Sir Jolrm Johnson^ l>^ M&j.-G«A'T.Wled 4t/i Jan., IS.iO. /TTATO^tjU It is well for men to reflect upon two or three expressions in the Bible which demon- strate that injustice is not always to exercise omnipotent sway; and that even the "High Song" of Odin, in the "Edda,""was mistaken when it sang : " One thing I know that never dies. The verdict passed upon the dead." Whoever assumed the name of the "Preacher King" to present his own opinions in the Apocryphal book, styled the "Wisdom of Solo- mon," uttered a multitude of truths worthy of the divinely-inspired son of David, but no grander enunciation than the assurance, "Vice [Falsehood] shall not prevail against Wis- dom" [Truth] ; and St. Paul, the greatest human being who, as a fact and not a fiction, ever trod this little world of man, promised that even to humanity " every man's work shall be made manifest." It is in this interest — Truth — that the address of the evening is delivered. Victor Hugo, a truly bright, however erratic, mind, has thrown off, from time to time, sen- tences which are undoubted sparks of genius. One of these is his denunciation of the delusive lights of Success. "Success," says this great writer, "has a dupe — History!" ft has another dupe — Public Opinion ; and this latter is no- where blinded by such obliquity, if not actual opacity, of vision as in this country ; preferring gilt to gold, and bestowing the highest prizes on men, who, in comparison with demigods like Thomas, are of mere clay. The whole of our Revolutionary history is a myth. A member of this very society has torn some of the coverings from apparently slight scratches and revealed festering sores. It would be well if there were other prac- titioners as daring. The effort of this evening will be simply the vindication of a gentleman who has borne up, like an Atlas, under the hundred years of ob- loquy heaped upon his memory, a load of which he can alone be relieved by outspoken truth. The present King of Sweden has just pub- lished a species of vindication of one who was a grand hero and a great soldier, although his- torian, poet and playwright have united in damning his memory with faint praise, sum- med up in the epithet: "The Madman of the North. " Could this opprobrious term be heard by Charles the Twelfth, he might exclaim with St. Paul, and with equal justice, "I am not mad?" for Charles was a patriot King, a Soldier, a General, a Man — the latter in the -grandest sense of the word — without any vice, with manifold virtues. He failed, and he fell ; and the' curs that barked from afar off at the living lion howled in triumph over the kingly creature which Fortune not their fangs tore down. The royal author — Oscar II. , in the follow- ing eloquent passages quoted, doubtless refers to the misjudgments of his countrymen in re- gard to prominent men who sustained the los- ing side in the civil wars of his country, as well to those of Swedes and foreigners upon his predecessi ir : "The past appeals to the impartiality of the future. History replies. But, often, genera- tions pass away ere that reply can be given in a determinate form. For not until the voices of contemporaneous panegyric and censure are hushed; not until passionate pulses have ceased to beat ; until flattery has lost its power to charm, and calumny to villify, can the ver- dict of history be pronounced. Then from the clouds of error and prejudice the sun of truth emerges, and light is diffused in bright rays, of ever increasing refulgency and breadth. * * Every age has its own heroes— men who seem to embody the prevailing characteristics of their relative epochs, and to present to after ages the idealized expression of their chief tendencies. Such men must be judged by no ordinary standard. History must view their actions as a whole, not subject them to sepa- rate tests, or examine them through the lens of partial criticism and narrow-minded preju- dice." In this connection old ^Esop steps in with one of the remarkable fables which have out- lived his gods and cosmogony by over a decade of centuries. A lion, observing the sculptured group of a hunter strangling one of the lords of the forest, growls out: "What a different piece of art — if lions were sculptors — would be stand- ing on yonder pedestal ! It would be the hunter torn m pieces by the lion." To no class who have ever lived can such re- marks as these apply as to the Loyalists, nick- named "Tories," of the American Revolution. Modern Italy has sought to efface the remem- brance of wrongs done to the Waldenses. Bigoted Spain is opening her eyes to the min- gled chivalry and industry of the Moors, who made their peninsula the world's cen- tre for learning; who clothed the southern sides of her rugged sierras with luscious vineyards ; and made her arid valleys to blos- som like the rose. France wails for the Hugu- not element which her priest-ridden, lecherous King drove out to scatter its seed throughout the world, and enrich his enemies with their invincible swords, but, far better, their in- Sir John Johnson. illimitable enterprise and energy. This coun- try — ours — is yet unwilling bo accord justice to the race or class it oppressed and expelled, during the Revolution, because to reverse the verdict would be to condemn the successful party to a judgment more dis- creditable aud deserved than that meted out to the victims of fidelity — the Loyalists of 1776. The Waldenses or persecuted Protes- tants of Savoy, under their pastor and col- onel, Arnaud, in August-September, 1689, by "their thirty days march," and attempt to reconquer their native seats, furnished "un- questionably the most epic achievement of modern times," and won world-wide celebrity and glory through seeking, sword in hand, to recover their desecrated ancestral homes. Why, then, should the slightest breath of cen- sure cloud the crystalline memories of the Loyalists, who imitated their [reso- lution and perilled all, not for gain but for duty; not for pay but for principle; and all, in this, were eminently faithful, pay- ing, in many cases, what Lincoln styled "the last full measure of devotion." The patriots, so-called, had much to gain individually, and, with comparatively few exceptions, very iittle to lose. All these considerations suggest a direct appeal to the calm thought and honest judgment of the generation which has just Uved through "the Great American Conflict." The Loyalists of the Revolution were identi- cal with the Union party in the Rebel (not Confederate) States during the "Slave- holders' Rebellion;" and the very title, "Loy- al men," was applied to the party that sus- tained the national government in 1860-65, as was, justly, the term "rebels" to those who sought its overthrow. The father of Sir Johu Johnson — the subject of this address — was the famous Sir William Johnson, Baronet, Major-General in the Royal Service and British Superintendent of Indian Affairs. This gentleman was, perhaps, the most prominent man in the province of New York during the decade which preceded the Declaration of Independence. Whether a Jan- sen — a descendant of one of those indomitable Hollanders who went over with William III. to subdue Ireland, and anglicised their names— or of English race proper, Sir William was a strong example of those common-sense men who know how to grapple fortune by the fore- lock and not clutch in vain the tresses which flowed down her receding back. He opened two of the most productive valleys in the world — the Mohawk and Schoharie — to emi- gration; and with the development of their riches rose to a height of opulence and influence unequalled in the "Thirteen Colonies." Just in his dealings with all men, he was particular- ly so with the Indians, and acquired a power over the latter such as no other individual ever possessed. Transferred from civil jurisdiction to military command he exhibited no less ability in the more dangerous and laborious exigencies of war. He, it was, who first stem- med successfully the tide of French invasion, and turned it back at Lake George, in 1755; receiving from his sovereign, in recognition of his able services, the first hereditary baronetcy in this country. At "Johnson Hall" he lived in truly baronial state, and no other provincial magnate ever exhibited such affluence and grandeur as was displayed by him in his castle and home on the Mohawk. His greatest achievement, perhaps, was the defeat of a superior French force seek- ing to relieve Fort Niagara and his capture of this noted stronghold in 1759. The distinguished British general and military historian, Sir Edward Cust, in his "Annals of the Wars," refers in the fol- lowing language to this notable exploit of Sir William: "This gentleman, like Clive, was a self-taught general, who, by dint of innate courage and natural sagacity, without the help of a military education or military ex- perience, rivalled, if not eclipsed, the greatest commanders. Sir William Johnson omitted nothing to continue the vigorous measures of the late general [Prideaux killed] and added to them everything his own genius could suggest. The troops, who respected, and the provin- cials, who adored, him," were not less devoted than the Six Nations of Indians who gladly followed the banner of himself and his less for- tunate son. Thus, with a sway incomprehensible in the present day, beloved, respected and feared by law breakers and evil doers, the mortal ene- mies of his semi-civilized wards — the Six Nations — he lived a life of honor; and died, not by his own hand, as stated by prejudiced tradition, but a victim to that energy, which, although it never bent in the service of king or country, had to yield to years and nature. Sick, and thereby unequal to the demands of public busines, he presided at a council, 11 July, 1774, spoke and directed, until his ebbing strength failed, and could not be restored by the inadequate remedial measures at hand on the borders of the wilderness. To no one man does Central New York owe so much of her physical development as to Sir William Johnson. Wedded in 1739, to a Hollandish or German maiden, amply endowed with the best gifts of nature, both physical and mental, good sound sense, and a mild and gentle disposition," Sir William was by her the father of one son, born in 174:3, and several daughters. The latter are sufficiently described in a charming, well-known book, entitled "The Memoirs of an American Lady" — Mrs. Grant, of Laggan. The former was Sir John Johnson, a grander representative of the transition era of this State, than those whom Success and its Dupe — History, have placed in the national "Walhalla." While yet a youth this son accompanied his father to his fields of battle, and when the generality, of boys are at school or college, witnessed two of the bloodiest conflicts on which the fate of the colony depended. He had scarcely attained majority when he was entrusted with an inde- pendent command, and in it displayed an abili- ty, a fortitude, and a judgment, worthy of rip- er years and wider experience. Sent out to England by his father in 1765, "to try to wear off the rusticity of a country education," immediately upon his presentation at court he received from his sovereign an ac- knowledgment—partly due to the reputation of his parent, and partly to his own tact and capacity — such as stands alone in colonial his- Sir John Johnson. tory. Although his father, Sir William, was already a knight and baronet for service to the crown, John was himself knighted, at the age of twenty-three ; and thus the old-new baronial hall at Johnstown sheltered two recipients, in the same family and generation, of the honor of knighthood. There is no parallel to this double distinction in American biography, and but few in the family annals of older coun- tries. When they occur they have been made the theme of minstrel, poet and historian. This was the era when "New York was in its happiest state." In the Summer of 1773, and in his thirtieth year, Sir John Johnson married the beautiful Mary — or, as she was affectionately called, "Polly" — Watts, aged nineteen. She was born in New York 27th Oct. , 1753, and died 7th August, 1815, at Mount Johnson, near Montreal. Mrs. Grant, of Laggan, has left us a charming pen portrait of this bright maiden: "Returning for a short time to town in Spring I found aunt's house much enlivened by a very agreeable visitor; this was Miss W.(atts), daughter to the Hon. Mr. W.(atts), of the council. Her elder sister was afterwards Countess of Cassilis, and she herself was, long afterwards, married to the only native of the continent, I believe, who ever succeeded to the title of baronet. She possessed much beauty, and understanding and vivacity. Her playful humor exhilerated the whole household. I re- garded her with admiration and delight, and her fanciful excursions afforded great amuse- ment to aunt, and were like a gleam of sun- / shine amidst the gloom occasioned by the I spirit of contention which was let \loose among all manner of people" KThe graces which the authoress commemorated are corroborated by others. Even after many years of trial and sorrow, her portrait bears out the characteristics attributed to her. Her features are most familiar to the relator, as her portrait hung in the chamber occupied by him in youth. The elder sister referred to was likewise a bright and charming woman, as ap- pears from her picture in Colzean Castle, one of the hereditary abodes of her husband, the eleventh Earl, who built the stately mansion, No. 1 Broadway, in this city. The Castle, from its commanding site, looks forth over the Frith of Clyde, upon a remakable freak of nature, the stupendous insulated rock, or rather mountain, from which her son derived his title as first Marquis of Ailsa. Her family had long been distinguished in colonial annals. ', Her grandfather was of the Watt family of "Hose Hill," near — now within — the limits of Ediuburgh, and as "of that ilk," had been so known for over a century. The old family mansion is yet standing, and although de- graded into the service of a rail- road company, still in its degenera- tion and partial ruin attests its former stateliness. Her father, Hon. John Watts, . Senior, was one of the first men of the colony. ■ He had vindicated the rights of his fellow citi- . zens against the military oppressions of the I day. Nevertheless, the "Sons of Liberty" — or rather "License," made him one of their first victims. To save his life he became an exile ; and an exile he died in Wales, and his bones, I far away from those of kith and kin, found a resting place in the parish church of St. James, in Piccadilly. London, near the remains of his sister, Lady Warren, the wife of the famous Admiral who took Louisburg in 1745. "John Watts, Esq., was an eminent merchant of New York, a gentleman of family, of character and reputation, opulent and of a disposition remarkable for the most unbounded hospitality. He served many years as a rep- resentative for the city of New York, and more perhaps, afterwards, as one of his Majesty's Council. He was proscribed by the rebel Legislature of New York, his person attainted, and his estate confiscated, "although he had not been in the country for over a year before the Declaration of Independence. Had the crown been victorious this John Watts would have been the Lieutenant-Gov- ernor and Acting Governor of this Province, succeeding his wife's grandfather, the famous Cadwallader Golden. His son and namesake, John Watts, was the last royal Recorder of the city of New York, remained here during the revolution; and after it, was Speaker of the State Assembly , and Member of Congress. Defeated at the polls i by the scion of a family aristocratic in sentiment however democratic in politics, who aroused the people against himby dis- seminating hand bills demanding if freemen could trust the kinsman, connection and friend of the English nobility, he retired from public life. This disappointment did not dim his phi- lanthropy ; and to him this city owes one of the noblest charitable institutions in its midst — the / Leake and Watts Orphan Home. A younger' brother, Stephen, "an elegant and charming youth," entered the British service; and fol- lowing the fortunes of his brother-in-law, Sir John Johnson, left a limb and nearly his life on the bloody field of Oriskany. So fearfully man- ' gled that few officers have survived such a com- plication of wounds and barbarous treatment, he was saved through the fidelity of Indians and his own soldiers, and carried back to Que- bec — a long and weary transit. He lived to a good old age in England, and left a progeny of sons, who rose to high and honorable trusts in various branches of the royal service. The eldest brother, Robert, married Mary, eldest daughter of Maj.-Gen., titular Lord, or Earl of, Stirling, who disinherited her because she had married a Loyalist, and clung to the fortunes of her husband. Inheriting his father's dignities and respon- sibilities, Sir John Johnson could not have been otherwise than a champion of his sover- eign's rights. If he had turned his coat to save his property, like some of the prominent patriots, he would have been a renegade, if not worse. Some of the greater as well as the les- ser lights of patriotism had already cast long- ing glances upon his rich possessions in the Mohawk Valley. Its historian tells us that in a successful rebellion the latter counted upon dividing his princely domains into snug little farms for themselves. The sperm of anti-rentism was germinating already; although it took over sixty to seventy years to thoroughly en- list legislative assistance, and perfect spolia- tion in the guise of modern agrarian law. Surrounded by a devoted tenantry, backed by those "Romans of America,"the "Six Nations," it was not easy "to bell the cat" by force. It is not politic to revive hereditary animosities Sir John Joiixsox. by the mention of names in this hall. Suffi- cient to say, might prevailed over right, and Sir John was placed under what the Albany Committee chose to define a "parole." Mod- ern courts of inquiry, especially in the United States since 1800, have decided that such a system of paroling is in itself invalid, and that individuals subjected to such a procedure are absolved de facto from any pledges. The Albany Committee had no legitimate power to impose a parole upon a dutiful sub- ject, more particularly an officer of the King. This was certainly the case at any period prior to the Declaration of Independence. All these events occurred from six weeks to six months prior to the date of this instrument. It was simply an operation of mob law. The rioters in New York, in July, 1863, had just as much rightful authority to place under parole a Na- tional or Municipal officer captured while sup- porting the law and endeavoring to maintain order, or even a private citizen opposed to these riotous proceedings, as this Albany Committee, in a great measure self-constitut- ed, to put and hold under what they chose to call a parole in the Winter and Spring of 1776, an important agent of the crown, exercising authority by the appointment and commission of legitimate government. This address has now reached a point where it seems proper to invite the attention of the audience to the consideration of the charge in relation to the violation of this parole which the rebels or patriots, or whatever they may be most properly styled, have brought for- ward so prominently and persistently to brand the character of Sir John. They say he vio- lated his parole and fled their lender mercies. This common charge of American historical writers, that Sir John broke his parole, is proven to be "without foundation and untrue." The testimony as to the untruth of this popular charge, can be found in publi- cations on the shelves of the library of this very institution. To cite it textually would occupy more time than can be devoted to the whole address; sufficient will be presented to establish the main facts. It may be as well, however, to premise ; that Count d'Estaing, the first French Commander who brought assist- ance to this country, had notoriously broken his parole, and yet no American writer has ever alluded to the fact as prejudicial to his honor. It did not serve their purpose. The French held that Washington violated his parole: and Michelet, a devoted friend to liberty and this country, feelingly refers to this to demonstrate one of the heart-burnings which France had to overcome in lending assistance to the revolt- ed colonies. How many Southern officers, in spite of their paroles, met us on battlefield after battlefield. Regiments and brigades, if not divisions, paroled at Yicksburg. were en- countered within a few weeks in the conflicts around Chattanooga. French generals, pa- roled by the Prussians, did not hesitate to ac- cept active commands in even the shortest spaces of time. Under the circumstances this charge against Sir John was a pretext: but weak as it is. it is nut true. Power in all ages has not been delicate in its choice of means to destroy a dangerous antagonist. Th»- magnificent Louis XIV. never hesitat- ed to imitate the employment of hireling assas- sins so successfully initiated by that champion of the Papal Church, Philip II. Thus the Duke of Alva lured Horn and Egmont into the toils which they exchanged for the scaf- fold. Abd-el-Kader surrendered on terms which were only granted to be violated. And blackest of examples, how was the chivalric Osceola inveigled into chains. Had Sir John violated his parole, circumstances justified him, but he did not do so. What is the truth of this charge ? Not satisfied with putting him under parole, the Albany Committee, egged on by the patri- ots (sic) of Tryon county, determined to seize Sir John Johnson's person. It may be stated that "the antipathy" of the prominent family and its friends in Albany to the Johnsons and their connections arose from the Indian trade. The close relationship of ' blood never seems to have had the slightest power over the gnawing thirst for gain. The Johnson influence had been for a hundred and thirty-eight years in favor of the Indians and against the Albany traders. This was the leaven whose fermentation grew gradually stronger and stronger in its power to foment a bitterness which was augmented to the in- tensest degree of political antagonism. In January, 1776. a raid was made upon "Johnson Hall" in consequence of the affida vit of an imposter. This reflected no credit on those engaged in it. Then it was that Sir John found himself placed under what has been styled his parole. From this time for- ward Sir John was harassed and hounded to the utmost extent of human patience and en- durance. Finally, in March, the evacuation of Boston by the British gave a fresh stimulus to the successful colonists, and the Albany Committee made up their minds that the time had now come to deprive Sir John of his personal liberty. To justify such an outrage they nad either to violate their own compact i or release him from it. As the party endan- ' gered was not destitute of intelligence, it was necessary, in order to entrap him, to resort to deception. The principal agent in this design has left a letter, in which he emphasizes that care must be taken to prevent Sir John's being apprized of the real design of his opponents, and he therefore dispatched a communication, which, though cunningly conceived, was not sufficiently so to conceal the latent treachery. As Van der Does on Leyden wrote to Valdes, the Spanish General besieging and trying to tempt him to surrender: "Fistula dulce canit volucrem, dum decipit anceps." "The fowler plays sweet notes on his pipe when he spreads his net for the bird." So Sir John was not deluded by the specious words of his enemies seeking to enmesh him. Sir John was to be simultaneously released from his parole and made a prison- er. The officer who carried the com- munication discharging Sir John from his parole, was the bearer of directions to ar- rest him as soon as he had read it, "and make him a close prisoner, and careful-! lv guard him that he may not have the least opportunity to escape." Sir John still had some friends among those who were now in power, and received intelligence of what was going Sir John Johnson. on. He exercised ordinary discretion, and, fol- lowed by devoted friends and retainers, es- caped before the trap could be sprung upon him. [There was no real semblance of government until the States began to organize. New York did not do so until 1777. The Thirteen Colonies were not de jure belligerents in any wise until the Mother Country established a regular ex- change of prisoners. They were not belliger- ents to the world in the real sense of the term until their acknowledgment as a power bj- France, and Louis XVI. entered into a treaty of alliance with them. Great Britain conceded full belligerent rights when it appointed com- missioners, in 1778, to treat with the Federal Congress. Previous to this the Thirteen Colonies occupied an abnormal position with- out anything beyond a very limited recogni- tion as a legitimate government. Consequent- ly what right had the Albany Committee to place a servant of the crown under parole? Moreover, according to all just principles of paroles, the parties arrogating to themselves the right to place Johnson under parole, were bound, when they undertook to rescind it, to place him in the same position as when the parole was exacted — the same as to means of resistance or escape — and not to revoke his parole and instantly and simultaneously ar- rest and to incarcerate him.] There is, to repeat and emphasize, an am- ple sufficiency of evidence in existence and ac- cessible in this building to prove that the com- mon charge of American historical writers is "without foundation and untr'ue" Sir John fled, but he did not fly unaccom- panied ; and among his subsequent associates, officers and soldiers, were men of as good standing as those who remained behind to profit by the change of authority. Many of the latter, however, expiated their sins or errors on the day of reckoning at Oriskany. Not able to seize the man, disappointed treachery determined to capture a woman. The victim this time was his wife. Why? The answer is in the words of a letter pre- served in the series of the well- known Peter Force, which says: "It is the general opinion of people in Tryon county that, while Lady Johnson is kept a kind of hostage, Sir John will not carry matters to excess." Lady Johnson must have been a plucky woman; for even when under con- straint, and in the most delicate condition that a woman can be, she exulted in the prospects of soon hearing that Sir John would soon rav- age the country on the Mohawk river. To quote another letter from the highest au- thority, "It has been hinted that she is a good security to prevent the effects of her husband's virulence." With a determination even superior to that exhibited by her husband, because she was a woman and he a man, Lady Johnson in mid- winter, January, 1777, in disguise, made her escape through hardships which would appal a person in her position in the present day. Through the deepest snows, through the ex- treme cold, through lines of ingrates and ene- mies, she made her way into this loyal city. Her story reads like a romance. People cite Flora MacDonald, Grace Darrell, Florence Nightin- gale. We had a heroine in our midst who displayed a courage as lofty as theirs, but sh is forgotten, because she was the wife of a man who had the courage to avenge her wrongs, even upon the victors, and chastise her enemies and persecutors as well as his own. All this occurred prior to the Spring of 1777. * Sir Guy Carleton, undoubtedly the grandest character among the British military chieftains in America, received Sir John with open arms; and immediately gave him opportunities to raise a regiment, which made itself known and felt along the frontier, throughout the war. With a fatal parsimony of judgment and its application, the Crown never accumulated sufficient troops at decisive points, but either delayed their arrival or afterward di- verted or frittered their strength away. In 1777, when Burgoyne was preparing for his invasion of New York, down the Hudson, St. Leger was entrusted with a similar advance down the Mohawk. Sir Henry Clinton, an able strategist and a brave soldier, but an indo- lent, nervous mortal, and an inefficient commander, recorded a sagacious opinion on this occasion, viz. : that to St. Leger was as- signed the most important part in the pro- gramme with the most inadequate means to carry it out. To play this part successfully required a much larger force; and yet to take > a fort garrisoned by nine hundred and fifty ' not inefficient troops, with sufficient artillery, and fight the whole available population of j Tryon county in arms beside, St. Leger had i only 675 whites and an aggregation of about ' 1000 Indians from twenty-two different tribes, gathered from the remotest points adminis- tered by British officers, even from the ex- treme western shores of Lake Superior. To batter this f. >rt he had a few small pieces of ordnance, which were about as effective as pop-guns : and were simply adequate, as he says in his report, to "tease," without injuring, the garrison. His second in command was Sir John Johnson. For the relief of Fort Stanwix, Maj.-Gen. Harkheimer. Sir John's old antagonist, gath- ered up all the valid men in Tryon county, variously stater] at from 800 and 900 to 1000, constituting four or five regiments of militia, and some Oneida Indians. These latter, traitors to a fraternal bond of centuries, seemed about as useless to their new associates as thev were faithless to their old ties. To meet Harkheimer, St. Leger sent forward Sir John Johnson, and it is now clearly established beyond a doubt that his ability planned and his determination fought the battle of Oriskany. Had the Indians shown anything like the pluck of white men, not a provincial woidd have escaped. In spite of their inefficiency, Sir John's whites alone would have accomplished the business had it not been for "a shower of blessing" sent by Providence, and a recall to the assistance of St. Leger. As it was, this, the bloodiest battle of the Revolu- tion at the North, was indecisive. Harkeimer lost his life, likewise hundreds of his follow- ers, and Tryon county suffered such a terrific calamity, that to use the inference of its his- torian, if it smiled again during the war it smiled through tears. The iron will of Schuy- ler, another old antagonist of Sir John, sent Arnold, the best soldier of the Revolution, to Sir John Johnson. save Fort Stanwix, the key to the Mohawk valley. The rapid advance of this brilliant leader and the dastardly conduct and defection of the Indians, preserved the beleaguered work ; and St. Leger and Sir John were forced to re- tire. On this salvation of Fort Stanwix, and not on Bennington, properly Hoosic or Wal- loomscoik nor on Saratoga, hinged the fate of the Burgoyne invasion and the eventual cer- tainty of independence. No part of the fail- ure is chargeable to Sir John. As before mentioned, the English war ad- ministration seemed utterly inadequate to the occasion. They had not been able to grapple with its exigencies while the colonies were "do- ing for themselves," as Mazzini expressed it. When France and Spain entered the list, and Burgoyne's army had been eliminated from the war problem, they seem to have lost their heads; and, in 1778, abandoned all the fruits of the misdirected efforts of their main army. Clinton succeeded to Howe in the field, and Haldimand to Carleton in Canada. Haldi- mand, a Swiss by birth and a veteran by service, was as deficient in the priceless practical abilities in which his prede- cessor excelled. Those who knew him considered him an excellent professional soldier, but for administration and organization his gifts were small. He was so afraid that the French and Provincials would invade and dismember the remaining British possessions in North America, that he not only crippled Clinton in a measure, by constant demands for troops, but he was afraid to entrust such brilliant partisans as Sir John Johnson with forces sufficient to accomplish anything of importance. He suffered raids when he should have launched invasions, and he kept every company and battalion for the defence of a territory, which, except in its ports, was amply protected by nature and distance. Washington played on his timidity just as he afterward fingered the ner- vousness of Clinton. Thus the rest of 1777, the whol ; of 1778, and the greater part of 1779 was passed by Sir John in compulsory inac- tivity. He was undoubtedly busy. But, like thousands of human efforts which cost such an expenditure of thought and preparation, but are fruitless in marked results, their records are "writ in water." In 1779 occurred the famous invasion of the territory of the Six Nations by Sullivan. In one sense it was tri- umphant. It did the devil's work thorough- ly. It converted a series of blooming gardens, teeming orchards and productive fields into wastes and ashes. It was a disgrace to devel- oping civilization, and, except to those writers who worship nothing but temporary success, it called forth some of the most scathing con- demnations ever penned by historians. When white men scalp and flay Indi- ans, and convert the skins of the latter's thighs into boot-tops, the question sug- gests itself, which were the savages, the Continental troops or the Indians. It is scarcely an exaggeration to say that for ev- ery Indian slain and Indian hut consumed in this campaign, a thousand white men, women and children paid the penalty ; and it is al- most unexeeptionally admitted that the inex- tinguishable hatred of t.he redskins to the United States dates from this raid of Sullivan worthy of the Scottish chief who smoked his enemies to death in acavern, or of a Pellissier, a St. Arnaud or a Pretorius. Sullivan's military objective was Fort Nia- gara, the basis, for about a century, of in- roads, French and British, upon New York. Why he did not make the attempt requires a consideration which would occupv more time than is assigned to this whole address. There were adversaries in his front who did not fear pop-gun artillery like the Indians, and were not to be dismayed by a lively cannonade as at Newtown. Haldimand had sent Sir John Johnson to organize a body of about two hun- dred and fifty white troops, besides the Indians, and these were rapidly concentrating upon Sullivan, when the latter countermarched. American historians give their reasons for this retreat ; British writers explain it very differ- ently. In any event this expedition was the last military command enjoyed by Sullivan. The Scripture here affords an expression which may not be inapplicable. "He departed ' without being desired." Sir John's further aggressive movements were prevented by the early setting in of Win ter, which rendered the navigation of Lake | Ontario too dangerous for the certain dispatch ' of the necessary troops and adequate supplies. The extreme search for information in re- gard to the details of the movements upon this frontier, has been hitherto baffled. Ac- cording to a reliable contemporary record, | Sir John Johnson, Col. Butler and Capt. Brandt captured Fort Stanwix on the 2d of November, 1779. This is the only aggressive operation of the year attributed to him. In 1780 Sir John was given head, or let loose, and he made the most of his time. In this year he made two incursions mto the Mohawk Val- ley, the first in May and the second in Octo- ber. There is a very curious circumstance con- 1 nected with this raid. The burial of his valu- able plate and papers, and the guarding of the secret of this deposit by a faithful slave, al- though sold into the hands of his master's ene- mies ; the recovery of the silver through this faithful negro, and the transport of the treas- ! ures, in the knapsacks of forty soldiers, through the wilderness to Canada, has been related in so many books that there is no need of a repetition of the details. One fact, however, is not generally known. Through dampness the papers had been wholly or par- tially destroyed ; and this may account for a i great many gaps and involved questions in narratives connected with the Johnson family. The "treasure-trove" eventually was of no ser- vice to anyone. God maketh the wrath of man to praise Him ; and although Sir John was the rod of His anger, the staff of His in- ; dignation and the weapon of His vengeance for the injustice and barbarisms shown by the ! Americans to the Six Nations, but especially during the preceding year the instrument was not allowed to profit, personally, by the ser- vice. The silver, etc. , retrieved at such a cost of peril, of fife, of desolation and of suffering was not destined to benefit anyone. What, amid fire and sword and death and devastation, had been wrenched from the enemy was placed on shipboard for conveyance to England, and, by Sir John Johnson. the "irony of fate," the vessel foundered in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and its precious freight, like that described in the "Niebelungen Lied," sank into the treasury of so much of earth's richest spoils and possessions, the abyss of the sea. It is said that his second invasion of this year was co-ordinate with the plan of Sir Henry Clinton, of which the basis was the sur- render of West Point by Arnold. If so, the former bore to the latter the same relation that the advance of St. Leger did in respect to Burgoyne. St. Leger's failure burst the combined movement of 1777; and Arnold's abortive attempt exploded the conception of 1780. So that Sir John's move- ment, which was to have been one of a grand military series, unhappily for his reputation became an apparent "mission of vengeance," executed, however, with a thoroughness which was felt far beyond the district upon which the visitation came — came in such a terrible guise, that a hundred years have scarcely weakened the bitterness of its memories. Whatever else may be debited to him, it can be said of him, as of Graham of Claverhouse, that he did bis work effectively. Although one hundred years have scarcely passed awaj since the events considered in this address, there are almost as conflicting accounts of the personal appearance of Sir John as there are antagonistic judgments in respect to his character. By some he has been represented as over six feet in height ; by others as not taller than the ordinary run of men in his dis- trict. Doubtless in mature years he was a stout or stalwart figure, and this, always at least to some extent, detracts from height, and deceives unless everything is in exact propor- tion. The only likeness in existence which is in accordance with descriptions, an engraving of F. Bartolozzi, R. A. , is a rare one from some contemporary work, representing him hi his uniform. It is not inconsistent with the pictures of him ordinarily produced in well known works. These, however, from the cos- tume and expression, seem to have been taken at an earlier date. [Mr. de Lancey, at page (342 (Note lv.). Vol. 2, appended to Jones' ^'History of New York," etc. , furnishes a description of Sir John, which tallies exactly with the colored engraving by Bartolozzi, in the speaker's possession. "He was a handsome, well-made man, a lit- tle short, with blue eyes, light hair, a fresh complexion, and a Ann but pleasant expression. He was quick and decided in disposition and manner, and possessed of great endurance."] He has been ''described as cold, haughty, cruel and implacable, of questionable" courage, and with a feeble sense of personal honor. Mr. Wil- liam C. Bryant, in his admirable biographical sketch, disposes of this repulsive picture with a single honest sentence: "The detested title of Tory, in fact, was a synonym for all these unamiable qualities." According to a recently found sketch of Charleston, South Carolina, published in 1854, it would appear that every American opposed to French Jacobinism was stigmatized as an aristocrat; and when Washington approved of Jay's treaty of 1795, six prominent advo- cates of his policy were hung in effigy and pol- luted with every mark of indignity; then burned. Even the likeness of Washington, at full length, on a sign, is reported to have been much abused by the rabble. These patriots experienced the same treatment accorded to the character of Sir John. The procession at Poughkeepsie, in this State, to ratify the adop- tion of the Federal Constitution, came near ending in bloodshed. Any one opposed to slavery, when it existed, risked his life, south of "Mason and Dixon's line," if he uttered his sentiments in public. No virtues would have saved him from violence. On the other hand, there were classes and communities at the North who would not concede a redeeming quality to a slaveholder. Passion intensifies pubhc opinion. The masses never reflect. Here let a distinction be drawn which very few, even thinking persons, duly appreciate. The rabble are not the people. Knox, in his "Races of Men," draws this distinction most clearly. And yet in no country to such an extent as in the United States is this mistake so often made. Old Rome was styled by its own best thinkers and annalists "the cesspool of the world :" and if any modern State de- serves this scathing imputation, it is this very State of New York. Count Tallyrand- Perigord said that as long as there is sufficient virtue in the thinking classes to assimilate what is good, and reject what is vicious in immigration, there is true progress and real prosperity. W hen the poison becomes superior to the resistive and assimilative^power. the descent begins. It is to pander to the rabble, not the people, that such men as Sir John Johnson are misrepre- sented. Such a course is politic for dema- gogues. To them the utterance of the truth is suicidal, because they only could exist through such perversions worthy of a Machiavelli. They thrive through political Jesuitism. The Roman populace were maintained and restrained by "panem et tircdics." The mod- ern voting rabble feed like them — to use the Scripture expression — on the wind of delusion ; and it is this method of portraiture which ena- bled the Albany Committee to strike down Sir John, confiscate his property and drive him forth ; and carry out like purposes in our very midst to-day. People of the present day can scarcely con- ceive the virulence of vituperation which char- acterized the political literature of a century since. Hough, in his "Northern Invasion" has a note on this subject which applies to every similar case. The gist of it is this: The opinions of local populations in regard to prominent men were entirely biased, if not founded upon their popularity or the reverse. If modern times were to judge of the charac- ter of Hannibal by the pictures handed down by the gravest of Roman historians, he would have to be regarded as a man destitute of almost every redeeming trait except courage and ability or astuteness; whereas, when the truth is sifted out, it is positively certain that the very vices attributed to the great Carthaginian should be transferred to his Latin adversaries. Sir John was not cold. He was one of the most affectioiiate of men. Mr. Bryant tells us that he was not "haughty," but, on the con- trary, displayed qualities which are totally inconsistent with coldness. "His manners were 10 Sir John Johnson. peculiarly mild, gentle and winning. He was remarkably fond of the society of children, who, with then - marvellous insight into char- acter, bestowed upon him the full measure of their unquestioning love and faith. He was also greatly attached to all domestic animals, and notably very humane and tender in his treatment of them." Another writer, com- menting upon these traits, remarks: "His pe- culiar characteristic of tenderness to children and animals, makes me think that the stories of his inhumanity during the War of the Rev- olution cannot be true." He was not "cruel." A number of instances are recorded to the contrary, in themselves sufficient to disprove such a sweeping charge. The honest Bryant penned a paragraph which is pertinent here in this connection. "Sir John, certainly, inherited many of the virtues which shed lustre upon his father's name. His devotion to the interests of his gov- ernment; his energetic and enlightened ad- ministration of important trusts; his earnest championship of the barbarous race which looked up to liini as a father and a friend; his cheerful sacrifice of a princely fortune and estate on what he conceived to be the altar of patriotism, cannot be controverted by the most virulent of his detractors. The atroci- ties which were perpetrated by the invading forces under bis command are precisely those which, in our aimals, have attached a stigma to the names of Montcalm and Burgoyne. To restrain an ill-disciplined rabble of exiled Tories and ruthless savages wai^beyond the power of men whose humanity has never in other instances been questioned." The majority of writers absolve Montcalm ; and Burgoyne disclaimed, and almost conclu- sively proved, that he was not responsible for the charges brought against him by the gran- diloquent Gates and others, who did not hesi- tate to draw upon their imagination to make a point. Sir John, with his own lips, declared, in regard to the cruelti s suffered by the Whigs during his first inroad, that "their Tory neighbors, and not himself, were blania- ble for those acts." It is said that Sir John much regretted the death of those who were esteemed by his father, and censured the murderer. But how was he to punish ! Can the United States at this day, with all its power, punish the individual perpetrators of cruelties along the Western frontier and among the Indians! It is justly remarked that if the "Six Nations" had an historian, the Chemung and C4enesee valleys, desolated by Sullivan, would present no less glowing a picture than of those of the Schoharie and Mohawk, which experienced the visitations of Sir John. He, at all events, ordered churches to be spared. Sullivan's vengeance was indis- criminate, and left nothing standing in the shape of a building which his fires could reach. Sir John more than once inter- posed his disciplined troops between the savages and their intended victims. He redeemed captives with his own money ; • and while without contradiction he punished a I guilty district with military execution, it was I not directed by his orders or countenance against individuals. Hough, for himself, and quoting others, admits that "no violence was off ered to women and children." There is nothing on record or hinted to show that he refused mercy to prisoners ; no instance of what was termed "Tarleton's quarter" is cited ; and it is very questionable if cold-blood- ed peculation in the American administrative corps did not kill off incalculably more in the course of a single campaign, than fell at the hands of all, white and red, directed by John- son, during the war. As to the epithet "implacable," that amounts to nothing. To the masses, anyone who pun- ishes a majority, even tempering justice with mercy, provided he moves in a sphere above the plane of those %vho are the subjects of the discipline, is always considered not only unjust but cruel. The patriots or rebels of Tryon ( county had worked their will on the persons of the family and the properties of Sir John Johnson; and he certainly gave them a good deep draught from the goblet they had originally forced upon his lips. He did not live up to the Christian code which all men preach and no man practices, and as- suredly did not turn the other cheek to the smiter, or offer his cloak to lum who had al- ready stolen his coat. I claim there was great / justification for his conduct. The masses can understand nothing that is not brought home to them in letters of fire and of suffering. Their compassion and their fury are both the blaze of straw; and their cruelty is as endur- ing as the heat of red hot steel. The manner in which the construction of elevated railroads has been permitted in the city of New York, to the detriment and even comparative ruin of individuals, shows how little the public care if i the few suffer provided it is benefited. Sir John may be taken as representing the parties who were most deeply injured by such a sys- tem. If these blew up a portion of the road with the trains upon it containing the direc- tors and prominent stockholders, the laws of this State, like those'favoring "Anti-rentism." and seemingly adjusted for the protection of wrong, would term such an act conspiracy and murder. Whereas disinterested parties, know- ingthe facts, might esteem it a righteous ret- ribution, which, although punishable as a crime against society, was not without excuse as humanity is constituted. There is only one more charge against Sir John to dispose of, viz., that "his courage was questionable." The accusation in regard to his having a "feeble sense of personal honor" rests upon the stereotyped fallacy in regard to the violation of his parole. This has already been treated of and shown to be unsustained by evidence. In fact, it was proved that he did not do so. In this connection it is neces- sary to cite a few more pertinent words from the impartial William C. Bryant. This author says: "Sir John's sympathies were well known, and he was constrained to sign a pledge that he would remain neutral during the struggle then impending. There is no warrant .for supposing that Sir John, when he submitted to this degradation, secretly deter- mined to violate his promise on the convenient plea of duress, or upon grounds more rational and quitting to his conscience. The jealous espionage to which he was afterwards exposed —the plot to seize, upon his person and restrain his liberty — doubtless furnished the coveted pretext for breaking faith with the 'rebels.' " Sir John Johnson. 11 The charge of "questionable courage" is ut- terly ridiculous. In the first place, it originated with his per- sonal enemies, and if such evidence were ad- missible, it is disproved by facts. There is scarcely any amount of eulogy which has not been lavished upon Arnold's expedi- tion from the Kennebec, across the great divide between Maine and Canada, down to the siege of Quebec, and the same praise has been extended to Clarke for his famous march across the drowned lands of In- diana. Arnold deserves all that can be said for him, and so does Clarke, and every one,who has displayed equal energy and intrepidity. It is only surprising that similar justice has not been extended to Sir John. It is universally conceded that when he made his escape from his persecutors, in 1776, and plunged into the howling wilderness to pre- serve his liberty and honor, he encountered all the suffering that it seemed possible for a man to endure. As a friend remarks, one who is well acquainted with the Adirondack wilder- ness, such a traverse would be an astonishing feat, even under favorable circumstances and season, at this day. Sir John was nineteen days in making the transit, and this, too, at a ; season when snow and drifts still blocked the Indian paths, the only recognized thorough- fares. No man deficient in spirit and fortitude would ever have made such an attempt. . Both of the invasions under his personal leading were characterized by similar daring. The cowardice was on the part of those who hurled the epithet at him. Their own writers admit it by inference, if not in so many words. One of the traditions of Tryon county, which must have been well-known to be re- membered after the lapse of a century, is to the effect that in the last battle, variously known as the fight on Klock's field, or Fox's Mills, both sides ran away from each other. Were it true of both sides, it would not be an extraordinary example. Panics, more or less in proportion, have occurred in the best of armies. There was a partial one after Wa- gram, after Castalla, after Solferino, and at our first Bull Run. But these are only a few among scores of instances that might be cited. What is still more curious, while a single personal enemy of Sir John charged him with quitting the field, the whole community abused his antagonist, Gen. Van Rensselaer, for not capturing Sir John and his troops, when a court martial decided that while the General did all he could, his troops were very ' 'bashful, "as the Japanese term it,about getting under close fire, and they had to be withdrawn from it to keep the majority from running home bodily. The fact is that the American State levies, quasi-regulars, under the gallant | Col. Brown, had experienced such a terrible I defeat in the morning, that it took away from the militia all their appetite for another fight with the same adversaries in the evening. Sir i John's conduct would have been excusable if 1 he had quitted the field, because he had been wounded, and a wound at this time, in the midst of an enemy's country, was a casualty which might have placed him at the mercy of an Administration which was not slow, with or without law, at inflicting cruelties, and even hanging in haste and trying at leisure. But Sir John t\d not quit the field premature- ly. He was not there to fight, to oblige his adversaries; his tactics were to avoid any battle which was not absolutely necessary to secure his retreat. He repulsed his pursuers and he absolutely re- turned to Canada, carrying with him as prisoners an American detachment which sought to intercept and impede his move- ments. While Van Rensselaer, the scion of a race which displayed uncommon courage in the Colonial service, was being tried and sought to be made a scape-goat for the short- comings of his superiors and inferiors, Sir John was receiving the compliments, in public orders, of his own superior, Gen. Haldimand, to whom the German officers in America have given in their published correspondence and narratives the highest praise as a professional soldier and therefore judge of military merit. What is more, as a farther demonstration of the injustice of ordinary history, the severe Governor Clinton was either with Van Rensse- laer or near at hand,and consequently as much to blame as the latter for the escape of Sir John. Stone, who wrote at a time when as yet there were plenty of living contemporaries, dis- tinctly says that Gov. Clinton was with Gen. Van Rensselaer just before the battle and re- mained at Fort Plain, while the battle was taking place a few miles distant. Finally, the testimony taken before the court martial indicates that the Americans were vastly superior in numbers to, if not more than double, Sir John's whites and Indians ; and it was the want, as usual, of true fighting pluck in the Indians, and their abandonment of their white associates which made the result at all indecisive for the Loyalists. Had the redskins stood their ground it is very doubtful if the other side would have stopped short of Schenectady. All accounts agree that the in- vaders had been overworked and were over- i burdened, having performed extraordinary labors and marches; whereas, except as to ordinary expeditiousness, the Americans, quasi regulars and militia, were fresh and in fight marching order, for they were just from home. So much stress has been laid on this fight because it has been al- ways unfairly told, except before the court martial which exonerated Van Rensselaer. Ordinary human judgment makes the philoso- pher weep and laugh : weep in sorrow at the fallacy of history, and laugh in bitterness at the follies and prejudices of the uneducated and unreflecting. Some of the greatest commanders who have ever lived have not escaped the accusation of want of spirit at one time or another. Even Napoleon has been blamed for not suffering himself to be killed at Waterloo, thus ending his career in a blaze of glory. Malice vented itself in such a charge against the gallant leader who saved the middle zone to the Union, and converted the despondency of retreat and defeat into victory. It is perhaps a remarkable fact that the mob always select two vituperative charges the most repugnant to a man of honor, perhaps because they are those to which they them- selves are most open — falsehood and poltroon- ery; forgetting that it is not the business of a commander to throw away a life which does 12 Sir John Johnson. not belong to himself individually but to the general welfare of his troops. Mere "physical courage," as has been well said by a veteran soldier, "is largely a question of nerves." Moral courage is the God-like quality, the lever which in all ages has moved this world. Moreover it is the corner-stone of progress ; and without it brute insensibility to danger would have left the nineteenth century in the same condition as the "Stone Age." A man, bred as Sir John had been, who had the courage to give up everything tor principle, and with less than a modern battalion of whites, plunge again and again into the territory of his ene- mies, bristling with forts and stockaded posts, who could put in the field forty -five regiments, of which seventeen were in Albany and five in Tryon counties, the actual scenes of conflict, besides distinct corps of State levies raised for the protection of the frontiers, in which every other man was his deadly foe, and the ma- jority capital marksmen, that could shoot off a squirrel's head at a hundred yards — such a man must have had an awful amount of a hero in his com- position. Americans would have been only too willing to crown him with this halo, if he had fought on their side instead of fight- ing so desperately against them. And now. in conclusion, let me call the brief attention of this audience to a few addi- tional facts. Sir William Johnson was the son of his own deeds and the creature of the bounty of his sovereign. He owed nothing to the people. They had not added either to his influence, affluence, position or power. If this was true of the father as a beneficiary of the Crown, how much more so was the son. The people undertook to deprive the latter of that which they had neither bestowed nor augmented They injured him in every way that a man could be injured; and they made that which was the most commendable in him — his loyalty to a gracious benefactor, his crime, and punished him for that which they should have honored. They struck ; and he had both the courage, the power, ami the opportunity to strike back. His retaliation may not have been consistent with the literal admonition of the Gospel, but there was nothing in it inconsistent with the ordinary temper of humanity and manliness. Ladies and gentlemen, the people of this era have no conception of the fearful significance of Loyalty, 10U years since. Loyalty, then, was almost paramount to religion: next after a man's duty to his God was his allegiance to his prince. " Noblesse oblige" has been blazoned as the highest commendation of the otherwise vicious aristocracy of France. It is charged that when the perishing Bourbon dynasty was in direst need of defenders it discovered them "neither in its titled nobility nor in its native soldiers," but in mercenaries. Whereas in America George III. found daring champions in the best citizens of the land, and foremost in the front rank of these stood Sir John Johnson. Hume, who is anything but an imaginative or enthusiastic writer, couples loyalty and patriotism together ; and with his philosophical words this vindication of Sir John Johnson is committed to jour calm and unprejudiced judgment: "Themost inviolable attachment to the laws of our country is everywhere acknowledged a capital virtue; and where the people are not so happy as to have any legislature but a single person, THE STRICTEST LOYALTY IS, IN THAT CASE, THE TRUEST PATRIOTISM." " Hopes have precarious life; They are oft blighted, withered, snapt sheer off:" But faithfulness can feed on suffering, And knows no disappointment. " NOTE. A letter lies before the author of the above Address, which is too pertinent and corrobor- ative to be omitted. It is from the pen of a distinguished officer and one of the most re- flecting men of this generation, who is like- wise a collateral relation of one of the most prominent Continental generals. In it the writer says: "The more I read and understand the Amer- ican Revolution, the more I wonder at our success. I doubt if there were more than two States decidedly Whig — Massachusetts and Virginia. Massachusetts [morally] overlapped New Hampshire and the northern part of Rhode Island — dragged them after her. The Massachusetts people were Aryan [by race! with a strong injection of Jewish [instincts]. The population of southern Rhode Island and Connecticut were divided— more Loyal than Rebel. New York was Tory. New Jersey — eastern part, followed New York ; western part, Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania was Tory. Maryland was divided. North Carolina partly followed her, partly South Carolina. South Carolina had many Tories. Georgia followed South Carolina. Two parties constituted the strength of the Whigs — the Democratic Com-! munists of Massachusetts, and wherever their organization extended, and the [Provincial] aristocracy of Virginia, which was loyal to the King, but would not bend to the aristo- cratic Parliament. The Scotch [Protestant, not Papist] Irish in New York, Pennsylvania and North Carolina were Rebels to the backbone. The Dutch families in New York, the Hugue- nots in South Carolina, likewise. The Church party, the Germans, the Catholic Irish, and the Quakers were loyalist. The Dissenters everywhere were Rebels. PROOFS CONSIDERED, IN CONNECTION WITH THE VINDICATION OP sir jroiHiiisr jtohnsoe", zb^zr,t. 7 Being an Address Delivered before the New York Historical Society, at its Annual Meeting, Gth January, 1880, By J; WATTS DE PEYSTER, Maj.-Gen., LL.D., F.R.H.S., Etc. .A-iPiPiEJisriDix: x. Being Chapter IV. "'History of New York during the Revolutionary War, and of the Leading Events hi the other Colonies at that Period," by Thomas Jones, Justice of the Su- prene Court of the Province. Edited by Ed- ward Floyd de Lancy. With Notes, Contem- porary Documents, Maps and Portraits. Vol- ume 1. New York. Printed for the New York Historical Society, 1879. Page 71. In December, 17 75, Congress ordered Gen. Schuyler — (in violation of a most solemn treaty, entered into by Commissioners appointed by themselves, and the Six United Indian Na- tions, at Albany, the Fall preceding, by which it was stipulated and agreed that the Mohawk river should be left open for trade, that no troops should be sent into these parts, and that Sir John Johnson should remain untouched, unmolested, and undisturbed by Congress, or any persons acting under their orders, in con- sequence of which the Indians engaged to con- tinue peaceable and in a perfect state of neu- trality; a treaty executed by each party with all the pomp and solemnity usual with the Indians upon such occasions, and afterwards fully and ab- solutely ratified by Congress) — to march with the Albany, the Ulster, and some New Eng- land mditia, amounting to about 4000 men, into Tryon county, to disarm Sir John, the loyal inhabitants of Johnstown, and to break up a settlement of Highlanders then forming upon a part of Sir John's large estate in that county. The Committee at Albany, to whom the management of this expedition was recommended, were for some time at a loss or, as Schuyler himself expressed it in his letter to Congress, puzzled for a pretence to obey the orders of Congress by carrying the expedition into execution. But Sir John having built, some months be- fore, a small island in a duck pond contiguous to the Hall, a poor, ignorant, illit- erate f ellow was prevailed upon by the Albany Committee (and perhaps paid for it besides) to swear that this little island contained within its bowels several thousand stand of arms, that the deponent was present, saw and assisted in the putting them in, and covering them up. This affidavit, which did not contain a word of truth, was made, as Schuyler mentions in another letter to Congress, the ostensible reason for undertaking the expedition. The real truth of this iniquitous business was a de- sign f ornierl by Congress to rob and plunder Sir John, (1) the loyal inhabitants of Johnstown, to break up and destroy the Highland settlement, and to impress tin- Indians with an idea of the amazing power of Congress, and to gratify at the same time the malice and satiate the vengeance of some in- dividual members of that body who were vexed, piqued, and chagrined at the Highland- ers having preferred a settlement upon Sir John's land in preference to their own ('Philip Livingston, James Duane and Isaac Low, three of the delegates from New York, who had large tracts of unsettled land in the same county.') This, these selfish and disappointed persons had the impudence to call "patriotism." The army was assembled at Albany, re- viewed by Schuyler, marched to Schenectady, from thence to Caughnawaga, and and so on to Johnstown. Sir John, with a few domestics and some friends then at the Hall, stood upon his defence. The Indians appeared as medi- ators. They complained of the breach of the violation of a solemn treaty so recently made, so sacredly entered into by the contracting parties, and so solemnly ratified by the sachems of the Six United Indian Nations and by Congress, the sachems of the thirteen revolted colonies. It had no effect, Schuyler was in their country, and there, at tLe head of 4000 men in arms, articles of capitu- lation were at length proposed, liti- gated, settled and signed, by which Sir John, the inhabitants of Johnstown and the Highlanders surrendered their arms and ammunition. They were to be exempt from plunder, and all the king's stores (2) in the possession of Sir John were delivered up. The business thus finished, Schuyler began his march back for Albany, taking away with him all the leading men among the Highland- ers as prisoners ; but, stopping in the suburbs of Johnstown, he pretended that the Scotch- men, hi delivering up then- arms, had omitted some leathern pouches and a few dirks (some- thing similar to this was afterward made use of by Congress to justify the scandalous breach of the Saratoga Convention (3) ) ; he therefore sent back and demanded them. The Highlanders denied the charge. Whether this was a thought of his own, or the contrivance of some other person, has been hitherto undiscovered, but from Schuy- ler's well-known character, and the antipathy and hatred of himself, and all his connections to the Johnson famdy, it requires no great con- juration to find out from whence the scheme originated. This was all that was wanted. It was now suggested that the capitulation was broken ; permission was therefore given to the army to plunder ; they accordingly pil- laged Sir John, the inhabitants of Johnstown, and the Highlanders, in which indiscriminate plunder none were exempt ; men, women and children all fared alike. They even robbed the Episcopal Church, destroyed the organ, and in their lust for plunder broke open the vault in which were deposited the remains of the great, the good, the brave old Sir William, and scattered the bones about the sacred edi- fice. This done, the army returned to Albany, divided the plunder, and were disbanded. For this meritorious piece of service Schuyler re- ceived the thanks of Congress. From the de- struction of a large flock of peacocks which Sir John had upon his farm, and the whole army decorating themselves with the stolen feathers, the Loyalists in that part of the coun- try gave it the name of "Schuyler's Peacock Expedition," by which it is still known (1787) and perhaps ever will be. The laurels gained in this pious expedition were the only ones reaped by the magnanimous Gen. Schuyler during the whole course of the American war. After this, the Committee of Albany de- signedly employed themselves in harassing Sir John as much as possible. If an Indian was seen with a new coat, a new blanket, or a new hat, Sir John was summoned to Albany, and [on wheels, on worst roads] strictly interrogated how the Indian came by it. He was sometimes ordered down twice in a week. The distance between Johnson Hall and Albany is at least forty miles. This was vexatious; it was done to give Sir John as much trouble as possi- ble. He at length grew angry at such barbarous and irritating usage, and being a man of spirit, was conse- quently chagrined at the treatment he was constantly and repeatedly receiving from a set of common fellows who composed the Al- bany Committee, a pack as much below him, as they were themselves superior to the wolves that prowled the woods. He therefore took the resolution of leaving that part of the country, and accordingly in the month of June following, with a few Loyalists, and some steady true friends of the Mohawk Indians, he left the Hall and went through the woods without pursuing any of the usual routes, (4) and safely arrived in Canada after a fortnight's journey. The deserts he passed were, hi many cases, almost impenetrable. Sir Guy Carleton, then Governor of, and Commander-in-Chief in, Canada, received him with open arms. As he was bold, resolute, spirited, brave and active, well acquainted with the frontier of New York, and hi high estimation among the inhabitants, he was an acquisition to Sir Guy. He gave him a commission to raise two bat- talions of 500 men each, of which he was ap- pointed the Colonel commandant. Sir John had the recommendation of his own officers, and he made a most judicious choice, in conse- quence of which his battalions were soon com- plete, and principally consisted of Loyalists from the counties of Albany, Charlotte and Tryon, where Sir John was well known, and his honor, his justice, his virtue. and generosity held in as much estimation as were those of his father, the hospitable old Sir William, in his lifetime. Sir John con- tinued in Canada during the whole war (the Winter of 1776 exoepted, which he spent in New York), and behaved with a spirit, a courage, an intrepidity, and perseverance, scarcely to be equalled. He did more mischief to the rebel settlements upon the frontiers of Hew York than all the partisans in the Brit- ish service put togeth ?r. (5) He was ever out and always successful. He was so much be- loved by the Mohawks, whose castles and set- tlements were in his neighborhood, that the whole nation to a man followed him into Canada, and attended him in all his excursions during the war. For this the rebels seized upon then - lands, burnt their churches, destroyed their towns, and demolished their castles. (6) They are now settled in Canada, where they have land as- signed them by an order from Great Britain, whose King they still call their Father. They were always the steady friends and allies of England. They have joined her standard in every war since the settlement of America. Yet the lands, the property of these firm friends and steady allies, were by Lord Shel- burne's peace absolutely and totally surren- dered and ceded to the rebel States without a condition, a term, or a stipulation in their favor, and this too, after an eight years' war, during the whole course of which they had taken an active and decided part in favor of the British cause, had lost many of their men, and some of their principal sachems. No sooner had the Committee at Albany in- telligence that Sir John was gone to Canada, than a detachment of Continentals was sent up to the Hall, with orders to make Lady Johnson a prisoner and bring her to Albany. This was accordingly done. The mansion was completely plundered of all its contents. The farm in Sir John's own occupation was robbed of his cattle, his negroes, his horses, hogs, sheep, and utensils of husbandry. His car- riages were taken away, his papers of every kind (some of the utmost consequence, (7) ) were stolen or destroyed, and all his slaves carried off. This done, Lady Johnson was escorted under a guard to Albany, a lady of great beauty, of the most amiable disposition, and composed of materials of the most soft and delicate kind. Besides this she was more than seven months advanced in her preg- nancy. She was suffered to go to Albany in her own carriage driven by a servant of her own. But in order to add insult to insult, she was obliged to take the Lieutenant who com- manded the detachment into the carriage with her, who was now converted from a mender of shoes in Connecticut, into an officer holding a commission under the honorable, the Conti- nental Congress. Thus was Lady Johnson conducted from Sir John's seat to Albany, guarded by a parcel of half clothed dirty Yankees, and squired by a New England officer, by trade a cobbler, as dirty as themselves, until he had decorated himself with a suit of Sir John's clothes, and a clean shirt, and a pair of stockings, stolen at the Hall. A younger sister, and two children accompanied her ladyship to Albany, Lady Johnson had relations of opulence and interest in Albany, through whose influence she was permitted to reside with a venerable old aunt, with this positive injunction, not to leave the city under pain of death. She was, however, not in a condition to leave the town, had she been so disposed. She was also given to understand that if Sir John appeared in arms against the Americans, retali- ation should be made and she should be the object, and her life depended upon her husband's action. What inhuman, unfeeling conduct ! And yet these were the people who during the whole war boasted of their humane, generous behavior, (8) and taxed the British and Loyalists as butchers, cutthroats and barbarians. Lady Johnson being safely delivered, per- fectly recovered, and the King's troops having defeated the rebel army upon Long Island and at the White Plains, taken and in posses- sion of all York Island, Staten Island, Long Island, a part of Westchester, almost the whole of New Jersey, and Washington with the remains of his scattered army gone to the southward (9), the Albany Committee began to cool, and upon her ladyship's application to them for permission to go to New York, she was referred to the Provincial Congress, which was then sitting at the Fish Kills, a small, neat Dutch village, situate upon the eastern bank of the Hudson [in Duchess county], nearly midway between New York and Albany. A pass for this pur- pose was given her, it was the latter end of November, when the weather is in general very severe In consequence of her permission and pass, she left Albany, her sister accom- panied her, she had no male friend or servant to attend her, she got safe to the Fish Kills, and made her application. It was unanimous- ly rejected in a manner infamous, scorn- ful, and brutish. Upon her arrival at the Fish Kills, she thought it best, prior to her ap- plication to the Convention as a body, to applv to James Duane, Esq. , one of the members, and intercede with him to use his interest to pro- cure her permission to go to New York. Mr. Duane was an intimate acquaintance of her ladyship's father, Mr. Watts, (10) of New York, who had been his patron, his friend, his protec- tor, and in whose family he had been for many years as familiar as in those of his nearest rela- tions, Lady Johnson was of course well known to him. Duane, being the descendant of an Irish father, and having purchased large tracts of land in the county of Try on, had been particularly noticed, entertained, and most hospitably treated and assisted by Sir Wil- liam Johnson (Sir William Johnson was a native of Ireland), the father of Sir John, in the settlement and improvement of his lands. Upon the death of Sir William, which hap- pened in July, 1774, Sir John appointed him his attorney and counsel to transact all law matters whatever relative to the estate of his deceased father, a lucrative appointment. To this being did Lady Johnson (with all the meekness of a lamb, with a figure as delicate as imagination can conceive, and with those bewitching smiles ever attendant upon her in- tellectual face) apply for his interest and influ- ence with the Convention for leave to go into New York. He received her with a haughty, supercilious air. 'This genius was, before the war, one of the greatest time-servers — haugh- ty, proud and overbearing to his inferiors, andsycophanticaltoadegree of servility to his superiors, or to those who could serve his am- bitious purposes, and, if his own brother could be believed, not over honest. But this might be owing to his profession — he was a lawyer. Being married in the Livingston family, dis- appointed in an application to Lord Dunmore, and in another to Gen. Try on, to be made one of his Majesty's council, and his determina- tion to be a great man, all combined to hurry him down the stream of rebellion. Upon the evacuation of New York in 1783, he was made Mayor of the city. The Marquis de Chastellux, speaking of him, says he is civiL jovial, and drinks with- out repugnance. 1 She [Lady Johnson], with a tongue equal to that of a siren, with an in- fant in her arms, recounted the favors he had received, and the great intimacy that had for many years subsisted between him, her father, her late father-in-law, and her husband. He scarcely asked her to sit down, treated her with incivility and impoliteness, and, with a countenance as black and grim us Milton's Devil, told her, "that private friendship must be sacrificed to the good of the public, and no favors were to be expected of him." What base ingratitude! Upon the rejection of Lady Johnson's appli- cation by the Provincial Congress, they gave her liberty to take up her residence with the family of David Johnson, Esq., an old ac- quaintance of her father's, who lived at the Nine Partners, Patent in Dutchess county,"(ll) about sixteen miles to the east of the Hudson, or with that of Cadwallader Golden, Esq., an- other of her father's friends, who lived at Coldenham, in Ulster county, about twelve miles distant from the western shore of the Hudson. The latter was her choice. She was given, however, to understand, that if she at- tempted to escape, and should be retaken, she should immediately be treated with the ut- most severity ; or if Sir John appeared in arms and entered the State as an enemy, she must expect to be made the victim of retalia- tion for his conduct. Is it possible that anything could be more cruel in a Christian country ? Savages and barbarians would even shudder at the thought. Yet these were the people who called themselves the lambs of God, asserted they were contend- ing in a righteous cause and fighting for the rights of mankind. Lady Johnson possessed great resolution. She was not terrified with their threats. She removed to Mr. Colden's, and the first thing she did was to hire a faith- ful, honest loyalist to go to Johnstown with a message to an honest, trusty loyal tenant of Sir John's, with directions to be with her at such an hour with a sleigh and a pair of good horses. It was now the middle of January and the whole country covered with snow. Lady Johnson and her sister procured dresses, by way of disguise, and appeared in the characters of common country wenches. The messenger was true to his trust, and the tenant appeared at the appointed time. Lady John- son and her sister set out in the evening, travelled all night, and the next morning ar- rived safe at Paulus Hook, a British post upon the west side of the North river and directly opposite to New York. Here Sir John met her and conducted her to the city, since which they have never parted. She went with him the next Spring from New York to Canada, has been twice with him to England and twice returned to Can- ada, where they are now (1787) living in splendor, affluence, and reputation, and her ladyship the very idol of the people. Sir John is His Majesty's Superintendent of Indian Affairs in that part of the country. A particular anecdote must be here related. Lady Johnson and her sister, disguised as before mentioned, stopped upon the road at a public-house for a little refreshment. In this house there happened to be a party of rebels, and among them a Major Abeel, of the Conti- nentals, who had served Lady Johnson's father in the character of a clerk for many years, and was as well acquainted with her as with a sister of his own. Her Ladyship recognized him the moment she entered the room, and he steadily fixed his eyes on her. And sitting for some time, the Major says: "Your face, Madam, seems very familiar to me, I must have seen you somewhere." Lady Johnson with great cool- ness and an amazing presence of mind, an- swered : ' 'Very like, I lived in New York be- fore the war, my name is Kip. I left it upon the defeat of our army on Long Island, have been in the country ever since, and am going into Jersey to see some relations that live at Newark. " The Major asked no further ques- tions, and her ladyship soon took herself away. Whether Abeel knew her or not is un- certain. She has a countenance not easily to be disguised. If he did really know her, and concealed his knowledge out of friendship to , her father, herself, and family, he has great merit, for had he taken and returned her to the Provincial Congress, he woidd have been most gener- ously rewarded; Out as there was, dur- ing the war, so little generosity and friendship shown by rebels to loyalists, I sus- pect be was fairly deceived by a story told by her Ladyship with so much coolness and deliberation. [Compare Maj. Abeel's conduct with that of James Duane.] Note XXX. Ibid— Page 578, etc. "SCHUYLER'S EXPEDITION TO JOHNSTOWN — HOW IT ORIGINATED AND WAS CARRIED OUT." On the 30th of December, 1775, a special Committee of Investigation reported to the Continental Congress that "they have receiv- ed intelligence that a quantity of arms and ammunition and other articles are concealed in Tryon county, in which also there are several Tories armed and enlisted in the enemy's service ; whereupon, "Resolved, That the said Committee be directed to communicate the intelligence to Gen. Schuyler, and in the name of Congress desire him to take the most speedy and effect- ual measures for securing the said arms and military stores, and for disarming the said Tories and apprehending their chiefs. "* ^Jour- nals of Congress, 1775, p. 310.) In obedience to this Resolution Schuyler proceeded as stated in the text, being com- pelled by the want of troops to consult the Albany Committee how to raise them, first, however, swearhig that body to secrecy. A let- ter of Isaac Paris (12), Chairman of the Tryon County Committee, enclosing an affidavit of Jonathan French, Jr., that & woman told him Sir John Johnson was fortifying his house, and had 300 Indians near it, both subsequently proved false, arrived during the consultations, and these allegations "were made the osten- sible reasons of raising the militia," as Schuy- ler himself states in his "narrative of that lit- tle excursion." as he calls the expedition, from which the following citations are taken, and so excited were the people by them and so great was their effect,that the General says. "I had very near if not quite three thousand men, including nine hundred of the Tryon county militia." The author's statement of 4000 men as his force is, therefore, erroneous, as well as Bancroft's that he had 2000. Schuy- ler had also an affidavit of one Conner that he was present and saw arms secreted in an island in Sir John's duck-pond. This was merely the Cayadutta Creek, running at the foot of the hill on which Johnson Hall stands, which had been dammed and made into an ornamental fish-pond by Sir William Johnson sonie years before his death. The Indians living at Caughnawaga, on the Mohawk, five miles from Johnson Hall, were alarmed by the approach of the armed force, and a delegation met Schuyler at Schenectady on the 16th of January, when Abraham, the Mohawk chief, made him a speech, remon- strating against the invasion as a breach of the treaty of August, 1755, and stating that at Johnson Hall, Sir John was not fortifying, and that all things there remained as they were in the lifetime of Sir William; that they had asked him not to be the aggressor, and assured him if he was, they would pay no more attention to him; that "if our broth- ers of the United Colonies were the aggres- sors, we should treat them in the same man- ner." "This is what we told Sir John, as we look upon ourselves to be the mediators between both parties." "To which Sir John replied that we knew his disposition very well, and that he had no mind to be the aggressor ; he assured us he would not be the aggressor, but if the people came up to take away his life, he would do as well as he could, as the law of nature justified every man to stand in his own defence." "We beg of you, brothers," Abraham con- tinued, "to remember the engagement that was made with the twelve United Colonies at our inteiwiew last Summer, as we then en- gaged to open the path of peace and to keep it undefiled from blood ; at the same time some- thing of a different nature made its apj:>ear- ance. You assured us, brothers, that if any were found in our neigh- borhood inimical to us, that you would con- sider them as enemies. The Sue Nations then supposed that the son of Sir William was pointed at by that expression. We then de- sired particularly that he might not bo in- jured, as it was not in his power to injure the cause, and that therefore he might not be mo- lested. He also said that some of their warriors were alarmed and ready to take their arms, as they considered the unfriendly disposition of the Colonies verified, and would think themselves deceived if this military force came into their country, and that they were determined to be present at the interview with Sir John; that he, Abraham, had persuaded them "to sit still for two days," till he could go and inquire into the truth of the matter, and bring them an answer. Gen. Schuyler replied that he did not mean to interfere with the Six Nations ; that he had "full proofs that many people in Johnstown, and the neighborhood thereof, have for a considerable time past made prep- arations to carry into execution the wicked designs of the King's evil counsellors ; that it was by the special order of Congress that he was marching up to keep the path open, and to prevent the people of Johnstown from cut- ting off the communication between us and our brethren of the Six Nations and our other brethren living on the river;" that he would " send a letter to Sir John, inviting him to meet us on the road between this place and his house, which, if he does, we make no doubt that everything will be settled in an amicable manner;" and that "he wished their warriors would be present at the interview." Sir John and some of his Scotch tenants met Schuyler about sixteen miles from Schenectady, pursuant to Schuyler's written request, dated Schenectady, January 16, 1776, in which, after stating that information had been received " that designs of the most dangerous tendency to the rights, liberties, properties, and ereu the lives of his Majesty's faithful subjects (13) in America, who are op- posed to the unconstitutional measures of his ministry, have been formed in the County of Tryon," and that he had been ordered by Con- cress to march troops, "to contravene these dangerous designs ;" and wishing to obey his orders so that no blood may be shed, he invites him to meet at anj r place on his way to Johns- town ; and tlmt he and his attendants should pass and repass in safety to his abode upon "my word and honor." The letter was sent by Rutgers Bleecker and Henry Glen, and closes thus: I3P" "You will please to assure Lady Johnson that whatever may be the result of what is now in agitation, she may rest per- fectly satisfied that no indignity will be offered her." ^JgH Lady Johnson was a first cousin once re- moved of Gen. Schuyler, being Mary, a daughter of Hon. John Watts, of New York, by his wife, Anne (de Lancey), youngest daughter of Etienne de Lancey (the first of this name in America), whose wife and Gen. Schuyler's mother were sisters, both being daughters of Stephanus van Cortlandt. The first terms proposed by Schuyler, and the counter terms proposed by Sir John, were rejected by each. Schuyler then wrote John- son to reconsider the matter, and gave him until twelve at night on September [must be January — as above] 18 for an answer. After the letter was sent, the Indian sachems called upon Schuyler, stated that Sir Jonn had told them the contents of all the terms offered, and said that "he onlymeant to guard himself from insults by riotous people; that he had no unfriendly intentions against the country," and begged that his terms might be accepted. Schuyler declined, and told the Indians that if he did not comply by twelve that night he "would force him," and whoever assisted him, to a compliance. " They then asked Schuyler in case his answer was not satisfactory, to give hirh till four a. m., "that they might have time to go to him and shake his head (as they expressed it), and bring him to his senses," which was agreed to. This original, or rather aboriginal, opera- tion, proved not to be necessary, for at the hour first appointed, twelve at night, Sir John's answer came. The next morning Schuyler assented to certain modifications proposed, and the affair was settled without further difficulty. On the 19th the arms and military stores, "a much smaller quantity than T expected," says Schuyler, "were given up." On the 20th the Highlanders, "between two ami three hundred," marched to the front and grounded their arms, which were immediately secured. Schuyler, also, chose six of then number as hostages for the rest, pursuant to the terms of the treaty, the chief of whom was Allan Mc- Donald. The same afternoon several field officers and Conner, the . maker of the affidavit before mentioned, were sent to the island in the duck- pond, which turned out to be only twenty by twenty-eight feet in size, and about three feet above the water. When they cleared off the snow they found that the ground had not been broken up. They dug down to the wa- ter's edge, however, and probed the ground with sticks, swords and other instruments, but they found nothing. The whole charge was false, and tin" officers unanimously re- ported that they were convinced Conner was an impostor, and he was confined at once as such. The evening of the 20th Schuyler returned to Caughnawaga; the next day he wrote to Sir John that many of the Scotchmen had broadswords and dirks which had not been delivered up, either from inattention or wilful omission, and that they must comply with the treaty; adding: "I shall, how- ever, expect an eclaircissement on this subject, and beg that you and Mr. McDonald will give it me as soon as may be," and immediately marched back to Johns- town. As to whether there was any "eclaircisse- ment," or any answer or action at all, Schuy- ler's report is entirely silent. What they did after they got back to Johnstown, as described in the text, the pillaging, etc., is thus men- tioned: "I have had much anxiety and an in- credible deal of trouble to prevent so large a body of men collected on a sudden, with so little discipline, from running into excesses; I am, however, happy that nothing material; has happened that can reflect disgrace on our cause." On 2d Feb., 1776, Schuyler's narrative was received by the Continental Congress^ and on the 5th of the same month they passed res- olutions of thanks for the service, (Journals of Congress, 1776, pp. 47, 48, 40,) and that his narrative be published in the newspapers. The curious reader will find it at length in the fourth series of Force's Archives, vol. iv., pages 818 to 829. It may be stated that the "antipathy," as the text calls it. of Gen. Schuyler and his friends in Albany to the Johnson family, notwithstanding the blood relationship be- tween him and Lady Johnson above men- tioned, arose from the Indian trade. The Johnson influence was always, from the first arrival of Sir William in Amer- ica, in 1738, in favor of the Indians and against the Albany traders, many of whom were the friends and political supporters of Schuyler, and some of them his connections. Fi »r the condition of Johnson's tomb as found in 1862, see [Ibid.] Vol. II., page 644. HISTORY OF NEW YORK DURING THE REVOLU- TIONARY WAR. NOTE XXXI. BY THOMAS JONES, PAGE - r iN:i. Why Sir John Johnson left Johnson Hall — Released from his Parole by Schuyler — Lady Johnson Arrested and kept as a Host- •age — Action of Schuyler, Washington, Lady Johnson and the New York Convention — Their Personal and Official Statements — The Births, Marriage and Deaths of Sir John and Lady Johnson. See volume I., pages 74-81 (as above). On the 6th March, 1776, one John Collins, a Justice of the Peace, in Tryon county, en- gaged in raising a company for the Ameri- can service, took the affidavit of one Asa Chadwick, stating that Sir John Johnson told him he bad heard how Collins was cm- ployed, which would be worse for them all; that he had sent for the Indians, and they would be down on thf back settlements in six weeks and scalp a great many people. This was sent to the Al- bany Committee (Force's Am. Archives, 4th Series, vol. v., p. 195). It was subsequently found to be as baseless as those charging him with fortifying Johnson Hall and concealing arms on an island in his fishpond (See note xxx. above.) True or false, the Committee cautiously, on March 11th, "Resolved, That as Sir John lives out of the county, and is at present under parole to Gen. Schuyler, the said affidavit be laid before him to act thereupon, as he shall see convenient." Gen. Schuyler, by letter of the 12th, or- dered Sir John to Albany to meet his accusers and answer the charge (Force, Vol. V., p. 196). On the 19th, Schuyler wrote the President of Congress : "Sir John Johnson was this day in town agreeable to my request; but his accusers did not appear. He avows that he has reported that the Indians have thrown out threats that they would fall upon us; and says it is notori- ous to many of our friends in the County of Tryon that they have repeatedly done it. "I am just now informed that the Indians are already on their way to this place to hold a conference with us. We shall be greatly distressed, as we have nothing to give them." (Force, [Am. Arch.]416. The affidavits of vari- ous persons, given in the same volume, V., pp. 770, 771, prove the truth of Sir John's state- ment of the general notoriety of the Indian threats ifi Tryon county). While these proceedings were being had, the American army was still before Boston. The above letter of Schuyler was written only two days after its evacuation, and before the event was known in Albany. The driving of the British army from Boston at once stimulated the zeal of the American committees and officers throughout the colo- nies against their opponents. Schuyler felt the pressure of the Albany Committee, and determined to seize Sir John Johnson's person. As he held his parole, given in the preceding January, this could only be done by violating it, or releasing him from it. On May 10, just nineteen days after the above interview at Albany, Schuyler wrote Sir John, from Saratoga, that he had no doubt of his hostile intentions against the country, and "it is therefore necessary for the safety of the inhabitants and the weal of the country, that I should put it out of your power to embroil it in domestic confusion, and have, therefore, ordered you a close prisoner, and sent down to Albany, to be thence conveyed to his Excellency, Gen. Washington, thereby dis- charging ?/<>» from your parole.'''' (Force, vol. VI., Fourth Series, 643. The italics are the editor's.) Had Schuyler really believed the affidavits and information received from William Duer against Sir John, mentioned in the following letter, he never would have thus formally released him from his parole, for, if true, it was entirely unnecessary. The letter to Sir John was so be delivered by Col. Dayton, the officer in command of the troops sent to Johnstown, who was direct- ed to arrest him "as soon as he had read it." He was to be released from his parole, and made prisoner, simultaneously. Schuyler's plan is thus given by himself in "a letter to Gen. Sullivan. (Force, 641. The italics are the editor's — E. F. de L.) "Saratoga, May 14, 1776. "Dear Sir. — Some time ago an information on oath was lodged with me against Sir John Johnson, charging him with hostile intentions against us; this has since been confirmed by further information from persons whom I am not at liberty to name. "Judge Duer, who has taken one of the ex- aminations, and was present at another, will inform you more particularly. This has in- duced the enclosed order to Col. Dayton, whom I beg you will detach with three hun- dred of his most alert men to execute this business, and to order the Commissary-Gen- eral to furnish him with six days' provisions and carriages to convey it, and to prepare to send more if there should be occasion. It is necessary that Sir John Johnson should not be apprised of their real design, and I have, therefore, written him on the subject of removing the Highlanders from Tryon county, which you will please to peruse and seal, and send to him by express the soonest possible. "I am, &c, "Philip Schuyler. "To Gen. Sullivan." This ruse of removing the Highlanders, as the sequel shows, ruined the wily plan. Schuyler on the 14th wrote Lady Johnson, that he must secure Sir John's person, and that, if she accompanied her husband, all due care and attention should be paid her; but if Sir John wished her to remain, an officer's guard would be left, "to prevent any insult to yourself or your familv." (Force, 4th Series, Vol. VI. p. 643.) On the 18th, Sir John wrote from Johnson Hall to Gen. Scnuyler: "Sir, on my return from Fort Hunter, yesterday, I received your letter (Force, 692) by express, acquainting me that the elder McDonald had desired to have all the clan of his name in the county of Tryon removed and subsisted. I know none of that clan but such as are my tenants, and have been for near two years supported by me with every neceasity, by which means they have contract- ed a debt of near two thousand pounds, which they are in a likely way to discharge if left in peace. As they are under no obligation to Mr. McDonald, they refuse to comply with his ex- traordinary request; therefore, beg there may be no troops sent to conduct them to Albany, otherwise they will look upon it as a total breach of the treaty agreed to at Johnstown. (In January, 1776, as stated in note xxx., Mc- Donald was one of the six prisoners sent under the treaty to Congress as hostages for the High- landers at that time.) Mrs. McDonald showed me a letter from her husband written since he applied to Congress for leave to return to their families, in which he mentions he was told by the Congress it depended entirely upon you ; he then desired that their families might be brought down to them, but never mentioned anything with regard to moving my tenants from hence, as matters he had no right to treat of. (14). Mrs. McDonald requested that I would inform you that neither herself nor any of the other families would choose to go down." (Force, Ibid., 644). Four days previously, however, c m the 14th of May, 1776. Schuyler's letters on this busi- ness, except that of the 10th to Sir John, are dated May 14, 1776, and with Dayton's report, were sent by him to Washington in a letter of May. 81, 1776, the very letter, oddly enough, in which he says that about 100 persons on the New Hampshire Grants, "have had a design to seize me as a Tory, and perhaps still have." (Force, vol. VI., 4th series, p. 641.) Schuyler had ordered Col. Elias Dayton, with a detachment of his regiment, to repair to Gilbert Tice's inn, at Johnstown, and secure there the Highlanders, men, women and children. This done, the order continued, "You will let Sir John Johnson know that you have a letter from me, which you are ordered to deliver in person, and beg his attend- ance to receive it. l~W If he comes, as soon as you have delivered the letter and he has read it, you are immediately to make him a close prisoner, and carefully guard him that he may not have the least opportunity to escape." His papers were then to be seized and ex- amined by Dayton and Wm. Duer (Force, 642.) Duer was sent with Dayton as a sort of civil agent. (He was the Wm. Duer who mar- v , ried the youngest daughter of Lord Stirling, \ Lady Kitty as she was styled, and the "Judge Duer of the above letter of Schuyler to Sulli- van). Copies of any against America were to be forwarded to Schuyler, and Sir John was to be sent to Albany under a strong guard, and Schuyler notified of his arrival. They were to take especial care that nothing whatever of his property was to be injured or destroyed except arms. (15). (Force 4th series. Vol. VI., pp. 447 and 643.) On the 19th, Dayton arrived at Johnstown, but found, as he himself reports, "that Sir John Johnson had received Gen. Schuyler's letter (about the Highlanders) by the express ; that he had consulted the Highlanders upon the contents, and that they had unanimously resolved not to deliver themselves as prison- ers, but to go another way, that Sir John Johnson had determined to go with them. (Force, 4th series, Vol. VI., p. 511.) They and Sir John considered that the treaty of the preceding January, for which their hostages were then in the hands of Con- gress, had been thus broken by the action of Schuyler, the Albany Committee, and b5^ Congress, and that they were thereby freed from their paroles. Moreover, Schuyler's let- ter of May 10th, quoted above, expressly says he has discharged Sir John Johnson from his parole. The common charge of historical writers that Sir John broke his parole is there- fore without foundation and untrue. Dayton at once took possession of Johnson Hall. He sent, according to his letter of the 31st, to Schuyler, an officer with a letter to Lady Johnson, informing her of his design, and requesting all the keys. Shortly after, he and two other officers called upon her. She immediately produced all the keys; thev searched Sir Johns papers and the house, and placed guards all around it. Col. Dayton, thinking the guards about her would be pain- ful, requested her to remove to Albany, where he understood she had friends ; but she was averse to it,-v and he therefore wrote to Schuyler for directions. (Force, 4th Series, Vol. VI., p. (346.) At this time Lady Johnson was far advanced in pregnancy, and had with her a sister, (15), a young lady, and two small children. The next day— -the 25th — Schuyler writes Dayton: "I think it advisable that Lady Johnson should be moved to Albany without delay, in the most easy and commodious man- ner to her. You will also move all the High- landers and their families to that place; th s done you will post yourself in the most advan- tageous place on the Mohawk' river to secure that part of the country, and remain there until further orders." (Force, 4th Series, vol. vi., p. 647.) Lady Johnson was, accordingly, sent down, under the eye of an officer, with her sister, children and servants, to Albany, where she remained with her relatives, Mrs. Judith Bruce, who was by birth Judith Bayard (she married, first, Kilian van Rennselaer, of Greenbush, and, secondly, Dr. Archibald Bruce, R. A.), and Mrs. Stephen de Lancey (who was a neice of Mrs. Bruce, and whose husband was also a first cousin of Lady John- son), till after her confinement, and until Gen. Schuyler permitted her to leave that city. [Lt. Ebenezer Elmer, in his Journal, pub- lished in the New Jersey Historical Collections, vol. II. (1846-7), page 110, says the "Mayor of Albany is a Tory, and so are many of the in- habitants." Examine page 115-6-7 for Jesuiti- cal arguments against Sir John Johnson.] Schuyler, writing to Washington on June 12, says: "It is the general opinion of people ! in Tryon county that whilst Lady Johnson is kept a kind of hostage, Sir John will not carry matters to excess, and I have been en- treated to keep her here." Her brother. Robert Watts (Robert Watts was the brother- in-law of Wm. Duer, above mentioned, his wife being "Lady Mary," Lord Stirling's eldest daughter), applied to Washington in her behalf, who was willing she should go to New York, but referred him j to Schuyler, who declined to let her de- | part. On the 15th of June, the day Watts left Albany, he wrote to Schuyler, saying: "Mr. Watts wdl mention to Gen. Washington the reasons why Gen. Schuyler does not com- ply with his request for Lady Johnson to go to New. York." Schuyler replied he would write Washington himself, and that "you will therefore plea*- not to give yourself the un- necessary trouble of giving Gen. Washington my reasons." Watts answered: "As you will not consent to Lady Johnson going to New York, without giving two gentlemen as securities," he, Watts, would like to know, "what engagements they were to be under, as I cannot apply to any gentle- man un till you inform me." Schuyler closed the correspondence by saying: "As by your former note of this day's date, you seemed al- together to decline entering into such a meas- ure, I have since again given my sentiments to his Excellency, Gen. Washington, on Lady Johnson's situation in a fuller manner than I did in my former letter to him ; and I shall not, therefore, proceed any further till I re- ceive his commands." (Force, 4th Series, vol. VI., p. 913.) The next day Lady Johnson wrote to \\ i ington the following letter, sharply complain ing of Schuyler's treatment, and asking to be put under his, Washington's protection: "Albany, June 16th, 1776. "Sir — I take the liberty of complaining to you, a* it is from you I expect redress. I was compelled to leave home much against my in- clination, and am detained here by Gen. Schuyler, who, I am convinced, acts more out of ill-nature to Sir John than from any reason that he or I have given him. As I am not al- lowed to return home, and my situation here made as disagreeable as it can be by repeated threats and messages from Gen. Schuyler, too indelicate and cruel to be expected from a gen- tleman, I should wish to be with my friends at New York, and woidd prefer my cap- tivity under your Excellency's protection to being in the power of Gen. Schuyler, who rules with more severity than could be wished by your Excellency's " Humble servant, "M. Johnson." [Force, 4th series, vol. VI., p. 930.] Four days afterwards, on June 20th a 1776, Washington wrote Schuyler from New York, enclosing the Resolves of Congress for the em- ployment of Indians (of 25th May, June 3, and June 6, 1776. Secret Journals of Congre s, vol. I., pp. 44, 45, 46), and urging the "most active exertions for accomplishing and carry- ing the whole into execution with all possible despatch." [This, from those who so bitterly complained of the employment of Indians, seems a curious piece of casuistic inconsistency.] A postscript to this letter, dated June 21, says: "I shall only add, Lady Johnson may remain at Albany till further directions. "George Washington. "To General Schuyler." (Force, 4th series, vol. VI., p. 992.) She remained, therefore, in charge of the Albany Committee until the succeeding De- cember — six months longer. On the Oth of December Gen. Schuyler wrote them: "If the Committee agree to let Lady Johnson go down, I am sure I have no objec- tions ; but no person can be permitted to go to New York without a pass from the General commanding in Westchester county. Her Ladyship should therefore go to Fishkill, and from thence send for the necessary passport No ill-treatment I may have received can in- duce me to forget the laws of decorum and humanity. You will, therefore, if Lady John- son chooses to be attended by an officer, apply in my name to Col. Gansevoort for one. On your part you will see that she is properly ac- commodated for her passage." (Journals Pro- vincial Convention, vol. II., p. 256.) The Albany Committee gave her a pass to Fishkill, which she enclosed (as Mrs. Bruce did likewise with a similar pass for herself) by letter of the 15th of December to Pierre van Cortlandt (who was also a first cousin of Lady Johnson's mother, and of Gen. Schuyler), President of the Convention, requesting the favor of a pass "to proceed with Capt. Man to New York." (Journals Prov. Con., vol. II., p. 356.) The convention was sitting in New York, but soon after adjourned to Fishkill, where they sat in the Church of England edifice. Pierre van Cortlandt laid her request before the convention, which declined to allow her to go to New York, but gave her the choice of a residence, naming four places, the houses of the two gentlemen mentioned in the text, and that of Mr. Barclay, at Walkill, in ■ Ulster county, or to remain in Fishkill. All three gentlemen were her friends and family con- nections, and she chose Mr. Barclay's, in Ul- ster county. At Fishkill she had lodgings with Mr. Petrus Bogardus, which Mr. Gouver- neur Marris had loudly obtamed for her. Mr. Tappeu, (Dr. Christopher Tappen, a brother-in-law of Gov. George Clinton.) of Ulster county, was appointed a committee "to dewse means for escorting Lady Johnson to some proper and safe place of residence. He states, in his ;re"port, made January 6, 1777, (Journals Prov. Con., vol. I, p. 761), that he went to Mrs. Bogardus' house, but found she had crossed the river the day before he arrived ; that your committee likewise crossed the river and overtook Lady Johnson at the house of Col. Jonathan Hasbrouck, where he con- ferred with her on the subject' of her residence, "when she told him that she had chosen the Walkill for two reasons: The season of the year would not per- mit her three infants travelling far, and sec- ond, that she was nearly connected in family with Mi-. Barclay, (Thomas H. Bar- clay, who was the eldest son of Dr. Henry Barclay, of Trinity Church, and whose wife, Susanna de Lancey, was a first cousin of Lady Johnson,) at whose house she intended to put up; "that your Committee endeavored, as much as in their power, consistent with the honor of this Convention, to dissuade her from going there. But she being determined to take the advantage of the resolves of this State, your Committee, therefore, at Lady Johnson's re-guest, procured carriages, for which she paid the drivers. And your Committee did in person wait on her and escort her and her family, consisting of her ladyship, three children, Miss Watts, a nurse, one white and one negro servant, to the house lately occu- pied by Mr. Barclay." The Convention ordered Mr. Tappen's "bill of expenses in escorting Lady* Johnson, amounting to one pound nineteen shillings and nine pence," paid by the secretary and charged to the Convention. As the Journal of the New York Convention from Dec. 14, 1776, to Jan. 1, 1777, is missing, the exact language of the resolutions regard- ing Lady Johnson cannot be given. Tappen's report, and the author's statement, agreeing generally, show the action, but not the manner of it. Cadwallader Colden and Thomas Bar- clay lived near each other in the neighborhood of Coldenham, then in Ulster county, now in Orange, and were practically one family; hence the author speaks of Mr. Col den's house in connection with Lady J ohnson. Mr. Colden being a relation of both ladies, Mrs. Barclay and Lady Johnson (Mr. Colden and Mrs. Bar- clay were uncle and niece, the latter's mother, Mrs. Peter de Lancey [J. W. de P.'s grand- mother], of \ \ est Farms, Westchester county, being Mr. Colden's sister Elizabeth. Mrs. Bar- clay and Lady Johnson were first cousins, the father of the former, Mr. Peter de Lancey, of West Farms, and the mother of the latter, Mrs. John Watts, of New Y"ork (Anne de Lancey), being brother and sister. The "Major Abeel," whom Lady Johnson so strangely encountered while escaping to New York, as stated on page SI (17), was James, son of David Abeel, of the old New York family of that name, and Mary Duyckinck, his wife. In early life a clerk in the counting-house of John Watts, of New York, Lady Johnson's father, he entered the army at the outbreak of the war as a Captain in Lasher's regiment in the New York service, became Major, Colonel and Deputy Quartermaster-General, and was also on Washington's Staff at Morristown. He mar- ried Gertrude Neilson, of New Jersey, and died at the house of his son David, at New Bruns- wick, N. J. , April 25th, 1825, at the ripe age of 93. (^[S. letter of his grandson, the Bet. Gustavus Abeel, D. D., of Newark, .V, J.) It may interest the reader to know that Sir John Johnson was born on the 5th of Novem- ber, 1742, and died at his residence at St. Mary's, Montreal, on Monday, January 4th, 1880, in the 88th year of his age, and was buried on the Sth in the family vault at Mount Johnson (named after the first house Sir Wil- liam built on the Mohawk), on the south side of the St. Lawrence, near Montreal. Lady Johnson was born in New York, 29th October, 1753, and died at Montreal, August 7th, 1815, in her 61st year, and was buried by her hus- band in the vault at Mount Johnson. They were married in New York in 1778. J. W. DE P.'S NOTES ON PRECEDING. The attention of impartial readers is particularly invited to the following observations: 1. The original charges against Sir John Were made by a "woman" and "both subsequently proved false." 2. Schuyler terms himself and his as- sociates ••faithful subjects of his Majesty." What right had "faithful subjects" if truly so and not unfaithful subjects, to arrest bos Majesty's officer, who assured the former that "lie only meant to guard himself from insults by riotous people," who afterwards outraged him, robbed him and drove him forth and confiscated his property to reward his real fidelity to the crown. 3. Lady Johnson was assured that "whatever may be the results * * - * no indignity will be offered her." Contrary to this pledge she was subsequently' arrested, removed, placed under guard, and held as a hostage for over six months. [See I New Jersey Historical Collections, Vol. III., : (1848-9), of Gov. (Loyai) William Franklin, ' only son of (Rebel) Benjamin Franklin, pages i 139-159, as to "faithful subjects" and their treatment.] A large number of the instigators, like Tom Paine, and abettors of the rebellion or revolution, were foreigners, and one of Sir John's bitterest persecutors, Isaac Paris, who fell at Oriskany, was an Englishman by birth. Out of the twenty-nine Continental Major-Generals — in reality twenty-three, for one resigned immediately, two were out of the service before the war was half over, two be- came Major-Generals in 17S2, after it was vir- tually ended, and one was Arnold — nine were foreigners, three English, two Irish, two French, and two German. The Protestant Scotch-Irish (not the Roman Catholic Irish-born) furnished a large number of officers and officials to the Revolutionary party. As for Herkimer (to follow the ordi- nary or popular spelling of his name), what- ever may have been his virtues, he was a most illiterate man. "Old Put" (Maj-Gen. Putnam), with all his lack of education and capacity, was accomplished in comparison. Witness Herkimer's letter or order published verbatim by Lossing, the historian. Time and research are revealing a multitude of facts with regard to the standing, ability, enlightenment and other qualities of the Revolutionary sires, and by no means, in the majority of cases, to their advantage. [From the Schuyler MSS.] GEN. SCHUYLER TO LADY JOHNSON. Saratoga, May 14, 1776. Madam : Mr. Duer, who is good as to take charge of this, will advise you of the pain Sir John's con- duct has occasioned me, and how much I have been distressed at the sad necessity which obliges me to secure his person. He will also inform you how much I have suffered on his account last Winter. But aitho' he has for- got the obligations he lays under to me, yet his usage will be such as if he had not, for I am incapable of prostituting my office to Resent- ment. [See Lady Johnson's letter to Wash- ington as an offset to this meekness.] I entreat you therefore to make yourself perfectly easy on that head. Should you choose to accompany or follow Sir John, all the care and attention will be paid you which is due to your rank and sex. But if Sir John chooses that you should remain, an officer's guard will be left, if required, to prevent any insult that might be offered by imprudent or malicious people to yourself or family. I am, etc., Ph. Schuyler. [See Schuyler's letter of 19th September, 1776, as to plundering, and Lt. Elmer's ad- missions in his journal, published by the New Jersey Historical Society, Vol. II., 1846-7. Pages 121, etc.] [From the Schuyler Mss.] SCHUYLER TO GEN. SULLIVAN. Saratoga, May 14, 1776. Dr. Sir — Some time ago an Information on Oath was lodged with me against Sir John Johnson, charging him with hostile intentions against us ; this has since been confirmed by other information from persons whom I am not at liberty to name.^^I Judge Duer, who has taken one of the examinations and was pres- ent at another, will inform you more particu- larly. This information has induced the in- closed order to Col. Dayton, whom I beg you will detach with 300 of his most alert men to execute this businesss and to order the Com- missary-General to furnish him with six days' provisions and carriage to convey it ; and pre- pare to send more if there should be occasion. It is necessary that Sir John Johnson should not be apprized of their real design, and I have, therefore, wrote him on the subject of moving the Highlanders from Tryon county, which you will please to peruse, seal, and send to him by express the soonest possible. I am, etc., Ph. Schuyler. [Will any unprejudiced reader aver that the above is otherwise than the bait of a trap?] [From the Schuyler MSS.] SCHUYLER TO VOLKERT P. DOUW, ESQ. Saratoga, May 14, 1776. Dear Sir — Having received information, supported by affidavits, that Sir John Johnson, slighting the engagements he entered into with me last winter, is making hostile prepa- rations. It is my duty to put it out of his power to carry them into execution by secur- ing his person, for which I have given orders, as likewise for the removal of the Highlanders on request of their chief Mr. McDonald, the latter will be the excuse given for the march of the troops to Johnstown, that they may not be insulted by imprudent people. [Mrs. McDonald and the Highlanders did not desire to be removed, and McDonald had no right to make any request on the subject at point marked (14).]' These intended operations will make it in- dispensably necessary that you should imme- diately inform the Mohawks, that some troops are going to Johnstown, but that no evil will thence result to them, and it is also absolutely necessary that you and Mr. Yates should move up with the troops, and as soon as Sir John is apprehended, inform the Indians, a« well the other Indians as the Mohawks of the reasons which occasioned it, and which will be given by Mr. Duer, who took one of the af- fidavits and who was present at the examina- tion of another person. I need not recommend that the Greatest secrecy is necessary. Your own good judg- ment will point that out. I am, Dear Sir, etc. Ph. Schuyler. [From the Schuyler MSS.] SCHUYLER TO SIR JOHN JOHNSON, BARONET. Saratoga, May 14, 1776. Sir — After candidly scanning, coolly con sidering and comparing the variety of infor- mation which imputes to you the most hostile intentions against the country, I could have wished for the sake of human nature to have found them groundless; unhappi y they are too well supported by the testimony even of those who were intrusted with the secret of your intended operations, and whose remorse (!) has incline i them to a full discovery, as not to leave a do bt upon my mind that you have acted contrary to the sacred engagement you lay under to me and through me to the public. It is, therefore, recessary for the public safe- ty of the inhabitants and the weal of the country that I should put it out of your power to embroil it in domestic con- fusion, and have therefore ordered you to be made a close prisoner ^g"(hereby dis- charging you froitu your parole) ^HSjf and sent down to Albany, to be thence con- veyed to his Excellency, Gen. Washington. But influenced by and acting upon principles which will never occasion a remorse of con- science, I have at the same time ordered that no insult shall be offered to your person or family, and that your property shoidd lw guarded and secured with a scrupulous atten- tion. For, sir, American commanders en- gaged in the cause of liberty remain uninflu- enced by the savage and brutal example, which has been given them by the British troops in wantonly setting on fire the build- ings of individuals and otherwise destroying their property. I am, sir, your humble servant, Ph. Schuyler. [See Schuyler's letter to Lady Johnson, ad- mitting the plundering of her property, and Col. Dayton's admissions. New Jersey His- torical Collections. Vol. ii. (1846-7), pages 120-1-2.] [''Toronto was founded in the Spring of 1794 by [Loyalist Lieut. -Gen. John Graves] Simcoe, and was named York, a name which was changed in 1834 to that which it now bears, being one given to the spot by the Indians,and signifying in their tongue 'the place of meet- ing.' Its progress was not very rapid at first. During the war which the United States waged between 1812 and 1815 it was occupied by the troops of that country, and its public buildings were burnt to the ground. This was done by the express orders of the United States government, the declared purpose being that the innocent inhabitants of Upper Cana- da might be made to stiff er as severely as possible. " Were these severities directed against this particular district on account of the manner in which it was settled? The following may explain the virulence which dictated the order and the violence with which it was executed: "Some of the best blood of the settlers in the Province of Ontario flowed in the veins of the United Empire [American] Loyal- ists, and still flows in those of their sue- ' cessors. Having been expelled from their ancestral possessions in the United States, tbey found a new and undisturbed home in the Province over which the flag of Great Britain waved. The country was then a wilderness, and existence was a toil. The settlers were inspired with an idea which ennobled and nerved them amidst their sufferings and labors. They had been forced to leave their native homes because they would not help or sanction the disruption of an Empire which glorified and widened the dominion of their race, even though it were indisputable that its temporary rulers had failed in understanding and fulfilling their duties. It is now admitted, when too late, that these Loyalists were men of high princi- ple and lofty aspirations, and none regrets their punishment more sincerely than the de- scendants of those persons who thousrht them- selves the friends of their country in inflicting it. Few things are more certain than the fact that, if the United Empire Loyalists had been suffered to remain in the United States, the foundation of Upper Canada would never have been laid, and th-:t the annexation of this por- tion of the continent to the United States would have been effected soon after the con- solidation of the Republic." Columbia and Canada Notes on the Great Republic and the New Dominion. A supple- ment to "Westward by Rail," by W. Fraser Rae. New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1879, p. 215.] [From the Schuyler MSS. i SCHUYLER TO WM. DUER, ESQ. : Fort George, May 25, 1776. Dear Sir — Your tavor of yesterday was delivered meat eleven this morning. 1 ani ex- ceedingly sorry that Sir John has escaped us. I have ordered Lady Johnson to be moved to Albany, that she may be in a place of safety and incapable of giving intelligence to her husband. I am of opinion with you that the families of the German Tories, who have gone off with Sir John, should also be moved : but this is a matter in which the committee must be consulted, and if they approve of it, Col. Dayton will send them off. I am ill with the ague and overburthened with business. Adieu. Yours most sincerely, etc., Ph. Schuyler.' [From the Schuyler MSS.] SCHUYLER TO MR. ROBERT WATTS. Albany, 15th June, 1776. Sir — You cannot fail of recollecting what engagements I expected the gentlemen^ should enter into, who might become security, but as by your former note of this day's date you beemed altogether to decline entering into such a measure, I have since again given my sentiments to his Exoelle2icy Gen. Washington on Lady Johnson's situation in a manner more full and explicit than 1 did in my former Letter to him, and I shall therefore, not pro- ceed any farther until I receive his commands. I am, sir, your humble servant, Ph. Schuyler. same to same. Albany, June 15th, 1776. Sir — I have received your note and shall take the earliest opportunity of advising Gen. Washington of the reasons which induce me not to permit Lady Johnson to leave Albany on any other terms than what I proposed to you. You will therefore please not to give yourself the unnecessary trouble of giving Gen. Washington my reasons. I am, sir, your humble servant," Ph. Schuyler. [From the Schuyler MSS.] SCHUYLER TO LADY JOHNSON. Albany, Sept. 19, 1776. Madame — Your letter of the 18th was de livered me near two o'clock this afternoon. When Mr. Glen applied in your name re- questing that you might be permitted to re- turn to Johnson Hall, I gave my consent, pro- vided the committee should approve it. I wrote to them on the subject and they were unanimously of opinion that your request ought not to be granted. I am bound to con- form to their opinion, although it was by my order that I (you ?) was removed to this place ; an order of which I can never repent, any more than that which I gave, that no part of Sir John's property should be injured ox his per- son insulted; an attention which, however, v he was not entitled to, when I was at the very * time informed of his designs against me and mine. |3gPThe breach of my orders in plundering the Hall, has already been punished by the break- \ ing of one officer, and others who are supposed to be concerned will be tried as soon as the witnesses which are sent for arrive from Fort Stanwix. I am your Ladyship's humble servant, Ph. Schuyler. [From the Schuyler MSS. Extract.] SCHUYLER TO WASHINGTON. Albany, June 15th, 1776. Dear General — " It is the general opinion of the people in Tryon county and here that whilst Lady Johnson is kept a kind of hostage, Sir John (who can by means of the Mohawks receive intelligence from her as often as she may please to send it) will not carry matters to excess, and I have been entreated to keep her here; but as it was a matter of delicacy when Mr. Watts delivered me your Excellency's let- ter, I proposed that security should be given that Lady Johnson should be forthcoming when called upon, and besides the above rea- sons, I was the more induced to this re- quest, as I am informed, from good au- thority, that she exults in the prospect she has of soon hearing that Sir John will ravage the country on the Mohawk river. Mr. Watts declined giving anj^ security and soon after wrote me a note, a copy of which, with copy of my answer I enclose, and after- wards a second, which I also answered as you will see by the inclosed. I find that since it has been hinted that she is a good security to prevent the effects of her husband's violence that she is very anxious to go down, and which induces me to wish to keep her here." I am Dear Sir, with every friendly wish, etc. Ph. Schuyler. [From the Schuyler MSS.] SCHUYLER TO THE OOMMITTEI5 OF ALBANY. Albany, Sept. 15, 1776. Gentlemen — Lady Johnson has just now applied to me, by Mr. Cornelius Glen, for a permit to return to Johnson Hall. He has ob- served that sha is far advanced in her preg- nancy, and that it will be very inconvenient for her to lay in here. Altho' I see no reason for refusing to comply with her request, I would wish to be favored with the opinion of the Committee, and entreat they will give it me. I am, etc. , Ph. Schuyler. IN REGARD TO ROUTES THROUGH THE ADIRON- DACK WILDERNESS. In the address itself allusion is made to Sir John's escape from Johnstown to Canada. The route he followed has never been explicitly demonstrated. Recent discoveries of skeletons (one in particular last Summer, 1879) shows that there must have been tracks through the northern wilderness of New York, which were once well known to the Indians, trappers, "prospectors" and frontier guides, of which the knowledge has been lost for generations. The route along the course of West Canada Creek, by which, after a march South- ward of twenty -two days, the French and Huron Indians precipitated them- j selves on a midwinter's midnight, 8th [/February, 1690, upon Schenectady, was not the track northward, followed by Sir John in mid- May, 1776. Watson, in his "History of Essex County," N. Y., note 3, pages 31-2, remarks of the opinion entertained m regard to the West Canada Creek route, it "is opposed to the gener- ally received idea that this road was along the fine of Lake Champlain. A route by West Canada Creek implies an avenue of communi- cation between Canada and the Mohawk Val- ley different from that afforded by the usual line traversed by the French, either from Oswego or by the way of Lake Cham- plain. The route mentioned possibly had a terminus on the St. Lawrence, near the mouth of the Black river. Writers constantly advert to the use of such an intermediate channel; but their attention does not seem to have been directed to its locality or character. Sir John Johnson, it is stated, when he violated .his pa- role [a falsehood], and fled with the mass of his tenantry to Canada, consumed nineteen days, with great exposure and suffering, in travers- ing the wilderness by some interior line, known to him and the Indians. But no fur- ther light is thrown upon a question which, to my mind, is invested with much geographical and historical interest. I will venture the presumption that at this period more than one familiar route had been es- tablished through the vast primeval for- ests which embrace the western confines of Es- sex county, which still exist essentially in their original gloom and solitudes. No other route would have been available, when both Oswego and Champlain, as often occurred, were in the occupation of a hostile power. The valleys of the streams which flow into the Mohawk and Hudson, and which almost min- gle their waters with the affluents of the St. Lawrence, might have been ascended, and the lakes and rivers of the wilderness may have been used with great facility for a canoe nav- igation. A few trifling 'carrying places' would have intei-posed oidy slight impediments, and when closed by the frosts of Winter, these waters could still afford a most favorable route of communication. Otter avenues through this wilderness were undoubtedly accessible, but my own observation has sug- gested one which I will trace. The upper valley of the Hudson may have been pene- trated, until the line 'is reached of a small branch, • which starting from the lakes in the vicinity of the 'Adirondac Works,' finds its way to the Hudson. Passing up the valley along which this stream gradually descends, the inaccessible range of mounlains would be avoided. Thence traversing the 'Indian Pass' in nearly an imperceptible ascent, the plains of North Elba would be reached, and these open upon the vast plateau of the wilderness, along which the Racket rolls a gentle current, adapted to the Indian canoe, to the St. Lawrence. This idea possibly explains the origin of the modern name which has been assigned to the wonderful structures known to the natives as 'Otneyarh,'' 'the place of stony giants.''" "Gentlemen of great intelligence and careful I observation have assured me that they have noticed evidences in the wilderness of other ancient pathways disclosed by still open : tracks, the vestiges of rude bridges and the mouldering remains of coarsely hewn vehicles calculated for manual transportation." Jersey City Heights, Jan. 8 1880. | Dear Sir — In reply to your letter asking for some particulars in regard to Crane Monu- i tain in connection with Sir John Johnson's ! route from Buluagga Bay in Lake Cham- plain to Cherry Valley, I would say that my attention was first called to it in the Fall of 1852, while on a deer-stalking expedition in the Adirondacks, by an old hunter, who had ; often been surprised at such evidences of care- i ful military work in pieces where he supposed white feet had never trodden until a compara- tively recent date. A careful examina- tion was thereupon undertaken by me resulting in the conclusion that Johnson's raid either was by no means so precipitate as has hitherto been believed, or else that he had with him a skilled engineer with men under him who were accustomed to work with great celerity. Although the road is now overgrown with bushes and scrub timber, yet a very little ob- j serration reveals a well made corduroy road underneath (still in excellent preservation) I with tlie gap in the forest where the primeval | trees were cut down for the road. This road, coining down from the valley of the Bouquet i and Schroon rivers, meets the base of Crane Mountain at its northwestern side, and follow- \ ing around the base of the mountain leaves it I on its southeastern point, and goes off hi a well-defined trail to the Sacandaga. Thence crossing that stream it is lost in the forest in a bee line to the Fish House, Johnstown, and the Cherry Valley settlement. It is, I may remark here, a great mistake to imagine that the whites were the first to know this region — the truth being that all this wil- derness was as well known to the Iroquois, not to speak of previous races, as one's own library is to its owner. Crane Mountain at the pres- ent time (not so much from its height, though it is a high mountain, as from its peculiar position in the Adirondack chain) can be seen from any direction within a radius of seventy miles. Crane Mountain was, of course, as prominent a landmark in 1780 as it is now, and in descending from the Valley of the Schroon, it was undoubtedly seen and seized upon as a point to make for,on Johnson's way to the Sacandaga. Indeed, it has been made the base of the trigonometrical survey of the northern section of New York State. I am sincerely rejoiced that Sir John Johnson has at length found so able a defender as yourself, and I remain, Yours cordially, Wm. L. Stone. Maj.-Gen, J. Watts de Peyster. SIR JOHN JOHNSON'S HIRST INROAD IN MAY, 1880. '■)$(? In the Spring of 1780, Sir John Johnson or- ganized, atTiconderoga, a band of about five hundred men, composed of Regulars, a party of his own corps of "Royal Greens," and two hundred Tories and Indians, and proceeded on an errand, [of retaliation into the Mohawk Valley.] "Penetrating the rude wilderness of moun- tains, forests and waters, which spreads west- ward from Lake George, he reached and as- cended the valley of the Sacandaga. This route compelled him to cross a site which his father in happier days was accustomed often to visit hi pursuit of relaxation and rural pas- times. * * * "He passed onward, unchanged hi his fierce designs, to descend at midnight upon his native valley in a whirlwind of rapine and flame. * * * A common and indiscriminate ruin involved all who had adhered to the republican cause. * * * There was nothing left in a wide track along the beautiful valley of the Mbhawk, where yesterday stood the abodes of plenty, but a mass of ashes slaked with blood. The professed object of this piti- less incursion was the recovery of a mass of valuable plate, which a faithfui slave had as- sisted to bury in 1 77(5. With silent and un- wavering fidelity he had watched over the de- posit, although in the confiscation of the John- son estate he had been sold to another master. The plate was recovered and distributed in the knapsacks of forty different soldiers. By this means it was all safely conveyed into Canada. An alarm had been immediately sounded, and the local militia, under Col. Harper, be- ginning to assemble, Sir John made a rapid retreat. He bore with him what plun- der he was able to convey, and forty prisoners ,JgJ : and reaching his bateaux at Crown Point, returned to Canada in safety, successfully evading the pursuit of Gov. Clinton aided by detachments from the New Hampshire Grants. Maj. Carlton, in the Autumn of the same year, proceeded from St. John's with a formidable fleet, conveying more than 1,000 men, * * * and on the 10th and 11th of October, with a trifling loss, captured Fort Ann and Fort George. He completely devastated the country along his line of march; but the marked exemption of the ter- j ritory of Vermont from these ravages were j \X' calculated to excite jealousy and appre-f hension. * * * At this epoch was initiated the enigmatical and extraordinary relations, which subsisted for several years between the British authori- ties in Canada and the government of Ver- mont. The people of the New Hampshire Grants had formally declared their indepen dence in 1777, and under the name of Ver- mont had assumed the attitude and preroga- , tives of a sovereign State. Any discussion of the character of these relations, a subject that has so nearly baffled all distinct and satis- factory explanation, is foreign to our pur- pose. * * A glance at the peculiar posture of Vermont in her domestic and public affairs is necessary, hi order to approach a just appre- ciation of the ambiguous policy of her leaders at this juncture. A difference of opinion even yet exists in legal minds in reference to the legitimacy of the claims of New York upon the New Hampshire Grants. Whatever may have been the strength or validity of these claims, it is certain that a deep and bitter hostility towards New York was the all-per- vading feeling of the heroic and independent [sic] people who occupied the territory in dis- pute. This sentiment was stimulated by the sincere conviction that these claims were un- just, and that Vermont had endured great wrong from the grasping injustice and oppression of her more powerful neigh- bor. To * * * escape the political ab- sorption which they believed was contem- plated by New York, was the inexorable de- termination of the remarkable body of men, who at that period guarded [guided] the policy of Vermont. With them, the purpose was par- amount to everv other consideration. The de- votion of these leaders, in common with all the population of the Grants, to the cause of Ameri- can Independence, through all the early vicissi- tudes of the contest, had been active and ardent. * * * * * * * The over-ruling law of self-preservation, the astute statesmen of Vermont alleged, justified and even demanded a resort to extraordinary measures, and such as would be warranted by no common emergencies. Then - apologists now aver that these men designed, by shrew d diplomacy, to shield the State from the over- Whelming assaults of the British army lying upon its borders, and at the same time to Se; cure an ultimate protection from the aggres- sions of New York. At this time in the fight of later disclosures [j3p] the position will scarcely be controverted, that it was their fixed and deliberate purpose if the exigency arose of deciding hi the choice of two evils, to return to a colonial dependence, fortified "by safe and honorable terms" rather than sub- mit to the power of New York. The same de- termination was avowed by Gov. Chittenden in 1781, in his official correspondence with Washington. (The Military and Civil History of the County of Essex, N. Y , &c. embracing an account of the Northern Wilderness. &c, by Winslow C. Watson, Albany. N. Y., 1- Proofs Considered IN CONNECTION WITH THE VINDICATION OF SIR JOHN JOHNSON, BART., BEING A SECOND APPENDIX TO JLN JlDDRESS Delivered before the New York Historical Society, at its Annual Meeting, Tuesday, 6th January, 1880. BY J. WATTS de PEYSTER, Brev. Maj.-Gen. S. N. Y., L.L. D., F. R. H. S., &C. Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, Vol. ii., 1846-1847, Pages 115-122, 127, 128. [EXTRACTS FROM A] Journal kept during an Expedition to Can- ada in 1776 ; by Ebenezer Elmer, Lieutenant in the Third Regiment of New Jersey in the Continental service, commanded by Col. Elias Dayton. Printed from the original manu- script. Presented to the [N. J.] Historical Society by the Hon. L. Q. C. Elmer, of Bridgeton. "Tuesday, May 21st, 1776. — Johnstown lies in Tryon Comity [now capital of Ful- ton county], New York Government, for- ty-five miles W. N. W. of Albany, four miles [N. from Erie Canal and] from the Mohawk River, between the Upper, called Fort Hunter, and the Lower, called Fort Hen- dricks, Mohawk Castle, twelve miles from Sonondag [Sacondaga] ; from thence a creek communicates with the North River, and from thence there is a communication to Can- ada by land." * * * "By examination of several persons, Whigs and Tories, it appears that Sir John [Johnson] can raise of his own tenants about 300 Scots and as may Dutch and Irish ; that they have arms and ammunition. The town contains about 30 houses, mostly small half stories. The country round the town is fertile, and would, by proper cultivation, produce abun- dantly. It is well situated (connecting the North and Mohawk rivers), to tamper with the Indians, to connect Tories beiow with those above, and in case we [Rebels] should be importunate on either side to fall upon us, or the weaker party, cut off our retreat, and take advantage of the fluctuating passions of man- kind, that any circumstances might be un- proved against us. It is very evident Sir John's tenants are against us from the very circumstance of their being tenants, and otherwise in debt to Sir John and dependant on him." [This method of argument is simply ridicu- lous. The easiest course for Sir John's debtors would have been to join the Revolutionary party, and by this "new way to pay old debts" cancel all their obligations and sacri- fice the son and daughters of their benefac- tor. The Debtors, however, being honest men, rejected the Jesuitic arguments of their tempters, elected to abide by their agreements and stand bv then creditor, and paid not only ' 'the last full measure of devotion" to the crown, but pay their pecuniary obligations to the Baronet. The Revolutionaries, having failed in their own sense of duty, seemed to see all things through the medium of then perverted ideas of right and wrong, even to a total ob- liviousness of their own fallacious logic and criminal estimate of sincerity and loyalty.] "Till these circumstances are altered, they cannot be our friends. There appears to be but two ways of procuring this country in our interest : The one to keep a garrison here to support the Whigs and molest the Tories ; the other in planting Whigs in the room of Tories." [It is a pity the victorious North did not act on this principle towards the Southern rebels after the surrender at Appomattox Court House in 1865.] Johnstown, May 22d, 1776. — I was early this morning directed, by Col. Dayton, to take a file of men and go to Johnson Hall with my side arms only, and wait on Lady Johnson, [born Mary Watts, daughter of John Watts of N. Y.,] with a letter— the substance of whie.h was to demand the keys of the hall and drawers in the room— with directions for her immediately to pack up her clothes and go to Albany, that an officer and guaa'd should wait on her there if she chose. I went tb the Hall accordingly, and after directing the Sergeant of my guard to place sentries around the Hall, I asked for her ladyship, who was then in bed, and after waiting an hour she came into the parlor. I gave her the letter, with assuring her it gave me great pain, I was under the disagreeable necessity of delivering her a letter that must give her ladyship a great deal of uneasiness, and which my duty obliged me to do in obedience to the order of my superior officer. She hastily broke open the letter and immediately burst into a flood of tears, which affected me so I thought proper to leave her alone. After some time she sent for me, composed her- self, ordered the keys of the Hall to be brought in and given to me., and which I de- sired might lite on the table until the Colonel came. After which I breakfasted with her ladyship and Miss Chew. After breakfast Col Day tow, Lieut. -Col. White and Maj. Barber came, and we, in the presence of her ladyship and Miss Chew, examined every room and every drawer in Johnson HaD, which is a very beautiful, large and elegant building, with "two forts built last war, about half a mile from town, on a small eminence, with two fine streams of water about forty rods on each side of the Hall. I had a view of Sir Wm, Johnson's picture, which was curiously surrounded with all kinds of beads of Wampum, Indian curiosities and trappings of Indian finery, which he had received in his treaties with the different Indian nations — cu- riosities sufficient to amuse the curious ; indeed this search gave me an opportunity of fully satisfying my curiosity in seeing everything in Johnson Hall. We saw all Sir William's papers of all the treaties he had made with the different Indian nations, with medals of vari- ous sorts sent him from Europe and others, which he distributed at his treaties to the In- dians, &c, with innumerable testimonials, &c. ; which showed Sir Wm. Johnson's char- acter in every important station of life, and that he merited, greatly merited the warmest thanks of his country. [This beats the casu- istry of the Puritans of England and Scotland towards such Loyalists as the martyr Mon- trose.] "But when we reflected on Sir John's (his son's) conduct, it afforded a contrast not to be equalled. Whilst we admired and com- mended the wisdom, prudence, patriotic spirit, valor and bravery of the father, we could but detest and discommend the foolish, imprudent, treacherous and base conduct of the son, [new terms for Loyalty and Honor !] who, instead of walking in the paths of his good old father in supporting liberty, [some- thing of which Sir William alive had heard nothing, and of which he in his grave could express no opinion,] and thereby meriting the applause of his country, has basely endeavored, and is endeavoring, to destroy the liberty and property of his native country, [What coun- try? The Empire of Great Britain, to which he owed his gratitude, duty, Baronetcy and for- tune, or the revolted Colonies, of which, being dead, he could know nothing, and to whose people he owed nothing?] and to cut the throats of those who feared, lived and fought under the command of his valiant father ; and who now (with a degree of tenderness and re- spect) are obliged to search the Hall, built by the good old, industrious Baronet, to discover and detect the young profligate Knight's treachery. [To apply this term 'profligate' to Sir John is not only an outrage but a stupid abuse of language. Sir John was a model husband, father, son and subject, against whom not the slightest charge of profligacy can be breathed. In one sense it might apply to Sir William, who, in the strict signification of the word, was neither nice nor restrained in his pursuit of sensual enjoyment, how r ever great in his strict performance of the duties of an officer, official and business man.] The Committee re- fused having anything to do with Lady Johnson until they heard what directions Gen. Schuyler should give concerning her. He almost acquired the supremacy over the peo- I pie here, though at the same time they do not j like him; but being in authority and a smart \ man withal." Albany, May 30, 1776.— Towards evening, Lieut. Hagan and Volunteer Kinney, of our Company, came to town, walking all the way up from Types Hill, near forty miles, to-day. * * * * VVe are informed that a party of our men at Sir John's, being informed that a number of Col. Butler's Indians, &c, were coming down to join Charlton at Quebec, went out in an escorting party to waylay them as they came down ; that they had an engage- ment by which many were killed and wound- ed on each side, but tfhe particular place or situation of the affair is not yet known. Break- fasted this morning withoneMr.Halstead,who had fled with his wife and six children from Quebec just as our men retreated from there. He left behind him in possession of the Tories all his estate, consisting of £500 sterling worth of rum, besides other things of great value. He informed that all our friends had shared the same fate with him in losing all their effects. It would, he says, have been a very easy matter last Winter to have taken the town; and even now, although it is much stronger, three or four hundred might effect the stroke, but thinks if they neglect it much longer, especially if more troops arrive, it will be almost impracticable. Not more than 200 troops arrived at farthest when our men retreated, but we being small and out of heart, could not pretend to withstand them. Lodged at Mr. Willett's all night. Albany, May 31, 1776. — Clear bright morn- ing. Arrived here about 8 o'clock, Lreuts. Turtle, Loyd, Hazlitt and Ensign Hennion. with some of the men to take up our baggage and other affairs to Johnstown. * * * About busy settling matters and preparing for marching to-morrow. The people of this place, we understand, have sent in a petition to Gen. Schuyler to have us in and about this town for the security of the place ; but I think it not likely their petition will be granted, as we must be more wanted in other places. Saturday, June 1st, 1776. — Wet morning for marching, .so that we were long pcu-leyinri about the matter. However, it slackening in some manner, we began to prepare for march- ing ; and having all things in readiness about 4 o'clock p. m. , Ensign Hennion and self set out from Albany with Capts. Dickinson, Pot- ter and Bloomfield's baggage anil deserters, and marched on our way for Johnstown. Just at evening we arrived at an Inn, 11 miles, at a place called Cripple Bush. The coun try thus far is sandy and some low cripples, with little other timber growing but pines, and those very low and scrubby ; much like the country on Egg Harbor [New Jersey]. Some few houses along on the road and all public ones. Lodged on the floor. Expenses 2s. 9d. Sunday, June 2d, 1776. — Set out early in the morning on our march, the morning dull and heavy. Just as we arrived at Schenectady, which is 16 miles from Albany, it began to rain very hard and we got very wet; however, having got our wagons and prisoners safe, went to a tavern and got our breakfast. Schenectady is a very fine village, lying on the east side of Mohawk river, with a large number of stately buildings. At 10 o'clock ferried over and proceeded on up the river within the valley on the river; towards evening one of our wagons gave out just at the house of [Colonel] Guy Johnson, [British Superintendent of Indian Affairs and succes- sor of his uncle and father-in-law, Sir William Johnson; he married Sir John's sister:] a very neat and elegant building, very curiously finished off, now lying m a desolate condition, whilst its owner is ita England do- ing all in his power against his country. [Another ridiculous charge. Col. Guv's allegi- ance was due to the Crown of England, not to its revolted colonists.] It lies about eleven or twelve miles from Johnstown. Proceeded up as far as Col. Cloas' (who is now in Cana- da,) [another son-in-law of Sir William] which is about one mile farther up, where we put up to stay all night— the dwellers being Irish tenants, frankly opened the doors and let us have what rooms we pleased. After settling matters, I took a walk into the garden, where, among curious affairs, is a philosophical en- gine, which by a pipe underground, conveys the water into the kitchen and then into the garden, where is an iron spout, which is plugged up, and when taken out the water- spouts out with a velocity equal to carry it three perches. Iu the evening Lieut. Tuttle came up with us and lodged on the floor. Monday, June 3d, 1776. — Being flushed for want of a wagon, prevented our setting out till about 8 o'clock, when we proceeded on to Types Hill, where we stopped. When we rise the hill our course turns to the north and the river to the west, so that we have the river on our left hand. The country here is exceed- ingly rich and full of timber, which makes it very bad clearing; but if it was properly cul- tivated, would produce grass, &c, in abun- dance. About 12 o'clock we arrived at Johns- i town, which consists of one street only, and a 1 number of small houses with a fine large Church and Court House, [built by Sir Wil- liam.] About a quarter of a mile "on the northwest side of the town stands John- son's Hall, a very neat building with many outhouses, from which he has run off with his brood of Tories, leaving the whole in our hands. P. M. By virtue of a Proclamation, issued out by Col. Dayton, Commander-in-Chief here, all the Tories ap- peared and were confined in the Court House, and all their names taken, Scotch, Irish, Ger- man or American, who stood disaffected [dis- contented] with the measures [revolt] the Col- onies are now following, many of which are tenants to Sir John, which circumstance of itself must be sufficient to prove them Tories, [another nice fine of argument], as most of them are indebted to him. [Any one who will reflect on this foolish man's remarks must ar- rive at two resulte — First, the loyalty of debtors who remained faithful to their duty and obli- gations ; when, second, they could pay aU their debts by deserting then creditor and becom- ing glorious patriots or communists.] There were about 100 Tories, as near as I can guess, tho' I have not seen the fist since it was com- plete. Some of which, however, upon giving security, entering bonds, &c, were dismissed. How very different it is from being here and in our own country [New Jer- sey]. Noise and tumult is all we have, and ecepeding daily and hourly, if Sir John has a sufficient number, to be. attacked — that we are obliged to keep constantly upon our guard. Received certain intelligence that Gen. Arnold with a reinforcement have been up to the Cedars on the St. Lawrence for the relief of our men who were defeated there, and ran upon Col. Butler's army, cut them off and took them all prisoners. God grant it may be true. Johnstown, Tuesday, June 4th, 1776. — Cloudy morning. We appeared out upon parade at 9 o'clock. I went in company at 11 o'clock with Major Hubbell, an Engineer with us, Lieuts. Gifford and Hagan to Johnson's Hall. We took a view of the out-buildings, but did not go into the Hall ; but we were admitted into the office by the officer of the guard, in which is a large number of books and various kinds of writing. Many of the officers have taken , more or less froni there of books, as well as \ other affairs of considerable value. At six o'clock I had to mount guard, which consists of a captain, first and second lieutenants and ensign, three sergeants, three corporals and sixty privates, some of which go to the Hall and others stay at the Court House, keeping sentries to the number of fifteen round it and the town to prevent any alarm from our ene- mies. Lieut. Tuttle and self were at the Court House taking care of the Tories there con- fined, which now are reduced to about twenty, which are to be sent to Albany to-morrow. In the evening fad considerable conversation with them, particularly one who was with Sir William at the taking of Niagara, and has travelled through most of those parts. He tells me it lies rather to the southwest from this place, distance about 400 miles from hence. In travelling to which they proceed on up the Mohawk River till they get to the head, [Fort Stanwix] when they have a land carriage of about 1 mile into a creek, [Wood] down which they go till it emp- ties into a large lake, [Oneida] which carries them to Oswego about 200 miles, and from thence to Niagara 200 more, which stands upon a point of the river, and the large Gara Lake, from thence to Detroit is caHed 400 miles. [Niagara Falls, first described by an European, as seen by him, Hennepin, in 1678- 9. Lieut, de Peyster, afterwards the fa- mous Col. Arent Schuyler de Peyster, 8th King's Regiment of Foot, B. A. (?), who com- manded at Michilimacinac, in 1776, built a saw mill near the subsequent site of Judge Porter's dwelling, in 1767. Marshall's "Niagara Frontier," 1865, page 20.] Not far from Niagara, up the river, is the great Falls called the Niagara Falls, which are 260 feet perpendicular. The fort at Niag- ara, he says, is very strong, into which we expect Sir John is now fled, [he went to Canada] where, with#ut any doubt, he will raise as large an army as in his power and endeavor to do us all the mischief he is capable of: as he has once forfeited his honor [a falsehood], [There are very many of the ablest military judges who dispute the right of usurped authority to impose a valid parole ; then arises another, more important question : When does such a right to impose a parole come into being ; certainly not with incipient rebellion.] and fled, he must reasonably ex- pect that his estate is confiscated [ah ha ! here is the "nigger in the fence," plunder of loyal property], and that unless he be able to raise an army sufficient to overpower and drive us back from here, it will be converted to the army and others who have stepped forth in defence of their country; and if we can be able to bring over those who are on a parley to our side and confine the others, or cause them to sit neutral in the arffairs, in my weak opinion his designs will prove abortive. Which may G-od grant! [The will of the majority is most often the will of a bold minority which realizes Crom- well's idea of the best way to keep a popula- tion in subjection, viz. : to disarm nine-tenths and completely arm the other tenth and in- vest it with authority to coerce all the rest in- to unanimity. Such a course has often been styled "universal patriotic sentiment" m this very country. ''On one occasion he [Cromwell] was upon the point with some of the Puritan clergy, who told him plainly that the country was against him on thfe project to the extent of nine in every ten persons. This bold rejoinder threw him off his guard, and he replied, 'But if I disarm the nine, and there is a sword in the hand of the tenth, that might affect the re- sult.' He soon saw that his only real support was from the army. The security that had been obtained from their successes was already operating against their interests. It was mooted that a diminution of army pay to the extent of £1000 a month would now be a just economy. Cromwell openly blew the coal of discontent at this proposition, and renewed the spirit of hatred and contempt of the offi- cers against the Parliament. Petitions, or rather remonstrances, were daily addressed to the House, and they were distinctly desired to surrender their power and to separate. — Gen. Hon. Sir Edward Oust's "Lives of the War- riors," Vol. II., pp. 583-3. Series of 1867.] And in the erecting of a fort at German Plats, which we are about to do, will still contribute to our defence; and however important the having possession of Niagara may be to us [Sullivan's real objective in 1779], yet I think it matters but little for the present ; and if we can stand our ground here and bring over the Indians on our side [al- ways hankering after the savage support and cursing the British for winning it] time will open the door to give us possession of that likewise. Slept but little, as I was obliged to see that the sentries did their duty and were properly relieved; however nothing happened, nor any alarm. Wednesday, June 5th, 1776. — In the morn- ing at parade 50 men, with Capt. Potter and 3 subalterns, were paraded for a guard to go down with the Tories to Albany, that they might be dealt with as the General or Com- mittee see fit. Accordingly, between 9 and 10 o'clock they set off with §0 or 40 of the pris- oners. There began to be great suspicion a iuong the people that the officers had been plundering at the Hall, which coming to the Colonel's ears, and he making strict inquiry and search, it appeared to be true, and that to a considerable value. And as a great part was taken last night when Capt. * * * was Captain of the guard there, which was entirely contrary to orders, his place being at town, yet pushing himself there made it ap- pear very evident that he and Col. * * * (as many declared that he took things) were confederates and had with Capts. * * * and * * * most of the booty, which is supposed to be near £500 [$2500]. However, after evening roll call, the Colonel desired us all to attend in his room; when we got there, he informed us that many things were taken from the Hall contrary to orders; that altho' he did not deem that as the property of Sir John, yet we had by no means a right to take one farthing's ivorth from there until it isproperly confiscated by Congress and deliv- ered out in such a manner, or to such use as they saw fit, %3g~ that he did not know who were guilty of it, neither did he want to know, as his duty would then oblige him to cashier those ■who were foremost in it ; but as he ima- gined it was done inadvertently [innocent lambs!] he would therefore request every one to return whatever he had got that evening in the entry, for which purpose he would order the door left open and no one would know who brought them.^Jgl This being a method which screened the guilty from, any punish- ment, shewed the desire the Colonel had of not bringing it to light, which ivas exceeding- ly favoring; but as he was, no doubt, fully convinced in his own mind who were the principal ones, and jggphis thus endeavoring to hide their faults, so that all would suffer equally alike, shewed, in my opinion, a small degree of partiality ; and whether he, if it should have fallen upon others, would have acted in the same manner, time must dis- cover. ^JEJ Capt. Bloomfield come up. Thursday, June 6th, 1776. — Went out upon parade at 8 o'clock and staid bill 11, and received the following orders from the Colonel : That exercise be attended at 6 in the morning and 4 in the afternoon — that both officers and soldiers be careful to at- tend, unless upon duty — that no man's prop- erty be hurt upon anv consideration what- ever — that all gaming be set aside, and for the future the Colonel hopes to hear no more of that bad practice amongst the soldiers. I shall insert an order given to Capt. Sharpe before we come out: Johnstown, May 21th, 1776.— Sir : You are to march the party under your command to a place called Mayfield. * * * You will like- wise secure every place that you think it pos- sible Sir John's party can get any supplies from. You will then proceed to Socondago and apply to Mr. Godfrey Sheve, who will as- sist you m finding out theroute Sir John has taken, [never discovered to this day] which, as soon as you have discovered, you will inform me of by express without loss of time. You will be careful to prevent a surprise by keep- ing a small party ahqad and on the flanks in marching, and always planting proper sen- tries when you halt. * * * If any number of the enemy appear to be near that place, let me know of it with all expedition, that you may be as soon as possible reinforced. I am, Sir, your humble servant, Elias Dayton. Attended exercise again in the afternoon. Although the Colonel desired, and reason re, quired, that every person who had taken any- thing from the hall should return it last night ; yet it appears that not the quarter part was brought back. g^T" Some of our fops, whose wages will not maintain them in their gaiety, are determined to do it from others' effects, I believe. „J£I Slept this evening: in a tent with Ensign Norcross. Monday, June 17th, 1776. [p. 127.] REGIMENTAL. ORDERS. June 17th, 1776. Col. Dayton positively orders that every- thing taken from Johnson Hall, either by officer or soldier, be returned this day to the Adjutant or Quarter Master. * * * Had exercise at 4 as usual. After exercise I (p. 128)Jwas put upon guard and sent over to the Hall, where I staid taking particu- lar care that nothing went amiss. Read some time the History of Eng- land. Slept but little. Ancle very lame. J3P' Not any time, except when I was there upon guard, but something was taken from the Hall, especially the cellar door broken open, and wine taken; and, notwithstanding the positive orders of the Colonel, very little was returned Sad aff ai r ! JgM * * * Saturday, June 22, 1770.— Unable to lie in bed. Very warm days. They exercised at 6. Court Martial sitting upon two Sergeants who were coavicted of taking things belonging to the Hall. Sergeant Van Seaman destined to receive lashes and be reduced to the ranks. Reprieved by the Colonel of the lashes. Took a portion of rhu- barb. Nicholas Dean, volunteer in Capt. Pat- terson's company, was put under guard for pocketing a guinea, and abusing the officers when they came in search of it; but, by appli- cation to the Colonel, he was taken out and pardoned at once. Men paraded again at 6, relieved guard, &c. Hardly able to stand. No news stirring. THE TRUE STORY 0E ORISKANY. Sir John Johnson beats Gen. Nicholas Herkimer. THE DECISIVE COLLISION OF THE REVOLUTION. AMERICAN The turning point of the Burgoyne campaign and of the American Revolution was the Bat- tle of Oriskany, fought on the 6*h of August, 1777. It was in some respects the Thermopylae of America; or rather what St. Jacob on the Birs (1444) was to Switzerland — 'the self-sacri- fice of a sturdy yeomanry for the maintenance of what, being misled, they deemed right. To this immolation, the Thirteen Colonies owe their success, and if Independence can be traced to any one action, it is to Oriskany. The British Campaign of 1777 was not a simple but a combined operation. To Albany, as a common objective, tended the advance of Burgoyne from the North, with an army something near 10,0U0 strong; of Howe from the South, with 17,000 to 20,000 effectives, sol- diers and sailors; and St. Leger from the West, with a column of 675 regulars and pro- vincials — whites — and 700 to 900 auxiliaries — Indians and mixed breeds. The part assigned to St. Leger was the most important. This was the opinion of the British Lieutenant- General, Sir Henry Clinton, and also of the American Major-General, Nathaniel Greene, both generally considered excellent judges of strategy. St. Leger should have had at least 2,000 good white troops, whereas the force under him, as a whole, was not only the weak- est in quality as to its personal, but the most inadequately supplied with artillery and other material. Burgoyne commenced his march on the 30th June ; ascended Champlain ; bridged, cordu- royed, and cleared twenty -one miles between this Lake and the Hudson, and watered his horses in this river on the 28th July. About tjhis date, St. Leger's advance appeared before Fort Stanwix — the site of the present Rome — on the ' 'great portage" between the headwaters of the Mohawk and the headwaters of the streams which unite with the ocean through the Gulf of St. Lawrence. About the same time the necessary re- pairs of Fort Stanwix were completed, its magazines filled, its garrison augmented to 950, under Col. Gansevoort and Lieutenant Colonels Marinus Willet and Mellon, and sim- ultaneously the investment was initiated by the advance guard of the British, under Lieut. Bird, Eighth Royal (King's Regiment of) Foot [Maj: aftrwd Col: Arent S. de Peyster's Regiment,] B. A. From Montreal, St. Leger ascended the St. Lawrence, crossed Lake On- tario to Fort Oswego, moved up the Ononda- ga River eastward, traversed Oneida Lake and thence proceeded up, and "acheval," Wood creek, its feeder. Sixty picked marks- men, under Maj. Stephen Watts (of New York City), one of Sir Johnson's Batallion of Refugees from the Mohawk, known as the "Royal Greens," preceded his march and effec- tively cleared the way. On the 3d August, St. Leger arrived before Fort Stanwix and the siege began. Amid the mistakes and blunders of this campaign, the greatest was sending "Local" Brigadier-General [Lt. Col.] St. Leger with only 675 whites (Indians counted as nothing in such an undertaking) to besiege a regular work, held by 950 comparatively good troops. Besides this, St. Leger had only a few light pieces, barely sufficient to hr./ass and inefficient to break or destroy. Still "the Burgoyne scare" was upon the colony and nothing had been done as yet to dissipate it, to restore con fidence, or to demonstrate how baseless was the panic. ['The Albanians were seiaed with a panic, the people ran about as if distracted, and sent off their goods and furniture."] Seeing the importance of relieving Fort Stanwix, Nicholas Harkheimer [Herckheimer or Herkimer (originally Ergemon?)], Major- General N. Y. S. Militia, a brave man although not much of a soldier, summoned the males of the Mohawk valley, capable of bearing arms, to meet on the German Flats at Fort Dayton, now bearing his name. He cast his lot in with the revolted colony, although his own brother was a local Colonel in the British service, and many other relations and connections as well as friends were in the opposite camp. The Militia of the Mohawk rendezvoused at Fort Dayton on the very day (3d August) that St. Leger actually began the siege of Fort Stanwix. The evening of the 5th, Harkheimer was at "The Mills" at the mouth of Oriskany Creek, some 7 to 9 miles from Fort Stanwix, and in communication with the garrison, which "was to make a sortie in combination with his attack. How many men Harkheimer had is a mooted point. American histories generally estimate his force at 800. Stedman, a veracious and unprejudiced historian, says 1,000, and this number is corroborated in other careful works; Benton, in his History of Herkimer County (page 76), 900. It is certain that Harkheimer had Indians with him belonging to the "Oneida House" or tribe of the "Six Nations," but how many is no where stated. They were of little account. One of them, however, gave the militia the best kind of advice, but as usual was not listened to. This tribe, or a large portion of it, had been detached from the British interest by agents of the Albany Committee. Their decis- ion resulted unfortunately for them ; while they accomplished little for the Americans, they brought ruin upon themselves by their defection from their ties of centuries. After the impending battle, the other Five Nations swooped down upon them and nearly de- stroyed them. Harkheimer moved on the morning of the tith August, and immediately fell into an alter- cation with his four Colonels and other sub- ordinates. He wanted to display some soldier- ly caution and send out scouts to reconnoitre and throw out flankers to protect, and thus feel, as it were, his way through the woods. For this his officers, with the effrontery of ig- norance and the audacitv of militiamen, styled him a "Tory," or "a Traitor" and a "Cow- ard." The bickering lasted for hours, until Harkheimer, worn out with the persistency of the babblers, gave the order to "March on." His Oneida Indians should have been most use- ful at this conjuncture. But these traitors to a confederacy "of ages of glory, 1 ' dreading to meet as foes those whom they had deserted as friends, clung close to the main body and for- got their usual cunning and woodcraft. Meanwhile Gen. St. Leger was well aware that Harkheimer was on the way to the assist- ance of Col. Gansevoort in Fort Stanwix, and listened to the counsels of his second in com- mand, "Local" Major General, (Col. B. A.) Sir John Johnson, and adopted his plan to set a trap for the approaching column. Accordingly St. Leger detached Sir John with about 80 Jagers or Hesse-Hanau Riflemen, British Regulars and some Provincials or Rangers with Butler and Brant (Thayendanega) and his Indians. Sir John established an ambush about two miles West of Oriskany. Just such an ambuscade under the partisans, de Beaugeu and Langlade, absolutely annihilated Braddock in 1755; just such, again, under the same Langlade — had he been listened to by Regular Superiors — would have ruined Pitt's grand conceptions for the conquest of the Canadas by destroying the forces under Wolfe on the Montmorency, be- low Quebec, 31st July, 1759. Harkheiiner had to cross a deep, crooked ravine with a marshy bottom and dribble, spanned by a causeway and bridge of logs. Sir John completely enveloped this spot with marksmen, leaving an inlet for the entrance of the Americans but no outlet for their escape. Moreover he placed his best troops — whites — on the road westward where real fighting, if any oc- curred, had to be done and to bar all access to the fort. No plans were ever more judicious either for a battue of game or an ambuscade for troops. Harkheimer's column, without scouts, eclaireurs, or flankers, plunged into the ravine and had partially cliinbed the opposite crest and attained the plateau, when, with his wagon train huddled together in the bottom, the surrounding forest and dense underwood was alive with enemies and alight with the blaze of muskets and rifles, succeed- ed by yells and war whoops, just as the shattering lightning and the terrify- ing thunder are almost simultaneous. Fortunately for the Americans, the Indians anticipated the signal to close in upon them . The savages showed themselves a few mo- ments too soon, so that Harkheimer's rear- guard was shut out of the trap instead of in, and thus had a chance to fly. They ran, but in many cases they were outrun by the Indians and suffered almost as severely as their comrades whom they had abandoned. Then a slaughter ensued such as never had oc- curred upon this continent, and if the en- trapped Americans engaged had not shown the courage of desperation they would all have been lost. But Heaven inter- posed at the crisis and sent down a delug- ing shower which stopped the slaughter, since, in the day of flint locks, firing amid torrents of rain was an impossibility. This gave the Americans time to recover their breath and senses. Harkheimer very early in the action was desperately wounded in the leg by a shot which killed his horse. He caused his saddle to be placed at the foot of a beech tree, and, sitting upon it and propped against the trunk, he lit his pipe and, while quietly smoking, continued to give orders and make dispositions which saved all that escaped. His orders on this occasion were perhaps the germ of the best subsequent rifle tactics. He behaved like a hero and perished a martyr to his ideas of Liberty, dying hi his own home at "Danube," two miles below Little Falls ("Little Portage"), ten days after the engagement in consequence of a bunglaig amputation and subsequent ignorant treat- ment. The monument he so richly deserved, which was voted both by Congress and his State, to the eternal disgrace of both, has never been erected, and this grand representa- tive yeoman New Yorker has no public memo- rial of his qualities and services. When the shower was about over, Sir John Johnson seeing that the Indians were yielding, sent back to camp for a reinforce- ment of his "Royal Greens" under his brother-in-law Maj. Stephen Watts or else St. Leger sent them to end the matter more speedily. These, although they disguised themselves like Mohawk Valley Militia, were recognized by the Americans as brothers, rela- tives, connections or neighbors whom Hark- heimer's followers had assisted in driving into exile and povertry. These Loyalists were presumably coming back to regain what they had lost and to punish if victorious. At once to the fury of battle was added the bitterness of mutual hate, spite, and vengeance. If the previous fighting had been murderous the subsequent was hor- rible. Fire arms, as a rule, were thrown aside, the two forces mingled, they grasped each other by the clothes, beards, and hair, slashed and stabbed with their hunting knives, and were found in pairs locked in the embrace of hatred and death. There is now no longer the slightest doubt that Sir John Johnson commanded the British Loyalists and Indians at Oriskany. Only one original writer ever questioned the fact, whereas all other historians agree in estab- lishing it. The reports of St. Leger not only prove the presence of Sir John Johnson in command, but they praise his able disposi- tions for the ambuscade or battle. Family tradition — a sure index to the truth if not the very truth iteelf — and contemporar}' pub- lications remove every doubt. His brother- in-law. Major Stephen Watts, of New York City, dangerously wounded, appears to have been second in command, certainly of the Whites, and most gallantly prominent in the bloodiest, closest fighting. He, like Hark heimer, besides receiving other terrible i wounds, lost his leg in this action, but unlike the latter, under equally disadvantageous cir- cumstances, preserved his life. ["Major (Stephen) Watts was wounded through the leg by a ball (he eventually lost his limb), and in the neck by a thrust from a bayonet which passed through, back of the windpipe and occasioned such an effu sion of blood as to induce not only him but his captors to suppose (after leading him two or three miles) that he must die in consequence. He begged his captors to kill him ; they refused and left him by the side of a stream under the shade of a bridge (across Oriskany Creek), where he was found two days subsequently covered with fly-blows, but still alive. He wa > borne by some Indians to Schenectady (Oswe- go and then by boat to Montreal), where he re- mained until sufficiently recovered to endure a voyage to England, where he was often after seen limping about Chelsea Hospital. The sash taken from him is still in possession of the Sanders family." "Legacy of Historical Gleanings." Vol 1. Pages 69-7.0.] ["The soldier who carried the Major to the stream — and received the (Major's) watch as a reward — was named Failing, a private in Gen. Herkimer's [own, or original] regiment. He sold the watch for $300, Continental money, to his Lieutenant, Martin G. Van Alstyn, who would never part with it, &c. M. G. Van Alstyn was 1st Lieutenant, in the 7th Com- pany, General Herkimer's [own, or original] regiment, and was a great uncle of mv [F. H. Roof of Rhinebeck, N. Y.'s ] father. He lived until 1830. My father, now aged 75, remem- bers the watch well, and has often mentioned the incident to me, as related to him by his uncle. "] Without attempting to develop the complete- ness of this fratricidal butchery, it may be stated as one curious fact that Harkheimer's brother was not only, according to some nar- ratives, a titular British Colonel, but a sort of Quartermaster to St. Leger, and especial- ly charged with the supervision of the Indian auxiliaries who were the cause of the Gener- al's death and the slaughter of so many of their common kinsmen, connections, friends and neighbors. All the Revolutionary battles on New York soil were, more or less.' family collisions, and realized the boast which Shakespeare, in the closing lines of his Tragedy of King John puts in the mouth of the valiant bastard, Falconbridge. "This England [New York] never did (nor never shall) Lie at the proud foot of a conqueror But when it first did help to wound itself ****** Come the three corners of the world in arms And we shall shock them. Nought shall make us rue If England [New York] to itself do rest but true 1" This savage affair crazed even the Indians. It outstripped their own ferocity. They lost their heads — went mad like wild animals at the sight and smell of blood. They came to the conclusion that the white men had lured them into this very hell of fire and slaughter to exterminate them. The arena of battle became a niaalstrom of bloodshed, and the Indians tomahawked and stabbed friend and foe alike, and in the wild whirl and cataclysm of passions, more powerful than thefr own, suffered a loss which appalled even the fell instincts of the savage. As an American, and, especially as a Knick- erbocker, the historian cannot but rejoice in th9 determination exhibited by the people of his State and kindred blood and of this oppor- tunity of demonstrating it. Still, as a chroni- cler of events, there is no evading the concur- rent testimony of facts; of Kapp's History of his People (i. e., the Dutch and German set- tlers of the Mohawk Valley), and of St. Le- ger's Reports. All of these concur in the evi- dence, direct and circumstantial, that Hark- heimer's little army suffered a tactical disas- ter. That this did not remain a defeat and was converted (as was Monmouth) eventually into a moral triumph and political, as well as a strategical, suc- cess, was due to the common-sense com- mandeirship of Harkheimer. According to his plan, the advance and attack of his column of Mohawk Valley men was to be a combined movement, based upon, or involving, a simul- taneous sortie from Fort Stanwix. This sortie was not made in time to save Harkheimer's life or the loss of about two-thirds of his com- mand, killed and wounded or prisoners. Noth- ing preserved the survivors of Harkheimer's column but the deluging "shower of blessing." When the flood began to abate, and not until then, did Willet take advantage of the storm to make his sortie and attack that por- tion of St. Leger's lines which had been stripped to co-operate in the ambush set for Harkheimer. The siege works, or lines of in- vestment — to apply a formal term to very trifling imitations — were very incomplete. To style them "lines of investment" is a mis namer. St. Leger's three batteries — the first, three light guns; the second, four diminutive mortars; the third, three more small guns — were totally inadequate for siege purposes, whereas there were fourteen pieces of artil- lery mounted in the fort. The redoubts to cover the British batteries, St. Leger's line of ap- proaches and his encampment were all on the north side of the fort. These were occupied by 450 to 500 regulars and Provincials. Sir John Johnson's works, held by from 130 to 175 Loyalist troops, were to the southward. It was against these last, entirely denuded of their defenders, that Willet made his sortie. St. Leger's works, and those of Sir John Johnson, were widely separated and independent of each other, and the intervals, to make the circuit of the investment appar- ently complete, were held, or rather patrolled, by the Indians, who, however, during the sor- tie, were all away ambuscading and assaulting Harkheimer. Consequently, Willet's sortie, however successful in its results as to material captured, and as a diversion, was utterly de- void of peril. That he had time to plunder Sir John Johnson's camp, and three times send out seven wagons, load them, and send them back into the post, without the loss of a man, is un- answerable proof that he met with no opposi- tion. He surprised and captured a small squad of prisoners (?) — five, an officer (com- missioned or non-commisioned) and four pri- vates — and saw a few dead Indians and whites but nowhere does it appear whether they had been killed by the fire from the fort or in the attack. All the merit that belongs to his sor- tie, in a military point of view, is the fact, that to save whatever material Willet did not have time to remove, Sir John Johnson had to extricate and hurry back his "Royal Greens" from the battle ground of Oriskany four to five and a half miles away ; leaving the stage of collision with the expectation that the com- pletion of the bloody work would be effectually performed by the Indians. These, however, had, already, got their fill of fighting, and to this alone was due the result so fortunate for the survivors of Harkheimer's column, that its remnant was left in possession of the field, soaked with their blood and covered with their dead and wounded. The glory of Ori^kany belongs to the men of the Mohawk Valley, only in that although they were " completely en- trapped." they defended themselves with such desperation for five or six. hours, and finally displayed so much restored courage that they were able to ex- tricate even a few fragments from the slaughter pit. That Willet captured " five British standards" or five British stand of colors is not probable ; scarcely possible. They may have been camp colors or markers. The regimental colors are not entrusted to driblet detachments from regiments. The "Royal Greens" may have had a color, a single flag, although this is very doubtful, be- cause, at most, they constituted a weak bat- talion. The colors of the Eighth or King's Regiment of Foot were certainly left at head- quarters, likewise those of the British Thirty- fourth.* The same remark applies to the Hesse-Hauau Chasseurs — a company of Jagers or Riflemen would certainly have no flags. As still further proof of this view taken, the camp of the British Regulars, proper, was not attacked. The fact is, the American story of' Willet's sortie has an atmosphere of myth about it. St. Leger's report to Bur- goyne, and likewise to his immediate superior, Carleton — the latter the most circumstantial — present the most convincing evidence of truthfulness. St. Leger writes to Carleton : "At this time [when Harkheimer drew nearl / had not 250 of the King's troops in camp, the various and the extensive operations I was under an absolute necessity of entering mto having employed the rest: and therefore [I] could not send [originally] above 80 white men,rangers and troops included, with the whole corps of Indians. Sir John Johnson pur. himself at the head of this party. * * * In relation to the victory [over Harkheimer], it was equally complete as if the whole [of the Amer- cans] had fallen; nay, more so, as the 200 [out of 800 or 900 or 1,000] who escaped served only to si iread the panic wider, but it was not so with the Indians, their loss was great. I must be understood In- dian computation, being only about 30 killed and *In corroboration of this view of the subject, take the concluding paragraph of Washington's letter of July 20, 1779, to the President of Congress, reporting the capture of Stoney Point, on the night of the 15-16th July, 1770. In this paragraph he states that "two standards" were taken:, "one belonging to the garrison [this was not a stan- dard-proper, but what is technically called a gar- rison flag] and one [a standard proper] to the Seventeenth Regiment." Stoney Point was held by a British force only a few less than the white besieging force before Fort Stanwix. The garri- son was composed of detachments from four dif- ferent regular organizations, and yet these had only one standard, proper, which belonged to the Seventeenth. Of this regiment there were six companies, the majority in the works, where also the Lieut. -Colonel commanding had his perma- nent quarters. +As everything in regard to these occurrences is interesting, the following translation of von Eelking's "Deutschen Hulfstruppen" (I., 3.33) is presented in regard to the Hesse-Hanau Jager or Rifle company attached to St. Leger's com- mand: wounded, and in that number some of their favor ite chiefs and confidential warriors were slain. * * * As I suspected, the enemy [Willet] made a sally with 350 men towards Lieut. Bird's post to facilitate the entrance of the relieving corps or bring on a general engagement with every advan- tage they could wish. * * * Immediately upon the departure of Captain Hoyes I learned that Lieut. Bird, misled by the information of a cowardly Indian that Sir John was prest, had quitted his post to march to his assistance. I commanded the detachment of the King's regiment in support of Captain Hoybs by a road in sight of the garrison, which, with executive fire from his party, immediately drove the enemy into the fort without any further advantage than fright- ening some squaws and pilfering the packs of the warriors which they left behind, them.'''' It was Harkheimer who knocked all the fight out of the Indians, and it was the deser- tion of the Indians, and this alone, that ren- dered St. Leger's expedition abortive. In summing up it should be borne in mind that St. Leger had only 675 Regulars and Provincials in addition to his ten light guns and diminutive mortars to besiege a fort, well supplied, mounting fourteen guns, garrisoned with 750 at least and according to most author- ities 950 troops of the New York Line, i. e. , to a certain degree, Regulars. Nevertheless, St. Leger continued to press the siege, with at most 650 whites against 750 to 950 whites, from the 6th until the 22d August, and, when he broke up and retreated at the news of Arnold's approach with a force magnified by rumor, it was almost altogether on account of the infannotis conduct of the Indians. All the evidence when sifted justi- fies his remarks that the Indians "became more formidable than the enemy we had to expect." By enemy, he meant Arnold's column hastening his march against him and the garrison in his immediate front, and yet neither St. Leger nor Burgoyne underesti- mated the American troops — not even the Militia, especially when fighting under cover or behind works. The gist of all this lies in one fact — it was not the defense of Fort Stanwix, but the self-devo- tion and desperation of Harkheimer's militia that saved the Mohawk Valley and constitutes Oriskany ttie Thermopylae of the American Revolution; the crisis and turning point against the British ;+ of the Burgoyne Campaign ; and the "Decisive Conflict" of America's Seven Yearn War for Independence. "Finally it is proper to commemorate in detail an evontin connection with this campaign which we have alluded to or treated already more at length ; the flanking expedition undertaken, as a side-issue, against Fort Stanwix. The Jager or rifle company which was assigned to him was the first that the Count of Hesse- Hanau sent over to America. It left Hanau 7th May, 1777, and reached Canada 11th of June. It was at once sent forward by the Governor [Carle- ton] to join the troops which bad already started up the St. Lawrence and assigned to the column of St. Leger. It was commanded by Lieut. Hilde- brand. The march through these distant and sparsely settled districts was long and very labor- ious, accompanied with all kinds of dangers and obstacles. In order to avoid the almost impene- trable wilderness, a greater circuit was made across Lake Ontario. The Corps of St. Leger, comprising detachments from so many different organizations, started in the beginning of July from the neighbourhood of Montreal as soon as the expected Indian force had been assembled there. The transportation in flat boats 150 miles up the river was very slow; the more so because, every now and then, the ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN Sir Join J NEAR FOX'S MILLS OE AT KLOCK'S FIELD, 19th October, 1780. PROCEEDINGS OF A COURT OF INQUIRE UPON THE CONDUCT OF General Robert van Renssellaer. ["The Northern Invasion of October, 1780, * * against the frontier of New York" * * by Franklyn B. Hough, (Bradford Club Series, No. 6,)N. Y, 1866. Pages 166-208. Consult Map "Routes of the Northern Invasions of 1780," opp: 65.] At a Court of Enquiry held at the city of Albany, on the 12th day of March, 1781, to enquire into the conduct of Brigadier-General Robert Van Renssellaer, on the incursions of the enemy into Tryon County, in October last, pursuant to general orders of his Excel- lency Governor Clinton: Present: Brig'r General Swart wout, [ap- pointed 3d March, 1780, Duchess Co. Militia] President. Colonels, Thomas Thomas [appointed 28th May, 1778. Westchester Co. Militia]. John Cantine [promoted 21st February, 1778, Ulster Co. Militia]— Members. The court met, and adjourned till to-mor- row afternoon at 5 o'clock. Tuesday, March 13th, 1781. The court met pursuant to adjournment. Colo: [Tryon Co: Militia] John Harper then boats had to be taken ashore and carried by hand around the rapids or cataracts. Having overcome the difficulties of the river the route lay across the broad Ontario Lake to Fort Oswego on the south shore. There a day was devoted to rest in order that the troops might recover to some ex- tent from the exhaustion produced by their pre- vious exertions. Thence the route followed a stream [Oswego river] and a small lake [Oneida] inland in a southerly direction; [thence a cheval, and up, Wood Creek] the troops marched to the Mohawk on which stood Fort Stanwix held by the enemy [Americans]. The march was extremely laborious, since not only natural difficulties had to be overcome, but also the artificial obstacles which the Americans had placed in the way to hinder the advance of their opponents. On the 3d August, the Fort— after the garrison had rejected the demand for a surrender— was assaulted without success. On the 5th, a relieving column of nearly 1,000 men drew near, St. Leger was aware of its approach in time, and for its re- ception [Sir John Johnson | placed an ambuscade in the woods. This, for the greater part consisted of regular troops and among these were the Hesse-Hanau Jagers. The rest were Indians. [This account differs from every one hitherto examined, and shows even yet we are not ac- quain tied with some of the most interesting facts of this momentous conflict. St. Leger in his of- ficial report expressly states that he did not send over 80 white men. Rangers and troops included, with the whole corps of Indians, and that Sir John Johnson was in command. The discrepany, how- ever, is easily reconcilable with what has been hitherto stated and explains the late arrival of the '•Johnson'' or "Royal Greens." These latter must have remained in camp to hold the garrison in check. When the Indians began to slink out of the fight, the Royal Greens must have been hurried to the scene of action, leaving their line to the south of the Fort entirely destitute of defenders. This established what the writer has always claim- ed, that Willet encountered no opposi- appeared before them and offered in evidence against Gen. Rensselaer a copy of a letter written by John Lansing, Jr., Esq., by order of the General, to Colo. Lewis Dubois, in these words, vizt: (Village of Fultonville), Van Eps, Oaghna- - wago, 19th Octo., 1780. Sir: We are here, with a force sufficient to cope with the enemy, but if you can possibly co-operate with us it will in all probability tend to insure us success. Gen. Renssellaer, who commands here, therefore advises you to march down along the south side of the [Mohawk] river, with all the men you have, with as much expedition as possible. He in- tends to attack the enetny as soon as the day appears. It depends on your exertions to favor this enterprise. I am, Sir, yours, By order of Gen. Rensselaer, Colo. Dubois. J. Lansing, Jr. Colo. John Harper being then sworn, says, That on the 19th of October, he was under the command of General Rensse- laer, on the Mohawk river: That he commanded a party of Indians on the south side of the Mohawk river, east of Fort Plane, or Rensselaer [half a mile W of present village of Fort Plain] : That he was under the immediate command of Colo. Dubois : That in the morning of the 19th October they proceeded down the river until they heard an engagement which happened on the north side of the river, between a detachment of troops under the command of Colo. John Brown, and the enemy under Sir John John- son: That upon hearing the tiring, Colo. Dubois ordered the greater part of the New York Levies, under his immediate command, and the tion at all in his sortie and that the ordinary account of it is no better than a myth. Furthermore, everything demonstrates irrefutably the total unreliability of the Indians as fighters; and that the failure of St. Leger s ex- pedition is entirely attributable to the misconduct of these savages. Finally, since the Burgoyne ex- pedition depended on St. Leger's success, and his utter military bankruptcy is chargeable to the In- dians; and to them alone, therefore — as it is clearly shown — the whole British Com- bined Operations of 1777 ended in a catas- trophe, tnrough a fatal overestimate of the value of Indians as a fighting power; or as auxiliaries wherever any hard fighting had to be done, or for any useful purpose whatever involving persever- ance.] "The surprise was such a perfect success scarce- ly one-half the mflitia escaped. While St. Leger had thus scattered his troops, the besieged made a sortie and plundered his camp. This was a grievous loss to him; because in these almost desert districts pretty much all the necessities of life had to be carried [along with a column] ; since the British troops were wanting in artillery and since a second relieving column, 2,000 strong, was approaching under the audacious Gen. Arnold, which threw the Indians into such certain terror that they either scattered or besought that they might be led back again. In consequence of [all] this, St. Leger had to break up the siege on the 23 August, and, abandoning tents, guns and stores, retreat at once. "So ended this operation wKich s if it had turned out more successfully, would, in. any event, have prevented the tragic fate of Burgoyne 's army.'''' If the disinterested German soldier and histor- ian, von Eelking, does not demonstrate that the success of Burgoyne depended on that of St. Leger, and that this was completely frustrated by Oriskany, thus making Oriskany the turning point of the American Revolution— words are in- adequate to express the truth. Indians commanded by the witness, to cross to the north side of the river to support Colo. Brown's detachm nt, when some men of that detachment which had been defeated and dispersed, came to the river, and crossed it, and gave the deponent informa- tion of the state of Colo. Brown's party. That upon hearing that Colo. Brown was de- feated, the deponent informed Colo. Dubois of the disaster, and that the whole of the detach- ment of levies and Indians or part of them, who had crossed to support Colo. Brown, re- crossed to the south side. That Colo. Dubois then informed the deponent that General Rensselaer was below, and requested him to ride down to the Gen), and advised him of the fate of Brown's detach- ment, which he accordingly did. That he found General Rensselaer halted about a mile below Fort Rensslaer [or Port Plain]. That he entreated the General to march on: That he informed him there was a fordnear at hand, about knee deep, where the troops might cross: That he urged the general to attack the enemy at all events: That the general informed him he did not know the enemy's numbers, nor the route they intended to take : That he told the general that if the enemy took the same route which they did when they came, they could do us no more injury than they had already done, or, if he shoiild go thro' Johns- town, they would hurt their friends and not ours. That the general then told him, that he would go to Colo. Dubois and advise with him : and that he attended the General there : That he is ignorant of what passed between Colo. Dubois and the general, but that the levies and Indians with some of the Tryon county militia, recrossed to the north side of the river, either by the General's, or Colo. Dubois' orders :— the de- ponent supposed it to have been by the Gene- ■ ral's orders. That while the detachment under Col. Du- ' hois, and the Indians and Militia were crossing, the GenU and Colo. Dubois went to Fort Ren- selaer and there dined. That they returned to the bank of the river, and there stood at the ferry [John Walrod's Ferry opposite Fort Plain] for a considerable time after the Levies and Indians had crossed: That the deponent came to the north bank of the river and hailed the G-en'l, entreating him for God's sake to cross, but he received no reply. That the de- ponent believes the levies and Indians had all crossed about 1 o'clock, and that he believes it was near three hours thereafter, before the immediate command of General Rensselaer, (who had crossed about a mile below,) came up to the ferry, where the levies and Indians re- mained paraded. That when the militia came up, the whole of the troops were divided into three columns and marched to attack the enemy Col. Dubois with the levies on the right,the Albany militia y Com-i. Did you know that the place where the enemy crossed the river was a common fording place? Ans. I did not, nor was it. The bank at the place where they crossed was breast high from the water, and the water was deep. Quest. Was it very dark on the evening of the action? Ans. I do not think it was fifteen minutes after the firing commenced, before it was so dark as to render it impossible to distinguish one person from another at a distance of ten paces. The Court adjourned till to-morrow at 7 o'clock. The court met pursuant to adjournment. Mr. Sampson Dyckman being sworn, says. That he joined General Rensselaer about five miles above Schenectady, at three or four o'clock on the afternoon of the day the Genl marched from Schenectady. That when he came up with the Genl the troops were marching with expedition, and continued so till evening, being then about fourteen or sixteen miles from Schnectady, where they halted till moon-rise. That just as the moon rose, the Genl came to the encamp- ment and ordered the troops to prepare and march immediately, and that in five minutes they moved. That the Genl informed him the enemy were some distance ahead and that he expected his troops would soon fall in with them. That the road over Chucktinunda Hill was very bad, miry and deep, which impeded the march. That they arrived at Fort Hunter at about 12 o'clock and crossed instantly in a scow, on waggons and on horseback, and pro- ceeded in their march without de-lay. That when the roads were good, the troops inarched very fast, but where the roads were bad, they were delayed by the artillery and waggons. Question by General Rensselaer. Did you not come to me with a request that the' troops might not be ordered to march so fast? Ans. I did wait on you, at the instance of Major Schuyler and others, who said the men would not be fit for action, in case they were marched so fast. You then told me, that the enemy were ahead destroying the country, and the men must be marched fast at all events, to come up with them. Many of the men were much fatigued by ten o'clock next JV morning so as to render it necessary for thern to go on horseback and in the waggons. The Court adjourned till 5 o'clock P. M. The Court met pursuant to adjournment. Major Lewis R. Morr s, being sworn, says. That he overtook Genl Rensselaer at Mr. H. Glen's at Schenectady, on the 18th October last, at about 12 o'clock and joined him as a volunteer aid-de-camp. That tie was there or- dered by the Genl to assist Mr. Le Roy, his Ma- jor of Brigade in getting the troops out of town. That the troops marched out of town about one and a half miles on the low lands where they were formed and ordered to march into sections to the Woestyne at Mr. Van Eps, . about nine miles from Schenectady, where they halted to refresh themselves for a very short time, and then marched to Sir Williams old place, [three miles W of the present vil- lage of Amsterdam] That it was then dark, and the troops halted till moon-rise about ten or eleven o'clock. The deponent was then in- formed that the Genl and Field Officers on consultation, thought it imprudent and dan- gerous to march over the Chicktinunda Hill in the night till moon-rise, and the troops were accordingly halted on the side of the road. That the deponent thereafter attended the ad- vanced corp under Lt. Col. Pratt and Major McKinster. That about moon-rise, the Genl ordered the troops in motion, and marched to Fort Hunter, and that the troops immediately crossed the river, or Schoharie creek in scows, and while the Genl was exam- ining two deserters from the enemy. That the troops were halted on the west side of Scho- harie creek till the artillery came up, which had gone a different route and joined them in a short time. That the troops then marched on without delay to Van Eps, where they ar- rived about four o'clock and halted not more than an hour. That during that halt letters were written by order of the Genl to Colo Dubois and Colo Brown, informing them of his approach with a body of troops, and that these letters were given in a charge to a Mr. Wallace. That soott after the letters were dis- patched, the troops were put in motion; that the day then began to dawn. That the roads were very bad and the troops com- plained of being very much fa- tigued. That the whole body marched about four or five miles and halted at the ruins of a house, for a few minutes for the purpose of examining a prisoner taken that night. That the deponent then again joined the ad- vance corps and proceeded on to a bridge, where he and Lt. Col. Pratt discovered a party of the enemy on the opposite side of the river. That the advance corps halted till the de- ponent rode down about a quarter of a mile to the Genl, (who was advancing with the troops), to inform him of the discovery of the enemy. That as that party of the euemy was out of the reach of musket shot, the Genl ordered up a piece of artillery, whereupon the enemy dis- persed. That the whole of the troops moved on to the south side of the river opposite Ma- jor Fry's [now opposite Canajoharie village] where (as the deponent had understood) the Genl intended to cross the troops, but that on his arrival there, he found it impossible. That it was then between eight and ten o'clock. That a firing was then heard, wdiich, from its direction, was supposed to be at Oswegatchie, [a settlement a short distance north east from Stone Arabia, in Palatine] and which after- wards proved to have been Colo Brown's ren- counter with the enemy. That the advanced corps not being incumbered with any wag- gons or artillery moved on expeditiously. That with the main body were one ammuni tion waggon and two pieces of|artillery, (2) and that to the best of his knowledge, the'baggage waggons were in the rear of the whole. That the main body moved on to a house about a mile below Fort Rensselaer. That it was then between 10 and 1 o'clock. That the troops halted there, and the Genl then reed informa- tion of Colo Browris defeat. That Colo Dubois and Colo Harper there waited on the Genl. That the troops were ordered to refresh them selves; ami the Genl gave orders for their cros- sing the ford as soon as they had refreshed themselves. That after delivering the orders for that purpose, the Genl went with C«>lo Du- bois to Fort Rensselaer. That the deponent reed orders from the Genl to go and assist Mr. Le Roy in getting the troops over the ford. That he accordingly exerted himself in assist- ing Mr. Le Roy to get the troops over the river. That tgp^/ie troops refused to ford the river, and waggons were drove into it, to facilitate their passage. That it was about an hour after the troops came to the ford, before they began to cross, and that it was between two and three hours from their first arrival before they were all over.^JS] U3P That they crossed this ford in different ways. In some instances the waggons were drove into the river ; behind each other, and the troops passed from one to the other by wading on the tongues. „jgj ThatCaptn Dris- kill came down to the ford, with orders from the Genl to hasten the crossing of the troops, and that Mr Lansing also came and exerted himself in getting them over the river. That after they had all crossed, they were marched with dispatch to the Ferry where they joined the Levies and Indians. That the Genl did there take the command of the whole. That after he had joined, the whole were divided into three columns; the right com- posed of Levies, (3) and the left and cen- tre of Militia. That the Oneida Indians marched between the left and centre, but sometimes changed then situation. That the troops marched in this order in pursuit (?) of the enemy for some miles That the centre and left columns were then subdivided, am 1 continued their march. That Colo Harper came to the Genl and advised him that an Oneida Indian had discovered the enemy near at hand on the low grounds. Tnat soon there- after, the deponent discovered them drawn up in order (4). That the Genl then ordered Mr. Lansing to the right, and deponent to the left. That the firing on the enemy from the advance party of the centre then commenced about (200) two hundred yards distance. That about the same time, Colo Cuyler's Regiment of the left column began to fire on the enemy at about four hundred yards distance. That the Genl desired the deponent to go to the left and Jgp'order them to cease firing, and advance toward the enemy (5). That he thereupon went to the left and communicated the Genl's orders, but that it was a consider- able time before he could effect it. That that regiment advanced a little, and inclined to- wards the river when the deponent left it. That Colo Rensselaer's Regt was advanced towards the enemy in an orchard in flront of Klock's House. That after delivering the orders to Colo Cuyler's Regt, (6) he returned to the Genl, whom he found in the centre, with Colo Rensselaer's & Whiting's regts which were then in the greatest disorder and confu- sion. and that the Genl did exert himself to get them in order again. Question by the Court. At what time did the firing commence? Ans. At about sunset, and continued about thirty minutes. Quest, by Court. Did the general discover any want of personal bravery and firmness in the action of the day? Ans. He did not. Quest, by Court. Was Colo Cuyler's Regt also in disorder and confusion? Ans. They were. Quest, by Court. What was the extreme dis- tance between the front and rear of that reg't? Ans. About two hundred and fifty or three hundred yards. Quest, by Genl Rensselaer. Did not the rear of the left fire at the same time when the front did? Ans. They did. Quest, by Genl Rensselaer. [gpDid you hear the reason assigned for ordering a retreat \ Ans. I did. I think the reason was, that the troops were in such confusion that it would be easy for a small party of the ene- my to cut them to pieces. Quest, by Court. Did the Genl thro' the whole of his march from Schenectady up- wards, discover a solicitude to come up with the enemy? Ans. He even aopeared anxious to come up with them? Quest, by the Court. What was Genl Rensse- lear's conduct the da}' after the action? -4ns. Colo. Dubois with the levies marched in pursuit of die enemy the next morning, and the Genl then ordered some light troops from the regiments of militia who were best able to march, to go as volunteers to overtake Col. Dubois. Tha'u the "dept went accordingly with about thirty volunteers. That on his way, the General with a party of horse (7) passed him at the Castle [in the present town of Dan- ube, opposite the mouth of East Canada Creek] and that the deponent with his party marched on and scarse came up with the Geail and Colo Dubois at Fort Herkimer. That as soon as the main body of militia came up, the whole force marched in pursuit of the enemy about three or four miles above Fort Herkimer at Shoe- makers', where they halted for some time. That a difference of opinion then arose on the route the enemy had taken, and U^iT" on a con- sultation of the field officers, the whole of the troops returned to Fort Herkimer, where the Govr took the command. „jSll Quest, by Genl. Rensselaer. Do you not recollect that I sent out three or four Indians to discover the enemy's track? Ans. I do. Edward S. Willet, being sworn, says: That on the day of the action of the 19th October last, he was attached to the artillery. That he was at Fort Rensselaer, and afterwards with Getil Rensselaer and Colo Dubois, on the bank of the river at the ferry- That he there received orders from the Genl to go down to the place where the militia were crossing, and desire the officers to hurry on the troops as quick as possible, which he did. Quest, hi; Gal Rensselaer. Do you not re- member that the artillery and ammunit ; on waggons frequently halted on account of the badness of the roads '. Ans. I do, and particularly at and above Anthony's Nose, where the ammunition wag- gon was delayed, the horses being much fa- tigued. Lieut. Garret W. Van Schaick, being sworn says : That he was in the field of action on the 19th Oct. last. That when Colo Cuyler's Regiment, and the other troops were advan- cing towards the enemy [ggpthen yet out of the reach of musket shot, Colo Cuyler's Regt began to fire upon the enemy, and rushed on a few paces, which broke the line or order they were in. That soon after, they were m great disorder and confusion and the deponent saw Genl Rensselaer with them, endeavoring to form them. That the Genl exerted himself greatly on this occasion, but his efforts were fruitless, ^gl That the troops were worn down with fatigue occasioned by the long and rapid march and the want of rest the preced- ing night. The court adjourned till Tuesday morning. 7 o'clock. March 15th, 1780.— The Court met, pursuant to adjournment and adjourned till the ltith at 6 o'clock P. M. March 16th the Court met. Colo Samuel Clyde [Canajoharie District Regiment (8) apptd 25 Jan 1778] being sworn, says, That on the day of the action of the 19th October last, he commanded a party of Tryon county militia. That he was at Wolrod's Ferry near Fort Rensselaer at the time when Genl Rensselear with the militia arrived at Adam Countryman's, about a mile below it. That he crossed the ferry to the north, side with the levies and militia, about one o'clock P. M. by Colo Dubois' orders. That he had orders to halt there till Genl Rensselaer should join him. That about three or four hours thereafter, the Genl with his Militia joined the Levies and militia at the ferry, when without the least delay, the whole force marched with the greatest expedition till they came up with the enemy. That the militia commanded by the deponent were attached by the Levies under Colo. Dubois on the right. That the deponent was not informed of the disposition of tne other troops, and had no op- portunity to observe it, as he marched imme- diately into the woods on the hill. That the troops marched about four miles, till they had got above Colo KlocWs. That he then heard a firing near Kloek's House; but that the right continued their march with design to out flank the enemy. That upon finding that the right had got above the enemy, two or three platoons of Levies and Militia were detached (by Maj. Benschoten) from the rear to attack a body of the enemy [Indians] who were posted about one hundred rods above Klock's. That that detachment fired six or seven platoons when the enemy fled, and the troops returned to their post. That the right was then ordered to halt, until Colo Dubois waited on the Genl for orders. That At was then so dark as to render it difficult to enter into action with safety; as it was hardly possible to distinguish our troops and the enemy from one another. That he then ob- served a cross fire upon the right, from the low lands, which he supposed to have come from the enemy, but that he was the same evening imformed by Colo. Dubois that it proceeded from our o'-n troops. That the right remained in that situation for about half an hour. That the enemy could just be discerned and part of them were then heard crossing the river. That the'daylight was then in, and the troops received orders to march, and they proceeded towards Klock's House, where they halted a short space of time. That on hearing the groanings of a man that lay wounded in the field of action, he detached six men to bring him in. That these men with some others, brought in the artillery waggons and artillery [What artillery? Sir John had no artillery, properly speaking] (9) which had been deserted by the enemy. That a report of this matter was sent to Genl Rensselaer, two or three hours after dark. That it was agreed between this deponent and Maj. Benschoten to halt the troops and remain on the ground, where they were, and that soon after, Colo Dubois came to them with orders that they should remain on the ground near Klock's. That he did not hear of any council of war being held, and a retreat resolved on. That Colo Dubois informed the deponent and Major Benschoten, that the Genl would be with them in the morning, and that they were to march m pursuit of the enemy. That the Levies under Colo Dubois, and the militia commanded by the deponent, marched accord- ingly about an hour after sunrise, and before the Genl came up with them. That he heard the Genl lodged at Fox's about three or four miles below Klock's [i. e. down the river]. That Colo Dubois and the deponent, and their troops marched to Fort Herkimer and arrived there about two o'clock, being about eighteen or twenty miles. That about an hour after, they were joined by the general with a party of horse, and that some time thereafter, Major Morris, with a party of militia came up ; and that about two hours after the General's arri- val they were joined by a body of militia. That then (about four o'tlock), all the troops marched from Fort Herkimer (about six miles), to Shoemaker's. Gent's Question. Do you know the reason of our marching to Shoemaker's? Ans. The enemy had marched into the woods, and it was supposed they only meant to avoid the little forts which were along the pub- lic road, and would come into the road again at Shoemaker's. GenVs Quest. Did you not hear that we were at a loss to know which way the enemy had gone, and do you not recollect that three Indians were sent out by me to discover their track \ A. I did hear that it was doubtful which route the enemy had taken and that the Indi- ans were sent out. 'hirst. Did we remain there that night, or did we return, — and when — and do you know the reason, of our re/urn.' Ans. We remained there till near dark, and then returned to Fort Herkimer. I do not know the reason why. I heard the scouts had been out and returned, and that they could not discover that the enemy had gone that way. Quest. Did not the governor [Clinton] join* usat.Furt Herkimer? Ans. He did, some time in that night. Quest. Had you on the 10th October from your situation, any opportunity of seeing the confusion thai prevailed on our left and.cen- tref Ans. I had not. Quest. Do you think it would have been pru- dent in me, to have engaged the enemy with the party of Levies and Militia who were on the north side of the river, at Wolrod's Ferry, before the militia who were below came up? ■ . I do not think it would. [Gen. Rensselaer had over 1500 fresh men with artillery, cocks in their own barn yard, to fight less than half the number of beaten-out Whites and Indians. In the name of soldiership how many did he want ? and what more odds in his favor? Did he think Sir John a fool tc wait for the concentration of the 45 regts oi Tryon and the neighboring counties to over- whelm him? Sir John had done his work. Why did not his antagonist do his v] Quest, by the Court. Did you on the l()tt or 20th October, or at any time before, dis- cover any want of personal bravery or firm- ness in Genl Rensselaer ? Ans. I never did, before, nor did I at any time on those days. John Lansing, Junr, Esqr. (10) being sworn, says as follows: On the 17th Octobei last, in the afternoon, I accompanied Genl Rensselaer in quality of Aid-ma jor from Albany to Schenectady. The city of Albany militia, and some other regiment* (11) having previously proceeded on theii march to that place. We overtook and passed a number of the militia before we arrived a1 that place, and Colo Van Alstyne's regt (12 which had been directed to march by the way of Nestagiuna, not having ar- rived at Schenectady in the evening the general sent an express to him, with orders to hasten his march, so as to be at Schenec- tady at daybreak next morning. In the mean time, the general having been informed that the enemy were still burning in the losvei parts of Scoharie, convened some of the princi- pal inhabitants of Schenectady, and advised with them on the practicability of procuring a number of horses and waggons by the next morning, to convey such militia as could be collected, towards the enemy, with the great- est expedition. The attempt was made in the course of the night, but a number very inade- quate to the service could only be procured. The issuing commissary was the same evening sent for to inform the general of the state of provisions at Schenec- tady. It appeared from his information, as I was advised by Genl Rensselaer an hour or two after he was sent for, that there was not a sufficiency of provisions of the meat kind to victual the troops for a day, and a very small quantity of bread. Some cattle arriv- ing destined for the garrison of Fort Schuyler, the general ordered some of them to be killed for the use of the militia. Those were to have been ready at daybreak, but the bread which was ordered to be baked, and the cattle directed to be killed, did not get ready until about nine o'clock in the morning, before which orders were issued to march as soon as the provisions should be received. While we were at Schenectady on the morning of the 18th, Genl Rensselaer wrote a letter, or di- rected me to write to Colo Staats or Veeder (I oan not charge my memory to which) di- recting him, as nearly as I can recollect, to call upon Major Woolsey, and to take all the forc< he could collect from the different posts at Schohary, without exposing the forts toe much, pursue the enemy, and hang on their rear, avoiding however an engagement, and advisinsr the Genl from time to time, of tin route, numbers, and such other particular, respecting the enemy as he coulei collect. I believe it was between nine and ten o'clock before the militia got in march. They marched on the 18th, as far as Sir William Johnson's old place, on the Mohawk River, which I think I was informed was sixteen miles above Schenectady. We arrived there after it was dark, and took post on a hill. A XXIX council was called by the General as soon as the troops could be properly disposed of, con- sisting of a number of field officers and the General suggested to them the necessity of taking measures to procure intelligence of the enemy's route. It was agreed to send out a party to make discoveries, and which was ac- cordingly done. The Tughtenunda [Chucta- nunda] Hill being covered with woods, and it being very dark, the council agreed in senti- ment, that it would be most advisable to re- main on the ground on which we then were, tiflthe moon should begin to appear. We ac- cordingly remained I think till some time be- fore the moon rose, when the march was re- sumed. We arrived at Fort Hunter (I think) about twelve. The militia were directed to cross the Scholarie creek, which was soon effected in a scow and the waggons. I went into the fort with the General, who examined a prisoner that had been taken and brought in, and upon coming out we crossed the creek and found most of the militia on the west side. We then marched on, and I do not recollect that we made any halt after leaving the creek, till we got to Van Ep's where we halted, I think about an hour. Here the General directed me to write Colonels Dubois and Brown, advising them of his situ- ation, and his intentions to pursue the enemy closely, and to attack them by break of day. In consequence of these orders, I wrote a let- ter to Colo Dubois, of which I believe the pa- per Colo Harper produced to the court is a copy. Another was dispatched to Colo Brown. The Genl received the accounts at Van Eps, by one Wallace, that the enemy were en- camped at Anthony's Nose, on both sides of the river, we continued our march to a field at some distance from the east side of the Nose. It was then some time advanced m the day. Here we halted. The ammunition was inspected, and an additional quantity distributed among the troops. Colonel Louis (13) wa^ sent out to recon- noitre Anthony's Nose, which is a very dan- gerous defile. Upon his return, and reporting that he had made no discoveries, and after the issues of ammunitions were completed, which might possibly have taken an hour, the militia were ordered on. After proceeding to the west side of the Nose, we discovered a party of about forty of the enemy on the north side of the Mohawk River who were bending their course towards the river. Our advance was then about one quarter of a mile in front of the main body. Captn Driskill of the artillery was with a field piece (14) with the advance guard. I was directed by the Genl to go on the advance guard and order the officer commanding it, to make proper dispositions to intercept the enemy, should they cross a ford, which it was said was in our front, as the general sup- posed they mistook our troops for those of the enemy I rode to the advance, and de- livered mv orders. They halted for some time, and Capt Driskill upon my returning desired me to beg the general to give the ene- my's party a shot or two [very Unwise if he wished to overtake and surprise a retreating foe]. When I returned, I communicated Dris- kill's request. Genl Rensselaer observed to me, our business was not so much to frighten the enemy as to fight them, and that a ' com- pliance with Driskill's request would only tend to discover to the enemy that we were in force. We continued marching on, without making any general halt, that I recollect, till we arrived at the ford, about a mile to the eastward of Fort Rensselaer. The militia stopped here to refresh themselves not having had time to ccok their provisions since their leaving Schenectady, the enemy being then burning from the di- rection of their fires at Stone Arabia. Soon after the halt, Genl Rensselaer went to Fort Rensselaer, to which place I followed him and dined. Immediately after dinner, Genl Rensselaer directed me to go down to the militia and order them across the river as soon as possible. When I came down to the place where they had halted, I found that some had already crossed the river on waggons and others were following their example. But they went across very tardily, complaining of being too much harrassed by a forced march, and many appeared much dispirited on ac- eount of Brown's defeat which teas generally known among them. Imagining that the crossing would be expe- dited by forming a bridge across the river with our waggons, I suggested it to some of the field officers who agreed with me in senti- ment*, but the orders given for the execution of this service, were executed with such reluc- tance, that at least two hours elapsed before the militia had crossed, tho' many of the officers exerted themselves to facilitate their conveyance across the river. While the militia were crossing, I received two messages from the General, to push them on with all expe- dition, which was communicated to tin field officers on the ground. In the mean time, an attempt teas made to induce them to font the river, but proved unavailing. As soon as they were crossed, they were marched to the place where the levies had crossed the river, acid were formed and counted off in sections. The enemy Was then about two miles in ad- vance, burning flic buildings as they proceed- ed. After we liad marched on some distance, the general directed me to write a letter to his Excellency the Governor, advising him that he was near the enemy, and intended to attack as soon as he could overtake them. While I was writing, the disposition of the troops were made for an attack. Upon my overtaking the General, who was at the head of what I was told was the centre column, I rode with him some minutes, when he observed to me, that the militia on the left, were man-lung on without observing any order, and directed me to go to them, and order them to march more compactly. I went down and gave the orders to Colo Cuyler and some other officers. Upon my return to the General, I observed a number of man in advance of the centre, as I afterwards found, and upon my taking the shortest route towards them, 1 found they were Indians. I enquired of one of them whether he had seen riic ( leneral. He happened not to understand me, and while I was endeavoring to make him understand me the, Indians began to fire, and received a warm one in return. The first fire my horse fell with me. By this time, the troops in the low ground had commenced a firing at long shot from the enemy, broke, and some ran. I again made an attempt to mount my horse, but finding that he would not stand fire, I ran down towards the left, one of the militia attending me, and leading my horse, till I came to Van Als- tyne's regiment which was broke. I as- sisted in rallying it, which was partly ef- fected. I then went to Colonel Cuyler's and endeavored to assist the officers in rally- ing that regiment, which was also partly rallied: |5F But part of another regiment (Van Alstyne's 1 think) tiring at Cuyler's they again broke, and could not be rallied, ^Jgfl A similar confusion seemed to prevail in every part of the troops on the left. ^JgJ I did not see Genl Rensselaer after the tiring commenced, till it had somewhat subsided, and from the direction of the fire, it appeared that the enemy's had entirely ceased, when he ex- erted to rally Cuyler's and other regiments on the left. [ggT He observed to me, that the confusion and darkness was such, that it would be impru- dent to engage the enemy in the night, and directed me to assist in marching off' the troops. - J 2 g When the firing commenced on our part, the rear of two regiments in the low grounds, were strung along a hundred and fifty or two hundred yards behind the front, and kept up a warm fire, as well as the front, but the direction of the fire seemed to be up in the air. At the time the engagement be- gan it was dark, and in a few minutes it was quite dark, which I beKeved was occasioned by the smoke from the buildings which were burnt In/ the enemy. Immediately after the firing on the part of the enemy ceased, I heard several exclamations at different times, by the militia on the low grounds, that they were in danger to be cut to pieces and surrounded by the enemy and many of them expressed a great disposition to run off. | J In the evening of the action, I suggested to the general, that the troops were without provisions and I recollect he informed nit, that he had ordered the provisions to be over early in the morning, but it did not arrive till after sunrise. In the same evening, the Gen- eral informed me, that he had given orders to Colo Dubois, for the marching of the Levies in pursuit of the enemy the next morning, by break of day, or before day, (I do not recollect which), and those troops marched accord- ingly. As soon as the militia had got their provisions and cooked and eat it, they march- ed also, I think about an hour after sunrise (but this I cannot ascertain with precision.) On the march, the general desired that a small detachment of men of the different regiments who were best able to go on, should turn out as volunteers, to overtake, and who went on to join Colo. Dubois. If I recollect right, this detachment was made in consequence of intelligence received, that Colo. Dubois was very near the enemy. The General went on, escorted by a small number of horsemen, to join Colo. Dubois. 1 f( dlowed tim, and we arrived at Fort Herkimer about two o'clock. About two hours after, the militia joined us and halted a small space of time. Here the General received intelligence, that the enemy had struck off from the public road to avoid the fort, and had taken the route to Shoemaker's. The General then marched the troops on to near Shoemaker's. It was there become doubtful what route the enemy had taken, and parties of Indians and white men were sent out to discover their track who returned and finally reported that from the observations they could make, the enemy had not gone that way. When the General found that he had mistaken the enemy's route, he ordered the troops to re turn to fort Herkimer, with intentions (as was said), to fall in with their track, to the south- ward of Port Herkimer. It was just dark, when the troops marched from Shoemaker's towards Fort Herkimer. The next morning the Governor took the command. Quest ion by the Court. From the whole tenor of Genl Rensselaer's conduct in his march up the Mohawk River, had you reason to suppose that he was anxious to come up with the enemy? A nsr. He appeared to be very much so, in every part of his conduct. Quest, by Court. Did you, in or before the action of the 19th October, discover any want of firmness, or personal bravery in the gen- eral? Ansr. From what I observed of his con- duct, before the action, he appeared to possess himself fully, and in the course of that action. or after it he did not betray the least want of resolution or firmness, as far as fell under my observation. The Court then adjourned till Saturday morning, March 17th, at 7 o'clock. The court met pursuant to adjournment.* Upon duly considering the proofs and alle- gations respecting B. Genl. Rensselaer's con- duct on the hicursions of the enemy into Tryon County, in October last: The court do unanimously. report their opinion: That the whole of General Rensselaer's eon- duct both before and after, as well as m, the action of the 19th of October last, was not only unexceptionable, but such as became a good, active, faithful, prudent and spirited officer, and J g that flic public clamors raised to his prejudice on that account, arc without the least foundation. ^M£& Jacobus Swartwout, Presdt. His Excellency, Governor Clinton. ENGAGEMENT NEAK FOX'S MILLS, Bast Side of Caroga Creek, Where it Empties Into the Mohawk River, Near St. Johnsville, Montgomery*Co., s. N. r.,63 Miles \\. by N. of Albany. OFTEN STYLED THE BATTLE OF KLOCK'S FIELD. Sometimes Confounded With That of Stone- Arabia Ion or near de Peyster Patent I. 10th OCTOBER, 1780. Of all the engagements which have occurred upon the soil of New York, the "cock-pit." or "the Flanders,"' of the Colonies, there is none which has been so much misrepresented as this. There is scarcely a word of truth in the narrative generally accepted as history. Envy, hatred, and malice, have painted every pic- ture and even gone so far as to malign the State commander, the scion of a family who risked more than any other for the Common- wealth to conceal and excuse the bad conduct of his troops. As for the leader of the Loyal- ists it is no wonder that his reputation fared so badly at the hands of a community whom he had made to suffer so severely for their sins against justice, his family, connections, friends andhimself. The State Brigadier-General has been accused in so many wdrds of inefficiency. cowardice and disloyalty (French G., 432: Stone B., II, 124-5; B. W., ii., 126-7; Simm's S. C, 430-1; Campbell's B. W., 199-201), al- though acquitted by his peers of all three and highly commended tor activity, fidelity, pru- dence, spirit and conduct. The Royal leader was also subjected to a false accusation of want .of courage, on the statement of a per- sonal enemy, and like his antagonist received the highest commendation of his superior, a veteran and proficient. Before attempting to describe what actually occurred on the date of the collision, a brief introduction is necessary to its comprehen- sion. The distinguished Peter van Schaack (Stone, SirW. J., II., 38&) pronounced Sir William Johnson ''the greatest character of the age," the ablest man who figured in our immediate Colonial history. He was certainty the benefactor of Central New- York, the protector of its menaced frontier, the first who by a victory stayed the flood- tide of French invasion. His son, Sir John, succeeded to the bulk of his vast possessions in the most troublous times of New York history. He owed everything to the Crown and notn- ing to the People, and yet the People because he would not betray the trusts which he held from the Crown, drove him forth and de- spoiled him. More than once lie returned in arms to punish and retrieve, at a greater haz- ard than any to which the mere professional soldier is subjected. By the detestable laws of this embryo State, even a peaceable return subjected him to the risk of a halter; conse- quently in addition to the ordinary perils of battle, he fought as it were with a rope around his neck. There was no honorable captivity for him. The same pitiless retribution, which, after Kings's Mountain (S. C.) in the same month and year (7th October, 1780) strung up ten or a dozen Loyalist otlicers, would have sent him speedily to the scaffold. The coldly cruel or unrelentingly severe — choose between the terms — Governor Clinton would have shown no pity to one who had struck harder and of tener than anj r other, and left the record of his visitations in letters of tire on vast tablets of ashes coherent with blood. In 1777, through the battle-plans of Sir John, a majority of the effective manhood of the Mohawk — among these some of his par- ticular persecutors — perished at Oriskany. In 1 779, his was the spirit which induced the In- dians to make an effort to arrest Sullivan, and it was Sir John, at length interposed between this General and his great objective Niagara (Stone's Brant. II., 3(i; B. W., II., 38), if it was not the very knowledge that Sir John was concentrating forces in his front caused Sullivan to turn back. In the following Autumn (1779) he made himself master of the key of the ' 'great portage" be- tween Oaitario and the Mohawk, and his farther visitation of the valley eastward, was only frustrated by the stormy season on the great lake by which alone he could receive re- inforcements and supplies. In May. 1780. starting from Bulwagga. Bay (near Crown Point) on Lake Champlain, hie constructed a military road through the wilderness (see page viii. supra) of which vestiges are still plainly visible — ascended the Sacondaga. crossed the intervening water- shed, and fell (on Sunday night,21st May) with the suddenness of a waterspout upon his re- bellious birthplace, accomplished his purpose, left behind him a dismal testimony of his visi- tation, and despite the pursuit of aggregated hate and vengeance, escaped with his re- covered plate, rich booty ami numerous pris- oners. In August-September of the same year, he organized a second expedition at Lachine, ('•* miles above Montreal.) ascended the St. Law- rence, crossed Lake Ontario, followed up the course of the Oswego river, coasted the south- ern shore of Oneida Lake until he reached the mouth of Chittenango Creek. (\V. boundary bet. Madison co. and E. of Onondaga cq.,) where he left his bateaux and canoes, struck off southeastward up the Chittenango. then crossing the Unadilla and the Charlotte, (sometimes called the East branch of the Sus- quehanna,) and descended in a tempest of flame into the rich settlements along the Schoharie, which he struck at what was known as the Upper Fort, now Fultonhani, Schoharie co. [If the old maps of this then savage country are reliable, he may have crossed fi*om the valley of the Charlotte into that of the Mo- hawk Branch of the Delaware, or the Papon- tuck Branch farther east again. From either there was a portage of only a few miles to the Schoharie Kill.] Thence he wasted the whole of this rich valley to the mouth of this stream, and then turning westward completed the devastation of everything which preceding inroads had spared, (Brant II., 134.) The preliminary circuitous march through natural obsta- cles apparently insunnountable to an armed force was one of certainly 200 miles. The suc- ceeding sweep "With steel to the bosom, and name to the roof," and retreat embraced almost as many. More than one contemporary statement attests that the invasion carried tilings back to the uncer- tainties of the old French inroads and rein- vested Schenectady with the dangerous honor of being considered again a frontier post. (Hough's Northn. Invn. 131, 144) The terrifying intelligence of the appear- ance of this little "army of vengeance" aroused the whole energy of coterminous districts: the militia were assembled in haste, and pushed f orward to the point of danger under Brigadier Genera] Robert van Rensselaer of Claverack, (now Columbia Co:) who were guided into the presence of their enemy literally "by pillars of fire by night, and columns of smoke by day." Although he knew that he waslpursued by forces treble or quadruple if not quintuple his own. Sir John continued to burn and destroy up to the very hour when his troops were obliged to lay aside the torch to resume their firelocks. In fact if the two engagements of the 19th of October, 1780, were contemplated parts of a combined plan to overwhelm Sir John, he ac- tually fought and burned simultaneously. To whomsoever a contemporaneous map of this country is accessible it will be evident how vast a district was subjected to this war cy- clone. On the very day (19th Oct.) that van Rensselaer was at Fort Plain the flourishing settlements of Stone Arabia (Palafrine Town- ship, Montgomery Co:) a few miles to the west- ward, were destroyed. Finding that he must ftght either to arrest pursuit or to ensure re- treat. Sir John hastily assembled some of his wearied troops, while others kept on burning in every direction, to engage the garrison of Fort Paris— constructed to protect the Stone Arabia settlement (Simm's S. Co., 426) — which marched out to intercept him under Colonel Brown, an officer of undoubted ability and of tried courage. Brown's immediate force consist- ed of 130 men of the Massachusetts Levies, and a body of militia — 70 and upwards— whose mini- XXXII bers and co-operation seemed to have been studiously concealed by almost every writer at the period ; that there were Militia present is unquestionable. It is almost, if not absolutely certain that Brown marched out of Fort Paris in pursuance of the orders and plan of van-- Rensselaer, in order to cut Sir John off from his line of retreat, and hold him or "head him" until van Rensselaer could fall upon him with i iverwhelming numbers. The same failure to co-operate in executing a very sensible piece of strategy sacrificed Herkimer to Sir John at Oriskany, some three years previous- ly, and resulted in a similar catastrophe. To appreciate and to forestall was the immediate and only solution. Sir John attacked Colonel Brown — like "now, on the head" as Suwarrow phrased it— about 9 or 10 A. M., killed him and about 100 of his men, captured several (Hough's N. I. says40 kd. and 2 pris:)and sent the survivors flying into van Rensselaer's lines to infect them with the terror of the slaughter from which they had just escaped. The Stone Arabia Fight in which Col. Brown fell was only two miles distant from the ■'Nose." where van Rensselaer's forces had already arrived. They heard the firing just as twilight was melting into night in a valley where the latter permaturely reigned through the masses of smoke from burning buildings which brooded like a black fog, sensible to the touch. Van Rennselaer came upon the po- sition where Sir John had "settled" himself to resist. This term "settled" is most apposite. It recalls a spectacle often visible in our woods when a predatory hawk wearied in its flight settles on a limb to rest and resist a flock of encompassing furious ■ rows whose nests he has just invaded. To refer back to the da rkness occasioned by smoke, it may be necessary to state that the dwellers of cities or old cultivated districts have no conception of the atmospheric dis- turbance occasioned by extensive conflagra- I ions in a wooded country. [The dark day in Massachusetts of 10 May, I ;'so, was due to this cause (Heath 230, '7, '8), w hen artificial night, culminating about noon, sent the animal creation to roost and re- pose with less exceptions than during the com- pletest eclipse, and filled the minds of men with apprehension and astonishment. This is not bh ■ onlv "dark dav" so recorded. On the 35th October, 1823 at New York candlelight was necessary at 11 A. M. The 16th May, 1780, was another "dark day" in Canada, where similar phenomena were observed 0th, 15th, and 16th Octr 1785. On the last, "it is said Co have been as dark as a dark night." Sev- eral other instances are chronicled.] What is more, the evening air in October, is < >f ten heavy through a surcharge of dampness especially along large streams and hi bot- tom lands. To such as can imagine this condition of the atmosphere, it will at once 1 »ecome evident how much it was augmented immediately after a few volleys from about t ,vi i thousand muskets, the smoke of the con- flagrations, and the explosions of the powder, rendering objects invisible almost at arms' length. This is established by the testimony of a gallant American officer, Col : Dubois, (H. 183-'5),who stated that shortly after the fir- ing became warm, when within five paces of his general he could only recognize him by his voice. Therefore for anyone to pretend to re- in te what occurred within the lines of Sir John Johnson ( (4) xxvi. 2 and (5) xxvi. 2. supra) a few (15) minutes after volleys had been exchanged along the whole fronts is simply drawing upon the "imagination for facts." Consequently when the American writers say that the enemy broke and ran, it was simply attributing to them what was oc- curring within van Rensselaer's lines, where the officers could not restrain the rear from tiling over and into the front and from break- ing beyond the power of being rained. Doubt- less, as always, the regulars on both sides be- haved as well as circumstances permitted. Sir John's Indians opposed to the American Con- tiientals and Levies for the defence of the frontiers, it is very likely gave way almost at once. Brandt, their gallant and able leader, was wounded in the heel, and therefore unable to move about, encourage them and hold them up to their work. Thus crippled he had enough to do to get off, for if taken he well knew that his sh'ift would be short and his "despatch" speedy if not "hap- py." Sir John was also struck, in the thigh, and was charged with quittfcig the field. The only evidence for this is derived from one of his bitter personal enemies sur- charged with spite and desire of vengeance. How bitterly he felt can be easily conceived, when he turned upon van Rensselaer and em- phasized. (Stone's Brant II, 124-5, &c.) Colonel Stone remarks other accounts "speak differently" from Sammons (Brant ii. 122). Gen. Sir Frederic Haldimand wrote to the home government that Sir John " 'Bad destroy- ed the settlements of Schoharie and Stone Arabia, and laid waste a la»'ge extent of coun- try,' " which was most true. It was added: " 'He had several engagements with the enemy, in which he came off victorious. In one of them, near Stone Arabia, he killed a Col. Brown, a notorious and active rebel. with about one hundred officers and men. '" " T can- not finish without expressing to your Lordship the perfect satisfaction which lhave,from the teal s/:i : -f , »<■ of the lies! and most trustworthy of British generals; had fought with distinction during the Seven Years' W a r in Germany. * * :|: He was a man strictly upright, kind-hearted and hon orable. * * * Always of a character very formal and punctilious as to etiquette, he was very fastidious in his intercourse and did not easily make new acquaintances. * * * He required continual activity from his subr ordinates. :;: * * A Brunswick officer con- siders him one of the most worthy officers England has ever had. * * * This was about the character of the man to whom now the fate of the < 'anadas was intrusted by his Britannic Majesty." It now seems a fitting time to consider the number of the opposing forces engaged. There has been a studied attempt to appre- ciate those present under Sir John and to de- preciate those at the disposal of van Rensselaer. The same holds good with re- gard to the losses of the former: whereas the casualties suffered by the latter are stud- iously concealed. No two works agree in re- gard to the column led by Johnson. It has been estimated even as high as 1500, whereas acrit- ical examination of its component parts demon- strates that it could not have comprised much more than a third of this number at the out- set. As all Sir John's papers were lost in the Egyptian darkness of the night of the 19th October, it is necessary to fall back upon contemporaneous works for every detail. The product of this calulation exactly agrees with the statement embodied in the testimony of Colonel Harper: — "The enemy's force was about 400 white men and but few Indians." ( (1) xxii. sitj)ra). The post from Albany, t.sth October, reported that Sir John's party were "said to be about 500 men come down the Mohawk River." (H. N. T. 122). When Sir John struck the Charlotte or Eastern Susquehanna he was joined by several hundred Indians. But a quarrel founded on jealousy — similar co such as was the curse of every Aggregation of Scottish Highland tribes, even under Montrose, Claverhouse and the Pretender — soon after occurred, and sev- eral hundreds abandoned him.* (Simm's S. Co., 399). Great stress has also been laid on his being provided with artillery. Close study explodes this phantasy likewise. That he had several pieces of very light artillery hardly deserving the name with him as far as Ohittenango Creek is true (Hammond's Madison Co., 656). Two of these he sunk intentionally in this Stream, or else they went to its bottom acci- dentally. Thence he carried on two little 4% pounder mortars, probably "Royals," and a Grasshopper 3 pounder. As our army were well acquainted with the improved Cohorns used at the siege of Petersburg, it is unneces- sary to explain that they were utterly impotent against stone buildings or even those constructed of heavy logs. The Co- horns of 1780 was just what St Leger reported of them in 1 777— that thev were g< tod for "teazing" and nothing more. Even one of these Sir John submerged in a marsh after his attempt upon the Middle Fort, now Middle- burg. Clinton, (157,) wrote that both were' 'con- cealed [abandoned] by the Loyalists on their route from Schoharie." Most likely it was an impediment. And nothing is afterwards mentioned of the use of the other. The "grasshopper" 3 pdr derived its name from the fact that it was not mount- ed upon wheels but upon iron legs. It was one of those almost useless little guns which were transported on bat-horses, just as 12 pdr mountain howitzers are still carried on pack animals. As Sir John's horses, draught and * The actual composition of Sir John Johnson's expeditionary column is well-known however often willfully misstated. He had Three Companies of his own Reeriment of "Roval Greens" or "Loyal New Yorkers;" one Company of German Jagers; one Company of British Regulars belonging to the 8th (Col. A. S. de Peyster's) King's Regiment of Foot, which performed duty by detachments all along the frontier from Montreal to the farth- est west, and in every raid and hostile movement —besides detachments a Companv or Platoon from the 20th. and (?)also from the 34thBritish In fantry, and a detachment— sometimes rated by the Americans as high as two hundred men from Butler's Loyalist or Tory Rangers. Sir John in his report of casualties mentions these all except the 20th Regiment and no others. Figure this up, and take sixty at. a fair allowance for the numerical force of a company whien is too large an allow- ance basing it on the average strength of British regiments which had seen active service for any length of time on this continent, and six times sixty makes three hundred and sixty. plus two hundred, gives 'five hundred and sixty. Deduct a fair per- centage for the footsore and other casualties in- separable from such service, and it reduces his AVhit.es down to exactly what Colonel Harper (1) xxii.. supra,) slates was reported to him by an Indian as being at Klock's Field. Col. W. L. Stone (Brant II. 105) specifies three companies of Sir John's own Regiment of Greens; one Company of < lerman Jagers; a detachment of 20H men (doubtfuJ authority cited) from Butler's Rangers; and one [only one] Companyof British Regulars. The Indian portion of this expedition was chiefly collected under Brant, at Tioga Point, on the S'usquehannab, which they ascended to Unadilla. Stone's language "besides Mohawks" is ambiguous. Sir John had few Indians left— as was usually the case with these savages — when they had "to face the music." Governor Clinton (Hough N. I., 1511 estimates Sir John's force at seven hundred and fifty picked troops and Indians. Very few Indians were in the fight of the 19th of October P. M. Other corroborations have already been ad- duced. Simm's \ another route (Ibid (12) ). How did Col: Cuy- ler's Albany Regt (Ibid (Pi) ) come up? Col: Clyde reinforced him with the Canajoharie District Regi ment (Ibid (8) t (Tryon Co: for military purposes was divided into Districts each of which furnished i'ts Quote), likewise (Simms S. Co 425) "the Scho- harie militia" "near Fort Hunter." This dissec- tion might be followed out further to magnify the American force and show against what tremen- dous odds Sir John presented an undaunted front, and what numbers he shocked, repulsed and foiled. He was afterwards joined by the Conti- nental Infantry under Colonel Morgan Lewis; the New York gwasi-regulars or Levies, three or four hundred, under Colonel Dubois: McKean's volun- teers, sixty; the Indians under Colonel Louis, six- ty; John Ostrom, a soldier present, adds (Simm's S Co 424) 200 Oneida Indians under Col: Harper, the Artillery and the Horse. The militia of Albany- county were organized into seventeen regiments, of Charlotte Co: into one; of Tryon Co: into five: besides these there were other troops at hand under different names and peculiarities of service. It is certain that all the militia cf Albany, Charlotte and Tryon counties and every ether organization that were accessible were hurried to meet Sir John; and severe Clinton was not the man to brook shirking. Twenty- three regiments of militia must have produced twenty-four hundred men, — a ridiculously small figure. Add the other troops known to be with van Rensselaer and he faced the Loyal leader with five or six times as many as the latter had; or else the Claverack Brigadier had with him only a startling redundancy of field officers and a disgraceful deficiency of rank and file. beef cattle, appear to have been stampeded i>n bhe confusion of the intense darkness, almost everything which was not upon his soldiers' persons or had not been sent forward when he ' l setUed"at Klock's Field to check pursuit, had to be left when he drew off. The darkness of the night, as stated, was intensified by the powder smoke and smoke of burning buildings, and tjfas bottom-fog which rilled the whole valley. Under such circumstances small ob- j >cts could not be recovered in the hurry of a march. The Americans made a great flourish over the capture of Sir John's artillery. The original report was comparatively lengthy, but simply covered the little "grasshop- per," fifty-three rounds of ammunition, and a few necessary implements and e jui.pments for a piece, the whole sus- < c>v)tible of transport on two pack-saddles. Most probably the bat-horses were shot or dis- ! abled in the melee. ( (9) xxviii. supra.) It is even more difficult to arrive at van ] Rensselaer's numbers. The lowest figure when at Schenectady is 700. This perhaps < indicated his own Cliveraek (now Columbia Co:) Brigade. He received several accessions of force, Tryon and Albany county militia ;the different colonels and their regiments are espe- cially mentioned-besides the gwasi-regular com- j mand— 300 or 400 (Hough 150)— of Colonel Du- bois' Levies raised and expressly maintained Por the defence of theN. Y. northern frontier; Capt. M'Kean's 80 Independent Volunteers; 60 to 100 Indians, Oneida warriors, under Colonel Louis; a detachment of ragular Infantry un- der Colonel Morgan Lewis, who led the advance (B. II., 120); a company or detach- ment of artillery with two pdrs.; ( (2) x\-vi. 2) and a body of horsemen. (See supra (3) xxvi. 2.) Col. Stone, writing previous to 1838, says: "thecommand of G-an. Van Rensselaer num- bered about 1500" — a force in every way su- perior to that of the enemv. It is very prob- able that he had over 2000, if not many more than this. Stone adds (Brant, II., 119): "Sir John's troops, moreover, were exhausted by forced marches, active service, and heavy knapsacks, while those of Van Rensselaer were fresh in the field." Sir John's troops had good reason to be exhausted. Besides their march from Canaseraga, 150 miles, they had been moving, destroying, and fighting, constantly, for three or four days, covering in this exhaustive work a distance of over 75 (26 m. straight) miles in the Mohawk VaPley alone (Hough, 152). On the very day of the main engagement they had wasted the whole dis- trict of Stone Arabia, destroyed Brown's com- mand in a spirited attempt to hold the invad- ers, and actually advanced to meet van Rens- selaer by the light of the conflagrations they kindled as they marched along. Each British and Loyal soldier carried«ighty rounds of am- munition, which, together with his heavy arms. equipments, rations and plunder, must have weighed one hundred pounds and upwards per man. Van Rensselaer's militia complained of fatigue; but when did this sort of troops ever march even the shortest testing distance with- out grumbling? The Americans figured out Sir John's loss at 9 killed. 7 wounded, and 53 missing. His re- port to General Haldimand states that throughout his whole expedition he only lost in killed. Whites and Indians, 9; wounded, 7; and missing 48, which must have included the wounded who had to be abandoned; and de- sertions 3: the last item is the most remark- able in its insignificance. (H. N. I., L36). How the troops on either side were drawn up for the fight appears to have been pretty well settled, for there was still light enough to make this out if no more. Sir John's line extended from the river to the orchard near. Klock's house. His Rangers — Loyalists — were on the right, with their right on the bank of the Mohawk. His regular troops stood in column hi the centre on the Flats. Brant's Indians and the Hesse-Hanau Riflemen or Jajjers were on the left, in echelon, in advance of the rest abaut one hundred and fifty yards, in the Orchard. Van Rensselaer's forces were disposed; Colonel Dubois with the Levies quasi-regulars on the right. Whites and Indians constituting the central column, and the Albany Militia on the left. (Simms S. Co: 430.) Not a single witness shows where the Continentals, Artillerymen and the Horsemen took position. As for the two 9 pdr fieldpieces, they were left behind, stuck in the mud. It was a tohu-bohu. The regulars on both sides behaved well as they always do. With the first shots the militia began to fire — Cuyler's Regt. 400 yards away from the enemy— the rear rank over and into those in front, 251 1 to 300 yards in advance (192), then broke; all was confusion. It does not appear that the American Indians accomplished anything. Colonel Dubois' New York Levies ran out Brant's Indians and got in the rear of Sir John's line, and then there was an end of the matter. (Simms' S. Co. 429-'30.) It had become so dark from various causes, that, to use a common expression, "a man could not see his hand before his face." Van Rensselaer had now enough to do to keep the majority of his troops together, and retreated from one and a half to three miles to a cleared hill where he was enabled to re- store some order. The stories of the disorder within Sir John's lines, except as regarded the Indians, are all founded on unreliable data: nothing is known. When his antagonist fell back he waited apparently until the moon rose, and then (or previously) forded the river (just above Nathan Christie's — (Simms, 430) and commenced his retreat which he was per- mitted to continue unmolested. He had fought a Cumberland Church Fight to check pursuit, and there was no Humphreys present to renew it and press on to an Appomattox Court House. He had accomplished his task ; he had completed the work of des- truction in fiie Schoharie and Mohawk valleys There was nothing more to be wasted Colonel Stone sums it up thus (Brandt, 11—124): "By this third and most formidable irruption into the Mohawk country during the season. Sir John had com- pleted its entire destruction above Schenectady — the principal settlement above the Little Fa lis having been sacked and burned two years be- fore." French observed that these incur- sions left "the remaining citizens, stripped of almost everything except the soil. " ["The forces of Col. [Sir John] Johnson, a part of which had crossed the river near Caughnawaga, destroyed all the Whig prop- erty, not only on the south, but on the north side, from Fort Hunter to the [Anthony's N. T. 60.] Nose: [some 23 to 25 m.] and in several instances where dwellings had been burned by the Indians under his command in May [1780] and temporary ones rebuilt, they were also consumed. * * * After Brown fell, the enemy, scattered in small bodies, were to be seen in every direction plundering and burn- ing the settlements in Stone Arabia. In the afternoon Gen. van Rensselaer, after being warmly censured for his delay by Col. Har- per and several other officers, crossed the river at Fort Plain, and began the pursuit in earn- est. The enemy were overtaken [awaited him] on the side of the river above St. Johnsville, near a stockade and block- house at Klock's, just before night, and a smart brush took place between the British troops and the Americans under Col. Duboise; in which, several on each side were killed or wounded. Johnson was compelled to retreat to a peninsula in the river, where he encamped with his men much wearied. His situation was such that he could have been taken with ease. Col. Du- boise, with a body of Levies, took a station above him to prevent his proceeding up the river; Gen. van Rensselaer, with the main army, below: while Col. Harper, with the Oneida Indians, gained a position on the south side of the river, nearly opposite. [Why did they not guard the Ford by which Sir j John crossed; They were afraid of him and I glad to let him go if he only would go away.] \ The general gave express orders that the attack should be renewed by the troops under his own j immediate command, at the rising of the [fullQ [between 10 and 11 P. M. (?) (H. N. I. 55.) ] i moon, some hour in the night. Instead, how- ever, of encamping on the ground from which the enemy had been driven, as a brave officer would have done, he fell back down the river and encamped three miles distant. The troops under Duboise and Harper could hard- ly be restrained from commencing the at- tack long before the moon arose; but when it did, they waited with almost breathless anxiety to hear the rattle of vaii Rensselaer's musketry. The enemy, who encamped on lands owned by the late Judge Jacob G. Klock, spiked their can- non [the diminutive 3 pdr grasshopper was all they had] which was there abandoned ; and soon after the moon appeared, began to move forward to aforditiQ place just above the resi- dence of Nathan Christie, and not far from their encampment. Many were the "denuncia- tions made by the men under Duboise and Harper against van Rensselaer, when they found he did not begin the attack, and had given strict orders that their commanders should not. They openly stigmatised the gen- eral as a coward and traitor; but when several hours had elapsed, and he had not yet made his appearance, a murmur of discontent pervaded all. Harper and Duboise were com- pelled to see the troops under John- son and Brant ford the river, and pass off ■unmolested, or disobey the orders of their commander, when they could, unaided, have given them most advanta- geous battle. Had those brave colonels, at the moment the enemy were in the river, taken the responsibility of disobeying their com- mander as Murphy had done three days be- fore, and commenced the attack in front and rear, the consequences must have been very fatal to the retreating army, and the death of Col. Brown and his men promptly revenged. — Jacob Beeker,a Schoharie militia man. 428- 430 Jeptha R. Simms' "History of Schoharie Co:" 1845.] The most curious thing in this connection is the part played by the fiery Governor Clin- ton. Colonel Stone expressly stated, in 1838, that he was with General van Rensselaer a few hours before the fight, dined with him at Fort Plain, and remained at the Fort when van Rensselaer marched out to the fight. In his, or his son and namesake's, "Border Wars," II— 122, this statement is repeated. Clinton, in one of his letters, dated 30th October, does not make the matter clear. He says (H. 151) "On receiving this intelligence [the movements of the British] I immediately moved up the river, in hopes of being able to gain their front, etc. ;" In describing the en- gagement he says, "the night came on too soon fortes;" and then afterwards he men- tions "the morning after the action, I arrived with the militia under my immediate com- mand." This does not disprove Stone's ac- count. Aid-Major Lansing, testified before the court-martial that the Governor took command on the morning of the 21st. It Is l ot likely that Governor Clinton would have found it pleasant to fall into hands of Sir John, and Sir John would have been in a decidedly disagreeable position if the Governor could have laid hands upon him. There was this difference, however; Sir John was in the fight, (Colonel Du- bois wrote 11 A. M., the day after the fight, (Hough, N. I. 118). Prisoners say Sir John was wounded through the thigh,) which he might have avoided; and the Governor might have been (had he "hankered" for the opportunity), and was not. Anyone who will consider the matter dispassionately will per- ceive that now that the whole country was aroused and all the able-bodied males, regulars and militia, concentrating upon him, Sir John had simply to look to the safety of his com- mand. He retreated by a route parallel to the Mohawk River and to the south of it, passed the Oneida Castle on the creek of the same name, the present boundary between Madison and Oneida counties, and made for Cana- seraga where he had left his bateaux: Mean- while van Rensselaer had despatched an express to Fort Schuyler or Stanwix, now Rome, ordering Captain Vrooman with a strong detachment from the garri- son to push on ahead as quickly as possible and destroy Sir John's little flotilla : A deserter frustrated Burgoyne's last and best chance to escape. Two Oneida Indians, always unreliable in this war, revealed the approach of Sir John and by alarming saved the forts in the Schoharie valley. And now another such chance enabled Sir John to save his boats and punish the attempt made to de- stroy them. One of Captain Vrooman's men fell sick or pretended to fall sick at Oneida Castle (Hist. Madison, 050, &c.) and was left behind. Soon after, Sir John arrived, and learned, from the invalid, the whole plan. Thereupon he sent forward Brant and his In- dians with a detachment of Butler's Rangers, who came upon Vrooman's detachment tak- ing their mid-day meal, and "gobbled" the whole party. Not a shot was fired; and Cap- tain Vrooman and his men were carried off prisoners in the very boats they were dis- patched to destroy. If any reader supposes that this invasion of Sir John J ohnson's was a simple predatory expedition, he has been kept in ignorance of the te'uth through the misrepresentations of American writers. It was their purpose to malign Sir John, and they have admirably succeeded in doing so. Sir John Johnson's expedition was a part of a grand strategic plan, based upon the topography of the coun- try which rendered certain lines of operatien inevitable. Ever skice the English built n fort at Oswego, as a menace t<> the French then in possession of Canada, this port and Niagara wore bases for hostile move- ments againsl Canada. Pitt's great plan. the conquest of New France in 1759, contem- plated atriple attack: down Lake Champlain, across from Oswego, and up the St. Law- rence. The Burgoyne campaign in 17 IT, was predicated i >n t lie 'same idea: Burgoyne up Champlain, St. Leger from Oswego down the Mohawk, and HoWeup theHndson. Clinton plan forthe fall of 1780, was almost identical: although everything hinged on the success of Arnold's treason and his delivering up West Point, Clinton himself was to play the part Howeshould have done and ascend the Hud- son. Colonel Carleton was to imitate Bur- goyne on a smaller scale and move up Cham- plain to attract attention in that direction: and Sir John was to lepeattne St. Leger move- ment of 177;, and invade the Mohawk val- ley. Arnold's failure frustrated Clinton's movement. Carleton at best was to demonstrate because the ambiguity (or con- sistent treason) of Veimetit rendered a more numerous column unnecessary. As it was he penetrated to the Hudson and took Fort Anne. Haldimand's nervousness about a French attack upon Canada, made him timid about detaching a sufficient force with Sir John. Moreover the British regulars were very unwilling to accompany this bold parti- san^ whose energy insured enormous hard- ship, labor, and suffering, to his followers, to which regulars, more particularly German mercenaries were especially averse. Von Eelking informs lis of this, and furthermore that a terrible mutiny came very near break- ing out among the British troops under John- son in the succeeding June, when Haldimand proposed to send Sir John on another expedi- tion against Pittsburg. The plan of the mutineers (Von. E. 1L, lit?) was to fall upon the British officers in their quarters and murder them all. The complot was dis- covered, but it was politic to hush the whole matter up, which was accordingly done. Doubtless there was hanging and shooting and punishment enough, but it was inflicted quietly. These were the reasons that the in- vasion which was to have been headed by Sir John Johnson was converted into a de- structive raid, and this explains why Sir John was o weak-handed that he could not dispose of \.\\ Rensselaer on Klock's Field as completely as he annihilated the gallant Brown in Stone Arabia. Finally todivest Sir John Johnson's expedi- tion of the character of a mere raid, it is only necessary tocompare some dates. Arnold's negotiations with Sir Henry Clinton, came to a head about the middle of September. It was not settled until the 21st-22nd of that month. It is not consistent with probability that Hal- dimand in Canada was [gnoraut that a com bined movement was contemplated. To just- ify this conclusion von Eelking states (II. 195) that three expeditions, with distant objectives, started from Quebec abi >ut the "middle i »f Sep- tember," the very time when Clinton and Ar- nold were concluding their bargain: the first under Sir John Johnson, into the Schoharie and Mohawk vallies: the ml under Major Carleton, which took Forts Anne and George, towards Albany; and the third under Colonel Carleton reversing the direction of the route followed by Arnold in 17 7~>. LBJa'12 The time necessary to bring Sir John into Middle New York, making due allowances for obstacles, was about coincident with the date calculated for the surrender of "West Point. Arnold made his escape on the 25th of Sep- tember. Andre was arrested on the 33rd of September, and was execu- ted on the 2nd of Cetober fol- lowing. Major Carleton came up Lake Champlain and appeared before Fort Ann on the 10th of October (H. N. I.. 43), Major Houghton (Ibid 146) simultaneously fell upon the upper settlements of the Connecticut \ al- ley ; and Major Munro, a Loyalist, started with the intention— it is believed — of surpris- ing Schenectady. but for reasons now unknown stopped short at Ballstoc, attacked this si-ttlt meiit on the midnight of the 16th of < >ctober, and then retired carrying oil' a number of prisoners. Such a coincidence of concentrat- ing attacks from four or five different quar- ters by as many- different routes, could not have been the result of accident. Cir- cumstances indicate that Sir Henry Clin- ton was first to move in force upon West Point, and make himself master of it through the treasonable dispositions of Arnold. This would have rivetted the atten- tion of the whole country. Troops would have been hurried from all quarters towards the Highlands, and the whole territory around Albany denuded of defenders. Thus it was expected that Sir John would have solved the problem which St. Leger failed to do in 1777. Meanwhile, the Carle* tons, certain of the neutrality of Vermont,* whose hostilities had been so effective, in 1777, would have captured all the posts on the Upper Hudson. In thi», way the great plan which failed in 17 7 7, was to be accomplished in 1780. Thousands of tim- id Loyalists would have sprung to arms to support Sir John and Clinton, and the sev- erance of the Eastern from the Middle States. completed and perfect communication estab- lished between New York ami Montreal. It would have taken but very little time for Clin- ton to double his force from Loyal elements along the whole course of the Hudson : as can be demonstrated from records, admissions and letters of the times. The majority of the people weretired of the war. and even Wash- ington despaired. < In the 17th < let., ! r80, Gov. Clinton wrote to en. Washington: "This en- terprise of the enemy [Sir John Johnson] is probably the effect of Arnold's treason." On bhe21stof the same month (en. Washington addressing the President of the Continental Congress, wrote: ■■ // is thought, and per haps not without foundation, that this in- cursion was made [by Snt John Johnson] it])