E312 
 
 1810T 
 
 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 

 
 
 
J' % ' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
C^O^W^SHIKGTOK. 
 
, 9 , JL 
 
 WASHINGTON'S 
 
 FAREWELL ADDRESS, 
 
 TO THE 
 
 PEOPLE 
 
 UJVITED STATES. 
 
 PUBLISHED FOR THE WASHINGTON BENEVOLENT 
 SOCIETY. 
 
 TRor, N. r. 
 
 PRINTED AT THE PRESS OF PARKER AND BLISS, 
 
 BY DAVID CARLISLE, 
 

 6 
 
WASHINGTON'S 
 
 FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 Friends and Fellow-Citizens, 
 
 The period for a new election of a citizen 
 to administer the executive government of 
 the United States, being not far distant, and 
 the time actually arrived when your thoughts 
 must be employed in designating the person 
 who is to be clothed with that important trust. 
 It appears to me proper, especially as it may 
 conduce to a more distinct expression of the 
 public voice, that I should now apprize you 
 of the resolution I have formed, to decline 
 being considered among the number of those 
 out of whom the choice is to be made. 
 
 I beg you at the same time to do me the 
 justice to be assured, that this resolution has 
 not been taken, without a strict regard to 
 all the considerations appertaining to the rela. 
 
tion which binds a dutiful citizen to his coun- 
 try ; and that in withdrawing the tender of 
 service, which silence in my situation might 
 imply, I am influenced by no diminution of 
 zeal for your future interest ; no deficiency 
 of grateful respect for your past kindness j 
 but am supported by a full conviction, that the 
 step is compatible with both. 
 
 The acceptance of, and continuance hither- 
 to in, the office to which your suffrages have 
 twice called me, have been an uniform sacri- 
 fice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and 
 to a deference for what appeared to be your 
 desire. I constantly hoped that it would 
 have been much earlier in my power, consist- 
 ently with motives which I was not at liber- 
 ty to disregard, to return to that retirement 
 from which I had been reluctantly drawn. 
 The strength of my inclination to do this, 
 previous to the last election, had even led to 
 ihe preparation of an address to declare it to 
 you ; but mature reflection on the then per- 
 plexed and critical posture of our affairs with 
 foreign nations, and the unanimous advice 
 of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled 
 me to abandon the idea. 
 
I rejoice that the state of your concerns, 
 external as well as internal, no longer renders 
 the pursuit of inclination incompatible with 
 the sentiment of duty or propriety ; and am 
 persuaded, whatever partiality may be retain- 
 ed for my services, that in the present cir- 
 cumstances of our country, you will not 
 disapprove of my determination to retire. 
 
 The impressions with Vv^hich I first under- 
 took the arduous trust, were explained on the 
 proper occasion. In the discharge of this 
 trust I will only say, that I have, Vvith good 
 intentions, contributed towards the organiza- 
 tion, ^nd administration of the government,, 
 the best exertions of which a very fallible 
 judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in 
 the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifi' 
 cations, experience in my own eyes, perhaps 
 still more in the eyes of others, has strength- 
 ened the motives to diffidence of myself ; 
 and every day the increasing weight of years 
 admonishes me more and more, that the shade 
 of retirement is as necessary to me as it will 
 be welcome. Satisfied that if any circum- 
 Stances have given peculiar value to my ser^ 
 vices, they were temporary, I have the conso - 
 
 A 2 
 
lation to believe, that while choice and pru- 
 dence invite me to quit the political scene, 
 patriotism does not forbid it. 
 
 In looking forward to the moment which is 
 to terminate the career of my political life, my 
 feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep 
 acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude 
 which I owe to my beloved country, for the 
 many honors it has conferred upon me ; still 
 more for the steadfast confidence v>/ith which it 
 has supported me ; and for the opportunities I 
 have thence enjoyed of manifesting my invio- 
 lable attachment, by services faithful and per- 
 severing, though in usefulness unequal to my 
 zeal. If benefits have resulted to our coun- 
 try from these services, let it always be re- 
 membered to your praise, and as an instruc- 
 tive example in our annals, that under circum- 
 stances in which the passions, agitated in ev- 
 ery direction, were hable to mislead — ^amidst 
 appearances sometimes dubious-^vicissitudes 
 of fortune often discouraging — in situations 
 in which not unfrequently want of success 
 has countenanced the spirit of criticism — the 
 constancy of your support was the essential 
 prop of the efforts and a guarantee of the 
 
plans by which they were effected. Pre- 
 foundly penetrated with this idea, I shall car- 
 ry it w^ith me to my grave, as a strong incite- 
 ment to unceasing wishes, that Heaven may 
 continue to you the choicest tokens of its 
 beneficence — that your union and brotherly 
 affection may be perpetual — that the free 
 constitution, which is the work of your hands, 
 may be sacredly maintained — that its admin- 
 istration in eveiy department may be stamp- 
 ed with wisdom and virtue — that, in fine, 
 the happiness of the people of these States, 
 under the auspices of liberty, may be made 
 complete by so careful a preservation and so 
 prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire 
 to them the glory of recommending it to the 
 applause, the affection, and the adoption, of 
 every nation which is yet a stranger to it. 
 
 Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a so- 
 licitude for your welfare, which cannot end 
 but with my life, and the apprehension of 
 danger natural to that solicitude, urge me on 
 an occasion like the present, to offer to your 
 solemn contemplation, and to recommend to 
 your frequent review, some sentiments, which 
 ar€ the result of much reflection, of no iacon^ 
 
8 
 
 siderable observation, and which appear to 
 me all-important to the permanency of your 
 felicity as a people. These will be ofiered 
 to you with the more freedom, as you can 
 only see in them the disinterested warnings 
 of a parting friend, who can possibly have 
 no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor 
 can I forget as an encouragement to it, your 
 indulgent reception of my sentiments on a 
 former and not dissimilar occasion. 
 
 Interv/oven as is the love of liberty with ev- 
 ery ligament of your hearts, no recommenda- 
 tion of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm 
 the attachment. 
 
 The unity of government, which consti- 
 tutes you one people, is also now dear to 
 you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar 
 in the edifice of your real independence ; the 
 support of your tranquilHty at home ; your 
 peace abroad ; of your safety, of your pros- 
 perity ; of that very liberty which you so 
 highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, 
 that from different causes and from different 
 quarters, much pains will betaken, many ar- 
 tifices employed, to weaken in your minds 
 the conviction of this truth : as this is the 
 
point in your political fortress against which 
 the batteries of internal and external enemies 
 will be most constantly and actively, (though 
 often covertly and insidiously,) directed, it is 
 of infinite moment, that you should properly 
 estimate the immense value of your national 
 union, to your collective and individual hap- 
 piness ; that you should cherish a cordial^ 
 habitual, and immoveable attachment to it ; 
 accustoming yourselves to think and speak of 
 it as of the palladium of your political safety 
 and prosperity ; watching for its preservation 
 with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing what- 
 ever may suggest even a suspicion that it can 
 in any event be abandoned ; and indignant- 
 ly frowning upon the first dawning of every 
 attempt to alienate any portion of our coun- 
 try from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred 
 ties which now link together the various parts. 
 For this you have every inducement of 
 sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or 
 choice of a common country, that country 
 has a right to concentrate your affections. 
 The name of American, which belongs to 
 you in your national capacity, must always 
 exalt the just pride of patriotism^ more than 
 
10 
 
 any appellation derived from local discrimina- 
 tions. With slight shades of difference, you 
 have the same religion, manners, habits, and 
 political principles. You have in a common 
 cause fought and triumphed together ; the 
 independence and liberty you possess, are the 
 work of joint councils, and joint efforts — of 
 common dangers, sufferings, and successes. 
 
 But these considerations, however powerful- 
 ly they address themselves to your sensibility, 
 are greatly outweighed by those which apply 
 more immediately to your interest. Here ev- 
 ery portion of our country finds the most 
 commanding motives for carefully guarding 
 and preserving the union of the whole. 
 
 The Jiorth^ in an unrestrained intercourse 
 with the souths protected by the equal laws 
 of a common government finds in the pro- 
 ductions of the latter, great additional resour- 
 ces of maritime and commercial enterprise, 
 and precious materials of manufacturing in- 
 dustry. The souths in the same intercourse, 
 benefiting by the agency of the norths sees 
 its agriculture grow and its commerce ex- 
 pand. Turning partly into its own channels 
 the seamen of the norths it finds its particular 
 
11 
 
 navigation invigorated — and while it contrib- 
 utes, in different ways, to nourish and increase 
 the general mass of the national navigation, 
 it looks forward to the protection of a mari- 
 time strength, to which itself is unequally a- 
 dapted. The east^ in like intercourse with 
 the west, already finds, and in the progres- 
 sive improvement of interior communications, 
 by land and water, will more and more find 
 a valuable vent for the commodities which it 
 brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. 
 The west derives from the east supplies 
 requisite to its growth and comfort — and, 
 what is perhaps of still greater consequence, 
 it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment 
 of indispensable outlets for its own produc- 
 tions, to the weight, influence, and the future 
 maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the 
 union, directed by an indissoluble communi- 
 ty of interest as one nation. Any other ten- 
 ure by which the west can hold this essential 
 advantage, whether derived from its own sep- 
 arate strength, or from an apostate and un- 
 jiatural connection with any foreign power, 
 must be intrinsically precarious. 
 While then every part of our country thus 
 
12 
 
 feels an immediate and particular interest in 
 union, all the parts combined cannot fail to 
 find in the united mass of means and efforts, 
 greater strength, greater resource, proportion- 
 ably greater security from external danger, a 
 less frequent interruption of their peace by 
 foreign nations ; and what is of inestimable 
 value, they must derive from union an ex- 
 emption from those broils and wars between 
 themselves, which so frequently afflict neigh- 
 boring countries, not tied together by the 
 same government, which their own rivalships 
 alone would be sufficient to produce ; but 
 which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, 
 and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. 
 Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity 
 of those overgrown military establishments, 
 which under any form of government, are in- 
 auspicious to liberty, and which are to be 
 regarded as particularly hostile to republi- 
 can liberty. In this sense it is, that your 
 union ought to be considered as a main prop 
 of your liberty, and that the love of the one 
 ought to endear to you the preservation of 
 the other. 
 
 These considerations speak a persuasive 
 
language to every reflecting and virtoovis; 
 mind, and ex-Mbit the continuance of the 
 union as a primary object of patriotic desire. 
 Is there a doubt whether a common govern- 
 ment can embrace so large a sphere ? Let ex- 
 perience solvfC it. To listen to mere specula- 
 tion in such a case were criuainal. We are 
 authorised to hope that a proper organiza- 
 tion of the whole, with the auxiliary agency 
 of governments for the respective subdivi- 
 sions, will afford a. happy issue to the experi- 
 ment. It is well worth a fair and full exper- 
 iment. With such pov/erful and obvious 
 motives to union, affecting all parts of our 
 country, while experience shall not have dem- 
 onstrated its impmcticabilit)^, there will al- 
 ways be reason to distrust the patriotism of 
 those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to 
 weaken its bands. 
 
 In contemplating the causes which may 
 disturb our union, it occurs as matter of se- 
 rious concern, that any ground should have 
 been furnished for. characterizing parties by 
 geographical discriminations — Northern and 
 Southern'^- Atlantic and Western : whence de- 
 signing men may endeayor to excite a belief 
 
 B 
 
14 
 
 that there is a real difference of local interests 
 and views. One of the expedients of party 
 to acquire influence, within particular dis- 
 tricts, is to misrepresent the opinions and 
 aims of other districts. You cannot shield 
 yourselves too much against the jealousies 
 and heartburnings which spring from these 
 misrepresentations : they tend to render a- 
 lien to each other, those who ought to be 
 bound together by fraternal affection. The 
 inhabitants of our western country have late- 
 ly had a useful lesson on this head. They 
 have seen, in the negociation by the exec- 
 utive, and in the unanimous ratification by 
 the senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in 
 the universal satisfaction at that event 
 throughout the United • States, a decisive 
 proof how unfounded were the suspicions 
 propagated among them of a policy in the 
 general government, and in the Atlantic 
 states, utifriendly to their interests in regard 
 to the Missisippi, They have been witness- 
 es to the formation of two treaties, that with 
 Great Britain and that with Spain, which ser 
 cure to them every thing they could desire, 
 in respect to our foreign relations, towards 
 
15 
 
 confirming their prosperity. Will it not be 
 their wisdom to rely for the preservation of 
 these advantages on the union by which they 
 were procured ? Will they not henceforth be 
 deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who 
 would sever them from their brethren, and 
 connect them with aliens ? 
 
 To the efficacy and permanency of your 
 union, a government for the whole is indis- 
 pensable. No alliances, however strict, be- 
 tween the parts can be an adequate substi- 
 tute ; they must inevitably experience the in- 
 fractions and interruptions which all allian- 
 ces in all times have experienced. Sensible 
 of this momentous truth, you have improved 
 upon your first essay, by the adoption of ^ 
 constitution of government better calculated 
 than your former, for an intimate union, and 
 for the efficacious management of yom* com- 
 mon concerns. This government, the off- 
 spring of your own choice, uninfluenced and 
 unawed ; adopted upon full investigation 
 and mature deliberation j completely free in 
 its principles j in the distribution of its pow- 
 ers uniting security with energy, and contain- 
 ing within itself a provision for its own a- 
 
16 
 
 mendments, has a just claim to your confi- 
 dence and your your support. Respect for 
 its authority, compliance with its laws, ac- 
 quiescence in its measurcGjare duties enjoined 
 by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. 
 The basis of our political systems is the right 
 of the people to make and to alter their con- 
 stitutions of government. — But the constitu- 
 tion which at any time exists, until changed 
 by an explicit and authentic act of the whole 
 people, is sacredly obMgatory upon all. The 
 very idea of the power and the right of the 
 people to establish a government, pre-sup- 
 poses the duty of every individual to obey 
 the established government. 
 
 All obstructions to the execution of the 
 laws, all combinations and associations, un- 
 der whatever plausible character, with the real 
 design to direct, control, counteract, or awe 
 the regular deliberations and actions of the 
 constituted authorities, are destructive of this 
 fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. 
 They serve to "organize faction ; to give it an 
 artificial and extraordinary force ; to put in 
 the place of the delegated will of the nation, 
 the! will of a patty, often a small, but artful 
 
i7 
 
 and enterprising minority of the community ;; 
 and according to the alternate triumphs of 
 different parties, to make the public adminis- 
 tration the mirror of the ill-concerted and in- 
 congruous projects of faction, rather than the 
 organ of consistent and wholesome plans, di- 
 gested by common councils, and modified 
 by mutual interests. 
 
 However combinations or associations of 
 the above description may now and then an- 
 swer popular ends, they are likely, in the 
 course of time and things, to become potent 
 engines, by which cunning, ambitious and' 
 unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert 
 thQ power of the people, and to usurp for 
 themselves the reins of government ; destroy- 
 ing afterwards the very engines which have 
 lifted them to unjust dominion. 
 
 Towards the preservation of your govern- 
 ment, and the permanency of your present 
 happy state, it is requisite not only that you 
 steadily discountenance irregular oppositions 
 to its acknowledged authority, but also that 
 you resist with care the spirit of innovation 
 upon its principles, however specious the pre- 
 texts. One method of assault may be to ef- 
 
 B 2 
 
18 
 
 tect in the forms of the constitution, altera- 
 tions which will impair the energy of the sys- 
 tem, and thus to undermine what cannot be 
 directly overthrown. In all the changes to 
 which you may be invited, remember that 
 time and habit are at least as necessary to fix 
 the true character of governments, as of oth- 
 er human institutions — that experience is the 
 surest standard, by which to test the real ten- 
 dency of the existing constitution of a coun- 
 try — that facility in changes upon the credit 
 of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to 
 perpetual change, from the endless variety of 
 hypothesis and opinion ; and remember es- 
 pecially, that for the efficient management of 
 your common Interests, in a country so ex- 
 tensive as ours, a government of as much 
 vigor as is consistent with the perfect securi- 
 ty of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself 
 will find in such a government, with powers 
 properly distributed and adjusted, its surest 
 guardian. It is, indeed, Httle else than a 
 name, where the government is too feeble to 
 withstand the enterprises of faction, to con- 
 fine each member of the society within the 
 iimits prescribed by the laws, and to main- 
 
19 
 
 tain all in the secure and tranquil enjoy meiiit 
 of the rights of person and property. 
 
 I have already intimated to you the danger 
 of parties in the state, with particular refer- 
 ences to the founding of them on geograph- 
 ical discriminations. Let me now take a 
 more comprehensive view, and warn you in 
 the most solemn manner against the baneful 
 effects of the spirit of party, generally. 
 
 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable 
 from our nature, having its root in the strong- 
 est passions of the human mind. It exists 
 under different shapes in all governments, 
 more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ;- 
 but in those of the popular form, it is seen 
 in its greatest rankness, and is truly their 
 worst enemy. 
 
 The alternate domination of one faction 
 over another, sharpened by the spirit of re- 
 venge, natural to party dissention, which in 
 different ages and countries has perpetrated 
 the most horrid enormities, is itself a fright- 
 ful despotism. But this leads at length to a 
 more formal and permanent despotism. The 
 disorders and miseries which result, gradual- 
 ly incline the minds of men to seel^ security 
 
20 
 
 and repose in the absolute power of an indi- 
 vidual ; and sooner or later the chief of some 
 prevailing faction, more able or more fortu- 
 nate than his competitors, turns this disposi- 
 tion to the purposes of his own elevation, on 
 the ruins of public liberty. 
 
 Without looking forward to an extremity 
 of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not 
 to be entirely out of sight,) the common and 
 continual mischiefs of the spirit of party, are 
 sufficient to make it the interest and duty of 
 a wise people to discourage and restrain it. 
 
 it serves always to distract the public coun- 
 cils, and enfeeble the public administration^ 
 It agitates the community with ill-founded 
 jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the ani- 
 mosity of one part against another : foments 
 occasional riot and insurrection. It opens 
 the door to foreign influence and corruption, 
 which find a facilitated access to the govern- 
 ment itself, through the channels of party 
 passions. Thus the policy and the will of 
 one country, are subjected to the policy and 
 will of another. 
 
 There is an opinion: that parties in free 
 countries are useful checks upon the admin^ 
 
21 
 
 istratlon of the gDvernment, and serve to 
 keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, with- 
 in certain limits, is probably true : and in 
 governments of a monarGhical east, patriot, 
 ism may look with indulgence, if not with 
 favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those^ 
 of the popular character, in governments 
 purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encour- 
 aged. From their natural tendency, it is cer- 
 tain there will always be enough of that spir- 
 it for every salutary purpose. And there be- 
 ing constant danger of excess, the effort ought 
 to be by force of public opinion, to mitigate 
 and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched. 
 It demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its? 
 bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, 
 it should consume. 
 
 It is important, likewise, that the habits of 
 thinking, in a free country, should inspire 
 caution in those intrusted with its administra- 
 tion, to confine themselves within their re- 
 spective constitutional spheres ; avoiding, in 
 the exercise of the powers of one department, 
 to encroach upon another. — The spirit of 
 encroachment tends to consolidate the pow- 
 ers of all the departments in one, and thus to 
 
22 
 
 create, whatever the form of government, a 
 real despotism. A just estimate of that love 
 of power, and proneness to abuse it, which 
 |)redominate in the human heart, is sufficient 
 to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The 
 necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise 
 of political power, by dividing and distribut- 
 ing it into different depositories, and consti- 
 tuting each the guardian of the public weal 
 against invasions of the others, has been evin- 
 ced by experiments ancient and modern j 
 some of them in our country, and under our 
 own eyes. To preserve them mu?t be as 
 necessary as to institute them. If, in tha 
 opinion of the people, the distribution or 
 modification of the constitutional powers be 
 in any particular wrong, let it be corrected 
 by an amendment in the way which the con- 
 stitution designates^ But let there be no 
 change by usurpation ; for though this, in 
 one instance, may be the instrument of good, 
 it is the customary weapon by which free 
 governments are destroyed. The precedent 
 must always greatly overbalance in perma- 
 nent evil, any partial or transient benefit 
 which the use can at any time yield. 
 
23 
 
 Of all the dispositions and habits which 
 lead to political prosperity, religion and mo- 
 rality are indispensable supports. In vain 
 would that man claim the tribute of patriot- 
 ism, who should labour to subvert these great 
 pillars of human happiness — these firmest 
 props of the duties of men and citizens* 
 The mere politician, equally with thej)ious 
 man, ought to respect and to cherish them. 
 A volume could not trace all their connex- 
 ions with private and public felicity. Let it 
 simply be asked, where is the security for 
 property, for reputation, for life, if the sense 
 of religious obligation desert the oaths, which 
 are the instruments of investigation in courts 
 of justice ? And let us with caution indulge 
 the supposition, that morality can be main- 
 tained without religion. Whatever may be 
 conceded to the influence of refined educa- 
 tion on minds of peculiar structure, reason 
 and experience both forbid us to expect that 
 national morality can prevail in exclusion of 
 religious principles. 
 
 It is substantially true, that virtue or mo- 
 rality is a necessary spring of popular govern- 
 ment. The rule indeed extends with more 
 
24 
 
 or less force to every species of free govern^ 
 ment. Who that is a sincere friend to it can 
 •look with indifference upon attempts to shake 
 the foundation of the fabric ? 
 
 Promote, then, as an object of primary im- 
 portance, institutions for the general diffu- 
 sion of knowledge. In proportion as the 
 structure of a government gives force to pub- 
 lic opinion, it is essential that public opinion 
 should be enlightened. 
 
 As a very important source of strength and 
 security, cherish public credit. One method 
 of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as 
 possible, avoiding occasions of expense by 
 cultivating peace j but remembering also, 
 that timely disbursements to prepare for dan- 
 ger, frequently prevent much greater dis- 
 bursements to repel it ; avoiding likewise the 
 accumulation of debt, not only by shunning 
 occasions of expense, but by vigorous exer- 
 tions in titne of peace, to discharge the debts 
 which unavoidable wars may have occasion- 
 ed, not ungenerously throwing upon posteri- 
 ty the burden which we Oiuxselves ought to 
 bear. The execution of these maxims be- 
 iimgs to y4jur j-^pres eiitatiy.es ; but it i$ ne- 
 
25 
 
 cessary that public opinion should co-operate. 
 To facilitate to them the performance of their 
 duty, it is essential that you should practical- 
 ly bear in mind that towards the payment of 
 debts there must be revenue ; that to have 
 revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes 
 can be devised which are not more or less in- 
 convenient and unpleasant ; that the intrin- 
 sic embarrassment inseparable from the se- 
 lection of the proper objects, (which is always 
 a choiceof difficulties,) ought to be a decisive 
 motive for a candid construction of the con- 
 duct of the government in making it, and for 
 a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for 
 obtaining revenue which the public exigen- 
 cies may at any time dictate. 
 
 Observe good faith and justice towards all 
 nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all : 
 religion and morality enjoin this conduct ; and 
 can it be that good policy does not equally en- 
 join it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, 
 and, at no distant period, a great nation, to 
 give to mankind the magnanimous and too 
 novel example of a people always guided by 
 an exalted justice and benevolence.-— Who 
 can doubt that in the course of time -and 
 c 
 
things the fruits of such a plan would richly 
 fepay any temporary advantages which might 
 be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can Lt 
 'be, that Providence has not connected the 
 permanent felicity of a nation with its vir- 
 tue ? The experiment, at least, is recommend- 
 ed by every sentiment which ennobles human 
 nature. Alas ! is it rendered impossible by 
 its vices ? 
 
 In the execution of such a plan, nothing is 
 more essential than that permanent inveterate 
 antipathies against particular nations, and pas- 
 sionate attachments for others, should be ex- 
 cluded; and that, in place of them, just and am- 
 icable feelings towards all should be cultivated. 
 The nation which indulges towards another 
 an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, 
 is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its 
 animosity or to its affection, either of which 
 is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and 
 its interest. — Antipathy in one nation against 
 another, disposes each more readily to off*er 
 insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes 
 of umbrage, and to be haughty and intracta* 
 ble, when accidental or trifling occasions of 
 dispute ^CGur« 
 
27 
 
 M^nce frequent collisions, obstinate, enven- 
 omed, and bloody contests. The nation, 
 prompted by ill-will and resentment, some- 
 times impels to war the government, contra- 
 ry to the best calculations of policy. The 
 government som-etimes participates in the na- 
 tional propensity, and adopts through pas- 
 ■sion, what reason would reject ; at other 
 dwies, it makes the animosity of the nation 
 subservient to projects of hostility instigated 
 by pride, ambition, and other sinister and 
 pernicious motives. The peace often, some- 
 times perhaps the liberty of nations, has been 
 the victim. 
 
 So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one 
 nation for another, produces a variety of e- 
 vik. Sympathy for the favorite nation, fa- 
 cilitating the illusion of an imaginary cpmr- 
 mon interest in cases where no real common 
 interest exists, and infusing into one the en- 
 mities of the other, betrays the former into a 
 participation in the quarrels and wars of the 
 latter, without adequate inducements or jus- 
 tification. It leads also to concessions to the 
 favorite nation, of privileges denied to oth- 
 ers, which are apt doubly to injure the nation* 
 
28 
 
 making the concessions, by unnecessarily 
 parting with what ought to have been retain- 
 ed ; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a 
 disposition to retaliate, in the parties from 
 whom equal privileges are withheld ; and it 
 gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded cit- 
 izens, (who devote themselves to the favorite 
 nations,) facility to betray, or sacrifice the in- 
 terests of their own country, without odium, 
 sometimes even with popularity ; gilding with 
 the appearances of a virtuous sense of obli- 
 gation, a commendable deference for public 
 opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, 
 the base or foolish compliances of ambition, 
 corruption, or infatuation. 
 
 As avenues to foreign influence, in innu- 
 merable ways, such attachments are particu- 
 larly alarming to the truly enlightened and 
 independent patriot. How mariy opportuni- 
 ties do they afford to tamper with domestic 
 factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to 
 mislead public opinion, to influence or awe 
 the public councils ! Such an attachment of 
 a small or weak, towards a great and power- 
 ful nation, dooms the former to be the satel- 
 lite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles 
 
29 
 
 of foreign influence, (I conjure you to believe 
 me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free 
 people ought to be constantly awake ; since 
 history and experience prove that foreign in- 
 fluence is one of the most baneful foes of re- 
 publican government. But that jealousy, to 
 be useful, must be impartial ; else it becomes 
 the instrument of the very influence to be a- 
 voided, instead of a defence against it. Ex- 
 cessive partiality for one foreign nation, and 
 excessive dislike of another, cause those 
 whom they actuate to see danger only on one 
 side, and serve to veil, and even second the 
 arts of influence on the other^ Real patriots, 
 who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, 
 are liable to become suspected and odious ; 
 while its tools and dupes usurp the applause 
 and confidence of the people, to surrender 
 their interests. 
 
 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard 
 to foreign nations, is, in extending our com- 
 mercial relations, to have with them as little 
 political connexion as possible. So far as 
 we have already formed engagements, let 
 them be- fulfilled with perfect good hith. 
 Here let us stop. 
 
 C 2 
 
30 
 
 Europe has a set of primary interests, 
 which to us have none, or a very remote rela- 
 tion. Hence she must be engaged in fre- 
 quent controversies, the causes of which are 
 essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, 
 therefore, it must be unwise in us to impli- 
 cate ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordina- 
 ry vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary 
 combinations and collisions of her friendships 
 or enmities. 
 
 Our detached and distant situation, invites 
 and enables us to pursue a different course. 
 If we remain one people, under an efficient 
 government, the period is not far off, when 
 we may defy material injury from external 
 annoyance ; when we may take such an at- 
 titude as will cause the neutrality we may at 
 any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously re- 
 spected ; when belligerent nations, under the 
 impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, 
 will not lightly hazard the giving us provoca- 
 tion ; when we may choose peace or war, as 
 our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. 
 
 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar 
 a situation ? Why quit our own to stand up* 
 on foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving 
 
31 
 
 our destiny with that of any part of Europe, 
 entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils 
 of European ambition, rivalship, interest, hu- 
 mor, or caprice ? 
 
 It is our true policy to steer clear of per- 
 manent alliances with any portion of the for- 
 eign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now 
 at liberty to do it ; for let me not be under- 
 I stood as capable of patronizing infidelity to 
 existing engagements. I hold the maxim no 
 less applicable to public than to private affairs, 
 that honesty is always the best policy, I re- 
 peat it, therefore, let those engagements be 
 observed in their genuine sense. But, in my 
 opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be un- 
 wise, to extend them. 
 
 Taking care always to keep ourselves, by 
 suitable establishments, on a respectable de- 
 fensive posture, we may safely trust to tem- 
 porary alliances for extraordinary emergen- 
 cies. 
 
 Harmony, and a hberal intercourse with 
 all nations, are recommended by policy, hu- 
 manity, and interest. But even our commer- 
 cial policy, should hold an equal and impar- 
 tial hand j neither seeking nor granting ex« 
 
32 
 
 elusive favors or preferences ; consulting the 
 natural course of things ; diffusing and di- 
 versifying by gentle means, the streams of 
 commerce, but forcing nothing ; establish- 
 ing, with powers so disposed, — in order to 
 give trade a stable course, to define the rights 
 of our merchants, and to enable the govern- 
 ment to support them, — conventional rules 
 of intercourse, the best that present circum- 
 stances and mutual opinion will permit, but 
 temporary, and liable to be from time to time 
 abandoned or varied, as experience and cir- 
 cumstances shall dictate ; constantly keeping 
 in view, that it is folly in one nation to look 
 for disinterested favors from another ; that it 
 must pay with a portion of its independence 
 for whatever it may accept under that charac- 
 ter ; that, by such acceptance, k may place 
 itself in the condition of having given equiv- 
 alents for nominal favors, and yet of being 
 reproached with ingratitude for not giving 
 more. There can be no greater error than 
 to e^^peet or calculate upon real favors from 
 nation to nation. It is an illusion which ex- 
 perience must cure, "whkh a just pride ought 
 
33 
 
 In offering to you, my countrymen, these 
 counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I 
 dare not hope they will make the strong and 
 lasting impression I could wish — that they 
 will control the usual current of the passions, 
 or prevent our nation from running the 
 course which has hitherto marked the desti- 
 ny of nations. But if I may even flatter my- 
 self, that they may be productive of some 
 partial benefit, some occasional good ; that 
 they may now and then recur to moderate the 
 fury of party spirit ; to warn against the mis- 
 chiefs of foreign intrigue; to guard against the 
 impostures of pretended patriotism ; this 
 hope will be a full recompense for the solici- 
 tude for your welfare, by which they have 
 been dictated. 
 
 How far, in the discharge of my official 
 duties, I have been guided by the principles 
 which have been dehneated, the public rec- 
 ords and other evidences of my conduct 
 must witness to you and to the world. To 
 myself, the assurance of my own conscience 
 is, that I have at least believed myself to be 
 guided by them. 
 
 In relation to the still subsisting war in 
 
o 
 
 4 
 
 Europe, my Proclamation of the 2 2d of A- 
 pril, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sane 
 tioned by your approving voice, and by that 
 cf your representatives in both houses of 
 Congress, the spirit of that measure has con- 
 tinually governed me ; uninfluenced by any 
 attempts to deter or divert me from it. 
 
 After deHberate examination, with the aid 
 of the best lights I could obtain, I was well 
 satisfied that our country, under all the cir- 
 cumstances of the case, had a right to take, 
 and was bound in duty and interest to take a 
 neutral position. Having taken it, 1 deter- 
 mined, as far a^ should depend upon me, to 
 maintain it with moderation, perseverance, 
 and firmness. 
 
 The considerations which respect the right 
 to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on 
 this occasion to detail. I will only observe, 
 that according to my understanding of the 
 matter, that right, so far from being denied 
 by any of the belligerent powers, has been 
 virtually admitted by all. 
 
 The duty of holding a neutral conduct 
 may be inferred, without any thing more, 
 from the obligation which justice and hu- 
 
 ;: 
 
35 
 
 manity impose on every nation, in cases in 
 which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate 
 the relations of peace and amity towards oth* 
 er nations. 
 
 The inducements of interest for observing 
 that conduct, will best be referred to your 
 own reflections and experience. With me, 
 a predominant motive has been to endeavor 
 to gain time to our country to settle and ma- 
 ture its yet recent institutions, and to pro- 
 gress, without interruption, to that degree of 
 strength and consistency, which is necessary 
 to give it, humanly speaking, the command 
 of its own fortunes. 
 
 Though in reviewing the incidents of my 
 administration, I am unconscious of inten- 
 tional error ; I am nevertheless too sensible 
 of my defects not to think it probable that I 
 may have committed many errors. Whatev- 
 er they may be, I fervently beseech the Al- 
 mighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which 
 they may tend. I shall also carry with me 
 the hope that my country will never cease to 
 view them with indulgence ; and that after 
 forty-five years of my life dedicated to its 
 service, with an upright zeal, the faults of 
 
36 
 
 incompetent abilities will be consigned to ob- 
 livion, as myself must soon be to the man- 
 sions of rest. 
 
 Relying on its kindness in this as in other 
 things, and actuated by that fervent love to- 
 wards it, which is so natural to a man who 
 views in it the native soil of himself and his 
 progenitors for several generations ; I antici- 
 pate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in 
 which I promise myself to realize, without 
 alloy, the svveet enjoyment of partaking, in 
 the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign 
 influence of good laws, under a free govern- 
 ment — the ever favourite object of my heart, 
 and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mu- 
 tual cares, labours, and dangers. 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON. 
 
 United States, 
 September 17, 1796. 
 
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