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S E 
 
 DELITERED BEFORE HIS EXCELtENCY 
 
 CALEB STRONG, Efq. Governor, 
 
 THE HONORABLE THE 
 
 COUNCIL, SENATE, 
 
 AND 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Mav 26, 1802. 
 BEING THE DAY OF 
 
 (I5enEral election. 
 
 ■/ 
 
 BY Thomas Baldwin, a. m. 
 
 MINISTER or THE SECOND BAPTIST CHURCH IN BOSTON. 
 
 i 
 
 1(5 
 
 -1 
 
 SWrpiV ,•— 'PRIMTED BY VOVXG £3^ KXKM3, STATB ?B>t5TRRS, 
 
,BI8 
 
 Oo7n7non7v-6ctUri or ^.ypladdacnud&Uda 
 
 Jn the Houfe of Reprefentativet, May 2yt6, l8o4. 
 
 ORDERED, That the Hon. Speaker, Mr. Otis, 
 Mr. RussEL-L, Mr. Parkman, Mr. Lowell, Mr. 
 Brown, and Mr. Honnewell, be a Committee te wait on 
 the Rev. Thomas Baldwin, and to thank him in the name 
 of the Houfe, for his difcourfe delivered before His Excellen- 
 cy The Governor, the Hon. Council, and the two 
 Branches of the Legislature, on the 26th inftant, the 
 
 day of General Eleftion, and to requeil a copy thereof for 
 the prefs- 
 
 Extras from the Journals. 
 Aiteji, HENRY WARREN, CArriEq/-//^^ 
 
 Houfe of Reprefentat'tves. 
 
ELECTION SERMON, 
 
 »^'i,^^'\\'\^%^^« 
 
 I ^-ETER, ii. l6. 
 
 ^^ASFJiEEa AND M07 USING TOUR LIBERTY FOR A 
 CLOKE OF MAI 
 FANTS OF GOD^' 
 
 CLOKE OF MALICIOUSNESS ; BUT AS THE SER^ 
 
 Innumerable are the favors which in- 
 dulgent heaven beflows on the children of men. 
 Among the choiceft of an earthly nature, we may- 
 reckon the enjoyment of perfonal fafety,the acquifi- 
 tion of property, and in general the liberty of doing 
 whatever will not be injurious to the rights of 
 Others, 
 
 In order to fecure thefe bleflings men have been 
 induced to afibciate together. Their mutual wants 
 and weakneffes urge them to unite for their com- 
 mon fafety ; and a reciprocation of kind oflices, in 
 aflifling and pioteding each other, forms the bond 
 of their focial union. 
 
 To give force, however, to fuch combinations, 
 they muft be reduced to fyftem, their principles de- 
 fined. 
 
fined, and order and fubordination eftabliflied. By 
 thus uniting, the ftrength of the whole body, upon 
 any emergency, can eafily be colleded to a fmgle 
 point. In this union only individual and perfonal 
 fafety can be enjoyed. It will hence follow, that 
 where the rights and privileges of all are fecured, 
 and equal protedion extended, all mull be under 
 obligations to contribute to the fupport, and to yield 
 obedience to them who are appointed to carry the 
 public will into efFeft. 
 
 Thefe duties are inferred from the nature of civil 
 government in general, from the exprefs principles 
 of oMrfocial compa6l^ and from the plain declarations 
 in the word of God. 
 
 The facred fcriptures inform us of the origin and 
 progrefs of fociety, feveral centuries beyond what 
 can be found in any other writings. 
 
 The particular hiftory of the Jewifh nation for 
 many ages together, and God's providential deal- 
 ings towards that highly favoured people, afford us 
 much interefting inflruftion. Their civil policy, 
 which was principally dilated by God himfelf, and 
 the influence which religion had in forming their 
 national chara^er, have been faithfully recorded 
 and handed down to us. 
 
 The glory of this nation had been gradually de- 
 clining for live centuries before the Chriftian era 5 
 and at this time they were groaning under the Ro- 
 man yoke. They were indeed looking for a Mes- 
 siah, but had no idea that Jesus of l^azareth was 
 the perfon. They were expefting a temporal deliv- 
 erer, and not a fpiritual Savior. Therefore when 
 Christ attempted to introduce the gofpel difpenfa. 
 
 tion 
 
_5 
 
 lion among them, they charged him with a feditious 
 defign againft the Roman government. And al- 
 though he declared that his kingdom was not of 
 this world, yet his enemies infilled that he was en- 
 deavouring to eftablifh a feparate intereft, which in 
 its tendency was fubverfive of focial order, and hof- 
 tile to the exifting powers. No inference could be 
 more unjuft, nor a charge more ialfe and cruel j 
 yet on this pretence Pilats was prevailed upon to 
 give fentence againft him. '* If, faid they, thou let- 
 eft this man go, thou art not Cafar*s friend ; for 
 whofoever maketh himfelf a king fpeaketh againft 
 
 The fame invidious charge was brought againft 
 the Difciples of Christ, and often made the pre- 
 text for their perfecution. They charged Paul 
 with being *' a peftilent fellow, and a mover of fe- 
 dition among all the Jews throughout the world.** 
 In order to wipe off a ftigma fo foul, and to con- 
 vince his adverfaries that the benevolent religion of 
 the gofpel was not unfriendly to focial order, we 
 find him frequently inculcating upon his chriftian 
 brethren, the duties of fubmiflion and obedience to 
 eftabliflied authority. In his epiftle to the Romans, 
 he charged them to "be fubjed to the higher pow- 
 ers ;'* by which he evidently meant civil magif- 
 trates. To give force to the exhortation he adds, 
 *' for there is no power but of God j the powers 
 that be are ordained of God." 1 he fame Apoftle 
 directed Timothy to offer up " fupplications, pray- 
 ers, and interceffions for all that were in authority.*' 
 He alfo charged Titm to put the flock to which he 
 miniftered in mind, '' to be fubjed to principalities 
 
 and 
 
6 • 
 
 and powers, to obey magiflrates, and to be ready to 
 every good work." 
 
 It is worthy of obfervation, that when the ApoHIe 
 wrote thefe epiftles, the civil authority was wholly 
 in the hands of Heathen magiftrates. And foine 
 of them too the greateft monfters of cruelty, that 
 were ever fuffered to fway a fceptre, or difgrace a 
 throne. Tyrants, who were diftinguifhed only by 
 their crimes, and rendered immortal only by their 
 infamy. Yet fuch was the pacific fpirit of the gof- 
 pel, that Chriftians were exhorted to " be fubje£t, 
 not only for wrath," that is for fear of punifhment, 
 ^'but for confcience fake." 
 
 Sentiments fimilar to thefe were enforced by the 
 Apoflle Peter, in our conte^jt. *' Submit yourfelves, 
 faid he, to every ordinance of man for the Lord's 
 fake. For this is the will of God, that with well- 
 doing ye may^ put to filence the ignorance of fooU 
 i(h men. As fre-;, and not tifing your liberty for a 
 cloke of malicioujncfs ; hut as thefervants of God.** 
 
 The fenfe of the text will more fully appear, by 
 the following familiar paraph rafe. As if he had 
 faid ; *' you will not, my brethren, midake the na- 
 ture of your Chrifiian liberty, to fuppofe that be- 
 caufe you profefs to be the difciples of Christ, you 
 aje freed from your allegiance to the government 
 under which you are placed. It is true, that if the 
 Son hath made you free, then are you free indeed. 
 But this freedom confifts in being delivered from 
 the guilt and power of fin, from the dominion of 
 your own lufts, and from final condemnation at the 
 great day when God fhall judge the world by 
 Jesus Christ. But inftead of leffening your ob- 
 ligations 
 
&gations to contribute to the peace and order of fo- 
 ciety, it greatly increafes them. Your duty as 
 Chriftians is urged by higher motives, and your 
 obedience fecured by more folemn fandions. Sub- 
 mit yourl elves therefore to every ordinance of man, 
 defigned for the good of fociety, and not inconfif- 
 tent with the dictates of your own confciences, or 
 the duties you owe to your God : And thus, by 
 well-doing, you will put to filence the ignorance of 
 fooliih men, who reprefent your fentiments as tend- 
 ing to difloyalty and fedition. As free, but not 
 abufmg your liberty in ufmg it as a cloke for mali- 
 cious conduct ; but in all circuraftances condu£c- 
 ing yourfelves faithfully as the fervants of God.** 
 
 From the fubjed thus placed before us, we are 
 naturally led to the following inquiries. When 
 may a people be faid to be free ? What are the 
 means beft calculated to preferve their freedom, 
 and promote their happinefs and profperity ? And, 
 In what refpe£ls are they in danger from the abufe 
 of their liberty ? 
 
 In order to find a free people, we need not re- 
 pair to Lybia's burning fands, to learn the favage 
 cuftoms and manners of thofe barbarous defcendants 
 of IJhmael, who indeed boaft of their freedom, but 
 whofe liberty eflentially confilts, in committing, with 
 impunity and without a blufh, the moft flagrant a6ts 
 tif violence and injuflice. Nor is it neceflary that 
 the reftraints impofed by wife and equitable laws 
 ihould be taken off, and the force of moral princi- 
 ple removed in order to render a people free. Such 
 a {late gf things would onjy produce a lawlefs xm^ 
 governable freedom, which would terminate in the 
 word kind of anarchy and Gonfufion. 
 
 It 
 
It is evident thit itiany who pretend td be th^ 
 Votaries ojf liberty, never underftood its true priAci- 
 plesj nor condufted themfelves worthy of its bleflf- 
 ings. Cenuine focial liberty can never exift with- 
 out being pr6te£led and fupported by law, enlight- 
 ened and aided by morality and religion. 
 
 But what peculiarly didinguiflles Sl free people 
 from all others, is, the right they collectively pof- 
 fefs to govern themfelves : Or in other words, the 
 right of choofmg and eftablifhing their own forms 
 of government ; and of appointing to office thofe 
 who make and execute the laws. 
 
 That very confiderable privileges may be enjoy- 
 ed under a defpotic government, and that the 
 rights of juftice may in general be maintained, will 
 be readily admitted. But if the government exifts 
 independent of the governed, they cannot be faid to 
 be free. Their fecurity for the few privileges they 
 do enjoy, depends not on their acknowledged 
 rights, but entirely on the will and difpofition of 
 the perfons in office. 
 
 All legitimate governments are, or ought to be 
 founded in compad. For it is not eafy to conceive 
 how one man fhould have a right to rule over ano- 
 ther, equally free as himfelf, without his confeut : 
 And fhould any one prefume to exercife authority 
 over any portion of his fellow-men, without their 
 cxprefs or implied confent ; they might, with great 
 propriety, demand of him by what authority he did it ? 
 and who gave him this authority ? 
 
 But, inftead of being founded in compaft, moll 
 of the governments which exift, owe their origin to 
 fome ufurping tyrant j who, being more crafty, or 
 
 more 
 
 y 
 
hiore powerful than his neighbors, aflumed domin- 
 ion over them. Power thus wrongfully obtained 
 at firfl, after defcending from hand to hand for a 
 few generations, at length becomes legitimated and 
 confirmed by time. 
 
 The people of thefe U?iited States ' are peculiarly 
 happy in this refped. Our hiftory does not begin 
 with narrating the exploits of fome fanguinary 
 Chiefi whofe blood-flained crimes like thofe of Pi- 
 zarro rendered him the terror of defericelefs inno- 
 cence, and the execration oF mankind. No ; we 
 glory in a race of anceftors, who were men of the 
 purefl morals, and moil unfullied virtue. Who 
 were too pious to diliemble, and to independent to 
 ■fubmit to ecclefiaftical fulminations. Men who 
 were willing to leave their dear native fllores, and 
 crofs the wide fpreading ocean in queft of this bet- 
 ter country. Who cheerfully encountered the nu- 
 merous perils of an inhofpitable wildernefs, in order 
 to fecure to themfelves and their pofterity, the un- 
 molefted enjoyment of civil and religious liberty. 
 
 Thefe blefTmgs and privileges they bequeathed 
 with their dying breath to their children ; and in 
 defence of this precious legacy, we feel ourfelves 
 jullified to Cod and the univerfe, in appealing to 
 arms in our late glorious revolution. 
 
 Our caufe was jufl, and heaven fucceeded it. The 
 conteft was fevere, but .victory and glory followed. 
 The fun of freedom which had been gradually rif- 
 ing upon thefe infant ftates, now burft forth in me- 
 ridian fplendor. A nation was born in a day. A 
 new era commenced. Another empire appeared 
 on the map of the world, Aftouifhed ^wope be- 
 B \ beld 
 
1-6 
 
 held in this wefieni hemlfphfere a new conftellatioiiv 
 Conjediire was on tiptoe gazing, and fpeculatioi* 
 with unnfual adroitnefs was endeavouring to find its 
 itiagnitude and motion. Some thought they dif- 
 covered anew planet in the political horizon, mov- 
 ing regularly in its own orbit. Others concluded 
 it would prove only a fatellite of feme Europe- 
 an power. jBut many Who vie Wed it through a fet 
 of royal optics, conceived it to be only a baleful 
 comet, portending revolution and war, making a 
 hafty tranfit, and expected momently it would dif- 
 appear. But, they had yet to learn that we were 
 *' a world by ourfelves ;" that we were independent 
 Republicans ; that we were free. 
 
 When the palTions incident to a flate of war had 
 fubfided, and God had given us reft from all our 
 enemies round about, the public attention was natur- 
 ally drawn to our internal fituation. . Our provi- 
 fional government, w'hi ch, like the tabernacle in the 
 wildemers,had been erected during our revolution- 
 ary march, was too defective and inefficient for our 
 future fecurityr It was unable to preferve public 
 credit, or fecure public confidence. It hence be- 
 came indifpenfibly neceiTary in order to confolidate 
 the union of the States, and to give permanency and 
 dignity to our national character, that a new Con- 
 ilitution fliould be formed. That the powers of 
 the different branches of the general government 
 Hiould be fpecifically defined ; their Hmits fo dif- 
 tindly marked as not to interfere with each other ; 
 and fufficient energy given to the whole, to fupport 
 order and tranquility at home, honor and good faith 
 with all nations with whom we were conneded a- 
 
 broad. 
 
 Delegates 
 
II 
 
 Relegates were ijccordingly appointed by the 
 different States who met in convention for this pur- 
 pofe. This was at ^ time arid under circuinftances 
 peculiarly favourable to the defign. The attach- 
 ments which we once felt for royalty, had been 
 completely fubdued, by a long feries of tyrannical 
 and vindidtive opprelTion. Nor had the Republican 
 name at this time, been difgraced by adtsof cruelty 
 and irreligion. The friendly ties which bound us 
 together during the period of our conmion danger, 
 had fcarcely began to flacken ; and invidious dif- 
 tindtions between the different States were made (if 
 ^t all) with great caution, Party-fpirit, that y^/o/- 
 lygn of all popular governments as yet flept in fiient' 
 embryo. (Would to God its fleep had been per- 
 petual.) No fufpicious circumftances of perfonaj 
 power and aggrandizsement, awakened either our 
 jealoufies or our fears. Nor could we feel any, for 
 at the head of this venerable aflfembly was our lat6 
 ILLUSTRIOUS Chief. But not in arms like a per. 
 petual DiSlator, awing them into fubmifficn to his 
 will. No J for like TimoHon when he faw his coun- 
 try free, he fheathed his fword and returned to the 
 rank of a private citizen. Never was there an Af- 
 fembly convened upon a more interefting and im- 
 portant occafion. For not only the prefent fate of 
 their country, but the future deiliny of unborn mil- 
 lions depended upon their decifions. 1 hey were to 
 lay the foundation of an empire, the extent and du- 
 ration of which it was impolfible to calculate.— 
 What an augult fpedacle was here ! the Fathers of 
 our tribes deliberately forming a plan of govern- 
 ment. The volume* of aiitic^uity were open before 
 
 them, 
 
them, and the experience of alienations and ages en* 
 riched their difcuflions. After furveying the inter* 
 efts of the whole, and making fuch mutual concef". 
 fions as local circumftances required, they unani^ 
 moufly agreed in the effential articles of our pre«« 
 fent excellent Conftitution. It was then fubmitted 
 again to the feveral States, and by them examined^ 
 approved and accepted, and thus became the fu-. 
 preme law of the land. This it is conceived is lit^ 
 crally 2. fodal compact y what political writers* havQ 
 faid to the contrary, notwithftanding. 
 
 This facred inftrument ought to be confidered as 
 the great charter of our rights and privileges, an4 
 as, the foundation of our national civil policy. So 
 long as we preferye it inviolate, and govern our^ 
 felves according to its true fpirit, fo long we (hall 
 continue to be a free people. It will be impoflible 
 for defpotic power to fupport itfelf m America^ until 
 we bafely degenerate from the fpirit of our ancef^ 
 tors, and depart entirely from the principles of our 
 confederation. 
 
 One great fecurity againfl the abufe of power, is 
 the fhort tenure by which it is held. No offices 
 are made hereditary, and for this plain reafon \ 
 conceive, that talents and virtue, which are effential 
 qualifications, are not hereditary. 
 
 No country ever exhibited a fairer fpecimen of 
 moral juftice than ours, nor can any be found of e- 
 qual population where capital punifiiments are lef$ 
 frequent. It is not becaufe we fuffer crimes to go 
 
 unpunifiied, 
 
 * PaUyt fuppofes there never was fuch a thing as a fecial compadt, 
 ftriftly fpeaking, but allows that this comes the cearcft of any thjng 
 to be met with. Sec alfo Burgh' i Polit, Difq. 
 
11 
 
 ynpuniflied, but by encouraging fober habits and 
 moral principles, we in a great degree prevent 
 them. Our laws indeed are mild, and not like 
 thofe of DracQ, written in blood. 
 
 Religion, at all times eflential to the well-being 
 of fociety, though not e/^ablijhed, is protected and 
 encouraged by the laws of our coumry. This fen- 
 timent correfponds with that divine declaration, 
 "By Me kings reign and princes decree juftice ;'* 
 importing, that they need Christ's religion to fup- 
 port their tottering thrones, but that his caufe coulcl 
 exift without their authority. No fedarian creed 
 is impofed by law upon any man, nor have we any- 
 national formulary excepting the bible ; and every 
 man is at liberty to interpret this according to the 
 didates of his own confcience, and is accountable 
 only to God for his errors. 
 
 Oppreflion may gain a temporary exiftence un- 
 der the pureit government, by the mifmanagement 
 of particular agents j but it ought not to be attribut- 
 ed to the laws, but to their perverfion. 
 
 The Conftitution of this Commonwealth declares 
 jtfelf the friend and protestor of every man, who de- 
 means himfelf quietly and peaceably as a good fub- 
 jed, let his religious fentiments be what they may. 
 It has aifo decreed, that " no fubordination of any 
 one fed or denomination to another (hall ever be 
 eftablilhed by law." 
 
 If it be acknowledged that men have a right to 
 ferve God according to the light of their own un- 
 derftandings, then they cannot be conftitutionally 
 deprived of the means of ferving him. It is not e- 
 nough that the mind be left free j for the command 
 
 15. 
 
44 
 
 is, thou fiialt <*honor the Lord with thy fubftance." 
 What Mo/es faid when he was about to leave £- 
 gypt will apply in the prefent cafej «*Our cattle aifp, 
 faid he, (hall go with us, there (hall not an hoof be 
 left behind ; for thereof muft we take to ferve the 
 Lord our God ; and we know not with what we 
 muft ferve the Lord until we are come hither." 
 
 It is with peculiar pleafure that we obferve at the 
 prefent day, the increafing prevalence of chriftian 
 candor and liberality. This candor it is hoped, is 
 not the offspring of torpid indiiferency ; much lef^ 
 of infidelity j but arifes from more jufl and enlarged 
 views of the nature and genius of the gofpel. While 
 Chriflians are lefs zealous in defending fome of the 
 outworks of the fyflem? they ought to be more firm- 
 ly united in fupporting the effential articles of the 
 "Faith once delivered to the Saints.'^ 
 
 Having thus confjdered fome of our mofl effen- 
 tial rights both civil and facred which we poffcfs, 
 and which we hope to convey unimpaired to our 
 children ; fliall I be chargeable with vanity in faying, 
 there never has been a nation whole hiflory has 
 come down to our knowledge, which has enjoyed 
 civil and religious liberty in a greater degree than 
 we do. If we are not a free people, I confefs it 
 furpaffes my ingenuity to conceive how a people 
 can be fo. 
 
 We proceed Secondly to Inquire, What are the 
 means hcfl calculated to prefcrve our freedorn, and to 
 pr&mote cur happinefs and profptrity ? 
 
 To which it may be anfwered, i. That as all 
 popular governments depend in a great degree on 
 public fentiment, it is highly important that this 
 iliould be enlightened,' 
 
 It 
 
If is" an otifervation which 1 believe will not be 
 controverted ; that the more defpotic a government 
 is, the more ignorant the people generally ate. It 
 is undoubtedly the intereft of thofe in power to keep 
 them fo. For were they once fo enlightened as to 
 uMerftand the nature of civil liberty, and to a6t 
 'ipon any rational fyftem in recovering their ufurp- 
 ed rights, it would be impoflible to keep them in 
 i'ubjeftion. It is juftly obferved by Paley^ that " the 
 phyfrcal flrength refides in the governed." It is, 
 therefore, truly aHionifliing to fee million's of ration- 
 al beings, no ways " deficient in flrength or cour- 
 age," fubmitting to the will of a fmgle tyrant ; and 
 with all the docility of the laboring ox, put their* 
 necks quietly under his yoke. Still to keep up this 
 ignorance every manly fentiment is fuppreffed, and 
 every ray of political light fliut out, and the fiavifh 
 do£lrine of nonrefi/iance and pajjive obedience incul- 
 cated, with all the zeal of fanaticifm, and enforced 
 with the terrors of everlafting puniflimertt. 
 
 In a reprefentative republic jiift: the reverfe of this 
 becorties neceffary. Here, it is all-important that 
 the people fhould be enlightened j as they are the 
 acknowledged fource of all power, whether le^ifla- 
 tive or executive. Correft political information, 
 therefore, cannot be too generally and widely dif=. 
 fufed. 
 
 As the public papers are the common medium of 
 this information, it is of the higheft importance to 
 the well-being of fociety, that they fliould be con- 
 duced with intelligence and ability, and like a wit- 
 nefs under oath, that they fhould " tell the truth, 
 the whole truth, and nothing but the truth." Pub- 
 lic 
 
il 
 
 lie opinlonj which often controuls the mofl imp6ifi i 
 tant concerns of a government, is itfelf controuled / 
 and directed by fo trifling a thing as a News-papen / 
 If mifreprefentations and falfehood are propagated / 
 inftead of truth, the confequence will be, the people / 
 will be mifled, and their liberties endangered/ 
 But the full vengeance of an abufed public, will ip. 
 the end, return upon the heads of thofe who have 
 been thus guilty of deceiving them. / 
 
 We alfo add, thofe literary inftitutions founded 
 by our venerable anceflors, for the education of 
 youth, with others of a later date 5 and to which 
 the prefent improved ftate of fociety is fo mu^h in- 
 debted, mufi: be cherifhed and fupported with una- 
 bating folicitude. There can hardly be a'Tubjadl 
 more intercfting to a community, or more defer v- 
 ing of legiflative attention, than the education of 
 youth and children. When this is negle^Sted, an in- 
 jury is done to fociety v/hich it is impoflible to re- 
 pair. It is equally a violation of the l^w of nature, 
 and of the exprefs command of Goi>. To bring 
 up our children in the " nurture and admonition 
 of the Lord j" is an apoftolic injui^ion. It will 
 be impoffible to do this, if we negte their educa- 
 tion. The Legiflature of this CoalmGnwealth have 
 done much already, and we hopel:hey will not "be 
 weary in well doing ;" and tMt their Iq/i works 
 may be more than their firfl, i 
 
 As thofe impreffions whichjire made upon th6 
 minds of children, are feldoi|i if ever erafed j it is 
 the more important that th^r education fhould be 
 properly conducted. It was a judicious remark of 
 an ancient kinjj of Ladfdemgn, '«That nothing 
 
 ihould 
 
\ 
 
 feould be taught children, but Avhat may be eventu- 
 ally lifeful." Their tender minds frequently im^ 
 bibe ferttiments at a much earlier period than we 
 * are apt to conceive, which have an influence ever 
 wifter upon their conduct. Hannibal, was but nine 
 years old when he was led to the altar by Hamilcar 
 his father, and took the oath of perpetual enmity 
 td' the Romans, The folemnity of this tranfadion 
 made an impreffion upon his mind, which probably 
 ^ccj^nts for his future condu ct towards that people. 
 Thofe to whom this important truft is commit- 
 ted, 6ught to be men of principle as well as talents. 
 A vicious man, always lacks an effential qualifica- 
 tion to%iculcate the principles of virtue. To pro- 
 ted and aid the opening germ of genius ; " to teach 
 the youn^ ideas how to (hoot ;'* to give a proper 
 JTet to the wayward paflions ; ^nd above all to im- 
 prefs the tender m.ind with the love of virtue and 
 religion ; though a delightful is a very arduous 
 talk. Favoured, as we are, with public fchools, 
 academies, and other literary inftitutions, we may 
 hope " that our fans may be as plants grown up in 
 their youth ; that our daughters may be as corner Jlones^ 
 poUjhed, after thkJimiUtiide of a palace.''* 
 
 But however polifhed and enlightened a people 
 may be^ they cannot expeft long to enjoy either 
 freedom or profperity unlefs they are virtuous. — « 
 We therefore add, zd. That the pra6tice of moral 
 virtue, or religion, is effential to the profperity, if 
 tiot to the exiftence of a free government. Where 
 the authority of God is treated with contempt, and 
 the great principles of morality and religion are 
 difregarded, it mull be e^cpe^ed that the vile paf- 
 
fions will triumph and reign ; and inftead of ration* 
 ai liberty nothing will remain but an unbounded 
 licentioufnefs. 
 
 Public confidence always attaches to moral prin- 
 ciple J and hence in the fame proportion this is vi. 
 tiated, that is weakened. 1 appeal to the good 
 fenfe of this enlightened audience, whether you can 
 poflibly repofe the fame confidence in a man who 
 convinces you that he has no belief in the moral 
 perfedlons of the Deity, and who does not feel 
 himfelf accountable to fuch a Being, as in one who 
 gives evidence that he a6:s under the influence of 
 religious principle, and with a view" to a day of final 
 retribution ? 
 
 If we look back into the remoteft depths of Jew- 
 ifh antiquity, we ihall find their mofl dlllinguifhed 
 Patriarchs aclhig under the influence of this princi^ 
 pie ; and not unfrequently appealing to an invifible 
 Power, to confirm and give folemnity to their fo- 
 cial tranfa£tions. The fame fentiment prevailed im 
 tile Pagan world, 
 
 Amphidym', by whofe eloquence ^d addrefs the 
 Gteciair cities v/ere firfl: prevailed upon to unite for 
 their common fafety, was fo fully convinced, that 
 *« thofe political connections are the moft Iafl:ing, 
 which are fl:rengthened by religion," that he com-- 
 mitted to the council at Therfnopyl<B^ the care of the 
 Delphian Temple. 
 
 The religion of the Bible, above all others, has a 
 peculiar tendency to cement and ftrengthen the 
 bands of fociety, and promote the happlnefs of 
 mankind. It inculcates the pureft precepts, and 
 exemplifies the mofl: amiable virtues^. Every man, 
 let his rank in fociety bs what it may, will here find 
 
 bis 
 
kk duty plainly pointed out, and illuft^ated l^y ex- 
 ;imple. 
 
 From the hiftory given of the Jewifli people, and 
 the different chara6lers of their civil rulers, the' 
 magiftrates of other nations may derive the moft 
 interefting lelTons of inflru6lion. They will find, 
 that thofe who ruled in integ;rity and uprightnefs, 
 and walked in the fear of the Lokd, were blefTed 
 iji their adminiftradons, and their people wereprof- 
 perous and happy. On the other hand, thofe whp 
 dilregarded the counfels of heaven, and chofe out 
 t;heir own ways, generally involved themfelves and 
 the nation in calamity and ruin. 
 
 "When a virtuous pious Prince was upon the 
 throne, it frequently produced an immediate efiecl 
 upon the manners and moral character of the peo- 
 ple. What a furprifing and happy change was of- 
 ten vifible ! The monuments of idolatry were de- 
 ftroyed, and the worfhip of the true Gcd reftored. 
 The temple doors which had been clo^d, were 
 opened, the f^nftuary cleanfed, and the fire which 
 had gone out rekindled upon their altars. The 
 Priefts^nd Levites, who had fled to their fields, 
 were invited back, and placed in their courfes, and 
 the fervice of the houfe of the Lord fet in order. 
 
 What was the confequence of all this ? Univer- 
 fal joy an4 g;ladnefs. Righteoufnefs, peace, and 
 tranquility reigned throughout the nation. 
 
 Whenever their government fell into the hands 
 of wicked idolatrous rulers, their pernicious prin- , 
 ciples and example, like a contagious leaven, would 
 feem to run through the whole lump. The peo^ 
 pie would relapfe agaifl into idolatry^ and vice and 
 irreligion triumph. Perhaps 
 
Perhaps it may be aiked, whether this people 
 might not, upon the whole, have been as free an4 
 happy without any religion as with ? Or whether 
 the worfhipping the true God rather than Baal had 
 a tendency to promote their national profperity f 
 Their hiftory Ihall furnifti the anfwer. God for- 
 bid, that we (hould make the experiment, as it may 
 be attended with very dangerous confequenees ! 
 
 The following account will ferve to illuflrate the 
 idea : When the ten tribes revolted from the fami- 
 ly of Davidf they fet up Jeroboam, the fon of Nebat, 
 who made Ifrael to fin. After his death we have th^ 
 following account given by the facred hiftorian :— * 
 ^' Now for a long time Ifrael hath been without the 
 true God, without a teaching priejl, and without 
 law*^ This bore a ftrong refemblance to what in 
 modern times is called the *' age ofreafon." What 
 a happy fituation this people mufl: have thought 
 themfelves in ? Delivered from all fear and dread 
 of that holy, jud Being, whom we call God ! Not 
 only fo, but they were freed from the intolerable 
 burden and impofmg dogmas of ^ teaching prie/i. 
 This facred clafs of men were deemed entirely ufe- 
 Jefs, and were either djfmifled or driven from the 
 fanOiuary. And to complete this happy flate of 
 things, they were alfo without law. No reflraint 
 from any quarter. What, no God ! No prieft { 
 No law ! Then (:orifequently no future accounta- 
 bility ! This was liberty worthy the name. What 
 an immenfe harvefi: of felicity was now ripening be- 
 fore them ? Could they poffibly fail of being the 
 happiefl people in the world, when every obftacle 
 wa.s fo entirely removed out of the way ? We ap- 
 peal 
 
peal to experience and fa£t, thofe great detedors of 
 human errors, for an anfwer. They declare with 
 great folemnity, that " in thofe times there ivas no 
 peace to him that went out nor to him that came in ; 
 but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants of 
 the countries ; and nation was deflroyed of nation^ 
 and city of city ; for God did vex them with all advert 
 
 This is no more than what might be reafonably 
 expeded : For when a people give up their reli* 
 gion, and renounce the authority of God, they will 
 not hefitate to overleap all bounds of laW and mo- 
 rality, and deftroy one another. 
 
 From this brief fpecimen it appears, that the fo^ 
 cial order and happinefs of a community depend 
 eflentially on the influence of moral principle ; and 
 we may venture to fay, fhould this be deflroyed, 
 exterior force can never fupply its place. Without 
 |t, we (hall never practice that " righteoufnefs which 
 exalteth a nation ;" but fhall inevitably fall into 
 ;hofe '* fms which are the reproach of any people." 
 
 There never has been a people, fmce the tribes 
 ranfomed from Egyptian bondage, under greater 
 obligations to their God than we are ; and fhould 
 we bafely apoftatize from our holy religion, and ufe 
 our Hberty only y^r a cloke of malicioufnefs, we muft 
 exped fonie chofen curfe will purfue us to final 
 luin. 
 
 But in a world like this, neither innocency nor 
 uprightnefs will always preferve a people from the 
 defigns of avarice and ambition. 
 
 We, therefore, add 3d, Another mean of prc- 
 ferving our liberty and of promoting our profperity 
 i§ tfte powsr we polTefs of defending ourfelves. 
 
 Without 
 
Without the means of felf-defence, the liberties of 
 a people can never be fafe. A ftate of weaknefs 
 always invites aggreflion. Ambitious men feldom 
 want a pretext to plunder and dellroy fuch as have 
 not the power of refiftance. Popular governments 
 have been fuppofed lefs capable of felf-defence, 
 than thofe of a monarchical form ; becaufe it is 
 thought to be more difficult to colledl their ener- 
 gies, and dire£t them to any certain point. Hence 
 the deftiny of our Republic has often been predift- 
 • ed by the fate of others. It has been fuppofed that 
 the feeds of mortality are fown in the conftitution 
 ©fall Republics, that they grow with their growth, 
 and ftreng-then with their llrength, and that their 
 early diflfolution follows of courfe. But this is not 
 true as applied to them in particular. No human 
 government is exempt from difafter and change. 
 Should it be afked, where are thofe republics of 
 Greece and Ro?7ie^ which make fuch a figure in an- 
 cient hiftory ? In reply, I would alk, where are 
 thofe mighty monarchies which were raifed on their 
 ruins ? The Grecian repubhcs, retained their free- 
 dom for feven centuries ; whereas the monarchy, 
 which by the arms of Alexander was extended over 
 great part of the known world, fcarcely outlived 
 its founder. The republic of Rome, after the ex- 
 pulfion of Tarquin^ maintained its liberties for five 
 hundred years. Nor did the empire, though one 
 of the nioft powerful and defpotic that ever exifted, 
 continue longer. It commenced nearly with the 
 chriflian era, was divided in the beginning of the 
 4th century, by Conjiantine, and in the fifth, wholly 
 fubvcrted, and a barbarous Chieftain feated on the 
 
 throne 
 
M 
 
 throne of the Ccefars. The caiifes which brought 
 on the ruin of Sparta^ Carthage^ and Rome itfelf, 
 are too well known to require a recital on this oc- 
 cafion. 
 
 It mull here be remembered, however, that our 
 republic differs eflentially, in its conftitution and 
 genius, from all others, both ancient and modern. 
 Had the Grecian dates, inftead of their Jmphictyon 
 Council, formed a permanent government like ours, 
 t-hey could not have been pra£tifed upon feparately, 
 ind ruined by the infidioils arts of Philip, of MaC" 
 edorte But, my brethren, we are bleffed with a gov- 
 ernment which combines energy with freedom. 
 God hath alfo put in our power ample means of 
 defence ; and we may hope, under the aufpices of 
 an indulgent Providence, long to enjoy our pre- 
 cious privileges. 
 
 When we look back to that perilous moment 
 when we firft aflfumed the attitude of felf-defence, 
 and compare our prefent fituation and refourees 
 with what they then were, gratitude and joy rufh 
 in upon our fouls, and conftrain us to fay, " the 
 Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we 
 are glad." 
 
 We are by the providence of God, at this time, in 
 the honorable and quiet poflelTion of a country o£ 
 vaft extent and fertility. Our foil, luxuriant as 
 the land of Nik ; and our atmofphere, pure as 
 that which furrounded the famed Helicon, The 
 wide Atlantic laves our eaftern board, and forms 
 one barrier to the progrefs of invafion j and at the 
 fame time wafts to our fhores the fruits and trea- 
 fures of every clime. On its bays and inlets our 
 anci«jit towns and citi«-s are planted, Here, the 
 
 bufy 
 
24 
 
 bufy multitude throng ; and tra4e, and commerce 
 colhd their immeiife ftores cf wealth. Here, ele- 
 gance and refinement unite their powers, to pleafe 
 the imagination and improve the heart. 
 
 On the weftj the M'i[JiJipp\ rolls in majedic gran- 
 deur ; and by receiving the waters of the Ohio into 
 its bofom, opens a communication of vaft extent in- 
 to thofe fertile recrions. Here, the wildernefs is 
 turned into a fruitful field, and golden harvefls 
 fmile in the rays of a fetting fun. Where the Sav- 
 age lately purfued his nimble chafe, we now behold 
 large towns and flourlfhing villages, adorned with 
 temples facred to religion, and crowded with devoiit 
 and adoring worfhippers of the Lamb. 
 
 No confiderable part of our extenfive territory, 
 but what is capable under the hand of cultivation j 
 of yielding fubfiftence for maii. 
 
 Were we to rife with the morning fun, and trav- 
 el on its rays round the globe, we (hould not find a 
 nation more diflingulflied by its blefTmgs than our 
 own. Every uneafy thought therefore muft be 
 deemed ingratitude, and every murmur rebellion 
 againfl heaven. 
 
 Should a foreign enemy attempt to invade our 
 country, he would meet a phalanx of veterans more 
 impenetrable than walls of granate. Our depen- 
 dance is not on foreign auxiliaries or mercenary 
 aid ; but under God, we rely on the fkill and bra- 
 very of our own citizens. Do we need Ihips of 
 war ? Our own immenfe forefls, our forges and 
 work-fhops furnifh the materials ; and our fkilfu! 
 artizans conftruct them in a manner, equal, if not 
 fuperior to any which float on the bofom of the 
 
 deep. 
 
ieep. indeed, every article neceflary in the whole 
 apparatus of war^ is, or may be furnilhed by our- 
 felves. It is not then to be believed, that five milU 
 ion? of people^ breathing the air of freedom and 
 tailing her joys, inured to hardy enterprize, and 
 lords of the foil they cultivate, can ever be conquer- 
 ed by any foreign foe, unlefs thejiars in their cour- 
 fes fight againft them. 
 
 With fuch immenfe and increafing refources, 
 feur only danger arifes from the abufe of our liber- 
 ty, which was the laft thing in the method to be at- 
 tended to. 
 
 Permit me briefly to obferve On two or three par- 
 ticialars. The right of private judgment j or whit 
 is commonly called libercy of confcience, is one of 
 our dearefl: privileges. This right is unalienable in 
 its nature. For the enjoyment of this, our fore- 
 fathers left their friends and country, and fought an 
 afylum in this then howling wildernefs. But pre- 
 cious as this privilege is, it is liable to abufe. A 
 very malicious defign may be concealed under the 
 tloke of religious liberty. It is to be feared that 
 many^ under this pretence, are in reality pppofing 
 and endeavouring to deftroy all religion. Some by 
 denying, others by corrupting its important doc- 
 trines and inftitutions. This is an abufe too for 
 which there is no legal remedy. It feems to be be* 
 yond the jurifdiction of the civil magiftrate* Ac- 
 cording to our context, his power extends only to 
 the punijh?iient of evil doers, and not erroneous or 
 heretical opinions. He that undertakes to decide 
 on another's fmcerity, ought certainly to know his 
 heart ; other ways j in attempting to root out thefc 
 faresy he will be in danger of deftroying the wheat, 
 D I know 
 
2$ 
 
 * 
 
 I know of nothing but light thit will remove dark-* 
 nefs ; nor any antidote to error but truth. If men 
 will abufe their chriftian liberty, they muft anfwer 
 it to God. 
 
 Another important privilege, is the right of eledV- 
 ing our own civil rulers. This is the diftinguifhing 
 criterion of a free government. But we are in 
 great danger of abufing this privilege ; and efpeci- 
 ally at fuch a- feafon a? the prefentj when party 
 fpirit is wrought up to its higheft pitch. When we 
 fuffer our prejudices and paflrons to influence our 
 choice 'y when our judgment and cbnfcience are 
 facrificed at the fhrine of party zeal ; when we pafs' 
 over tried meiif, and prefer an unworthy candidate 
 becauie he is of a particular party ; do we not then 
 atbufe our liberty I If our elections are biafled and 
 coiTupted, our government will be corrupt, and, 
 confequently, our liberty will be endangered. 
 
 I add once more,' The right to- inveftigate the 
 official conduQr of all public agents, and in a re^ 
 fpeftful decent manner to publifli our opinions of 
 them, is one of the privileges of a free people. But, 
 when under this pretence, we calumniate and af- 
 perfe the characters of our rulers, and endeavour to 
 expofe ^fhem to public contempt, this is a very ma- 
 licious and dangerous abufe of our liberty. It is 
 noteafy to calculate the extent of this mifchief; 
 for by traducing their charafters, and mifreprefent- 
 ing their motives and meafures, we deftroy public 
 confidence, and prepare the minds of the lefs in- 
 formed part of the community for complete oppo- 
 fition and revolt. This abufe has alfo another bad 
 effedl : It tends to alienate one citizen from another, 
 and kindle the flame of difcord thoughout the na- 
 tion. "^ Ta 
 
To guard againft this, we need only to refle(3t,' 
 that our national fafety and profperity depend chief" 
 ly upon our union. So long as we continue virtu* 
 ous and united, we have little to fear. But Ihould 
 patient Heaven, offended by our aggravated provo- 
 cations, give us up to a fpirit of national diil:ra£tion 
 and difcord, our ruin would be fpeedy and inevitable. 
 
 The fate of all preceding Repubhcs, and the 
 caufes which accelerated their ruin, have been rq* 
 corded by the faithful hiflorian. Signals alfo have 
 been placed on all the rocks and fhoals on which 
 they foundered, to give us the friendly warning. I 
 have been trying to read the infcriptions on thefe 
 monuments, but can make out diflindiy only the 
 three following words, which feem to have been 
 written in capitals, LUXURY, EFFEMINACY, 
 and DISUNION. «' United we ftand, divided 
 we fall." This was our motto in thofe " times 
 T^hlch tried men's fouls." The fentiment is equal- 
 ly important at this time. Young Sampfon's great 
 (Irength, we are told, lay iafeven locks united in 
 one head j but ours in st venteem. If we fufFer 
 them to be fhorn, or a part cut o|f, our ftrength 
 will moft certainly depart from us. 
 
 Is it not then the duty of every friend to his 
 country to difcountenance every attempt to alien- 
 ate one part of our citizens from another ? Who- 
 ever endeavours to induce the belief, that the in- 
 terefts of one State are incompatible with thofe »of 
 another, or with the interefts of the whole, ought 
 to be confidered, at leaft, as a very doubtful friend. 
 
 But it may be faid, the fpeaker is only oppofnig 
 a " man of flraw." I could wifli indeed we had 
 good reafon to think io» But has all which has 
 
 beeii 
 
♦I 
 
 been (aid and done been without meaning ? If fo| 
 it ought to have been fupprefled. I am fure many 
 well-informed perfons* have been ferioufly alarmed 
 at the progrefs of party difafFedion ; and have fear, 
 ed left fome untoward circumftance (hould provoke 
 the mad attempt to divide our hitherto happy Re«» 
 public. Should we once begin the work of fepa^ 
 ration, God knows where it may end, and what the 
 confequences may be. It will be remembered that 
 the imprudent condu£t of Rehoboam^ urged on by 
 the impetuous zeal of the young men who were 
 about him, caufed ten tribes to revolt from the 
 houfe of David. "What was the confequence ? A 
 civil war j in which half a million fell by the fword ! 
 The greateft flaughter, which, perhaps, has ever 
 been in a fingle battle fince the world began. 
 
 The danger of difunion, which we are confider* 
 ing, was contemplated by our late beloved Wash- 
 ington, and a moft folemn warning given us ia 
 his farewell addrefs. Permit me to enrich my dift 
 courfe with a paragraph from it. " The unity of 
 government, (faith he) which conftitutes you one 
 people, is alio now dear to you. It is juftly fo ; 
 for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real 
 independence ; the fupport of your tranquillity at 
 home, your peace abroad ; of your fafety, of your 
 profperity ; of that very liberty which you fo high- 
 ly prize. But, as it is eat'y to forefee, that froni 
 different quarters much pains will be taken, many 
 artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the 
 convidion of this truth ; as this is the point in your 
 political fortrefs, againft which the batteries of in- 
 ternal 
 
 « Sec Governor Trumbull's Speech, at the openiog of the Ctn^ 
 rttflteut Affcmbly in Odtobcr laft. 
 
ternal and external enemies will be moft conftantly 
 and adively (though often covertly and infidioufly) 
 directed, it is of infinite moment that you (hould 
 properly eftimate the immenfe value of your nation* 
 al union to your colledive and individual happinefs j 
 that you Ihould cherifh a cordial, habitual and im. 
 moveable attachment to it; accufloming yourfelves 
 to think and fpeak of it as of the palladium of your 
 political fafety and profperity; watching for its 
 prefervation with jealous anxiety ; difcountenanc-^ 
 ing whatever may fugged even a fufpicion that it 
 can in any eyent be abandoned ; and indignantly 
 frowning upon the firfl dawning of ap attempt to 
 alienate any portion of our country from the reft, 
 or to enfeeble the facred ties which now link to. 
 gether the various parts." This feafonable advice, 
 it is hoped, will have its weight. You will remem- 
 ber that though dead, he yetfpeaketh. 
 
 Nor can a doubt be entertained, but his worthy 
 fucceffor, our late excellent Prefident, held the fame 
 fentiment with regard to our union j and had he 
 addrefied the people when retiring from office, we 
 ipay prefume he would have exhorted us to cleave 
 to our federal union as the " fheet-anchor*' of our 
 hopes. 
 
 permit me to add, that whatever difference of 
 opinion there may be in other refpeds, our prefent 
 Chief Magiflrate, in his inaugural fpeech, has re- 
 commended the fame important fentiment with pe- 
 culiar feeauty and energy. But I am not infenfible, 
 that, conHdering the divided flate of public opinion, 
 I am here venturing on a point of very great delica- 
 cy ; and yet to pafs wholly unnoticed the Federal 
 
 Adminiflration, 
 
Adminiftration, which has been conftantly mention* 
 ed on all fimilar occafions, might be deemed difre* 
 fpeftful to the conllituted authorities of our coun- 
 try. I do not, however, feel myfelf authorized, e;* 
 ther to eulogize or to cenfure. 
 
 It is but juft to obfsrvp, that our prefent Chief 
 Mngljlrate, as well as his predeceflbrs, was among 
 the firft afierters of our freedom and indepen^ 
 dence. At this early period, his djftinguifhed talents 
 and patriotifm, procured him the efteem and con- 
 fidence of his fellow citizens. When we add to 
 this, the many important offices he has fulfained 
 with reputation, both in his own State and under 
 the General Government, we Ihall not doubt his 
 ability to conduct our public affairs, in fuch a man^ 
 ner as fhall promote our profperity, and do honor 
 to the American charader. 
 
 It will not be denied that the prefent adminiftra^ 
 tlon differs in fome important points from the pre- 
 ceding ; and that a new order of things in fome re- 
 fpeds is taking place. What the final effect v/ill be 
 upon our political happlnefs and profperity muft be 
 left for time to determine. I will only add, our re- 
 ligious as well as our political fentiments, oblige us 
 to "give cuilom to whom cuftom, and honor to 
 whom honor is due." •% 
 
 It is confidently hoped, that the dillingulfhed 
 rank which this Commonwealth has hitherto held 
 in the American union, will be maintained with in- 
 creafmg influence and fplendor. That our citizens 
 may be as remarkable for the pra£lice of moral 
 virtue, as for their regard to rational liberty and fo- 
 cial order j and that we may ever be indulged with 
 
 the 
 
il 
 
 {lie propitious fmiles of that gracious Providence, - 
 which has hitherto direded our deftiny. Happy 
 mdeed fhall we be, if our. heavenly Parent may fay 
 of us as of Ifrael of old j '' They feek me daily, and 
 delight to know my ways, as a nation that did right- 
 eoufnefs, and forfook not thfe ovdmance of their 
 God; they alk of me the ordinances of juftice ; 
 they take delight ill approaching unfo God." "Hap- 
 py is that people that is in fuch a cafe, yea happy 
 Js that people whofe God is the Lo rd/' 
 
 The pleafures of this interefting anniverfary, 
 which collects together fo many of our civil and re- 
 ligious Fathers, are greatly heightened by the pre- 
 fence of thtChief Magijhate of our Commonwealth. 
 Whilfl decency forbids* adulation, it is prefumed 
 that every good man efteems the approbation of 
 his friends, next to that of his own confcience. 
 And although he does not feek their applaufe, yet 
 it mufl: afford him pleafure to know, that his endea- 
 vours to ferve their intereils have not been unac- 
 eeptable. 
 
 The increafing marks of efleem and confidence, . 
 manifefted in the late eledion, are the befl eulogy^ 
 upon his Excelkncfs pail adminiflration. He will 
 pleafe to accept our fmcere congratulations on his 
 re-eleaion to the important office he fuftains. Ev- 
 ery clafs of citizens look up to him with an embol- 
 dened confidence, that he will cherifli their interefts, 
 and confider himfelf with his people, as a father 
 with his children. They have the fulleft fatisfac- 
 tion, that his authority and example will be united 
 m fupporting good order, in encouraging and pro- 
 teding virtue and religion ; and in promoting every 
 meafure which fhail tend to the general intereft of 
 the people. it 
 
it muft be pleadng to his Excellency to reflea^ 
 that by their own choice he prefides over a free 
 people ; and he may be affured that he cannot enjoy 
 greater jjleafufe in ferving them, than they do in 
 honoring him. That his Ekcellency*s life and health 
 may be preferved, and that he may be enabled to 
 difcharge the difficult ddties of his exalted Ration 
 to acceptance, our fervent prayer fhall be offered up 
 continually to Almighty God on his behalf; that 
 when his term of fervice on earth fhall be complete 
 ed, he may be received to the immortal felicities 
 and rewards of the heavenly ftate. 
 
 His Honor the Lieutenant Governsr eled, will in- 
 dulge us to exprefs the fatisfactlon we feel, in his 
 ele<9:ion to the fecond office in the gift of the people 
 of this Commonwealthi From his long acquaint- 
 ance with our public affairs, as well as from his tal- 
 ents and patriotifm, ve have full confidence in his 
 affiftance and co-operafion v/ith the Executive, in 
 all the important concerns of the gcrvernment. He 
 will remember that he is to fill a place which has 
 lately been rendered vacant by the death of one of 
 the mofl amiable and befl of men. Aman in whoni 
 «* political wifdom, patriotic virtue," and undiffem- 
 bled piety all united and fhone. 
 
 While the life of the deceafed rtiay ferve as an 
 example to his fucceffor, his death will admonifh 
 him of the end of all human greatnefs. With fuch 
 an example before him, may his public career be 
 equally honorable to himfelf, and acceptable to the 
 multitude of his brethren. 
 
 The Honorable Councili ftare in our tefpedful 
 attention, as an affiftant branch in, the executive 
 department of our government, The 
 
Th« elevated ftatlon they fill, as well as their own 
 perfonal qualities, entitle them to our efteem and 
 veneration. . We repofe great confidence in their 
 candor and integrity in thofe cafesi where their ad- 
 Vice and confent may be required 5 efpecially in the 
 appointment of pgrfons to office. That they will 
 feel themfelves above the reach of party influence, 
 and will recommend the claims of merit, arifing 
 from fitnefs of charader, rather than thofe of inter- 
 tft and ambition. 
 
 We have oiily to add our befi wiihes, that, whilft: 
 they eflentieJly aid the interefts of government, they 
 may alib by their example give encouragement to 
 the caufe of religion; and like that honorable 
 Counfellor of Ar'ufiathea^ may they be willing, not 
 bnly to lend their tombs to Jesus if Heeded, but 
 may they confecrate their hearts for his throne. 
 
 The Honorable Gentlemen compofing the two 
 Branches of the LegiJIaiure^ will permit us to ex- 
 J>refs the lively intereft we feel in thfe repeated 
 marks of refpe£b with which their friends have hon- 
 ored them ; but efpecially in their prefent appoint«i 
 ment. By accepting this confidential truft, they 
 pledge themfelves to the faithful difcharge of it. 
 
 The duty of legiflation is at all times difficult, 
 and often perplexing. It is rendered peculiarly fd 
 at this time, by the divided ftate of public opinion. 
 It would favor of an intolerant fpirit to fuppofe, that 
 good men may not be aiming to promote the fame 
 objeft, while they differ in the means beft calculate 
 ed to attain it. Mutual candor and forbearance, 
 therefore, will be neceffary, in order to preferve 
 peace, and promote the public welfare* 
 / E It 
 
34 • 
 
 It is reafonably cxpcGed that our honored Rulcw^ 
 in the whole of their condu6k as legiflators, will be 
 governed by the great principles of juftice and be- 
 nevolence J and that every other intereft will be 
 fubordinated to the public good. That they will 
 enforce by example, what they inculcate by precept. 
 
 In all their attempts to aid the interefts of mo? 
 yality and religion, great care will be taken not 
 to infringe the r/^i&/j of confcience, Thefe ought to 
 be held facred as the prohibited tree in the garden 
 of Eden, and the Jiaming /word thanld be employed 
 only to guard the way. What Pindar faid of Ma? 
 giftrates, may be applied on the prefent occafion. 
 ^* Be juft, faid he, in all your aftions, faithful in all 
 your words, and remember that thoufands of wit- 
 jieifes have their eyes upon you." 
 
 Many are the motives to fidelity, but none more 
 weighty than the confideration of future accounta« 
 bility. Under thefe folemn imprelTions, our hon- 
 ored Rulers will attend to the important duties of 
 this day, and during their continuance in office. Ir^ 
 theji" mofl zealous deliberations they will not forget, 
 that "God (tandeth in the congregation of the 
 mighty, and judgeth among the gods." May all 
 their public tranfadions tend to promote the various 
 interefts of the Commonwealth j and to ftrengtheu 
 the bonds of our National Union, And after hav- 
 ing ferved their generation according to the will of 
 OoD, when they ihall fall afleep, may they be gath- 
 ered to their fathers in peace. 
 
 Ye venerable Minijiers of the San^uary ; ye fer- 
 vants of the moft High God j who fhow unto men 
 the way of falv^tion. While our civil rulers, who 
 
 have 
 
have invited us this day to the houfe of God, coiir. 
 tinue to reverence the inftitutions of religion, ancl 
 to refped and honor its minifters ; you will not 
 ceafe daily to offer up interceflions and prayers fgr 
 all that are in authority. Nor will you ceafe tg 
 '' put the people in mind to be fubjed to prhicipal* 
 ities and powers, to obey magiflrates, and to be rea- 
 dy to every good work." And m;:y Gop Almigh- 
 ty blefs your unwearied labors ot love. 
 
 Fellow citizens of this refpedable audience. Hoyr 
 greatj and how precious the privileges we enjoy | 
 While fo many of our fellow beings inhabit the dark, 
 regions of flavery and defpotifm ; and bow with 
 degrading reverence before fame lordly tyrant, whcs 
 fits upon a throne of ebony, fwaying an iron i'cep- 
 ^re J we have the peculiar felicity to live under a free 
 government. Our rulers are of ouri'elves, and our 
 governors proceed from the inidft oi us. When 
 thus cloathed with power, we are bound to honor 
 them as the minifters of God, who exercife their 
 ijuthority not for their own emolument, but for the 
 public good. Let us therefore endeavour to ftrength- 
 en their hands, by a cordial acquielcence in every 
 nieafure promotive of our common interelt. If we 
 donotproted our laws, our laws will not pro ted 
 ijs. By our civil and religious habits let us Ihew to 
 the world that Americans are worthy of freedom. 
 
 Be careful hov/ you entertain unreafonable jea- 
 loulies and fufpicions of your old and long tried 
 friends. But when you hear a man, whole integri- 
 ty and talents never introduced him to public no- 
 tice, faying, " Oh that 1 were made judge in the land;'* 
 although his face may be as fair as Abfakrn's, you 
 
 have 
 
.3^ 
 
 have reafon to fufped that there are ** fcven abom» 
 illations in his heart/* I feel a perfuafion, my fel» 
 low citizens, that you are from principle attached 
 to our republican fyltem ; and that you would op- 
 pofe with energy and firmnefs any attempts to 
 change it. Should any furious demagogue hereaf- 
 ter prefume to play the tyrant, and by any unconfti^ 
 tutional meafures place himfelf in the chair of ftate, 
 jhould we tamely fubmit to it ? No, the fpirit of 
 the American people would rife indignant, and hurl 
 the wretch from his feat, and turn him out to graze 
 as the Chaldeans did Nebuchadnezzar, 
 
 Brethren, ''you havebeen called unto liberty,onIy 
 afe not your liberty for an occafion to the flefh, but 
 by love ferve one another.'* Cherifli therefore all 
 thofe friendly affedions which unite man with man, 
 and fweeten the pleafures of focial life. Above all 
 things let the gofpel of the grace of God rule iii 
 your hearts. If you are made free from civil tyran- 
 ny and oppreffion, never fulFer yourfelves to be the 
 flaves of fin. No fervitude caii be more degrading. 
 Btit having obtained redemption through the blood 
 of Christ, even the forgivenefs of fms, let us 
 ** ftand faft in the liberty wherewith he hath made 
 us free, and not be entangled again with the yoke 
 of bondage." And will the God of Abraham, of 
 Ifaac, and of Ifrael ; the God of our Fathers, de- 
 light to dwell with us and blefs u$, and be our Cou 
 ixow and evermore ^ AMSiTn 
 
 W 7 3 1 
 

 
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