Book SPEECH \ 3 c w^ii.li_a.m: l. aoaaiN, OF BEDFORD,' FEDERAL RELATIONS, CONVENTION OF VIRGINIA, ON THE 26TH AND 27TH FEBRUARY, 1861. RICHMOND: PRINTED AT THE WHIG BOOK AND JOB OFFICE. 1861. £5-3 'h- SPEECH.' The order of the day, Resoh^tions touching the relations of the States to each other and to the Union^ coming up for consi- deration, Mr. GoGGiN said: Mr. President, I sliould not ask the attention of this body to- day upon the great and important questions which now distract the country, Avere it not that I feel it to be my duty at this time, to express the views which will govern and control my action here. 1 have come here as a member of this body to endeavor, in such a manner as may seem proper to myself, to discharge the high, responsible duty which rests upon me, as one of those who have been clothed with the sovereignty and power of my native State. I have not, heretofore, as you will bear me wit- ness, occupied one moment's time and attention of this body, and I assure you, sir, that I now enter upon the performance of this duty, with many misgivings of my capacity to say anything that can be calculated in any degree to reflect even the smallest light upon subjects so momentous as those which not only agitate our own State, but this Union, from one extremity to the other. I came to this Convention, sir, to act as I may think proper, without pledges and without a platform. That word, of so much party significance, as it is sometimes elsewhere, can have no meaning here, for all those great questions to which some gentlemen seem to have thought it necessary to allude, have, in my judgment, as mere party measures, no connection with the deliberations of this body. I came here, sir, as I said, without pledges. I came, hov/ever, with one pledge, and that was — if my past life was to be a guarantee of what I would do here, that I would endeavor to serve my country and m^/- whole country. I need not say to you that I hhve ever professed an ardent at- tachment to the Union of these States. I have loved it because of the benefits, as I conceived, which it had conferred upon the greatest, freest, and mightiest people upon the earth. I have enjoyed its blessings, and it was my dearest wish that those blessings might be transmitted to my children and children's children. Yes, sir, that was the wish nearest my heart. 1 have lived for it; I have stood by it; I have defended its great in- terests, and 1 have ever felt as if I was ready to die with it and perish under its ruins, if perish it must. Why did the Union first attract my love and attachment? It was not because I had any wish to connect my name, humble as it is, with the interests and destiny of a people so great as ours, and a Union so glorious as this was. No, sir, I loved her in youth, and that attachment sprung from the same source as does that which the young man feels for the object of his first and earliest affections, when she is capable of inspiring that feeling, which I know you and I have felt, Mr. President, not because of any outward attractions so much as because of her purity, her worth and virtue. Such, sir, is the attachment which I have had for this Union, But, sir, the Union is dissolved. Dissolved; not one, two or three, but some six or seven States have united themselves to- gether to form another Union, called the Union of the Con- ft lerated States of the South, while Virginia yet remains a n iber of the Union, as it is. Then, sir, the question arises h. in this condition of things, what position is Virginia to as- sume? Is she to remain in that Union which has been dismem- bered — that Union which is lost, as I fear, and lost forever, or is she to unite herself and her destinies with the States of the South in that Union to which I have already referred — or is she to declare her own sovereignty and stand independent as one of the nations, not of the Confederated States, but as an indepen- dent nation; Virginia, alone and unconnected with any of the other States of this Union? Mr. President, actuated by the love and attachment which I have had for the Union, when I saw the evidence before me as it appeared in the political horizon, that the danger which now impends over us was coming upon us, I looked around me and endeavored to find if there \vas any heaUng balm for those wounds that had been inflicted upon us, in that Constitution which you and I, Mr. President, upon other occasions have sworn to support. I have looked to the instrument of the Union itself— the Constitution— and I find there a provision for the amendment of that Constitution to remedy any evils under which the country may labor. And, sir, I find that the atten- tion of the people of the whole country has been called to it in the Farewell Address of Washington. I will now call the at- tention of this body to that language and to the remedy to which I have referred: " To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a govern- ment for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict between the parts, can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions 5 which all alliances;, in all time, have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of government better calcu- lated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the effica- cious management of your common concerns. This Govern- ment, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and un- awed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a pro- vision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confi- dence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxhns of true liberty. The bases of our political systems, is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government: but the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power, and the right of the people to establish g(r vernment, pre-supposes the duty of every individual to. obey '^.« established government." That was the doctrine which you and I, Mr. President, learned when we were young men. That was the doctrine which some of those around me learned, whose venerable ap- pearance give an imposing dignity to this assembly. I say, sir, that is the doctrine taught me by the language of the Father of his country. Pardon me, then, if I say I rely more upon him than upon the teachings of those of the present day, who discard the sentiments that were uttered by the very men who built up this, the mightiest fabric of free government that ever existed upon the face of the earth. I will now submit, in connection with the remarks I intend to make, and for the consideration of this Convention, some reso- lutions, which I have prepared as embodying my views: Resolved, That in view of the provisions of the 5th article of the Constitution of the United States it was eminently wise and proper that the Southern States should, in concert, have pro- posed amendments to the same, so as to have effectually secured a settlement of the present unhappy difficulties which disturb the peace of the country. Resolved, That it is the duty of Virginia now to invite the cooperation of all the slaveholding States, upon the border, so as to provide measures for their concurrent action hereafter. Resolved, That Virginia is attached to the Union as it was, but that it does not protect her rights as it is — that it becomes her people in Convention assembled to look to every remedy for relief, and then to provide^ also_, in the event of a failure, for the future relations she is to occupy, having a due regard to her po- sition as one of the States of the South. I say, then, in connection witli what I have here read, it was my ardent desire, when this controversy was commenced, that an appeal should have been made by the legislatures of all the Southern States, to the Northern States, in Congress assembled; and, sir, under the 5th Article of the Constitution Avhich pro- vides for its own amendment, such proceedings could have been had as Avould have insured, perhaps, peace, harmony and quite to our country. Now, sir, I respectfully ask the attention of the Convention to the article of the Constitution itself: "The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both. Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitu- tion, or, on the application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing amend- ments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the le- gislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conven- tions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress." Here then are those printed directions to which he who was first in their hearts, in his last moments, called the attention of the people, when he laid his hand upon them and gave them his parting blessing. Sir, I have been attached to this Union, and if I could make it as it was designed to be by those who in- stituted it, this day I would fling to the breeze the stars and stripes, and let them float in triumph from the Arostook to the Rio Grande, from the Atlantic to the Pacific. But, sir, I said that the Union was dissolved. Dissolved how? Not by a trial of the remedies which had been prescribed, in the printed directions to which I have called the attention of the Convention; and I say that there is no warrant in the con- stitution itself by reason of anything contained in it by which a State has the right to secede from this Union so as to alter the basis of our system. I will now quote from another distinguished statesman, scarcely less distinguished, indeed, than Washington himself — a states- man who was known as the father of the Constitution. I am not now going into a discussion of the ri^ht of secession on the part of any State of the Union. I do not consider that it is ne- cessary to discuss that question now, and I will defer it until the question comes to be considered by the Convention directly. I shall now proceed to quote the opinion of Mr. Madison: ''Should the provisions of the Constitution as here reviewed, be found not to secure the government and rights of the States, against usurpations and abuses on the part of the United States, the final resort within the purview of the Constitution, lies in an amendment of the Constitution^ according to a process applica- ble by the States, ^^ And in the event of a failure of every Constitutional resort, and an accumulation of usurpations and abuses, rendering pas- sive obedience and non-resistance a greater evil than resistance and revolution, there can remain but one resort, the last of all; an appeal from the cancelled obligations of the constitutional compact to original rights and the law of self preservation. This is the ultima ratio under all governments, whether consolidated, confederated, or a compound of both; and it cannot be doubted that a single member of the Union, in the extremity supposed, but in that only, would have a right, as an extra and ultra-con- stitutional right, to make the appeal." ■ Now, sir, whose doctrine is that? Who is it that appeals to you in such earnest terms to remember that the Constitution provides for its own amendment? It is that distinguished man whom but to name is to call up a feeling of reverence in the heart of every man in this assembly. James Madison himself has held this language, and he has clothed it in characters al- most of living light, so that he who runs may read. I believe, then, in the doctrine of self-preservation, in the right to defend my life, my liberty, my honor and my property — in the right to defend the life, liberty and property of my wife and chil- dren. Yes, sir; it is oTie of those rights that He who made and fashioned us as we are, has .never taken from us; but it is an ex- tra and ultra constitutional right which as a citizen remains with you, because you have tlie power as one of his creatures to pre- serve that which He gave you. Then, sir, this is my doctrine. Still, I hold in the highest respect gentlemen around me who maintain a different opinion, and I tell them, sincerely and frankly, as I feel that I believe the doctrine which I maintain leads to the same results and will accomplish the same purpose that they desire. Will you tell me if I hold this doctrine, and proceed to carry it out, that I will be hung as a rebel against the Govern- ment? Will you tell me that I am liable to be tried for treason, because I entertain these opinions, which were the doctrines of Washington and Madison? If that makes me a rebel, then they were rebels also. But let me ask gentlemen around me, who hold the opposite opinion, are you not liable to be arrested as traitors also, if you hold the doctrine of secession. I should like to know what better security these secessionists can have than the doctrine of the right of revolution. It was this very doctrine of the right of revolution that brought us through that glorious struggle which gave us our independence, and which made us a great, mighty and a free people — that doctrine upon which I will stand side by side with you in vindication of the honor, the integrity, the rights and the privileges of this glo- rious old Commonwealth and of the whole South, But, sir, I desire to see peace and harmony established in this Confederacy, or this Union as it was; because, as I have said, I loved the Union, I loved it as the proudest heritage that could be bequeathed by parents to their children; 1 loved it for the glo- ries of its past history — for those names made illustrious by deeds which are emblazoned upon all that is connected with the Revo- lutionary struggle; I loved it, too, because its fair daughters, those of Massachusetts and those who lived upon the banks of the Connecticut, with their sisters of Virginia, as well as those all over this broad land have bedewed with their tears the shrine at Mount Vernon, have knelt around that hallowed spot and sent up their aspirations together to the Home of the Most High for the welfare and protection of this people. But Mr. President, if I were to refer to the causes which have produced the present state of things, I should certainly depart from that line which I have thought proper to pursue in this Convention. A reference to the history of the unfortunate diffi- culties in which we are now involved might call up reminis- cences in the minds of some of this body that might be unplea- sant to remember. Let us then bury this question as to what causes have produced the present strife, *nd let us rather act the part of the wise men in the temple who took care of the jewels without stopping to inquire who had applied the torch that pro- duced the conflagration. I say, sir, that all such inquiries and all such allusions as these are irrelevant upon this occasion. Let us come up to the great work before us and endeavor so to dis- charge our duty here as that we may have the consciousness that we have done all that duty and love of our country required us to do. In referring, as I shall not, but remembering the causes which have produced this unhappy state of affairs, we cannot but be reminded to-day as we sit in this hall, that Abraham Lincoln is President of the United States, or will be in a few days — to fill the place — once filled by the noble dead. It becomes me here to say, in connection with this painful subject, that I have antici- pated better things of Mr. Lincoln than those foreshadowed in the speeches which he has made in his journey to Washington. It becomes me to say, that I knew him well some twelve years since. I am perhaps the only member in this hall, or the only person within the sound of my voice who does know him well. It was my chance, as it was my duty, to serve with him in Con- gress upon the same committee for two years. Whatever may have been our want of associations in some respect, yet, there is not a gentleman within the sound of my voice — a member of 9 this or any other dehberative body, who does not know that from the kind of intercourse which exists between the members of a committee of any legislative assemblage, each is able to judge somewhat, not only of the strength of intellect, but of the cha- racter and qualities of mind which those associated with him may possess. ' Well, sir, I say — and I think it is due to him that I should say it — that I regarded Mr. Lincoln as industrious and attentive to his duties— a man of fair talents, which I have no doubt he employed to the satisfaction and interests of his constituents; I Avill say farther, that there was no man upon that committee who worked with more diligence or who more faith- fully discharged his duties: and he argued with great ability many of the complicated questions which arose for discussion. I have said this of him as 1 have said it upon other occasions, and however much I may have deprecated his election as one of the greatest evils which could befall the country, and however much I strove to avert that evil, yet I have spoken of him and of my acquaintance with him, as I would of any other indi- vidual with whom my bnsiuess associations had made me ac- quainted. But, sir, I must say, if the accounts which I read of his speeches since he set out upon his journey from Springfield to Wasliington be correct, that [ was deceived in the character, the pretensions, the abilities and the strength Of intellect of Abraham Lincoln. It is revolting to every sense of propriety, that a man, elevated to so distinguished a station as this, should have made the exhibition which he has of himself, at every station and at every point Avhere he has been called upon to address his fellow- citizens. 1 had supposed, from 1113^ estimate of his character, that he would at least have had that sort of knowledge of him- self, and of those around him, as would have induced him to keep silent, but I must confess now, that I have not even the hope of his silence in the future, and I am almost ready to say, not even the hope of his forbearance. When we contemplate the fact, as it is, that he is President of the United States, elected as he was upon a sectional plat- form, with these questions distracting and disturbing the coun- try as they do, the inquiry may very properly be made, where is Virginia to go ? As I said a while since, 1 do not now propose to discuss the question of that peculiar doctrine entertained by some in regard to the right of secession. The evil is near upon us, and the question presented to our minds now is, what shall be the course of this old Commonwealth of ours? I might here say, in connection with the remarks. in relation to Mr. Lincoln, that he is not the only man about the City of Wash- ington who, at this time, seems to have been possessed of a strange sort of hallucination, that there was danger of force being used by Virginia and Maryland, to prevent his inau- 10 guration. But I do not believe that there is within the broad limits of this Commonwealth, a man who is entitled to the claim of ordinary intelligence, who has entertained the idea of preventing the inauguration of Lincoln by force. While Vir- »ginia, then, has entertained no such thought, she can never fail to remember that the 4th o[ March is in the calendar, and that it is a day which has called forth, unhappily for us, the exercise of that power, which belongs to the Government of calling to its aid and service her own war-worn veteran and soldier, Virginia's own son, \Thom the State of Virginia has deemed worthy of her thanks,. and as worthy to Avear a sword — patriotic as I believe him to be, and as honest as his purposes were — it is unfortunate, in the distracted state of affairs as they exist at this time, that Gen. Scott was called to the City of Washington to direct the operations of a nn'litary force on such an occasion. 1 will pledge to Abraham Lincoln my right hand, that there is not a man within the limits of this State who intends to prevent by force his inauguration. Then, I say, it was unfortunate that this thing should have been done — to add excitement to that which already existed. I only say, sir, in relation to the subject, as 1 am now speaking in reference to that particular point, that while no such, thing is contemplated, and no such purpose is entertained, yet whenever the power of that army in Washington or elsewhere is brought to bear upon this Commonwealth under the guise of executing the laws by force in opposition to the will of this people, all the sympathie's of this Convention will be aroused for the honor of the State, and they will, stand here united as one man. I say here, if any coercion were attempted to be used upon this sub- ject, while this State was deliberating, if any force wore to be applied so as to attempt to overawe our deliberations, either di- rectly or indirectly, there is not a man, I believe, in this Conven- tion, who would not feel that his own rights were assailed. I do not care what you may say about the theory that the Govern- ment must execute its laws. I say that when a great and free people, as we are, are deliberating upon a question of life or death, we do not intend to stand by and see our rights trampled upon under the pretext that the Government has the power to do so under the Constitution of the United States. But we are to be reconciled, as we are told by some gentlemen, and we are to go out of this Union upon the idea that we are to be taken care, of in the Southern Confederacy. How is this thing to be accomplished? I now approach this subject in no spirit of captiousness — I make no allusion to those gentlemen, who but a few days since addressed this Convention in a manner that must have been acceptable to every one who heard their ar- guments, however much any gentleman here may have differed 11 from them. They came here clothed with an authority which we were bound to respect, and for their gentlemanly deportment and bearing which they exhibited here and everywhere in their intercourse with Virginians, 1 will say, that whatever destiny awaits me, whether I am to be separated from them or united with them, 1 shall ever entertain for them the highest respect, I ask you whether the argument which has been addressed to you from other quarters is one which is to be adopted without grave and. serious consideration. Go at once and without inquiry into a confederacy of the South! What is the argument which gentlemen bring to sustain it? They set out with the proposition, that a people, to be free and to maintain their rights and liberties in all time," must have the same interests, and that there must be a sort of homogeneousness in the population . What is the argu- ment in favor of this id^a? They tell you that all the slave labor will be required to cultivate the cotton of the South, and when they have taken the slave by the hand and carried him to a Southern market, with the other hand they would supply his place with the Yankee. That is the argument which has been employed by some of those who advocate a Southern Confede- racy. Does not the argument destroy itself? They have not told us, in all the arguments addrelSsed to us, that the people whom they propose to bring here are not congenial, in their dis- position and nature, to the people of the South. What, sir, re- concile Virginia to this process, which they propose to inaugu- rate, and by which all our slave labor is to be carried off, and at tlie same time tell us, in order to keep our slaves as our property, and prevent them from going over the border, it will be neces- sary to establish a line of military posts all along the banks of the Ohio river. Is this the argument that is to be addressed to Virginians? Excuse me, Mr. President, and gentlemen of the Convention, if I cannot appreciate an argument of this sort. Have we not been solemnly warned by some of our wisest statesmen to be jealous of these standing armies? We are told that it is to be the destiny of this great State; that in one alter- native your property is to be protected by the confederated States establishing upon your borders a line of military posts, and lest that argument might not avail, they then tell you that in process of time your whole State will be depleted of its slaves. Cotton, they have told us, is King; but when they have tauntingly pro- claimed it — I make no reference to the Commissioners — have they told us how long his Majesty will remain upon the throne? While they have proclaimed that cotton was King, they have altugetiier failed to tell us tliat King Cotton has a rival, and a mighty rival, too, elsewhere. They have failed to tell us that the empire of Great Britain — "a power to which, for purposes ^' of conquest and subjugation; Rome; in the height of her 12 ^^ glory is not to be compared — a poAver whicli has dotted the ^"^ surface of the globe all over with her military possessions, and '^ whose morning drum beat, following the sun, and keeping '^ time with the hours, circles the earth daily Vvdth one continuous "^ sound and strain with her martial airs-" they have failed to tell us that this mighty power, which never makes a treaty with- out regard to her own interests, has now extended her acquisi- tions and made treaties with nations that can supply this article of cotton. I want to call the attention of the Convention, for a m.oment, while upon this subject, to some statistics which I have in refe- rence to it, and which have an important bearing upon the great interests of the State of Virginia, and more particularly the in- terests of the South, so far as the cotton question is concerned. These statistics go to show that Great Britain produces annually of manufactured articles from this raw material, in the shape of cotton cloth, two thousand millions of yards. How much of this do you suppose comes to the United States? She sends here 177,000,000 of yards, while she sends to her East Indian colo- nies 500,000,000 of yards, or one quarter of the whole amount she makes. Now, sir, is it to be supposed, when she has esta- blished her empire in Indiai^ when she has placed her foot upon the Celestial Empire, and where, by the force of her arms, she is about to make the people of the sun contribute to the support of her manufactures in Manchester — that she is a proper guar- dian for the interests of Southern men and Southern rights and Southern institutions? How, sir, will the English Government extend her fostering care over the Southern Confederacy? A nation, permit me to say, with all the kindly feelings which I have towards it, as has been said by some writer upon the subject, will alwa^^s make good her record upon the abolition of slavery throughout the world as in her own colonies. As to the opinion which she holds upon that subject, you need but re- fer to the account as published in the papers of the treatment extended to x\lr. Dallas, our Minister to England, some little time since, at a public entertainment, one, to whose kindness, courtesy, integrity and great worth as a private citizen and as a public man, some gentlemen I see before me can bear witness from their intercourse with him. In his venerable appearance, even more remarkable than any man I see in this assemblage, he was made to feel in the presence of the representatives of the crowned heads of Europe, that he was the representative of a Government where the institution of slavery existed, and which their Wilber- force had held up to the reprobation of the world. Will you talk to me, then, about the South looking to England for aid in her attempt to establish a Southern Confederacy? I see before me a gentleman from the city of Petersburg, (Mr. 13 Branch,) and I know he will excuse me for calhng his attention for one moment to that grave interest with wliich he has some acquaintance. Let me ask this gentleman, and other gentlemen of the Convention, who are interested in the cukure of the arti- cle of tobacco, whether they can expect any sympathy from England, in any aid she may extend towards this article of commerce? Let me tell you tliat that mother country, England, whose protection is to be invoked for the South, levies the enor- mous amount of 800 per cent, upon this article, before it goes into the mouth of the consumer. I would speak here, sir, of another great interest of Virginia, which is represented by a friend who sits near me, (Mr. Caper- ton.) But before I do so, permit me to say, that until within a few years past, but a few months, I should say, I had a very in- adequate conception of the power, wealth and influence of this glorious old Commonwealth of Virginia. Famihar as I was with her history, and with her growth and advance in all that makes a great State, I did not dream that Virginia had such re- sources as she has, and I feel prouder of her now than before — proud that I can call her mother; and, sir, as was eloquently said by my colleague upon the other side of the house, ^Mier destiny shall be my destiny, where she goes, I \vi\\ go; and if I perish, I will perish only upon her bosom, and be buried with her." But, sir, I was aliout to refer to another interest — an interest not peculiar to the county which you represent, Mr. President, but to many other counties of the Commonwealth, and the East as well as the West. I allude to the staple of wheat; and then, too, there is an immense stock grazing county in Virginia, to which I referred. Are these interests to be disregarded under the assumption that Cotton is King and that everything else must boAV with bended knee before it? I want tobacco, wheat and the interests of 'a grazing country to receive consideration in this grave question of what is to be the destiny of this people? Are you to be told that your stock, your cattle, wheat and tobacco, which you have taken from your farms, in whatever form it may be, cannot enter the ports of Boston, Philadelphia or New York, because we have made them aliens and strangers to us? I ask you if Virginia would not place herself in a predicament she little dreams of at present, that would affect her most material interest, when she determines to go out of this Union, without due deliberation. I want the Union as it was or as it Avas de- signed to be, that gives me the happiness and the privilege of going anywhere within its broad limits without a passport. I want a Union that has sympathy with my rights and my in- terest. I want a Union that will protect my industry; I do not mean protect it by the imposition of duties, but which will allow that intercourse which should exist between every member of 14 this Confederacy, by which I can exchange, without reference to duties, my commodities for those which other people have to spare. But, sir, I cannot dwell upon a subject of so much moment, because I shall consume more time than I had allotted to myself when I commenced my remarks. As I see some gentlemen before me w!io are capable of answering some of the questions I have put, let me ask them, if we are at once to go out of this Union without any regard to the North, and our affections are to be concentrated upon the South — tell me., how is Virginia to get there? Some gentlemen tell us that they would not wait a moment- that Virginia must go now, now. How will she get to Montgomery, Alabama? Are you to' negotiate for a transit route across North Carolina and Tennessee? Kentucky and Tennessee have not gone out, and I think that one of those States has determined that she will not go out. Suppose, Mr. President, when von go home you tell your constituents that we have made a government by which Virginia is to become a part of the Confederated States of the South, and they ask you — "how, Mr. Janney, are you to get there?" Vvhy, sir, you could not answer the question. You could not, as a statesman, go Jiome and tell your people that you had taken the chances of North Carolina following your lead. If we could negotiate and get through Tennessee and North Carolina, how are we to pass the frowning battlements of Portress Monroe and the Rip-Raps? It is true we should claim them — they must go where Virginia goes. Suppose that you should pass them in safety — these forts that belong now to the Government of the United States — are y^ou to pursue a winding course aloaig the coast of North CaVo- iina, and to land at Charleston? Why, sir, those pilots down about Elizabeth City would tell you that they .could not take your vessel into the port of Charleston, until Charleston has her lights up. They will tell you that she has virtually block- aded her own ports against her own commerce, and the com- merce of the world. Will your vessel land in Savaimah? She might, but, sir, you would encounter these fleets of the North. They would then be strangers to us, though they may have been our national allies in times past. Can we go through North Ca- rolina and Tennessee to get to the Capital of the South? I want gentlemen to answer me this question. Sir, all these difficulties may be accommodated by the policy of a conference of the bor- der slave States which my proposition suggests. That is the way in which to treat our equals of the border States. If there is anything that could be calculated to throw obstacles in the way of an adjustment of the difliculties which would be likely to arise with North Carolina and Tennessee, they should be first adjusted. 15 It would seem to be the impression of some gentlemen here that, when Virginia shall go, North Carolina and Tennessee will follow. I know, sir, the people of these States well, and I tell you that if there is anything above another that they dislike, it is the assumption of any superiority on the part of Virginia over them. I claim that they are our equals — I mean the States of North Carolina and Tennessee. They are the equals of Vir- ginia in this Union, her equals in the matter of State rights and {State principles. I claim this for these States; I claim it, sir, for the smallest States; I claim it for the States of Delaware and Maryland— .smaller though they be, in the area of scpiare miles only. And here, sir, I will observe that I saw the other day in a newspaper an article which brought to my mind some remarks which I heard repeated elsewhere. It relates to the elements which constitute a State, and the ciuestion was asked and an- swered. " WHAT CONSTITUTES A STATE ? " Not high raised battlements, labored mound, Thick wall or moated gate ; Not cities, proud with spires and turrets crowned ; Not bays and broad armed ports. Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride ; Not starred and spangled courts, Whcrp low bred baseness wafts perfume to pride; No, men — high minded men — With powers as far above dull brutes indued, In forest brake oi- den. As beasts excel cold rocks or brambles rude ; Men, who their duties know. But know their rights, and knowing, dare maintain. Prevent the long aimed blow, And crush the tyrant while they rend the chain. These constitute a State . And Spvereigu law, that State's collected will. O'er thrones and globes elate. Sits Empress, crowning good, repressing ill." These, sir, are the, elements of true greatness in States. Then, if you proceed upon the assumption of superiority for Virginia over any other State in this Union, by determining that you will go out without consulting them, you destroy the best opportunity that could be aftbrdcd for adjusting one of the most unfortunate difficulties that has ever existed. Then, sir, I say that I am for a consultation with the border States of the South. There Ave can take steps to form and pro- pose our own Constitution and secure to ourselves our own sa- cred rights of persons and property. If six States of the South had a right to act; if they have a right to meet at Montgomery and adopt a Constitution which they say is alone to govern them — have we not a right, in like manner, to consult together 16. in the City of Lexington in relation to onr rights, and to pro- pose a Constitution also? And ask them to adopt It? 1 have no idea myself, sir^ of being compelled to go anywhere. I will only consent to go where my interest hes, and my duty and honor requires me to go. If Mr. Lincoln should tell me that I would be compelled to yield unqualified obedience to him, I would point him to that proud flag Avhich now iloats over this hall — a flag which has upon one side a shield, and a virgin upon the other. The purity of the one, and the strength and durability of the other, will be ever sufficient to inspire respect and to pro- tect every citizen of Virginia, native or adopted, against any co- ercive policy that Abraham Lincoln may attempt. We, sir, should feel a perfect sense of security in our own strength, aL though we should hear the notes of the muffled drum that marked the tread of those who came to call us to execution. Notwithstanding this power and position which all will be ready to concede that Virginia possesses — notwithstanding her great resources — I ask you if she is to precipitate herself into a connection with her sister States of the South, upon the idea that they alone hold interests in common with us? Do you know that you would be welcomed? Do you know, although it is proposed that you should unite with the seceded States, that you would be received with that kindness and cordiality which every Virginian would expect to meet when he went into the house of his friend? It has been the practice of gentlemen here, to read newspaper extracts to sustain their arguments. I trust that I may be permitted to do so, though I confess that, as a general thing, these extracts do not convey any decided proof i' the facts which they undertake to treat upon. I will, however, read for the information of this Convention, an article from the Charleston Mercury, which is regarded as the organ of the Southern States, at least of the State of South Carolina. Speaking of Virginia, the Mercury says: '^ She is completely demoralized in the estimation of the South ; and no Southern State, intent on vindicating her rights and pre- serving her institutions, would go into a conference with her. She has placed the Union above the rights and institutions of the South, and will only seek a conference with the Southern States in order to bring them down to the level of her fatal Union policy. Virginia and the other frontier States may as well at once understand their position with the cotton States. They are not expected to aid the cotton States in protecting themselves and redeeming their liberties. They will practically aid the North- ern States in attempting to obtain in the South an acqiescence in the rule of abolitionists at Washington. The Southern States, however, will disregard their counsels. They want no conference lY hut in the Convention which will assemble to frame the Constitu- tion, and complete the organization of a Southern Confederacy . They intend to secede from the Union, and construct a Union among themselves." This is the language of one of the leading journals of one of the leadmg States of the confederated Republic of the South. These were the sentiments then entertained by those who were a part and parcel of the State. I will not say that they were the sentiments of those gentlemen who appeared before this Conven- tion, for the frankness and courtesy which marked the demeanor of those gentlemen, aud the character for sincerity to which they are entitled would repel any such idea. But, sir, should we go into that Southern confederated nation, can anybody tell us how long we are to remain there? They tell you that the Government at Montgomery has adopted a tem- porary Constitution or form of Government. Has it attracted the attention of those around me that that very Constitution has laid the foundation for an interminable strife in relation to this very question Avhich is the subject matter of dispute here. The Constitution of these confederated States of the South, as I un- derstand, provides that their Congress shall have the power to regulate the slave trade, and the power is reserved by Con- gress to forbid it altogether as between the Southern Confederacy and any of the States not now members of it. The very thing against which Ave have been contending, as one of the powers of this General Government, of which we are members, is to be incorporated into the Constitution of this new Union of the South. I ask, under this view of the case, if we are to rush out of this Union, in hot haste, without knowing where we are i go? I would hope not.(' I love the Union, not as it is, but as it was, and as it was designed to be, and I would try and have the abuses, of which we all complain, corrected. We must have the assurance of the North to that effect, and they must give us security for the future, if they cannot give us indemnity for the past. How, then, is such a result to be accomplished? Let the border States make a Constitution which shall protect their pro- perty in all time, present it as their plan, and then invite all the States of this Union to come and unite with them in its adop- tion — invite all — stop not at the Hudson, as some gentlemen would do. I say I would invite all, but they must come in upon the terms which we prescribe, but with nothing exacted of them which is not fair and proper in itself. But gentlemen talk about a diversity of interests as being irre- concilable to such an union. Why, sir, the philosophy of British statesmen has long since shown that a diversity of interests in a greai republic or a great nation is what makes a people great and njighty. I do not mean a diversity of purpose in regard to a pe- 18. cnliar institution, such as slavery, but in reference to other inte- rests such as those with which Virginia is connected as one of the members of this Union, in connexion with national resources and power. There cannot be in all respects an identity of inte- rests. There are diversities in tliis regard in families, in coun- tries, in States and in nations. And let me ask, because of- diversities in the social or political system, wonld you, therefore, make this an argnment against the system itself? Why, sir, carry out such an idea, and you would destroy everything that you hold near and dear, and you would destroy many of the re- lations that you now hold most sacred. Such a feeling that a diversity of interests could not exist here when applied to our State, to the interests of the East and the West, would be calcu- lated, above all things, to stir up strife, and that kind of feeling which should not exist between the citizens of the same Slate, having the same conunon destiny. I am sure no such feeling exists between the East and the West. I would be no more willing to part with Maryland, with Western Virginia, with Kentucky, with Tennessee or North Carolina, than I would be willing to part with any dear and honored friend who had accompanied me thus far along the journey of life, and to whom I had been indebted hr the many good courtesies vx^hich had strewn blessings in my path — with the sons of the West 1 will never part. I was proceeding to say something of the provisional govern- ment of the South, and I would ask what assurance is there that such provisional government is to remani the government; of the Confederated States of the South? Is it not a government that is only temporarily established? Have these gentlemen in the South, who complain of the North, and rightfully complain, too — a comi)laint which I do not stand here to except to — ever asked themselves the question whether they have always been true to the interest of Virginia, true to that Constitution which these gentlemen tell us in this confederated republic of the South gives assurance to the people of Virginia, that her rignts in all time are to be protected? Have they been under this Constitu- tion, and the laws made in pursuance of it, faithful in their observance? In defiance of the ahied navies of England and France and our own country, although we have a law here against the importation of Africans from abroad, we have found that they have been landed upon Southern soil, and we have found that this law, written upon the statute book; almost with letters of blood, and with the severest penalties attached to it, that could be intlicted, has been violated, and that when juries have been found unwilling to convict, judges had it not in their power to punish. Let me ask, is Virginia to be secured against such violations 19 of law by the making of a new confederated Southern RepubHc, when she has not been able to protect her rights upon this great and vital questioii? We have already been informed that this was one of the great subjects for discussion — one of the great interests which was to be looked after in future — the reopening of the African slave trade. I ask gentlemen around me, when we get into the confederated Union of the South, and when Vir- ginia, with the other Border States, will be as five to nine, I ask if it be not in the power of that confederated Union of the South, to alter that Constitution, though she has told us by her temporary government that the slave trade is to be pro- hibited? Will not their interest lead them to go to the mar- ket where they can buy the cheapest and where they can sell . the dearest? Hav^e not these gentlemen always preached this doctrine and called our attention to it? Whore, let me ask, is the market wherein you can buy the cheapest? It is in the valley of the Congo; and the market Avherein you can sell the dearest, in the valley of the Mississippi. With these competing forces by which we are surrounded, with a cordon of free States here upon one side, and a repelling force upon the other, Vir- ginia will be placed in a position to perform the office of a bag- gage master upon a railway train, who has no interest in the general luggage, except to perform the bidding of those who earploy him. Virginia is to stand here, as we are told, and help the South to repel the forces of the North. She is to stand guard at the military posts on her borders, to watch the interests of the South. She is to perform this duty as an agent for the benefit of others, at the instance, as they tell us, of the confede- rated States of the. South. Let me present the question in another point of view. After referring to the reopening of the African slave trade, and the competition which must necessarily be induced by the reopening of that trade, let me ask, in all candor, how is the security of Virginia to be promoted? How is it to be promoted by bringing Canada to the border? 1 have already indicated to you what my course in the outset would have been — that 1 would Viave asked these people of the North to have met Virginia in consultation, as provided by the 5th article of the Constitution. If they had not responded to the invitation, and the slave States had sent their Commissioners to this Convention and proposed amendments to the Constitution, how would you stand? The invitation being extended to, and not responded to by the North, the whole South would to-day stand upon the vantage ground, and the very fact of the North havdng refused, would have rendered us in the South united, and, therefore, invincible. You would have presented here to- day the great, high and noble moral spectacle to the worlds not 20 of a divided people;, but of a people united everywhere; from the banks of the Ohio to the capes of Florida. If the demand which we would unitedly make, should be withheld from us, after we asked the North, in the manner and form pointed out by the Constitution, Virginia would not present those divisions in her councils which it is manifest now exist. Moreover, this unity of sentiment on her part would have restored peace and confidence long since, instead of tlie general uncertainty which now prevails. I believe in the cooperation of the border slave States now, as I have believed from the beginning, and do now believe in the cooperation of all the States with them, when we make the plan our own and invite them to participate. But, as I said before, that cooperation must be accomplished upon a plan that is right and just to all the States. If the seceded States have cooperated among themselves, I ask Avhether we should not assemble to- gether and determine whether Virginia will go off alone, or whether we will take into our company the States of North Ca- rolina and Tennessee and the other border slave States? Tell me not that there is no time now to talk about this thing; that the time for action has arrived. The time for action? How? Why, sir, as I have endeavored to show, the month of March is no mote in the calendar, so far as tlie application of any force to our dfliberatinns by the Government is concerned, than the month of May last. The mere accession of Lincoln to power can- not and ought not precipitate our deliberations hero. If it were necessary, to accomplish a good, to restore the Union, we might deliberate here day after day until the 4tli of March, IS62, with- out being afiected by any apprehensions of force or disturbance through the agency of the. Federal Government, if Mr. Lin- coln's advisers are to be heard, or if Mr. Buchanan is to be be- lieved. I have no idea of being hurried into revolution, however prompdy I would wish to act under any influence of this sort. The fact that Mr. Lincoln will be President of the United States, while it may enter our minds and form part of our delibera- tions, has nothing to do with precipitating our action, unless he should indicate at once a line of coercive policy. No, sir; and I will here observe, that a singular coincidence of opinion exists between certain gentlemen who are in favor of precipitate ac- tion and the great high priest of freesoilism, in reference to the probability of hostilities. I merely refer to this in order to disa- buse the public mind of an idea that seems to have taken hold of it, that there is danger of an attempt to coerce the Cotton States. These States being now united, I insist that they can- not be forced into submission, and that an attempt to coerce them must not be made. Five millions of people, of whom nearly one-third, if not more, are able and willing to shoulder 21 their muskets, can never be snbjugated while fighting round their hearth stones. If eight States, having five millions of people, choose to separate from ns, they cannot be prevented or withheld from so doing by coercion. Why, sir, those who had never seen the article to which 1 shall now call the attention of the Convention, would suppose that it emanated fron:i one of the most decided secessionists within the sound of my voice. But it is the doctrine and declaration of Horace Greeley himself It is the language which that philosopher and editor employs, and which he puts into his journal, wlijch is read by his 500,000 followers. He tells you thnt an attempt to coerce five millions of men is preposterous and absurd, and that it can never be done. Horace Greely says: — ''But if the Cotton States generally unite with her in seceding, ice insist that they cannot he pre- vented, and that the attempt must not be made. Five millions of people, more than half of them of the donjinant race, of whom- at least half a million are able and willing to shoulder muskets, can never be subdued ichile fighting aromid and over their own hearth-stones.''^ Mr. Morton — What is the date of the paper in which that ex- tract appeared? Ml'. GoGGiN — I think the paper containing it Avas published in November last. I don't pretend to know, nor have I under- taken to ascertain what are Greely's opinions now. Whatever they are, I am prepaied to say to my friend from Orange (Mr. Morton) that they are bad enough. I merely refer to his opinions as given in this extract to show what the sentiment was among the party, of which this paper is the organ, at the time it was written. It was then, I felt assured, a correct opinion, however much its author may vary from it now, under the force of expediency or party obligations. I have very litde faith in him, and very little faith in the sincerity or consistency of any of those who minister round the altar of the pohtical fana- ticism that prevails at the North. But, sir, apart from this authoritj^, we have before us the fact that the administration that is just going out of power has dis- tinctly stated that it had no power to coerce a State. I have seen it stated that Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Buchanan have had an inter- view recently in the city of Washington, but whether they entertain the same opinion on this question of coercion, I am unable to say. That will doubtless soon be ascertained. I am satisfied that the feeling which animates every member of this Convention, is that with the power which belongs to Georgia, and the other States associated with her in the new Confederacy, that neither liincoln, nor Mr. Buchanan, nor any other Presi- dent, will attempt to coerce them into obedience. As was very 2^ well said by a friend of mine the other day, upon this floor, whatever may be our opinion as to the course of Virginia on the question of secession, she should be prepared for any emergency. I would tell the Convention in any event to prepare for action, because whatever difference of opinion may exist, this conside- ration should be, as I liave no doubt it is, paramount. Difl^er- ences of opinion should pass away in view of this necessity like chaff before the morning wind. Wednesday, February 27. The President having announced that the unfinished busi- ness was in order, Mr. GoGGiN said: — Mr. President, I feel very much indebted for the kindness and courtesy of the Convention, in having ad- journed over as it did yesterday, and to have thus given me an opportunity of resuming the remarks which I had not concluded when the Conve:-tion adjourned. Before I proceed, sir, to say what I design to say upon this occasion, I think it proper to express my thanks also to the re- porters of this body, who have in the main so very accurately reported the remarks which I had the honor to present to the Convention on yesterday. The general accuracy of the report, I think, is unquestionable. From sheer inability on my part, however, to make myself fully audible to the reporter, I find that there are some inaccuracies, unintentional, 1 have no doubt, and which could not have been avoided; but I do not propose now, however, to detain the Convention by any reference to them. On yesterday, sir, I presented in such a manner as I was ena- bled to do, some views which to my mind w^ere important in connection with the grave subjects which now distract the country. It is proper to say that, in presenting these views, £ did so in no partisan sense or with any purpose on my part to present views as embodying the sentiments upon which I may act when called upon to d6 so, if a state of things different from that now existing, should arise in the country. An erroneous impression seems to have prevailed in the minds of many in this Convention, and out of it, that it is the duty of the mem- bers of this body, like advocates at the bar, to support some par- ticular view of the cause of a client as presented by the testi- monv, or, like a candidate on the hustings, seeking the suffrages of the people, to come here and maintain some fixed principle of action without regard to events and circumstances, which are now of almost hourly occurrence. For my part, sir, I came with no feelings in my heart other than those which look alone to the maintenance of the honor of Virginia, and to the peace and prosperity of the country at large. As I said yesterday, I deem it my duty not to advocate any particular line of policy. 23 but to endeavor to do wiiat, under the circumstances, I might deem right and proper for the safety, the security, the prosperity and the happiness of this old Commonwealth; and in loolving to that, sir, I (eh that it was my duty also to look abroad and contemplate in the efforts which I should make here, the happi- ness and the prosperity of the whole country, of which the Commonwealth is part. I have thought it right, sir, to do what I presume every gen- tleman in the Convention has in view, to endeavor to impress upon the minds of men, reflections for argument, by presenting the particular views which may strike them as best calculated to accom[)lish what is for the interests of all; then by a comparison of views to elicit the fullest informotion on the questions which we are assembled here to discuss. That, sir, has been my purpose; and I would have it remem- bered by this Convention, sir, and by the country, that we come not here for the sake or purpose of making a constitutional go- vernment, or to adopt measures that are to bind the people of the State of Virginia. We sit here, as I understand, as that committee of twenty one (the Committee on Federal Relations) does in another room of this building, to compare opinions, to advise and consult with each other, and tlien to present to the great council at home the result of our deliberations, that those who sent us here may ratify or reject it, as they think proper. That is what I understand to be my duly, and 1 don't intend to be driven from it by any impression that may liave been made in the minds of any one — that I came here as the advocate of any particular line of policy or any particular school of politi- cians. I shall endeavor, sir, to do, as I have no doubt every member of this Convention will do — to act strictly in accordance with circumstances as they probably may soon be developed to us. I have said, sir, that T have been the friend of the Union, that I stood among those who believed that the Union was the true palladium of our liberty and of our prosperty : but I have indi- cated also, sir, at least I so intended, that whatever may be my devotion, respect and admiration of this Union, as it was, whei}- ever the time comes for Virginia no longer to be a part of that Union — if it shall come, when, having cahnlj and deliberately considered these disturbing topics which now distract the coun- try, she shall deternjine that siie will not remain, nor be a part of that Union, I would not only go where she goes, but I would be one of those that would lead her to where I believe it would be her duty to go. That, sir, I mean to do; and it is useless to tell me that it is expected that I am to pursue this or that course. I shall pursue the course, sir, which my conscience tells me is the course of the patriot and not of the mere partizan. 94 i endeavored yesterday to present some references to the sub- ject of the relations which the State of Virginia holds towards the other States of this Union, and the relations in which she may stand to the seceding States in particular, in a commercial aspect, and as it respects the effects to be produced by the circumstances or relations which have existed for so many years — years, in flict, which have established a course of trade in which Virginia has an interest peculiar to herself as a border State. Before proceeding to offer a few additional remarks upon the same subject, I will state again that 1 came into this body with a desire for peace, with a desire tor harmony; but I say to you now, and to this Convention, that when the remedies to which we shall resort, and wliich 1 thitik are yet within our control, shall have failed to give relief, I shall stand by my friend whom 1 see before nie from the county of Greenesville, (Mr. Cham- bliss.) and who holds opinions in many respects, opposed to those which I entertain. But while I say this, sir, I say it is not my purpose to sustain, before this body, any fixed or fore- gone conclusion upon the subject of secession or any other policy. I said, yesterday, that there were reasons, that there were iacts, that there were circumstances connected with those Confederated States of the South, in the new position which they occupy, that should cause us to pause and consider well before we sliould cause Virginia to take her stand with those States, though that may be her post of duty and of honor at last. Sir, this morning I was enabled to a\"ail myself of some im- portant information concerning the products of the State of Vir- ginia, which may serve here as a source of some instruction, however little it may be, in the consideration of the subjects of Virginia's interests in her relations to the Southern or Cotton States, as well as to others. I shall not, in referring to this sub- ject, dwell particularly upon the resources of the tide-water country, or of the middle country, or of the western country, I shall content myself with some very general views with regard to one of the leading products of Virginia, and the influences likely to be exercised upon it by the present and prospective changes in our relations to others. I beg gentlemen to reflect upon the facts which I shall submit to them before they decide to act. I ask them to examine the heavy stakes involved to the tide-water region of Virginia — to the ports of Richmond^ Peters- burg and Norfolk, and other points, before taking any precipitate action. You will find that there is a great and powerful interest in Virginia that requires your consideration, and 1 will briefiy bring your attention to it, without any elaborate argument at all. Having no familiarity with the subject of commerce, I will leave to others more competent than I am, the duty of dealing with it 25 in fuller detail than it is my purpose to refer to it now. I said, with reference to the products of our Slate, that I represented a peculiar interest, and that, in fact, the interests of the whole State were, in some respect, unlike others in that regard. Her interests are diversified. She appeals to no king cotton; she appeals to no particular trade; she appeals to no particular interest to decide her destiny, as do the other States of the Souths, the Cotton States in particular. She, like a good mother as she is, embraces all her children. She looks around her, to the East and West, and considers alike the good and the wel- fare of all. As one of those representing all the great natural, mechanical and commercial, as well as manufacturing resources of Virginia, I will state that, while f am more immediately con- cerned in the welfare of particular branches of industry, I shall not be governed by any mere local inlluences in the course which I may pursue in this Convention. I will produce a few facts in connection with this interest. I find, upon examination of an article, for which I am in- debted to one who occupies an official position in this body- one, sir, to whom the State of Virginia perhaps is more indebted than to any other man in the Commonwealth, for having, from time to time, made such an exhibit in his annual, semi-annual and quarterly reports of the resources of the trade of Virginia, as serves to enlighten her people and inform them correctly of statistical facts connected with their material interests — the one to whom I allude as the compiler of these tables is the gentleman who occupies a seat on your right, (Mr. John Graeme, Assistant Clerk.) The facts to which I refer show that the ex- port of tobacco from the port of Richmond alone, to foreign ports, for the year 1860, were 18,798 hogsheads, of which Liver- pool took 2,389 hogsheads, and London 2,461 ; while the total amount of leaf and stems to the Northern ports, to Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York by steamers alone, was 7,170 hogs- heads. To this is to be added a still larger item of 275,275 boxes and packages of manufactured tobacco sent to these ports, be- sides exports from the Dock of 60,820 packages — the whole amounting to 336,095 packages, the valuation upon which, at ^25 per package, which I am enabled to make from other sources of iirformation, would be $16,804,750, or nearly ,$17,000,000 — I say nothing of the millions besides, cleared from Petersburg,