.X .y^ .^-^'A::- Class Book HISTORY OF THE LATB PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK, ITS DISCOVERV, APPOINTMENT OF GOVERNOR COLDEN. 1762. BY THE HOX. WILLIAM SMITH, Formerly of New- York, and late Clilef Justice of Lower Canada. VOL. 1. XEVV-YOKK : I'UBHSHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OP THE NEW-YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 1829. f 9- 1^ SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW- YORK, ss. Be k remembered, That on the 7ih day of November, A. D. 1829, in the 54th yearoflt Independence oi the United States of America, JOHN DELAFIELD, of the said DIsUl hath deposited in this olHce the title of a book, the right wliereof lie claims as propri(jr in the words following, to wit : i " The History of the Province of J\few-York, from its discovery to the appointment of vernor Colden, in 1762. By the honourable William Smith, formerly of M'ew- Yorky and Chief Justice of Lower Canada. Published imder the direction of the JVVio- York Histori i Society. In conformity to the Act of Consress of the United States, entitled " An act for the eouragement of Learning by securing llis copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the authB and proprietors of such copies, during the nines therein mentioned.' ' And also to an eutilled " An Act, supplementary lo an Act, entitled an Act for the encouragement of Leff in^, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the authors and proprietor such copies, durini; the times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the : of designing, engraving, and etcliing historical and otiier piinis." FRED. J. BETTS, Clerk of the /Southern District of JW-w-JVi NOTICE. The present volumes, now for the first time associated, contain the History of the State of New-York from its first discovery to the year 1762, by the late William Smith, for- merly Chief Justice of Canada, with the author's last altera- tions and additions from the original manuscripts. On a production, a part of which has been so long before the public, and so highly appreciated, it is scarcely necessary to make any commentary. It is sufiicient to observe, that had the Historical Society rendered no other service to the commu- nity than the publication of these volumes, this alone would have justified the bounty of the Legislature. But they trust that their other labours are appreciated, and hope the public will see, in these eflforts, a design to fulfil the obligations to which the Society is pledged, and to enhance the character of the great State of which they are members. The Continuation of the History will be found not inferior in interest or execution to the part so well known. It treats of the period between the years 1736 and 1762. The father of the historian was a conspicuous actor in these times, and the Chief Justice had the most ample means of information. The Biographical Memoir furnished by liis son, the Hon. William Smith, of Canada, though brief, will be perused witJi pleasure by all who feel an interest in the circumstances of one of the most prominent public men of his day. Here is a striking coincidence in several respects, between the proposi- tion of Smith for the government of the colonies and that of Dr. Franklin, made in the year 1754. At this early date the question of union was decided almost unanimously : the several committees appointed by the respective States having reported thereon, the plan of Franklin was preferred, and witli a few amendments was reported. By this plan the general government was to be administered by a president general appointed and supported by the crown ; and a grand council to be chosen by the representatives of the people, of the several colonies met in their respective assemblies. The author's geographical description of the early state of the colony of New- York, which originally appeared in the quarto edition of his history, is in this edition embraced as an appendix to volume first. The State of New-York, while she does justice to her great natural resources, ought not to be indifferent to her own fame, or the reputation of her distinguished sons. These are her property, not less valuable or productive than the tolls on her canals. By making known meritorious exertions, we point out the way to farther efforts, and excite the spirit of emulation. In the present condition of affairs, this is best done by institutions like our own ; individual attempts are for the most part lost and ineffectual. During the period embraced in the narrative of Smith, this State was for a long time the chief seat of war, and on its borders was settled the title to a great part of North America. Exposed to the incursions and depredations of hostile powers, its prosperity was checked and its high destiny deferred. We are now a united people, and, under the benign influence of republican institutions, its rank is tlie first in the confederation. May her example shed a salutary influence over her sister States, and may those to whom her fortunes are confided, continue to act worthy of her and of themselves. City of mio- York, JVov. 16, 1829. JOHN W. FRANCIS, ) Committee JOHN DELAFIELD, } of DAVID HOSACK. ) Publication. 'I MEMOIR OF THE HONOURABLE WILLIAM SMITH, WRITTEN BY HIS SON. William Smith was born at New- York, on the 25th of June, 1728. His father, a lawyer of emi- nence in that province, became a n^nmber of his majesty's council, and was afterwards appointed judge of the court of King's Bench. Judge Smith left many children, the eldest of whom is the sub- ject of this memoir. Mr. Smith was thus descended from a respectable family in the province, and his father perceiving he evinced considerable talent in his youth, sent him early to a grammar school at New- York. At school he was an extraordinary proficient ; and when suffi- ciently instructed, was sent to Yale College, at New Haven, in Connecticut, where he distinguished him- self so much by his le«irning and assiduity, that he obtained the degree of A. M. at a very early age. He was well acquainted with the ancient writers, particularly with the Greek Philosophers, whose history he read in their native language ; while he understood sufficient of the Hebrew to become familiar with many things in Rabbinical learning. He made the study of divinity a chief pursuit ; and those who read what he had written on this important MEMOIR OF Tin: AUTHOR. subject, were astonished at his knowledge of the scriptures ; while to many it appeared incredible, that one man should have acquired in a few years such variety of knowledge in matters unconnected with his immediate avocations. He had great readiness in arithmetic, was an ex- cellent mathematician, and in medicine was so well informed, that several eminent physicians of his na- tive state have declared, that in answer to several questions propounded to him on this science, he had discovered great judgment, as well as minute know- ledge : indeed he understood almost as much of the general principles of the healing art, as speculation without practice could enable him. He was a devout christian, a sincere protestant, and tolerant and just to those from whom he differed most. He used constantly to worship God in his family, performing its duties always himself. Having spent several years at college, Mr. Smith repaired to his native city, where he studied law ; and after being called to the bar, he entered into a very extensive practice : he was above the mean appetite of loving money, for if he saw a cause was unjust, he would state that it was so, and if the litigant par- ties persisted in their respective views, he would de- sire them to seek another counsellor : if he found the cause doubtful, he always advised his client to com- promise ; when differences were referred to him, which he settled, he would receive no reward, though offered it by both parties, considering himself in these cases as a judge ; observing, that " a judge ought to take no money." He was an eloquent speaker, remarkable for the soundness of his law opinions, Mi^MOlR OF THE AUTHOR. xi. Hiany of which are collected and recorded in a book by Chalmers, entitled, "Opinions of Eminent Law- yers." He was the intimate friend of Robertson the historian of America, and of many other literary characters of that day. He was appointed a member of his majesty's coun- cil as early as the year 1769, where his attendance was regular, his integrity unquestioned, and his loy- alty firm to his king ; and when the lowering clouds caused by the Stamp Act, began to spread over the continent, he saw the danger likely to result from the measure, and drew up a plan of union of all his majesty's colonies, which ifit had been then adopted, might have prevented the civil war that ensued, and the dismemberment of the British empire in America. The direct tax that was devised by parliament in 1764, was the origin of the controversy : both coun- tries resorted to the constitution for arguments in support of tenets diametrically opposite to each other: on the part of America there was a claim set up to all the rights of Englishmen ; and it was inferred that no tax could be laid upon them without the consent of their assemblies. Great Britain on the other hand attempted to justify her measures by ad- mitting the principle but denying the consequence ; she contending that America was virtually represent- ed by the commons of Great Britain. Mr. Smith proposed a plan of union of all the colonies friendly to the great whole, and linking them and Great Britain together by the most indissoluble ties : all requisitions for aid and supplies for general purposes, had been formerly addressed to the several provincial Xll. MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. assemblies ; it was now proposed this should be made to the general government. It was not however in- tended to annihilate the assemblies, but that there should be a lord lieutenant as in Ireland, and a coun- cil of at least twenty four members, appointed by the crown or the house of commons, consisting of de- puties chosen by their respective assemblies, to meet at the central province of New-York, as the parlia- ment of North America. To this body it was pro- posed all the royal requisitions for aids were to be made, and they were to have authority to grant for all ; to settle the quotas for each, leaving the ways and means to their separate consideration, unless in cases of default. The members of the council were to depend upon the royal pleasure, but, to preserve independency, they were to be men of fortune, and hold their places for life, with some honorable distinc- tion to their families, as a lure to prevent the office falling into contempt. The number of deputies was to be proportioned to the comparative weight and abilities of the colo- nies they represented. The two Floridas, Rhode Island, Nova Scotia, and Georgia, to have five each ; New Hampshire, Maryland, North Carolina, and Quebec, each seven ; South Carolina and New Jer- sey, each eleven ; New-York, Pennsylvania, and Con- necticut, each twelve ; and Massachusetts Bay and Virginia, each fifteen. The whole house would thus consist of one hundred and forty-one members, a small number when the importance of the trust was considered, but to be increased when the colonies became more populous and desired it. The crown to retain its ancient negative, and the British Parliamenr MEMOIR OF* THE AUTHOR. xitu its legislative supremacy in all cases relative to life, liberty and property, except in the matter of taxations for general aids, or for the immediate support of the American government. A dignified government like this, it was supposed, would produce unspeak- able advantages by making the colonies better known, and that it would correct the many disorders that had crept into some of the colonial constitutions, dan- gerous in some instances to the colonists themselves and their British creditors, and derogative of the first rights, and many of the prerogatives of the crown most friendly to peace and good order. The minister, G. Grenville, approved of the plan, but never brought it forward in parliament ; and thus things remained, until Great Britain, in 1775, de- termined to tax the colonies without their consent. Mr. Smith deeply deplored the contentions that after- wards took place, and long before the civil war broke out, exerted every means in his power to avert it. General Tryon, the governor of New- York, find- ing it no longer safe to remain in the city, embarked on board the Dutchess of Gordon, signifying to the council that he would not meet them again in public business ; leaving each member at liberty to retire where he pleased. Mr. Smith then repaired to his country seat at Haverstraw, about forty miles from New-York. He was not long there before he was summoned, 3d June, 1777, to attend the council of safety at Kingston, and being introduced before them, he was asked whether he considered himself a subject of the Independent States of America ? to which he replied, that he did not conceive himself discharged from his oaths of fidelity to the crown XIV. -MCMOIR OF TlIF, AITHOK. of Great Britain ; upon which an order was imme* diately made by the board, of the 7th of June, ordering him to be confined, within the manor of Livingston, where he remained until he was sent into New-York, by a flag, under the superintendance of Colonel Burr, by order of General Washington, Mr. Smith remained at New- York till the evacua- tion of that city by the king's troops, and went to England with Sir Guy Carleton, the then com- mander-in-chief He there remained until he was appointed Chief Justice of Canada, in 1786, and continued to hold that station until he died, on 3d December, 1793. He thus held his office as chief justice for seven years, managing the court and all proceedings in it, with singular justice. It was observed by the whole country, how much he raised its reputation ; and those who held places and offices in it, all declared, not only the impartiality of hi« justice, but his generosity, his vast diligence, and his great exactness in trials. It was customary before his time, that all prisoners should be brought into court, in the custody of a party of soldiers ; he disapproved of this, and established, for the first time, the appointment of constables, ordering them to be provided with their batons of office, which has been continued ever since. He was taken with a shivering fit in court, and it was succeeded by an ardent fever, which no medical skill could arrest or destroy. A day before his death, he desired one of his children to send round to the clergymen of each communion a declaration to be read in the several churches, of his firm belief in the Divinity MF.MOIR OF THE AUTHOR. XV. of his Saviour. He was buried on the 4th Decem- ber, 1793, in tlie Episcopal church. As a christian, he was one of the greatest patterns of the time in which he lived; and, in his public employments, either when at the bar or on the bench, was equally distinguished as a model of christian perfection. Having thus given his history and character, it is necessary to give the relation of what was private and domestic. AVilliam Smith was married to Miss Janet Living- ston, daughter of James Livingston, esq of the city of New-York, merchant. This lady was distinguish- ed for her disposition, eminent piety, and excellence of character, She died on the anniversary of her birth-day. in the 9IHh year of her age. By her he had eleven children, several of whom died young ; his daughter Elizabeth, who had obtained the age of seventeen, died at Haverstraw, in 1776, in conse- quence of tile deep interest she took in the public troubles, that then agitated the country. His eldest son, William, who is still alive, went to England from New- York, was educated at a gram- mar school, at Kensington, near London, and came to Canada with his father, in 1736. He was soon appointed clerk of the provincial parliament, subse- quently a master in chancery, and, in 1814, was appointed by the Earl Bathurst, then his majesty's secretary of state, a member of the executive coun- cil. He married Susan, daughter of Admiral Charles Webner, of the county of Hampshire, in England, by whom he had live children. His eldest daughter, Janet, married John Plinderhath, of Glen, in the XVJ. MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. county of Peebles, in Scotland, who dying, left her with six children, four sons and two daughters. Three of the sons entered into the army, and were distinguished for their conduct ; one at Maida,* and the others at Stoney Creek and Chrysler's farm, in Canada. Their son John, who was a physician, and served under the Duke of Wellington, in the peninsular war, lost his life in the discharge of his professional duties, was buried at Coimbra, and has a monument erected to his memory in Westminster Abbey. His second daughter, Mary, married Lieutenant General William Doyle, of Waterford, in Ireland, many years in the staff of that country as a general officer. Both are now dead. They have left two sons and one daughter, who are living. His third daughter, Harriet, married Jonathan Dewitt, Chief Justice of the province of Lower Canada, by whom she has eleven children, several of whom are honourably settled at Quebec. * The battle of Maida is one of the most brilliant achievements of the British arms. See Mr. Windham's speech in the House of Commons. Annual Regis- ter. 1806. THE HISTORY OF NEW-YORK, PART I. From the Discovery of the Colony to the Surrender, in 1GC4. Christopher Columbus, a Genoese, employed by Ferdinand and Isabel, king and queen of Castile, was the first discoverer of America.* He sailed from St. Lucar in August, 1492, and made sight of one of the Bahama islands, on the eleventh of Octo- ber following. Newfoundland, and the main con- tinent, were discovered five years after, by Sebas- tian Gabato, a Venetian, in the service of Henry VH. of England, from the thirty-eighth to the sixty- eighth degree of north latitude. On the tenth of April, 1606, King James I. for planting two colonies, passed the great north and south Virginia patent. To Sir Thomas Gates and others, leave was given to begin a plantation, at any place on the continent, they should think conve- nient, between the thirty- fourth and forty-first de- grees of latiiude : and all the lands extending fifty miles, on each side, along the coast, one hundred miles into the country, and all the islands within one hundred miles opposite to their plantations, were * Some authors alledge,that Columbus first offered his services to the repub- lic of Genoa; tliento John II. of Portugal, and afterwards to our King, Henry VII. ; but this disagrees with Lord Bacon's account, who informs us, that Chris- topher Columbus sailed before liis brother Bartholomew had laid the proj';ct be- fore the King, which was owing to his falling into the hands of pirates on his way to England. 2 History of New-York. [Part L granted in fee, to be called the First Colony. By the game patent, a like quantity was granted to Thomas Henham, Esquire, and others, for a plantation be- tween thirty-eiglit and forty-live degrees of latitude, under the name of the Second Colony. The first began a settlement in the great bay (Chesapeak) in 16U7. The latter was planted at Plymouth in New- England, 1620. Henry lludison, an Englishman, according to our authors, in the year 1008,* under a commission from * Charlevoix, a Ficnch Jesuit, author of the General History of New France, thinks this discovery was in 1609, vol. 1, 12nio. edition, p. 2'21. But Stith, Doug- lass, Oldinixon, and otiier Englisii writers agree, that Hudson's first voyage was in the proccdniir year. It wasthouglit to be a demonstration of a discovery of tlie country bei'ore tliis period, that tiic marks of a hatchet were found on the body of a tree in the sprintf of 1775, which liad been made in 1590. The block was brought to to.vn and shewn to the autiior. [But the discoverer abused the value :io had set u])Oii tins curiosity, to whom I observed, that the Indians, uj)on the autiiority of Slith's liistory, might have got the instrument from Canada, where Targues Carteu, according to de Laet, the discoverer, had watered in 1536, at St. Croix, a little above Quebec, and afterwards revisited tlio St. Law- rence in 1540 with five ships, and continued the crew at Chaslebourg above St. Croix to 1542, or from ihe Enghsh who came first to Wococon, or Ocacock, to the southward of Cape Hatteras on the second July, 1582, and a few days after entered Albemarle Sound. That they returned to it under Sir Richard Grenville on the 26th May, 1585; and, on his return that summer to England, left about one hundred persons at lloanoke, who expanded themselves southward and northward, and liad dealings witli the Indians above one hundred and thir- ty miles northwest into their country. Tliat Sir Francis Drake visited the new colony in 1586, after burning St. Antony Urlena, in Florida, where he found llie Spaniards had commenced settlements. That Sir Richard Grenville revisited that country the same year, and Capt. White with his company the next; and that in 1588 Sir Walter Raleigh had then expended forty thousand pounds upon the enterprise for planting a colony under the name of Virginia. — Sir Tliomas Smith's companj', after Raleigh's assignment, arrived August the 3d, 1598, the year designated on the block. INIr. Robert Yates, the surveyor, who brought it to town, gave me the following certificate of the discovery in a letter dated May the 3d, 1775 : " Sir : In the course of the survey of the patent granted in the year 1672, to Van Hendrichy Van Baale, in the county of Albany, as claimed by the proprie- tors thereof, the surveyors were particularly directed by the arbitrators appoint- ed for the determination of its contested boundaries to bore the marked trees standin-f on and at some distance from the lines. In consequence of it a num- ber of trees were bored. Several, whereof, appeared to be cut or marked, whose respective ages, upon ascertaining the streaks grown over such marks, counted from 110 to 140 years. But what more piirticularly strikes my attention, and to which I can find no satisfactory solution is, that at the distance of about one mile south-west from a hill called Kych-Uyt, in a pine wilderness, remote from any settlement, one of the axe-men, for the sake of keeping him in employ, was ordered, on the seventh March, 1775, to cut a pitch pine tree of about two feet diameter, whereon there was little of any appearance of a mark — about six inches in the tree a cut or mark was discovered and the block taken out. In splitting it with the grain it opened to our view several cuts of an axe or other sharp iron tool, the dents whereof appeared as fresh and new as if the mark had been made wittiin a year. In counting of the rings or streaks grown over Parti.] History of JVew-York. ' 3 the king his master, discovered Long-Lsland, New- York, and the river which still bears his name ; and afterwards sold the country, or rather his right, to the Dutch. Their writers contend, that Hudson was sent out by the East-India Company in 1609, to dis- cover a north-west passage to China ; and that hav- ing first discovered Delaware bay, he came hither, and penetrated up Hudson's river, as far north as the latitude of forty-three degrees. It is said, however, these marks, it amounted to one hundred and eighty-five, so that the cut v.-as made in the year 1590, at least 17 years before H'u>r..^on's discovery of this coun- try. It is well known that the natives had no iron tools before their acquaintance and mtercourse with the Europeans, and it is this circumstance that involves me in the difficulty of accounting for its mark at that early period. Proof of the number of streaks grown over marks has often in our courts been allowed to ascertain its iige. I liavc, therefore, been at some pains to discover its certainty, and can, from my own experience, declare that it amounts to demonstration. — Among the variety of instances, the two following are the most remarkable :— In the year 176'2, 1 was present when anumber of trees were marked on the survey of the township of Kinderliook. In the year 1772, 1 re-surveyed these lines, and ordered several of those marks to beop.^ned, and thereupon found that all those trees, though of difterent kinds, invariably counted ten streaks above the marks. I have, also, been employed in the year 17G8 to rc-survey the bounds of a patent, which appeared by the deputy surveyor's return to have been originally laid out for the patentee in the year 1738 : to satisfy myself as to the certainty of the trees which were shewn me as marked on his survey, I bored a beach tree, whereon the initial letters of his name appeared standing in the corner of one of the sides, and found that the streaks above it counted exactly thirty. I am, sir, your most obedient servant, New- York, May 3, 1775. ROBERT YATES. On inspecting the block I observed, that tlie rings of growth differed in their distance from each other, probably according to the variety of the j'carsasmore or less favorable. But if the age of the tree is to be computed by the fourth part ofhs diameter acquired in one hundred and eighty- five years, and was conse- quently for twenty-four inches over seven hundred and forty years old, how ven- erable cur forests of pine in which there are many trees of three hundred and eighty-four feet in diamcter[ .' ], which must then be from one thousand to near fifteen hundred years old ; and how many more they continue at a stand and on the decline before they fall, none can presume. The land most abounding with pine is light, dry and sandy, and vv'iicre the trunks have rotted away tliey have knots which no weather seems to aficit ; yet in the repletion of Iho interstices with rosin or an unctuous substance that is very inflamable, and which the country people collect and use for lights to work by in long winter evenings. — These are found where there is not the least appearance of a hillock for tho trunk to which they originally belonged, and this leads to as remote antiquity for their first formation as for rocks and other permanent substances. Pliny says, " V' ita arborum qujerundarum immensa credi potest," but he mentions no species of trees with certainty of an age equal to what we conjecture of tiie American firs commonly called pitcli pine. There is a while pine tree on the banks of Batton creek, in the towns'iip of Cambridge, in this province, of the diameter of seven feet. No fir as yet discovered exceeds four. 4 History of JVew-York, [Parti. that there was a sale, and that the English objected to it, though they for some time neglected to oppose the Dutch settlement of the country. In 1610, Hudson sailed again from Holland to this country, called by the Dutch, New-Netherlands; and four years after, the States General granted a pa- tent to sundry merchants, for an exclusive trade on the North River, who, in 1614, built a fort on the west side, near Albany, which was first commanded by Henry Christiaens. Captain Argal was sent out by Sir Thomas Dale, governor of Virginia, in the same year, to dispossess the French of the two towns of Port-Royal and St. Croix, lying on each side of the bay of Fundy in Acadia, then claimed as part of Virginia.* In his return, he visited the Dutch on Hudson's river, who being unable to resist him, pru- dently submitted for the present to the king of En- gland, and under him to the governor of Virginia. The very next year, they erected a fort on the south- west point of the island Manhattans, and two others in 1623: one called Good-Hope, on Connecticut river, and the other Nassau, on the east side of De- laware bay. The author of the account of New- Netherlandf asserts that the Dutch purchased the lands on both sides of that river, in 1632, before the English were settled in those parts ; and that they discovered a little fresh river, farther to the east, called Varsche Kivier tie, to disUuguish it from Con- necticut river, known among them by the name of Varsche Rivier, which Vanderdonk also claims for the Dutch. * Charlevoix places this transaction in 1613. Vol. I. hist, of N. France in 12mo. p. 210. But Stith, wlioin I follow, being a clergyman in Virginia, had greater advantages of knowing the truth than the French Jesuit. t The pamphlet is entitled, "Beschryvinghcvan Virginia, Neiuw Nedcrland," &c. and was printed at Amsterdam in 1651. It contains two descriptions of the Dutch possessions. The first is a copy of that published by John de Lact, at Leyden. The second gives a view of this country several years after, in 1 649. A short representation of the country of the Mahakuase Indians, written in 1644, by John Megapolensis, jun. a Dutch minister residing here, is anne.xed to that part ofthe pamphlet concerning New-Netherland. Parti.] History of Kew-York, 5 Determined upon the settlement of a colony, the States General made a grant of the country, in J621, to the West-India Company. Wouter Van Tvviller, arrived at fort Amsterdam, now New- York, and took upon himself the government, in June, 1629. — His style, in the patents granted by him, was thus, *' VVe, director and council, residing in New-J\etli- erland on the island Manhattans, under the govern- ment of their high mightinesses, the Lords States General of the United iNetherlands, and the privi- leged West-India Company." In this lime the New- England planters extended their possession west- ward as far as Connecticut river. Jacob Van Cur- let, the commissary there, protested against it, and, in the second year of the succeeding administra- tion, under William Kieft,* who appears first in 1638, a pro- hibition was issued, forbiding the English trade at fort Good-Hope ; and shortly after, on complaint of the insolence of the English, an order of council was made for sending more forces there, to maintain the Dutch territories. Dr. Mather confesses, that the New-England men first formed their design of set- tling Connecticut river in 1635, before which time they esteemed that river at least one hundred miles from an English settlement ; and that they first seat- ed themselves there in 1636, at Hartford, near fort Good-Hope, at Weathersfield, Windsor and Sj)ring- field. Four years after, they seized the Dutch gar- rison, and drove them from the banks of the river, having first settled New-Haven in 1638, regardless of Keitt's protest against it. The extent of New-Netherland was to Delaware, then called south river, and beyond it ; for I find, in * We have no books amon^ our Dutch records remaining in the Secretary's office, relating to slate matters, before Kieft's time, nor .-iiiy onrohnent of patents, till a year after VanTwiller arrived here. Mr. Jacob Goelet supplied us with several extracts from the Dutch records. 6 History of JS'ew- York, [Part I. the Dutch records, a copy of a letter from William Kieft, May G, 1638, directed to Peter Minuit,* who seems, by the tenor of it, to be the Svvedisli gover- nor of New-Sweden, asserting, " that the whole south river of New-Netherlands had been in the Dutch possession many years, above and below, beset with forts, and sealed with their blood." Which, Kieft adds, has happened even during your administration " in New-Netherland, and so well known to you." The Dutch writers are not agreed in the extent of Nova Belgia or New-Netherland ; some describe it to be from Virginia to Canada, and others inform us that the arms of the States General were erected at Cape Cod, Connecticut, and Hudson's river, and on the west side of the entrance into Delaware bay. The author of the pamphlet mentioned in the notes gives Canada river for a boundary on the north, and calls the country, northwest from Albany, Terra In- cognita. In 1640, the English, who had overspread the eastern part of Long-Island, advanced to Oysterbay. Kieft broke up their settlement in 1642, and fitted out two sloops to drive the English out of Schuylkill, of which the Marylanders had lately possessed them- selves. The instructions, dated May 22, to Jan Jan- sen Alpendam, who commanded in that enterprise, are upon record, and strongly assert the right of the Dutch, both to the soil and trade there. The Eng- lish from the eastward shortly after sent deputies to New-Amsterdam, for the accommodation of their disputes about limits, to whom the Dutch offered the * The anonymous Dutch author of the description of New-Netherland in 1649, calls him Minnewits ; and adds, that in 1638 he arrived at Delaware with two vessels, pretending that he touched for refreshment in his way to the West- indies; but that he soon threw of the disguise, hy employing his men in erect- ing a fort. The same historian informs us of the murder of several Dutch men at'South River, by the Indians, occasioned by a quarrel, concerning the taking away the States Arms, which the former had erected at the first discovery of the country ; in resenting whicli, an Indian had been killed. If Kieft 's letter alludes to this affair, then Minuit preceded Van Twiller, in the chief command here ; and being perhaps disobliged by the Dutch, entered into the service of the queen ofSweden. Parti.] History of New-York. 7 following conditions, entered in their books exactly in these words : " Conditiones a D. Directore Gen. senatuys Novi lielgii, Dominis Weytingh atque Hill, Delegatis a nobili Senatu Hartfordiensi, oblatee : ** Pro agro nostro Hartfordiensi, annuo persolvent Prsepotentiff. D. D. Ordinibus Feed. Provinciarum Belgicarum aut eorum vicariis, decimam partem re- ventus agrorum, turn aratro, turn ligone, aliove cul- torum medio ; pomariis, hortisq ; oleribus dicatis, jugerum Hollandium non excedentibus exceptis ; aut decimarum loco, pretium nobile postea constitu- endum, tam diu quam diu possessores ejusdem agri futuri erunt. Actum in arce Amstelodamensi in novo Belgio, Die Julii 9 Anno Christi 1642." We have no account that the English acceded to these proposals, nor is it probable, considering their superior strength, that they ever did : on the contrary they daily extended their possessions, and in 16-io, the colonies of the Massachusett's Bay, Plymouth, Connecticut and New-Haven, entered into a league both against the Dutch and Indians, and grew so powerful as to meet sliortly after, upon a design of extirpating the former. The Massachusett's Bay declined this enterprise, which occasioned a letter to Oliver Cromwell from William Hooke, dated at New-Haven, November 3, 1G53, in which he com- plains of the Dutch, for supplying the natives with arms and ammunition, begs his assistance with two or three frigates, and that letters might be sent to the eastern colonies, commanding them to join in an ex- pedition against the Dutch colony. Oliver's affairs would not admit of so distant an attempt;* but • The war between him and the States, which began in July, 1652, was con- cluded by a peace on the fifth of April, 1()54. The treaty makes no particular mention of this country. If any part of it can be considered as relatinjr to the American possessions, it is to be found in the two first articles, which are in these words : " Imprimis, it is agreed and concluded, that, from this day for- wards, there be a true, firm, a:id inviolable peace, a smcere, intimate and close 8 History of New-York. [Parti- Richard Cromwell afterwards drew up instructions to his commanders for subduing the Dutch here, and wrote letters to the English American governments for their aid ; copies of which are preserved in Thur- loe's Collection, vol. I. p. 721, &c. Peter Stuyvesant was the last Dutch governor, and though he had a commission in 1646, he did not begin his administration till May 27, 1647. — The inroads and claims upon his government, kept him constantly employed. New-England on the east, and Maryland on the west, alarmed his fears by their daily increase ; and about the same time Capt. Forrester, a Scotchman, claimed Long-Island for the dowager of Stirling. The Swedes too were per- petually encroaching upon Delaware. Through the unskilfulness of the mate, one Deswyck, a Swedish captain and supercargo, arrived in Raritan river. The ship was seized, and himself made a prisoner at New- Amsterdam. Stuyvesant's reasons were these. In 1651, the Dutch built fort Casimir, now called Newcastle, on Delaware. The Swedes, in- deed, claimed the country, and Printz, their governor, formally protested against the works. Risingh, his successor, under the disguise of friendship, came be- fore the fortress, fired two salutes, and landed thirty men, who were entertained by the commandant as friends ; but he had no sooner discovered the weak- ness of the garrison, than he made himself master of it, seizing also upon all the ammunition, houses, and other effects of the West-India Company, and com- pelling several of the people to swear allegiance to Christina, queen of Sweden. The Dutch, in 1655, friendship, affinity, confederacy, and union, betwixt the repuWic of England and the Slates General of the United Provinces of tlie iNetherlands. and the land, coun- tries, cities, and towns, under the dominions of each, without distinction of places, together with their people and inhabitants of whatsoever degree." 11. " That hereafter all enmity, hostility, discord, and contention, betwixt the said republics, and their people and subjects, shall cease, and both parties shall henceforwards abstain from the committing all manncrof mischief, plunder, and injuries, by land, by sea, and on the fresh waters, in all their lands, countries, domhiions, places, and governments whatsoever." Part I.] History of JVeiv-York, 9 prepared to retake fort Casimir. Stuyvesant com- manded the forces in person, and arrived with them in Delaware the 9th of September. A few days af- ter, he anchored before the garrison, and landed his troops. The fortress was immediately demanded as Dutch property : Suen Scutz, the commandant, desired leave to consult Risingh, which being refus- ed, he surrendered the 16th of September on arti- cles of capitulation. The whole strength of the place consisted of four cannon, fourteen pounders, five swivels, and a parcel of small arms, which were all delivered to the conquered. Fort Christini was commanded by Risingh. Stuyvesant came before it, and Risingh surrendered it upon terms the twen- ty-fifth of September. The county being thus sub- dued, the Dutch governor issued a proclamation in favor of such of the inhabitants as would submit to the new government, and about thirty Swedes swore " Fidelity and obedience to the States General, the lords directors of the West-India Company, their subalterns of the province of New-Netherlands, and the director general then, or thereafter, to be estab- lished." Risingh and one Elswych, a trader of note, were ordered to France, or England, and the rest of the Swedish inhabitants to Holland, and from thence to Gottenberg. The Swedes being thus extirpated, the Dutch became possessed of the west side of Delaware bay, now called the three lower counties. This country was afterwards under the command of lieutenant governors, subject to the control of, and commissioned by, the director general at New- Amsterdam. Johan Paul Jaquet was the first vice- director, or lieutenant governor, of South River. — His successors were Alricks, Hinojossa, and Wil- liam Beekman. The posterity of the last remains amongst us to this day. These lieutenants had power to grant lands, and their patents make a part of the ancient titles of the present possessors. Al- rick's commission; of the twelfth of April, 1657, 2 lO History of Miv- York, [Part I. shows the extent of tlie Dutch claim on the west side of Delaware at that time. lie was appointed " di- rector-i,reneral of the colony of the South River of New-Netherlands, and the fortress of Casimir, now called Niewer Amstel, with all the lands depending thereon, according to the first purchase and deed of release of the natives, dated July 19, 1651, begin- ning at the w^est side of the Minquaa, or Christina Kill, in the Indian language named Suspecough, to the mouth of the bay, or river called Bompt-hook, in the Indian language Cannaresse ; and so far inland as the bounds and limits of the Minquaas land, with all the streams, «fec. appurtenances, and de- pendencies." Of the country northward of the Kill, no mention is made. Orders, in 1658, were given to William Beekman to purchase cape Ilinlopen from the natives, and to settle and fortify it, which, for want of goods, was not done till the succeeding year. In the year 1659, fresh troubles arose from the Maryland claim to the lands on South River ; and in September colonel Natlianiel Utie, as commissioner from Feudal, lord Baltimore's governor, arrived at Niewer Amstel, from Maryland. The country was ordered to be evacuated, lord Baltimore claiming all the land between thirty-eight and forty degrees of latitude, from sea to sea. Beekman and his coun- cil demanded evidence of his lordship's right, and offered to prove the States General's grant to the West-India Company, theirs to them, payment for the land and possession ; and upon the whole, pro- posed to refer the controversy to the republics of England and Holland, praying at the same time, three weeks to consult Stuyvesant, the general. The commissioner, notwithstanding, a fev/ days after, warned him to draw off beyond the latitude of forty degrees : but Beekman disregarded the threat. — Colonel Utie thereupon returned to Maryland, and an immediate invasion was expected. Parti.] History of JYew-York, \\ Early in the spring of the year 1660, Nicholas Varletli, and Brian Newton, were dispatched from fort Amsterdam to Virginia, in quality of ambassa- dors, with full power to open a trade, and conclude a league, offensive and defensive against the barba- rians. William Berckly, the governor, gave them a kind reception, andapprovedtheir proposal of peace and commerce, which Sir Henry Moody was sent here to agree upon and perfect. Four articles to that purpose were drawn up and sent to the governor for confirmation. Stuyvesant artfully endeavored, at this treaty, to procure an acknowledgment of the Dutch title to the country, which Berckly as carefully avoided. This was his answer : " Sir : I have received the letter, you were pleas- ed to send me, by Mr. Mills, his vessel, and shall be ever ready to comply with you, in all acts of neigh- borly friendship and amity. But truly, sir, you de- sire me to do that, concerning your titles and claims to land, in this northern part of America, which I am in no capacity to do ; for I am but a servant of the assembly : neither do they arrogate any power to themselves, farther than the miserable distractions of England force them to. For when God shall be pleased in his mercy to take away and dissipate the unnatural divisions of their native country, they will immediately return to their own professed obedi- ence. What then they should do in matters of con- tract, donation or confession of right, would have little strength or signification ; much more presump- tive and impertinent would it be in me to do it, with- out their knowledge or assent. We shall very short- ly meet again, and then, if to them you signify your desires, I shall labour all 1 can to get you a satisfac- tory answer. " I am, sir, '* Your humble servant, "William Bercklt. ^'Virginia, August 20, 1660.*' 12 History of Mw'York. [Parti. Governor Stuyvesant was a faithful servant of the West-India Company : this is abundantly proved by his letters to them, exciting their care of the colony. In one, dated April 20, 1660, which is very long and pathetic, representing the desperate situation of af- fairs on both sides of the New-Netherland, he writes, " Your honors imagine that the troubles in England will prevent any attempt on these parts : alas ! they are ten to one in number to us, and are able with- out any assistance, to deprive us of the country when they please." On the twenty-fifth of June, the same year, he informs them, "that the demands, encroach- ments, and usurpations of the English, gave the people here great concern. The right to both rivers, says he, by purchase and possession, is our own, without dispute. We apprehend, that they, our more powerful neighbours, lay their claims under a royal patent, which we are unable hitherto to do in your name."* Colonel Utie being unsuccessful the last year, in his embassy for the evacuation of the Dutch possessions on Delaware, lord Baltimore, in the autumn of 1660, applied by Capt. Neal,his agent, to the West-India Company, in Holland, for an order on the inhabitants of South River to submit to his authority, which they absolutely refused, asserting their right to that part of their colony. The English, from New-England, were every day encroaching upon the Dutch. The following letter, from Stuyvesant to the West-India Company, dated July 21, 1661, shows the state of the colony at that time, on both sides : " We have not yet begun the fort on Long-Island, near Oysterbay, because * If we should argue from this letter, that the West-India, Company had no grants of the New-Netherlands from the States General, as some suppose,wo dis- credit De Laet's liistory, dedicated to the States in 1624, as well as all the Dutch writers, and even Stuyvesant himself, who, in his letter to Richard Nicolls. at the surrender, asserts, that they had a grant, and showed it under seal to the English deputies. But the genuine construction of the Dutch governor's letter, is this, that in 1660, he had not the patent to the West-India Company, to lay before the English in America, who disputed the Dutch right to this county. Parti.] History of Mew-York. 13 our neighbours lay the boundaries a mile and a half more westerly than we do, and the more as your honors, by your advice of December twenty-fourth, are not inclined to stand by the treaty of Hartford, and propose to sue for redress on Long-Island and the fresh water river, by means of the States' ambas- sador. Lord Sterling is said to solicit a confirma- tion of his right to all Long-Island, and importunes the present king, to confirm the grant made by his royal father, which is affirmed to be already obtain- ed. But more probable, and material, is the advice from Maryland, that lord Baltimore's patent, which contains the south part of South River, is confirmed by the king, and published in print ; that lord Bal- timore's natural brother, who is a rigid papist, being made governor there, has received lord Baltimore's claim and protest to your honors in council, (where- with he seems but little satisfied) and has now more hopes of success. We have advice from England, that there is an invasion intended against these parts, and the country solicited of the king, the duke, and the parliament, is to be annexed to their dominions ; and, for that purpose, they desire three or four frigates, persuading the king, that the company pos- sessed and held this country under an unlawful title, having only obtained of king James leave for a wa- tering place on Staten-Island, in IG^S." In August, 1663, a ship arrived from Holland at South River, with new planters, ammunition, and implements of husbandry. Lord Baltimore's son landed a little after, and was entertained by Beek- man at Niewer Amstel. This was Charles, the son of Cecilius, who, in 1661, had procured a grant and confirmation of the patent, passed in favor of his father in 1632. The papistical principles of the Baltimore family, the charge of colonizing, the par- liamentary war with Charles I. and Oliver's usurpa- tion, all conspired to impede the settlement of Ma- ryland, till the year 1661. And these considerations 14 History of JVew-York, [Parti. account for the extension of the Dutch limits, on the west side of Delaware bay. While the Dutch were contending with their Eu- ropean neighbours, they had the art always to main- tain a friendship with the natives, until the war which broke out this year with the Indians at Esopus, now Ulster county. It continued, however, but a short season. The Five Nations never gave them any disturbance, which was owing to their continual wars with the French, who settled at Canada, in 1603. I have before observed, that Oliver Crom- well was applied to, for his aid in the reduction of this country, and that his son Richard took some steps towards accomplishing the scheme ; the work was, however, reserved for the reign of Charles II. an indolent prince, and entirely given up to pleasure, who was driven to it, more perhaps, by the differ- ences then subsisting between England and Holland, than by any motive that might reflect honor upon his prudence, activity, and public spirit. Before this expedition, the king granted a patent on the twelfth of March, 1664, to his brother, the duke of York and Albany, for sundry tracts of land in America, the boundaries of which, because they have given rise to important and animated debates, it may not be im- proper to transcribe : " All that part of the main land of New-England, beginning at a certain place, called or known by the name of St. Croix, next adjoining to New Scotland in America, and from thence extending along the sea-coast, unto a certain place called Pemaquie, or Pemequid, and so up the river thereof, to the fur- thest head of the same, as it tendcth northward ; and extendingfrom thence to the river of Kimbequin and so upwards, by the shortest course, to the river Canada, northward : and also all that island, or islands, commonly called by the several name or names of Meitewacks, or Long-Island, situate and being towards the west of Cape Cod, and the narrow Parti.] History of Kew-York. 15 Higansetts, abutting upon the main land between the two rivers, there called or known by the several names of Connecticut and Hudson's river, together also with the said river called Hudson's river, and all the land from the west side of Connecticut river, to the east side of Delaware bay, and also all those several islands, called or known by the names of Martin's vineyard, or Nantuck's, or otherwise Nan- tucket : together, &c." Part of this tract was conveyed by the duke, to John lord Berkley, baron of Stratton, and Sir George Carteret, of Saltrum in Devon, who were then mem- bers of the king's council. The lease was for the consideration often shillings, and dated the twenty- third of June, 1664. The re-lease, dated the next day, mentions no particular sum of money, as a con- sideration for the grant of the lands, which have the following description : " All that tract of land, adjacent to New-England, and lying and being to the westward of Long-Island, and bounded on the east part by the main sea, and partly by Hudson's river ; and hath upon the west, Delaware bay or river, and extendeth southward to the main ocean as far as Cape May, at the mouth of Delaware bay : and to the northward, as far as the northernmost branch of the said bay or river of Delaware, which is forty-one degrees and forty minutes of latitude : which said tract of land is hereafter to be called by the name or names of Nova Caesarea, or New-Jersey." The New-Netherlands became divided into New- Jersey, so called after the isle of Jersey, in compli- ment to Sir George Carteret, whose family came from thence ; and New-York, which took its name in honor of the duke of York. The Dutch inhabitants, by the vigilance of their governor, were not unapprised of the designs of the English court against thetn, for their records testify that on the eighth of July, " the general received intel- 16 History of A'cw-York. [Parti. ligence from one Thomas Willet, an Englishman, that an expedition was preparing in England against this place, consisting of two frigates of forty and fifty guns, and a fly boat of forty guns, having on board three hundred soldiers, and each frigate one hundred and fifty men, and that they then lay at Portsmouth, waiting for a wind." News arrived also from Boston, that they had already set sail. — The burgomasters were thereupon called into coun- cil. The fortress ordered to be put into a posture of defence, and spies sent to Milford and West- chester for intelligence. Boston was in the secret of the expedition, for the general court had, in May preceding, passed a vote for a supply of provisions, towards refreshing the ships on their arrival. They were foin* in number, and resolved to rendezvous at Gardener's Island in the Sound, but parted in a fog about the twentieth of July. Richard Nicolls and Sir George Carteret, two of the commissioners, were on board the Guyny, and fell in first with Cape Cod. The winds having blown from the south-west, the other ships, with sir Robert Car, and Mr. Mavenick, the remaining commissioners, were rightly conclud- ed to be driven to the eastward. After despatching a letter to Mr. Winthrop, the governor of Connecti- cut, requesting his assistance, colonel INicolls pro- ceeded to Nantasket and thence to Boston. The other ships got into Piscatawny. John Endicot, a very old man, was then governor of Boston, and in- capable of business. The commissioners, therefore, had a conference with the council, and earnestly im- plored the assistance of that colony. Colonel Nicolls and Sir George Carteret, in their letter from Boston, to Sir H. Bennet, secretary of state, complain much of the backwardness of that province. The reasons urged in their excuse, were poverty and the season, it being the time of harvest ; but perhaps disaffec- tion to the Stuart family, whose persecuting fury had driven them from their native country, was the true Parti.] History of JVeiv- York, 17 spring of their conduct. The king's success in the reduction of the Dutch, evidently opened him a door, to come at his enemies in New-England, who were far from being few;* and whether this considera- tion might not have given rise to the project itself, I leave to the conjectures of others. On the 27th of July, Nicolls and Carteret made a formal request in writing. " That the government of Boston would pass an Act to furnish them with armed men, who should begin their march to the Manhattans, on the twentieth of August ensuing, and promised, that if they could get other assistance, they would give them an account of it." The gover- nor and council answered, that they would assem- ble the general court, and communicate the proposal to them. F'rom Boston, a second letter was written to gov- ernor Winthrop, in Connecticut, dated the twenty- ninth of July, in which he was informed, that the other ships were then arrived, and would sail with the first fair wind, and he was desired to meet them at the west end of Long-Island. One of the ships entered the bay of the North River several days before the rest ; and as soon as they were all come up, Stuyvesant sent a letter dated the 19th-30th of August, at fort Anill, directed to the commanders of the English frigates, by John Declyer, one of the chief council ; the Rev. John Me- gapolensis, minister ; Paul Lundcr Vander Grilft, Slajor ; and Mr. Samuel Megapolensis, doctor in phy- sic, with the utmost civility, to desire the reason of their approach, and continuing in the harbor of the * T. Dixwel, Esq. one of Charles I.'s judges, and excepted out of the general pardon, hved many years at New-Haven, (incog.) in quaUty of a country mer- chant: Sir Edmond Andross, in one of liis tours through the colony of Con- necticut, saw him there at church, and strongly suspecied luin to be one of the regicides. In his last illness, he revealed himself to the minister of the town, and ordered a small stone to be set at the head of his grave, which I have often seen there, inscribed, T. D. Esq. While at New-Haveti, he went under the name of .John Davis. s 18 History of jYeW'York. [Parti. Naijarlij, without giving notice to the Dutch, which (he writes) they ought to have done. Colonel Nicolls answered the next day with a summons : "To the honourable tJie Goverrwrs and Chief Council at the Manhattans, " Right worthy Sirs : I received a letter by some worthy persons intrusted by you, bearing date the i9th-30th of August, desiring to know the intent of the approach of the English frigates; in return of which, I think it fit to let you know, that his majesty of Great Britain, whose right and title to these parts of America is unquestionable, well knowing how much it derogates from his crown and dignity, to suf- fer any foreigners, how nearsoever they be allied, to usurp a dominion, and, without his majesty's royal consent, to inhabit in these or any other of his majes- ty's territories, hath commanded me, in his name, to require a surrender of all such forts, towns, or places of strength, which are now possessed by the Dutch, under your commands ; and in his majesty's name, I do demand the town, situate on the island, common- ly known by the name of Manhatoes, with all the forts thereunto belonging, to be rendered unto his majesty's obedience and protection, into my hands. I am further commanded to assure you, and every respective inhabitant of the Dutch nation, that his majesty being tender of the effusion of christian blood, doth by these presents, confirm and secure to every man his estate, life and liberty, who shall readily submit to his government. And all those who shall oppose his majesty's gracious intention, must expect all the miseries of a war, which they bring upon themselves. I shall expect your answer by these gentlemen, colonel George Carteret, one of his ma- jesty's commissioners in America ; captain Robert Needham, captain Edward Groves, and Mr. Thomas Del avail, whom you will entertain with such civility Part I.] History of jyew-Vork. 19 as is due to them, and yourselves, and yours shall receive the same, from, Worthy sirs, Your very humble servant, RICHARD NICOLLS. Sated on board ku majesiy^t ship, the Guyny, riding befor§ JVoj/c/i, August 20-31, 1664." Mr Stuyvesant promised an answer to the sum- mons the next morning, and in the mean time con- vened the council and burgomasters. The Dutch governor was a good soldier, and had lost a leg in the service of the States. He would willingly have made a defence ; and refused a sight of the sum- mons, both to the inhabitants and burgomasters, lest the easy terms offered, might induce them to capitu- late. The latter, however, insisted upon a copy, that they might communicate it to the late magistrates and principal burghers. They called together the inhabitants at the Stadt-House, and acquainted them with the governors refusal. Governor Winthrop at the same time wrote to the director and his coun- cil, strongly recommending a surrender. On the twenty-second of August, the burgomasters came again into council, and desired to know the contents of the English message from governor Winthrop, which Stuyvesant still refused. They continued their importunity ; and he, in a fit of anger, tore it to pieces : upon which, they protested against the act, and all its consequences. Determined upon a de- fence of the country, Stuyvesant wrote a letter in answer to the summons, which, as it is historical of the Dutch claim, will doubtless be acceptable to the reader. The following is an exact transcript of the record : " My lords : Your first letter, unsigned, of the 20-31st of August, together with that of this day, signed according to form, being the first of Septem- ber, have been safely delivered into our hands by your deputies, unto which we shall say, that the rights 20 Histonj of Meub-York. [Parti. of his majestic of England, unto any part of America here about, amongst the rest, unto the colonies of Virginia, Maryland, or others in New-England, whether disputable or not, is that which, for the pre- sent, we have no design to debate upon. But that his majestic hath an indisputable right to all the lands in the north parts of America, is that which the kings of France and Spain will disallow, as we abso- lutely do, by virtue of a commission given to me, by my lords, the high and mighty States General, to be governor-general, over New-Holland, the isles of Curacoa, Bonaire, Aruba, with their appurtenances and depondancies, bearing date the twenty-sixth of July, 1646. As also by virtue of a grant and com- mission, given by my said lords, the high and mighty States General, to the West-India Company, in the year 1621, with as much power and as authentic, as his said majestic of England hath given, or can give, to any colony in America, as more fully appears by the patent and commission of the said lords the States General, by them signed, registered, and sealed with their great seal, which were showed to your deputyes, colonel George Carteret, captain Robert Needham, captain Edward Groves, and Mr. Thomas Delavall ; by which commission and patent together, (to deal frankly with you,) and by divers letters, signed and sealed by our said lords, the States General, directed to several persons, both English and Dutch, inhab- iting the towns and villages on Long-Island, (which, without doubt, have been produced before you, by those inhabitants,) by which they are declared and acknowledged to be their subjects, with express com- mand, that they continue faithful unto them, under penalty of incurring their utmost displeasure, which makes it appear more clear than the sun at noon- day, that your first foundation, (viz. that the right and title of his majestic of Great Britain, to these parts of America is unquestionable,) is absolutely to be de- nied. Moreover, it is without dispute, and acknow- Parti.] History of JYew- York. 21 ledged by the world, that our predecessors, by virtue of the commission and patent of the said lords, the States General, have without control, and peaceably (the contrary never coming to our knowledge) enjoy- ed Fort Orange about forty eight or fifty years, the Manhattans about forty-one or forty-two years, the South River forty years, and the Fresh Water River about thirty-six years. Touching the second subject of your letter, (viz. his majestic hath commanded me, in his name, to require a surrender of all such forts, towns, or places of strength, which now are possessed by the Dutch under your command). We shall answer, that we are so confident of the discre- tion and equity of his majestic of Great Britain, that in case his majestic were informed of the truth, which is, that the Dutch came not into these provinces, by any violence, but by virtue of commissions from my lords, the States General, first of all in the years 1614, 1615, and 1616, up the North River, near Fort Orange, where, to hinder the invasions and massacres, commonly committed by the savages, they built a little fort ; and after, in the year 1622, and even to this present time, by virtue of com- mission and grant, to the governors of the West- India Company ; and moreover, in the year 1656, a grant to the honourable the burgomasters of Amsterdam, of the South River ; insomuch, that by virtue of the above said commissions from the high and mighty States General, given to the persons interested as aforesaid, and others, these provinces have been governed, and consequently enjoyed, as also in regard of their first discovery, uninterrupted possessions, and purchase of the lands of the princes, natives of the country, and other private persons (though Gentiles), we make no doubt that if his said majestic of Great Britain were well informed of these passages, he would be too judicious to grant such an order, principally in a time when there is so straight a friendship and confederacy, between our 22 History of New- York, [Part 1. said lords and superiors, to trouble us in the demanding and summons of the places and for- tresses, which were put into our hands, with order to maintain them, in the name of the said lords, the States General, as was made appear to your depu- tyes, under the names and seal of the said high and mighty States General, dated July 28, 1646. Besides what had been mentioned, there is little probability that his said majestic of England (in regard the arti- cles of peace are printed, and were recommended to us to observe seriously and exactly, by a letter writ- ten to us by our said lords, the States General, and to cause them to be observed religiously in this coun- try) would give order touching so dangerous a design, being also so apparent, that none other than my said lords, the States General, have any right to these provinces, and consequently, ought to com- mand and maintain their subjects ; and in their ab- sence, we, the governor-general, are obliged to main- tain their rights, and to repel and take revenge of all threatenings, unjust attempts, or any force what- soever, that shall be committed against their faithful subjects and inhabitants, it being a very considera- ble thing, to aflront so mighty a state, although it were not against an ally and confederate. Conse- quentlyj if his said majestie (as it is fit) were well informed of all that could be spoken upon this sub- ject, he would not approve of what expressions were mentioned in your letter ; which are, that you are commanded by his majestie, to demand in his name, such places and fortresses as are in the possession of the Dutch under my government ; which, as it ' appears by my commission before mentioned, was given me by my lords, the high and mighty States General. And there is less ground in the express demand of my government, since all the world knows, that about three years agone, some Eng- lish frigotts being on the coast of Africa, upon a pretended commission, they did demand certain Parti.] History of JYew-York S3 places under the government of our said lords, the States General, as Cape Vert, river of Gambo, and all other places in Guyny, to them belonging. Upon which, our said lords, the States General, by virtue of the articles of peace, having made appear the said attempt to his majestic of England, they received a favourable answer, his said majestic disallowing all such acts of hostility as might have been done, and besides, gave order that restitution should be made to the East-India Company, of whatsoever had been pillaged in the said river of Gambo ; and likewise restored them to their trade, which makes us think it necessary that a more express order should appear unto us, as a sufficient warrant for us, towards my lords, the high and mighty States General, since by virtue of our said commission, we do in these pro- vinces, represent them, as belonging to them, and not to the king of Great Britain, except his said majestic, upon better grounds, make it appear to our said lords, the States General, against which they may defend themselves as they shall think fit. To conclude : we cannot but declare unto you, though the governors and commissioners of his majestic have divers times quarrelled with us about the bounds of the jurisdiction of the high and mighty the States General, in these parts, yet they never questioned their jurisdiction itself; on the con- trary, in the year 1650, at Hartford, and the last year at Boston, they treated with us upon this subject, which is a sufficient proof that hjs majestic hath never been well informed of the equity of our cause, insomuch as we cannot imagine, in regard of the articles of peace between the crown of England and the States General, (under whom there are so many subjects in America as well as Europe,) that his said majestic of Great Britain would give a commis- sion to molest and endamage the subjects of my said lords, the States General, especially such, as- v Nath. Morton, serretarv for New Plymouth, n 9]<» edit. ]2mo. 17:71. ■ Parti.] History of JS'eW' York, 31 he had erected on his own farm, at a small distance from the city, now possessed by his grandson Ge- raidus Stuyvesant, a man of probity who has been elected into the magistracy above thirty years suc- cessively. Justice obliges me to declare, that for loyalty to the [>resent reigning family, anH a pure attachment to iha protestant religion, the descend- ants of the Dutch planters are perhaps exceeded by none of his majesty's subjects. 32 tiisiory of jYciv- York. [Part II. FART II. From the Surrender in 1664, to the Seltlement at the Revolution. Richard Nicolls being now possessed of the country, took the goveriKnenr upon him, under the style of " d'^iputy -governor under his royal highness the duke of York, of all }:is territories in America." During his short continuance here, he passed a vast number of grants and confirmations of the ancient Dutch patents, the profits of which must have been very considerable. Among these, no one has occasioned more animated contention, than that called the Elizabeth Town Gran% in New- Jersey ; which, as it relates to another colony, I should not have mentioned, but for the opportunity to caution the reader against the representation of that contro- versy contained in Douglass's Sum.mary. I have sufficient reasons to justify my charging that account with partiality and mistakes ; and for proofs, refer to the printed answer in chancery, published in the year 1751. Besides the chief command of this province, Nicolls had a joint power* with Sir Robert Carr, Carteret, and Maverick, to settle the contested boundaries of certain great patents. Hence we find, that three of them had a conference with several gentlemen from Connecticut, respecting the limits of this and that colony. The result was an adjudication in these words : " By virtue of his majesty's commission, we have heard the difference, about the bounds of the patents • The commission from king Charles II. -vas dated 26lh of April, 1 664. After a recital of disputes concerning limits in New -England, and that addresses had been sent home from the Indian nar'ves. consplaining of abuses received from the English subjects ; the commissioners, or any three or two of them, of which Nicolls'was to be one, were authorized to visit the New-En|land colonies, and determine all complaints military, civil, and criminal, according to tlieir discre- tion, and such instructions, as tliey might receive from the crown. Part n.] Hi.slorif of jVcic- York. 35 granted to his royal highness the duke of York, and his majesty's colony of Connecticut, and having deliberately considered all the reasons alleged by Mr. Allyn, sen. Mr. Gold, Mr. Richards, and captain Winthrop, appointed by the assembly held at Hart- ford, the 13th of October, 1664, to accompany John Winthrop, esq. the governor of his majesty's colony of Connecticut, to New-York, and to agree upon the bounds of the said colony, v^hy the said Long Island should be under the government of Connecticut, which are too long here to be recited, we do declare and order, that the southern bounds of his majesty's colony of Connecticut, is the sea, and that Long Island is to be under the government of his royal highness the duke of York, as is expressed by plain words, in the said patents, respectively, and also by virtue of his majesty's commission, and the consent of both the governors and the gentlemen above- named We also order and declare, that the creek, or river called Mamaroneck, which is reputed to be about thirteen miles to the east of West-chester, and a line drawn from the east point or side, where the fresh water falls into the salt, at high water mark, north-north-west to the line of the Massa- chuset's, be the western bounds of the said colony of Connecticut, and all plantations lying westward of that creek and line so drawn, to be under his royal highness's government ; and all plantations lying eastward of that creek and line, to be under the government of Connecticut. Given under our hands, at James's Fort in New-York, on the island of Manhattan, this Lst day of December, 1664. " Richard Nicolls. " George Carteret. '•' S. Mavericke. " We the governour and commissioners of the general assemblv of Connecticut, do give our con- 34 History of Mw-York, [Part II. sent to the limits and bounds above mentioned, as witness om* hands. ,, ^ ** UOLD, " John Wixthrop, Jun. " JoH^' WiNTHROP, '• Allex, Sen. " Richards. At the time of this determination, about two-thirds of Long Island were possessed by people from New-England, who had gradually encroached upon the Dutch. As to the settlement between New-York and Connecticut on the main, it has always been considered by the former, as founded upon ignorance and fraud.* The station at Mamaroneck was about thirty miles from New-York ; from Albany one hundred and fifty. The general course of the river is about north 12 or 15 degrees east: and hence it is evident, that a north north-west line will soon intersect the river, and consequently leave the Dutch country, but a little before surrendered to colonel Carteret, out of the province of New-York. It has been generally esteemed, that the Connecticut commissioners in this affair, took advantage of the duke's agents, who were ignorant of the geography of the country. The duke's commissioners in their narrative ex- press themselves thus : " The bounds between the duke's province and Connecticut were mistaken by wrong information, for it was not intended that they should come nearer Hudson's river than tw enty miles, yet the line was set down by the commissioners to go from such a point N N. W., whereas it ought to go just N., otherwise the lines will go into Hudson's river." About the close of the year, the estate of the * The town of Rye was settled under Connecticut, and the grant from that eolonv is bounded by this hne of division- Part II.] History of A^w-York. 35 West-India .company was seized and confiscated, hostilities being actually commenced in Europe as well as America, though no declarations of war had yet been published by either of the contending parties. A great dispute between the inhabitants of Jamaica on Long Island, which was adjusted by colonel Nicolis, on the 2d of January, 1665, gave rise to a salutary institution, which has in part obtained ever since. The controversy respected Indian deeds, and thenceforth it was ordained, that no purchase from tlie Indians, without the governor's license executed in his presence, should be valid. The strength and numbers of the natives rendered it necessary to purchase their rights ; and to prevent their frequent selling the same tract, it v/as expedient that the bargain should be attended with some con- siderable solemnity. Colonel Nicolis also published an instrument to encourage settlers under the title of " The condi- tions for new planters in the territories of his royal highness the duke of York." I have met with three printed copies of it. It was in these words : " The purchases are to be made from the Indian sachems, and to be recorded before the governor. The purchasers are not to pay for their liberty of pur- chasing to the governor. The purchasers are to set out a town and inhabit together. No purchaser shall, at any time, contract for himself with any sachem without consent of his associates, or special warrant from the governor. The purchasers are free from all manner of assessments or rates for five years after their town-plot is set out, and when the five years are expired, they shall only be liable to the public rates and payments according to the custom of other inhabitants, both English and Dutch. All lands thus purchased and possessed, shall remain to the purchasers and their heirs as free lands to dispose of as they please. " In all territories of his royal higlmess, liberly 36 .History of JYcw-YorL [Part 11. of conscience is allowed, provided such liberty is not converted to licentiousness, or the disturbance of others in the exercise of the protestant religion. The several townships have liberty to make their peculiar laws, and decide all small cases within themselves. The lands which I intend shall be first planted, are those upon the west side of Hudson's river, at or adjoining the Sopes. ^The governor /^ hath purchased all the Sopes land, which is now J ready for planters to put the plough into, it being clear ground. But if any number of men sufficient for two, or three, or more towns, shall desire to plant upon any other lands, they shall have all due encou- ragement proportionable to quality and undertak- ings. Every township is obliged to pay their minis- ter, according to such agreement as they shall make with him, and no man to refuse his proportion ; the minister being elected by the major part of the householders, inhabitants of the town Every town- ship to have the free choice of all the officers, both civil and military ; and all men who shall take the oath of allegiance to his majesty, and who are not servants or day labourers, but are admitted to enjoy town lots, are esteemed freemen of the jurisdiction, and cannot forfeit the same without due process in law. R. NICOLLS." Another instance of colonel Nicolls' prudence, was his gradual introduction of the English methods of government. It was not till the 12th of June, this year, that he incorporated the inhabitants of New- York, under the care of a mayor, five aldermen, and a sheriff. Till this time the city was ruled by a scout, burgomasters, and schepens. In March preceding, there was a great convention, before the governor at Hempstead, of two deputies from every town on Long Island, empowered to bind their constituents. The design of their meeting- was to adjust the limits of their townships for the preservation of the public peace. Part II.] History of Mw-York. 37 The war bein^ proclaimed at London on the 4th of this month, Nicolls received the account of it in June, with a letter from the lord chancellor, inform- ing him, that De Ruyter, the Dutch admiral, had orders to visit New-York His lordship was mis- informed, or the admiral was diverted from the enterprise, for the English peaceably held the possession of the country during the whole war, which was concluded on the 2ist of July, 1667, by the treaty of Breda. Some are of opinion, that the exchange made with the Dutch for JSurinam, which they had taken from us, was advantageous to the nation ; but these judges do not consider, that it would have been impossible for the Dutch to have preserved this colony against the increasing strength of the people in New-England, Maryland, and Virginia. After an administration of three years, Nicolls returned to England. The time during his short residence here, was almost wholly taken up in confirming the ancient Dutch grants. He erected no courts of justice, but took upon himself the sole decision of all controversies whatsoever. Complaints came before him by petition ; upon which he gave a day to the parties, and after a summary hearing, pronounced judgment. His determinations were called edicts, and executed by the sheriffs he had appointed. It is much to his honour, that notwith- standing all this plenitude of power, he governed the province with integrity and moderation. A representation from the inhabitants of Long Island, to the general court of Connecticut, made about the time of the revolution, commends him as a man of an easy and benevolent disposition ; and this testi- monial is the more to be relied upon, because the design of the writers was, by a detail of their grievances, to induce the colony of Connecticut to take them under its immediate protection. 38 History of j\cw'York. [Part II. Francis Lovelace, a colonel, was appointed by the Duke, to succeed Nicolls in the government of the province, which he began to exercise in May, 1667- As he was a man of great moderation, the people lived very peaceably under him, till the re- surrender of the colony, which put an end to his power, and is the only event that signalized his administration. The ambitious designs of Louis XIV. against the Dutch, gave rise to our war with the States General in 1672. Charles II. a prince sunk in pleasures, profligate, and poor, was easily detached from his alliance with the Dutch, by the intrigues and pecuniary promises of the French king. The following passage from a fine writer,* shows that his pretences for entering into the war were perfectly groundless and trifling. " The king of England, on his side, reproached them with disrespect, in not directing their fleet to lower the flag before an English ship ; and they were also accused in regard to a certain picture, wherein Cornelius de Witt, brother to the pen- sionary, was painted with the attributes of a con- queror. Ships were represented in the back-ground of the piece, either taken or burnt. Cornelius de Witt, who had really had a great share in the maritime exploits against England, had permitted this trifling memorial of his glory ; but tlie picture, which was in a manner unknown, was deposited in a chamber wherein scarce any body ever entered. The English ministers, who presented the complaints of their king against Holland, in writing, therein mentioned certain abusive pictures. The States, who always translated the memorials of ambassadors into French, having rendered abusive, by the words fautifs tromjjeurs, they replied, that they did not * Voltaire's Age of Louis XIV. Part II.] Hislori/ of jVcw-York. 39 Ivnow what these roguish pictures (ces tableaux troinpeurs) were. In reaUty, it never in the least entered into their thoughts, that it concerned this portrait of one of their citizens, nor did they ever conceive this could be a pretence for declaring war." A few Dutch ships arrived the year after on the 80th July, under Staten Island, at the distance of a few miles from the city of New-York. John Man- ning, a captain of an independent company, had at that time the command of the fort, and by a mes- senger sent down to the squadron, treacherously made his peac? with the enemy. On that very day the Dutch ships came up, moored under the fort, landed their men, and entered the garrison, without giving or receiving a shot. A council of war was afterwards held at the Stadt-house, at which were present Cornelius Evertse, Jun. > .y , Jacob Benkes, \ Commodores. Anthony Colve, ^ Nicholas Boes, V Captains. Abraham Ferd.Van Zyll, ) All the magistrates and constables from East Jersey, Long-Island, Esopus, and Albany, were immediately summoned to New- York ; and the major part of them swore allegiance to the States General and the prince of Orange. Colonel Love- lace was ordered to depart the province, but after- wards obtained leave to return to England with commodore Benkes. It has often been insisted on, that this conquest did not extend to the whole pro- vince of New-Jersey, but upon what foundation I cannot discover. From the Dutch records, it ap- pears, that deputies were sent by the people inha- biting the country, even so far westward as Dela- ware river, who in the name of their principals, made a declaration of their submission ; in return 40 History of Miv-York, [Part 11. for which, certain privileges were granted to them, and tlirec judicatories erected at Niewer Amstel, Upland, and Hoer Kill. Colve's commission to be governor of this country is worth printing, because it shows the extent of the Dutch claims. The trans- lation runs thus : " The honourable and awful council of war for their high mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands, and his serene highness the prince of Orange, over a squadron of ships, now at anchor in Hudson's river, in New-Netherlands. To all those who shall see or hear these, greeting. As it is necessary to appoint a fit and »iible person to carry the chief command over this conquest of New- Netherlands, with all its appendancies and depen- dancies, from Cape Hinlopen, on the south side of the South or Delaware bay, and fifteen miles more southerly, with the said bay and vSouth river in- cluded ; so as they were formerly possessed by the directors of the city of Amsterdam, and after by the English government, in the name and right of the Duke of York ; and further, from the said Cape Hinlopen, along the Great Ocean, to the east end of Long-Island, and Shelter-Island ; from thence westward to the middle of the Sound, to a town called Greenwich, on the main, and to run landward in, northerly ; provided that such line shall not come within ten miles of North river, conformable to a provincial treaty made in 1650, and ratified by the States General, February 22, 1656, and January 23, 1664 ; with all lands, islands, rivers, lakes, kills, creeks, fresh and salt waters, fortresses, cities, towns, and plantations therein comprehended. So it is, that we being sufficiently assured of the capacity of Anthony Colve, captain of a company of foot, in the service of their high mightinesses, the States Gene- ral of the United Netherlands, and his serene high- ness the prince of Orange, &c., by virtue of our commission, granted us by their before-mentioned Part II.] History of New- York, 41 liigh mightinesses and his highness, have appointed and qualified, as we do by these presents appoint and qualify, the said captain Anthony Colve, to govern and rule those lands, with the appendancies and dependancies thereof, as governor-general ; to protect them from all mvasions of enemies, as he shall judge most necessary ; hereby charging all high and low officers, justices, and magistrates, and others in authority, soldiers, burghers, and all the inhabitants of this land, to acknowledge, honour, respect, and obey, the said Anthony Colve, as governor-general ; for such we judge necessary, for the service of the country, waiting the approbation of our principals. Thus done at Fort William Henderick, the 12th day of August, 1673. " Signed by " Cornelius Evertse, jun. " Jacob Benkes." The Dutch governor enjoyed his office but a very short season, for on the 9th of February, 1{J74, the treaty of peace between England and the States General was signed at Westminster ; the sixth ar- ticle of which restored this country to the English. The terms of it were generally: " That whatsoever countries, islands, towns, ports, castles, or forts, have or shall be taken on both sides, since the time that the late unhappy war broke out, either in Eu- rope or elsewhere, shall be restored to the former lord and proprietor, in the same condition they shall be in, when the peace itself shall be proclaimed ; after which time there shall be no spoil nor plunder of the inhabitants, no demolition of fortifications, nor carrying away of guns, powder or other military stores, which belonged to any castle or fort, at the time when it was taken." The lenity which began the administration of colonel Nicolls was continued under Lovelace. He appears to have been a man rather of a phlegmatic than an enterprising disposition, always pursuing G 42 History of New-York. [Part II. the common road, and scarce ever acting without the aid of his council. It was this governor who introduced the prohibi- tion, by proclamation, in 1671, against masters of vessels carrying persons oif without a pass from the Secretary's office, and a despatch for his vessel ; and it laid the foundation for fees to that office which were refused by the merchants, but not until near a hundred years afterwards.* Instead of taking upon himself the sole determi- nation of judicial controversies, after the example of his predecessor, he called to his assistance a few justices of the peace. This, which was called the Court of Assizes,t was the principal law judicatory in those times. The legislative power under the duke, was vested entirely in the governor and coun- cil. A third estate might then be easily dispensed with, for the charge of the province was small,! and in a great measure defrayed by his royal high- ness, the proprietor of the country. Upon conclusion of the peace in 1674, the duke of York, to remove all controversy respecting his * See the minutes of Council on the 19th and 23d June, 1766. Sir Henry Moore made the legaUty of the Secretary's passes a question, and upon a diver- sity of opinion between Mr. Chief .lusticc Horsmanden and Mr. Justice Smith, the council advised an establishment by act of assembly, which was never obtained, as miglit have been foreseen I'rom the jealous temper of that day, when all the provinces were alarmed by the stamp act and the statute for quartering soldiers. t This was a court both of law and equity, for the trial of causes of 20Z. and upwards, and ordmarily sat but once a year. Subordinate to this, were the town courts and sessions ; the former took cognizance of actions under 5/. and the latter of suits between that sum and twenty pounds, seven constables and overseers were judges in the first, and in the last the justices of the peace, with a jury of seven men. The verdict of the majority was sufficient. % The manner of raising public money was established by colonel Nicolls on the first of June, 1665, and was thus. The high sherilFissued a warrant annually, to the high constables of every district, anil they sent theirs to the petty con- stables ; who with the overseers of each town, made a list of all male persons above sixteen years of age, with an estimate of their rent and personal estates, and then taxed them according to certain rates, prescribed by a law. After the assessment was returned to the high sheriff', and approved by the governor, the constables received warrants for levyuig the taxes by distress and sale. Part II.] History of Mw- York, 43 property, obtained a new patent* from the king, dated the 29th of June, for the lands granted in 1664, and two days after commissioned major, after- wards Sir Edmond Andross, to be governor of his territories in America. After the resignation of this province, which was made to him by the Dutch possessors, on the 31st of October following, he called a court martial to try Manning fur his trea- cherous and cowardly surrender. The articles of accusation exhibited against him were, in substance : I. That the said Manning, on the 28th of July, 1673, having notice of the approach of the enemy's fleet, did not endeavour to put the garrison in a posture of defence, but on the contrary, slighted such as offered their assistance. II. That while the fleet was at anchor under Staten Island, on the 30th of July, he treacherously sent on board to treat with the enemy, to the great discouragement of the garrison. III. That he suffered the fleet to moor under the fort, forbidding a gun to be fired on pain of death. IV. That he permitted the enemy to land without the least opposition. V. That shortly after he had sent persons to treat vv^ith the Dutch commodores, he struck his flag, even before the enemy were in sight of the garrison, the fort being in a condition, and the men desirous, to fight. VI. And lastly, that he treacherously caused the fort gates to be opened, and cowardly and basely let in the enemy, yielding the garrison without articles. This scandalous charge, which Manning on his trial confessed to be true, is less surprising than the * Some are of opinion that the second patent was unnecessary, tlie duke beinir revested per post hminium. This matter has been often disputed in tlie eject- ments between the New-Jersey proprietors and the Ehzabeth Town patentees. In New- York the right of postliminy was disreiianied, and perhaps unknown ; for there are many instances, especially on Long-Island, of new grants from Sir Edmond Andross, for lands patented under NicoUs and Lovelace, by which the quit-rents have been artfully enlarged. 44 History of New- York. [Part II. lenity of the sentence pronounced against him. It was this, that though he deserved death, yet because Jie had since the surrender been in England, and seen the king and the duke, it was adjudged that his sword should be broke over his head in public, before the City-Hall, and himself rendered incapa- ble of wearing a sword, and of serving his majesty for the future, in any public trust in the government. This light censure is, however, no proof that Sir Edmond was a man of a merciful disposition ; the historians of New-England, where he was afterwards governor, justly transmit him to posterity under the odious character of a sycophantic tool to the duke, and an arbitrary tyrant over the people committed to his care. He knew no law but the will of his master, and Kirk and Jefferies were not fitter instru- iricnts than he to execute the despotic projects of James H. In the year 1675, Nicholas Renslaer, a Dutch clergyman, arrived here. He claimed the manor of Renslaerwick, and was recommended by the duke to Sir Edmond Andross for a living in one of the churches at New-York or Albany, probably to serve the popish cause.* Niewenhyt, minister of the church at Albany, disputed his right to administer the sacraments, because he had received an episco- pal ordination and was not approved by the Classis of Amsterdam, to which the Dutch churches here hold themselves subordinate. In this controversy the governor took the part of Renslaer, and ac- cordingly summoned Niewenhyt before him, to * Another reason is assiirned for the favour he met with from the cromi. It is said, that while Charles II. was an exile, he predicted the day of his restora- tion. Tlie people of Albany had a high ophiion of his prophetic spirit, and many strange tales about him still prevail there. The parson made nothing of his claim, the manor being afterwards granted by Colonel Dongan to Killian Van Renslaer, a distant relation This extensive tract, by the Dutch called a colony, is an oblong extending twenty-four miles upon Hudson's river, and as many on each side. The patent of confirmation was issued by special direction from the king, and is the most Hberal in the privileges it grants of any one in the province. Part II.] History of JS''eW'York. 45 answer for his conduct. This minister was treated with such singular contempt, and so frequently harassed by fruitless and expensive attendances before the council, that the dispute became interest- ing, and the greater part of the people resented the usage he met with. Hence we find that the magis- trates of Albany soon after imprisoned Renslaer, for several dubious words (as they are called in the record,) delivered in a sermon. The governor, on the other hand, ordered him to be released, and sum- moned the magistrates to attend him at New- York, warrants were then issued to compel them to give security in £5000 each, to make out good cause for confining the minister. Leisler, who was one of them, refused to comply with the warrant, and was thrown into jail Sir Edmond, fearful that a great party would rise up against him, was at last com- pelled to discontinue his ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and to refer the controversy to the determination of the consistory of the Dutch church at Albany. It is perhaps not improbable, that these popish measures sowed the seeds of that aversion to the duke's government, which afterwards produced those vio- lent convulsions in the province under Leisler, at the time of the revolution in favour of the prince of Orange. If Sir Edmond Andross's administration at New- York appears to be less exceptionable than while he commanded at Boston, it was through want of more opportunities to show himself in his true light. The main course of his public proceedings, during his continuance in the province, was spent in the ordi- nary acts of government, which then principally consisted in passing grants to the subject, and pre- siding in the court of assize established by colonel Lovelace. The public exigencies were now in part supplied by a kind of benevolence — the badge of bad times ! This appears in an entry on the records, of a letter of May the 5th, 1676, from governor 46 History of JShc- York. [Part II. Andross, to several towns on Long-Island, desiring to know what sums they would contribute towards the war. Near the ch)se of his administration, he thought proper to quarrel with Philip Carteret, who, in 1680, exercised the government of East Jersey, under a commission from Sir George Carteret, dated July the 31st, 1675. Andross disputed his right, and seized and brought him prisoner to New-York, for which it is said he lost his own government; but who- ever considers that Sir Edmond was immediately pre- ferred to be governor of Boston, will rather believe that the duke superseded him for some other reasons. Before I proceed to the succeeding administra- tion, in which our Indian affairs began to have a powerful influence upon the public measures, it may not be improper to present the reader with a sum- mary view of the history and character of the Five Nations.* These, of all those innumerable tribes of savages which inhabit the northern part of Ame- rica, are of most importance to us and the French, both on account of their vicinity and warlike dispo- sition. Before the late incorporation of the Tusca- roras, a people driven by the inhabitants of Carolina from the frontiers of Virginia; they consisted of five confederate cantons. f What in particular gave rise to this league, and when it took place, are questions which neither the natives, nor Europeans, pretend to answer. Each of these nations is divided into three families, or clans, of different ranks, bearing for their arms, and being distinguished by the names of the tortoise, the bear, and the wolf t No people in the world, perhaps, have higher notions than these Indians of military glory. All * By the Dutch called Maquaas, by the French Iroquois, and by us, Five Nations, Six Nations, and lately The Confederates. They are greatly diminish- ed, and consist now only of about twelve hundred fighting men. + The Tuscaroras were received upon a supposition tliat they were originally «f the same stock with the Five Nations, because there is some similitude between their languages. t Their instruments of conveyances are signed by signatures which tiiey make with a pen, reprcscntinsr Uiese animals. Part II. History of JYew- York. 47 the surrounding nations have felt the effects of their prowess ; and many, not only became their tributa- ries, but were so subjugated to their power, that without their consent, they durst not commence either peace or war. Though a regular police for the preservation of harmony within, and the defence of the state against invasions from without, is not to be expected from the people of whom I am now writing, yet perhaps, they have paid more attention to it than is generally allowed. Their government is suited to their con- dition. A people whose riches consist, not so much in abundance as in a freedom from want ;* who are circumscribed by no boundaries, who live by hunt- ing, and not by agriculture, must always be free, and therefore subject to no other authority than such as consists with the liberty necessarily arising from their circumstances. All their affairs, whether respecting peace or war, are under the direction of their sachems, or chief men. Great exploits and public virtue procure the esteem of a people, and qualify a man to advise in council, and execute the plan concerted for the advantage of his country : thus whoever appears to the Indians in this advan- tageous light, commences a sachem without any other ceremony As there is no other way of arriving at this dig- nity, so it ceases, unless an uniform zeal and activity for the common good, is uninterruptedly continued. Some have thought it hereditary, but that is a mis- take. The son is indeed respected for his father's services, but without personal merit he can never share in the government ; which, were it otherwise, must sink into perfect disgrace. The children of such as are distinguished for their patriotism, moved * An Indian, in answer to his question, " What the white people meant bv covetousness ? was told by another, that it signified, " A desire of more Ihaii a man had need of." " That's strange !" said the querist. 48 History of JVeiv- York. [Part II. by the consideration of their birth, and the perpe- tual incitements to virtue constantly inculcated upon them, imitate their father's exploits, and thus attain to the same honours and influence ; which accounts for the opinion that the title and power of sachem are hereditary. Each of these republics has its own particular chiefs, who hear and determine all complaints in council, and though they have no officers for the execution of justice, yet their decrees are always obeyed, from the general reproach that would follow a contempt of their advice. The condition of this people exempts them from factions, the common disease of popular governments. It is impossible to gain a party amongst them by indirect means ; for no man has either honour, riches, or power to bestow.* All aftairs which concern the general interest arc determined in a great assembly of the chiefs of each canton, usually held at Onondaga, the centre of their country. Upon emergencies they act separately ; but nothing can bind the league but the voice of the general convention. The French, upon the maxim dimde et impera, have tried all possible means to divide these repub- lics, and sometimes have even sown great jealousies amongst them. In consequence of this plan, they have seduced many families to withdraw to Canada, and there settled them in regular towns, under the command of a fort and the tuition of missionaries. The manners of these savages are as simple as their government. Their houses are a few crotched * The learned and judicious author of '-The Spirit of Laws," speaking- of a people who have a fixed property in lands, observes: " That if a chief would deprive them of their liberty, they would inmiediatcly go and seek it under another, or retire into the woods and live there with their families." The Five Nations can never be enslaved till they grow rich by agriculture and commerce. Property is the most permanent basis of power. The authority of a sacheni depending only upon his reputation for wisdo;n and courage, must be weak anpear that loyalty has spread as far into these parts of America, we will be always ready to offer up with our hearty prayers, both our lives and fortunes, for the defence of our most gracious sovereign, the king's most sacred majesty, and your royal highness, against all enemies whatsoever. '' New-York, October 9th, 1683." It would have been impossible for him much longer to have maintained the old model over free subjects, who had just before formed themselves into a colony for the enjoyment of their liberties, and had even already solicited the protection of the colony of Connecticut, from whence the greatest part of them came Disputes relating to the limits of certain t vvnships at the east end of Long Island, sowed the seeds of enmity against Dongan, so deeply in the hearts of many who were concerned in them, that their representation to Connecticut, at the revolution, contains the bitterest invectives against him. Dongan surpassed all his predecessors, in a due attention to our affairs with the Indians, by whom he was highly esteemed. It must be remembered to his honour, that though he was ordered by the duke to encourage the French priests, who were come to reside among the natives, under pretence of advancing the Popish cause, but in reality to gain them over to a French interest ; yet he forbid the Five Nations to entertain them. The Jesuits, how- 62 Historij of jyeW'York, [Part 11. ever, had no small success. Their proselytes are called Praying Indians, or Caghnuagaes and r^'side now in Canada, at the Fall of St Louis, opposite to Montreal. This village was begun in 1671, and consists of sufJi of the Five Nations, as have for- merly been drawn away by the intrigues of the French priests, in the times of Lovelace and Andross, who seem to have paid no attention to our Indian affairs.* It was owing to the instigation also of these priests, that the Five Nations about this time, committed hostilities on the back parts of Maryland and Virginia, which occasioned a grand convention at Albany, in the year 168-i Lord Howard of Effingham, the governor of Virginia, was present, and made a covenant with them for preventing further depredations, towards the ac- complishment of which Colonel Dongan was very instrumental.! Doctor ('olden has published this treaty at large, but as it has no immewth and prevent its covering your country and ours with its branches. I assure you, in the name of the Five Nations, that our warriors shnll dance to the calumet ot peace under its leaves and shall remain quiet on their mnlts, and ^hal! never dig up the hatchet till their brother Yonnondio or Corlear shall either jointly or separately endeavour to attack the country which the Gnuit Spirit has given to our anc<;stors. This belt preserves my words, and this other the autho- rity which the Five Nations have given me." Then Garranffula. addressing? himself to Monsieur La Main, said, " Take courage Ohguesse, you have spirit, speak, explain my words, forget nothing, tell all that your brethren and friends say to Yonnondio, your governor, by the mouth of Garrangula, who loves you, and desires you to accept of this present of beaver and take part with me in my feast, to which I invite you. This present of beaver is sent to Yonnondio, on the part of the Five Nations." Enraged at this bold reply, De la Barre, as soon as the peace was concluded, retired to Montreal, and ingloriously finished an expensive campaign, as doctor Golden observes, in a scold with an old Indian. De la Barre was succeeded by the marquis De Nonville, colonel of the dragoons, who arrived with a reinforcement of troops in 16 5 The marquis was a man of courage and an enterprising spirit, and not a little animated by the consideration that lie was sent over to repair the disgrace which his predecessor had brought upon the French colony. Tlie year after his arrival at Quebec, he wrote a letter to the minister in France, recommending the scheme of erecting a stone fort sufficient to contain four or five hundred men, at Niagara, not only to exclude the English from the lakes, but to command the fur trade and subdue the Five Nations. Dongan, Fart II.] History of jycAv-York. 69 who was jealous of his designs, took umbrage at the extraordinary supplies sent to Fort Frontenac, and wrote to the French governor, signifying that if he attacked the Confederates, he would consider it ns a breach of the peace subsisting belvveen the two crowns ; and to prevent his build- ing a fort at Niagara he protested against it, and claiined the country as dependent upon the province. I)e Nonville, in his answer, denied that he intended to invade the Five Nations, though the necessary preparations for that purpose were then carrying on, and yet Charlevoix commends him for his piety and uprightness, " egalement estimable (says the Jesuit,) pour sa valeur, sa droiture, et sa pietsy Colonel Dongan, who knew the impc^tance of our Indian alliance, placed no confidence in the decla- rations of the marquis, but exerted himself in pre- paring the Confederates for a war; and the French author just mentioned, does him honour, while he complains of him as a perpetual obstacle in the way of the execution of their schemes. Our allies were now triumphing in their success over the Chig- taghics, and meditating a war with the Twightwies, who had disturbed them in their beaver-hunting. De Nonville, to prevent the interruption of the French trade with the Twightwies. determined to divert the Five Nations, and carry the war into their country. To that end, in 1687, he collected two thousand troops and six hundred Indians at Mon- treal, and issued orders to all the officers in the more westerly country, to meet him with additional succours at Niagara, on an expedition against the Senecas. An English party under one M'Gregory, at the same time was gone out to trade on the lakes, but the French, notwithstanding the peace then subsisting between the two crowns, intercepted them, seized their effects and imprisoned their per- sons. Monsieur Tonti, commandant among the Chictaghics, who was coming to the general's ren- 70 History of New-York. [Part II. dezvous at Niagara, did the like to another English party which he met with in lake Krie* The Five Nations, in the mean time, were preparing to give the French army a suita[>le receptii>n Monsieur Companie, with two or three hundred Canadian^^ in an advanced party surprised two villages of the Confederates, who. at the invitation and on the faiih of the French, seated themselves down about eight leagues from lake Cadaracqui or Ontario To pre- vent their escape with intelligence tt) their country- men, they were carried to the fort, and all but thirteen died in torments at the stake, singing with an heroic spirit, in their expiring moments, the perfidy of the French. The rest, accord mg to the express orde?s of the French king, were sent to the galleys in Europe. The marquis having em- barked his whole army in canoes, set out from the fort at Cadaracqui on the 23d of June, one half of them passing along the north, and the other on the south side of the lake; and both arrived the same day at Tyrondequait, and shortly after set out on their march towards the chief village of the Senecas, at about seven leagues distance. The main body was composed of the regulars and militia ; the front and rear of the Indians and traders- The scouts ad- vanced the second day of their march, as far as the corn of the village, and within pistol-shot of five hun- dred Senecas, who lay upon their bellies undisco- vered. The French, who imagined the enemy were all fled, quickened their march to overtake the women and old men. But no sooner had they reached the foot of a hill, about a mile from the village, than the Senecas raised the war shout, and in the same instant charged upon the whole army both in the front and rear. Universal contusion ensued. The * Both these attacks were open infractions of the treaty at Whitehall, executed in November, 1686 ; by which it was agreed, that the Indian trade in America, should be free to the English and French. Part II.] History of New-York, 71 battalions divided, fired upon each other, and flew into the wood. The Senecas improved the dis- order of the enemy, till they v^^ere repulsed by the French Indians- According to Charlevoix's ac- count, which may justly be suspected, the enemy lost but six men, and had twenty wounded in the con- flict. Of the Senecas, he says, sixty were wounded and forty -five slain. The marquis was so much dis- pirited, that he could not be persuaded to pursue the enemy that day ; which gave the Senecas an opportunity to burn their village and get off". Two old men remained in the castle to receive the gene- ral, and regale the barbarity of his Indian allies. After destroying the corn in this and several other villages, the army retired to the banks of the lake, and erected a fi)rt with four bastions on the south- east side of the straits at Niagara, in which they left one hundred men, under the command of Le Chevalier de la Troye, u ith eight months' provisions; but these being closely blocked up, all, except seven or eight of them, who were accidentally relieved, perished through famine* Soon after this expedi- tion, colonel Dontjan met the Five Nations at Albany. To what intent, appears from the speech he made to them on the .5th of August, which I choose to lay before the reader, to show his vigi- lance and zeal for the interest of his master, and the common weal of the province committed to his care. " Brethren, I am very glad to see you here in this house, and am heartily glad that you have sustained no greater loss by the French, though I believe it was their intention to destroy you all, if they could have surprised you in your castles. * Nothing; can be more perfidious and unjust, than this attack upon our Confederates. The two crowns had but just concluded a treaty for the preser- vation of the peace. La Hontan, one of the French historians censures De Nonville's conduct, and admits the British title to the command of the lakes, but Charlevoix blames him, as he does Hennepin, Do L'Isle, and every otlier author, who confesses the truth, to the prejudice of the ambitious claims of the court of France. 72 History of New-York. [Part II. "As soon as I heard their design to war with you, I ^ave you notice, and came up hither myself, that I might be ready to give all the assistance and advice that so short a time would allow me. * I am now about sending a gentleman to Eng- land, to the king, my master, to let him know, that the French have invaded his territories on this side of the great Lake, and warred upon the brethren, his subjects. I, therefore, would willingly know, whether the brethren have given the governor of Canada any provocation or not ; and if they have, how, and in what manner ; because I am obliged to give a true account of this matter. This business may cause a war between the king of England, and the French king, both in Europe and here, and therefore I must know the truth. " I know the governor of Canada dare not enter into the king of England's territories, in a hostile manner, without provocation, if he thought the brethren were the king of England's subjects ; but you have, two or three years ngo, made a covenant- chain with the French, contrary to my command, which I knew could not hold long, being void of itself among Christians ; for as much as subjects (as you are) ought not to treat with any foreign nation, it not lying in your power You have brought this trouble on yourselves, and, as 1 believe, this is the only reason of their falling on you at this time. " Brethren, I took it very ill, that after you had put yourselves into the number of the great king of England's subjects, you should ever ofter to make peace or war, without my consent You know that we can live without you, but you cannot live with- out us ; you never found that 1 told you a lie, and I offered you the assistance you wanted, provided that you would be advised by me ; for I know the French better than any of you do. " Now since there is a war begun upon you by the governor of Canada, I hope without any provo- Part 11. ] History of J\ew-York. 7$ cation by you given, I desire and command you, that you hearken to no treaty but by my advice ; which if you follow, you shall have the benefit of the great chain of friendship between the great king of England, and the king of France, which came out of England the other day, and which I have sent to Canada by Anthony le Junard ; in the mean time, I will give you such advice as will be for your good ; and will supply you with such necessaries as you will have need of. " 1st. My advice is, as to what prisoners of the French you shall take, that you draw not their blood, but bring them home, and keep them to exchange for your people, which they have prisoners already, or may take hereafter. "2dly. That, if it be possible that you can order it so, I would have you take one or two of your wisest sachems, and one or two of your chief captains of each nation, to be a council to manage all affairs of the war. They to give orders to the rest of the utficer^ what they are to do, that your designs may be kept private ; for after it comes among so many people, it is blazed abroad, and your designs are often frustrated ; and those chief men should keep a correspondence with me by a trusty messenger. " 3dly. The great matter under consideration with the brethren is, how to strengthen themselves, and weaken their enemy. My opinion is, that the brethren should send messengers to the Utawawas, Twightwies, and the farther Indians, and to send back likewise some of the prisoners of these na- tions, if you have any left, to bury the hatchet, and to make a covenant-chain, that they may put away all the French that are among them, and that you will open a path for them this way (they being the king of England's subjects likewise, though the French have been admitted to trade with them ; for all that the French have in Canada, they had it of 10 74 History of New-York, [Fart II. the great king of England,) that, by that means, they may come hither freely, where ihey may liave every thing cheaper than among the Frencli : that you and they may join together against the French, and make so firm a league, that whoever is an enemy to one, must be to both. " 4thly. Another thing of concern is, that you ought to do what you can to open a path for all the north Indians and Mahikanders that are among the Utawawas and further nations. I will endeavour to do the same to bring them home. For, they not daring to return home your way, the French keep them there on purpose to join with the other nations against you, for your destruction ; for you know that one of them is worse than six of the others ; there- fore all means must be used to bring them home, and use them kindly as they pass through your country. "5thly. My advice further is, that messengers go, in behalf of all the Five Nations, to the Christian Indians at Canada, to persuade them to come home to their native country. This will be another great means to weaken your enemy ; but if they will not be advised, you know what to do with them. " 6thly. I think it very necessary, for the bre- thren's security and assistance, and to the enda- maging the French, to build a fort upon the lake, where I may keep stores and provisions in case of necessity ; and therefore I would have the brethren let me know what place will be most convenient for it. " 7thly. I would not have the brethren keep their corn in thei~ castles, as I hear the Onondagas do, but bury it a great way in the woods, where few people may know where it is, for fear of such an accident as has happened to the Senecas. " Stilly. I have given my advice in your general assembly, by Mr. Dirk Wessels and Akus, the interpreter, how you are to manage your parties, Part II.] History of JSm-York, 75 and how necessary it is to get prisoners, to exchange for your own men that are prisoners with the French, and I am glad to hear that the brethren are so united as Mr. Dirk Wessels tells me you are, and that there was no rotten members nor French spies among you. " 9thly. The brethren may remember my advice, which I sent you this spring, not to go to Cada- racqui ; if you had, they would have served you, as they did your people that came from hunting thither, for I told you that I knew the French better than you did. " lOthly. There was no advice or proposition that I made to the brethren all the time that the priest lived at Onondaga, but what he wrote to Canada, as I found by one of his letters, which he gave to an Indian to carry to Canada, but which was brought hither ; therefore, I desire the brethren not to receive him, or any French priest any more, having sent for English priests, with whom you may be supplied to your content. *' llthly, I would have the brethren look out sharp, for fear of being surprised. I believe all the strength of the French will be at their frontier places, at Cadaracqui and Oniagara, where they have built a fort now, and at Trois Rivieres, Mon- treal, and Chambly. " 12thly. Let me put you in mind again, not to make any treaties without my means, which will be more advantageous for you, than your doing it by yourselves, for then you will be looked upon as the king of England's subjects, and let me know, from time to time, every thing that is done. " Thus far I have spoken to you relating to the war." Not long after this interview, a considerable party of Mohawks and Mahikanders, or River In- dians, beset Fort Chambly, burnt several houses, and returned with many captives to Albany. Forty 76 History of Mew-York, [Part II. Onondagas, about the same time, surprised a few soldiers near Fort Frontenac, whom they confined instead of the Indians sent home to the galleys, notwithstanding the utmost address was used to regain them, by Lamberville, a French priest, who delivered them two belts, to engage their kindness to the prisoners, and prevent their joining the quarrel with the Senecas. The belts being sent to colonel Dongan, he wrote to De Nonville, to demand the reason of their being delivered. Pere le Vail- lant was sent here about the beginning of the year 16B8, under colour of bringing an answer, but in reality as a spy. Colonel Dongan told him, that no peace could be made with the Five Nations, unless the Indians sent to the Galleys, and the Caghnuaga proselytes were returned to their re- spective cantons, the forts at Niagara and Frontenac razed, and the Senecas had satisfaction made them for the damage they had sustained. The Jesuit, in his return, was ordered not to visit the Mohawks. Dongan, who was fully sensible of the importance of the Indian interest to the English colonies, was for compelling the French to apply to him in all their aflairs with the Five Nations ; while they, on the other hand, were for treating with them inde- pendent of the English. For this reason, among others, he refused them the assistance they fre- quently required, till they acknowledged the de- pendence of the Confederates on the English crown. King James, a poor bigotted, popish, priest-ridden prince, ordered his governor to give up this point, and to persuade the Five Nations to send messen- gers to Canada, to receive proposals of peace from the French. For this purpose, a cessation of arms and mutual re-delivery of prisoners was agreed upon. Near 1,200 of the confederates attended this ne- gotiation at Montreal, and in their speech to De Nonville, insisted with great resolution, upon the terms proposed by colonel Dongan to father Le Part II ] History of JYew- York. 77 Vaillant. The French governor declared his wil- lingness to put an end to the war, if all his allies might be included in the treaty of peace, if the Mohawks and Senecas would send deputies to signify their concurrence, and the French might supply Fort Frontenac with provisions. The Con- federates, according to the French accounts, acceded to these conditions, and the treaty was ratified in the field. But a new rupture not long after ensued, from a cause entirely unsuspected. The Dinon- dadies had lately inclined to the English trade at Missilimakinac, and their alliance was therefore become suspected by the French. Adario, their chief, thought to regain the ancient confidence, which had been reposed in his countrymen, by a notable action against the Five Nations ; and for that purpose put himself at the head of one hundred men. Nothing was more disagreeable to him, than the prospect of peace between the French and the Confederates ; for that event would not only render the amity of the Dinondadies useless, but give the French an opportunity of resenting their late fa- vourable conduct towards the English. Impressed with these sentiments, out of affection to his country, he intercepted the ambassadors of the Five Nations, at one of the falls in Cadaracqui river, killed some, and took others prisoners, telling them that the French governor had informed him, that fifty war- riors of the Five Nations were coming that way As the Dinondadies and Confederates were then at war, the ambassadors were astonished at the perfidy of the French governor, and could not help commu- nicating the design of their journey. Adario, in prosecution of his crafty scheme, counterfeited the utmost distress, anger, and shame, on being made the ignommious tool of De Nonville's treaciSery, and addressing himself to Dekanesora, the principal ambassador, said to him, " Go, my brethren, 1 untie your bonds, and send you home again, though our 78 Hiaiory of JVew-York, [Part 11. nations be at war. The French governor has made me commit so black an action, that I shall never be easy after it, till the Five Nations shall have taken full revenge." This outrage and indignity upon the rights of ambassadors, the truth of which they did not in the least doubt, animated the Confederates to the keenest thirst after revenge ; and, accordingly, 1,200 of their men, on the 26th of July, 1688, landed on the south side of the island of Montreal, while the French were in perfect security ; burnt their houses, sacked their plantations, and put to the sword all the men, women, and children, without the skirts of the town. A thousand French were slain in this invasion, and twenty six carried into captivity, and burnt alive. Many more were made prisoners in another attack in October, and the lower part of the island wholly destroyed. Only three of the Confederates were lost, in all this scene of misery and desolation.* Never before did Canada sustain such a heavy blow. The news of this attack on Montreal no sooner reached the garrison at the Lake Ontario, than they set fire to the two barks, which they had built there, and abandoned the fort, leaving a match to twenty-eight barrels of powder, designed to blow up the works. The soldiers went down the river in such precipitation, that one of the battoes and her crew were all lost in shooting a fall. The Confederates, in the mean time, seized the fort, the powder, and the stores ; and of all the French allies, who were vastly numerous, only the Nepicirinians and Kiapous adhered to them in their calamities. The Utawawas, and seven other nations, instantly made peace with the English ; and but for the un- common sagacity and address of the Sieur Perot, * I have followed Dr. Colden in the account of this attack, who differs from Charlevoix. That Jesuit tells us, that the invasion was late in August, and the Indians 1500 strong ; and as to the loss of tlie French, he diminisiies it only to 1wo hundred souls. Part II.] History of JYeiv-York, 79 the Western Indians would have murdered every Frenchman amongst them. Nor did the distresses of the Canadians end here Numerous scouts from the F^ive Nations, continually infested their borders. The frequent depredations that were made, pre- vented them from the cultivation of their fields, and a distressing famine raged through the whole coun- try. Nothing but the ignorance of the Indians, in the art of attacking fortified places, saved Canada from being now utterly cut off. It was, therefore, unspeakably fortunate to the French, that the In- dians had no assistance from the English, and as unfortunate to us, that our colonies were then in- capable of affording succours to the Confederates, through the malignant influence of those execrable measures, which were pursued under the infamous reign of king James the second. Colonel Donjjan, whatever his conduct might have been in civil affairs, did all that he could in those relating to the In- dians, and fell at last into the king's displeasure, through his zeal for the true interest of the province. While these things were transacting in Canada, a scene of the greatest importance was opening at New- York. A general disaffection to the govern- ment prevailed among the people. Papists began to settle in the colony under the smiles of the go- vernor. The collector of the revenues, and several principal officers, threw off the mask, and openly avowed their attachment to the doctrines of Rome. A Latin school was set up, and the teacher strongly suspected for a Jesuit. Tlie people of Long Island, who were disappointed in their expectation of mighty boons promised by the governor on his arrival, were become his personal enemies ; and in a word, the whole body of the people trembled for the Protestant cause. Here the leaven of opposition first began to work. Their intelligence from Eng- land, of the designs there in favour of the prince of Orange, blew up the coals of discontent, and elevated 80 History of JYcW'York. [Part II. the hopes of the disaffected. But no man dared to spring into action, till after the rupture in Boston. Sir Edmund Andross, who was perfectly devoted to the arbitrary measures of king James, by his tyranny in New-England, liad drawn upon himself the universal odium of a people, animated with the love of liberty, and in the defence of it resolute and courageous ; and, therefore, when they could no longer endure his despotic rule, they seized and imprisoned him, and afterwards sent him to Eng- land. The government, in the mean time, was vested in the hands of a committee for the safety of the people, of which Mr. Bradstreet was chosen president. Upon the news of this event, several captains of our militia convened themselves to con- cert measures in favour of the prince of Orange. Amongst these, Jacob Leisler was the most active. He was a man in tolerable esteem among the people, and of a moderate fortune, but destitute of every qualification necessary for the enterprise. Milborn. his son-indaw, an Englishman, directed all his councils, while Leisler as absolutely influ- enced the other officers. The first thing they contrived, was to seize the garrison in New- York ; and the custom, at that time, of guarding it every night by the militia, gave Leisler a fine opportunity of executing the design. He entered it with forty-nine men, and determined to hold it till the whole militia should join him. Colonel Dongan, who was about to leave the pro- vince, then lay embarked in the bay, having a little before resigned the government to Francis Nichol- son, the lieutenant-governor. The council, civil ofiicers, and magistrates of the city, were against Leis-ler, and therefore many of his friends were at first fearful of openly espousing a cause disap- proved by the gentlemen of figure. For this reason, Leisler's first declaration in favour of the prince of Orange, was subscribed only by a few, among Part II.] History of JVew-York. 81 several companies of the trained bands. While the people, for four days successively, were in the utmost perplexity to determine what part to choose, being solicited by Leisler on the one hand, and threatened by the lieutenant governor on the other, the town was alarmed with a report, that three ships were coming up with orders from the prince of Orange This falsehood was very seasonably propagated to serve the interest of Leisler; for on that day, the 3d of June, 1689, his party was aug- mented by the addition of six captains and four hundred men in New- York, and a company of seventy men from East Chester, who all subscribed a second declaration,* mutually covenanting to hold the fort for the prince. Colonel Dongan continued till this time in the harbour, waiting the issue of these commotions ; and Nicholson's party, being now unable to (contend with their opponents, were totally dispersed, the lieutenant-governor himself absc )nding, the very night after the last declaration was signed Leisler being now in complete possession of the fort, sent home an address to king William and queen Mary, as soon as he received the news of their nccession to the throne. It is a tedious, in- correct, ill drawn narrative of the grievances which the people had endured, and the methods lately taken to secure themselves, ending with a recog- * I have taken an exact copy of it for the satisfaction of the reader : — •'\yiiercas our intention tended only but to the preservation of the Protestant reli^on, and the tort of this citty, to the end that we may avoid and prevent, the rash judgment of the world, in so a just design ; wee have thought fitt, to let every body know by these public proclamation, that till the safe arryvell of the ships, that wee expect every day, from his royal highness the prmce of Orange, mth orders for the government of this country in ihe behalf of such person, as the said royal highness had chosen, and honoured with the charge of a gover- nour, that as soon as the bearer of the said orders, shall have let us see his power, then, and without any delay, we shall execute the said orders punctually ; declaring that we do intend to submitt and obey, not only the said orders, but also the bearer thereof, committed for the execution of the same. In witnere hereof, we have signed these presents, the third of June, 166?." 11 82 History of JS'ew- York. [Part II. iiition of the sovereignty of the king and queen over the whole English dominions. This address was soon followed by a private letter from Leisler to king Willijim, which, in very broken English, informs his majcsfy of the state t)f the garrison, the repairs he h;id made to it, and the temper of the f)eople, and concludes with strong protestations of his sincerity, loyalty, and zeal. Jost Stoll, an ensign, on the delivery of this letter to the king, had the honour to kiss his majesty's hand, but Nicholson, the lieutenant-governor, and one Ennis, an episcopal clergyman, arrived in England before him ; and by falsely representing the late measures in New- York, as proceeding rather from their aversion to the Church of 1 'ngland, than zeal for the prince of Orange, Leisler and his party missed the rewards and notice, which their activity for the revolution justly deserved. For though the king made Stoll the bearer of his thanks to the people for their fidelity, he so little regarded Leisler's complaints against .Nicholson, that he was soon after preferred to the government of Virginia. Don^an returned to Ireland, and it is said succeeded to the earldom of Limerick. Leisler's sudden investiture with 'supreme power over the province, and the probable prospects of king William's approbation of his conduct, could not but excite the envy and jealousy of the late council and magistrates, who had refused to join in the glorious work of the revolution ; and hence the spring of all their aversion, both to the man and his measures. Colonel Bayard, and Courtland, the mayor of the city, were at the head of his op- ponents, and finding it impossible to raise a party against him in the city, they very early retired to Albany, and there endeavoured to fijment the oppo- sition. Leisler, on the other hand, fearful of their influence, and to extinguish the jealousy of the Part II.] History of J\ew-York, 83 people, thought it prudent to admit several trusty persons to a participation of that power, which the militia, on the 1st of July, had committed solely to himself in conjunction with th(!se, (who, after the Boston example, were called The Committee of Safety ) he exercised the government, assuming to himself only the honour of being president in their councils. This model continued till the month of December, when a pa their majesties' liege people, that a letter be writ to alderman Levinus Van Schaic, now at New York, and lieutenant Jochim Staets, to tnake narrow inquiry of the busi- ness, and to signify to the said Leisler, that we have received such information ; and withal acquaint him, that notwithstanding we have the assistance of ninety-five men from our neighbours of New- England, who are now gone for, and one hundred men upon occasion, to command, from the county of Ulster, which we think will be sufficient this winter, yet we will willingly accept any such assis- tance MS they shall be pleased to send for the defence of their majesties' county of Albany: provided they be obedient to and obey such orders and commands as they shall, from time to time, receive from the convention ; and that by no means they will be admitted to have the command of their majesties' fort or this city ; which we intend, by God's assis- tance, to keep and preserve for the behoof of their majesties' William and Mary, king and queen of England, as we hitherto have done since their pro- clamation ; and if you hear that they persevere with such intentions, so to disturb the inhabitants of this county, that you then, in the name and behalf of the convention and inhabitants of the city and county of Albany, protest agamst the said Leisler, and all such persons that shall make attempt, for all losses, damages, bloodshed, or whatsoever mischiefs may ensue thereon ; which you are to communicate with all speed, as you perceive their design." Taking it for granted that Leisler at New- York, and the convention at Albany, were equally affected to the revolution, nothing could be more egregiously foolish, than the conduct of both parties, who by their intestine divisions, threw the province into 86 History of JVeiv- York, [Part II. convulsions, and sowed the seeds of mutual hatred and animosity, which for a lonjr time after, greatly embarrass(!d the public affairs of the colony When Albany declared for the prince of Orange, there was nothing else that Lessler could properly require; and rather than sacrifice the public peace of the province, to the trifling honi-ur of resisting a man who had no evil designs, Albany ought, in prudence, to have delivered the garrison into his hands, till the king's definitive orders should arrive. But while Leisler, on the one hand, was inebriated with his new-gotten power, so on the other, Bayer, Court- land, Schuyler and others, could not brook a sub- mission to the authority of a man, mean in his abilities, and inferior in his degree. Animated by these principles, both parties prepared, the one to reduce, if I may use the expression, the other to retain, the garrison of Albany Mr. Livingston, a principal agent for the convention, retir( d into Connecticut, to solicit the aid of that colony, for the protection of the frontiers against the French. Leisler suspecting thai they were to be used against him, endeavoured not only to prevent these su[)plies, but wrote letters to have Livingston apprehended as an enemy to the reigning powers, and to procure succours from Boston, falsely represented the C(m- vention as in the interest of the French and king James. Jacob Milborne was commissioned for the reduc- tion of Albany. Upon his arrival there, a great number of the inhabitants armed themselves and repaired to the fort, then commanded by Mr. Schuy- ler, while many others followed the other members of the convention, to a conference with him at the city-hall. Milborne, to proselyte the crowd, de- claimed much against king James, popery, and arbitrary power ; but his oratory was lost upon the hearers, who after several meetings, still adhered to the convention. Milborne then advanced with a Part II.] History of JVew- York. 87 few men up to the fort, and Mr. Schuyler had the utmost difficulty to prevent b<.th his own nun, and the Mohawks, who were then in Albany, and per- fectly devoted to his service, from firing u( on Mil- borne's party, which consisted of an inconsider- able numiser. In these circumstances, he thought proper to retreat, and soon after departed from Albany. In the spring, he commanded another party upon the same errand, and ihe distress of the country on an Indian irruption, gave him all the desired success. No sooner was he possessed of the garrison, than most of the principal members of the convention absconded. Upon which, their effects were arbitrarily seized and < onfiscated, which so highly exasperated the sufferers, that their pos- terity, to this day, cannot speak of these troubles, without the bitterest invectives against Leisler and all his adherents In the midst of those intestine confusions at New-York, the people of New England were en- gaged in a war with the Owenagungas, Ourages, and Penocoks Between these and the Schakook Indians, there was then a friendly communication, and the same was suspected of the Mohawks, among whom some of the Owenagungas had taken sanc- tuary. This gave rise to a conference between several commissioners from Boston, Plymouth, and Connecticut, and the Five Nations, at Albany, in September, 1689, the former endeavouring to en- gage the latter against those Eastern Indians who were then at war with the New- England colonies. Tahajadoris, a Mohawk sachem, in a long oration, answered the English message, and however im- probable it may seem to Europeans, repeated all that had been said the preceding day. The art they have in assisting their memories is this : — The sachem who presides, has a bundle of sticks pre- pared for the purpose, and at the close of every principal article of the message delivered to them. 88 History of JSeiC'Yorh [Part II. gives a stick to another sachem charging him with the remembrance of it. By this means the orator, after a previous conference with the Indians, is prepared to repeat every part of the message, and give it its proper reply This custom is invariably pursued in all their public treaties. The confierence did not answer the expectation of the people of New- England the Five Nations discovering a great disinclination to join in the hostilities against the Eastern Indians. To atone for which, they gave the highest protestations of their willingness to distress the French, against whom the English had declared war on the 7th of May preceding. That part of the speech ratifying their friendship with the English colonies, is sin- gularly expressed. " We promise to preserve the chain inviolably, and wish that the sun may always shine in peace over all our heads that are compre- hended in this chain.* We give two belts One for the sun, and the other for its beams. We make fast the roots of the tree of peace and tranquillity which is planted in this place. Its roots extend as far as the utmost of your colonies If the French should come to shake this tree, we would feel it by the motion of its roots, which extend into our country. But we trust it will not be in the gover- nor of Canada's power to shake this tree, which has been so firmly and long planted with us." Noihing could have been more advantageous to these colonies, and especially to New-York, than the late success of the Five Nations against Canada. The miseries to which the French were reduced, rendered us secure against their inroads, till the work of the revolution was in a great measure accomplished; and to their distressed condition, we must princi- * The Indian conception of the league between them and us, is couched under tjie idea of a chain extended from a ship to a tree, and every renewal of this league they call briffhtening the chain. Pait II.] History of JYew- York. 89 pally ascribe the defeat of the French design, about tiiis time, to make a conquest of the province. De Calliers, who went to France in 1688, first project- ed the scheme* ; and the troubles in England en- couraged the French Court to make the attempt. Caffiniere commanded the ships, which sailed for that purpose from Rochefort ; subject, nevertheless, to the Count de Frontenac, who was general of the land forces, destined to march from Canada by the route of Sorel-River and the Lake Champlain. The fleet and troops arrived at Chebucta, the place of rendezvous, in September ; from whence the count proceeded to Quebec, leaving orders with Caffiniere to sail for New-York, and continue in the bay, in sight of the city, but beyond the fire of our cannon, till the first of December: when, if he received no intelligence from him, he was ordered to return to France, after unlading the ammunition, stores, and provisions at Port-Royalf. The count was in high spirits, and fully determined upon the enterprise, till he arrived at Quebec ; where the news of the success of the Five Nations against Montreal, the loss of his favourite fort at Lake On- tario, and the advanced season of the year, defeated his aims, and broke up the expedition. De Nonville who was recalled, carried the news of his disap- pointment to the court of France, leaving the chief command of the country in the hands of Count Frontenac. This gentleman was a man of courage, and well acquainted with the affairs of that country. He was then in the sixty-eighth year of his age, and vet so far from consulting his ease, that in a few * Charlevoix has published an extract of the memorial presented to the French king. The force demanded for this enterprise was to consist of 1,300 regulars, and 300 Canadians. Albany was said to be fortified only by an inclosure of slockadoes, and a little fort with four bastions ; and that it contained bat 130 soldiers and 300 inhabitants. That New- York the capital of the province was open, had a stone fort with four bastions, and about 400 inha- bitants, divided into eight companies. t Now Annapolis. 12 90 History of JVeic-York, [Part II. clays after he landed at Quebec, he re-embarked in a canoe for Montreal, where his presence was abso- lutely necessary, to animate the inhabitants and re- gain their Indian alliances. A war, between the Enjrlish and French crowns, being broke out, the count betook himself to every art, for concluding a peace between (Janada and the Five Nations ; and for this purpose, the utmost civilities were shown to Taweraket and the other Indians, who had been sent to France by De Nonville, and were now returned. Three of those Indians, who doubtless were struck with the grandeur and glory of the French monarch, were properly sent on the im- portant message of conciliating the friendship of the Five Nations. These, agreeable to our alli- ance, sent two sachems to Albany, in December, with notice, that a council for that purpose was to be held at Onondaga. It is a just reflection upon the people of Albany, that they regarded the treaty 80 slightly, as only to send four Indians and the in- terpreter with instructions, in their name, to dis- suade the Confederates from a cessation of arms ; while the French, on the other hand, had then a Jesuit among the Oneidas. The council began on the 22d of January 1690, and consisted of eighty sachems. Sadekanaghtie, an Onondaga chief, opened the conference. The whole was managed with great art and formality, and concluded in showing a disposition to make a peace with the French, without perfecting it; guarding, at the same time, against giving the least umbrage to the Eng- lish. Among other measures to detach the Five Na- tions from the British interest, and raise the de- pressed spirit of the Canadians, the Count de Fron- tenac thought proper to send out several parties against the English colonies. D'Aillebout, De Mantel, and Le Moyne, commanded that against New- York, consisting of about two hundred French Part II.] History of JYew-York. 91 and some Caghnuaga Indians, who being prose- lytes from the Mohawks, were perfectly acquainted with that country. Their orders were, in general, to attack New- York; but pursuing the advice of the Indians, they resolved instead of Albany, to surprise Sclienectady, a village seventeen miles north-west from it, and about the same distance from the Mohawks. The people of Schenectady, though they had been informed of the designs of the enemy, were in the greatest security; judgino- it impracticable for any men to march several hundred miles in the depth of winter, through the snow, bearing their provisions on their backs. Besides, the village was in as much confusion as the rest of the province ; the officers who were posted there, be- ing unable to preserve a regular watch, or any kind of military order. Such was the state of Schenecta- dy, as represented by colonel Schuyler, who was at that time mayor of the city of Albany, and at the head of the Convention. A copy of his letter to the neighbouring colonies, concerning this descent upon Schenectady, dated the 15th of February, 1689-90, I have now lying before me, under his own hand. After two and twenty days' march, the enemy fell in with Schenectady, on the 8tli of February; and were reduced to such straits, that they had thoughts of surrendering themselves prisoners of war. But their scouts, who were a day or two in the village entirely unsuspected, returned with such encouraginjT accounts of the absolute security of the people, that the enemy determined on the at- tack. They entered on Saturday night about eleven o'clock, at the gates, which were found unshut; and, that every house might be invested at the same time, divided into small parties of six or seven men. The inhabitants were in a profound sleep, and un- alarmed, till their doors were broke open. Never weif-. people in a more wretched consternation. BGf'jve they were risen from their beds, the enemy 92 History of Mw-York, [Part 11. entered their houses, and began the perpetration of the most inhuman barbarities. No tongue, says colonel Schuyler, can express the cruelties that were committed. The whole village was instantly in a blaze. Women with child ripped open, and their infants cast into the flames, or dashed against the posts of the doors. Sixty persons perished in the massacre, and twenty-seven were carried into captivity. The rest fled naked towards Albany, through a deep snow which fell that very night in a terrible storm ; and twenty-five of these fugitives lost their limbs in the flight, through the severity of the frost. The news of this dreadful tragedy reached Albany about break of day ; and universal dread seized the inhabitants of that city, the enemy being reported to be one thousand four hundred strong. A party of horse was immediately despatched to Schenectady, and a few Mohawks then in town, fearful of being intercepted, were with difliculty sent to apprise their own castles. The Mohawks were unacquainted with this bloody scene, till two days after it happened, our mes- sengers being scarce able to travel through the great depth of the snow. The enemy, in the mean time, pillaged the towif of Schenectady till noon the next day ; and then went ofi" with their plunder, and about forty of their best horses. The rest, with all the cattle they could find, lay slaughtered in the streets. The design of the French, in this attack, was to alarm the fears of our Indian allies, by showing that we were incapable of defending them. Every art also was used to conciliate their friendship, for they not only spared those Mohawks who were found in Schenectady, but several other particular persons, in compliment to the Indians, who requested that favour. Several women and children were also released at the desire of captain Glen, to whom the French offered no violence, the officer declaring? he [Part II. History of Mw- York. 93 had strict orders against it, on the score of his wife's civilities to certain French captives in the time of colonel Dongan- The Mohawks considering the cajoling arts of the French, and that the Caghnuagas who were with them, were once a part of their own body, behaved as well as could be reasonably expected. They joined a party of young men from Albany, fell upon the rear of the enemy, and either killed or captivated five and twenty. Several sachems, in the mean time, came to Albany, and very affectingly addressed the inhabitants, who were just ready to abandon the country, urging their stay, and exciting an union of all the English colonies against Ca- nada. Their sentiments concerning the French, appear from the following speech of condolence : " Brethren, we do not think that what the French have done can be called a victory : it is only a far- ther proof of their cruel deceit. The governor of Canada sent to Onondaga, and talks to us of peace with our whole house ; but war was in his heart, as you now see by woful experience. He did the same, formerly at Cadaracqui, and in the Seneca's country. This is the third time he has acted so deceitfully. He has broken open our house at both ends ; formerly in the Seneca's country, and now here. We hope, however, to be revenged of them." Agreeable to this declaration, the Indians soon after treated the chevalier D'Eau and the rest of the French messengers, who came to conclude the peace proposed by Taweraket, with the utmost indignity, and afterwards delivered them up to the English^ Besides this, their scouts harassed the borders of the enemy, and fell upon a party of French and Indians, in the river, about one hundred and twenty miles above Montreal, under the com- mand of Louvigni, a captain who was going to Missilimakinac, to prevent the conclusion of the peace between the Utawawas and Quatoghies, with 94 History of jYeiv-York, [Part II. the Five Nations- The loss in the skirmish was nearly equal on both sides. One of