% ROBESPIERRE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ROBESPIERRE From an engraving in the collection of William J. Latta, Esq. ROBESPIERRE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION BY CHARLES F. WARWICK AUTHOR OF MIRABEAU AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION DANTON AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION PHILADELPHIA GEORGE W. JACOBS & COMPANY PUBLISHERS M V^ v^^ r^^^ Copyright, igog By George W. Jacobs &-> Co. Published May, 1909 tO'OQ All Rights Reserved Printed in U, S. A, LIBI^ARY of INGRESS Two C''Hi>:- P'CfiK'ed MAY 241809 CopyiU'i nt.-y j CUsiS '«X,a Vn. L OOPV 3. /4. PREFACE -3 y This is the last volume in a series of three books on the three most distinguished and rep- resentative men in each of the three distinctive periods of the French Revolution. The first vol- - ume is on Mirabeau, who dominated the Revo- lution from the meeting of the States-General in May, 1789, until his death in April, 1791, and whose purpose was to save the mo.ja. by but to restrict its arbitrary power by constitutional limi- tations. The second volume is on Tinton, who became, after the death of Mirabeau, the 'repre- sentative of the radical republican sentiment and was the controlling figure during the period that witnessed the overthrow of the monarchy, the establishment of the republic and the execution of the king. This, the third volume, is on Robes- pierre, the ruling spirit during the " Reign of Terror," from the expulsion of the Girondins un- til his execution in July, 1794. It is not contended, of course, that the French Revolution can be divided by exact metes and bounds into three separate periods; but Mira- beau, Danton, and Robespierre, more than any other leaders of that era, stood in the periods they dominated as the representatives of the pre- vailing principles and purposes of the Revolu- tion. PREFACE As was originally stated, it has been my inten- tion to trace briefly the causes of the Revolu- tion and to group its principal events around these three men. Although each book is sepa- rate and complete in itself, the three volumes form a series covering the entire period of the Revolution, All of the illustrations are from the very val- uable collection of engravings, autograph letters, and documents owned by William J. Latta, Esq., of Philadelphia, and I take this opportunity to thank him for his kindness and courtesy in giving me access to his collection for the pur- pose of making selections. I desire further in this connection to acknowl- edge my obligation to the Provost and the Li- brarian of the University of Pennsylvania for permitting me to make a translation of the orig- inal and very interesting letter of Robespierre to [Benjamin Franklin, dated October i, 1783, which appears in this volume. Charles F. Warwick. Philadelphia, February, 1909. CONTENTS CHAPTER I PAGE Robespierre 15 CHAPTER n Diversity of Opinion as to the Character and the Pur- poses of Robespierre 39 CHAPTER in Birth of Robespierre — Family — Education — Conies to - the Bar / 49 CHAPTER IV France — Louis XIII — Louis XIV — Versailles — Louis XV — Accession of Louis XVI — The Causes of the French Revolution — Transforming Periods — Results of the French Revolution 59 CHAPTER V The Nobility — Suffering of the People — The Reveillon Incident — Necker Urges Calling of States-General — King Calls States-General — The Notables — Election of Deputies — Robespierre Chosen Deputy From Arras j6 CHAPTER VI Meeting of the States-General — Robespierre and Mira- beau — Robespierre Replies to the Bishop — Delegates of the Third Estate Declare Themselves the Na- tional Assembly — Sieyes — Oath of the Tennis Court — Mounier — Royal Sitting — Mirabeau Defies the Or- der of the King 84 ■7 CONTENTS CHAPTER VII PAGE Arrest and Release of the French Guards — Dismissal of Necker — Fall of the Bastile — Murder of De Fles- seles, Delaunay, Foul on, Berthier 95 CHAPTER VIII Declaration of the Rights of Man — Abolition of Priv- ileges — Feast of the Guards — March of the Women to Versailles — Return of the King to Paris — The Jacobins — Robespierre Gains Power and Influence Through His Association with the Jacobins log CHAPTER IX France Divided Into Departments — Paris — Murder of Francois — The Theatres — Confiscation of Church Property — Assignats n8 CHAPTER X The King Visits the Assembly — Marquis de Favres — Count D'Inisdal — Reorganization of the Church — Festival of the Federation — Affair of Nancy 127 CHAPTER XI Resignation of Necker — Necker — The National Guard — The King's Aunts — The Affair of Vincennes — The Day of the Daggers — Theroigne de Mericourt — Mirabeau — Story of the Alleged Conspiracy to Poison Mirabeau 138 CHAPTER XII The King's Flight to Varennes — Danton and Robes- pierre Attack La Fayette at the Jacobins' — Return of the King — Deposition of King Favored — Duke of Orleans Suggested as Successor to Louis XVI 159 CHAPTER XIII Address Issued by the Republican Society — Thomas Paine — ^Voltaire — Funeral of Voltaire 169 8 CONTENTS CHAPTER XIV PAGE The Assembly Decrees the Inviolability of the King — Fusillade of the Champ de Mars — Robespierre Finds ' Refuge in the House of Duplay — Duport — Barnave — Charles Lameth 179 CHAPTER XV Journalism and Journalists — The Cafes — The Guig- nettes — Qa. Ira — Carmagnole 190 CHAPTER XVI Revision of the Constitution — Robespierre Urges the Immediate Adoption of the Constitution — The Con- stitution. Adopted — Robespierre Returns to Arras and is Given an Ovation — The Legislative Assem- bly Convoked — The Girondins — Brissot — Vergniaud- Gensonne — Guadet — Isnard — Oratory in France 208 CHAPTER XVII The Girondins Favor War — Robespierre Opposes Dec- / laration of War — War Declared — Accusation of the Emigrant Princes — Mirabeau the Younger — The King's Vetoes — Proclamation of the Duke of Bruns- wick — Danton 222 CHAPTER XVIII The National Convention Convoked — The Legislative Bodies of the Revolution — The Republic Proclaimed — Jacobins and Girondins — Robespierre Assailed by Louvet — Robespierre Replies to Louvet — Barere 233 CHAPTER XIX Trial of the King — His Execution — Treason of Du- mouriez — Lasource Attacks Danton— Dumouriez — Girondins — Marat Accused — Hall of the Convention 247 CHAPTER XX Robespierre's Reply to Vergniaud — Girondins Expelled From the Convention — Marat's Assassination — Trial 9 CONTENTS PAGE and Execution of Charlotte Corday — Festival of August the Tenth — The Great Committee 262 CHAPTER XXI Execution of Marie Antoinette — Trial and Execution of the Girondins — Execution of Madame Roland... 278 CHAPTER XXn Danton Grows Weary of Slaughter — Robespierre Re* bukes Camille — Robespierre Defends Danton — Cou- thon— St. Just 288 CHAPTER XXni An Irreligious Frenzy — Execiition of the Hebertists — Robespierre Meets Danton at Dinner — Execution of the Dantonists 298 CHAPTER XXIV Was Robespierre the Scapegoat of the Revolution? — v Attempted Assassination of Collot d'Herbois by L'Admiral — Cecile Regnault 308 CHAPTER XXV Irreligious Condition of France — Festival of the Su- ^ preme Being 316 CHAPTER XXVI Law of the 22nd Prairial — Robespierre's Friends Urge y , Him to Seize Dictatorship 329 CHAPTER XXVII Catharine Theot — Madame de Saint-Amaranthe — Her Execution — The Reign of Death 336 CHAPTER XXVIII Robespierre's Enemies Plot His Downfall — Robes- pierre Grows Supine 351 10 CONTENTS CHAPTER XXIX p^cE Robespierre's Last Speech in the Convention 355 CHAPTER XXX Robespierre Assailed in the Convention — His Accusa- tion and Arrest — Execution of Robespierre and His Friends 362 CHAPTER XXXI Reaction After the Death of Robespierre — Collot d'Herbois, Billaud-Varennes, Vadier, and Barere Tried and Convicted — Uprising of the 20th of May, 1795 — Massacre of Feraud — Trial, Conviction, and Suicide of Romme and His Companions — Constitu- tion of 1795 — Robespierre as Compared With His Contemporaries — How the Revolution Affected the Minds of Men — Its Influence and Lessons 373 TT LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FACING PAGE Robespierre. From an engraving in the collection of William J. Latta, Esq Frontispiece Vergniaud. From an engraving in the collection of William J. Latta, Esq., after a painting by Raffet. . 34 Marat's Certificate of Membership in the English Lodge of Masons. From the original in the collec- tion of William J. Latta, Esq 68 ' Th^roigne de Mericourt. From an engraving in the collection of William J. Latta, Esq., after a painting by Raffet 148^ Drouet. From an engraving in the collection of Wil- liam J. Latta, Esq., after a painting by Raffet 160 "^ Barnave. From an engraving in the collection of Wil- liam J. Latta, Esq 182 Charles de Lameth. From an engraving in the col- lection of William J. Latta, Esq 186 . GENSONNf. From an engraving in the collection of William J. Latta, Esq., after a painting by Raffet... 218 Barere. From an engraving in the collection of Wil- liam J. Latta, Esq 244 -^ Valaz£. From an engraving in the collection of Wil- liam J. Latta, Esq., after a painting by Raffet 280 ^ Georges Couthon. From an engraving in the collec- tion of William J. Latta, Esq., after a painting by Ducreux 290 ' 1', LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FACING PAGE St. Just. From an engraving in the collection of Wil- liam J. Latta, Esq 296 FouQuiER TiNviLLE. From an engraving in the collec- tion of William J. Latta, Esq 346 Billaui>-Varennes. From an engraving in the collec- tion of William J. Latta, Esq., after a painting by Raffet 352 Extract from the Registry of the Committee of Public Safety. From the original in the collection of William J. Latta, Esq 364 CoLLOT d'Herbois. From an engraving in the collection of William J. Latta, Esq., after a painting by Raffet. 384 14 ROBESPIERRE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION CHAPTER I ROBESPIERRE It would be difficult to find in the history of the world, or in the biographies of its distin- guished men, anyone with so little genius who reached such an eminence in so violent a period as did Robespierre. His natural talents were me- diocre, and among the leading men in the early days of the Revolution he held an inferior place; but in spite of many personal and mental dis- advantages, which would have ruinously handi- capped any man with a spirit less indomitable, he at last reached a position of commanding in- fluence and power. He was possessed, of a single ruling idea, and had a fixedness of purpose, an indefatigable per- severance, that neither fate nor defeat could weaken or destroy. His reserve was impenetrable, and this made it interesting as well as difficult to fathom his pur- 15 ROBESPIERRE pose. By his earnestness, he impressed men with his sincerity, and he was so far removed from every form and feature of venaHty that he was in time designated " The Incorruptible," this term being appHed neither in irony nor in con- tempt. DesmouHns, who had been his school- fellow and who formed an alliance with him in the beginning of the Revolution, called him his Aristides and did this with every mark of respect, and this reputation for integrity did not abate as time ran on. When he entered a meeting of the Jacobins in November, 1791, after his return to Paris from Arras, Collot d' Herbois at once arose and said: " I move that this distinguished member of the Constituent Assembly, justly surnamed ' The In- corruptible,' be called to preside over this so- ciety." The motion was carried by acclama- tion. i,In temperament Robespierre was cold and proof against the allurements that seduce men. Women and the pleasures of the table w^re to him no temptation. Money could not bribe nor persuade him. He had neither lust nor avarice. Although without vices and passions, he was also without the courage, the greatness, and the impulsive generosity that so often ac- company them. He was dogmatic In opinion ; " his conviction was to him always a sufficing reason." His vanity and conceit were monumental and like all men of affectation he appeared at times 16 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION to be overcome with ennui, acting as if his bur- dens were too heavy to be borne. In health he was not robust, being troubled with some form of indigestion which gave his face a bilious hue. " I once conversed with Robespierre," said Madame de Stael, " at my father's house in 1789. His features were mean, his complexion was pale, his veins were of a greenish hue." He had a nervous twitching of the eyes, to con- ceal which he wore green glasses. Dumont states that " he had a sinister expression of coun- tenance, never looked you in the face, and had a continual and an unpleasant winking." Lamartine, who was close enough to the Revo- lution to meet many persons who had seen and known Robespierre, describes his appearance as follows : " His figure was small ; his limbs were feeble and angular; his step was irresolute; his attitudes were affected ; his gestures destitute of harmony and grace; his voice was rather shrill; his forehead was good but small and extremely projecting above the temples ; his eyes were much covered by their lids, were very sharp at the ex- tremities, and were deeply buried in the cavities of their orbits ; they gave out a soft blue hue, but it was vague and unfixed; his nose was straight and small, but very wide at the nostrils, which were high and too much expanded; his mouth was large; his lips were thin and disagreeably contracted at each corner; his chin was small and pointed ; his complexion was yellow and livid. 2 17 ROBESPIERRE The habitual expression of this visage was that of superficial serenity on a serious mind and a smile wavering betwixt sarcasm and condescen- sion." Like a number of other distinguished men of that period, among whom can be named Mira- beau, Danton, and Vergniaud, he was marked with the smallpox. In stature he was short, be- ing but 5 feet 2 inches in height. When he came to Paris as a deputy he lived frugally in a retired quarter of the city. His lodgings were in the district known as the Marais, " in the dismal Rue de Saintonge." " He spends little," said Condorcet, " and has but few physical wants." Lamartine states that his dinners cost him thirty sous. His only extrava- gance was his love of oranges, which he ate by the dozen. In the summer of 1791 he took up his abode in the house of Maurice Duplay, a carpenter or cab- inet-maker residing on the Rue St. Honore op- posite the Church of the Assumption. The house was low, two stories and an attic, and surrounded by a court which was filled with lumber, over which were constructed weather sheds; here was also the shop of the landlord. Robespierre's room was on the second floor, the windows of it looking out on the yard. It contained a wooden bedstead, a table, and four stout straw-bottomed chairs, being comfortably but not luxuriously fur- nished. It served for his study as well as dormi- tory. Shelves against the walls held his library, 18 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION his manuscripts, and copies of his carefully pre- pared speeches. " His apartments, though small," writes Scott, " were elegant, and vanity had filled them with representations of the occupant; his picture, at length, hung in one place, his miniature in an- other, his bust occupied a niche, and on the table were disposed a few medallions exhibiting his head in profile." Barbaroux, in his Memoirs, says that his boudoir was handsomely furnished and filled with pictures, prints, and busts of him- self. This must have been at a period other than when he was living at Duplay's house, for there is no proof that while he resided there he had a dressing-room such as Scott and Barbaroux de- scribe. He had no means while in Paris other than his pay as a deputy, with the exception of rent from two or three small farms in the neighbor- hood of Arras; and this rent was meagre in amount and irregularly paid. The revenues from these two sources consti- tuted his sole income, for he did not practice his profession while in attendance upon the sessions of the Assembly. One-fourth of all he received he sent to his sister Charlotte and, according to Michelet, one-fourth to a mistress who devotedly loved him but whom he seldom saw. There is a story extant that at one time he actually closed the door in her face. The family with whom he resided consisted of M. Duplay, his wife, his son, and four daugh- 19 ROBESPIERRE ters; the eldest of the children, named Eleonore, was twenty-five years of age. The household was orderly, respectable, and affectionate, and Robespierre partook of those delights of domes- ticity which up to this point in his life he had never enjoyed. In this quiet circle he was not the frigid, austere man that he was in the outer world; here he was seen at his best. Agreeable, considerate, gentle, and kindly, he won not only the admiration, but the affection of every mem- ber of the family. Duplay belonged to the So- ciety of the Jacobins, and had met Robespierre at its meetings; he had for him the highest re- gard and felt much honored in having so dis- tinguished a man as a lodger under his humble roof. For recreation Robespierre was in the habit of indulging in long walks and on these occasions he was usually accompanied by a big Danish dog named Bruant. Occasionally he would take Madame Duplay and her daughters to the theatre, and this seems to have been his only amusement. In attire he was very neat, his clothes were well brushed, but sometimes, during the early period of his sojourn in Paris, showed wear. His hair was powdered, he wore short or knee breeches, shirt frills, and shoes with silver buckles, in defiance of sans-culottism, until the day of his death. He believed with Madame Roland that patriotism did not consist in " swearing, drinking, and dressing like porters." The author of " Memoirs of a Peer of France " says : " He was particular about having his linen 20 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION very fine and very white. He would have his frills plaited with extreme neatness; he wore waistcoats of delicate colors — pink, light blue, and chamois elegantly embroidered. The dress- ing of his hair took him considerable time and he was difficult to please about the cut and color of his coats. He had two watches, wore sev- eral costly rings on his fingers, and had a valuable collection of snuff boxes." The story that his wardrobe was so scanty that he was compelled to borrow a black coat from a man much larger than himself, at the time the Assembly went into mourning for Franklin, may be pronounced a mere fabrication. He was too particular in the matter of dress and too proud in spirit to go around smothered in a coat of which the tails, according to Michelet, trailed four inches on the ground. Although not given to fawning, it is related that during the early sessions of the States-Gen- eral he was all but obsequious in his attentions to Mirabeau, and persisted in walking with him in the streets and in the public promenades and gardens till he was nicknamed Mirabeau's ape. Robespierre was, unquestionably, of a highly nervous temperament, but in the " Memoirs of a Peer of France " he is charged with absolute childish timidity. *' I had in my room," says the writer, " a skull which I made use of to study anatomy. The sight of it was so disagreeable to him that he at last begged me to put it away and not let him see it any more." The same au- thor further adds that Robespierre " did not like 21 ROBESPIERRE to be left alone in the dark. The slightest noise made him shudder, and terror was expressed in his eyes." There must be a shade of exaggera- tion in these statements, for if Robespierre shud- dered when alone in the dark he could not have been so self-reliant when out in the world; he evinced no signs of timidity in his daily inter- course with men, and was of a most independent spirit. He repelled all familiarity, and unless he removed the barriers men kept at a distance. Dumouriez, upon the occasion of a visit to a cer- tain club, consented to wear the red cap, and Louis XVI wore it for two hours on the memo- rable " Day of the Black Breeches," ^ but when some one placed it on the powdered locks of Ro- bespierre at the Jacobins', he indignantly tore it from his head, threw it to the floor, and tram- pled it under foot. It was hard to reach his heart or to move his compassion. The Duchess d' Abrantes relates that a young and fascinating woman, Madame Lamarliere, appealed to him for the release of her husband from prison. " She had the courage to implore the mercy of one who never knew mercy." She called upon him at his lodgings in the Rue St, Honore on the day he gave away in marriage the daughter of Duplay the carpenter. He left the nuptial feast to meet the visitor, and it was such an occasion, one would think, as he would have found pleasure in memorializing by an act of clemency. Madame Lamarliere was of daz- zling beauty, and her despair tended greatly to 1 See " Danton and the French Revolution," p. 200. 22 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION heighten it. She threw herself at his feet and begged for mercy, but her tears, her intercession, and her anguish failed to move the pity of his heart. When she withdrew, he simply remarked : " She is a very pretty woman — very pretty in- deed," and then, the Duchess adds, he made a suggestive and an indecent comment. If this last statement be true, it was exceptional conduct upon his part, for he was not given to the use of lewd or vulgar language. With none of those qualities of heart that in- duce popular affection, he had only a few per- sonal friends, but those few seemed to possess his entire confidence; with them he was on the most familiar terms, but when out among stran- gers, he was distant, unsociable, and at times even brusque. Barere relates in his Memoirs the following incident which, if true, reveals Ro- bespierre in anything but an agreeable light. It appears that M. Lomenie was anxious to meet him and requested Barere to invite him to din- ner. Barere at first refused on the ground that Robespierre was very uncompanionable, suspi- cious, and distrustful; but, at last consenting, an invitation was extended and much to the sur- prise of Barere was accepted. The dinner was spread for six at a restaurant kept by a man named Meot. The company was gay enough, but Robespierre was quiet and morose and did not enter into conversation until after the coffee was served. He then asked Barere the name of the gentleman who sat next to him. Upon be- ing informed that it was M. Lomenie, a nephew 23 ROBESPIERRE of the cardinal who had convoked the States- General, he replied : " He is a Brienne, and a noble," and a few seconds after this he took his hat, and retired without a word more. Cold, repellant, without generous emotions, he yet had qualities that enabled him to force his way to the front, and by a relentless policy to overthrow his adversaries, attain an eminence, and in one of the stormiest periods in the world's history exercise a power that was almost im- perial. " It is owing to his inferior abilities," says Mignet, " that he appeared among the last of the revolutionary leaders — a great advantage in a revolution, for the earlier leaders are certain to be swept away." This sounds very plausible as a general proposition, but the truth is that Robespierre became a leader in a comparatively early stage of the Revolution — long before the chiefs and the factions began to destroy each other. It is true that, at first, he made but a slight im- pression upon his colleagues and exerted no power in the Assembly; in fact, so little known was he among the delegates, that his name was frequently misspelt in the journal, but after he attained his influence with the Jacobins he was a factor to be reckoned with, and that made a great difference in the treatment he received and in the opinion that was held concerning him. A man's importance in politics is measured by the influence he wields. A distinguished English- man, in a letter written to a friend in the latter 24 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION part of 1790, commenting upon the purchase of Mirabeau by the court, said he would rather buy Robespierre. He was, at the date of Mirabeau's death in the spring of 1791, a representative of the ad- vanced revolutionists, and even more prominent than Danton, whose reputation at this period was confined within his own section. He did not lose his prominence and popularity as time progressed, for upon the dissolution of the Constituent As- sembly he, with Petion, was crowned by the peo- ple of Paris. At this point he represented not only the most radical club in France but also the populace, and exerted an influence second to no man in the nation. He was never an idol of the mob in the sense that Marat was, but he un- questionably had their respect and confidence, and they " supported him as the best representative of their doctrines and interests." There was a reason for his elevation. It was not, by any means, the result of mere chance; it was gained by energy, application, hard work. Although wanting in what is called physical cour- age, he had great determination and pursued in- defatigably the object he had in view. He was consistent in his political conduct and that is al- ways a claim to public favor. In his devotion to the Revolution he was al- most fanatical and would remorselessly have de- stroyed anything that stood in the way of its success, but he was not alone among the revolu- tionists in this respect. He was a zealot, a bigot, with the spirit of a Calvin and the intolerance 25 ROBESPIERRE of a Torquemada, looking upon the enemies of the Revolution as those pious and devout men did upon heretics. He sometimes countenanced evil that good might come, or in other words, advocated the dangerous doctrine that the end justifies the means. The same spirit of intoler- ance that characterizes a religious persecution dominated the French Revolution, and when re- ligion sends a heretic to the stake it is not called murder. At a time when, religious restraint having been removed, men gave way to vicious indulgences, he was severely virtuous and honest. It was never even intimated that he was in negotiation with the court. When their emissaries were abroad in every direction corrupting and bribing men, even some of the most distinguished in the ranks of the revolutionists, he was not for a mo- ment suspected. A fortune was within his reach, but not a sou of dishonest money soiled his fin- gers. Napoleon declared that if Pitt had offered Robespierre two million pounds his offer would have been spurned with indignation. No one ever questioned his personal integrity. His debts at the time of his death, after a five years' resi- dence in Paris, amounted to only 4,000 francs. Living frugally and decently in the sight of the community, his Spartan virtue and democratic simplicity won for him the regard and admiration of the multitude. Because of his known integrity Robespierre was a terror to evil doers, and he despised those scoundrels who, while professing loyalty to the 26 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION republic, were making money out of their posi- tions and thus " dishonoring the Revohition." In this connection Barras, in his Memoirs, gives a very interesting account of a visit he and Fre- ron paid to Robespierre at his lodgings in the house of Duplay. They were a pair of scamps and had but recently returned from the South, where they had been sent as commissioners to represent the republic. Their administration had been vile, not only corrupt, but cruel. At Toulon blood had flowed in streams, the rich had been forced to. give tribute, and the suspected in many instances saved their heads only by the payment of good round sums in gold. Reports of their villainous practices had reached the capital, and Barras and Freron upon their return to Paris were kept busy in calling upon the members of the Great Committee, making a denial of the charges, and explaining and defending their con- duct. Of course Robespierre had to be inter- viewed and, if possible, calmed, for he was spe- cially bitter in his denunciation of the rogues and their accomplices. In order to visit " the em- inent man who deigned to inhabit a humble little hole of a place," it was necessary to pass through an alley-way on both sides of which were piles of lumber, " the owner's stock in trade." This passage brought them into the yard of Duplay's dwelling. Freron, who had called at the house before, knew the way to Robespierre's room, and was about ascending the staircase when he was in- tercepted by Duplay's daughter, who said that 27 ROBESPIERRE the deputy was not in. A quizzical look on Freron's face induced her to admit the truth and she called up the stairs, announcing that Freron and another man whom she did not know were below. The two visitors were then per- mitted to go to the room above, where they met the little deputy. They saluted him cordially, but he said not a word, and gave them no sign of recognition. He was without his spectacles, and his half-closed, squinting eyes turned on them in a cold stare. He wore a dressing gown, and his face was covered with powder, for he had just finished shaving. In one hand he held a wash basin, and in the other a toilet knife, with which he scraped the powder off his face, all the while standing in front of a mirror or else turning to " a toilet glass hanging to a win- dow, looking out over the courtyard." The visitors kept on talking, but he paid little if any attention to what they were saying; in fact, he acted as if he were totally unmindful of their presence. He doffed his peignoir and flung it on a chair so close to his unwelcome callers that he covered their clothes with powder; he brushed his teeth and spat in their direction, treating them with the utmost disdain and contempt. If they had been honest men they would have strangled him, but paltroons who are in danger of losing their heads are not apt to resent the insults of a man who holds their lives in his hands. After the one-sided interview Barras and Freron bowed themselves out, but one can easily imagine what 28 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION they said when they were alone and beyond the hearing of their enemy. UnHke Mirabeau and Danton, who themselves created power, Robespierre, as a wise politician, sought it among the people, where it resides. He was not a leader in the sense that this word may be applied to the two great men just mentioned, but he was a popular representative in a wider sense than either of them. As an example of what mediocrity can ac- complish by persistent effort Robespierre stands out boldly. Genius may waver or may shift from one thing to another, but perseverance and industry, backed by an indomitable will, may overcome almost insurmountable obstacles and reach results that a halting genius could never attain. Nature did not bestow upon Robespierre a sin- gle attribute of the orator. He was insignifi- cant in appearance ; his voice was thin and with- out a strain of pathos in its entire compass; its high notes, when he was emphatic, angry or im- passioned, were a succession of shrill squeaks. When he first came to Paris, " he spoke with the vulgar accent of his province." By constant practice and close observation, however, he did improve his pronunciation and acquired, notwith- standing his natural defects, a certain facility in off-hand speaking ; but he cannot really be classed with the great orators of the Convention. He was lacking in imagery and emotion and " that gift of extemporaneous speaking which 29 ROBESPIERRE pours forth the unpremeditated inspirations of natural eloquence." As a rule he was cold, self- centred, disputatious. He was not a good de- bater; he had not the wit, the ready repartee, the quickness of apprehension, the faculty of seeing and seizing at the moment the weak points in an adversary's argument, qualities that are so neces- sary to success in parliamentary debates or dis- cussions. His studied speeches were clear enough in argument but often verbose and platitudinous; they were frequently interlarded with classical quotations and allusions, and they always re- vealed the great care taken in their preparation; in fact, he was as careful in their preparation as he was in the making of his toilet. At times his speeches were so finely polished that the elo- quence they did contain lost much of its natural ring. There is often apparent the effort made to put his thoughts into an epigrammatic form, a faculty that Danton possessed to a pre-eminent degree. Yet Robespierre was, in a great measure, one of the most distinguished speakers of the Revo- lution, and it was through his speeches that he gained his importance and elevation. Desmou- lins declared that he was, at times, really elo- quent. Carnot was of opinion that it was his facility in speech that aided materially his eleva- tion. " D'Abord il avoit les paroles a la main." Cambaceres told Napoleon that the final oration delivered by Robespierre in the Convention 30 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION abounded in beauties, and Charles Nodier pro- nounced it, " une onivre monumentale ." Lamartine says that although Robespierre was ** destitute of exterior graces, he had taken so much pains with himself — he had meditated so much, written and erased so much ; he had besides so often braved the inattention and sarcasm of his audiences — that in the end he succeeded in giv- ing warmth and suppleness to his style and in transforming his whole person, despite his stiff and meagre figure, his shrill voice and abrupt gesticulation, into an engine of eloquence, of con- viction, and of passion." Garat, who at one time was minister of Jus- tice and the Interior, and also a member of the Constituent Assembly, in speaking of Robespierre as an orator said : " Through the insignificant prattle of his daily improvisations, through his eternal repetitions on the rights of man, on the sovereignty of the people, on those principles of which he spoke without ceasing and upon which he never shed a new light, there could be discov- ered, especially when Robespierre became impres- sive, the germ of a talent which was likely to grow, and which in its full development would in time become an instrument for much good or much evil. In his style there was an attempt to imitate those forms of the language which have elegance, nobility, and eclat. It was easy to di- vine that it was almost alone from Rousseau that he drew his inspiration." A very interesting description of the appear- 31 ROBESPIERRE ance and manner of Robespierre while addressing a meeting of the Jacobins in 1793, is given by Fiever. This was at a period in his hfe when he had had much experience in ptibHc speaking and when he had acquired that ease and composure which come only from long and constant prac- tice. The picture, perhaps, is somewhat over- drawn, but it is so graphic that we can almost see and hear the orator and observe his manner- isms, " Robespierre," says the writer, " came for- ward slowly. He was about the only one at this epoch who wore the costume in vogue be- fore the Revolution. Even his hair was dressed and powdered in the old style. Small, spare in figure, he resembled more than anything else a tailor of the ancient regime. He wore spectacles, which he either actually needed or which served to conceal the twitchings of his austere and com- mon physiognomy. His delivery was slow and measured, his phrases were so long that, every time he stopped to raise his spectacles, one would believe that he had nothing more to say, but after looking slowly and searchingly over the audi- ence in every quarter of the room, he would re- adjust his glasses and then add some phrases to the sentences, which were already of an unusual length before he had suspended speaking." Ro- bespierre did not command the attention of the Chamber in the early sessions of the States-Gen- eral and the National Assembly. Every time he rose to speak, and he was continually rising, the delegates would scoff and sneer at his efforts, 32 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION smile and at times even laugh aloud; but, noth- ing daunted, he persisted in his purpose. " He preaches, he moralizes, he is grave, melancholic, severe in his speech," said Condorcet. " His whole mission consists of talking and he is almost always talking." When the great American Naval Commander, John Paul Jones, appeared before the As- sembly, the President extended to him, in a few graceful, well-chosen words, a most generous welcome, which, under all the circumstances, was sufficient. Robespierre, however, resolved to add a few compliments of his own and, although in- terrupted by murmurs and signs of disapproba- tion, he insisted upon being heard and even ap- pealed to the gallery to aid him in the exercise of his right of free speech, desisting only when the caustic and sarcastic Maury caused a general guffaw by moving that the remarks of the learned member be printed. There is nothing that so galls or chafes the spirit of a vain man as to make him appear ridiculous, and Robespierre often carried his mor- tification home to his humble lodgings, brooded over it, and then at last soothed his wounded feel- ings by carefully writing another speech. Mirabeau never joined in these insults, and seemed to be the only man among the deputies who read a sign of future greatness in his char- acter. The mighty, far-seeing tribune was one who seldom made a mistake in his judgment of men. He appreciated the force of that inflexible will, that earnestness of purpose, and remarked : 3 33 ROBESPIERRE " That man will go far, for he believes every word he says." In the early years of his career when he at- tempted to speak in public, Robespierre was trou- bled with what is termed stage-fright. He told Dumont that his timidity at times was so great that he never stood in the tribune without trem- bling, and that his faculties often were so absorbed by fear that he could hardly find strength enough to express himself. Yet this timid, hesitating, insignificant-looking creature, wanting in every essential quality of the natural orator, at times when wrought up by the excitement of the occa- sion became impressive and even eloquent, notably in his attack upon Duport and the Lameths and in his famous reply to Vergniaud. Duport, the leader of the faction known as the Feuillants, had insulted Robespierre by ges- tures and remarks made in an undertone. The latter, rising in his place and calmly looking at his tormenter said, addressing the chair : " Mon- sieur le President, je vous prie de dire a Monsieur Duport de ne pas m'insulter s'il vent rester aupres de nioi." Then launching forth with sarcasm 'n every word he said : " I do not believe that there exists in this Assembly men base enough to bargain with the court upon an article of our constitutional code — perfidious enough to pro- pose making through the court new changes, which shame will not suffer them to propound — enemy enough to the country to attempt discred- iting the Constitution because it restrains their ambition or their avarice — impudent enough to 34 VERGNIAUP From an engraving in the collection of William J. Latta. Esq. After a painting by Haffet THE FRENCH REVOLUTION avow in the nation's eyes that they have sought in the Revolution the means of their own ele- vation and aggrandizement; for I will not re- gard certain writings and certain speeches, that might bear this construction, as anything but the passing explosion of spite, already expiated by repentence. No ! at least we shall not be so stupid nor so indifferent as to let ourselves be made the eternal sport of intrigue in order to overthrow one after another all the parts of our work at the pleasure of a few ambitious men. " I demand that every one of you swear that he never will consent to make a compromise with the executive power upon any article of the Con- stitution on pain of being declared a traitor to the nation," In view of the fact that the Feuillants were en- deavoring to counteract the Revolution by the establishment of a constitutional monarchy, and were suspected of negotiating with the court, the effect of the speech may well be imagined. The party of Duport and the Lameths had been los- ing ground, but this arraignment was their po- litical death-knell. The reply to Vergniaud we shall have occa- sion to refer to hereafter, and it will be found, in many respects, to be stronger even than the speech just quoted. One of the most interesting and dramatic speeches that Robespierre ever made was towards the end of his career, when he described the in- cident of Barra, the boy drummer. Barra was thirteen years of age and had en- 35 ROBESPIERRE listed in the army sent to suppress an insurrec- tion of the- " Whites " in La Vendee. While beating the charge he unfortunately approached too near the lines of the enemy. Surrounded by the rebels, who hesitated to shoot a child, he was ordered to shout : " Long live the king." The little fellow's defiant answer to the challenge was : " Long live the republic ! " Immediately a bul- let pierced his heart and he fell dead. The mere telling of such a story would arouse unbounded enthusiasm and sympathy, but Robespierre pro- duced so great an effect in relating it that the Convention voted to transport the remains of the little hero to the Pantheon. Among the prepared speeches of Robespierre that one on the abolition of the punishment of death, delivered May 30, 1 791, is a good example of his pedantic and ornamented style. It seems almost impossible to believe that the opening lines could have fallen from the lips of a man who, not long afterwards, argued so strenuously for the death of the king, urged the condemnation and execution of the Girondins, and secured the pas- sage of the law of the 22nd Prairial. "The news having been carried to Athens that some citizens had been sentenced to death in the town of Argos, the people ran into the temples and conjured the gods to turn the Athenians away from purposes so cruel and wicked. I am going to implore, not the gods, but the legislators, who ought to be the organs and the interpreters of the eternal laws which the Divinity has pre- scribed for men, to efface from the code of the 36 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION French people the laws of blood which sanction judicial murders and which reflect upon the man- ners and the new Constitution of France. I wish to prove in the first place that the punishment of death is essentially unjust, and in the second place that it is not the most repressive of pun- ishments; it multiplies crimes much more than it prevents them." As a statesman it is difficult to classify Ro- bespierre. Of course it must be admitted that he did not have the constructive intellect and ability, the broad and liberal views, or the practical instincts of Mirabeau and Danton — qualities that made these men pre-eminently great. *' I have always believed," said Marat, " that Robespierre unites the integrity of a thoroughly honest man and the zeal of a good patriot with the enlightenment of a wise senator, but that he is without either the views or the audacity of a real statesman." He was a man of abstract ideas, not of great practical conceptions, and vast projects; he had no originality, possessed no qualities of inven- tion; he was a man of words, not of deeds; he had talent but was without genius. Like many of his colleagues of that period, Robespierre was too visionary and spent much of his time in elaborating theories. He never had an opportunity to do more during the stormy years of the Revolution than to tear down ; when his chance came to build up he was overthrown and sent to the scaffold. It is a grave question. ROBESPIERRE however, whether he could have succeeded in es- tabhshing a firm government, for he was greatly wanting in organizing ability. He was not a man of action like St. Just; a worker like Bil- laud-Varennes, or a master of detail like Carnot. He saw the weakness and the dangers incident to a government by committee, and announced him- self in favor of a strong and an individual execu- tive, advocating the centralization of power; but it is doubtful whether he could have planned such a form of government successfully. He favored equality before the law, compul- sory education, and religious toleration to the fullest degree, and maintained that " civil society has no other foundation than morals." If he believed in a Reign of Terror, it was as a means to secure a Reign of Virtue. Bitterly opposing all class distinctions, he was an advocate of the purest democracy. His views on property are fully set forth in his remarkable speech of April 24, 1793, but they are in the main simply a reflection of the ideas of Rousseau. In the beginning of his argument, in referring to an agrarian law, he declared that it was only a phantom created by knaves to frighten fools, and that the idea of a community of goods was a mere chimera. Like St. Just, however, he believed opulence was a crime, and it was upon his motion that the Jacobin Club passed the resolutions favoring the limiting by law of the amount of individual possessions. 38 CHAPTER II DIVERSITY OF OPINION AS TO THE CHARACTER AND THE PURPOSES OF ROBESPIERRE Few men in all history have been so vilified, execrated, and held up to public scorn and con- demnation as Robespierre. His name is still, in some quarters, the synonym for cruelty and for selfish ambition. All the vices and excesses of the Revolution are laid at his door. His de- tractors cannot find language severe enough to express their detestation ; while on the other hand his admirers go too far in the opposite direction and laud him in the most extravagant terms. Between these two extremes is to be found his real character. " Of all men of the Revolution," says Mor- ley, " he has suffered most from the audacious idolatry of some writers and the splenetic im- patience of others." " His memory," says a dis- tinguished author, " is an enigma of which his- tory trembles to pronounce the solution, fearing to do him injustice if she brand it as crime, or to create horror if she should term it virtue." While in many ways he was detestible, it must in all candor be admitted that he had some qual- ities that command respect if not admiration. Mirabeau was impressed with his strength and 39 ROBESPIERRE decision of character and showed him marked respect. Couthon, a man of great ability, and St. Just, were devoted friends and loyal to the last. His brother, who was fondly attached to him, went willingly with him to the scaffold, and his sister Charlotte, a woman of lovely character, believed absolutely in his sincerity and integrity of pur- pose and risked her life at the time of his arrest by attempting to minister to his wants. David, the painter, had a high regard for him, and in addressing his sons said : " You will be told that Robespierre was a villain; he will be painted to you in the most hideous colors; do not believe a word of it. The day will come when history will render him the fullest jus- tice." Napoleon believed that his intentions were hon- orable and patriotic. " His plan," declared Cam- baceres, " after having overturned the furious factions, was to return to a system of order and moderation." " It is possible," says Belloc, " that he may take, centuries hence, the appearance of majesty. . . . We are accustomed to clothe such fig- ures with a solemn drapery and to lend them at great distances of time a certain terrible gran- deur." Already he is beginning to be better under- stood; distance is giving the necessary perspec- tive; time is removing the intolerance and preju- dice of the past ; and he is at least receiving credit for the virtues he did possess. However, as La- 40 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION martine says, " This man was and must ever remain shadowy and undefined." There is no question but that, at the time of his death, he was looked upon as a sanguinary monster, bent on extermination and almost wholly to blame for the then recent terrible carnage. The reports, studiously put into circulation by his enemies to cover up their own crimes, gave him this reputation. " Passenger ! lament not his fate; for if he were living, thou wouldst be dead," was suggested as an appropriate epitaph. Josephine Beauharnais, in her Memoirs, re- lates the following interesting incident, which shows with what delight, in some quarters, his death was hailed. One day while standing at the window of the prison, with Madame d' Aiguillon, and looking out into the yard below, Josephine saw a woman endeavoring to attract her attention by making signs. The woman constantly held up her gown (robe) and Josephine made a motion with her lips as if pronouncing the word " Robe." A nodding of the head made answer that this was right, and then the woman lifted up a stone and put it in her apron. Josephine said " pierre," and the woman fairly danced for joy when she saw that her signs were understood, and at once imi- tated the motion of cutting off the head. This singular pantomime was interpreted by the ladies to mean that Robespierre was no more. Just at that moment there was a noise in the corridor, and the hoarse voice of the gaoler was heard scolding his dog and cursing him for a brute of 41 ROBESPIERRE a Robespierre, and from this the ladies took fresh hope and courage, and felt that they " had noth- ing to fear and that France was saved." Of course, wherever the emigrants were as- sembled, their demonstrations of joy were beyond all bounds. Madame de Genlis, at one time a mistress of the Duke of Orleans, gives an amus- ing account of how the news was brought to her. She was living in a boarding-house, filled with emigrants, in Dresden. At midnight, just as the clock was striking the hour, a knock at the door aroused her from her revery. Calling out to the unexpected visitor to come in, she was the next moment struggling in the arms of a bald-headed old gentleman, a fellow lodger, who insisted upon kissing her because the news had reached town that Robespierre was dead. When satisfied of the truth of the report, she " conscientiously re- turned his embrace." Barere who, it must not be forgotten, was a member of the Great Committee in the height of its power and during the period of carnage after the death of Danton, wrote in his Memoirs: " One must speak of Robespierre when one wishes to represent France devoured by the most sanguinary and disgusting despotism; one must condescend to pronounce that execrable name, when one wishes to paint the genius of crime and calumny, demoralizing the souls, digging tombs at the side of the prepared scaffolds, destroying all social ideas, overthrowing property, oppressing the representation of the people, and making war on talent and genius like the Visigoths." Barere 42 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION was one of the men who, while filling the death carts with innocent victims during the " Reign of Terror," circulated the reports that threw the blame upon Robespierre at a time when the lat- ter, although a member of the Committee, was purposely absenting himself from its sessions. It was this same Barere whose ingenuity invented the story that Robespierre intended to marry the captive daughter of Louis XVI and then pro- claim himself king. Mignet, in his history of the French Revo- lution, declares that Robespierre " had the qualifi- cations for tyranny; a soul not great, it is true, but not common; the advantage of one sole passion ; the appearance of patriotism ; a deserved reputation for incorruptibility; an austere life; and no aversion to the effusion of blood." Michelet speaks conservatively but cannot al- together make up his mind as to the real charac- ter of this " honest man who adheres to princi- ples ; a man of talent and austere morality." Lamartine asserts that " his death was the date and not the cause of the cessation of terror. Deaths would have ceased by his triumph as they did by his death." "He opened the veins of the social body to' cure the disease; but he allowed life to flow out, pure or impure, with indifference, without casting! himself between the victims and the execution- ers." " He did not desire evil and yet accepted it." For eighteen months, he allowed his name to serve as the standard of the scaffold, and the 43 ROBESPIERRE justification of death. He hoped subsequently to redeem that which is never redeemed — pres- ent crime — through the purity, the hoHness of future institutions. " He was intoxicated with the perspective of pubHc felicity, while France was palpitating on the block." " He besmeared with blood the purest doc- trines of democracy. . . . His principles were sterile and fatal like his proscriptions, and he died exclaiming with the despondency of Brutus ' the Republic perishes with me.' He was in effect, at that moment, the soul of the Republic and it vanished with his last sigh." " He was," says Thiers, " of the worst species of men, one of the most odious beings that ever ruled over men, and the very vilest, if he had not possessed a strong conviction and an acknowl- edged integrity." M. d'Hericault describes him as a fiend in hu- man form, while Louis Blanc holds him in high esteem, and M. Hamel, his most enthusiastic biographer, becomes really fulsome in his lauda- tion. Lord Brougham, in his interesting sketch of Robespierre, describing him from the English point of view, says : " In fine, that he was be- yond most men that ever lived, hateful, selfish, unprincipled, cruel, unscrupulous is undeniable. . . All the revolutionary chiefs were his superiors in the one great quality of courage. . . . his want of boldness, his abject pov- erty of spirit made him as despicable as he was 44 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION odious. Such was Robespierre — a name at which all men still shudder." The same writer on another page describes him as " one of the most execrable and most despicable characters recorded in the annals of our race." Sir Walter Scott says : " He appears to have possessed little talent, saving- a deep fund of hypocrisy and considerable powers of sophistry. It seemed wonderful that even the seething and boiling of the revolutionary cauldron should have sent up from the bottom and long sup- ported on the surface a thing so miserably void of claims to public distinction." Scott further calls him " a vain, cowardly calculating mis- creant " and declares that his crimes were per- petrated in cold blood and upon mature delib- eration. At times Carlyle cannot find words strong enough to denounce this " creature " whom he repeatedly, monotonously, refers to as " Sea- green Incorruptible." " Consider," he says, " Maximilien Robespierre ; for the greater part of two years what one may call Autocrat of France. A poor sea-green (verddtre), atrabiliar formula of a man; without head, without heart, or any grace, gift or even vice beyond common, if it were not vanity, astucity, diseased rigor (which some count strength) as of a cramp; really a most poor sea-green individual in specta- cles ; meant by nature for a Methodist parson of the stricter sort, to doom men who departed from the written confession; to chop fruitless shrill 45 ROBESPIERRE logic; to contend and suspect and ineffectually wrestle and wriggle, and on the whole to love or to know, or to be (properly speaking) Nothing: — this was he who, the sport of wracking winds, saw himself whirled aloft to command la pre- miere nation de I'linivers, and all men shouting long life to him; one of the most lamentable, tragic sea-green objects ever whirled aloft in that manner, in any country, to his own swift destruc- tion and the world's long wonder." Lord Macaulay describes him as " a vain, en- vious, and suspicious man with a hard heart, weak nerves, and a gloomy temper," and then adds : " But we cannot with truth deny that he was, in a vulgar sense of the word, disinterested, that his private life was correct, or that he was sincerely zealous for his own system of politics and morals." In opposition to these views, Bronterre O'Brien, an English author, looks upon Robes- pierre as " little less than divinity " — he inti- mates, at times, that he is almost " godlike." George Henry Lewes is a warm eulogist, and sees in Robespierre a man " who in his heart be- lieved the gospel proclaimed by the Revolution to be the real gospel of Christianity, and who vainly endeavored to arrest anarchy and to shape society into order by means of his convictions." Sir Thomas Erskine May, in his " Democracy in Europe," calls him the " terrible " Robespierre and refers to his career as " blood-stained," but adds " he was a fanatic who believed in terror as a sacred duty and, although blind to justice 46 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION and insensible to the common principles of hu- manity, although his cold and calculated cruelties are without a parallel in the history of nations, was planning a model republic representing all the virtues." H. Morse Stephens has not much respect for his capacity, but believes he was sincere in his purposes. John Morley can see nothing to admire in a man who was a pedant, a spinster in politics, of profound and pitiable incompetence, cursed with an ambition to be a ruler. ( Hilaire Belloc declares that he had " the re- serve, the dignity, the intense idealism, the per- fect belief in himself, the certitude that others were in sympathy — all the characteristics, in fine, which distinguish the Absolutists and the great Reformers. In his iron code of theory we seem to hear the ghost of a Calvin; in his reiterated morals and his perpetual application of them, there is the occasional sharp reminiscence of a Hildebrand. The famous death cry: "I have loved justice and hated iniquity, therefore I die in exile," is not so far distant from " de mourir pour le penple et d'en etre abhorre " — " to die for the people and to be abhorred by them." I Watson, in his " Story of France," describes him as a " Puritan fanatic wedded to politics." " In all the Assembly," he says, " there was not a member more conscientious, more intense, more inflexible, more determined to do thoroughly the work in hand. . . . However chimerical, 47 ROBESPIERRE Robespierre's ideals were lofty and he lived by them and died for them." Dr. Jan Ten Brink, the Dutch historian, in his " Robespierre and the Red Terror," says : " He was the advocate of the purest Jacobinism pro- ceeding from the philosophical fancies on politi- cal law of a dilettante like Rousseau." After commenting upon the injustice of the Law of the 22nd Prairial, the writer adds : " Still, in spite of all, he was an honorable character, a spirit fired with the noblest ideals — but a statesman without practical ability, an obstinate fanatic, des- titute of genius." Where there is such a diversity of opinion about the character of a man it simply proves that he must have possessed good as well as bad qualities, and, when the mist disappears and he comes out of the shadows of the past, his figure will be more distinctly seen and his personality more clearly defined. He had not the qualities of heart and mind that make men great and his- tory will never place his name among the illustri- ous; he was not an amiable nor a lovable character and he never will arouse the world's en- thusiasm, but a careful study of his life will prove that he was not without some redeeming features and that he was not the unmitigated monster that he was once painted. He was a product of the eventful and exceptional times in which he lived. 48 CHAPTER III BIRTH OF ROBESPIERRE FAMILY EDUCATION COMES TO THE BAR Maximilien Marie Isidore Robespierre was born May 6, 1758, at Arras in the province of Artois. There is a tradition that the family came originally from Ireland, the name of the first immigrant being Robert Spear. Prior to the Revolution there was a de in the name, which suggests a noble origin ; but beyond this there appears to be no proof nor sign of a patrician strain in the blood. Maximilien was the eldest of four children, one of whom died in infancy. He had a brother, named Augustin, who went with him to the scaffold, and a sister, Charlotte, who survived him forty years. His father, Maximilien Barthelemy Frangois de Robespierre, was a lawyer who ruined himself by prodigality. He left France long before the Revolution to avoid his impatient and dunning creditors and opened a school at Cologne. Sub- sequently he went to England and some writers say settled at last in America. In his later years he kept his friends in ignorance as to his where- abouts and almost every trace of him was lost It is said that he died in Munich. 4 49 ROBESPIERRE \. Robespierre's mother's maiden name was Jac- queline Carrault; she was the daughter of a brewer and died about 1768. Young MaximiHen was brought up by his ma- ternal grandfather and by his aunts. The Bishop of Arras subsequently took him under his pro- tection and in time had him entered as a bursar in the College of Louis le Grand at Paris. In this institution he made rapid progress in his studies and merited his promotions; he was most diligent as a student and gave promise of talent that was not altogether realized. At this early age he was diffident and secretive, but displayed at all times a proud and an independent spirit. He was not the normal robust, rugged lad, full of fun and tussle, and consequently he took no part in the rough sports of the campus; in fact, he showed no inclination to indulge in any games. Among his schoolmates were Desmou- lins, Freron, and Le Brun. One of the professors, an accomplished Latin scholar, took a special interest in MaximiHen and imbued him with a lasting admiration for the ancients. The teacher was so impressed with the boy's love for equality and republicanism that he called him " The Roman." He was the prize scholar of the school and, in 1775, when Louis XVI entered Paris, Robes- pierre was chosen by his fellow students to pre- sent their homage to the king. He remained in this institution for ten years, and so correct had he been in his conduct, so assiduous in his studies, that at the time of his 50 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION graduation he was rewarded by a special com- mendation and a gift of 600 livres. There was no part of his Hfe devoted to what is called wild oat sowing. Deciding upon the law as his profession, he re- turned to his native town and, after the required preparation, was admitted to the bar and straight- way settled down to the duties of a village at- torney. As he was too poor, at first, to pay rent for an office, he occupied a room in his uncle's house. He soon acquired the reputation of be- ing a careful, painstaking lawyer and gave prom- ise of developing into a brilliant advocate. Even at this early period he was most par- ticular in the matter of his dress ; in fact, in the opinion of many of his staid townsmen, he was somewhat of a dandy and no doubt in this respect often provoked the sly criticisms of his country clients. He was fond of birds and flowers and ap- peared to be a great lover of nature, often wan- dering for hours in the fields and woods in silent meditation. Occasionally he indited a poem that called forth the unstinted admiration of the literary circle of the town, and, of course, the rhapsodies of its maidens. He sought and obtained admission to member- ship in the Rosati Club, a literary society with more than a local reputation, for it was well known among cultured people throughout France. Carnot was also connected with the same association. It took its name from the fact 51 ROBESPIERRE that roses were the prizes bestowed on successful competitors. When a new member was admitted to the chib, he was presented with a rose, drank a toast in rosewater to his fellows, and recited a poem of his own composition. A picture of Robespierre, painted about this time in his life, represents him as a young man with a weak, sim- pering face, and dressed in the height of fashion, holding a rose in his hand. ( Several of his poems, written at this period, are still in existence; but they possess small lit- erary merit. His mind was not touched with the divine spark; the Revolution did not quench in him the ardor of a heart " pregnant with celes- tial fire." In a literary contest, under the auspices of the Academy of Metz, he carried off the second premium, a gold medal. The subject of the es- say which secured him this honor was : " Quelle est I'origine du prejuge qui etend sur la famille d'un coupahle, I'opprobre attache aux peines qui ont He decernees contre lui? Le prejuge est il utile? Quels serainf les mo gens de le detruire? " — " What is the origin of the prejudice which inflicts upon the families of criminals some stigma of their punishment, and what method should be adopted to destroy it?" Robespierre eloquently maintained that the prejudice was barbarous and that as death by the scaffold, that is, decapitation by the headsman, was reserved wholly for criminal offenders of noble blood, the prejudice in a great measure could be done away with by removing all dis- 52 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION tinctions and declaring all citizens equal before the law. The following apt and scholarly quo- tation from Virgil was adopted by Robespierre as a motto for his essay : " Quod genus hoc hominufm qucBve hunc tarn barbara morem per- mittit patria." This selection may be taken as a fair index of his commanding knowledge of the classics. He also received an honorable mention from the Academy of Amiens for a eulogy on Cresset, the celebrated author of Vert- Vert. He had a nice literary taste, was fond of Racine, and loved to read his plays aloud. He also found much delight in the poems of Ossian, but his favorite author was Rousseau. Over the pages of that great philosopher he would hang for hours, imbibing peculiar and false principles of justice and equality, and mentally rearing upon the wildest theories of that dreamer an insub- stantial ideal government for mankind. In 1778 he visited Rousseau at Ermenonville. From many points the interview must have been in- teresting, for the great master, among all his followers, never had a more devoted or more faithful disciple. " Robespierre was a thorough Puritan at heart," says Stephens, " and believed in the maxims of Rousseau as thoroughly as ever member of the Long Parliament believed in the Bible." Although naturally shy and retiring, he was fond of the society of young women, but for some reason never mustered courage sufficient to take a wife. Michelet tells of a certain maiden of S3 ROBESPIERRE Arras who swore she would espouse no one but Robespierre, but in his absence she forgot her ardent declaration and upon his return from a journey he found her married. He once wrote a gallant little poem dedicated to a young woman whom he addressed as " belle Ophelie," but who she was is not known. There is a romantic story about his having had a tender affection in his later years for Eleonore, the eldest daughter of Duplay, but it is without any substantial proof. As we consider him, at this period of his life, when he was writing poetry, composing essays, competing for literary prizes, and laying the foun- dation of a law practice, who could believe that this little foppish visionary provincial lawyer would become, in the course of a few years, the leader of the Revolution during the days of the " Reign of Terror " ? So tender-hearted was he at this time, that he actually wept over the death of a pet dove. He was appointed judge of the Criminal court, but was so affected by a capital, sentence he was required to impose upon a pris-| oner, whose guilt was unquestioned, that he re- signed the office. An incident which occurred in his early profes- sional career shows him to have been thankless and forgetful of past favors. A number of peas- ants, who complained of being oppressed by the Bishop of Arras, retained Robespierre to repre- sent them in a suit. He accepted the case and fought it most zealously in its every stage. This was the real essence and substance of ingrati- tude; for, when he had been a waif, it was this 54 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION very bishop who had protected him and had pro- cured his admission to the College of Louis le Grand. He was under life-long obligations to this generous benefactor, and one can conceive of no conditions that should have induced him to oppose his friend and former patron. His excuse, doubtless, was that there was a principle involved in the case, and that friendship should not restrain nor even influence a man in the dis- charge of an imperative duty. Such an excuse was not sufficient reason for his action in this case. Robespierre was just the man, controlled by the spirit of the fanatic, who would have sac- rificed even friendship in the cause of some im- aginary truth. The remembrance of past favors was never one of his virtues. There were other attorneys who could have taken the suit, the peasants could easily have secured representa- tion, justice need not have gone begging. Justin McCarthy puts a different phase upon this matter, and says that the bishop was so impressed with the ability shown by his protege in his conduct of the case that he personally com- plimented and congratulated him. This was very generous on the part of the bishop, but it does not relieve the lawyer from the charge of ingrati- tude. In 1783 Robespierre pleaded successfully in fa- (yor of the first Franklin lightning rod. M. Vis- sery, a well-known landowner in the province of Artois, had been an ambassador to the young American republic and, while in the new world, had investigated as to the use and safety of this 55 ROBESPIERRE then remarkable invention. Upon his return to France he attached a rod to his dwelHng. The clergy in the neighborhood aroused the fears and the superstition of the peasants by intimating that it was impious to provoke the wrath of God by attempting to direct or divert the course of His thunderbolts, and an effort was made to restrain the use of so wicked a contrivance. Robespierre was retained to represent the defendant and he won the suit. In the trial he proved that the king, Louis XVI, had erected a rod on one of his own castles. In the course of his argument he used the following remarkable language, re- markable in view of subsequent events : " This proof is undeniable and I call to witness the senti- ments of the whole of France for a prince who is her pride and her glory." In the library of the University of Pennsyl- vania is the following letter written by Robes- pierre to Benjamin Franklin, which accompanied a printed copy of the speech made by Robespierre in this case. -~ Sir : A sentence of proscription rendered by the magistrates of St. Omer against the use of electri- cal conductors has given me the opportunity of pleading before the council of Artois the cause of a sublime discovery, for which discovery mankind is indebted to you. The desire of aiding in eradicat- ing the prejudices which oppose its progress in our province induced me to print the speech I made in the case. I dare to hope, my dear sir, that you will deign to accept with kindness a copy of this work, the object of which was to persuade my fellow citi- 56 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION zens to accept one of your benefactions ; happy in having been able to be useful to my country in in- ducing its first magistrates to welcome this impor- tant discovery ; still more happy if I can join to this advantage the honor of obtaining the approbation of a man of whom the least merit is that of being the most illustrious savant of the universe, I have the honor to be with respect, Monsieur, Your very humble and very obedient servant, DE Robespierre, advocat au conseil d'Artois. At Arras, i October, 1783. /• — ■- ' In 1784 he represented a young girl who had been charged by a monk with having stolen a bag containing a large sum of money from the monastery of Saint Sauveur. Robespierre proved that the accusation was a wicked fabri- cation resulting from the monk's rage and dis- appointment, because he could not induce the girl to accede to dishonorable proposals. Robes-' pierre's sister, in referring to his professional career, said that he was always ready to defend the oppressed, and that under no circumstances would he take a case that was without merit. It will be seen that he was engaged in a fairly active practice, was retained in important suits, and was on the way to the leadership of his local bar. Looked upon as a man of learning by his provincial neighbors, and with a growing reputa- tion and practice as a lawyer, he occupied a posi- 57 ROBESPIERRE tion that was to be envied. It was Caesar who said he would rather be the first man in a village than the second in Rome. It was unfortunate for Robespierre that the Revolution disturbed his quietude and changed the current of his life. SB CHAPTER IV FRANCE — LOUIS XIII LOUIS XIV VERSAILLES LOUIS XV ACCESSION OF LOUIS XVI THE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION TRANS- FORMING PERIODS — RESULTS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. After the fall of the Roman empire, the Franks, a bold and hardy tribe of men from the north, a branch of the great Teutonic nation, overthrew the Gauls, assumed sway over Gallia and established in time the monarchy of France. The victors, as was usual in those days, imposed upon the vanquished a cruel servitude, which de- veloped gradually into a harsh and well-defined system of feudalism. 1 A long and bitter struggle for supremacy en- sued between the kings and the nobles and finally, under the administration of Richelieu, the able and adroit minister of Louis XIII, all power was centred in the monarch; but it was in the reign of Louis XIV that the absolutism of the king reached its full vigor. Louis XIV was a remarkable character; he played the role of king with consummate skill, induced the devotion and reverence of his fol- lowers and the admiration and fear of his rivals and enemies. " No earthly sovereign could be 59 ROBESPIERRE surrounded by greater state," says May, " or ap- proached with deeper reverence." As monarch he was absolute lord of the realm ; the lives and the liberties of the citizens were in his hands and he looked upon the kingdom as his own personal estate. All power was concen- trated in him; he exercised the sovereignty of government ; his word was law ; his wish had the force of a statute; he disbursed the taxes, made war and concluded peace, formed treaties, coined money, and regulated commerce. There was no legislative body between him and the people. The Parliament of France was a court of law, and its only office, in so far as legislation was concerned, was to register the king's decrees. Versailles was not merely the residence of the king, but was also the centre of the empire. Here all the rays of power and glory focused; here were dispensed honors, privileges and pen- sions; and here were seen in dazzling splendor the pomp and magnificence of royalty. " The fetes of Louis XVI," says Martin, " exceeded everything of which romancers had dreamed." May 6, 1692, is a most important and memora- ble date in the history of France, for on this day the palace of Versailles was first occupied as the regal residence of the Great Louis. It was at this time that many of the nobility abandoned their chateaux and took up their abode at the court to be in daily attendance upon the king. Not only did they abandon their estates, but at the same time surrendered their freedom and in- 60 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION dependence, becoming mere lackeys and retainers of the king. While residing on their manors they had defended their tenants against invaders, had protected them from robbers, and in the ma- norial courts had settled their disputes; but the tie between the lord and his vassal was broken when the former took up his residence at the court and his absence from his manor trans- formed him from a generous patron into a selfish and an exacting master, for it required the col- lection of every sou due under his seignorial rights to maintain his extravagance at the seat of royalty. Fabulous sums had been expended, consid- erably over 500,000,000 francs, in the erection of the palace at Versailles. Nothing of the kind approached it in magnificence since the days of the Golden House of Nero, Gardens, fountains, avenues, works of art, flower-covered terraces, made the place a fairy-land. It is impossible to estimate even approximately the enormous cost of all this beauty and splendor, for the king him- self, startled, perhaps, at his own extravagance, destroyed the accounts. In the palace were at least 10,000 persons and half as many more in the surrounding buildings in constant attendance upon the court. Dukes, peers of the realm, princes of the Church, put up with all sorts of inconveniences in order to form a part of the royal household and to wait upon the king. It was deemed an honor to tie his shoe, to adjust his cravat or to buckle on his 61 ROBESPIERRE sword; the slightest service of this kind at the king's levees ^ carried with it distinction and a pension. Balls, fetes, festivities, to the exclusion of all else, occupied the days and the nights of the courtiers. Gambling was one of the principal amusements and fortunes were sometimes risked on the turn of a card. Often the king had to pay the losses of his favorites to prevent a public scandal. Luxury and extravagance sapped the sub- stance of the State and every day the gulf be- tween the commonalty and the privileged classes grew wider and deeper. It was Versailles that swallowed up the wealth of the realm, corrupted the nobility, and impov- erished the people. The gentle and pious Fene- lon, sick at heart because of the misery that pre- vailed everywhere throughout the kingdom, de- clared that France was " simply a great hospital full of woe and empty of food." Of course, in the conflict that had been waged by the kings and the nobles for supremacy, the rights of the people had been crushed as between the upper and the nether mill-stone, and yet no people were ever more devotedly attached to their kings than the French. They distinguished them by designations such as the Wise, the Just, the Good, the Great and the most vicious of them all was called the Well-Beloved. Louis XV was a voluptuary who would squan- der in a night's debauch the wealth of a province. iSee "Mirabeau and the French Revolution," p. 57. 62 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION Rome in her decline produced no emperors more dissolute in their habits and more capricious and arbitrary in their exercise of power. Though Caligula, Nero, Domitian, Commodus, and Cara- calla were more cruel and sanguinary in dis- position, they were not a whit more depraved in their tastes; in fact, Louis was not far removed from the class of rulers of which Heliogabalus is the type. Under his reign harlots swayed the rod of empire and ruled the destinies of France. Upon Madame de Pompadour, who was not only his concubine but his procuress, he showered the wealth of the kingdom, and his gifts to Madame DuBarry, notwithstanding the demoral- ized condition of the finances, amounted to up- wards of 175,000,000 livres in five years. The settlement of grave political questions often depended upon his passing mood or mere caprice or the influence of his favorite mistress. In his hours of dalliance, she would coax and wheedle out of him titles, distinctions, and pen- sions, and then shower them with a lavish hand upon her friends, who in most instances had ren- dered the State no service and were totally un- worthy of either honor or promotion. States- men, generals, cardinals, bishops, scholars, and men of letters followed fawningly in her train and were obsequious suppliants for her favors. Time-serving politicians, parlor soldiers, and unctuous prelates paid her homage and reached high station. Flattery and adulation, instead of worth and merit, were the means to win recog- nition and advancement. 63 ROBESPIERRE The court was a nest of luxury, lechery, in- trigue, frivolity, and vice; a refined and polished etiquette alone gave it the semblance of decency and virtue. To maintain this profligacy and extravagance required an oppressive system of taxation, and the last sou was taken from the purses of the poor to replenish the national treasury. The peasant was ground down by a tyranny that consumed his very substance. " He could not pay gahelle and tax And feed his children, so he died. It is, you know, a common story, "' Our children's food is eaten up By courtiers, mistresses and glory.") The death of the king was the only oppor- tunity for relief from this iniquitous rule, and at last, worn out by luxury, liquor, and harlots, Louis the " Well-Beloved " fell the victim of a fatal and loathsome disease, which disease, it is said, he contracted from a young girl brought to his bed to warm the blood of the wasted old roue. After he was gone, the nation looked forward, with hope, to the reign of a prince who had the reputation of being virtuous and sympathetic. Louis XVI, ^ during his grandfather's degrad- ing reign, was affectionately named " Le De- sire." His accession was hailed with delight and as a happy and fortunate deliverance from the ^ See " Danton and the French Revolution," p. 55. 64 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION profligate and licentious rule o£ his predecessor; but, after coming to the throne, he failed to meet the expectations of his people, for although he was not vicious, he was utterly incompetent. " A king steeped in vices and immoralities might pos- sibly have saved us," exclaimed Count de Tilly, " but we were fated to perish through a king whose weakness neutralized all his virtues." Al- though in favor of reforrns he knew not how to effect them. The extravagance of the new court impover- ished the people and its scandals disgraced the nation as had those of the old. " Versailles," declared the king's brother, " has for some time past been a meeting place for scarlet women, intriguing priests, and servile noblemen." " The court of France," said the Emperor Joseph, the brother of Marie Antoinette, " is a gambling hell, and if they do not mend their ways the revolu- tion will be cruel." The courtiers hung like leeches on the body politic and sucked its very life-blood. Of one loan of 100,000,000 livres only 25,000,000 reached the public treasury, the complacent Ca- lonne paying three-fourths of the whole amount to the courtiers. Such a drain upon the re- sources of a nation exhausted its strength, and the prudent statesmen of the realm appealed to the court to abate its extravagance, but luxury long continued cannot suddenly practice econ- omy. To make matters worse, not only had the no- bility fallen to the lowest stage of demoralization, 5 65 ROBESPIERRE but the clergy had kept pace with them in general depravity. The excesses openly indulged in by many of the members of the upper hierarchy brought the whole order into disrepute and in consequence the Church no longer exerted a moral influence. Philosophy led the way to revolu- tion; religion, had it been undefiled, might have restrained its violence. The political sky was full of portents, the clouds were scudding before the wind, and there was every indication of a coming storm. " We approach a condition of crises and an age of revo- lutions " had been the warning cry of Rousseau, but his prophecy was not heeded by the silly and thoughtless sycophants that surrounded the throne and the hour was now close at hand for its fulfillment. It is a scriptural admonition that those who sow the wind shall reap the whirlwind. There can be no harvest without a seed-time, nor a convulsion without a cause. The question as to the origin of the French Revolution has given rise to an almost inter- minable discussion. Historians, essayists, states- men, politicians have argued the matter from every conceivable point of view and in many in- stances without coming to any definite conclu- sion. " History is the romance of nations more abundant in improbabilities," says Sardou, " than the most extravagant fairy tale, and the French Revolution stands out from the events, which from the beginning of time have perplexed the mind of man, a still unsolved problem." 66 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION The general diffusion of knowledge and the consequent enlightenment of the people created a desire for a freer and better system of govern- ment. The philosophers, having attacked the political institutions of the country and having by their liberal teachings destroyed in a great measure the influences of the Church, pointed the way to revolution. But the real inducing, pro- voking causes were the tyranny and despotism of centuries : — the galling yoke of feudalism, the corruption and extravagance of royalty, the insolence and arrogance of the privileged classes, the heavy burdens imposed under an unequal and unjust system of taxation, the venality of the courts, the inequality before the law, the disor- dered state of the finances, the impending bank- ruptcy and the failure of the crops with the attendant famine. Nor must we forget to men- tion in this connection the impetus given to the Revolution by the weak and vacillating charac- ter, conduct, and policy of Louis XVL The heroic struggle for independence made by the colonies in America against the mother country unquestionably had its influence. The spectacle of a people without resources bravely battling for freedom against a mighty empire, the suffering of ragged, bare-footed heroes " Tramping the snow to coral where they trod " and keeping a vigil for liberty during a dreary and a bitter winter in the cheerless camp at Valley Forge, aroused sympathy and enthu- siasm among all classes and created a desire in ^7 ROBESPIERRE the hearts of Frenchmen to effect in their own land the estabHshment of Hberal institutions. The founding of a repubhc in the new world seemed to be the realization of the hopes and the long- ings of the philosophers for an Arcadia, and France rejoiced almost as much as America in the successful issue of the conflict. Many of the young nobles had taken an active part in the struggle and, having aided in securing liberty for America, were impatient to aid in bestowing a like blessing on France. In enumerating the causes we must include the comedies of Beaumarchais ^ and the affair known as that of the Diamond Necklace. They may be deemed as too light and trivial in charac- ter to have created any appreciable influence in effecting the Revolution, but they produced no inconsiderable impression on the public mind and aided in arousing a spirit of revolt. Strange as it may appear, Free Masonry ex- erted a great influence in disseminating revolu- tionary sentiments. The order's first lodge in France was founded in 1725 by an Englishman, Lord Derwentwater. The society, being secret in character, fell under the censure and disapprobation of the Church. Anathema and excommunication, however, did not prevent its rapid growth. It advocated and fostered the sentiment of the brotherhood of man. It gathered its membership from all classes of society. The Duke of Orleans, Egalite, was grand master and many of the most prominent 1 See " Mirabeau and the French Revolution," p. 100. 68 :m CEKTIFU ATK OF M EM BEKSHIF IN AN ENGLISH LUDL.E OF MASONS OF JEAN PAUL MARAT From an engraving in the collection of \\'illiam T. Latta, Ksq. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION men in France were members of the society. Marat, while living in London, was initiated into the order and upon his return to Paris had his membership transferred to a French lodge. The order taught doctrines that were not only anti- clerical, but also anti-monarchical, and did much missionary work in the cause of political liberty. Of course, it is a difficult task to trace the im- mediate producing cause of the Revolution, but we can unhesitatingly say that all of the forego- ing were the causes which in combination brought about the result. H we are to be guided in our judgment by the examples of history, there was present every symptom that presaged a political Revolution. People do not revolt from a mere wish to effect a change in the form and character of government ; revolutions do not occur from mere fickleness, but from impatience caused by mis- rule and tyranny. The French Revolution was not a fortuitous event, it happened not by chance, it was not an accident; it was the result of many and deep-seated wrongs. " What is the Revo- lution," says Michelet, " but the equity, the tardy advent of eternal justice." To be sure, it came as a surprise, and yet by some it had been expected. Many generations had been at work laboring to effect it and making preparations for its arrival. The seers and the philosophers had predicted it, D'Argenson, Vol- taire, Rousseau, Lord Chesterfield and Mirabeau gave warning of Its coming. Louis XV foretold the deluge and Maria Theresa hoped it would not 69 ROBESPIERRE overwhelm her daughter. " The realm is in a sore way," declared the physician of Madame de Pompadour; "it will never be cured without a great internal commotion; but woe to those who have to do with it, into such work the French go with no slack hand." Here was a warning, says Morley, under the very roof of the royal palace. But no one foresaw the terrific force the Revo- lution would exert. Who could have foretold, even so late as in the reign of Louis XV, that a revolution was at hand that would destroy the whole fabric of the old monarchy and every fea- ture of the ancient regime f In so far as the rul- ing classes were concerned, the only reason for the calling of the States-General was to relieve thei financial situation, to provide against the deficit; and if no remedy could be found the deputies were to be summarily sent about their business. There seemed no danger threatening the stability of the empire ; even the most sanguine reformers hoped only to make the monarchy constitutional ; there was no thought of its destruction. Although France had been oppressed for cen- turies by a grievous tyranny, there had been a slow but nevertheless a perceptible improvement from age to age in her social and political con- ditions. Her people were more enlightened as a class and her peasants, perhaps, were a degree less wretched and degraded than those of the other continental nations. Rotten and corrupt as the State was, yet Arthur Young, a most ob- servant traveler, during his sojourn in France just on the eve of the Revolution, remarked, 70 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION that with the exception of England, it was the mildest government of any considerable country in Europe. In every well-constituted state or community, revolutions are always going on; it is a sure sign of health, motion is life, stagnation is death. " God has pronounced his curse," says Goethe, " on everything that changeth not." A desire for improvement is a proof of civilization. Ori- ental history is but the monotonous succession of tyrants and the continuance of tyranny. There is present no persistent effort nor struggle for liberty, there is no appreciation of the force of law. The rulers concentrate in themselves all power and this by the subject is accepted com- placently as a natural and reasonable condition. The people have the patience and the docility of the ox. They would rather bear the burden of slavery than make the effort that is required to secure freedom. Such a society is not historical but merely vegetative. There was a time in France, prior to the Revo- lution, when a condition existed closely ap- proaching that we have just described; when the tyranny of the king made the subject a serf, when the monarch, sybaritic in his tastes, indulged in the sensuous luxury of the Orient, and at the same time exercised his authority as arbitrarily as the most absolute potentate that ever ruled in the East. In time, however, the people, chafing under this system, grew restless and asserted their power. It was the continued tyranny of the 71 ROBESPIERRE kings and the ruling classes from refgn to reign that provoked the wrath of the people. It was the oppression of tyrants that made the liberty of man imperative and possible. It was the im- patience of suffering that, at last, caused the Revolution. If there had been more liberal con- cessions to meet conditions during the reigns of the Bourbon princes, the Revolution might have been effected without the terrific convulsion that accompanied it. Indeed, if Louis XVI had been a wise and resolute ruler, one who had adopted a fair and liberal policy, had known how to make concessions, relieve burdens, and effect reforms, the " Reign of Terror " might have been avoided. It is a grave question, however, whether ulti- mately mankind would have received as much benefit from a peaceful or moderate revolution as from a violent one. ^S The time had come when the people demanded a settlement for the wrongs they had suffered. The burdens were so heavy and the tyranny had been so long-continued, that it was the accumu- lation of the forces in opposition and their re- straint and confinement that caused the violence of the explosion. Because of their sufferings, men had the " semen martyrum " planted in their hearts, and were willing to sacrifice their lives in defence of their cherished principles. With the increase of enlightenment there had developed a spirit of resolution and courage. " Men were in that frightful condition," says Buckle, " when the progress of intellect outstrips the progress of lib- 72 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION erty, and when a desire is felt not only to remove a tyranny but also to avenge an insult." The world's advance has been marked by great historical epochs that may be designated as trans- forming periods: such, for example, as the es- pousal in the fourth century of the Christian religion by the Emperor Constantine that re- sulted in the passing of paganism ; the fall of the Western Roman empire when the hardy bar- barians from the north overthrew her power and changed the civilization of Europe by the intro- duction of new customs, conditions, and races; the capture of Constantinople by the Turks in the fifteenth century that dispersed the learned men of the East and thus disseminated the litera- ture and culture of the ancients throughout the western world. The Renaissance in art and the Reformation in religion must also be grouped in this class. The French Revolution may be added to this list, but it differs from the others in that it was not an event but a continuing con- dition. It had no definite beginning and no definite end; it cannot be circumscribed by time limitations; with its causes it extended far into the past and with its results it still reaches in- definitely into the future. Its crimes and ex- cesses were but the natural avenging of past monstrous wrongs, a reaction against the cruelty and tyranny of ages. Morley calls it " the battle of freedom against thirteen centuries of despot- ism," It was a conflict between the absolutism of kings and the sovereignty of the people; an 73 ROBESPIERRE impassioned effort to secure the equality of man. The struggle of the opposing forces was terrific and necessarily became confused and chaotic, but out of this condition were evolved, in time, the blessings of justice and liberty. Burk says it is " the reciprocal struggle of discordant powers that draws forth the harmony of the universe." " Out of this chaos of shadow and this stormy flight of clouds," cries Victor Hugo, " shone im- mense rays of light parallel to the eternal laws." Although in the name of the principles of Lib- erty, Equality, and Fraternity the most atrocious crimes were committed, we must not confound these excesses with the true spirit and aims of the Revolution. The principles for which the French contended in 1789 were the same as those for which our fathers fought in 1776. It is this sentiment alone that invokes our sympathy in be- half of this great struggle. To be fair we must, therefore, as we have elsewhere observed, judge it not only by its violence and outrages, but also by its results. Compare, if you will, the polit- ical conditions of Europe prior to the Revolution with those subsequent thereto, and then answer the questions as to whether or not it was a neces- sity and whether or not it accomplished any good. " That the French Revolution," says Morley, " led to an immense augmentation of happiness, both for the French and for mankind, cannot be denied." " It swept away," says De Tocqueville, " the feudal institutions and replaced them with a social and political order more uniform and 74 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION simple, and based upon the principles of the equality of all before the law." Its influence was felt not only in France, but throughout the world ; and from it may be dated the freedom in thought and government of modern times. " When the Convention declared : * The liberty of one citizen ends where the liberty of another citi- zen begins,' it summed up in a simple axiom the whole law of human society." 75 CHAPTER V THE NOBILITY SUFFERING OF THE PEOPLE THE REVEILLON INCIDENT NECKER URGES CALLING OF STATES-GENERAL KING CALLS STATES-GENERAL THE NOTABl^ES ELEC- TION OF DEPUTIES ROBESPIERRE CHOSEN DEPUTY FROM ARRAS, As has already been said, under Louis XV and Louis XVI things had been going from bad to worse. The whole nation was in a state of ex- citement and all joined in denouncing the abuses, the profligacy, and the extravagance of the court. The country was bankrupt. Every conceivable method of taxation to increase the revenues and to provide against a deficiency had been tried, but without avail. Ministers endeavored to find a mistake in the columns of the accounts, but all kinds of twist- ing could not conceal the fact that the annual deficit was increasing. Statement after state- ment was issued to appease the anxiety of the public, but no amount of arithmetical calculation could hide the truth. A witty counselor, pun- ning on the word " etats " — statements — said : " Ce ne sont pas des etats, mais des etats gen- eraux qu 'il nous faut " — " It is not statements but States-General that we need." 76 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION It would seem reasonable to suppose that the nobility, in the face of the existing conditions, would have been willing to make concessions; that they would have been wise, patriotic, and sympathetic enough even to sacrifice some of their privileges ; but the moment they were called upon to abate, relinquish, or destroy some of the prevailing abuses, abuses which, like a cancer, had for generations been eating into the vitals of the nation, they resented the interference. They were mainly responsible for the evils and it was their duty to aid in suppressing them, but they had abandoned themselves so absolutely to pleasure that they had lost all sense of public responsibility. So long had they continued in this course without restraint that time seemed to have sanctioned their right of indulgence, and any interference with it by the public was deemed by them unreasonable and without warrant. Their greed had so multiplied the burdens of the people that the day of reckoning was rapidly approaching, but with a blindness born of ob- stinacy and selfishness- they could not, or would not, read the signs of coming doom. Although the tempest was about to break, they would not have their peace of mind disturbed, nor their amusements interrupted. The gay and rollick- ing courtiers, wallowing in pleasure, squander- ing the public revenues, drawing extravagantly against the civil list, heeding no advice, insolently ignoring public opinion, turned a deaf ear to all prognostications. The winter of '88 and- '89 was one of unusual n ROBESPIERRE severity in France, the coldest season since 1709, and it produced great suffering throughout the kingdom. This added to the general distress and strengthened the demands for immediate re- lief. In Paris the mob began to grow ugly in temper. Vast multitudes of the unemployed, pinched by cold and hunger, marched through the streets of the city clamoring for bread, Reveillon,^ a prominent manufacturer of wall paper, whose factory was located in the faubourg Saint Antoine, was reported to have said that a working man and his family could live on fifteen sous a day; and in consequence of this alleged contemptuous remark his factory was destroyed, and his house sacked by an angry mob. This event is described by many wi iters as the curtain- raiser in the great drama of the Revolution. Necker, for some time back, had been using his influence to induce the king to call a meeting of the States-General. " Appointed minister in order to find money for the court, Necker made use of the wants of the court to procure liberties for the people." At last the king consented to call together the representatives of the three es- tates: the First Estate comprising the nobles, the Second Estate including the clergy, and the Third Estate embracing the people. When that decision was made known, the en- tire country seemed to feel the thrill of a new life, and the inspiration of a fresh hope. ^iThe Third Estate possessed but a third part of the land, but it had given far more than its 1 See " Danton and the French Revolution," p. 54. 78 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION fair share to support the splendor of the court and the glory of the nation. It had paid rents and rendered feudal services to the lords of the manor, had paid tithes to the clergy, and taxes to the king; but it had enjoyed no political rights, had been admitted to no public employ- ment. Now, however, the people, the so-called common people, who for centuries had borne the burdens without being allotted any share in the administration of the government, were at last to be advised with as to the adoption of remedies to provide relief. There had been a meeting of the Notables in February, 1787, and again in November, 1788, and although the sessions had not been product- ive of any appreciable beneficial results, the in- vestigations and deliberations had revealed to the country at large a sad state of affairs. Mirabeau, at the time of the calling of this aristocratic body, wrote to Talleyrand that it was the happiest day of his life, for he thought the meeting would certainly result in the sum- moning of the States-General. The first French monarch who convoked this representative congress was Philip le Bel, in 1303. It will thus be seen that it was a time- honored institution, so far as its age was con- cerned, but it had been studiously neglected for a long period of years. There had been no meet- ing since 1614, in the reign of Louis XIII, and that convention had been memorable in that it marked the first appearance in the political arena of a youngs priest nam ed R ichelieu, who had ROBESPIERRE been chosen by the clergy to present their me- morial. When, in the course of the proceedings, a deputy of the Third Estate spoke of the nation as one family, in which the nobles were the elder brothers, and the commons the younger, he was rebuked for his impertinence. " It is a great insolence to try to establish any sort of/ equality betwen us and them," said the president of the nobles. " They are to us as a valet to\ his master." One hundred and seventy-fivei years had gone by since that demeaning remark] had been so quietly accepted by the commons/ and conditions had changed. The elections aroused the greatest enthusiasm throughout the country. Every province was thrown into a swirl of excitement. All the features of a spirited campaign were brought into play — bonfires, banners, processions, public meetings, political orations, everything that could produce an effect. There were 1,275 deputies to be chosen throughout the kingdom, and of this number the people were entitled to one-half, making the rep- resentation of the commons equal to that of the nobility and the clergy combined. Every taxpayer was entitled to a vote, and this provision placed the ballot in the hands of five million men, who, up to this time, had been politically dead. It was like touching a corpse and bringing it to life. The nobles, through their agents, resorted to every electioneering de- vice to induce the people to support their candi-) dates, but it was of no use ; it was an opportunity 80 / THE FRENCH REVOLUTION the commons did not intend to lose, and the flattery and cajolery of the nobility could not efface the recollection of their former pride and arrogance. Even the humble cure took a sly thrust at the luxurious bishop. It was the sea- son for the settling of old scores. Fraudulent personation, repeating, ballot-box stuffing, and false counting were practiced as in a modern political election. Indeed, Mirabeau, who stood as a candidate in both Marseilles and Aix, decided to accept his credentials from the smaller and less important town for fear a con- test, which was threatened by his rivals and 'enemies in Marseilles, might reveal a condition of irregularities that would jeopardize his chances all around. The little town of Arras, in the province of Artois, had, in the opinion of its electors, no citizen who seemed so fully equipped to meet the demands of the hour as Robespierre. It was contended by his supporters that he was learned in the law, familiar with the writings of the philo- sophers, devoted to the interests of the peo- ple, and outspoken in his denunciation of the abuses in both Church and State. A paper he had written on Lettres de Cachet had given him quite a reputation in his district as a political author. He published besides two electoral pamphlets and drew up the cahier of the cobblers of Arras. His election was secured after a spirited contest, and he was returned to the States-General as fifth deputy for the Third Es- tate of the province of Artois. 6 8i ROBESPIERRE There was no province in the whole kingdom where feudahsm flourished more vigorously than in Artois, and consequently no locality that i formed more fervent partisans of liberty. To Tthe nobles or the Church in this particular dis- V trict belonged nearly all the land, and the peas- ants were made to feel the full rigor of a vicious \system that was enforced by exacting masters. When Robespierre announced himself as a candidate of the Third Estate, he was stigma- tized by the clericals as an ingrate and a rene- gade, and when he took his seat as a deputy in the States-General " he still found Arras," says Michelet, " on the benches of the Assembly; that* is to say, the lasting hatred of the prelates to- wards their protege, and the contempt of the lords of Artois for an advocate brought up by charity, and now sitting by their side." When it was proposed to arm the common people with the right of suffrage, the narrow and intolerant Bourbon of course stood aghast at the very thought of such a thing, for he be- lieved they were not sufficiently educated to ex- ercise the right intelligently, and consequently would do the State much damage. In reality, the most remarkable feature of the enfranchise- ment was the discrimination shown by the com- mons in the selection of their representatives. Not only did they send able men to the States- General, but men who were loyal and devoted to the popular cause. The reforms effected by the deputies of the Third Estate in the early ses- sions of the National Assembly proved not only 82 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION their fidelity to their constituents, but also their ability as reformers and statesmen. A greater work in relieving an oppressed people of their burdens was never done in the same space of time by any legislative body in the history of the world. > 83 CHAPTER VI MEETING OF THE STATES-GENERAL ROBES- PIERRE AND MIRABEAU ROBESPIERRE REPLIES TO THE BISHOP DELEGATES OF THE THIRD ESTATE DECLARE THEMSELVES THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY SIEVES OATH OF THE TENNIS COURT MOUNIER ROYAL SITTING MIRA- BEAU DEFIES THE ORDER OF THE KING. On the 4th of May, 1789, the delegates to the States-General marched in procession through the streets of Versailles from the Church of Notre Dame to the Church of Saint Louis. It was Sun- day and all Paris came to witness the ceremony. Gorgeous, indeed, was the scene. No expense was spared in making it an occasion ever to be remembered for its pomp and splendor. The lit- tle town, the favorite seat of royalty, had never presented so brilliant an appearance. Te Deums were sung, and the air, burdened with incense and the perfume of flowers, quivered and rever- berated with cheers and plaudits for the king. In all that vast concourse of people, there was no person, perhaps, who attracted less attention than the little deputy from Arras. Slight in figure, unprepossessing in appearance, wearing green spectacles, and clad in the plain and sombre garb of the commons, he was not the individual THE FRENCH REVOLUTION upon such an occasion and surrounded by so many well-known and distinguished men to at- tract special notice. It may be said, however, that no one among all his colleagues felt to a higher degree the importance of his mission or had a greater desire to render a faithful steward- ship. ,Who is that haughty man stepping along with the stride of a king, with head high in air and thrown back as if in contempt, a sneer upon his ugly rugged face, his bushy hair waving in the wind like the tawny mane of a lion, at whom every finger is pointed, greeted at times with faint cheers and then assailed with low growls? That is Mirabeau, le Comte de Mirabeau, deputy of the Third Estate from the town of Aix, known throughout the kingdom and even elsewhere for his extravagance, profligacy, and genius. En- titled by birth and rank to walk with the nobles, but driven from their midst, he has thrown his lot in with the commoners, and a. tower of strength he will be to their cause. Great is his reputation, but the real power of the giant is not yet known. These were two distinct types among the depu- ties of the Third Estate, and between them ranged men of every degree : lawyers, doctors, merchants, land-owners, farmers, priests, magistrates, mayors of towns, and a few who had no voca- tions but were classed as gentlemen. These were the representatives of the people, the great ma- jority of them undistinguished, even unknown; only a few had reputations beyond the limits of 85 ROBESPIERRE their respective districts. Little did they, at this time, comprehend their power, and httle did they foresee that they were to assail the abuses of the ancient regime and that under their blows the old established system was to crumble to pieces and that on this mass of rubbish they were to lay the foundations of a new constitution. On the 5th of May the first session of the States-General was held. The king read his speech, and at its conclusion put on his hat; the nobility in accordance with a time-honored cus- tom also covered their heads. And then the Third Estate, in defiance of a rule of royal etiquette that had obtained from time immemo- rial, followed suit. It was a law as old as the empire itself that the subject must stand uncov- ered in the presence of his king and the breach of this law was deemed insolent and rebellious. The indignation of the nobles waxed hot at this effrontery on the part of the commons, and the cry rang through the hall " Hats off." To re- lieve the situation, Louis uncovered and the Con- vention resumed order. The nobles and the clergy then refused to meet with the Third Estate in joint session. This ob- stinacy was defeating the real purpose of the call- ing of the States-General. Instead of the whole nation advising together in one body, the privileged classes insisted upon holding two sepa- rate and distinct conventions or what they might have designated as an upper and a lower house. Although the clergy met in a hall by themselves, 86 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION it was believed they would vote as a body upon all important questions with the nobility. The nobles contended that each order should be entitled to one vote, whereas the commons in- sisted upon voting by poll. This quarrel kept everything at a standstill for five weeks. It had been the ancient custom of the body to vote upon all questions by orders, and believing that this custom would prevail in the new con- gress the king and his advisers had been induced to allow the Third Estate to send to Versailles more representatives than the nobility and the clergy combined; but now the commons, appre- ciating the fact that they would be out-voted if the old custom obtained, demanded that the three orders should meet together and that the voting should be by individuals. The nobles were not all of one mind on this question of separate sessions, for some of the most distinguished men in their ranks favored the union of the three orders. Many of the clergy, too, endorsed the stand taken by the commons, and impatiently awaited the time when they could act in accordance with their views and openly declare their preference. As a rule the bishops were closely affiliated with the nobility, many of them being of noble birth; these patrician prelates carried their no- tions of exclusiveness and social superiority into their religious life and, of course, looked with an indifference that was akin to contempt upon the humble members of the lower clergy. These, in 87 ROBESPIERRE turn, had but little respect for their haughty superiors and were at heart in close and sympa- thetic touch with their brothers of the Third Es- tate. In the latter part of May, Mirabeau, after a great speech, moved the appointment of a com- mittee to visit the clergy and appeal to them, in the name of God, to throw aside prejudice and to meet in common with the Third Estate to consider the interests and the welfare of France. When the committee appealed to the clergy, it was as much as the bishops could do to prevent a stampede from their ranks, and to avoid it they forced an adjournment. A month had gone by since the first meeting of the States-General, and the orders were no closer together than they had been at the start. At this time, a bishop, clad in his purple, entered the hall of the Third Estate and after eloquently and pathetically commenting upon the miseries of the poor, proposed that the commons, as a separate order, should unite with the clergy to provide succor for the starving. The purposed of this appeal was very evident ; it was simply an effort under a cry of distress to induce the commons to recede from their position by hold- ing a joint session with the clergy. It was a/, political trick played under the cloak of charityT^. For a few moments the hall was silent; no one ventured a reply, for it would not have been prudent to ignore an appeal that had for its os- tensible purpose the relief of the suffering. Just then, at the point where the deputies were wav- i THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ering between policy and principle, a young man rose in his place and was recognized as the mem- ber from Arras. " Go and tell your colleagues," he said, addressing the bishop, " that we cannot be persuaded to abandon the position we have taken ; that if they so desire they can throw aside their flimsy excuses, dismiss their prejudices, and unite with us in conference, and then together we can consider and provide for the miseries of the poor. We must refer them to the principles of the primitive Church. The ancient canons au- thorized them to sell even the sacred vessels for the relief of the destitute ; but happily that sacri- fice is not required. It is necessary only that the bishops should renounce their luxury, dismiss their carriages, their horses and the insolent lack- eys who attend them; to sell if need be a fourth of the ecclesiastical property." This was a well- conceived and well-timed speech, and the bishop retired without further ado. M. Dumont, who relates this incident in his " Recollections of Mirabeau," says that the speech was received with approbation and many of the delegates asked: "Who is the speaker?" for, at this time, he was not well known, but the name of Robespierre at once passed from mouth to mouth. All sorts of compromises were submitted and considered, but the dead-lock continued. At last on June 17, 1789, the Third Estate, tired of wait- ing, cut the Gordian knot by declaring itself the National Assembly, thus assuming the functions of sovereign power, as did the Long Parliament 89 ROBESPIERRE in the reign of Charles I when it disregarded both the throne and the nobiHty. Louis Blanc declares that, after this bold coup, " Royalty was no longer in the palace of Louis XVI ; it was in the Salle des Etats." It is said, too, that this plan received the cordial approval of Jefferson who, at that time, was in France and whose political acumen was recognized abroad as well as at home. The Abbe Sieyes, upon whose motion this question was carried, was a shrewd-faced man of crafty mien, who, even in the garb of the commons, could not altogether conceal his clerical appearance. More philosopher than priest, too liberal in his views for the Church, the clergy re- fused to send him as a delegate to the Conven- tion; but so well known were his opinions on public questions that he was enthusiastically chosen by the Third Estate. With the fine, sub- tle intellect of the metaphysician, he was withal a keen, practical politician and served the popu- lar cause conspicuously during the early period of the Revolution. Long before the " Reign of ; Terror," he withdrew from the public eye and) took shelter in obscurity. Therein he showed his; wisdom, for had he remained upon the scene and taken an active part he would assuredly have^^ gone to the scaffold. He became one of the Con-') sulate with Napoleon. "^ Robespierre bitterly opposed him and his fac- tion and sneeringly called him a mole; he re- turned the compliment by designating Robes- pierre as a tiger. 90 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION The adoption of Sieyes' motion, that the depu- ties of the Third Estate should constitute the Na- tional Assembly, was one of the most heroic and one of the most important historical events of that period. His speech in support of his views on the question was a clear and masterly argu- ment, and was persuasive and convincing even against the impassioned eloquence of Mirabeau. He summed up the whole matter in a nut-shell when he asserted that the Third Estate was the French nation minus the clergy and the nobles. ' Upon the organization of the National As- sembly, the nobles and the clericals were invited to join with the commons, and they were given to understand that if they did not accept the invita- tion the Assembly would proceed to the consid- eration of public affairs without them. On the 20th of June, 1789, the deputies of the Assembly took what is known as the oath of the Tennis Court, by which they solemnly swore " never to separate and to assemble whenever circumstances shall require till the constitu- tion of the kingdom be established and founded on a solid basis," These two events, the organization of the Na- tional Assembly, and the vow taken never to separate until the adoption of the Constitution, effected the legislative revolution. " """" Jean Joseph Mounier, upon whose motion the pledge had been taken, was a deputy from Gre- noble who brought to Paris a reputation as one of the ablest lawyers in the kingdom. As a student of the fundamental principles and sys- 91 ROBESPIERRE tems of government, familiar especially with the features of the English constitution, much was expected from him in the way of suggesting re- forms and effecting those changes so essentially important at that time, but he failed to meet the expectations of his admirers. Wanting in those qualities of mind that shine and dazzle, and be- ing without ambition and qualification for politi- cal leadership, he failed to attract the attention and to reach the commanding position his real merit deserved. Barnave, who as a disciple sat at his feet in Grenoble, rose head and shoulders above his master in the capital. The Revolu- tion in its early stages was bent on destruction, the time for building up did not come until later, and Mounier appeared on the scene in advance of the period when his learning and talents would have been useful and pre-eminent. Stronger men for the work at hand pushed him aside and gradually his light paled in the glare of the fierce fires of the Revolution and he quietly withdrew from the conflict. A royal sitting on June 22nd, authorized by the king, brought the orders no closer together in purpose and sentiment. Indeed, because of the insolence of the nobility, it resulted only in driv- ing them further apart. The king's speech upon the occasion was thought to be too energetic in character to emanate from his weakness and amiability, and it only aroused the indignation of the deputies to feel that he had been made the mere mouth-piece of his aristocratic advisers. There was no tone of moderation in the ad- 92 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION dress; it was full of commands, and declared emphatically in favor of the maintenance of feudal rights as an inviolable institution. At the conclusion of the sitting the king or- dered the Assembly to separate immediately. The nobility and part of the clergy, in compli- ance with his direction, filed out of the hall at once, but a majority of the ecclesiastical mem- bers remained with the commons. The king's messenger appeared with the royal command and ordered the deputies to disperse, but Mirabeau told the flunkey to go tell his mas- ter that the delegates were assembled by the will of the people, and that only force could drive them hence. . Some of the hot-headed courtiers urged the king to resort to the bayonet, but wiser heads counseled moderation. It was too late to intim- idate with cold steel. Paris already was wild with excitement, and the Palais Royal was ring- ing with rumors and seething with sedition. The Assembly, upon motion of Mirabeau, de- clared its members inviolable and decreed the punishment of death upon those who should dare to lay violent hands upon the representatives of the people. The Revolution now was surging on with an ir- resistible force. The nobility and the hierarchy, still clinging to their old Idols, were being swept along on the torrent, and every attempt they made to check its speed only gave it a fresh im- pulse. On the 27th of June, the king, receding from 93 "" ROBESPIERRE his former position, surrendered to the people by directing the orders to unite. When the nobility came in a body to the hall of the commons, President Bailly in the exuber- ance of his joy exclaimed : " This day will be illustrious in our annals, for it makes the family complete." There was public rejoicing over the union of the three orders, for it was now believed that the work of regeneration would begin in earnest. But the period of rejoicing was of short dura- tion, for it was soon discovered that Louis, as usual, was playing fast and loose. 94 CHAPTER VII ARREST AND RELEASE OF THE FRENCH GUARDS — DISMISSAL OF NECKER FALL OF THE BASTILE — MURDER OF DE FLESSELES, DELAUNAY, FOU- LON, BERTHIER. The military men about the court fumed and fretted and threatened, rattled their sabres, swore great oaths, and strutted around with a pom- pous, belligerent energy that was amusing if not alarming. They urged the king to quell the ris- ing tumult by striking a blow, but they were reck- oning without their host. The insurrectionary spirit already possessed the army. Bands of drunken soldiers paraded the streets cheering for the Third Estate. Some of the French Guards had declared that they would not fire upon the people, and openly announced their allegiance to the Assembly. The officers in the army were all royalists, while the soldiers of the line were of the common people. The gulf between them was wide and deep. A private soldier, no matter how great might be his merit, could never expect promotion ; born of the people he died in the ranks. The officers, few in number compared with the sol- diers, had a budget that was 2,000,000 francs in 95 ROBESPIERRE excess of the amount paid to the soldiers of the entire army. Du Chatelet, colonel of the French Guards, in order to make an example of those soldiers who evinced a revolutionary spirit, sent eleven of them to the Abbaye, and for further punishment, decided to remove them to the Bicetre, a prison where the vilest criminals were confined, asso- ciated in the public mind with every feature of cruelty and torture. On the day when they were to be transferred, a young man mounted a chair in the garden of the Palais Royal, and addressing the multitude said : " Citizens ! Are we to stand idly by and deny aid to the soldiers whose only crime is that they refused to fire upon the people? To the Abbaye ! " His words rang through the garden until air the people took up the refrain and shouted in chorus, " To the Abbaye ! " The name of the young orator who thus aroused the people has not been handed down in history, although his appeal was only one degree less in importance than the cry of Camille Des- moulins that precipitated the capture of the Bas- tile. < The crowd quickly formed and started for the prison. Soldiers offered their services ; but the people, thanking them, decided to accomplish the task alone. As the procession moved along, its numbers increased every step of the way; sturdy workmen armed with iron bars joined the crowd, and when the gaol was reached the wicket was beaten down, the great doors were forced, and the 96 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION prisoners were set free. As the crowd in tri- umph came out of the prison yard, they met a body of hussars charging at full gallop with swords drawn. The people seized the bridles of the horses, and explained to the troopers their work of deliverance. The hussars forthwith sheathed their swords, removed their helmets, and fraternized with the people; wine was brought and all drank to the king and the nation, for at this period the people believed the king was loyal but that he was wrongly influenced and misled by his advisers. The crowd conducted the pris- oners to the Palais Royal, feasted and toasted them amidst song and shout, and when the night was far spent lodged them until morning in the Theatre des Varietes. In these tumultuous scenes of the great and rapidly moving drama of the Revolution, Robes- pierre appears to have played no conspicuous part, but he was closely watching events and learning those lessons that were to enable him to fill the prominent role he was yet to assume. During this period, however, he did all in his power to impress the Assembly with his oratory. There were few questions considered in the dis- cussion of which he did not take part. When Versailles heard the news from Paris it stood aghast. The king, distracted by conflicting advice, at last declared that if the released pris- oners were returned to the Abbaye he might pardon them. This decision was unsatisfactory to the people, so they marched to the Town Hall and demanded that the electors should journey 7 97 ROBESPIERRE to Versailles and intercede with the king to give an immediate order for the release of the pris- oners. The electors promised to start at once on their mission, and declared they would not return to Paris without the king's pardon. The prisoners were soon at large. Under the persuasion of his advisers, Louis at last decided to resort to warlike measures and troops carefully chosen from the foreign merce- naries were posted in commanding positions be- tween Versailles and Paris, the bridges seized, and arrangements made to beleaguer the capital. The king, having no appreciation of the public temper, further added to the general discontent by summarily dismissing Necker. While the minister was entertaining some friends at dinner about three o'clock in the afternoon of July nth, he received, much to his amazement, the royal command for his instant departure. Taking his wife aside, he read her the order and, without in- forming his guests of the news or even stopping long enough to bid them good-bye, he entered a carriage with his wife and drove hastily out of France, taking the shortest road into the Nether- lands. , (When the report of the dismissal of Necker, who at this time was the most popular man in the country, reached Paris, the city was thrown into a tumult. It was Sunday and the people were abroad in numbers. At first they would not believe the news, but messenger after mes- senger arrived at the Palais Royal bearing the same tidings, and the indignation increased at THE FRENCH REVOLUTION every confirmation of the report. But, when it was announced that a new cabinet had been formed with Breteuil, de BrogHe, and Foulon as ministers, the public fury knew no bounds. It was then that Camille DesmouHns sprang into notoriety by calling the people to arms, and his impassioned words, leaping from lip to lip, echoed in every quarter of the city. The night was one of terror and suspense, for the citizens believed that Paris would be in the possession of the king's troops before the morn- ing dawned; barricades were hastily thrown up, the tocsin was sounded at intervals, and an oc- casional shot was heard. The barriers were in a blaze and everywhere resounded the ringing of hammers on anvils as rude pikes were beaten into shape for the impatient patriots. The Bastile fell on July 14, 1789.^ In the assault upon this prison there were many prom- inent citizens in the attacking party, but there is no evidence that Robespierre was present even as a spectator. It is almost impossible to im- agine him leading a mob or taking an active part in work so desperate; although no one re- joiced over the result more than he did. He recognized the fact that the Revolution had to be made by force and he would have had no hesitation in instigating a riot, but there is noth- ing on record to show that he ever led one. There had always been something mysterious about this gloomy fortress that stood like a menace frowning upon the city, scowling espe- ^ See " Mirabeau and the French Revolution," p. 270. 99 ROBESPIERRE dally upon the turbulent and seditious fau- bourgs. '' Elle ecrasait la rue Saint Antoine." Children did not stop to play near it and at night the belated citizen hastened his steps as he passed its frowning walls and felt safer when he was beyond its shadow. No one thought or spoke of it without a curse in his heart. It was not a common prison for everyday malefactors; one had to be of a certain rank or distinction to be incarcerated within its dungeons. All sorts of romantic stories were told about its inmates, who had been imprisoned for political offenses by lettres de cachet and without trial. Bastards who claimed the right to succession, mistresses who had grown out of favor, authors who had expressed themselves too liberally — Voltaire himself was confined on this account — men and women holding state secrets, had lan- guished in its cells. It held the victims of wan- ton and capricious tyranny. One inmate who had given a useful invention to the navy was immured for fear he might make it known else- where; as a reward for his patriotic service France assigned him a dungeon. The Bastile was attacked, not because it was a prison, but for the reason that it symbolized the arbitrary power of kings. There had been a general gaol delivery at the time of the coronation of Louis XVI, so there were fewer prisoners during his reign and the discipline was perhaps less cruel and rigorous than it had been in the past; but the people were angered by the remembrance of prior wrongs. lOO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION When tHe fortress was taken there were found only seven persons confined within its walls. One of these who had gone insane during his term of imprisonment, could give no account of his original commitment and, as there was no record kept of it, the history of the man and his crime could not be ascertained. Another pris- oner, whose beard reached his waist, inquired about the health of Louis XV, believing that he was still the reigning king. In a cell was discovered a letter, written and dated thirty-seven years before, which read : " If for my consolation Monseigneur would grant me for the sake of God and the blessed Trinity that I could have news of my dear wife, were it only her name on a card to show that she is alive, I shall forever bless the greatness of Mon- seigneur." This letter evidently was not deliv- ered; the wail from the tomb was never an- swered, but remained as an echo of a broken heart. So elated were the people at the liberation of the prisoners, that the latter were carried through the streets in triumph on the shoulders of stal- wart men. Everywhere citizens congratulated each other on the taking of the grim old dun- geon. Its destruction caused general rejoicing. Champfort, while watching its demolition, wit- tily remarked that " while it goes on disappear- ing it grows more beautiful." When news of its fall reached England, Fox exclaimed : " How much is this the greatest event that ever hap- pened in the world and how much the best ! " IQl ROBESPIERRE The key was sent by La Fayette to Washington at Mount Vernon, where it remains as a rehc to this day, " a trophy of the spoils of despotism," After the storming and capture of the old for- tress, the king came to Paris, wore the cockade of the Revolution, waved his hat from the win- dows of the Hotel de Ville to the crowds in the streets below, and was greeted with enthusiastic applause. He surrendered to the people, and from this moment, says Louis Blanc, his power as a feudal sovereign disappeared; he remained no longer as a monarch in France, but was sim- ply " chef de bourgeois." It was at this time that the first exodus of the nobles took place. The startling news from Paris threw the court into a panic. The broth- ers of the king, the Duchess de Polignac, the bosom friend of the queen, and a host of royal favorites took a hasty departure. The swash- bucklers, who had strutted around with a martial air when danger was remote, now could not get away fast enough. All was confusion in the palace; obligations, loyalty, affection, were forgotten in the anxiety to escape. Trunks were packed, farewells hastily spoken, and departures unceremoniously taken. The crack of the whips of the postillions, as the relays started, could be heard on all sides, while clouds of dust over the highways showed the speed at which the horses traveled as the nobles hurried out of the kingdom. Instead of form- ing a rampart around their sovereigns, in the sunshine of whose royal favor they so long had THE FRENCH REVOLUTION basked, they abandoned them at the first sign of danger to the fury of a triumphant mob. When the tempest broke, having made no prepa- ration for safety or shelter, they had to scamper for their lives and seek refuge as exiles in foreign lands — a just retribution upon as vain, as impu- dent and as unpatriotic a crew as ever left a scuttled ship. The king, to quiet the public clamor, recalled Necker, whose re-entry into the capital was an ovation. The Revolution was enacting scenes that were but preludes to the " Reign of Terror." The mob had in its anger stricken down De Flesseles, who had sent it on a wild and fruitless errand when it was in search of arms. Delaunay, com- mandant of the Bastile, while under arrest and after every guarantee had been given by the lead- ers of the mob for his personal safety, was torn to pieces. It was his head that was one of the first to be carried as a trophy on the end of a pike through the streets of Paris ; thus inaugurat- ing that cruel, grewsome, and terrifying practice that was one of the characteristic features of the French Revolution. The mob had tasted just enough blood to whet its appetite, and, like a wild beast, it growled for more victims. The Palais Royal, the hot-bed of insurrection, had its list of proscribed royalists, and among them was none so hated and detested as Foulon. The mere mention of his name would instantly arouse the anger and the passions of the mob. 103 ROBESPIERRE Foulon was seventy- four years of age and had the views and the qualities of the average noble- man or aristocrat of his day and generation; he was considered an able financier, and had been a member of the de Broglie cabinet. Before his installation he had declared, so it was said, that if he were minister he would turn the peasants out to pasture; his horses and cattle grew fat on grass and hay, and why, he asked, should the peasant not thrive on such provender? There is reason to believe that this was not true, for in the severe winter of '88 and '89 he had spent large sums of money in aid of the suffering poor ; but the report had gone forth, and it required more than a mere denial to remove the impres- sion from the public mind. It was a matter of common knowledge that as an intendant Foulon had been harsh and rapacious in his exactions and extortions, and by his severe methods had accumulated a large fortune. After the fall of the Bastile, and especially after the hasty departure of the courtiers, he felt that his life was in danger, and he had a report of his death circulated in every direction; his at- tendants even arranged the details of a sham fun- eral and with great ceremony buried a dummy. All the while Foulon was concealed in his cha- teau at Viry, waiting anxiously for an oppor- tunity to escape the country. One of his serv- ants betrayed him, and on the 22nd of July he was seized by the peasants and compelled to go afoot to Paris, fastened to the tail-board of a cart, with a truss of hay on his back, a crown of 104 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION thistles on his head, and a chain of nettles around his neck. When this grotesque procession entered the capital, a wild howling mob surrounded the old man, and jeered and insulted him in his humilia- tion and at times threatened him with instant death. He was taken from one place to another and at last lodged in the Town Hall. Every effort was made by the authorities to convey him to prison, but the crowd had so in- creased in numbers and had grown so violent in its attitude that it was impossible to remove the prisoner without putting his life in jeopardy. A demand was made by the mob for his im- mediate trial. Judges were chosen, and, while the proceedings were dragging their slow length along, a man well dressed and respectable in appearance, but whose name is unknown, arose and asked why time should be taken up in pass- ing judgment upon one who had been judged for thirty years ? This was the signal for action on the part of the mob, which, without waiting longer, seized Foulon who, half crazed with fear and shrieking for mercy, was hurried out of the hall, down the staircase, and into the street. La Fayette pleaded and begged for delay, but his eloquence and popularity went for naught. Ap- pealing to that agitated and infuriated crowd was like whistling against the blast. In front of a grocer's shop, in the neighbor- hood of the Place de Greve, was a stout iron lantern hung from heavy brackets fastened to the wall. From this handy gibbet, the old man 105 ROBESPIERRE was suspended three times before the rope would hold its victim. Piteously he begged for his life, kissing the hand of one of his executioners ; but the mob was inexorable and, on his knees, he was compelled to ask pardon of God and the na- tion for his sins. After execution the body was torn down and stripped of its clothing; the head was cut off and a handful of hay stufifed into the mouth; it was then mounted on the point of a pike and borne in triumph through the streets of the city. Now was heard for the first time the wild cry of the rabble : " To the lamp post with all the aristocrats." — " Tons les aristocrates a la lanterne." Berthier de la Sauvigny, the son-in-law of Fou- lon, was said to have suggested the cutting of the crops before they were ripe to feed the horses of the troops and to raise the price of grain. This put him in the same class with Foulon and marked him for destruction. He was apprehended at Compiegne under an order of arrest which ostensibly had been issued by the Commune of Paris, but which in fact the authorities had not signed. While the scenes incident to the seizure, trial, and execution of Foulon were taking place, Ber- thier was on his way to Paris. The authorities made every effort to intercept the convoy, and release the prisoner, but without success. As he entered the city he was met by the mob who threw pieces of the musty black bread of the poor into his carriage, or put loaves on the point of spears and stuck them under his nose. Fou- io6 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION Ion's head on a pike was waved before him, and although he was informed that it was Delaunay's, it is said he recognized the features of his mur- dered relative and in his despair cried out : " I should believe such outrages as these without ex- ample if Jesus Christ had not experienced still more cruel insults. He was a God, I am but a man." When he reached the Town Hall the mob surged around him like a tempestuous sea. He was seized as he alighted from his carriage and hurried to the same lantern, where, only a few hours before, his father-in-law had been hanged like a pirate from a yardarm. Berthier was younger, stronger, and braver than Foulon and, instead of asking for mercy and begging for quarter, he fought desperately and courageously for his life. He wrenched a gun from the hands of a bystander and defended him- self most valiantly but, attacked on all sides by great numbers, he was soon overpowered and dispatched. A soldier cut out his heart and it was carried on a pike followed by a wild and frenzied mob. In the evening it was taken into a cafe in the Palais Royal by the savages who had borne it aloft, and placed on a table beside them while they took some refreshment. All the while the crowd outside clamored for the bloody trophy, and at last it was thrown from the window into the hands of the rabble, who again formed in pro- cession to march through the streets in triumph. The authorities were powerless; the mob was supreme. It was the hour of retribution, the days 107 ROBESPIERRE of dreadful reckoning- had, at last, arrived, the ancient regime was paying a heavy penalty long overdue for its insolence, extravagance, and tyranny. It was not the absolutism of the kings that aroused the anger and animosity of the people so much as the recollection of the long-continued and insufferable insolence of the aristocracy to- wards all those who were not in their class, and their contemptuous indifference to the miser- ies and privations of the poor. Flaunting in the face of the public their luxury, extravagance, and assumed superiority, they had created so deep a hatred in the hearts of the people that the na- tion at last arose in its indignation, not only to reform abuses, but also to resent an insult. Con- trolled by a spirit of vindictiveness, the Revolu- tion became sanguinary, relentless, merciless ; and yet it may truthfully be said that even the ex- cesses in the " Reign of Terror " were only in part payment of an old debt and they did not exceed in enormity the cruelty and insolence of centuries. " Kind-hearted men," exclaims Mich- elet, " you who weep over the evils of the Revo- lution, shed also a few tears for the evils that occasioned it." io8 CHAPTER VIII DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS OF MAN ABOLI- TION OF PRIVILEGES FEAST OF THE GUARDS MARCH OF THE WOMEN TO VERSAILLES RETURN OF THE KING TO PARIS THE JA- COBINS ROBESPIERRE GAINS POWER AND IN- FLUENCE THROUGH HIS ASSOCIATION WITH THE JACOBINS. On July 2^, 1789, the committee reported to the Assembly the basis of a Constitution. France was to remain a monarchy, no longer absolute but limited in its authority; the person of the king was to be inviolable; the crown was to be hereditary; individual liberty was to be sacred; property rights were to be conserved; no loans were to be made without the national consent; taxes were to be equalized, and to continue only from one States-General to another. After the submission of this report to the Con- vention and its favorable acceptance, Mounier read the Declaration of the Rights of Man, which, among other things, announced that men are born equal in respect to their rights; that the people are sovereign, and that all power emanates from them ; that no man shall be molested on account of his opinions — political or religious — pro- vided he does not disturb the public peace; that 109 ROBESPIERRE the citizen shall be secure in his life, liberty, repu- tation, and property; and that in the levying of taxes he shall be heard through his representa- tive. When we recall what had been the social, re- ligious, and political conditions in France under the ancient regime: — that the monarch had been absolute in power ; that the divine right of kings had been taught as a holy precept ; that feudalism had obtained in all its rigor ; that political liberty was unknown; that the citizen could be deprived of property and even life without due process of law ; that taxes were unfairly and unequally dis- tributed ; that they were imposed without popular representation ; and that religious intolerance was of the rankest sort, — we may then have some appreciation of the significance of this great paper. It is worthy to be classed with the Magna Charta of England, the British Petition of Rights, and the American Declaration of Independence. On the 4th of August the liberal nobles amidst the greatest enthusiasm, at a nocturnal session of the Assembly, proposed the abolition of feudal privileges. It was a scene which Mirabeau de- scribed as an orgy, but to Robespierre it ap- peared as the dawning of a new era. Emotional many of its features may have been, but it was nevertheless a great stride forward in the prog- ress of the Revolution, and if at this point there could have been a halt and the reforms which had been suggested and adopted could have been made secure, France would have been the freest state in Europe and the hopes of the most sanguine THE FRENCH REVOLUTION reformers would have been more than realized. But alas! the Revolution had only started on its way; the violence was just beginning. Because of the unsettled conditions and the many dangers that menaced the future, wealthy people were emigrating in droves ; six thousand passports were issued in Paris in five days. Do- mestics and servants of all kinds were in conse- quence thrown out of employment and the great army of the needy received vast numbers of re- cruits every day. While this distress prevailed, an incident oc- curred at Versailles that greatly aroused the in- dignation of the suffering people. The Body Guards tendered a banquet to the officers of the Flanders regiment, and upon request the king generously gave permission to use the royal thea- tre for the purposes of the dinner. During the progress of the feast, the king, ac- companied by the queen and the dauphin, entered the hall, and they, of course, were received by the soldiers with the wildest enthusiasm and ac- clamation. Heated with wine and aroused by the strains of ravishing music, the banqueters with oaths and drawn swords pledged their loy- alty to the royal family. In the excitement of the occasion, the tricolor was trampled under foot and the white cockade of the Bourbons was worn as the badge of honor. News of the feast reached Paris, and the Palais Royal grew wild, with anger ; blatant ora- tors denounced the affair as an insult to the na- tion, and stirred the passion of the people, many ROBESPIERRE of whom had already been made ferocious by hunger. On the 5th of October, an army of women marched from Paris to Versailles to demand bread of the king.^ A horde of furies, terrible in aspect, poured through the gates of the city out into the open country and streamed to Ver- sailles, twelve miles distant. The palace was de- spoiled, its halls and corridors were bespattered with mud and blood, and, to crown all, the rab- ble insisted upon taking the king back with them to Paris, His return to the capital was described as " The Joyous Entry " of October 6th. The mob that destroyed the Bastile was not only the riffraff from the slums, but was also made up of lawyers, doctors, thrifty shopkeep- ers, and working men ; but the rabble that marched to Versailles was composed of the law- less, the unemployed, and the discontented poor. Many of them were actually hungry, for bread was getting scarce in Paris and what there was of it was dear. There seems to be no question that the, march of the women to Versailles was taken advantage of by a number of conspirators as an opportunity to effect, if possible, the assassination of the king. Men in the crowd disguised as women were doubtless the paid agents of the Duke of Orleans, and why they failed to accomplish the object of their appointment is hard to tell. The queen's life was in danger, and it was saved only by the 1 See "Mirabeau and the French Revolution," p. 314. 112 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION courage of two gallant soldiers of the Life Guards; but Louis does not seem to have been in any special peril, though a carefully and slyly aimed shot or thrust could very easily have made way with his Majesty. Perhaps the hearts of the assassins failed them. In a letter written by the Duke of Orleans, but not made public until after his death, he di- rected his banker not to pay the sum that had been agreed upon as the price for the blood of the king. " The money is not earned, the mar- mot still lives," was the choice language used by the duke in referring to his royal cousin. In these stirring scenes, it does not appear that Robespierre took any active part. Finding that he was not making an impression upon the As- sembly, and that he was greatly overshadowed by men of brilliant talents, he turned to the clubs and attended nightly their sessions and took part in their discussions and deliberations. The clubs acquired a great importance during the Revolution. " Agitators under the Constitu- ent Assembly, they became," says Thiers, " dom- inators under the Legislative." The society of the Jacobins was the leading organization of its kind in Paris, and, in time, had its branches in all the provinces of the king- dom, so that a man who made a reputation in the parent association was known throughout the na- tion. Nobles, lawyers, authors, orators, actors, and artists were enrolled in its membership. Mira- 8 113 / ROBESPIERRE beau, Barnave, Duport, the Lameths, David, Ver- net, Talma, Chenier, and men of the highest dis- tinction attended its sessions. It was organized in the early days of the Revo- lution, and exerted an influence from the very beginning. In May, 1789, while the deputies of the Third Estate were in attendance upon the States-General in Versailles, some of them formed an association called " The Friends of the Constitution." When in October the king was forced to go to Paris, this society moved to the capital and took up its quarters in the deserted chapel that had belonged to the convent of the Jacobins. It was from this religious order that the club took its name; just as the clubs of Dan- ton and the Lameths were called, respectively, the Cordeliers and the Feuillants, from the fact that they occupied the convents of those religious so- cieties. These buildings had been abandoned, under the decree of the Assembly confiscating Church lands, the nuns and monks had been dis- persed, and the property was used for secular purposes. The Club of the Jacobins originally had about 300 members, but this number increased in time to 6,000. In 1792, there were throughout France about twelve hundred affiliated societies, almost as many as there were towns and villages in the kingdom. To be elected it was necessary to be proposed by ten members and obtain a majority of votes.