,La2 Lz 
 
International Conciliation 
 
 SPECIAL BULLETIN 
 
 639 
 2 L3 
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 LABOR'S WAR AIM^ 
 
 v\ 
 
 ^ifA 
 
 1. Memorandum on War Alms/'adopted by the liiter- 
 Allied Labor and Socialist Conference, Febru- 
 ary 22, 1918. _. / , - 
 
 IL The Ahied Cause is the Cauie^of Socialist Inter- 
 nationalism: Joint Manifesto of the Social 
 Democratic League of America and the Jewish 
 Socialist League. 
 
 JUNE, 1918 
 
 AMERICAN association FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION 
 
 SUB-STATION 84 (407 WEST II7TH STREET) 
 
 NEW YORK CITY 
 
 I Monograph 
 
 .iiiU .» 
 
It is the aim of the Association for International Con- 
 ciliation to awaken interest and to seek cooperation in 
 the movement to promote international good will. This 
 movement depends for its ultimate success upon in- 
 creased international understanding, appreciation, and 
 sympathy. To this end, documents are printed and 
 widely circulated, giving information as to the progress 
 of the movement and as to matters connected therewith, 
 in order that individual citizens, the newspaper press, 
 and organizations of various kinds may have accurate 
 information on these subjects readily available. 
 
 The Association endeavors to avoid, as far as pos- 
 sible, contentious questions, and in particular questions 
 relating to the domestic policy of any given nation. 
 Attention is to be fixed rather upon those underlying 
 principles of international law, international conduct, 
 and international organization, which must be agreed 
 upon and enforced by all nations if peaceful civiliza- 
 tion is to continue and to be advanced. A list of pub- 
 lications will be found on pages 47 and 48. 
 
^b^'i 
 
 179 
 
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 %l-^ 
 
 MEMORANDUM ON WAR AIMS 
 
 Adopted by the Inter-Allied Labour and 
 
 Socialist Conference in London 
 
 February 22, 1918 
 
 Reprinted from the London Times, February 25, igi8 
 THE WAR 
 
 I. The Inter- Allied Conference declares that what- 
 ever may have been the causes of the outbreak of 
 war it is clear that the peoples of Europe, who are 
 necessarily the chief sufferers from its horrors, had 
 themselves no hand in it. Their common interest is 
 now so to conduct the terrible struggle in which they 
 find themselves engaged as to bring it, as soon as 
 may be possible, to an issue in a secure and lasting 
 peace for the world. 
 
 The Conference sees no reason to depart from the 
 following declaration unanimously agreed to at the 
 Conference of the Socialist and Labour Parties of the 
 Allied Nations on February 14, 1915: 
 
 "This Conference cannot ignore the profound gen- 
 eral causes of the European conflict, itself a mon- 
 strous product of the antagonisms which tear asunder 
 capitalist society and of the policy of Colonial depen- 
 dencies and aggressive Imperialism, against which 
 International Socialism has never ceased to fight, 
 and in which every government has its share of re- 
 sponsibility. 
 
 "The invasion of Belgium and France by the Ger- 
 man armies threatens the very existence of indepen- 
 
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i8o 
 
 dent nationalities and strikes a blow at all faith in 
 treaties. In these circumstances a victory for German 
 Imperialism would be the defeat and the destruction 
 of democracy and liberty in Europe. The Socialists 
 of Great Britain, Belgium, France, and Russia do 
 not pursue the political and economic crushing of 
 Germany; they are not at war with the peoples of 
 Germany and Austria, but only with the governments 
 of those countries by which they are oppressed. They 
 demand that Belgium shall be liberated and com- 
 pensated. They desire that the question of Poland 
 shall be settled in accordance with the wishes of the 
 Polish people, either in the sense of autonomy in the 
 midst of another state, or in that of complete inde- 
 pendence. They wish that throughout all Europe, 
 from Alsace-Lorraine to the Balkans, those popula- 
 tions that have been annexed by force shall receive 
 the right freely to dispose of themselves. 
 
 "While inflexibly resolved to fight until victory is 
 achieved to accomplish this task of liberation, the 
 Socialists are none the less resolved to resist any 
 attempt to transform this defensive war into a war 
 of conquest, which would only prepare fresh conflicts, 
 create new grievances and subject various peoples 
 more than ever to the double plague of armaments 
 and war. 
 
 "Satisfied that they are remaining true to the prin- 
 ciples of the International, the members of the Con- 
 ference express the hope that the working classes 
 of all the different countries will before long find 
 themselves united again in their struggle against mili- 
 tarism and capitalist Imperialism. The victory of 
 the Allied Powers must be a victory for popular 
 liberty, for unity, independence, and autonomy of 
 
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i8i 
 
 the nations In the peaceful federation of the United 
 States of Europe and the world." 
 
 MAKING THE WORLD SAFE FOR DEMOCRACY 
 
 II. Whatever may have been the objects for which 
 the war was begun, the fundamental purpose of the 
 Inter-Allied Conference in supporting the continuance 
 of the struggle Is that the world may henceforth be 
 made safe for democracy. 
 
 Of all the conditions of peace none is so important 
 to the peoples of the world as that there should be 
 henceforth on earth no more war. 
 
 Whoever triumphs, the peoples will have lost unless 
 an International system is established which will pre- 
 vent war. What would it mean to declare the right 
 of peoples to self-determination If this right were 
 left at the mercy of new violations, and was not 
 protected by a super-national authority? That au- 
 thority can be no other than the League of Nations, 
 In which not only all the present belligerents, but 
 every other Independent state, should be pressed to 
 join. 
 
 The constitution of such a League of Nations implies 
 the immediate establishment of an International High 
 Court, not only for the settlement of all disputes 
 between states that are of justiciable nature, but also 
 for prompt and effective mediation between states 
 in other Issues that vitally interest the power or 
 honour of such states. It is also under the control 
 of the League of Nations that the consultation of 
 peoples for purposes of self-determination must be 
 organized. This popular right can be vindicated only 
 by popular vote. The League of Nations shall estab- 
 lish the procedure of international jurisdiction, fix 
 
 [5] 
 
1 82 
 
 the methods which will maintain the freedom and 
 security of the election, restore the political rights of 
 individuals which violence and conquest may have 
 injured, repress any attempt to use pressure or cor- 
 ruption, and prevent any subsequent reprisals. It 
 will be also necessary to form an International Legis- 
 lature, in which the representatives of every civilized 
 state would have their allotted share and energetically 
 to push forward, step by step, the development of 
 international legislation agreed to by, and definitely 
 binding upon, the several states. 
 
 By a solemn agreement all the states and peoples 
 consulted shall pledge themselves to submit every 
 issue between two or more of them for settlement 
 as aforesaid. Refusal to accept arbitration or to 
 submit to the settlement will imply deliberate aggres- 
 sion, and all the nations will necessarily have to make 
 common cause, by using any and every means at 
 their disposal, either economical or military, against 
 any state or states refusing to submit to the arbitra- 
 tion award, or attempting to break the world's cov- 
 enant of peace. 
 
 But the sincere acceptance of the rules and de- 
 cisions of the super-national authority implies com- 
 plete democratization in all countries; the removal 
 of all the arbitrary powers who, until now, have 
 assumed the right of choosing between peace and war; 
 the maintenance or creation of legislatures elected by 
 and on behalf of the sovereign right of the people; 
 the suppression of secret diplomacy, to be replaced 
 by the conduct of foreign policy under the control of 
 popular legislatures, and the publication of all treaties, 
 which must never be in contravention of the stipula- 
 tion of the League of Nations, with the absolute 
 
 [6] 
 
183 
 
 responsibility of the Government, and more particu- 
 larly of the foreign minister of each country to its 
 Legislature. 
 
 Only such a policy will enforce the frank aban- 
 donment of every form of Imperialism. When based 
 on universal democracy, in a world in which effective 
 international guarantees against aggression have been 
 secured, the League of Nations will achieve the com- 
 plete suppression of force as the means of settling 
 international differences. 
 
 The League of Nations, in order to prepare for 
 the concerted abolition of compulsory military service 
 in all countries, must first take steps for the pro- 
 hibition of fresh armaments on land and sea and for 
 the common limitation of the existing armaments by 
 which all the peoples are burdened; as well as the 
 control of war manufactures and the enforcement of 
 such agreements as may be agreed to thereupon. The 
 states must undertake such manufactures themselves, 
 so as entirely to abolish profit-making armament firms, 
 whose pecuniary interest lies always in the war 
 scares and progressive competition in the preparation 
 for war. 
 
 The nations, being armed solely for self-defence 
 and for such action as the League of Nations may ask 
 them to take in defence of international right, will 
 be left free, under international control either to 
 create a voluntarily recruited force or to organize 
 the nation for defence without professional armies 
 for long terms of military service. 
 
 To give effect to the above principles, the Inter- 
 Allied Conference declares that the rules upon which 
 the League of Nations will be founded must be 
 included in the Treaty of Peace, and will hence- 
 
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i84 
 
 forward become the basis of the settlement of differ- 
 ences. In that spirit the Conference expresses its 
 agreement with the propositions put forward by Pres- 
 ident Wilson in his last message : 
 
 1. That each part of the final settlement must 
 be based upon the essential justice of that particular 
 case, and upon such adjustments as are most likely 
 to bring a peace that will be permanent. 
 
 2. That peoples and provinces are not to be 
 bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as 
 if they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, 
 even the great game now forever discredited of the 
 balance of power; but that 
 
 3. Every territorial settlement Involved in this 
 war must be made in the interest and for the benefit 
 of the populations concerned, and not as a part of 
 any mere adjustment or compromise of claims amongst 
 rival states. 
 
 4. That all well-defined national aspirations shall 
 be accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be 
 accorded them without introducing new or perpetu- 
 ating old elements of discord and antagonism that 
 would be likely in time to break the peace of Europe 
 and, consequently, of the world. 
 
 TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS 
 
 III. The Inter- Allied Conference considers that 
 the proclamation of principles of international law 
 accepted by all nations, and the substitution of a 
 regular procedure for the forceful acts by which 
 states calling themselves sovereign have hitherto ad- 
 justed their differences — in short, the establishment 
 of a League of Nations — gives an entirely new aspect 
 to territorial problems. 
 
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i85 
 
 The old diplomacy and the yearnings after domi- 
 nation by states, or even by peoples, which during 
 the whole of the nineteenth century have taken ad- 
 vantage of and corrupted the aspirations of nation- 
 alities, have brought Europe to a condition of anarchy 
 and disorder which have led inevitably to the present 
 catastrophe. 
 
 The Conference declares it to be the duty of the 
 Labour and Socialist Movement to suppress without 
 hesitation the Imperialist designs in the various states 
 which have led one Government after another to seek, 
 by the triumph of military force, to acquire either 
 new territories or economic advantage. 
 
 The establishment of a system of international 
 law and the guarantees afforded by a League of 
 Nations, ought to remove the last excuse for those 
 strategic protections which nations have hitherto felt 
 bound to require. 
 
 It is the supreme principle of the right of each 
 people to determine its own destiny that must now 
 decide what steps should be taken by way of resti- 
 tution or reparation, and whatever territorial re- 
 adjustments may be found to be necessary at the 
 close of the present war. 
 
 The Conference accordingly emphasizes the im- 
 portance to the Labour and Socialist Movement of 
 a clear and exact definition of what is meant by the 
 right of each people to determine its own destiny. 
 Neither destiny of race nor identity of language can 
 be regarded as affording more than a presumption 
 in favor of federation or unification. During the 
 nineteenth century, theories of this kind have so 
 often served as a cloak for aggression that the Inter- 
 national cannot but seek to prevent any recurrence 
 
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1 86 
 
 of such an evil. Any adjustments of boundaries 
 that become necessary must be based exclusively 
 upon the desire of the people concerned. 
 
 It is true that it is impossible for the necessary 
 consultation of the desires of the people concerned 
 to be made in any fixed and invariable way for all 
 the cases in which it is required, and that the problems 
 of nationality and territory are not the same for the 
 inhabitants of all countries. Nevertheless, what is 
 necessary in all cases is that the procedure to be 
 adopted should be decided, not by one of the parties 
 to the dispute, but by the super-national authority. 
 
 Upon the basis of the general principles herein 
 formulated the Conference proposes the following 
 solutions of particular problems: 
 
 (a) BELGIUM 
 
 The Conference emphatically insists that a foremost con- 
 dition of peace must be the reparation by the German Govern- 
 ment, under the direction of an International Commission, 
 of the wrong admittedly done to Belgium; payment by that 
 Government for all the damage that has resulted from this 
 wrong; and the restoration of Belgium as an independent 
 sovereign state, leaving to the decision of the Belgian people 
 the determination of their own future policy in all respects. 
 
 (b) ALSACE AND LORRAINE 
 
 The Conference declares that the problem of Alsace and 
 Lorraine is not one of territorial adjustment, but one of 
 right, and thus an international problem, the solution of 
 which is indispensable if peace is to be either just or lasting. 
 
 The Treaty of Frankfort at one and the same time muti- 
 lated France and violated the right of the inhabitants of Alsace 
 and Lorraine to dispose of their own destinies, a right which 
 they have repeatedly claimed. 
 
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i87 
 
 The new Treaty of Peace, in recognizing that Germany, 
 by her declaration of war of 1914, has herself broken the 
 Treaty of Frankfort, will make null and void the gains of 
 a brutal conquest and of the violence committed against 
 the people. 
 
 France, having secured this recognition, can properly 
 agree to a fresh consultation of the population of Alsace 
 and Lorraine as to its own desires. 
 
 The Treaty of Peace will bear the signatures of every 
 nation in the world. It will be guaranteed by the League 
 of Nations. To this League of Nations France is prepared 
 to remit, with the freedom and sincerity of a popular vote, 
 of which the details can be subsequently settled, the organi- 
 zation of such a consultation as shall settle forever, as a 
 matter of right, the future destiny of Alsace and Lorraine, 
 and as shall finally remove from the common life of all 
 Europe a quarrel which has imposed so heavy a burden 
 upon it. 
 
 {c) THE BALKANS 
 
 The Conference lays down the principle that all the 
 violations and perversions of the rights of the people which 
 have taken place, or are still taking place, in the Balkans 
 must be made the subject of redress or reparation. 
 
 Serbia, Montenegro, Rumania, Albania and all the ter- 
 ritories occupied by military force should be evacuated 
 by the hostile forces. Wherever any population of the 
 same race and tongue demands to be united this must be 
 done. Each such people must be accorded full liberty to 
 settle its own destiny, without regard to the Imperialist 
 pretensions of Austria-Hungary, Turkey, or other state. 
 
 Accepting this principle, the Conference proposes that 
 the whole problem of the administrative reorganization of 
 the Balkan peoples should be dealt with by a special con- 
 ference of their representatives or in case of disagreement 
 by an authoritative international commission on the basis 
 of {a) the concession within each . independent sovereignty 
 
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I88 
 
 of local autonomy and security for the development of its 
 particular civilization of every racial minority; {b) the uni- 
 versal guarantee of freedom of religion and political equality 
 for all races; (c) a Customs and Postal Union embracing 
 the whole of the Balkan States with free access for each to 
 its natural seaport; (d) the entry of all the Balkan States 
 into a Federation for the concerted arrangement by mutual 
 agreement among themselves of all matters of common 
 interest. 
 
 ((/) ITALY 
 
 The Conference declares its warmest sympathy with the 
 people of Italian blood and speech who have been left out- 
 side the boundaries that have, as a result of the diplomatic 
 agreements of the past, and for strategic reasons, been 
 assigned to the Kingdom of Italy, and supports their claim 
 to be united with those of their own race and tongue. It 
 realizes that arrangements may be necessary for securing 
 the legitimate interests of the people of Italy in the adjacent 
 seas, but it condemns the aims of conquest of Italian Imperial- 
 ism and believes that all legitimate needs can be safeguarded, 
 without precluding a like recognition of the deeds of others 
 or annexation of other people's territories. 
 
 Regarding the Italian population dispersed on the eastern 
 shores of the Adriatic, the relations between Italy and the 
 Yugo-Slav populations must be based on principles of equity 
 and conciliation, so as to prevent any cause of future quarrel. 
 
 If there are found to be groups of Slavonian race within 
 the newly defined Kingdom of Italy, or groups of Italian 
 race in Slavonian territory, mutual guarantees must be given 
 for the assurance of all of them, on one side or the other, of 
 full liberty of local self-government and of the natural develop- 
 ment of their several activities. 
 
 (e) POLAND AND THE BALTIC PROVINCES 
 In accordance with the right of every people to determine 
 its own destinies, Poland must be reconstituted in unity and 
 independence with free access to the sea* 
 
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1 89 
 
 The Conference declares further, that any annexation by 
 Germany, whether open or disguised, of Livonia, Courland or 
 Lithuania would be a flagrant and wholly inadmissible viola- 
 tion of international law. 
 
 (J) THE JEWS AND PALESTINE 
 The Conference demands for the Jews in all countries 
 the same elementary rights of freedom of religion, education, 
 residence and trade and equal citizenship that ought to be 
 extended to all the inhabitants of every nation. It further 
 expresses the opinion that Palestine should be set free from 
 the hard and oppressive government of the Turk, in order 
 that this country may form a Free State, under international 
 guarantee, to which such of the Jewish people as desire to 
 do so may return and may work out their own salvation free 
 from interference by those of alien race or religion. 
 
 (g) THE PROBLEM OF THE TURKISH EMPIRE 
 The Conference condemns the handing back to the system- 
 atically cruel domination of the Turkish Government any 
 subject people. Thus, whatever may be proposed with 
 regard to Armenia, Mesopotamia and Arabia, they cannot 
 be restored to the tyranny of the Sultan and his Pashas. 
 
 The Conference condemns the Imperialist aims of Govern- 
 ments and capitalists who would make of these and other 
 territories now dominated by the Turkish hordes merely 
 instruments either of exploitation or militarism. If the 
 peoples of these territories do not feel themselves able to 
 settle their own destinies, the Conference insists that, con- 
 formably with the policy of "no annexations," they should 
 be placed for administration in the hands of a Commission 
 acting under the Super-National Authority or League of 
 Nations. It is further suggested that the peace of the world 
 requires that the Dardanelles should be permanently and 
 effectively neutralized and opened like all the main lines of 
 marine communication, under the control of the League of 
 Nations, freely to all nations, without hindrance or customs 
 duties. 
 
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190 
 
 (h) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 
 
 The Conference does not propose as a war aim dismem- 
 berment of Austria-Hungary or its deprivation of economic 
 access to the sea. On the other hand, the Conference cannot 
 admit that the claims to independence made by the Czecho- 
 slovaks and the Yugo-Slavs must be regarded merely as 
 questions for internal decision. National independence ought 
 to be accorded, according to rules to be laid down by the 
 League of Nations, to such peoples as demand it, and these 
 communities ought to have the opportunity of determining 
 their own groupings and federations according to their 
 affinities and interests. If they think fit they are free to 
 substitute a free federation of Danubian states for the Austro- 
 Hungarian Empire. 
 
 (i) THE COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES 
 
 The International has always condemned the colonial 
 policy of capitalist Governments. Without ceasing to con- 
 demn it, the Inter- Allied Conference nevertheless recognizes 
 the existence of a state of things which it is obliged to take 
 into account. 
 
 The Conference considers that the treaty of peace ought 
 to secure to the natives in all colonies and dependencies 
 effective protection against the excesses of capitalist colonial- 
 ism. The Conference demands the concession of adminis- 
 trative autonomy for all groups of people that attain a certain 
 degree of civilization, and for all the others a progressive 
 participation in local government. 
 
 The Conference is of opinion that the return of the colonies 
 to those who possessed them before the war, or the exchanges 
 or compensations which might be effected, ought not to be 
 an obstacle to the making of peace. 
 
 Those colonies that have been taken by conquest from 
 any belligerent must be made the subject of special con- 
 sideration at the Peace Conference, as to which the com- 
 munities in their neighbourhood will be entitled to take part. 
 
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191 
 
 But the clause in the treaty of peace on this point must 
 secure economic equality in such territories for the peoples 
 of all nations, and thereby guarantee that none are shut 
 out from legitimate access to raw materials; prevented from 
 disposing of their own products, or deprived of their proper 
 share of economic development. 
 
 As regards more especially the colonies of all the bel- 
 ligerents in Tropical Africa, from sea to sea, including the 
 whole of the region north of the Zambesi and south of the 
 Sahara, the Conference condemns any imperialist idea which 
 would make these countries the booty of one or several nations, 
 exploit them for the profit of the capitalist, or use them for 
 the promotion of the militarist aims of the governments. 
 
 With respect to these colonies the Conference declares 
 in favour of a system of control, established by international 
 agreement under the League of Nations and maintained by 
 its guarantee, which, whilst respecting national sovereignty, 
 would be alike inspired by broad conceptions of economic 
 freedom and concerned to safeguard the rights of the natives 
 under the best conditions possible for them, and in particular: 
 
 (i) It would take account in each locality of the wishes 
 of the people, expressed in the form which is possible for them. 
 
 (2) The interests of the native tribes as regards the 
 ownership of the soil would be maintained. 
 
 (3) The whole of the revenues would be devoted to the 
 well-being and development of the colonies themselves. 
 
 ECONOMIC RELATIONS 
 
 IV. The Inter-Allied Conference declares against 
 all the projects now being prepared by Imperialists 
 and capitalists, not in any one country only, but in 
 most countries, for an economic war, after peace 
 has been secured, either against one or other foreign 
 nation or against all foreign nations, as such an 
 economic war, if begun by any country, would inevi- 
 
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192 
 
 tably lead to reprisals, to which each nation in turn 
 might in self-defence be driven. The main lines of 
 marine communication should be open without hin- 
 drance to vessels of all nations under the protection 
 of the League of Nations. The Conference realizes 
 that all attempts at economic aggression, whether by- 
 protective tariffs or capitalist trusts or monopolies, 
 inevitably result in the spoliation of the working 
 classes of the several countries for the profit of the 
 capitalists; and the working class see in the alliance 
 between the Military Imperialists and the Fiscal 
 Protectionists in any country whatsoever not only 
 a serious danger to the prosperity of the masses 
 of the people, but also a grave menace to peace. 
 On the other hand, the right of each nation to the 
 defence of its own economic interests, and in face 
 of the world-shortage hereinafter mentioned, to the 
 conservation for its own people of a sufficiency of its 
 own supplies of foodstuffs and raw materials, cannot 
 be denied. The Conference accordingly urges upon 
 the Labour and Socialist Parties of all countries, the 
 importance of insisting, in the attitude of the Govern- 
 ment toward commercial enterprise, along with the 
 necessary control of supplies for its own people, on 
 the principle of the open door, and without hostile 
 discrimination against foreign countries. But it urges 
 equally the importance, not merely of conservation, 
 but also of the utmost possible development, by 
 appropriate Government action, of the resources of 
 every country for the benefit not only of its own people 
 but also of the world, and the need for an international 
 agreement for the enforcement in all countries of the 
 legislation on factory conditions, a maximum eight- 
 hour day, the prevention of "sweating" and unhealthy 
 
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193 
 
 trades necessary to protect the workers against ex- 
 ploitation and oppression, and the prohibition of 
 night work by women and children. 
 
 THE PROBLEMS OF PEACE 
 
 V. To nlake the world safe for democracy involves 
 much more than the prevention of war, either military 
 or economic. It will be a device of the capitalist 
 interests to pretend that the Treaty of Peace need 
 concern itself only with the cessation of the struggles 
 of the armed forces and with any necessary terri- 
 torial readjustments. The Inter-Allied Conference 
 insists that in view of the probable world-wide shortage, 
 after the war, of exportable foodstuffs and raw ma- 
 terials, and of merchant shipping, it is imperative, in 
 order to prevent the most serious hardships, and even 
 possible famine, in one country or another, that 
 systematic arrangements should be made on an inter- 
 national basis for the allocation and conveyance of 
 the available exportable surpluses of these commodi- 
 ties to the different countries, in proportion, not to 
 their purchasing powers, but to their several pressing 
 needs; and that, within each country, the Govern- 
 ment must for some time maintain its control of the 
 most indispensable commodities, in order to secure 
 their appropriation, not in a competitive market 
 mainly to the richer classes in proportion to their 
 means, but, systematically, to meet the most urgent 
 needs of the whole community on the principle of 
 "no cake for anyone until all have bread." 
 
 Moreover, it cannot but be anticipated that, in 
 all countries, the dislocation of industry attendant 
 on peace, the instant discharge of millions of muni- 
 tion makers and workers in war trades, and the 
 
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194 
 
 demobilization of millions of soldiers — in the face of 
 the scarcity of industrial capital, the shortage of raw 
 materials, and the insecurity of commercial enter- 
 prise — will, unless prompt and energetic action be 
 taken by the several Governments, plunge a large 
 part of the wage-earning population into all the mis- 
 eries of unemployment more or less prolonged. In 
 view of the fact that widespread unemployment in 
 any country, like a famine, is an injury not to that 
 country alone, but impoverishes also the rest of the 
 world, the Conference holds that it is the duty of 
 every Government to take immediate action, not 
 merely to relieve the unemployed, when unemploy- 
 ment has set in, but actually, so far as may be prac- 
 ticable, to prevent the occurrence of unemployment. 
 It therefore urges upon the Labour Parties of every 
 country the necessity of their pressing upon their 
 Governments the preparation of plans for the execu- 
 tion of all the innumerable public works (such as 
 the making and repairing of roads, railways and 
 waterways, the erection of schools, and public build- 
 ings, the provision of working-class dwellings and 
 the reclamation and afforestation of land) that will 
 be required in the near future, not for the sake of 
 finding measures of relief for the unemployed, but 
 with a view to these works being undertaken at 
 such a rate in each locality as will suffice, together 
 with the various capitalist enterprises that may be 
 in progress, to maintain at a fairly uniform level 
 year by year, and throughout each year, the aggre- 
 gate demand for labour; and thus prevent there 
 being any unemployed. It is now known that in this 
 way it is quite possible for any Government to prevent, 
 if it chooses, the occurrence of any widespread or 
 
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195 
 
 prolonged involuntary unemployment; which if it is 
 now in any country allowed to occur, is as much the 
 result of Government neglect as is any epidemic 
 disease. 
 
 RESTORATION OF THE DEVASTATED AREAS 
 AND REPARATION OF WRONGDOING 
 
 VI. The Inter- Allied Conference holds that one 
 of the most imperative duties of all countries imme- 
 diately peace is declared will be the restoration, so 
 far as may be possible, of the homes, farms, factories, 
 public buildings, and means of communication what- 
 ever destroyed by war operations; that the restora- 
 tion should not be limited to compensation for public 
 buildings, capitalist undertakings and material prop- 
 erty proved to be destroyed or damaged, but should 
 be extended to setting up the wage earners and 
 peasants themselves in homes and employment; and 
 that to ensure the full and impartial application of 
 these principles the assessment and distribution of 
 the compensation, so far as the cost is contributed by 
 any international fund, should be made under the 
 direction of an International Commission. 
 
 The Conference will not be satisfied unless there 
 is a full and free judicial investigation into the accu- 
 sations made on all sides that particular Governments 
 have ordered, and particular officers have exercised, 
 acts of cruelty, oppression, violence and theft against 
 individual victims, for which no justification can be 
 found in the ordinary usages of war. It draws atten- 
 tion in particular to the loss of life and property of 
 merchant seamen and other non-combatants (including 
 women and children) resulting from this inhuman and 
 ruthless conduct. It should be part of the conditions 
 
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196 
 
 of peace that there should be forthwith set up a Court 
 of Claims and Accusations, which should investigate 
 all such allegations as may be brought before it, 
 summon the accused person or Government to answer 
 the complaint, pronounce judgment, and award com- 
 pensation or damages, payable by the individual 
 or Government condemned, to the persons who had 
 suffered wrong, or to their dependents. The several 
 Governments must be responsible, financially and 
 otherwise, for the presentation of the cases of their 
 respective nationals to such a Court of Claims and 
 Accusations, and for the payment of the compen- 
 sation awarded. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE 
 
 VII. The Inter- Allied Conference is of opinion that 
 an International Conference of Labour and Socialist 
 organizations, held under proper conditions, would 
 at this stage render useful service to world democracy 
 by assisting to remove misunderstandings, as well as 
 the obstacles which stand in the way of world peace. 
 
 Awaiting the resumption of the normal activities 
 of the International Socialist Bureau, we consider 
 that an International Conference, held during the 
 period of hostilities, should be organized by a com- 
 mittee whose impartiality cannot be questioned. It 
 should be held in a neutral country, under such con- 
 ditions as would inspire confidence; and the Con- 
 ference should be fully representative of all the 
 Labour and Socialist movement in all the belligerent 
 countries accepting the conditions under which the 
 Conference is convoked. 
 
 As an essential condition to an International Con- 
 ference, the Commission is of opinion that the or- 
 
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197 
 
 ganizers of the Conference should satisfy themselves 
 that all the organizations to be represented put in 
 precise form, by a public declaration, their peace 
 terms in conformity with the principles "no annexa- 
 tions or punitive indemnities, and the right of all 
 peoples to self-determination," and that they are 
 working with all their power to obtain from their 
 Governments the necessary guarantees to apply those 
 principles honestly and unreservedly to all questions 
 to be dealt with at any official peace conference. 
 
 In view of the vital differences between the Allied 
 countries and the Central Powers, the Commission 
 is of opinion that it is highly advisable that the Con- 
 ference should be used to provide an opportunity 
 for the delegates from the respective countries now 
 in a state of war to make a full and frank statement 
 of their present position and future intentions, and 
 to endeavour by mutual agreement to arrange a pro- 
 gramme of action for a speedy and democratic peace. 
 
 The Conference is of opinion that the working 
 classes, having made such sacrifices during the war, 
 are entitled to take part in securing a democratic 
 world peace, and that M. Albert Thomas (France), 
 M. Emile Vandervelde (Belgium), and Mr. Arthur 
 Henderson (Great Britain) be appointed as a Com- 
 mission to secure from all the governments a promise 
 that at least one representative of Labour and Social- 
 ism will be included in the official representation at 
 any Government Conference, and to organize a 
 Labour and Socialist representation to sit concur- 
 rently with the official Conference; further, that no 
 country be entitled to more than four representatives 
 at such conference. 
 
 l2l] 
 
198 
 
 The Conference regrets the absence of represen- 
 tatives of American Labour and Socialism from the 
 Inter-Allied Conference, and urges the importance 
 of securing their approval of the decisions reached. 
 With this object in view, the Conference agrees that 
 a deputation, consisting of one representative from 
 France, Belgium, Italy, and Great Britain, together 
 with Camille Huysmans (Secretary of the Inter- 
 national Socialist Bureau), proceed to the United 
 States at once, in order to confer with representatives 
 of the American democracy on the whole situation 
 of the war. 
 
 The Conference resolves to transmit to the So- 
 cialists of the Central Empires and of the nations 
 allied with them the memorandum in which the 
 Conference has defined the conditions of peace, con- 
 formably with the principles of Socialist and inter- 
 national justice. The Conference is convinced that 
 these conditions will commend themselves on reflec- 
 tion to the mind of every Socialist, and the Confer- 
 ence asks for the answer of the Socialists of the 
 Central Empires, in the hope that these will join 
 without delay in a joint effort of the International, 
 which has now become more than ever the best and 
 the most certain instrument of democracy and peace. 
 
 [22] 
 
199 
 
 THE ALLIED CAUSE IS THE CAUSE OF 
 SOCIALIST INTERNATIONALISM 
 
 Joint Manifesto of the Social Democratic League of America 
 and the Jewish Socialist League * 
 
 I 
 
 On the first anniversary of the entrance of the 
 United States into the world war, those sections of 
 the American SociaHst movement which have given 
 their loyal and whole-hearted support to their govern- 
 ment and to the Allied cause address their comrades 
 in all lands, and state their position with greater detail 
 and precision than they have heretofore attempted. 
 
 Nearly four years have elapsed since the outbreak 
 of the most cruel and bloody war in all human history. 
 For forty-four months the world has been strained 
 and torn by the great struggle between the ideals 
 and aspirations of modern democracy and the ideals 
 
 ♦Editor's Note. The absence of representatives of American 
 Labor and Socialism at the Inter-AlHed Labor and Socialist Con- 
 ference raises the question of the degree to which the labor elements 
 in this country support the war aims adopted by the Conference. 
 The significance of their absence was recognized by the Conference, 
 which, in its memorandum, "urged the importance of securing their 
 approval of the decisions reached." Moreover, a statement made 
 recently in the Berlin Vorwdrts to the effect that American Labor 
 and Socialism is not supE>orting the war makes it extremely desirable 
 to give prominence to the following article. The joint manifesto 
 of the Social Democratic League of America and the Jewish Socialist 
 League expressly endorses the peace terms defined in the memoran- 
 dum, which it recognizes to be practically identical with the war 
 aims of President Wilson. It was prepared by John Spargo, Chair- 
 man and J. G. Phelps Stokes, Secretary of the Social Democratic 
 League; and William Edlin, Chairman and Henry L. Slobodin, 
 Secretary, of the Jewish Socialist' League. 
 
 [23] 
 
20O 
 
 and aspirations of medieval autocracy. All the genius 
 and technical equipment of the twentieth century- 
 have been drawn upon by both sides of the conflict; 
 whole provinces have been devastated; nations have 
 been destroyed and millions of lives have been sacri- 
 ficed. To the destructive work of war the nations 
 have given treasure and toil, which, had it been other- 
 wise used, would have freed them from the curse of 
 involuntary poverty and its myriad attendant evils. 
 
 We declare it to be the first duty of all Socialists 
 everywhere — a duty Implicit in our Internationalist 
 faith— to find the causes of this war and to place the 
 responsibility for its occurrence where it justly belongs. 
 We cannot evade the challenge and be loyal to So- 
 cialist internationalism. With our comrades of the 
 Socialist party of France, we declare that we cannot 
 accept the hypocritical statement that all the govern- 
 ments of the belligerent nations are equally responsible 
 for the war. That formula, like the declaration of 
 the American Socialist party that the war was not 
 caused "by the policy or Institutions of any single 
 nation," Is a stupid and fatuous contradiction of 
 history and an affront to the intelligence. 
 
 Nor can we stultify ourselves by offering as an 
 explanation of the war the silly hypothesis that it 
 came as the logical and Inevitable result of the capi- 
 talist system. The facts do not support this theory. 
 We are not unmindful that capitalism tends to the 
 development of national commercial rivalries, which 
 provoke hatred and thus sow seeds of war. Never- 
 theless, remembering this fact, we insist that the out- 
 break of the present war in 19 14 was not due to the 
 capitalist system, but to the madness of dynastic 
 imperialism. 
 
 I24I 
 
20I 
 
 We assert that the statement that the war "was 
 caused by the conflict of capitalist interests in the 
 European countries," with which statement the So- 
 ciaHst Party of this country has attempted to justify 
 its reactionary position, is absurdly untrue. It had 
 long been realized by the leaders of international com- 
 merce and finance that war must be unprofitable to 
 the capitalist classes of all nations, those of the vic- 
 torious nations as well as those of the defeated. The 
 capitalist classes of all lands were, as a whole, as much 
 opposed to war, and as earnest in their efforts for peace, 
 as were the workers. They had no interests which 
 could be better served by war than by peace. They 
 knew that war must mean for them heavy burdens of 
 taxation, risking of the loss of profitable markets and 
 the perils of social revolution. Certain sections of 
 the capitalist class in each country doubtless desired 
 war ; but nowhere were these in a position to dominate 
 the capitalist class as a whole or the government. 
 Even in Germany, as reference to the newspapers of 
 the time will prove, there was just as much opposi- 
 tion to the idea of war among the capitalists as there 
 was among the proletariat. Obliquity to the plain 
 record of history is not a Socialist virtue ! 
 
 We assert that the war was caused by the imperialist 
 vision of the Hohenzollern dynasty, using the worm- 
 eaten Hapsburg dynasty as its wretched tool. This 
 is the verdict likewise of the Socialists of all lands. 
 Thus declared the Socialists of Great Britain, Belgium, 
 France and Russia, at the conference of the Socialist 
 and Labor Parties of the allied nations on February 
 14, 1 91 5. The United Socialist party of France so 
 declared in its reply to the Dutch and Scandinavian 
 comrades in connection with the abortive German- 
 
 I25] 
 
202 
 
 inspired Stockholm Conference last year. The Italian 
 Socialist party, in its memorable rebuke to the Ger- 
 man Socialist "comrades" who sought to corrupt them, 
 squarely placed the responsibility for war upon the 
 Austrian and German Empires — "the rampart of Euro- 
 pean reaction." It is well known that on the very eve 
 of the actual outbreak of hostilities, Vorwdrts, the 
 leading organ of the German Social Democratic party, 
 took the same view. Finally, the Proclamation issued 
 by the German Social Democratic party, on the 25th 
 of July, 1 9 14, plainly declared that the war fury was 
 unchained by Austrian imperialism, and that its 
 demands upon Serbia, "more brutal than have ever 
 been put to an independent state in the world's 
 history," were "intended deliberately to provoke war." 
 
 There is abundant evidence, freely accessible to all 
 mankind, that the German Emperor and his satellites 
 had long cherished the imperial vision of a vast empire 
 stretching from the North Sea to the Persian Gulf, 
 and dominating the whole world. The real reason for 
 the brutal ultimatum to Serbia, and the summary 
 rejection of the conciliatory policy of the government 
 of Serbia by Austria-Hungary, was the fact that a 
 free and independent Serbia was necessarily an insur- 
 mountable obstacle to the realization of that dynastic 
 vision. 
 
 The strengthening of a free and independent Serbia 
 has long been regarded by internationalists as a neces- 
 sary condition for the development of European 
 democracy. Every growth of Serbian power and inde- 
 pendence of necessity increased the influence of west- 
 ern European democracy and culture in southeastern 
 Europe, and brought the leaven of that influence 
 to the gates of the three great autocracies — Austria- 
 
 [26] 
 
203 
 
 Hungary, Russia, and Turkey. As far back as the 
 middle of the last century the great leaders of Euro- 
 pean democracy — among them Karl Marx — recog- 
 nized that fundamental fact. 
 
 The Balkan wars of 191 2 and 1913 greatly strength- 
 ened the power and influence of Serbia among the 
 Balkan nations, and to that extent menaced the mittel- 
 europa dream of the Hohenzollern dynasty. Serbia's 
 territory was extended as was her prestige among the 
 Balkan peoples, and thus strengthened she blocked 
 the road from Berlin to Bagdad. So far as Austria- 
 Hungary was concerned, Serbia's ascendency in the 
 Balkans had another meaning; it inspired the seven 
 and a half millions of South Slavs in that artificial 
 "ramshackle Empire" to new struggles for liberation 
 from the thraldom they so bitterly hated. It was, 
 therefore, a menace to the Empire. It was to the 
 interest of the Hapsburg dynasty to humble Serbia 
 and break her power at the first opportunity. And 
 because it was to its interests to remove Serbia from 
 its pathway to world-empire, the Hohenzollern dy- 
 nasty used the Hapsburg fears for its own purposes 
 and incited the declaration of war on Serbia by 
 Austria-Hungary. 
 
 These are the historic political factors which explain 
 the readiness with which Austria-Hungary seized upon 
 the assassination at Serajevo in June, 1914, as an 
 excuse for presenting its brutal ultimatum. That the 
 object of this ultimatum was to provoke war, there 
 can be no question. The testimony of the German 
 White Book on this point is conclusive. From the 
 same source we learn that the German Imperial 
 Government forced its vassal, the Government of 
 
 [27] 
 
204 
 
 Austria-Hungary, to reject the reply of Serbia, which 
 was a noble bid for peace. 
 
 The demands made upon Serbia were intended to 
 be rejected. Austria-Hungary, instigated by Ger- 
 many, wanted war. If Serbia had abjectly conceded 
 every demand made upon her, Austria-Hungary would 
 still have made war against her because German 
 imperial plans required it. As it was, Serbia conceded 
 all the demands made upon her save two, and these 
 she did not reject; but proposed, as an alternative, 
 that they be submitted to an international court 
 of arbitration. 1 Humility could not go farther without 
 reaching the abject surrender of craven cowardice. 
 Serbia took her stand upon the basis of civilization 
 and morality. Her foes took their stand upon the 
 basis of barbarism and brute force. 
 
 As a matter of historical justice it may be well to 
 remind ourselves that the assassination at Serajevo 
 was an incident in the revolution of the South Slavs 
 against Austrian oppression. Until the outbreak of 
 the great war there was no doubt among the Socialists 
 of the world as to where our sympathies lay in that 
 revolution. If we withheld our support from the 
 Serbs and Croats in Austria-Hungary in their threats 
 of revolution, it was only because we feared that a 
 revolution to establish the political independence 
 of Serbs, Croats, and other South Slavs would lead 
 to a European war. Certainly, we had no sympathy 
 for Austria-Hungary. Certainly, also, once the war 
 issue had been raised by Austria-Hungary there could 
 be no question that the sympathies of all sincere 
 Socialists must be with the Serbs. Their national 
 aspirations might not justify plunging the civilized 
 world into war, but once war became inevitable the 
 
 I28] 
 
205 
 
 whole logic of our Socialist position compelled us to 
 take the side of the Serbs and to hope for the reali- 
 zation of their national aspirations. A victory by 
 Austria-Hungary would be a calamity. 
 
 The Central Empires deliberately provoked the 
 war for the furtherance of their own selfish purposes. 
 The admitted facts are capable of no other inter- 
 pretation for which sincerity and intelligence can be 
 claimed. The triumph of these imperialistic powers 
 would mean disaster to the whole of Europe, and, 
 indeed, the entire civilized world. We agree with our 
 comrades of the Italian Socialist Party that such a 
 result of the war would necessarily mean "the triumph 
 of military absolutism in its most brutal expression." 
 We agree also with the declaration of the Conference 
 of the Socialist and Labor parties of the Allied nations 
 that "a victory for German imperialism would be the 
 defeat and destruction of democracy and liberty in 
 Europe." 
 
 From the first beginnings of Socialist international- 
 ism the Central Empires have been its special and 
 particular enemies. Even more than the brutal and 
 corrupt Romanoffs have we feared the Hohenzol- 
 lerns and the Hapsburgs. As soon as the war clouds 
 gathered over Europe following the tragedy of Sera- 
 jevo it became evident that the Central Empires 
 were bent upon the destruction of the international- 
 ism already achieved and incorporated into the politi- 
 cal life of the world. 
 
 Germany, acting as the ally of Austria-Hungary, 
 her vassal and tool, did not hurl her legions against 
 Serbia, nor even against Serbia's ally, Russia. With 
 wanton and brutal disregard of the laws and conven- 
 tions which she herself had helped to make, she threw 
 
 [29l 
 
206 
 
 her forces against a small and weak friendly nation, 
 which was no party to the quarrel, which had no 
 belligerent purpose or intentions, and which desired 
 only to be left alone to live in peace as a neutral. 
 
 The invasion of Belgium and Luxembourg by the 
 German armies, and the savage barbarism with which 
 the heroic defenders of Belgian neutrality and inde- 
 pendence were crushed, rank among the greatest 
 crimes of history. For these crimes, which menaced 
 the whole fabric of internationalism, no one worthy 
 of being called a Socialist can find palliation or excuse. 
 If the power responsible for the crimes should tri- 
 umph, the cause of Socialist internationalism would 
 be crushed to earth. 
 
 II 
 
 The conduct of the Socialist parties of Germany and 
 Austria-Hungary cannot be passed over in silence. 
 We must demand that at the first general Inter- 
 national Socialist Congress which is convened that 
 conduct be exposed and fittingly condemned. By 
 their support of their governments the Socialist parties 
 of the Central Empires became the co-partners of the 
 HohenzoUerns and the Hapsburgs, accessories to their 
 infamous crimes against mankind. They betrayed 
 the cause of international Socialism, betrayed all the 
 small nations to the despotism of the arrogant sword- 
 rattling autocracies, and constituted themselves part 
 of the most brutal, reactionary and lawless imperial- 
 ism in modern history. Such men cannot rightly 
 hold any place in the Socialist International. 
 
 The part played by the German Social Democracy 
 cannot be described as other than infamous. The 
 only Germans worthy to bear the name of Socialists 
 
 l30] 
 
207 
 
 are the members of the small but courageous minority- 
 represented by such comrades as Karl Liebknecht, 
 Rosa Luxemburg, and George Ledebour. For the 
 majority, led by such men as Scheidemann, Sudekum, 
 David, Legien, and others, no condemnation can be 
 too severe. This majority has been the willing and 
 servile tool of the government, and the accomplice 
 of the assassins of Potsdam. 
 
 Its leaders have even stooped so low as to play the 
 despicable part of bribing and corrupting agents of 
 their government. The attempt to buy the support 
 of the Italian Socialists, indignantly exposed and 
 condemned by the Italian comrades, is one example 
 of the depth to which they have descended. The 
 despicable role of "Comrade Helfand," internationally 
 famous under his pseudonym, "Parvus," is likewise 
 well known. German imperial autocracy found its 
 most unscrupulous agents among the trusted leaders 
 of German Social Democracy! 
 
 Even more sinister than such conduct as we have 
 referred to has been the part which the German 
 Socialists have played as propagandists of anti-mili- 
 tarism. For years they have urged upon the Socialists 
 of other lands, particularly of England, France and 
 Russia, the duty of vigorously opposing militarism 
 and military preparedness. Never have they seriously 
 asserted themselves against these things in Germany, 
 however. On the eve of the outbreak of the war when 
 the issue of war or peace hung in the balance, the 
 German party sent Herr Muller, of the Partie-Vor- 
 stand at the head of a delegation to the French 
 Socialist parliamentary group to beg the French com- 
 rades to vote against all military appropriations, or 
 
 [31] 
 
208 
 
 at least absent themselves and thus manifest their 
 opposition to their government. 
 
 The French Socialists — be it said to their eternal 
 honor — readily pledged themselves not to vote any 
 war credits until the French Government should pro- 
 vide them with absolutely satisfactory proof of its 
 sincere efforts to maintain peace and prevent war. 
 They undertook not to vote for any appropriation for 
 offensive war of any kind. They made it quite clear 
 to Muller and his associates, and to Comrade Huys- 
 mans, secretary of the International Socialist Bureau, 
 who accompanied the delegation, that they would 
 not withhold their support from their Government 
 if France were attacked by Germany and invaded. 
 In that case they would fight. The French comrades 
 thus took their stand upon the established and cher- 
 ished principles of Socialist internationalism. 
 
 Muller and his colleagues could not meet satis- 
 factorily the demand of the French comrades for a 
 similar pledge on behalf of the German Social Demo- 
 crats. In vain did the French comrades urge that the 
 German Social Democrats were in honor bound to 
 give reciprocal assurances. It was evident then, before 
 the declaration of war, that the German Social Demo- 
 crats would support their Government, even in a war 
 of aggression and invasion. Already they were assist- 
 ing their military masters by using the Socialist 
 movement and its idealism to divide France, weaken 
 her morale and so prepare the way for her defeat. 
 They did not hesitate to prostitute the Socialist 
 organization of Germany by making it an adjunct 
 to the German military machine. 
 
 It is well known that when Jaures returned to 
 Paris from the extraordinary meeting of the Inter- 
 
 (32 ] 
 
209 
 
 national Socialist Bureau, held at Brussels on the 
 29th of July, 1914, he was heartbroken because of 
 his failure to obtain from the German leaders a 
 satisfactory pledge that they would refuse to support 
 their Government in the event of its making an 
 aggressive war on Belgium or France. He realized 
 then that his heroic efforts for peace, his wonderful 
 campaigns against military preparedness, had served 
 only too well the cause of Prussian militarism — thanks 
 to the treachery of the German "comrades." 
 
 In every country the German Socialist propagan- 
 dists have gone, insidiously serving military abso- 
 lutism. Their intrigues in Switzerland, Holland, and 
 the Scandinavian countries have been notorious. They 
 have undermined the new Socialist Republic of Rus- 
 sia, delivering it as a prize to their Kaiser. Long 
 before the war started they were engaged in this 
 nefarious work; there is little reason to doubt that 
 the visit of Scheidemann to this country the year 
 before the war began had for its real object an "under- 
 standing" with prominent members of the Socialist 
 Party on the subject of the attitude to be taken by 
 the party in the event of a war in which Germany 
 would be engaged. The German Crown Prince, Gen- 
 eral von Hindenburg and Admiral von Tirpitz have 
 as much right to participate in the congresses of the 
 Socialist International as have such "Socialists" as 
 Scheidemann, Sudekum, and David. 
 
 In all the cynical and brutal literature of Prussian 
 imperialism there is nothing more shameful than the 
 speech by David in the Reichstag, soon after the war 
 began, in which he stated the function of the Socialists. 
 He said : 
 
 [33I 
 
210 
 
 "Germany must squeeze her enemies with a pair 
 of pincers, namely, the miHtary pincer and the pacifist 
 pincer. The German armies must continue to fight 
 vigorously whilst the German Socialists encourage and 
 stimulate pacifism among Germany's enemies." 
 
 For such "Socialists" we have only an inexpressible 
 contempt and loathing. 
 
 Ill 
 
 That disregard of international law and morality 
 which characterized Germany's conduct in begin- 
 ning the war has continued throughout. . Each month 
 has made increasingly manifest her determination to 
 destroy every vestige of internationalism other than 
 the brutal internationalism of imperialism. Armed 
 with the science and technical efficiency of the 
 twentieth century, Germany's moral attitude has 
 been that of the fourteenth century. Every restric- 
 tion which the will and conscience of civilized man- 
 kind had imposed upon the makers of war, she has 
 repudiated and assailed. "Be as terrible as Attila's 
 Huns," was the command of the German Emperor 
 to his Chinese Expeditionary Forces in 1900; in 
 this war Germany has been guilty of brutality to 
 which even Attila never descended. We do not refer 
 to the barbarous acts of individuals, the inevitable 
 products of war madness, but to the systematic 
 organized "frightfulness" deUberately planned by the 
 German general staff. 
 
 German forces on sea and land have made war upon 
 non-combatants as savagely as upon combatants. The 
 peaceful peasant following the plow has been attacked 
 exactly as the armed soldier is attacked. The fisher- 
 man in his Httle trawler, peacefully pursuing his 
 
 I34] 
 
211 
 
 vocation has been attacked by Germany's naval forces 
 and treated as though he were a combatant. Non- 
 combatants, even women and children, passengers 
 on neutral ships, have been subject to the perils of 
 destruction which humanity and international law 
 have long restricted to the armed forces of belliger- 
 ents. The inhabitants of unfortified cities have been 
 slaughtered and denied the rights of evacuation and 
 surrender long respected by civilized nations. The 
 mother nursing her baby has been denied the immunity 
 from attack which the conscience of civilized mankind 
 provided. In a word, Prussianism has waged war 
 against internationalism in all its essential forms. 
 
 The United States of America was forced into the 
 war by Germany's wanton assaults. We did not want 
 war. The Government and the people of this Re- 
 pubHc strove to remain outside the conflict long after 
 the real aim of Germany's rulers was manifest, and 
 even after the torpedoing of the Lusitania made it 
 apparent to all the world that Germany would not 
 permit us to remain neutral and free. She demanded 
 that we depart from the usages and laws of nations, 
 and, by refusing to permit the Entente Allies to 
 purchase arms and ammunition from our manufac- 
 turers, become in fact her ally and make her victory 
 certain. 
 
 When our Government refused to commit this in- 
 famous crime against internationalism, Germany, 
 without the formality of declaring war upon our nation, 
 in fact made war upon it. Our ships were sunk at 
 sea without warning, and our citizens — civilians pur- 
 suing their lawful and peaceful business — were foully 
 murdered on the high seas by German naval forces. 
 Our land was filled with spies and plotters; industrial 
 
 l35l 
 
212 
 
 plants were wrecked and the lives of many working 
 people were destroyed. Even while professing friend- 
 ship for this nation, and pretending to be desirous 
 of peace, Germany was in fact waging war against 
 us in the same brutal, barbarous and lawless manner 
 as she had from the beginning made war against her 
 avowed and acknowledged enemies. 
 
 Many of us, while realizing that the triumph of 
 the Central Empires would be a great blow to the 
 cause of international Socialism, struggled, neverthe- 
 less, to keep this nation from entering the war. 
 We believed that by refusing to be drawn into the 
 conflict the Government of the United States could 
 render a great service to the cause of peace. When, 
 however, the repeated acts of aggression by Germany 
 caused our Congress to recognize that a state of 
 war existed between this republic and the German 
 Empire, we could not fail to support our Government 
 for precisely the same reasons as the Socialists of 
 Belgium and France supported their Governments. 
 To have done otherwise would have been a betrayal 
 of our Socialist faith. 
 
 With entire confidence we assert that the action of 
 the United States Congress in authorizing war against 
 Germany was a great service to the cause of human 
 liberty. No nobler statement of democratic ideals 
 can be found in all our international Socialist litera- 
 ture than the great address of the President of the 
 United States on April 2, 191 7. Historic justice 
 demands that Socialists of the entire world acknowl- 
 edge that President Wilson has been a better spokes- 
 man of Internationalism than the Socialist Inter- 
 national itself. Never in all human history has a 
 man occupying a position of equal eminence and 
 
 [36] 
 
213 
 
 influence so bravely and eloquently championed the 
 cause of democracy, the rights of oppressed national- 
 ities and the ideals of Internationalism. We rejoice 
 that this fact has been so fully recognized by our 
 comrades of other lands, notably by the recent Con- 
 ference of the Socialist and Labor Parties of the 
 Allied Nations. This is in striking contrast to the 
 characterization of President Wilson by the official 
 organ of the Socialist Party of America, as "that 
 maniac in the White House." For us, as American 
 Socialists, there is no other means of serving the 
 cause of Internationalism than supporting with all 
 our moral and material might the splendid efforts 
 of the President of the United States. To our com- 
 rades of other lands we send the assurance that the 
 exalted idealism of President Wilson is shared by 
 the entire nation. 
 
 The Socialist Party of the United States cannot 
 justly claim to speak for American Socialists generally. 
 It represents only the sectarian and sterile dogmatism, 
 corrupted and dominated by all that Prussianism 
 represents. It has, from the beginning of the great 
 world war, sometimes openly and more often covertly 
 condoned and defended the betrayal of International- 
 ism by the German Social Democracy. With a degree 
 of uniformity as significant as it is remarkable, it 
 has upheld the contentions of the German Imperial 
 Government in the long controversy with the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States, it has accepted every 
 miserable evasion and excuse of the German Socialist 
 majority, and has been silent concerning the outrages 
 committed by the German barbarians. Whatever 
 their intent, the responsible spokesmen of the So- 
 
 [37] 
 
214 
 
 cialist Party of America have been in fact the allies 
 of German militarism and autocracy. 
 
 Because of these things many thousands of sincere 
 Socialists have been compelled to withdraw from the 
 party and to establish new organizations. They can- 
 not and will not acknowledge the Socialist Party as 
 representing their views, their ideals, and their faith. 
 Therefore it is that the organizations we represent 
 and other Socialist bodies in this country must claim, 
 and must in justice receive, a place in the Socialist 
 International and the right to oppose in the Socialist 
 International the reactionary and stupid policies of 
 the American Socialist Party. 
 
 IV 
 
 We believe that the Socialists of the Allied Nations 
 are under moral obligations to strive with united 
 energy for such a peace as will insure the safety 
 of mankind from future aggressions on the part 
 of the Central Empires or other despotic powers. We 
 approve the peace terms contained in the program 
 adopted by the Inter-Allied Socialist and Labor Con- 
 ferences. That program, as its authors have pointed 
 out, is substantially identical with that outlined by 
 the President of the United States in his address to 
 Congress on January 8, 1918. We hold it to be self- 
 evident that the Labor and Socialist organizations 
 of the Allied Nations are in logic and morale bound 
 to give their whole-hearted support to any and all 
 governments adopting these war aims. For so in 
 America loyalty to the Socialist cause requires us 
 to give our whole-hearted support to President Wilson 
 and to our Government. Our first duty is to win the 
 war. There can be no peace until the Prussian mil- 
 
 I38] 
 
215 
 
 itary system has been definitely and completely de- 
 feated. 
 
 In his great address President Wilson said 
 What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar 
 to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live 
 in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace- 
 loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, 
 determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and 
 fair dealings by the other peoples of the world, as against 
 force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world 
 are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part 
 we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it 
 will not be done to us. 
 
 The program of the world's peace, therefore, is our program, 
 and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is 
 this: 
 
 I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which 
 there shall be no private international understandings of any 
 kind; but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in 
 the public view. 
 
 II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside 
 territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the 
 seas may be closed in whole or in part by international 
 action for the enforcement of international covenants. 
 
 III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic 
 barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade con- 
 ditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and 
 associating themselves for its maintenance. 
 
 IV. Adequate guarantees givpn and taken that national 
 armaments will reduce to the lowest point consistent with 
 domestic safety. 
 
 V. Free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjust- 
 ment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance 
 of the principle that in determining all such questions of 
 sovereignty the interests of the population concerned must 
 have equal weight with the equitable claims of the Govern- 
 ment whose title is to be determined. 
 
 l39l 
 
2l6 
 
 VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a 
 settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the 
 best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world 
 in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed 
 opportunity for the independent determination of her own 
 political development and national policy, and assure her 
 of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under 
 institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, 
 assistance also of every kind that she may need and may 
 herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister 
 nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their 
 good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished 
 from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish 
 sympathy. 
 
 VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacu- 
 ated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sover- 
 eignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. 
 No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore 
 confidence among the nations in the laws which they have 
 themselves set and determined for the government of their 
 relations with one another. Without this healing act the 
 whole structure and validity of international law is forever 
 impaired. 
 
 VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded 
 portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia 
 in 1 87 1 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled 
 the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, 
 in order that peace may once more be made secure in the 
 interest of all. 
 
 IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be 
 effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality. 
 
 X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among 
 the nations we wish to see safe-guarded and assured, should 
 be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous develop- 
 ment. 
 
 XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacu- 
 ated; occupied territories accorded free and secure access to 
 
 I40] 
 
217 
 
 the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan States to 
 one another determined by friendly counsel along historically 
 established lines of allegiance and nationality; and inter- 
 national guarantees of the political and economic independence 
 and territorial integrity of the several Balkan States should be 
 entered into.* 
 
 XII. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman empire 
 should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other na- 
 tionalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured 
 an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested 
 opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles 
 should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships 
 and commerce of all nations under international guarantees. 
 
 XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected, 
 which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably 
 Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure 
 access to the sea, and whose political and economic inde- 
 pendence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by 
 international covenant. 
 
 XIV. A general association of nations must be formed 
 under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual 
 guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity 
 to great and small States alike. 
 
 In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and 
 assertions of right, we feel ourselves to be intimate partners 
 of all the Governments and peoples associated together 
 against the imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest 
 or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end. 
 
 For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to 
 fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but 
 only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just 
 and stable peace, such as can be secured only by removing 
 the chief provocations to war, which this program does re- 
 
 *NoTE. Karl Marx advocated in 1853 in the New York Tribune 
 a federjxtion of the Slavonic and Hellenic nationalities of the Balkans 
 into one State as a solution of the Balkan problem. This plan should 
 be given serious consideration. 
 
 I41] 
 
2l8 
 
 move. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there 
 is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her 
 no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enter- 
 prise such as have made her record very bright and very 
 enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way 
 her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight 
 her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade, 
 if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other 
 peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and 
 law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place 
 of equality among the peoples of the world — the new world 
 in which we now live — instead of a place of mastery. 
 
 Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alteration or 
 modification of her institutions. But it is necessary, we must 
 frankly say, and necessary as a preliminary to any intelligent 
 dealings with her on our part, that we should know whom 
 her spokesmen speak for when they speak to us, whether for 
 the Reichstag majority or for the military party and the 
 men whose creed is imperial domination. 
 
 There is one important part of the war aims which 
 requires a clearer elucidation — the self-determination 
 of nationalities. The Inter- Allied program states: 
 "Any adjustment of boundaries that becomes neces- 
 sary must be based exclusively upon the desire of 
 the people concerned," meaning, apparently, the people 
 within these boundaries. There is another principle 
 of international justice which should be given recog- 
 nition. A people occupying the narrow strip of a 
 coast bordering on a great sea which serves as an 
 outlet for a continent cannot claim exclusive sover- 
 eignty over the coastal territory. A people occupying 
 a territory of great natural resources cannot claim 
 jurisdiction over them to the exclusion of the rest of 
 mankind. Whether in relations within a state or 
 international relations, all rights of groups or even 
 
 U2I 
 
219 
 
 of nations must be held in harmony with the rights 
 of mankind. It will devolve on the Labor and So- 
 cialist International to advance and maintain this 
 principle as a doctrine of International Law — that 
 the original and ultimate title to all natural wealth 
 and resources, no matter where situated, is a right 
 in which all mankind equally share. 
 
 There is another important phase in the self-deter- 
 mination of nationalities which should be given recog- 
 nition in the interests of permanent peace. It is not 
 in the interest of democracy and peace, not in the 
 interest of progress of mankind, to see the large 
 states broken up into a great number of smaller 
 states. The endless multiplication of boundaries 
 and frontiers with the resultant cultivation of local 
 prejudices and the spirit of exclusion, is against every 
 idea of internationalism. Merely because a certain 
 small nationality clamors for a Chinese Wall round 
 the territory which it inhabits is no reason why the 
 much greater interests of mankind, including the 
 true interest of the nationality in question, should 
 not be considered. Should we recognize the claims 
 of Esthonia, Livonia and Lithuania, altogether num- 
 bering five million people, to exclusive sovereignty 
 over the territory of the Baltic coast of what was 
 heretofore Russia and thereby deprive a nation of 
 one hundred and fifty million people from access to 
 the sea? Indeed, the principle of freedom of the seas 
 should be supplemented by the no less important 
 principle of freedom of access to the sea. This is 
 another principle of International Law which the 
 Labor and Socialist International should vigorously 
 urge and defend. 
 
 [43I 
 
220 
 
 When closely examined, it will be found that the 
 principle of self-determination will apply in its full 
 meaning to states, natural or historical. Applied to 
 nationalities or territories within the state, the prin- 
 ciple of self-determination would mean a relation to 
 the state somewhat similar to the relation of the 
 American States to the Federal Government. 
 
 Though unutterable wrongs suffered by the Ar- 
 menian race will never be repaid, the atrocities and 
 cruelties inflicted on this unfortunate people will 
 forever remain a heavy weight on the conscience of 
 mankind; that such wrongs should have been per- 
 petrated by the connivance of a civilized nation makes 
 indeed all the boasts of our civilization seem sham 
 and empty. The Labor-Socialist International should 
 leave nothing undone or unmoved to atone at least 
 partially for the wrongs inflicted on the Armenians. 
 Armenia should be placed under International pro- 
 tectorate, independent of Turkey. Effective measures 
 should be taken to secure to the Armenian people 
 within the territory of Armenia safety from inter- 
 ference by the Turks and other fanatical peoples. 
 
 A similar protectorate should be extended over 
 Palestine, which should be formed into a free state, 
 securing an opportunity to those of the Jewish people 
 that desire to do so to work, in cooperation with the 
 other inhabitants, for the restoration of Palestine as 
 a Jewish home land. And the Jews in all countries 
 should, for all time, be guaranteed equal rights with 
 all other citizens in all matters of individual and 
 
 social life. 
 
 V 
 
 For reasons already set forth, we cannot approve 
 of any conference with representatives of the German 
 
 I44I 
 
221 
 
 or Austrian Socialist organizations until the end of 
 the war. We whole-heartedly approve of the action 
 of the executive council of the American Federation 
 of Labor in this particular. The German and Aus- 
 trian Socialists are such in name only. They are not 
 our comrades. They are traitors to our cause. When 
 the war is ended and Kaiser ism overthrown, there 
 must be a frank judgment of the German and Austrian 
 Socialist movements by the International. Judged 
 by its conduct during the war, and especially by its 
 base betrayal of the Russian Revolution, the German 
 Social Democracy must be branded as an enemy of the 
 working class of the world, including the working class 
 of Germany. We are compelled to j udge i t by its deeds 
 and not by its declarations. Indeed, the German 
 Social Democracy was a full and active partner of 
 the Hohenzollerns and the junkers in all their crimes 
 against mankind. This applies with full force to the 
 Austrian Social Democracy also, except that the op- 
 pressed non-German nationalities of Austria are free 
 from guilt. Neither the German nor the Austrian So- 
 cialist parties should be admitted to a Socialist Inter- 
 national until they have emancipated themselves and 
 given satisfactory evidence of loyalty to Socialist in- 
 ternationalism. By admitting them earlier and giving 
 them countenance the International would become 
 a sharer in their treason. 
 
 We believe that there should be a constant inter- 
 change of opinion by the Socialists of the Allied 
 Nations through conferences and otherwise; but not 
 with those who have betrayed our common cause. 
 We believe that there should be consistent energetic 
 action for the furtherance of our Socialist aims in our 
 respective countries as far as that can be done without 
 
 [45] 
 
222 
 
 impairing our military efficiency. We send our fraternal 
 salutations to our comrades in all the Allied Nations 
 and to the faithful battling minority comrades in 
 the enemy countries and pledge ourselves that we 
 will not withhold from the Allied cause any service 
 or sacrifice that may be required of us as our part of 
 the price of human freedom. 
 April 6, 1 91 8. 
 
 [46] 
 
LIST OF PUBLICATIONS 
 
 Nos. i-ios (April, 1907, to August, 1916). Including papers by Baron 
 d'Estournelles de Constant, George Trumbull Ladd, Elihu Root, Barrett 
 Wendell, Charles E. Jefferson, Seth Low, John Bassett Moore, William James, 
 Andrew Carnegie, Pope Pius X, Heinrich Lammasch, Norman Angell, Charles 
 W. Eliot, Sir Oliver Lodge, Lord Haldane, Alfred H. Fried, and others; also, 
 a series of official documents dealing with the European War. A list of titles 
 and authors will be sent on application. 
 
 106. The Proposal for a League to Enforce Peace. Affirmative — ^William 
 
 Howard Taft; Negative — ^William Jennings Bryan. September, 1916. 
 
 107. Nationality and Beyond, by Nicholas Murray Butler. Do We Want 
 
 Half the Hemisphere? By Brander Matthews. October, 1916. 
 
 108. War and Human Progress, by James Bryce. November, 19 16. 
 
 109. The Principle of Nationality, by Theodore Ruyssen. December, 1916. 
 no. Official Documents Looking Toward Peace. Series L January, 1917. 
 
 111. Official Documents Looking Toward Peace. Series I L February, 1917. 
 
 112. What Is a Nationality? Part II of The Principle of Nationality, by 
 
 Theodore Ruyssen. March, 1917. 
 
 113. The Bases of an Enduring Peace, by Franklin H. Giddings. April, 1917. 
 114., Documents Regarding the European War. Series No. XV. 
 
 The Entry of the United States. May, 1917. 
 
 115. The War and the Colleges, from an Address to Representatives of Col- 
 
 leges and Universities, delivered by the Hon. Newton D. Baker, May s, 
 I9I7- June, 1917- 
 
 116. The Treaty Rights of Aliens, by William Howard Taft. July, 1917. 
 
 117. The Effect of Democracy on International Law, by Elihu Root. August, 
 
 1917. 
 
 118. The Problems of Nationality, Part III of The Principle of Nationality, 
 
 by Theodore Ruyssen. September, 191 7. 
 
 119. Official Documents Looking Toward Peace, Series in. October, I9i7. 
 
 120. The United States and Great Britain, by Walter H. Page. The British 
 
 Commonwealth of Nations, by Lieutenant-General J. C. Smuts. 
 America and Freedom, by Viscount Grey. November, 1917. 
 
 121. The Conference on the Foreign Relations of the United States, held at 
 
 Long Beach, N. Y., May 28-June i, 1917- An Experiment in Educa- 
 tion, by Stephen Pierce Duggan. December, 1917- ' 
 
 122. The Aims of the War: Letter of Lord Lansdowne to the London Daily 
 
 Telegraph, November 29, 19 17. Reply by Cosmos printed in the New 
 York Times, December i, 191 7. The President's Address to the Con- 
 gress, December 4, 1917. January, 1918. 
 
 [47] 
 
123. Victory or Defeat: No Half-way House, speech delivered by the Rt. Hon. 
 
 David Lloyd George, December 14, 1917; British Labor's War Aims, 
 statement adopted at the Special National Labor Conference at Central 
 Hall, Westm.'nster, December 28, 1917; Great Britain's War Aims, 
 speech delivered by the Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George at the Trade 
 Union Conference on Man Power, January 5, 1918; Labor's After-War 
 Economic Policy, by the Rt. Hon. Arthur Henderson, M.P.; America's 
 Terms of Settlement, address by President Wilson to the Congress, 
 January 8, 1918. British Labor Party's Address to the Russian People, 
 January 15, 1918. February, 1918. 
 
 124. The United States and Japan: Text of the Root-Takahira Understanding 
 
 of November 30, 1908, and of the Lansing-Ishii Agreement of Novem- 
 ber 3, 1917; Japan and the United States, address by the Hon. Elihu 
 Root, October i, 1917; The Lansing-Ishii Agreement, address by the 
 Hon. James L. Slayden, November 15, 1917; What of Our Fears of 
 Japan? by Kenneth S. Latourette, March, 19 18. 
 
 125. The Awakening of the German People, by Otfried Nippold. April, 191 8. 
 
 126. The Anniversary of America's Entry into the War: an address deliv- 
 
 ered by President Wilson at Baltimore, Maryland, April 6, 1918; an 
 article written for The Daily Chronicle of London by Professor Gilbert 
 Murray, May, 1918. 
 
 Special Bulletins: 
 
 The War and Peace Problem, Material for the Study of International 
 
 Polity, by John Mez. February, 191S. 
 Syllabus of Lectures on the War and Peace Problem for the Study of 
 
 International Polity, by John Mez. February, 1915. 
 A Dozen Truths About Pacifism, by Alfred H. Fried. March, 1915. 
 A Brief Outline of the Nature and Aims of Pacifism, by Alfred H. Fried. 
 
 April, 1915. 
 Internationalism. A i/st of Current Periodicals selected and annotated 
 
 by Frederick C Hicks. May, 1915. 
 Is Commerce War? By Henry Raymond Mussey. January, 1916. 
 Peace Literature of the War, by John Mez. January, 19 16. 
 
 Is There a Substitute for Force in International Relations? by Suh Hu. 
 Prize essay, International Polity Club Competition, awarded June, 
 1916. 
 
 Labor's War Aims: Memorandum on War Aims, adopted by the Inter- 
 Allied Labor and Socialist Conference, February 22, 1918; The Allied 
 Cause is the Cause of Socialist Internationalism: Joint Manifesto of 
 the Social Democratic League of America and the Jewish Socialist 
 League. June, 1918. 
 
 Copies of the above, so far as they can be spared, will be sent to libraries 
 and educational institutions for permanent preservation postpaid upon receipt 
 of a request addressed to the Secretary of the American Association for Inter- 
 national Conciliation. 
 
 A charge of five cents' will be made for copies sent to individuals. Regular 
 subscription rate twenty-five cents for one year, or one dollar for five years. 
 
 I48I 
 
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION 
 FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION 
 
 Executive Committee 
 
 Nicholas Murray Butler Stephen Henry Olin 
 
 James Speyer Robert A. Franks 
 
 James L. Slayden George Blumenthal 
 
 Joseph P. Grace Gano Dunn 
 
 Thomas W. Lamont 
 
 Acting Secretary 
 Henry S. Haskell 
 
 Director of Interamerican Division 
 Peter H. Goldsmith 
 
 Correspondents 
 
 Francis W. Hirst, London, England 
 T. MiYAOKA, Tokio, Japan 
 
 Organizing Secretaries for South America 
 
 Benjamin Garcia Victorica, American Legation, Buenos Aires 
 A. G. Araujo Jorge, Foreign Office, Rio de Janeiro 
 Juan Bautista de Lavalle, San Pedro, 88, Lima 
 
COUNCIL OF DIRECTION OF THE 
 
 AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL 
 
 CONCILIATION 
 
 Lyman Abbott, New York 
 
 Edwin A. Alderman, Charlottesville, 
 
 Va. 
 John R. Alpine, Chicago, III. 
 Robert Bacon, New York 
 Richard Bartholdt, St. Louis, Mo. 
 George Blumenthal, New York 
 Clifton R. Breckenridge, Fort Smith, 
 
 Arkansas 
 William J. Bryan, Lincoln, Nebraska 
 T. E. Burton, Cleveland, Ohio 
 Nicholas Murray Butler, New York 
 Andrew Carnegie, New York 
 Richard H. Dana, Boston, Mass. 
 Arthur L. Dasher, Macon, Ga. 
 Horace E. Deming, New York 
 Gano Dunn, New York 
 Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mass. 
 Austen G. Fox, New York 
 Robert A. Franks, Orange, N. J. 
 John P. Frey, Cincinnati, Ohio 
 Robert Garrett, Baltimore, Md. 
 Joseph P. Grace, New York 
 William Green, Indianapolis, Ind. 
 William J. Holland, Pittsburgh, Pa. 
 Hamilton Holt, New York 
 David Starr Jordan, Stanford 
 
 University, Cal. 
 J. H. Kirkland, Nashville, Tenn. 
 Mrs. James Lees Laidlaw, New York 
 Thomas W. Lamont, New York 
 Adolph Lewisohn, New York 
 Clarence H. Mackay, New York 
 
 Theodore Marburg, Baltimore, Md. 
 
 Brander Matthews, New York 
 
 Silas McBee, New York 
 
 George B. McClellan, Princeton, N. J. 
 
 Andrew J. Montague, Richmond, Va. 
 
 Mrs. Philip N. Moore, Washington, D. C. 
 
 W. W. Morrow, San Francisco, Cal. 
 
 Levi P. Morton, New York 
 
 Stephen H. Olin, New York 
 
 Mrs. Percy V. Pennybacker, Austin, Tex. 
 
 Henry S. Pritchett, New York 
 
 A. V. V. Raymond, Buffalo, N. Y. 
 
 Ira Remsen, Baltimore, Md. 
 
 James Ford Rhodes, Boston, Mass. 
 
 Elihu Root, Washington, D. C. 
 
 J. G. Schurman, Ithaca, N. Y. 
 
 James Brown Scott, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Charles Hitchcock Sherrill, New York 
 
 Mrs. Seward A. Simons, Los Angeles, Cal. 
 
 F. J. V. Skiff, Chicago, III. 
 
 James L. Slayden, Washington, D. C. 
 
 William M. Sloane, New York 
 
 James Speyer, New York 
 
 Oscar S. Straus, New York 
 
 Mrs. Mary Wood Swift, Berkeley, Cal. 
 
 George W. Taylor, Demopolis, Ala. 
 
 O. H. Tittman, Washington, D. C. 
 
 W. H. Tolman, New York 
 
 Charlemagne Tower, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Edward Tuck, Paris, France 
 
 George E. Vincent, New York 
 
 William D. Wheelwright, Portland, Ore. 
 
 Mary E. Woolley, South Hadley, Mass. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 014 040 811 6