was received with tremendous applause. Kenesaw had the good judgment to let the buzz of con- versation between man and man go on for fully ten min- utes. Nobody cared to go behind such statements. Whether fear of worse or hope of better; whether, as the speaker had affirmed, the conclusion of the rich that it was more "interesting" to help build a great, happy nation than to heap dollars — whatever the ground might be, they who heard felt in their hearts that Arma meant v;hat he said and that the new movement needed just such men to guide it. In Chicago, as elsewhere, the resolutions were received and men chosen to consider national questions. How they should act and when report was left largely to discretion. But the spirit of reform was so universal that when the evening closed the nation was sure it had entered a door of hope not to be closed. Next morning the newspapers all over the country were full of the great meeting. It is worth while to note that the King's volume does not speak of meetings but of "a meeting," as if conscious of the words in the Garden, "The Free American People in Council." There was no criti- cism; indeed, there could be none. He would have been a rash man and a lonely who should have tried to make even an eddy in the current of public opinion that bore onward, right onward. By having men gather in their home towns and cities to inaugurate the movement, it was made truly national at the start. None were ignorant, none listless. In thou- sands of places you might have heard conversation like this: ''Well, Jonathan; been down to the city? What's the news?" "Oh, they're all talking of one thing." "And what might that be?" Then would follow a description of the plan. He who had heard of it went to the leading man of the town and soon talk was busy over it in the shops, on farms, in the stores. Presently the mail brought copies of the statement with orders for their distribution at the mass meeting. This pointed the way for action. The leader took up the duty, caused notices to go everywhere, and secured the largest hall for the assembly. He disclosed enough of the subjects to stimulate thought and discussion. The book declares that, so far as information went, not a single place in the Union was without such a meeting. In some thinly settled parts there was a gathering in the open air at a central point, to which men came from a wide circle. It seemed as though the very winds carried the tidings. Whenever and wherever the people met there was one conclusion : the past was like an egg whose shell is burst with new life, never to be thrust back into its old prison. Step 10. Theodore in the Bowery. There is an interesting event set down here. In New York the Princeps spent the night, after the great assembly, at the home of a citizen not named in the voktme. Perhaps Strikeshoulder wished to avoid distinctions. But he says that in the morning there was great stir among the detec- tives. When, between eight and nine, they insisted upon knocking at his chamber door, behold, he was not there ! The discovery was terrifying. Dreading the worst, the two or three who had made the discovery were hesitating over their course. Well they might believe that the city^ and soon the nation, would be aroused to extreme wrath over a neglect apparently so gross, nor could they doubt where the storm of indignation would fall. But while ihey stood half-dazed a strong, cheery voice rang out in the vestibule, and the guest himself, beaming with good will, strode in. "Well, gentlemen, I've had a morning walk, and a fine one, too. I have been calling on my friends." For a moment the guards were relieved, thinking he had gone out with others of their number — in any case he had been well cared for. What was their amazement to find that he had given tliem all the slip, that he had arisen before seven and had made his way out, walking briskly along with slouch hat over his eyes, until he found him- self at the corner of Hester street and the Bowery. As he glanced upward at the street sign a keen-eyed Italian caught sight of his face and cried out, "Tl presidente, II presidente." Chuckling to himself the Princeps turned sturdily east- ward across Chrystie street. But the cry was heard and taken up. As he reached Forsyth street, people were hurrying toward him from every quarter. At first the cry, 'Tl presidente" prevailed, but soon it was mingled with greetings in every dialect known to cosmopolitan New York. Men who had started to run toward the center of 24 attraction, for no clear reason, as soon as they heard the call and caught the pet name of Theodore, re-echoed it and ran the faster. For an instant the Princeps hesitated — not from fear- far from it. He does not fear the face of man. Rather was he thinking how best to meet and cheer and satisfy this throng of his fellow-beings. Not heeding the condition of the street, he stepped straight to the center where Forsyth and Hester cross, lifted his hat, waved it once in the air, and shouted, "A brisk and happy morning to you, my friends!" Replacing his hat high upon his forehead, so as to show his smiling face to the full, he grasped the hands nearest to him. This continued for at least ten minutes. The visitor had a hearty word of cheer for every one. Few understood English, but his manner winged his words. Every mo- ment the crowd grew denser. With his usual self-forget- ting eagerness he had entered into the impromptu recep- tion. But it was plain that he could not shake hands with all lower New York. Then a new thing happened. Once or twice already men had offered to lift him on their shoulders, but he would not have it. 'T stand even with you all," he cried, laughing, and they desisted. But the leaders saw that something must be done. Accordingly, a half-dozen stalwart fellows, moved by a common impulse, held back the crowd on the western side, making a kind of lane a few feet long. Before he noticed this, or at least caught its significance, a slender PoHsh woman seized a broom and, slipping under the arms of the bystanders, began to brush away the dirt along this lane. Then a man said to him in broken English, ''You tired. We take you to Bowery car." Then Theodore understood their plan — the lane, the sweepers — for by this time other women had appeared with brooms. The crowd too caught the idea and gave back. Thus, with laughter and high good-will, did this strange 25 guard convey their famous visitor along. He still grasped hands, especially those of the children, when he could reach them. It was not a scramble; there was no jostling, no rudeness. The Princeps felt in the mixed multitude a fine spirit of loyalty. The self-constituted guards were brethren ; two ItaHans, one Jew, one a Slovak, and two others Russians. A sturdy Chinaman, with fun bubbling from his forty-five-degree eyes, tried to help, and no one made objection. New York had never seen a sight like this. The lane was pushed steadily forward, and closed in behind — li'