7; vJ* *f dfok »/** \ J" • * ' \ N .. I: AN ESSAY OS THB POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS OF THE ANCIENTS ; WITH ORIGINAL POEMS OS "HER MAJESTY QUEEN VICTORIA'S VISIT TO CASTLE HOWARD;" - "THE' MORAL AND SOCIAL TEMPERAMENT OF THE TIMES ;" AND OTHER INTERESTING SUBJECTS. BY A. G. TYSON", (THOR OF A TREATISE OH "SHORT HAND," ETC, SECOND EDITION. LONDON : MESSRS HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO., 33, PATERNOSTER-ROW MR. SUNTER, STONEGATE, YORK; AND ALL BOOKSELLERS. 1852. [PRICE FIVE SHILLINGS BOUND IN CLOTH.] 7 T? By »7 INTRODUCTION. Poetry, in the estimation of many, is a very questionable subject ; and for any one to announce this as the object of his pursuit, advocacy, or approbation, is, often, but a signal for others to sneer and jest at his expense. And yet even those who jest at the Poet are not unfrequently themselves singers, musicians, and men of taste ; and sometimes, also, admirers of certain Poets ; although, what is not less odd, such admirers do not usually agree very well as to the individual object of their approbation. And, again, what is still more- incongruous, we have observed that the most determined sober-minded proser will occasionally finger about amongst the Poets, and, like a sparrow with your choicest seeds, snatch here and there, with wonderful adaptability, the choice morsels which suit his own digestion. With such contradictory elements, it is not the easiest task to define what is the public taste, or the public opinion, in reference to this art. To say that there is even a small respectable number of Englishmen who never were influenced by the finer impulses of Poetic feeling, would be, I think, contrary to the truth. The apparent contempt which is cast on Poetry would, indeed, premise that it is disagreeable to the human mind — at least, so far as Englishmen are concerned. But when we stick closely to the inquiry, we soon perceive that this contempt is only superficial ; that it has, in fact, no natural root in the soul ; that when the spirits of men are unbent from the trammels of habit and custom, they express themselves usually in rapturous strains of spontaneous Poesy. I have seen some of the hardest-tempered specimens of humanity IV INTRODUCTION. exchange their frigidity into the natural flow of harmony ; and when their restraints were loosened, and their sym- pathies awakened, they have become, for a time, more Poetic than the Poets themselves. However, as this introduction will not afford sufficient space or a fair opportunity for discussing the nature, cause, and effect of these general and very comprehensive ques- tions, I mention them at present merely to show the contradictions, and the deterring prospect that hang on his vision who attaches himself to the cause of Poetry. My firm and deliberately-formed opinion is, that the distaste of Englishmen towards the Poetic art is founded on false habit and mistaken notions, consequent, in a great measure, on our system of education ; and partly, also, on the lucre-seeking devotedness of our nation. But I leave the further consideration of these topics till some other occasion. The generous reader will at once conceive, from these remarks, with what diffidence I have ventured to appear before the public. It has been the matter of many years' conflict with me, as to whether I should or not bring this volume to the press ; and the difficulty of meeting with an attentive and qualified adviser is not a little ; while, at the same time, it is next to impossible for a man to judge with strict correctness on his own productions. All these reasons I have weighed many times, and with much hesi- tation ; for it would be unfair to ask unconcernedly the attention of persons whose opinions we feel somewhat to disagree with our own. With such a bundle of doubts and uncertainties, it may be legitimately asked, why have I written ? Why have I published ? To answer briefly — I have written in obedience to a natural propensity, and for the pure pleasure arising from such exercise. This has been, perhaps, the greatest and most regular enjoyment of my leisure time, even from early youth. When grieved with everything else, I have turned to my books with certain satisfaction and relief ; and this kind provision of elasticity of the spirit, implanted in my soul, has, no doubt, kept me out of many amusements INTRODUCTION. V of a much more mischievous tendency. Thus, instead of being any hinderance to my business habits, as some pre- tend that Poetry is, I believe it has been with me uniformly a stimulant to exertion, and a balm to the sores of com- mercial vexation. I have, therefore, so little to regret from the review of my acquaintance with the beneficent Muses, that I can heartily wish my best friends to be possessed of a similar attachment only in a greater and more refined degree. Poetry is the most innocent of amusements, and yet the most pleasing ; it consists, properly, in the cultivation of fine perceptions, good morals, and just reasons, which lead the mind to some grand conclusion. These are what I think the right materials for this art, and a love for these is a love for Poetry — a disposition implanted in human nature by the benevolent Creator, as a source of continual satisfaction and enjoyment. One fact, often imputed to the Poets, is not to be denied — namely, that they sometimes go wild in their imaginations ! This is often set forth in derision against the whole class ! But what of that ? It is, surely, nothing extraordinarily strange that half a score Poets should run enthusiastic, while, at the same time, a thousand worship- pers of mammon make a complete wreck of intellect, and display every unhappy symptom of insanity ! This is emphatically a mania-generation ! Look where you will, it is manifest ! Society is in the daily turmoil of one mania or other ! Speculation is so rampant, that it engulfs the major part of the capital and intellect of the land ; and no sooner is one mania past than another treads on its heels ; and they vie with each other for patronage and plunder, till, in the usual course of things, they sink, dragging with them many, who little expected, into the abyss of bankruptcy, insanity, and suicide ! Where has Poetry made such devastations in society as are constantly arising from that ambition after wealth, to which we give the modest titles of trade, industry, and the like \ Nay, verily, the madness of Poetry is perfect moderation in the comparison ! VI INTRODUCTION. And, besides this, Poets are not so mad as old Cornelius Agrippa and his modern disciples assume. The verdict is one only of imperception ! Would you have a jury of lawyers to bring in a decision on the symptoms, the cause, and the operations of a fever ? Or, would you apply at a medical hall for the solving of some knotty points of law ? Certainly not, say you. And why, then, should the opinions, modes, and tactics of Poets be subjected to a right of judgment, or an imperious dictum, which applies not to any other class of men ? I only once had this question answered, and it was by a superior young clergy- man, who gave one fell swoop, one general anathema, on all modern Poesy (thank the stars for my personal escape ! he had not read any of my verses) ! Well, his answer was, that he " knew too much of the caliber of modem Poets to countenance them /" Ah, me ! thought I, how strange that such spirits as Scott, Southey, Wordsworth, Hogg, Moore, Tennyson, Montgomery, and many more, should be dashed off the perch of fame by the tremendous flap of one re- doubtable screech owl ! I felt a slight momentary inclina- tion to remind him, as a fitting parallel, that there are people who think such hard things respecting some specimens of the modern black cloth as to cast reflections on their whole system ! But, resolving not to measure ignorance and impudence with him, or to imitate his questionable courtesy, I left him in quiet possession of his antiquated self-sufficiency, to chant old Ovid's " Metamorphoses," or Tate and Brady, as he should prefer. And still, I think it a pity that some of those who ought to be excellent and enlightened above others, should have so little harmony and charity in their souls. I would hope, after all, that such examples are not very numerous ; or we will suppose that this callow wisdom-bird had not framed his answer with sufficient caution ; and lest I might be misinterpreted, I cheerfully record my pleasurable experience with some of the more liberal of the clerical profession. But, though I be well satisfied with my courtship of the Muses, yet I am by no means unconcerned in publishing ; and this through the distrust of my INTRODUCTION. VII individual proficiency. I would not willingly reflect dis- credit on a cause often at discount. My exercises are those of simple, unassisted nature, and my theme may therefore suffer for want of sufficient rearing. However, as I think I take a rather different view to some men of the natural position and claims of Poetry, I suppose it behoves me to offer some of my reflections to the genuine searchers after truth ; and if but one thought out of the whole should spring up to the profit of universal intelli- gence, I shall think myself amply paid in owning ever so trifling stock in the general fund. For the purpose of leading my readers gently into my way of viewing the natural offices of Poetry, I have gathered a multitude of incidents relating to this subject, from the history of the Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans, who, in many of their manners and customs, were much more allied to nature than we are. Not that I can approve all their doings ; by no means ; but much may be learned from a general review. To the unlearned, many of these Poetic usages, when related in plain English, will be both new and interesting ; and the classical scholar may find in them some acceptable reminiscences of his former reading. From this collection of historical facts will be seen, at one view, that an extensive use was made of Poetry in the primitive ages, before the almost last remains of natural harmony were eradicated from the human soul, by the false principles of civilization. These reviews, and the reflections arising therefrom, ought to break down some of our narrow English and anti-natural sentiments ; and, as intimated elsewhere, it is my intention to follow out the argument in a future essay. With reference to the pieces in verse, all I shall say, by way of recommendation, is, that they were not written intentionally for book-making, but for my private edifica- tion and expression of thought on passing events, as the occasions presented. Nevertheless, the vanity of author- ship, which attaches even to the humblest of men, has no doubt crept in before this, and, combining with some hope Vlll INTRODUCTION. of profit, and the encouragement of several good friends, has brought me to the resolve of publishing. I do not volunteer to challenge criticism, because he would be a more fortunate man than this world produces in whom no fault could be found ; and the critic is unfit for his delectable employ who could not first discard Southey, Wordsworth, or Tennyson, until they had attained the edition of Laureate, and then turn complacently to exhibit good reasons for their perfection ! I should as soon expect compassion to a lamb in the slaughter, or that the saints should be exempt from the perversions of Satan, as imagine that any author could be safe from the powers of censure. However, it would be cowardice to shrink from public opinion on this account ; and, therefore, without undue concern for the issue, I cheerfully offer my reflec- tions to the perusal of such as are candid enough to seek truth with a generous temper. I am persuaded that the essay on the Poetic Customs, &c, may be used with advantage as an ancient history for young scholars, and the verses may offer an agreeable pastime. In committing these several pieces to the public, I shall be glad if I can discover that they afford as much pleasure to my friends in their perusal as they have given me in their composition during the hours of recreation presented in the intervals of an active business life. A. G. T. Haxby Station, near York. POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS or THE ANCIENTS. CHAPTER I. THE HEBREWS. The author's object in the following pages is to present, in a plain narrative, the position of Poetry and its chief usages from the earliest ages, so far as to exhibit the poetic influence of the ancients, — and more particularly of the Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans, — upon our English taste. Were it consistent with other engagements, he would most gladly pursue the theme through several collateral branches of the human family ; but, for the present, he must be content to confine his attention to those fore- runners and modellers of our own literature. And perhaps to the general reader this will be less intricate, and there- fore the more acceptable course. A review of the rise and progress of any art or science offers, perhaps, the most certain means of arriving at its natural character and judging of its specific utility ; and in the case of Poetry, we have the truest index whereby we may observe the progress of civilization. B Z THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS If we would unravel the origin and the fundamentals of Poesy, we must revert to the elements of nature ; we must fathom the caverned depths of the ocean, unpack the foundations of the everlasting hills, dissect the principles of creation, and analyze the First-moving Spirit ! Poesy is but another name for harmony, beauty, and proportion, whether as affecting the ear, the eye, or the intellect, and is, therefore, the essential of pleasure to all degrees of perception. It is the veriest impotency of mind to con- sider Poesy, or Poetry, as existing only in the measured numbers of written versification : this is merely a material manifestation of the inert spiritual principle which we are necessitated to employ as an instrument suited to our mean capacity, in that abject condition of taste to which the human mind has wofully descended. The system of the universe is represented as a system of sympathy, harmony, and musical proportions. " The morning stars sang together, and all the sons of God shouted for joy," when the foundations of the earth were laid (Job, xxxviii.) ; and the harmony and beauty of even inanimate nature are frequently represented by the sacred writers as shouting for joy, or singing for gladness. The Psalmist says, " The pastures are clothed with flocks ; the valleys also are covered over with corn ; they shout for joy, they also sing ;" that is to say, they are filled with harmony and agreeable proportions — with beauty and perceptible bliss. But, to address ourselves to what may be considered our more legitimate subject — namely,-vocal and written Poetry — we come first to the history of the Jews, as given in the inspired volume ; and the reader will require but a very brief sketch to be enabled to observe what a great amount of Poetry is contained in the Bible, from first to last. The records from the creation to the flood are so very limited, OF THE ANCIENTS. tf that we could scarcely anticipate any information on this particular question ; therefore, how great is the proof of the importance in which primitive harmony was held, when we find the fact recorded that Jubal "was the father of all such as handle the harp and organ" (Gen., iv. 21). Jubal was the son of Lamech, the son of Methu- sael, the son of Mehujael, the son of Irad, the son of Enoch, the son of Cain, the son of Adam ; hence our theme holds a very ancient position in the world's history. The original Hebrew word, which is here translated harp and organ, we are told, signifies literally "the beloved instrument" — a name indicative of its possessing qualities highly agreeable to the people who were acquainted with it. By the term father, we are to understand generally the inventor or originator of some qraffc, profession, doctrine, or other object; or the first of some particular class, as Abraham is called the father of the faithful, on account of the remarkable display of his faith in the offering of his son Isaac. Of the particular character or extent of this beloved instrument, the historians and critics pretend not to speak ; only all agree that it was an article of music. From the above entire passage it appears that Jubal, who was nearly related to Adam, either invented instru- mental music, or else so far was the improver on all preceding attempts as to create a new era in the perform- ance, and therefore became emphatically styled the father of the art. In like manner we sometimes speak of Chaucer as the father of English Poetry. From the same text we may conclude, further, that the antediluvians were in possession of some sort of songs, as without these we can scarcely conceive the use of music. Hence they must have had Poetry of some character, even at that early period ; and, considering the purity and the expressive beauty of their language before the confusion 4 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS of speech, it is not improbable that they possessed finer harmony and greater effect of poetic diction than we usually suppose. This conclusion is justified by the great and beautiful harmony yet remaining in the old Hebrew and its kindred languages, as well as by the fact that the Hebrews, after the flood, used so much poetry and vocal music. Although, for some time after the Deluge, we have no mention made of songs, music, or other harmony, yet that silence must be purely accidental, or subservient to the greater design of the Scripture history ; for when Jacob secretly departed from Laban, his father-in-law, Laban pursued after Jacob, and reproached him for not taking an opportunity to celebrate their separation by feasting ; after which Laban would have sent him " away with mirth and with songs, with tabret and with harp" (Gen., xxxi. 27) ; which shows that harmony formed a common part of their festivals and seasons of common merriment, and that it was a matter of regular course among them. That songs and music were almost universal amusements with the Jews, we have ample proof and multiplied instances on record. On passing the Red Sea, the Israelites give us a fine example of their acquaintance with music and singing. " Then sang Moses and the children of Israel this song unto the Lord, and spake, saying, I will sing unto the Lord, for he hath triumphed gloriously : the horse and his rider hath he thrown into the sea ;" and so on the inspired song runs through nineteen verses of the fifteenth chapter of Exodus. In this composition we find the most noble of poetic lan- guage, beautiful imagery, and sublime sentiment. And then Miriam, the prophetess, the sister of Aaron, took a timbrel in her hand ; and all the women went out after her with timbrels and with dances, and they sang, apparently, the same song as Moses, either in the whole, after he had finished his performance, or, otherwise, repeated each OF THE ANCIENTS. O sentence singly in responses after him. Whence it appears highly probable that this ancient people were not only universally advocates of Poesy and harmony in general, but were practical poets, poetesses, and musicians; that they had their songs set to regular metre and music, and were, nearly all of them, good singers. Although it is not easy for us to discover the metre of this beautiful language, yet we cannot doubt its systematic composition ; otherwise the multitude could not have sung it together. Their beloved instruments of harmony were probably of a rude construction in comparison with ours, but were neverthe- less capable, no doubt, of producing a fine simple expression •of pleasing and majestic sounds, suitable to the high •character of their devotional songs. Tho most remarkable characteristic presented in the musical performances of the Israelites is the readiness with which all the people seem to have entered into the songs of praise and rejoicing ; and this aptitude, be it remembered, was immediately after their 400 years' residence under their hard taskmasters, the Egyptians, whose oppressions, one might have expected, would, if possible, drive all music and poetry out of their souls. But not so ; the essence of harmony appears to be inwoven with their very existence. In the fifth chapter of the Judges we are presented with another very sublime specimen of Hebrew Poetry, in the song of Deborah and Barak, which, like the preceding, was composed expressly for the occasion of the deliverance of the Israelites from their enemies. It has been asserted that none of the Greek or Latin Poets ever equalled the lofty and natural expressions of this song. But the great Poet of the Hebrews was David, who, in reality, was inspired from his infancy. In his ruddy youth we find him employed as the most expert musician in .charming the evil spirit of Saul, by the combined influence 6 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS of his harp and voice. His splendid song of thanksgiving for God's blessings and deliverance from enemies, written in early life, is recorded in the second of Samuel (ch. xxii.). What is remarkable in this song is its being only another version of the eighteenth Psalm. It seems very probable, from the alterations and amendments which appear in the Psalm, that the composition had been of frequent use, and that the copy inserted in the Psalms was the most approved and matured edition. The days of King David were, to the Jews particularly, the days of songs, music, and dancing, as we may observe in almost every passage of that famous monarch's life ; and besides the above instances of duplicate copies of their songs, we have, in the first Chronicles (ch. xvi.), a very beautiful hymn, which composes also the 96th and the 305th Psalms. We hasten to examine the book of Psalms, than which a more splendid collection of sublime Poetry was never made. We derive the word Psalm from the Greek Psallo, which signifies to touch sweetly, and is indicative of the grandly animated performances of united voices and instruments. The book of Psalms is simply a collection of hymns and spiritual songs ; these were written by several hands, but chiefly by David, " the sweet singer," who was also probably the collector of them into one body. The titles of many of the Psalms declare their authors : a few were composed by Moses, one or two by Solomon, and some by others. This collection of divine songs was called by the Hebrews Sephir Tehittim, the Book of Hymns or Praises of the Lord. Many of the hymns were written for particular occasions of Divine Providence ; others are the standing themes of general sentiments, and are altogether, as near as possibly can be, the same in use, character, and arrangement as our religious hymn-books, only infinitely OF THE AXCIENTS. 7 superior both in dicticn of language and sublimity of devotion. The titles affixed to several of the Psalms render us considerable explanation, both respecting them and the general usage of music. The term JtoeginotJi, in the title of the fourth Psalm, as also in Psalms liv., lv., and lxxvi., signifies stringed instruments, and shows us that these portions of sacred Scripture were' sung to music by the congregation of the Jews. The word Selah, which frequently occurs in the body of the Psalms, has been thought by some to direct a repetition of the preceding part ; but whether it means exactly this or not, is by no means certain ; yet we cannot doubt much that it contained some sort of musical instruction to the performers. Nehiloth, prefixed to the fifth Psalm, signifies the organ, and shows that this fine instrument was in religious use in the time of David, and that this Psalm in particular was directed to be sung thereto. In Ps. vi. and xii., Sheminith means the eighth, and shows that these songs were to be accompanied by the eight-stringed harp. The Psalm vii. bears the term Shiggaion, which may be interpreted into varying or changing songs or tunes ; and as this appears to be the personal performance of the sweet-singing King of Israel, we may reasonably suppose that he altered the style of the music, in the different parts, to express with more emphasis the several subjects of the hymn. (See also Hab., iii. 1.) Gittith, in the viii., Ixxxi., and lxxxiv. titles, is taken by some critics for the name of a tune, or song, or instrument that was either invented or much uced at Gaih. Some think it means the ivine-presses, and that the song was to be used in the vintage season. In Psalm ix. Muthlabhen is, in all probability, the name of some tune, or of some musical instrument ; and Haggaion (verse 16) is either a musical term or a call for particular 8 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS attention. Aijeleth ShaJiar (Psalm xxii.) is the hind of the morning, and was, perhaps, the name of an instrument or tune ; or might be a song usually sung in the morning. Jeduthan (Psalms xxxix., lxii., and lxxvii.) was the chief musician, and the leader of those who were chosen to give thanks to the Lord " with trumpets and cymbals for those that should make a sound, and with musical instruments of God" (1 Chron., xvi. 42). Shoshannim (Psalms xlv., lx., Ixix., and Ixxx.) signifies, literally, lilies or roses, and seems here to be a name for either the music or an instrument. So also is Alamoth (Psalm xlvi. ; see 1st Chronicles, xv. 20.) Jonath-elem-rechoJcim (Ps. lvi.) is a dove in the remote woods. Al-taschith (Ps. lvii., lviii., lix., and lxxv.) means destroy him not. Several of these epithets might be affixed, in the first instance, as descriptive of the subjects of the songs ; or might be meant to express the views or conditions of the writer, and thence afterwards become the distinguishing name of the music originally used in those songs, even when applied to other words, as is sometimes done in our music. In the title to Psalm Ixxxviii. we have much musical information. Mahalath is the flute ; Leannoth signifies to be sung alternately ; and Maschil, a tune. (See also Psalms liii., lxxiv., and lxxviii.) The ciii. and five following Psalms were called Hallel, or Hymns, by the Hebrews, and are said to have been sung by them at the table in the new moon, the paschal, and other feasts, always concluding with Hallelujah. In Psalm cxix. we are presented with a valuable curiosity of poetic literature. This splendid composition is divided into as many parts as there were letters in the Hebrew alphabet, and each part is subdivided into eight other portions or verses ; and each of these verses in the original begins with the same letter as that under which it is OF THE ANCIENTS. i) ranked ; that is to say, all the eight verses in the division under Aleph begin with a word whose first letter is Alepk, or the Hebrew A ; and so under every other letter through the Hebrew alphabet. The uniform beauty of this piece in the original cannot be equalled, we may fearlessly assert, in any language : it shows much experience and discern- ment in poetic arrangements, with great variety and skill of words. This Psalm has been styled, emphatically, the "Great Alphabet" and is, in all likelihood, the prototype of succeeding acrostic and alliterative Poesy. In regard to the metrical composition of the Psalms, as already intimated, nothing is known for certain. Josephus (book vii.) says, "David being freed from wars and dangers, and enjoying for the future a profound peace, composed songs and hymns to God, of several sorts of metre ; some of those which he made were trimeters, and some were pentameters." And yet no one has attempted to define these metres, and probably but few will suppose that even Josephus himself thoroughly understood their nature. Our author, in the same place, describes the Jewish instruments of music. He says, that David " also made instruments of music, and taught the Levites to sing hymns to God, both on that called the Sabbath-day, and on other festivals. Now, the construction of the instru- ments was thus : — The viol was an instrument of ten strings ; it was played upon with a bow. The psaltery had twelve musical notes, and was played upon by the fingers. The cymbals were broad and large instruments, and were made of brass." With so much variety of songs and musical instruments, we cannot doubt that the music of this people was varied and extensive. It is, indeed, probable that the Hebrews were unac- quainted with musical notation ; hence their tunes must have been entirely traditional ; but for simple music this 10 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS is no very serious detriment, especially when the habits and disposition of the people are continually working in favour of the art. Josephus says that Moses composed his song at the Red Sea in hexameter verse, although he gives us no clue to the nature of such composition, and perhaps he uses the term in compliance only with the notions of the Greeks, and as the best word within his command for their understanding. Our author nowhere gives any proof of his acquaintance with the old Hebrew metres. The fine poetic song which Moses wrote prior to his death is also termed an hexameter by Josephus. Solomon, like his father David, was much devoted to the muses. His ascension to the throne was celebrated by a festival, with dancing, and music, and singing. "He also composed books of odes and songs, a thousand and five." (Jos., book viii.) He made " two hundred thousand trumpets, according to the command of Moses ; also, two hundred thousand garments of fine linen for the singers that were Levites ; and he made musical instruments, and such as were invented for singing of hymns, called Nablse and Cinyrse (psalteries and harps), which were made of electrum (the finest brass), forty thousand." He removed the ark into the temple with music and dancing ; and the people were so delighted with the ceremonies which he instituted at the dedication of the temple, that they returned home, making merry on their journey, and singing hymns to God. The Proverbs, Bcclesiastes, and the Song of Solomon are all well known, and consist almost wholly of Hebrew verse. The texture of these poetical performances is well worthy of study ; but for the present that exercise must be deferred, this reference being made to illustrate simply the poetic propensities of Solomon and of the Jews generally. These compositions OF THE ANCIENTS. II are no doubt the books of songs and odes which Josephus says were written by Solomon. We see in a few glances that the Jews were devoted to singing and music in an extraordinary degree. It would be more than necessary to scan their customs very minutely : they did not use these arts on particular festivals, concerts, or set occasions only ; but were in the continual and settled habit of making the articles of natural harmony a part of their daily engagements, and, we may say, an actual ingredient of their national existence ; no triumph, no feast, no religious service, or particular occurrence whatsoever, was without its song and its music. They sang in their pilgrimages, at their tables, at the removals of the ark, at the arrival of their friends, at the new moon, at their marriages, and, indeed, on every occasion that could interest their minds or excite their feelings. In almost every part of the Bible we find mention of songs, hymns, or music ; but as this valuable record is in every hand, I will, for brevity, simply refer the reader to the following very particular instances worthy of special notice : — Judges, xi., 34 ; 1 Sam., xviii., 6 ; Isaiah xxiii. 16, &c. And the Apocrypha affords us many other remarkable instances of sacred songs and poetic usages well worthy of our attention. The practice of singing in catches, or answers one to another, which the Jews used, is deserving of our remark, as being indicative of their delight, spirit, and proficiency in this art. Besides the instances already referred to, see also Ezra, iii., 11, where "they sang together by course." The answering one another in singing was an old custom with them. "When David was returned from the slaughter of the Philistines, the women came out of all cities of Israel, singing and dancing, to meet King Saul, with tabrets, with joy, and with instruments of music. And 12 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS said, the women answered one another as they played, and Saul hath slain his thousands, and David his ten thousands," (1 Sam., xviil) Josephus says it was the wives who sang of Saul, and that the virgins replied for David, which certainly is a very pretty interpretation. About a quarter of a century before the Christian era, the Jews were greatly annoyed with the introduction, by Herod, of the theatrical exhibitions of the Romans. He built, at a great cost, a theatre at Jerusalem, and a great, amphitheatre in the plain, wherein he exhibited very splendid shows and games, which were contrary to the Jewish customs, and therefore gave much offence. He introduced wrestlers for prizes, and mixed up naked exercises, music, chariot racing, the combats of wild beasts, and the fighting of condemned criminals, in such profusion that the people were disgusted, and a conspiracy was formed with the intention of assassinating Herod ; his life was saved only by the office of a spy. This same king of the Jews built also a fine theatre and a large amphitheatre at Cesarea by the sea-side, and filled this place also with his pagan exhibitions. And it looks more than probable that the people were, in some degree at least, infected with the vanity of these pagan displays ; for even those Levites who were singers of hymns had the insolence to petition King Agrippa for permission to wear linen garments like the priests ; which favour he granted them, contrary to the strict discipline of their original institutions. And we may gather from several circum- stances, that both poetic and moral degeneracy had now worked themselves into the heart of the Hebrew nation. The custom of singing was continued through the gospel dispensation. Our blessed Redeemer's birth was announced to the shepherds by a chorus of angels : and when He and His disciples instituted the Lord's Supper, OF THE ANCIENTS. 13 they partook of bread and wine, "and when they had sung an hymn, they went out into the Mount of Olives." (Mark, xiv.) "At midnight Paul and Silas prayed and sang praises unto God : and the prisoners heard them." (Acts, xvi. 25.) St. John, in his Revelations, says, the four and twenty elders with " every one of them harps '' "sung a new song" (chap, v.); and, again, those that overcame the beast, "having the harps of God," sing "the song of Moses, the servant of God, and the song of the Lamb" (chap. xv.). From these and other evidences, we see that Music and Poetry were cherished in the affections of the Jews to the last. They seem to have thought no place happy without the aid of harps and songs. In Josephus's discourse on Hacles, he represents the Jewish belief of the future state of the blessed as being enhanced by the singing of hymns. He tells us that when the just enter Hades, it is believed that they "are guided to the right hand, and are led with hymns, sung by the angels appointed over that place unto a region of light," &c. i ' This place," says he, " we call the " Bosom of Abraham." And again he expresses his opinion that " the number of the righteous will continue, and never fail, together with righteous angels and spirits [of God], and, with his word as a choir of righteous men and women that never grow old, and continue in an incorruptible state, singing hymns to God." With such doctrines as these, it is evident with what strong affection the Jews clung to the arts of Poetry and Music : they employed them as their chief means of earthly joy, and set them forth as the leading charms of their desired blessedness in heaven. 14 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS CHAPTER II. THE GREEKS. Next after the Poetry and Music of the Jews, we are led to consider these arts in the hands of the Grecians ; and this not only from the geographical proximity of these two nations, but also because that the Greeks are chronologically the next people, in the successions of civilization, who carry the sway through the whole circle of the arts and sciences. The general history of the Greeks, in their primitive ages, like that of most other nations, is cloaked in obscurity and uncertainty ; yet, after all, we are not left in great doubt about the early condition of their Poetry. In addition to the universal facts which usually relate to the songs and other Poetry of all infant nations, we may naturally expect that, in whatever art or accomplishment the Hebrews and Egyp- tians were proficient, the Greeks would not fail to import some portion thereof. The voyages from Egypt and Palestine to Greece were only like that from London to Hamburgh ; and as the prophet Isaiah and others represent the Mediterranean Sea as being thronged with the ships of Tarshish and the "merchants of Zidon, that pass over the sea" (Isaiah, xxiii.), there must have been a constant communication between the Jews, Egyptians, Greeks, and other nations, and a regular interchange of their several luxuries and refinements. Hence, in OF THE ANCIENTS. 15 addition to the Poetry which is natural to all men, and besides what might be obtained from other sources, the land of Greece would probably be rendered melodious by the echoes of the Hebrew muses, of whom we have just seen so much excellence. The greater portion of the ancient history of Greece is confessedly fabulous ; the rest greatly exaggerated and mystified ; and, after all this, the highest date to which the historian can ascend is to a few years before the exit of the Israelites from Egypt. According to these fables, about 1764 years before Christ, there commenced a great deluge, which continued about 200 years, and destroyed the former inhabitants of Attica. After this, Cecrops arrived from Egypt, and, settling in Attica, was the founder of Athens. "We are told, again, that Jupiter, to punish the sins of a corrupt world, sent a universal flood, which destroyed the whole human race, excepting Deucalion, king of Thessaly 3 and Pyrrha, his wife, the only blameless people then living, who were preserved in a small vessel ; and as the waters assuaged, they landed upon Mount Parnassus, the first visible remnant of the former world. These appear so much like other versions of Noah's flood, that we can scarcely doubt the origin of the tradition. Well, in their desperate and solitary condition, we are informed that Deucalion and Pyrrha consulted the oracle of Themis ; and, in obedience to the directions there received, in order to repeople the earth with a more virtuous race of mankind, they both threw stones over their shoulders, when those of Deucalion were transformed into men, and those of Pyrrha into women ! If true, how can we wonder at the hard and stony-heartedness of the human race ? The former part of this wonderful story, relating to the deluge, is probably tarnished truth — the latter, a palpable fiction. The earliest history which Plutarch ventures to write is 16 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS of Theseus, 1228 B.C., and he expressly declares that all beyond this period is prodigy and fiction; and it is doubtful that somewhat of Plutarch's subjects, even of his accredited age, partakes no little of the same dubious character. From the earliest established particulars of Grecian history, we learn that this people originally consisted of a few rude and independent tribes, similar to the American Indians, or the aborigines of internal Africa ; and that, like these, they had their several chiefs, their gods many, their songs, and all the institutions of barbaric life ; and that, being of an adventurous and discerning spirit, in process of time they gathered from various parts those materials which ultimately perfected their arts to a wondrous degree. The first distinct character we have of the Greeks, after they assumed an organized state, is that of abstemious, harsh, and temperate habits ; implicit submission to rigorous laws ; a bold, concise expression of speech ; a strength of fortitude and a daring of courage not to be intimidated, even by a certain threatening of the most terrible death. These habits were established amongst the Lacedemonians by the austere laws of Lycurgus, and amongst the Athenians by Draco and Solon. The people, more especially of these two kingdoms, were taught rather to die than yield in conflict ; they were forced to eat their meals at a public table, to insure temperance ; and on these, and all other like occasions, they were required to speak briefly and at once to their purpose. Then were their orations made, their Poetry recited, and their public games instituted, wherein were nursed a fiery zeal and enthusiastic rivalry not at first to be easily conceived, but which had the effect of producing the most rapid growth of those arts to which they gave their attention. The above practices and principles may be traced, as OP THE ANCIENTS. 17 exerting a very important influence upon all the literature of Greece to her latest ages, and more especially upon her poets and orators. Athens was the chief seat of Grecian literature, and yet the severely rigorous Lacedemonians, who detested all luxurious arts, made an honourable exception in favour of Poetry and Eloquence. The great end of this people was war, and cheerful resistance even unto death ; but their love for Poetry and Music is strikingly exemplified in their struggle with the Messenians (A.M. 3319). The Lacedemonians, being driven to a great extremity, were under the necessity of borrowing from the Athenians a general to conduct their armies ; the Athenians sent them one Tyrtasus, a schoolmaster and poet, who was at first a person very unacceptable to the Lacedemonians ; but pre- sently, by his songs and orations, he so stimulated them to military valour, that he ultimately led them on, a conquer- ing army, through their foes, and became so pleasing to the people, that they made him a freeman of their city, Sparta. Plutarch says, that Tyrtasus so inflamed the youth with warlike fury by his Poems, that they readily exposed their lives to the chance of battle. Even before Solon's time (A.M. 3380), Poetry and Eloquence had attained to great excellence amongst the Greeks. It was the custom of the seven wise men to meet together frequently, to discuss the best methods for the cultivation of government and the fine arts ; for these subjects were always linked together by the philosophers of that period. Solon, one of the seven sages, has been styled the Father of Eloquence in Athens ; he was likewise so successful a poet, that Plato asserts he might, with application, have disputed the prize with Homer. After Solon's death, Pisistratus came into power ; he was the first to establish a public library at Athens, and> c 2 18 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS according to Cicero's opinion, made the Athenians more fully acquainted with Homer's works, which he is supposed to have arranged into their present form, and ordered them to be read, or recited, at their public feasts held in honour of Minerva. In the joint reign of Hippias and Hipparchus, the sons of Pisistratus, all sorts of learning received much encourage- ment at Athens. The poets Anacreon, Simonides, and others flourished under the immediate patronage of the court (A.M. 3496) ; and during all the tremendous political struggles and civil contentions which distracted the several stages of Grecian history, the arts of "War, Poetry, and Eloquence went regularly hand in hand with rapid strides. The Poets and moral philosophers were the missionaries of virtue and valour ; the former by their songs, and the latter by their orations, publicly excited the people to the highest pitch of enthusiasm, and the assiduous prosecution of the most desperate exploits. In such a state of natural constitution and artistic preparation, this handful of dominion, by its superior knowledge, wisdom, and. spirit, not only erected at home its glorious monuments for the ornament and admiration of all after ages, but in arms could disperse the mighty hosts of even the famous Persian monarchs, Darius and Xerxes. By a very slight attention, we may discover that the Greeks were so naturally and essentially poetical and musical, that they made these arts the chief ingredient of their daily business and their public national performances. After Leonidas, and his little but heroic band of brave warriors, had all cheerfully sacrificed their lives, in contesting, almost incredibly, against Xerxes, the passage of Thermopylae (A.M. 3524), the Grecians decreed them a OF THE ANCIENTS. 19 magnificent monument ; and Simonid.es, one of their chief Poets, was employed to write their epitaph. Simonides, a native of Ceos, was a cultivator of Poetry, and sang the heroism of his countrymen with much beauty and animation. When the Athenians (A,M. 3589) equipped a magnificent fleet, under Nicias and Alcibiades, against Syracuse, they completed the ceremony of dismissing it by the sounding of trumpets, offering of solemn prayer, and publicly singing a hymn. After the defeat of this grand armament, the Syracusans detained great numbers of the Athenians prisoners ; but these captives had the singular fortune, we are told, of gaining the favour of their tyrannical masters, by reciting to them the stirring verses of Euripides, through the influence of which they had their liberty granted, and returned home to thank that poet for being the means of their deliverance. This historical incident shows the highly poetical constitution of the Syracusans ; as also the complete skill which the common people, the Athenian soldiers, had in their dramatic authors. The above-named Nicias was at great cost in improving and conducting an annual chorus of music and songs to Delos. When Lysander had taken Lampsacus by storm, and defeated the fleet of his enemy (A.M. 3599), he went into the city amidst the triumphal music of flutes, the flourish of trumpets, and the singing of martial songs. Then afterwards proceeding to Athens, he demolished the walls of that city, and burned the Athenian ships in a like display of victorious merriment and dancing to music. On this occasion, also, we are informed of the happy influence of Euripides in serving his countrymen ; for now he had the good fortune to be effectually instrumental in saving Athens from destruction. Lysander had resolved to 20 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS entirely raze the city ; but at a general feast with his officers, his compassion was gained, and Athens saved, by Phocis, a musician, singing out of Euripides the verses beginning thus : — " Unhappy daughter of the great Atrides, Thy lowly habitation I approach." As a useful lesson to men, it may be proper to remark that, after this Lysander had subdued all Greece, himself was cast down by his own lusts and ambition. He assumed, so much dignity, that, according to a common weakness of those ages, the people were constrained, through combined fear and selfishness, to dedicate temples and offer sacrifices to him as a god, at the same time singing hymns and odes to his honour. They transferred also the feasts held in honour of Juno to his service, and named them the feasts of Lysander. In this universal flattery and moral declension, the poets and philosophers were also weak enough to join, and, either through fear or bribery, were united in the train of his followers, and amused themselves in gratifying Lysander by singing of his exploits ; but as excess is always sure to defeat itself, the scene was soon changed. He had no better fate than his fellow-mortals, and the latter part of his life was marked with insult, strife, and commotion. In that unnatural Asian war, which was carried on between the two brothers, Cyrus and Artaxerxes (A.M. -3603), we learn that the Greeks, who served under the former marched to battle under the thrilling influence of their battle-hymns, on more than one occasion. And this musical band of warriors, after losing then- leaders, showed their wit, wisdom, and the bravery of their sublime prin- ciples, by marching in good order and safe array through the Persian dominion, although themselves were only 10,000 in number, and in an enemy's country, far distant from their homes or any safe hold, and where their OF THE ANCIENTS. 21 persecuting foes were almost innumerable ; this has been considered by scholars and military men as a feat of the most superior tactics, in all succeeding ages. It is familiarly termed "the retreat of the ten thousand." The Grecians had also a manner of insulting their enemies with derisive music and songs, in order to provoke them precipitately into immediate battle when they showed any reluctance. This was done by Agesilaus, the Spartan general, against the Thebans (A.M. 3610), on the morning following the bloody battle on the plains of Coronsea, in Boeotia. About this time happened the fatal prosecution of good old Socrates, who, by his unremitting attacks, both openly and privately, upon the growing vices and luxuries of the Athenians, became odious to the citizens, more especially to the youth ; and as it was impossible for him to avoid being a partizan in public questions, he at last became the victim of a faction, at whose instigation he was made the butt of common ridicule and the public jest. But what rendered Socrates the most obnoxious was his successful opposition to a set of vile teachers, who, under the assumed title of Sophists, pretended to teach everything ; but who, in reality, seeking only their own aggrandizement, entered into the intrigues of ambition, and puffed their pupils with pride and false principles. Socrates publicly confounded the logic of those pretenders, and by that means concen- trated their most determined hatred upon him. Hence arose a conspiracy composed of those Sophists, and many young people of quality, to whom the doctrines of the false teachers were much more inviting than the stern precepts of old Socrates. Yet there was so much strength of truth in the old philosopher, that the lascivious con- spirators dared not to accuse him formally and at once, but set all their energies to work to prepare and determine 22 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS the public mind in their favour, by bringing him into contempt through their comedians. At that time the comic poets regularly exhibited public characters in a ludicrous aspect, by representing any person's weak points for the amusement of their audience. On some occasions they were very useful in restraining vicious men from their errors, through fear of ridicule. It was highly proper for Aristophanes, the comedian, to ridicule the litigious spirit of the Athenians, in his comedy of the "Wasps." Also, at Hyperbolus, a citizen of extreme wickedness and brutish manners, the comic poets con- tinually cast their raillery. This was really a virtuous position of the drama, and it strengthened the dislike of the Athenians to such a degree, that they ultimately banished the wicked object of their disgust from their city ! But this very weapon of ridicule, which, in some cases, did so much good, was in other instances equally effective of evil : it discouraged many a modest man from daring to do good, and not unfrequently, through venality or malice, became a destroyer of virtue and merit. A sorrowful instance of this latter effect happened with Socrates ; the enemies of this old man enlisted the talents of Aristophanes, who wrote a comedy, to be performed on the stage, entitled " The Clouds," in which Socrates is represented hanging in a basket above the clouds, and discoursing in the most singular absurdities. These were the commencement of proceedings which grew progressively into a general antipathy, and, after a lapse of some years, ripened into the death of that good old philosopher. Some have ascribed the destruction of Socrates entirely to the Poet Aristophanes : but this seems to be a very unjust verdict ; the Poet was no more to blame than his fellow-citizens ; he was merely the echo of public senti- OF THE ANCIENTS. 23 merit, and, in some measure, the tool of the public, who had long marked out the philosopher's fate. Socrates is quoted by Cornelius Agrippa as an enemy to Poetry ; but, in the very face of death, he gives the he to such an assertion. After his famous apology to the Athenians, he was confined in prison ; and a little before his fatal dose, he entertained himself by writing a hymn in honour of Apollo and Diana, and by rendering one of iEsop's fables into verse. He knew not the doctrines of revealed religion ; his wisdom was that of simple nature, and yet such as would put many a Christian to the blush. Socrates was undoubtedly a decided enemy to the lasci- vious levity of the comedians of his age, and particularly to Aristophanes, who assumed a moral standard diametrically opposed to the Socratic philosophy. On this account it is natural enough to suppose that the Poet retaliated on the philosopher with some really bad feeling ; but there is no just reason to believe that he was a party to the black ultimate designs of the Sophists. It is likely that Aristophanes made sport of Socrates in the same manner, and after the same principle, as of other people ; that is, simply to create merriment for his audience, and fame and profit for himself. Socrates never went to the exhibition of the comedians, except through the constraint of his friends ; but on this occasion, learning that himself was the subject of the performance, he made one of the audience ; and when some stranger inquired who was this Socrates that the play was about, he stood up amidst the company during the whole performance, in order that all might see and know him ; and the people were amazed at his stoic patience and indifference to ridicule. On the other hand, Socrates was a great advocate for the tragedies of his contemporaries, and particularly for those of Euripides, which he greatly admired for their 24 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS moral and philosophical tendency ; indeed, he has not escaped the opinion of having assisted in the composition of those dramas. Euripides was at least the intimate friend of Socrates, and the old philosopher was sure to go to the theatre when any new piece of this Poet was to be performed. Our philosopher studied music, and even learned to play the lyre in his old age. This was con- sidered an accomplishment highly necessary for any man who wished to stand well in Athenian society, and implies , a consequent poetic state of mind. It was usual amongst the Grecian states, at the feasts and entertainments, to pass the lyre round from guest to guest, that each might sing to his own musical accompani- ment, and to be unable to perform was esteemed a mark of low breeding. Themistocles, in other respects so famous, was considered deficient in education because he could not sing to the lyre like the other partakers of an entertain- ment ; whereas Epaminondas was greatly praised for his excellent performance on the flute. Plato, the disciple of Socrates, was an advocate for good moral Poetry and proper Music, although, like Socrates and many more virtuous scholars, he was opposed to that style, both of Poetry and Music, which the corrupted manners of the Athenians had then introduced on the stage of the comedians : indeed, it is always a misfortune when the Muses are prostituted to the passions of vicious men. When the virtuous and exalted Epaminondas was placed at the head of the Theban army against the Lacedemonians, he showed his intimacy with Homer by quoting from that author a verse, in answer to some objections which were urged against his proceedings. In like manner, the Phocians quoted Homer in justification of their ploughing up the sacred ground ; and Solon inserted a spurious line OF THE ANCIENTS. 25 into that author, for the purpose of backing his own ideas Whence it appears that this ancient Poet was a standing authority amongst the several Grecian states. The Athenians demonstrated their highly Poetic con- stitution in the costly establishment and maintenance of their theatre for the regular exhibition of their dramatic works. They grew enormously extravagant in public amusements, till at last the stage seemed to absorb their whole attention ; and, in order to satiate this appetite, the fund which had been established to support their wars was diverted by them to the pompous display of their drama ; and so determined were they to secure the con- tinuance of this amusement, that they passed a decree to alter the old law respecting this money, whereby they subjected to the punishment of death any one who might ill future propose the restoration of this fund to its original purpose. And we are told that it cost more to represent some of the famous pieces of Sophocles and Euripides than it had done to carry on the war against the barbarians. These circumstances happened from 300 to 400 years before the Christian era. 26 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS CHAPTER III. THE GREEKS CONTINUED. LycurcJus was an Athenian orator of the first rank, and a manager of the public treasury for twelve years. He acquitted himself with great credit, and left his name adorned with the character of honour and virtue ; and amongst the more notable works of this amiable man was his particular patronage of the theatre, which, although it had been carried to great excess, was still, in his opinion, well calculated to polish and cultivate the mind. Under his protecting influence the tragedians were excited to emulation, and by him the statues of iEschylus, Sophocles, aud Euripides were erected in Athens. Although Philip of Macedon, father to Alexander the Great, was a creature of sordid ambition, yet he was not void of Musical and Poetic feeling, as he showed after obtaining a victory over the Athenians at Chseronea, when he exultingly turnedl into song the commencement of an oration delivered against him by Demosthenes ; and, in mockery over the misfortune of the vanquished, he sang and beat tune thereto, saying — " Demosthenes the Peaian, son of Demosthenes, has said," &c. But, as though the Fates and the Muses had conspired against so gross a prostitution of harmony, his own death was distinguished by a much greater mixture of misfortune OF THE ANCIENTS. 27 and Poetry. Before he entered on his greatly-cherished Asiatic expedition against Darius, he celebrated the nuptials of Cleopatra, his daughter, with exceeding great pomp ; and, in order to perform that act with the greatest effect, Neoptolemus, the Poet, wrote purposely for the entertainment a tragedy entitled "Cinyras," wherein Philip was prophetically represented as the conqueror of Asia ; but the infatuated monarch, in the very moment of his highest hope and glorying, suddenly fell a victim to the insulted young Macedonian nobleman, Pausanias ; and Philip's death, in turn, became the subject of triumphal songs throughout Greece, and especially at Athens. His son, Alexander the Great, had a liberal education in Poetry, Eloquence, and the fine arts, and was also naturally possessed of much Poetic fire, as his excessive fondness for Homer particularly testifies : he made the characters and sentiments expressed by that Poet his peculiar study. After the Battle of Arbela, some of Alexander's soldiers found among the Persian spoils a. golden box, set with precious stones, in which Darius had kept his fragrant perfumes. This box was appropriated by Alexander for the preservation of a copy of Homer's works, which he had corrected, by Aristotle, his preceptor. This box and his sword were regularly laid under the conqueror's pillow at nights. Hence the editions of Homer which were published from this copy have been denominated the casket editions, or the editions of the box. When Alexander destroyed Thebes, he put about thirty thousand of its inhabitants to death, after they had fallen into his hands : but, even in this bloodthirsty rage, his veneration for Poetry was beautifully manifested in his sparing the descendants of the famous Poet Pindar, whom even the savage warrior considered an author highly 28 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS honourable to the fame of Greece. It is remarkable that similar favour was afterwards obtained by Virgil from his patron conqueror, Augustus ; and to the grateful recollection of this circumstance by the Poet we owe some of the finest passages of his pastorals. A paragraph will hardly be misplaced here in taking a side glance at the Music and Poetry of the Persians, of whose practices we catch a nice insight at our present position. They, like the Greeks and Macedonians, seem to have thought harmony an indispensable amusement and luxury. "When Darius made his magnificent martial parade, in his progress to meet Alexander, we have the Persian Magi particularly mentioned, as singing hymns when they marched ; and Parmenio, Alexander's general, found in Damascus three hundred and twenty-nine of Darius's concubines, who were all admirable musicians ! What can we require more to fill up the musical picture of the Persian court and fashionable circles ? That these arts were general amongst the Persians, we may infer from the great parade of spontaneous music and singing which welcomed the victorious Alexander into Babylon ; although he needed no such stimulus as this to his musical excita- bility, as many of his actions declare. On this magnificent occasion the Magi walked in procession, singing hymns ; and the Chaldean and Babylonish soothsayers and musicians sang the praises of the King to their instruments, after the manner of their country. A.M. 3674. After this great butcher of mankind had defeated the Scythians, he plundered the Sogdians, another tribe of Northern barbarians ; and having ordered thirty of their most comely young noblemen to be led forth for execution, they began immoderate leaping, dancing, and singing for joy, forasmuch as they were, in their own esteem, greatly honoured in being sent to their forefathers by so mighty a OF THE ANCIENTS. 29 monarch, which they thought the fittest death for a brave man ! They were pardoned, as the phrase is, and they proved themselves the most worthy men, in serving as Alexander's body-guard with uncommon zeal and fidelity. The musical mania of Alexander is further exemplified by his setting on fire the palace of Persepolis, while singing and dancing with his attendants round that noble structure ; and when, after the defeat of Darius, he was left to enjoy some respite from warfare, he spent his time in merriments and sensual pleasures, amongst which singing and music were brought to administer their quota of excitement. He had with him the musicians who accompanied him from Greece, through his wars, and, in addition to their enter- tainments, he required the captive women to sing to him after the manner of their respective countries. At 'this period also the works of Euripides were in repute ; for, in one of the drunken feasts of Alexander's court, Clitias quoted that Poet in opposition to the King ; he also sang some verses which reflected on his royal master, which, with other insolence, so exasperated Alexander, that he brutally murdered that faithful servant. After Alexander's return from the Bast into Babylon, he built a very prodigious and magnificent monument at the funeral of his favourite friend and courtier, Hephasstion, This beautiful edifice was about 195 feet high ; its orna- ments were grandly rich and varied almost beyond the Poet's fancy. But what more particularly belongs to the historical inquiry of the Muses, were the entablatures and the roof whereon were erected a number of syrens, with hollow bodies, in which were placed singers and musicians, whose business was to sing mournful airs and dirges to the memory of the deceased ! The latter days of the Macedonians appear to have been d 2 30 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS inspired with a more general Poetic disposition than formerly : the iEtolians had at one time made terrible havoc of the Macedonian cities of Dium and Dodona ; and in A.M. 8786, the Macedonians, after taking most signal revenge on the city of Thermae, belonging to the enemy, wrote on its desolate walls this verse — " Remember Dium ; Dium sends you this." About the year A.M. 8799, the Achaean general, Philopoemen, appeared in the theatre, with a fine band of young warriors, while Pylades, the musician, was singing beautifully to his lyre, out of a piece entitled " The Persians," by Timotheus, a dithyrambic Poet' that part containing the following verse : — " The wreath of liberty to me you owe ;" On which occasion the united grandeur of the Music and Poetry so electrified the audience, that all the Greeks, at once recognizing in Philopoemen the verification of the sentiment, clapped their hands, and raised such shouts of joy, that they seemed suddenly to reinherit all the glory of their forefathers. The sentiment of the Greeks is also well ascertained in their low opinion of the barbarizing influence which accompanies a want of Poetic cultivation. For instance, the inhabitants of Cynastha, in the Peloponnesus, were a very ferocious and uncivilized people, and the ancients considered these ill manners to be a natural result of the neglect of the study of Music ; whence they must have ascribed to harmony a mighty power in polishing the human mind. They unquestionably regarded Music and Poetry as the most effective means of softening and humanizing the manners of society. They also made Music useful by contributing regularly to the common offices of labour ; the rowers of their galleys, in order to OF THE ANCIENTS. 31 act in concert, struck the musical time with their oars to the singing of a man, or the music of an instrument provided for that especial purpose. And so, wherever we turn, we may observe in all parts of Greece, and in all the grades of her society, the mighty inbred power and the regulating influence of Music and Poetry. The chief item in the Grecian festivals was their choruses of combined singing, music, and dancing, in which they took great delight ; and they used much emulation to become proficient therein. In those performances, their best Poets were employed. From this practice arose their Tragedies and other theatrical compositions, as well as the Drama of succeeding ages. It is recorded that the united effect of the Poetry and Music of their hymns was often powerful enough to melt the multitude into tears. This shows the high state of re- finement to which the public mind of Greece had attained. But I must retain a paper on the rise and culture of the Greek drama and festivals for a separate article. With a public composed of such Musical and Poetical materials as existed in this classic land, it is by no means wonderful that she should, according to her own peculiar idiom, be the favourite retreat of the Muses, and that her Poets should rise up pre-eminent above all others ! Never had any class of authors so many advantages at their service for moving the public mind as had the Grecian Poets. The taste of the people was refined, and awakened to the appreciation of every beauty in nature and art ; their language had been polished, and reduced to a fixed degree of smoothness, purity, and Musical excellence seldom found in any other nation ; and their mythological religion was to them the very essence of animation and energy. All natural objects — all abstract virtues, actions, and characters — and, indeed, every member of the 32 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS universe, was governed or personated, in their ideas, by some of their thirty thousand gods and heroes ! Indeed, all nature was in their hands as a mighty engine of stirring intelligence, and all inanimate objects with them teemed with living interest. Hence the Poet had for every subject a sublime personage, and for every occasion some super- human machinery to enliven and invigorate his theme ; and the mind became consecrated to lofty sentiments, under this habitual impression of the constant presence, agency, and companionship of the deities. The thunder- bolt and the lurid lightning were driven immediately by Jupiter ; each wave of the sea was held in Neptune's ample palm ; beauty and love were at the command of Venus, and her witching boy, the dimpled Cupid ! Mars was the soldier's personal guardian and director; Apollo had the management of the sun ; Vulcan, of vulgar or material fire ; Vesta, of refined or celestial fire ; Ceres, of the corn- fields ; Atlas, of the heavens ; and so on, through every object in the universe, the Poet might wander in company with one or other of those divinities, who had each a peculiar and distinct sphere of action. There is a soul-inspiring genius in the whole texture and material of Creek Poesy, in the melody of its language and in the metaphysical use of attributes as personages, which, together, give to Grecian authors an irresistible charm, and a natural elevation of character scarcely to be anticipated in any other class of writers. Yet we not only deceive ourselves, but expose our ignorance, if we suppose that all the mythological beings mentioned in ancient classics were really objects of sincere belief and adoration, especially with the writers and other intelligent men of remote ages. The Greeks spoke of mental emotions and the qualities of objects as of real beings. For instance, when Alexander was on the OF THE ANCIENTS. 33 point of engaging against the multitudes of Darius, he offered sacrifices to Fear. Yet we cannot consider this as any other than an act of policy, calculated to impose on the minds of the soldiers, and, through their credulity, to fortify their courage for the coming conflict. Precisely on the same principle, when the battle was at the hottest, as Alexander had pre-arranged, Aristander, his soothsayer, advanced through the troops, and, dressed in white, with a laurel in his outstretched hands, cried out that he saw an eagle hovering over the head of Alexander ; the troops believed the fraud, thought that themselves discovered that sign of victory in the air, and rushed forward with such renewed fury and irresistibility as quickly defeated the almost innumerable army of the Persians. It was a very common thing with Alexander thus to impose on the devotedness of his soldiers, who readily believed whatever he asserted. He frequently had pretended miracles and false auguries performed by his express orders ; he used very summary work with priests and priestesses ; he took a long, dangerous journey, and exposed his army to imminent peril in the Libyan desert, in order to have himself declared the son of the god Jupiter Hammon, whose priests he had suborned to perform the affiliation. Callisthenes, a very honourable man, suffered death for merely speaking against the propriety of paying worship to the King, while he was alive. This infatuated prince boasted that he was not only the son of a god, but could also make gods, as, in fact, he caused his favourite Hephsestion to be reckoned a god, when he built the very magnificent temple in Babylon for his worship ! But can we conceive that Alexander was so stupid as to believe in the reality of these divinities ? Most certainly not ! Neither did many of those around him. He assuredly used these ceremonies simply as time-serving 34 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS means for promoting his ambition, and fortifying his glory in the eyes of men. On the subject of this digression a considerable volume might very easily be compiled, tending to show that these idol divinities were very often used as no more than national ceremonies and customary modes of festivities, without any faith in the celestial perfections of the honoured deity. The names of supposed personages, or departed heroes, were also used as distinctive appellations for set feasts, holidays, and terms of merry-making, in which even the vulgar saw none other object than a fixed season for mirth and public sport. And even Christian England has not entirely discarded the principle, for several of our modern sports and feasts arise from a similar source ; and many an infidel, both in theory and practice, and multitudes who care not an iota for the object of adoration, still hold with us a right merry Christmas, simply because that is a period set apart for a customary feast held under that distinctive name. And to our own English propensity of personification we owe our national divinity, Britannia ; the ideal forms of Time and Death ; and our adopted guardian, Neptune, who has become nearly as naturalized with us as he was originally with the Greeks. There are multitudes of proofs scattered up and down history, tending to show that the Kings, Priests, Philoso- phers, Poets, and Orators of antiquity were by no means deeply-rooted in their faith of the mythological personages, especially of the demi-gods, heroes, and the local tutelar deities. Perhaps these better-informed men were the worshippers of their "UNKNOWN GOD," whom they read and traced through all creation ; but they were, no doubt, willing, and even studious, to awe the populace, and regulate their public conduct, by the influence of those religious pretensions which they found to be of OF THE ANCIENTS. 35 infinite service in establishing and maintaining the forms of successful government. The common people were easily persuaded, in their blindness of the true God, to render devotion to the memory of those departed Heroes, Monarchs, and Philanthropists to whom they felt many obligations for possessions, privileges, and institutions obtained by their instrumentality. Men who feel their frailty naturally revere that which is evidently superior to themselves, and, in ignorance of the Almighty, always venerate the names of the great as tutelar deities, or as the gods or friends of the particular families, cities, or nations for whose benefit their lives were spent. But the loftier-minded portion of mankind could never firmly receive those as gods, in the legitimate sense of the word ; such gods were generally used as a convenience, in the absence and ignorance of a better system. Socrates and his disciples were clearly convinced of the inutility of the common gods. The prosecution of this philosopher for impiety shows that he had slighted at least some of the Athenian divinities, even though, as an active politician and citizen, he had studiously practised the formalities and customary observances of his city, and, probably for his safety and other political motives, chose to conform to the public taste, so far as was necessary for maintaining that influence which he desired in the com- monwealth. Without some such sort of dissimulation it was impossible for any one to gain credit, or even maintain his existence, amongst that fiery and precipitate people, by whom not a few lives were taken for digressing from the common and approved modes of public opinion. Any man of perception could easily see how unsafe it was to weaken in the smallest degree any of those tenets which served to inspire a feeling of awe or subordination in so obstreperous and hard-to-be-governed a city as Athens. 36 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS Even that moral champion, St. Paul, the stoutest of Christians, used a similar obliquity of approach to the mind of the Athenians, when, standing " in the midst of Mars hill," he grafted his new doctrine upon their old opinion, and declared unto them their own God, whom they ignorantly worshipped ; and even condescended to quote their own Poet in confirmation of his assertions. This is a noble instance of adaptation to the opinions and arguments of an auditory, and far more prudent, both in regard to personal safety and doctrinal success, than that system of rigid browbeating and creed-stuffing which some indiscreet teachers adopt. According to this view of the case, we ought not, surely, to censure the Poets for their gods many. They certainly did not invent idolatry, and although they used the names, as it were, of specific persons, in the place of virtues and essences, that is neither their fault, nor, perhaps, their opinion of truth and philosophy. The facts look as though the first names of favourite objects had, through men's par- tiality to their virtues, naturally and progressively grown into metaphorical beings. The commonest mode of speech, when applied to qualities which we admire, has this tendency of rising into personification. The Holy Scriptures abound with this metaphorical mode of expression. It was the idiom of speech used by the commonest people in the Eastern nations, and it would have been most ridiculous for the Poets to tame down their diction beneath the measure of the meanest classes of society. Nay, the Poets have had in all ages a liberal license conceded to them for the adoption of such beauties as could be fairly brought within the scope of their theme. For these reasons it has been thought one of the greatest beauties in Homer for him to express the effeminate love-seeking debauchery of the Asiatics under the title of Venus, and their brutish wars in the person of Mars; whilst with the Greeks he OF THE ANCIENTS. 37 sets forth Juno as the representative of grave conjugal affection ; Pallas, as the united energy of scientific war, valour, and reason. In the same train we find Mercury merely stauds for eloquence, and Jupiter means only wise policy; and so with many other supposed deities, who, with this explication, dissolve into beautiful sentimental figures of speech. Neither is this view an invention to extricate the wisdom of the ancient Poets from the abyss of idolatry : there can be no dispute of this metaphorical mode of expression being universal throughout the East, and it is only by the ignorance and stupidity of later ages that the classical idiom has ever been read in a literal sense ; and all our best English Poets stand chargeable with the creative prostitution of genius nearly in the same degree as the Greeks have been ; take, for instance, Milton's allegorical divinity in "Paradise Lost," beginning at verse 648, book ii. : — " Before the gates there sat," &c. Then the Poet goes on to represent Sin, Death, and other subjects as real persons or actual beings of very hideous forms ; and these he sets forth as breeding with each other in a manner similar to the heathen mythology ; yet no good Christian can, on this single account, excom- municate Milton on the charge of heterodoxy, for his system is built on the foundation of St. James, chapter i., verse 15, " When lust hath conceived," &c. So also our learned Butler personifies the conflicting doctrines which disturbed this country during the Reformation and the Commonwealth ; yet, whoever reads the Poem through, would rather laugh at knight Sir Hudibras and the noble 'Squire, than impeach the orthodoxy of the author. But it is idle work to gather up examples of this nature ; E 38 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS for even the names and virtues of things were, in many cases, originally one, and words are nothing more than a convenient substitution for objects, and their incidents, which could not otherwise be easily represented in our mutual communications. These considerations seem highly necessary to the due appreciation of the figurative lan- guage of all Poets, and especially of the Hebrew and the Greek. OF THE ANCIENTS. 39 CHAPTER IV. THE EGYPTIANS. A few observations on Egypt will not be out of order, since she is so intimately interwoven with the history of the ancient nations. In the Egyptians, the spirit of Poetry was less manifest than in either the Jews or the Greeks ; but that they were possessed of considerable Poetic feeling is quite certain" Although unexpressed in verse or metre, the whole Egyptian system of religious mysteries, and the stupendous works of art connected therewith, were but so many expressions of a vis poetica which stirred within thenu in unison with universal harmony. The spirit of the Egyptians was uttered in a peculiarly subdued and symbolical form : first, because that the art of writing was not common amongst them ; and, secondly, because the arts and sciences were confided to the care and cultivation of the Priests. These two circumstances kept down the enthusiasm of the people, and restrained the speculative and adventurous propensities of the nation. From the early proficiency in the arts of Poetry and Music, already seen, with the Hebrews, it would appear that they must have practised singing even in their bondage under the Egyptians, and that, therefore, the principles of metre and melody must have been, even at that early period, familiar to this latter people. 40 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS The great contribution, too, which Egypt made towards the establishment of the arts and sciences in Greece, is a strong exemplification of Egyptian knowledge and practices from the earliest times. Before Greece had arisen from barbarity, or ever the Israelites had waded the Jordan, Egypt was the learned country, the classic land, to which the aspiring student then travelled in quest of information,, the same as in later days he journeyed into Italy or Greece? In this manner did Lycurgus, Solon, Pythagoras, Plato and many others of the most famous Grecian Politicians, Philosophers, and Poets glean up their tenets in Egypt, and transplant them to the more prolific region of Attica where, under the cultivation of an active genius and national freedom, they have produced such glorious fruits. But the slow, dull, and enervating principles of the government of Egypt blunted the contemplative and glowing imagination which is natural to man, so that she has not been marked by great literary progress. Yet in the latter periods of this nation, under the Grecian influence of the Ptolemies, she added somewhat to the general stock of universal art and science, and, in a measure, seemed to avenge herself on former restraints by a prodigious and extravagant show of this particular characteristic. The literary, and especially the Poetic, spirit of the people burst forth amazingly at this time ; as proofs whereof, we may witness especially the Alexandrian Library and Academy, and the Egyptian festivals. Ptolemy Soter founded the above academy for the study and cultivation of the sciences, in a similar manner to that adopted by the Royal Academies of London and Paris. He gave a large library to this institution, which, at the death of Ptolemy Philadelphus, his son, amounted to ] 00,000 volumes ; and the succeeding Princes increased the number to 700,000. The means used for obtaining OP THE ANCIENTS. 41 these works were both singular and oppressive. One plan adopted was to borrow, or get hold of by any means, all the books that could be come at ; these were forwarded to the Alexandrian literary institutions, and, being all in manuscript at that period, were there neatly copied by persons employed for that purpose, when the originals were deposited in the library, and the copies presented to the first owners thereof. Ptolemy Euergetes is particularly mentioned as having borrowed from Athens the Tragedies of Sophocles, Euripides, and iEschylus, which he put into this library, and returned the Athenians beautiful copies of these authors, together with 15,000 crowns of money for the liberty he had taken of forcing the literary treasure ! The bounty was hand- some enough, but the proceeding too arbitrary to be reconciled to the virtuous temper of a truly liberal genius. This magnificent library was deposited in two separate places — the Burchion and the Serapian ; the former, with its 400,000 volumes, was burned during Cassar's wars upon Egypt ; the remaining library of 300,000 volumes, in the Serapion, was increased by Cleopatra with 200,000 other books, given her by Antony, who had taken them from the library at Pergamos. By this and other additions the famous Alexandrian Libraiy reached nearly its former number of volumes ; but it perished entirely under the ignorance and bigotry of the Saracens, who sacked Alexandria, A.D. 642, during their progress through the Roman Empire. The books were used by them for a considerable time as fuel for cooking their food and warming their baths. This destruction is a sad reflection for the scholar, who was thereby deprived of many original classics whereof not even a copy remains. We have but little occasion to praise those bibliothecal cormorants, who glutted their ambitious literary appetites simply to feed e 2 42 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS the flames with the brightest gems of the human mind. Had those books continued to be scattered abroad in the world, in the common way of scholastic business it is probable that most of them would have escaped destruction. How thankful should we be for the multi- plying art of printing, which laughs at the annihilating prowess of the flame, and mocks the malice of ignorant destroyers ! The academy at Alexandria continued to supply the world with philosophers, and the church with learned fathers and doctors, for ages, amongst whom were Origen, Clemens Alexandrinus, Ammonius, Anatolius, Athanasius, and many more. In Poetry, the object of our pursuit, although Egypt produced but few writers, yet the people, when encouraged, were magnificently extravagant. The solemn festival and procession celebrated on the inauguration of Ptolemy Philadelphus is almost without parallel. Those who have not read the full account of this august ceremony can scarcely form any idea of its splendour ; yet we can here admit simply those portions which more especially belong to the Muses. One band in the public procession con- sisted of comedians, musicians, dancers, and the like, headed by Philiscus, the Priest and Poet of Bacchus. Another band contained a great many satyric, comic, and tragic masks, borrowed, no doubt, from theatrical repre- sentations. In a wine-press, placed on a car and drawn by 300 men, six satyrs trod grapes to the music of the flute, and sang such airs as agreed with the times of their motion ; streams of wine flowed from the chariot during the whole procession. This Singing and Music was used like that to which the Grecian seamen beat time with their oars. A similar usage of Singing was formerly employed by the Venetian gondoliers, or boatmen, who OF THE ANCIENTS. 43 sang, from Tasso, alternate strains, answering to one another. But now " In Venice Tasso's echoes are no more, And silent rows the songless gondolier." See some interesting notes in " Childe Harold." I know of no parallel in English, except it he of half a dozen satirical fellows, who, one day, with a rope over their shoulders, hauled a keel up a canal, singing all the while, " Britons never shall be slaves !" Another band in the above Alexandi'ian procession con- sisted of a chorus of 600 men, of whom 300 played on gilded harps, and wore golden crowns. It was the same Philadelphus who caused the Holy Scriptures to be translated into the Greek language by 72 learned elders, six from each tribe of the Jews. This version is called the Septuagint, and would work a considerable degree of its sacred Poetic spirit into the mind of the Egyptians. Egypt, in her latter ages, recovered, with full interest, all she had originally lent to Greece in the arts, sciences, and Poetical ornaments of life. Take what may, with some propriety, be termed the closing scenes of Egypt's artistic magnificence. Witness Cleopatra's splendid voyage to confer with Antony at Tarsus ; the stern of her ship was blazing with gold ; its sails were purple, and the oars were richly inlaid with silver. On the deck was raised a pavilion of gold cloth, under which, robed as a Venus, appeared Cleopatra, surrounded with beautiful virgins, some of whom represented the Nereiads, and others the Graces. And, fully intent on the due effect of the soft and bewitching, she discarded the music of trumpets and other high-sounding instruments, so generally used on such occasions, and, instead thereof, were heard the enchanting undulations and mixed harmony of flutes, 44 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS hautboys, harps, and other such articles warbling the softest and sweetest airs, in time to the seamen's oars, whose gentle and steady movements united to render the whole charmingly agreeable. On the deck of the vessel were burning perfumes, which emitted sweet odours to a great distance along the river, whose banks were covered with an infinite multitude of people, among whom it was reported that the goddess Venus had come, in masquerade, to visit Bacchus for the benefit of Asia ! The flute appears to have been a favourite instrument with the Egyptians. We find King Ptolemy Auletes, the illegitimate son of Lathyrus, who ascended the throne 65 years B.C., valued himself much for his excellent performance thereon ; he was on that account surnamed Auletes, which means the player upon the flute. He disputed the prize with Music in the public games. "We get other glimpses of the Musical customs of Egypt at this period, in her connection with the Romans. OF THE ANCIENTS. 45 CHAPTER V. THE ROMANS. The historical obscurity which usually attaches to the origiu of nations, attends with a dash of the marvellous and heroic upon the birth of famous Rome. We are told that iEneas, son of Venus and Anchises, on the destruction of Troy (A.M. 2824), escaped into Italy, and, through marrying Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus, the King of the Latins, became possessed of his kingdom. In the progeny of iEneas and Lavinia issued a succession of Kings for nearly four hundred years, of whom Numitor, the last King of Alba, was the fifteenth, and he inherited the throne through his father's will ; but his brother Amulius, to whom was left the ancient treasures which descended from Troy, found in his wealth the means of usurping the kingdom to himself. In order to secure this ill-gotten booty to his undisturbed possession, Amulius slew the sons of his brother, and devoted their only sister, Rhea Silvia, to the perpetual celibacy of a Vestal nun. By this conduct he thought to deprive his brother Numitor of posterity, whose claims might have been troublesome to his peace and security. But, in spite of this cruel artifice, Rhea Silvia produced the twins Romulus and Remus, who, having been cast into the river Tiber for their destruction, by the directions of the barbarous King, were rescued and 46 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS secretly nursed by the wife of Faustulus, one of Amulius's herdsmen. These youths, of course, were reared to the shepherd's life, and, after the manners of their day and country, often engaged in plunder and petty warfare, until at last they suddenly dethroned Amulius, and restored the kingdom to their grandfather Numitor, whereof they left him in quiet possession, and agreed between themselves to build a new city upon those hills over which they had rambled from their infancy. But a quarrel ensued ; Remus was killed by his brother, and Romulus thus became the lone founder of the city of Rome, so named after this youthful hero, then but eighteen years of age, A.M. 3252. In order to people this rude city, then certainly not worthy the name, it was thrown open as an asylum for banditti, fugitives, and marauders of any description, who were freely invited there to take up an abode ; and, to the astonishment of mankind, this motley multitude soon brought themselves into a vigorous compact, which ultimately grew as a giant amongst the nations. Eutropius asserts that we cannot find any nation less in its origin, or greater in its progress. Although Romulus, the founder of Rome, and his twin brother Remus, are said to have been educated privately by Faustulus, the herdsman, and further instructed at Gabii after the Greek manner, yet it is doubtful, consider- ing the habits of their youth, and the early age at which they commenced their city, that their education was but a trifling affair. It is supposed that Romulus learned something of the Greek language, and introduced pure Greek words, unaltered, amongst the Latin : he probably knew nothing about varying their forms to suit the idiom of different tongues. Yet, amidst this obscure barbarity, we find Poetry breathing her exhilarating influence through the medley OF THE ANCIENTS. 47 multitude. In that model of the future triumphal entries of Rome, after the defeat of Acron, the victorious Romulus, in order to strike the people with joy and pomp, made a grand procession, singing songs of triumph, which so delighted his subjects, that they received him with ad- miration and great acclamations. The songs of Romulus were acceptable to the innate harmony of the people ; but it is remarkable that, both on this occasion, and also when Numa arrived amongst them as their King, they expressed their pleasure by shouts and acclamations, whence it appears that the Romans were not yet, as a body, prepared for collective public singing, as were the Grecians. Indeed, the very confusion which must necessarily have attended such a mixture as composed the Roman constitution, would not only prevent any general performance of national songs, but also greatly impede individual progress in the harmonious arts. Romish character during the thirty-seven years' reign of Romulus is that of extreme rudeness ; we look in vain for any degree of intellectual polish or literary refinement ; and the only virtues manifested in the inhabitants of this new nation are those of the rougher class — boldness, resolution, obedience to military commanders, and the like. It were perfectly impossible for such a promiscuous set of low adventurers to accomplish anything in classic, or, indeed, even in common literature. The only work performed during this period was that of establishing and modelling their political existence. Yet we shall do well to observe, as we go along, the effects of the one marked characteristic which, as observed above, emanated from this original condition of the public mind. That fierce and determined conduct, which belonged to these first Romans, grew with their growth, and cast a distinctive trait over every object connected with the future history of their afterwards 48 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS mighty nation. Their language, when once fully moulded and fixed, became one of remarkable vigour and stern energy ; their laws and institutions were of the same cast, while even the Poetry and entire literature of their classic period were affected in a great degree by the same cause- And from this source arose most of those distinctive nationalities which we term Roman. After an interregnum of one year, during which the senators held the supreme command, Numa Pompilius was invited to sway the regal power, which he ultimately accepted (U.C. 38). This King effected an entire revolu- tion in the national manners and feelings ; he cultivated all the milder graces with a devotion seldom, if ever surpassed by any other Prince. Upon the robust virtues of the former reign he successfully engrafted the enthu- siasm of superstitious religiou, and thereby completed that national character which was destined to become so mighty. On his accession to the kingly office, he introduced many refinements amongst his subjects, and? by combining carefully into one the religious ceremonies and the acts of the government, he restrained the savage propensities of the people, and bound them down to good discipline and improved moral conduct. In order to interest and secure their better feelings, he established several new religious rites and ceremonies, commingled with dancing and singing : the priests, called Salii, carried sacred targets through the city, performing, at the same time, a rapid dance and singing songs. In order to ingraft these articles of heathen civilization more firmly upon the affections of his citizens, and to instil into them a reverence for the patrons of the arts Numa pretended that he had been taught his new institutions by the nymph Bgeria and the Muses, and that he was commanded to dedicate to those Muses the OF THE ANCIENTS. 4t) meadows where he had been used to converse with them. In Numas's reign, which extended to forty-three years, the Musicians had become sufficiently numerous in his young kingdom to be constituted into a distinct body or company, with its own peculiar court and ceremonies under the especial encouragement of their sovereign. By the address and arts of Numa, the savage disposition of the Romans was softened down ; their manners were, in some promising degree, polished ; and the ground-work of their future fame was laid. Without such culture the value of their arms could never have been properly directed, nor their victories duly improved. The literary efforts of this reign consisted mainly in the twelve Latin and twelve Greek books of Numa's ceremonies, which he ordered to be buried in a stone coffin, alongside of himself, and which, after a period of 400 years, were exhumed, when the senate, from pretended veneration and respect, caused them to be burned in order to preserve the secrecy of then- contents ; but the true motive for this deed is supposed to be that of hiding the childish super- stition which these books contained, lest they might be productive of infidelity in the public mind, and cause troublesome objections to the superstructure which had been built thereon. The reigns of Tullus Hostilius and Ancus Martius, the third and fourth Kings of Rome, were mostly occupied with war. Then Priscus Tarquinius, the fifth King, built a circus — a large circular building, with rows of seats, each one higher than the other — on purpose for the people to enjoy the diversion of public games. He instituted the Roman games called Ludi Romani ; also named Magni, in honour of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. These per- formances consisted of much singing, music, dancing, 50 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS wrestling, and other such like popular acts of merri- ment. At this period the Romans had then' simple songs for private entertainments and their religious festivals, and began to form a sort of spontaneous bantering comedy. They also used short heroic Poems expressive of their sentiments, on the lives of their heroes, their rape and strife with the Sabines, their foreign wars, internal convulsions and domestic events, together with such other themes as related to the facts or traditions of their own nation. These old traditional Poems have been supposed to constitute the spirit of Livy's narrative ; but, Hke the native songs of all other primitive people, they were extremely simple and unpolished, mostly written in an irregular verse called Saturnalian, and very far removed from that precise and regular style by which they were supplanted on the introduction of Grecian arts into Rome. The seventh and last King of Rome, Lucius Tarquinius, sumamed the proud, usurped the crown and proved an indecent tyrant. By this time architecture had made great progress, as we find in the magnificent building named the Capitol, which, in this reign, occupied the people four years in erecting, upon the foundations laid by Tarquin the Greek, their fifth king, who had introduced many Grecian refinements. It is worthy a passing remark that, in the word Capitol, we have an example of that compounding of words which is not only common, but really necessary, in the forming and expanding of languages in young states. When digging the foundations for this large edifice, the workmen, as the tale is told, exhumed the head of a man named Tolus, which, after being buried many years, bled as fresh as though it had been newly slain ; hence Caput, the Latin word for head, and Tolus, the man's name, became the roots of the new word Capitol. OF THE ANCIENTS. 51 During the 243 years of Roman history, which includes the period of her seven Kings, we have nothing presented to which we can apply the general terms of arts, sciences, or literature, excepting that small matter which we observe in the somewhat improved habits and manners of the citizens ; or, to speak more properly, we find nothing as yet amongst the Romans in the way of scholastic progress. In the horrid tactics of war they had become more regular and systematic. In this lay their chief pre-eminence, and in close combination herewith we see their religious super- stitions exerting a mighty national influence ; not only nursing and establishing their martial intrepidity, on the one hand, but, on the other, producing a grand display of architectural effort, which, being founded on the sublime model of the Greeks, reared monuments that were the wonder of every beholder. A general view, taken from this stage of Roman history, presents us with some of the most remarkable workings of human nature that ever marked the progress of mankind, which, though unconnected with any peculiarities of Poetry or Music, in the first instance, yet, so far govern the future development of these arts as to justify a few remarks in this inquiry. The public mind in Rome originally fierce, desperate, reckless, and adventurous — an heterogeneous mass of all that seemed distorted and ungovernable — was, by the resolution and address of a stripling, Romulus, amalgamated into one harmonious body of bold and determinate nationality. The mixed and barbarous multitude became, under their first King, united to one purpose, and combined for one common design — namely, that of establishing and extending their own political existence and independence. And then, as though the Fates had really conspired on behalf of the infant state, their second King happily 52 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS seized on this combined political enthusiasm, and, with all the devotedness that man is capable of throwing into any subject, he remodelled the entire Roman society into a religious subordination, which kept the multitude in check, and helped to work out their civilization. In this manner the young kingdom was tossed instantly from one extreme point to another, and all its earliest Rulers, being adventurous strangers, were necessarily men of strong and decided principles in some way or other ; and each one imparted somewhat of his character to the public manners of the people. Some great and marked singularity or other was the necessary qualification for promotion to the regal office. When there were but few laws, or even none, common-place Kings would not do : they must needs be men of some established bias of mind, and of sufficient energy to enforce their views. Nations generally rise gradually out of settlements of families, or tribes of emigrating friends or neighbours? formerly acquainted and previously agreeing upon certain forms of society and government, which naturally grow under their common cultivation. But with Rome all was reverse to this principle ; everything depended in a great degree upon the influence of her Kings, particularly those of her earliest choice. In this hasty notice, Tarquinius Priscus, the fifth King, is worthy of mention, as the introducer of many of the Greek polite arts, which infused a measure of classic zest into the barbarous mind. But in the search of literature, properly so called, we must pass on. "We proceed, then, to the fourth centuiy of Roman oareer, which opened under most inauspicious appearances, moral, intellectual, and political. Riven asunder by her own fickle barbarity, oppressed by the external depre" dations of her old enemies, and doubted by her wavering OF THE ANCIENTS. 53 allies, she seemed tottering on the verge of ruin ; her sinews were broken for the want of unity ; she was tossed about by her contending factions, and witnessed, in turn, many opposite phases of government. "While Rome was in this desperate moral state, an irruption of the barbarous Gauls descended from beyond the Alps into the northern parts of Italy; and, being highly charmed with the climate and its productions, boldly marched forward to Rome, and easily destroyed an undisciplined, irregular army that was sent out to arrest their progress ; they burned the city to ashes, leaving only the Capitol unconsumed. This stronghold a few remaining warriors had fortified, and defended with a new degree of bravery which their terrible disasters had infused into them, until Camillus, one of their best old veterans, whom they lately banished for his virtues, arrived with an army from the country, and completely routed the invaders. It is singular enough to deserve recording, that the Capitol, the only remaining object of Rome, was on this occasion saved by the sweet music of a goose ! During the dead of the night, some of the enemy had scaled the rock, and passed the top of the wall, when the sentinel was awakened from his sleep by the chattering of the sacred geese of Juno's temple, just in time to avert from entire destruction the last portion of the original city of Rome. This is about the conclusion of the Legendary period of the Romans : from this time they took a new turn, and started forward with increased vigour, which brought them on to their Classic era. They had hitherto used the common national songs, similar to those of other unpolished people, breathing of patriotism and legendary heroism. Their traditions, and Poetry, such as it was, were intimately connected with each other, according to 54 THE POETIC .SND MUSICAL CUSTOMS the bold, rude form of their own peculiar spirit. These, their popular ballads, constituted a sort of half-fabulous history, and were, up to the present, nearly their only records. As to their public amusements of the dramatic cast, these consisted of pantomime and a rude jesting comedy, such as had sprung up spontaneously from their own manners and customs, and differing not very widely in character from the earliest comedy of the Greeks — simply a coarse raillery and buffoonery, performed in a barbarous manner. About the commencement of the sixth century from the building of their city, may be properly regarded as the epoch of literature with the Romans. The spirited struggles which this people had made at home, and in the field, since the destruction of their former grandeur by the Gauls, had been a hot-bed whereon all the most elevated and sublime emotions of their nature were rapidly forced up to perfection, even amidst the destructive blasts of bitter contentions, which were all the while raging around them ; but now a universal peace from abroad, and quiet at home, shone on them, as a sweetly cheering spring, to burst their already budding intellect into the full beauty of a flowery Poesy. By their foreign experience, their importation of new maimers, and the naturalization of immigrant Artists and Literati, they began to feel their own position, and to aspire to an imitation of the sublime models of the Greeks. Livius Andronicus, a Greek captive, was their first dramatic caterer. He transplanted considerable portions of the Grecian Drama into the language and performances of his conquerors, and also translated Homer's "Odyssey" into the Roman tongue. But the Romans could never imbibe the true spirit of their great teachers ! Unfortunately for the literary fame of this people, they were not only sufficiently dull, and OF THE ANCIENTS. 55 meanly contented to be dragged after this manner out of their barbarity by a literary importation, but quietly, even after their partial renovation, sat down to be mere servile imitators of then great prototypes. Ennius, the first Roman dramatist, was naturally a man of Poetic spirit ; but he also foolishly allowed his vanity to lead him astray after Greek formalities, to the neglect of the substance, and thereby much of his original grace was lost. He became very assiduous in supplanting the ancient indigenous melodies of Rome, in favour of the regular and systematic versification of Greece. He thus aimed at too much, and ruined himself and perverted for ever the taste of his followers. He ought rather to have cultivated the Roman nationalities, coarse as they were. He should have gathered the rough natural productions of his native land, and worked them up to a finer polish, like as Homer with the Greek, and Chaucer with our English. The Romans, in such a case, would have felt themselves to be quite at home, and have gone boldly on with the work in the full strength of natural spirit and native enthusiasm. They had sufficient energy for any work, and only wanted setting loose into a free channel to accomplish any reason- able purpose. This was their primitive constitutional character ; the direct working of their proper nature. Their second or habitual nature, equally strong with the former, was their extravagant superstition, their veneration for anything which once gained their credence or surpassed their comprehension ; and I make no very great doubt but a portion of even this feeling gained ground in the literary conceptions of the Romans. They were struck with some degree of awe at the sublimity of the Greeks ! They might fear the rough handling of gods, which formed the great machinery of Grecian Poets ! And if so, how surely would they follow with but a feeble energy ! 56 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS And yet, as no man of good natural parts can frequent highly cultivated society without being considerably re- fined thereby, so could not the Romans be made inti- mately acquainted with the Greeks without imbibing their inspiration, either totally or partially. Accordingly we are told that this contact did really work out a new degree, or, perhaps, a new sort, of Poetry hitherto unknown. Instead of running headlong, to do violence amongst the deities, they first tried their hands in railing at the faults or imperfections of the superiors of their own kind, which brought into existence that species of Poetry termed satire, which, by the ultimate cultivations of Lucilius, Juvenal, and Horace, became truly a grand art. The veneration of the Romans for the models of the Greeks produced, in the general effect, a descent from their natural ease and spirit to a restrained fcrmality ; and had it not been that their innate, daring, martial disposition imparted a sublime courage to their manners, and thereby redeemed them, in some measure, from the base servility of copyism, we should have been deprived of those few great Roman authors who, afterwards, com- mingled their genius with the spirit of universal Poetry. In purely dramatic writings the Romans were always very unhappy : their whole stock for a long time consisted of nothing more than some base translations from the Greek, together with the native buffoonery of their own invention, which was probably never thought worthy of cultivation, by reason of the higher pretensions of the Grecian style. The importation of foreign Poetic prin- ciples turned the Roman genius out of the course of its natural channel at the commencement of its progress ; and, as in all other cases of early perversion, the after workings never entirely shook off the first influence. If OF THE ANCIENTS. 57 the native spirit of the Romans had been allowed to go forward in its own propensity, as the leading feature of their ars Poetica, with now and then a little exotic auxiliary polish, instead of being entirely broken up with foreign learning, it would doubtless have grown into another class of Poetry, as far removed from any of the Greek characteristics as the Poetry of the Greeks differed from that of the Hebrew, the Indian, and all other writers. In the early periods of this people, all their marvels and fables were peculiarly national, and their legends and superstitions distinctively Roman ; but this native simpli- city, which, in even its rudest circumstances, is the essence of truth and Poetry, was driven off by that artistic servility which manifested itself in the endeavour to copy, by rules and laws, that propensity and taste which had been the easy flowing, in another people, of a different genius* The spirit of the Greeks, during their prosperity, was essentially that of originality in all their ideas ; the spirit of the Romans, that of imitation, excepting the one prevailing sentiment of boundless ambition, which alone imparted a sensible degree of stern majesty to their writings. Hence the Romans never at any period obtained a national tragic drama, but descended to the brutal spectacles of gladiator and beast fighting for their tragic amusements. By this conduct their naturally noble feel- ings of bravery and generosity became desecrated, and their minds were ultimately rendered incompetent to appreciate the genuine virtue of Poetic essences. About 558, U.C., the Romans testified their rising zeal for science and classic lore, by sending, at the public expense, and in the name of their Senate and citizens' ten of their most noble men to proclaim, in ,the public assembly of the Isthmian games, a political freedom to all Greece, which had then lately succumbed before the 58 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS united cunning and military prowess of Rome. This generous conduct of their masters perfectly intoxicated the giddy Greeks with an unexpected gleam of joy, and is certainly a highly redeeming point in the Roman character. And, notwithstanding all the corruptions and moral evils wherewith Rome was now infected, that spirit of improvement had taken hold on their intellect which was not easily to be put down. The arts and sciences had kept pace with the general activity of the nation. The rich had begun to find pleasure in them, and, by the patronage of the great, several authors were reared who infused a new under-current of feeling into the public taste. A passion for Poetry began to prevail. The charming versification of Lucretius ornamented and re- fined this period. This was a Poet of considerable parts, who attempted a new species of Poetry, in a scientific description of nature ; but, in spite of his acknowledged merits, the philosophy of his day was sufficiently false to spoil such an attempt. Neither are the critics willing to recognise this as the proper theme for the Poet ; they seem to think that the freedom of Poetry is at antagonism with the strict laws of Philosophy ; and, as philosophical tenets are frequently erroneous, the Poetry spent on the error is without doubt a waste of genius. "We now pass into the consulate of the great Cicero, and the triumvirate of Pompey, Cassar, and Crassus (U.C. 694), a time when the intellectual strength of Rome put forth the full vigour of its glory. Eloquence became the mighty means of public influence, whereby causes were gained, and the tyrants often kept in control. This period was illuminated by the genius of the above great men, as well as Cato, Antony, Brutus, and a host of others. The chief men of this age appear to have made good progress in the OF THE ANCIENTS. 59 polite arts, and to have imitated the Greeks in quoting, without forethought or pre-arrangement, from the Poets such passages as fitted any particular occurrence or emergency in which they became engaged. These quota- tions were, of course, from the Grecian authors, as the Latin were not yet sufficiently established. The last words which Pompey "the Great" spake to his friends before he entered the company of the murderous Egyp- tians were these, from Sophocles : — "Who refuge seeks within a tyrant's door, When once he enters there, is free no more." Pompey, in his prosperity, built a large theatre, for the entertainment of the public in Music, gymnastics, and the combats of wild beasts. With his terrible slaughter of lions and of elephants the people were peculiarly delighted. He appears to have been very fortunate in winning lovely and loving wives. In the list of his wife Cornelia's o accomplishments, her proficiency in Music is particularly recorded. The Greek Poets were familiar to several of Pompey's friends also. When Favonius volunteered very cheerfully to act as the common servant to Pompey, an observer cried out from Euripides — " O, with what nameless grace the generous mind Fulfils whate'er its virtue has design'd !" Cicero, usually looked upon as an orator only, was also naturally and eminently a Poet. Plutarch says, he was born with that happy constitution which inclines to all kinds of learning ; but that, in his youth especially, his more peculiar propensity was for Poetry ; and in Plutarch's time there was still extant a tetrameter Poem called " Pon- tius Glaucus," which Cicero wrote when only a boy. He translated Aratus into verse when he was only seventeen years of age ; he wrote a Poem in celebration of Marius, s 60 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS * which was much esteemed ; also a Poem, in three books- on his own consulship ; and is said to have been the most eminent Roman Poet of his own time ; but nearly the whole of his Poems are now lost. It is needless to say- how intimately he was acquainted with Greek literature : this source supplied him with much of the witty sarcasm in which he was accustomed to deal. In one instance^ he met a Roman gentleman in the street, along with his three anything but pretty daughters, and he immediately accosted them with the verse from Sophocles : — "An offspring raised against Apollo's will !" But, as may be expected, this practice caused him many enemies. In the latter part of his life, Cicero used Poetry as a recreation, and, when very intent on his subject, he could compose as much as five hundred verses in one night. It is probably this hasty profusion which has caused his Poems to be lost ; had he spent more time and care, there can be but little doubt that his great mind was capable of adjusting both the thoughts and the language of his themes to a very high polish. It was the custom of the virtuous and accomplished Marcus Brutus to quote the Greek classics without pre- meditation ; as, for instance, when, in his voluntary exile from Rome, his wife, Portia, being with him at Elea, by the sea coast, from whence she was shortly to depart home, and leave him behind, she was much distressed on that account ; and meeting, by chance, with a picture representing the separating of Hector and Andromache she could no longer restrain her tears, but walked often up and down the place to gaze on the painting. On seeing this, his friend Acilius quoted the verses from Homer wherein Andromache says — " Yet while my Hector still survives, I see My father, mother, brethren, all in thee." OF THE ANCIENTS. 61 And Brutus instantly proved his intimacy with the old Poet by smiling, and saying, " I must not answer Portia as Hector did Andromache" — ' Hasten to thy tasks at home, There guide the spindle and direct the loom.' " Pope. Omitting several instances like the above, he is remarkable for quoting, without anticipation, some appropriate passages from Euripides, immediately before his death, and while in the greatest distress of mind. Casting his eyes up to heaven, he cried " Punish, great Jove, the author of these ills." Brutus, when in his prosperity, was at especial care to provide magnificent public shows, games, beast fighting, and other spectacles for the amusement of the people in accordance with the general national taste. Antony, the great Roman general, but very licentious "inimitable liver," was a patron of those lower degrees of Poetry and the Drama which are the disgrace of the whole art. Those species of Music, Poetry, and buffoonery which are favourable to debauch and the gratification of the animal appetites were his delight. When he journeyed through Asia with a great army, he had with him, for amusement, a stupid set of Roman buffoons ; to whom he added other more refined comedians, harpers, flute-players, and the dancers from Greece and other countries that he visited. And the Ephesians, to gratify and court his revelling disposition, ushered him into their city with a procession of women dressed like the priestesses of Bacchus — with men and boys in the characters of fauns and satyrs, with ivy wreaths, pipes, harps, flutes, and songs. "When he and his dear Cleopatra were preparing for his last fatal war against Caesar, they spent some time at the Isle of Samos, in company with their numerous allied Kings, G bZ POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS Princes, and Governors ; and a proclamation having been made for the attendance of all musicians, singers, dancers, and comedians, the island was made to echo with noise and revelry, and the theatre was crowded with performers ; while the various Kings vied with each other in the exhi- bition of the most magnificent feasts and presents. At the conclusion of this singular carnival, Antony made a gift of Priene to the comedians and musicians, for a dwelling-place, and himself went to luxuriate in the theatrical entertainments of Athens. Even Cato the Censor, a churlish despiser of Grecian literature, in admiration of Scipio, cried out from the " Odyssey" — " In him alone the soul and sense remain ; The rest are fleeting forms and shadows vain." Book 10. "When Cato the Younger was about to marry Lepida, he was disappointed by the successful rivalry of Metellus Scipio ; and, out of revenge thereof, Cato wrote against Scipio some iambics, said to be equal in wit and satire to those of Archilochus, but of much superior morality. In 706 of the City, Julius Caesar obtained full power over Rome, and became her first Emperor, under whom the last sparks of popular liberty were extinguished, and the last principles of the Republic obliterated. Caesar was a practical Poet : during thirty-eight days that he was the prisoner of some pirates, he amused himself and them by writing verses and making speeches ; but the main bent of his mind was on more terrible deeds, although his whole life, if related truly in metre, would of itself be no mean article of Poetry. OF THE ANCIENTS. 63 CHAPTER VI. THE ROMANS CONTINUED. In the year of Rome 710, we come to the bloody triumviri of Antony, Augustus, and Lepidus, when most of the wealthiest, wisest, and best people of Rome were pro- scribed and murdered. At this period lived Virgil, the sweet Latin Poet, whose spirit was worth that of 10,000 warriors, and whose gentle power was sufficient to obtain his petition from Augustus, who became sole Ruler of Rome in 725 U.C., on the death of Antony and his wife, the celebrated Cleopatra of Egypt. Also Horace, Ovid, and Livy added their mighty influence to the Augustan reign. The Augustan was the golden, the Saturnian era of Roman Literature, and, in the latter part thereof, of moral reformation also. Theatrical exhibitions had run to shameful excesses, but this Emperor restrained that vice with severe rigidity. He forbade the knights and the ladies of rank from appearing as public dancers in the manner they had been used to do ; he abolished the custom of the females being spectators of the athletic exercises of naked men ; and, although he was very partial to theatrical performances, he very strictly ex- amined the moral conduct of the actors, and imposed great restrictions upon the immodesty of gestures, which 64 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS had become very common. His minister Mecasnas was a munificent patron of genius. Pollio, the Consul, is im- mortalized in the incomparable Poetry of Virgil's fourth Eclogue. This is a very remarkable production : first, in regard to the sublimity and beauty of its composition ; and, secondly, in its singular coincidence with the most important fact of that period — namely, its prophetic announcement of the birth of our Saviour. It appears that, by some means, the Sybilline Oracles had got hold of the prophecy that " about this time a child would be born who should rule the earth, and establish continual peace." It is supposed by many that Virgil, in order to court favour, interprets this oracle to signify the child Marcellus, the nephew of Augustus by Octavia, and thence goes on to paint a beautiful picture of the Golden Age, which he supposes to be just commencing under the influence of Augustus, Antony, Octavia, &c. But the general ideas of the piece, considering that it is in a heathen dress, correspond so precisely with the prophecy of Isaiah, that there is great reason to believe that the Sybils had somehow borrowed it from the Jews, and that Virgil, unwittingly, celebrates the approaching birth of the child Emmanuel. The Jews had then a general expectation of a great deliverer being shortly born to them. Virgil is very positive as to the time ; he says — " Teque ade6 decus hoc sevi, te consule, inibit, Pollio ; et incipient magni procedere menses." (And in your consulship, Pollio, in yours, shall this so great glory of the age make his entry, and the renowned months begin to roll.) And it is a singular fact, that our Saviour was born, if not in the consulship of Pollio, yet within the reign of the present Ruler, Augustus, when the temple of Janus was shut, and all the world had ceased from the clashing of OF THE ANCIENTS. 65 After Augustus succeeded Tiberius Cassar, a wretch of refined barbarity and debauchery : his reign began U.C., 767, or A.D. 15. Under hini Sextus Vestilius was executed for the overt crime of writing a satire against Caligula although it is supposed that his virtue was his real fault with the tyrant ; and Mamercus Scaurus was driven to suicide, in order to avoid being slain, for none other sin than having written a Tragedy founded on the story of Atreus, which the tyrant's conscience applied rather stingingly to himself. Under such usage Literature could not but, in some measure, begin to shrink from her mission. Caligula, the fourth Emperor, obtained power A.D. 39, and was, perhaps, the most perfect brute that ever swayed the sovereign power over any mighty nation. There can be but little doubt of his partial insanity. His critical acumen may be inferred from the fact, that he condemned Virgil's Poetry and discarded Livy's History, although other people have regarded them as the pride of Roman Literature. But, what is singular in such a constitution, he had a liking for Singing. The Senators and young Nobility sang his praises in a public procession to the Capitol. In his pleasures he was attended by exquisite Singers, and was at last assassinated when about being entertained with the singing of a band of Grecian children, on the fourth day of the Palatine Games. After the Emperor Claudius was poisoned by his wife, Agrippina, and her physician, A.D. 55, Nero, the son of that infamous woman by a former marriage, obtained the Empire. When he had thrown off his youthful restraint, and assumed his natural character, he was another of those inhuman monsters whose biography is a blot upon the general history of mankind, and of whom Rome un- fortunately produced too many ; and yet, although he was g 2 66 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS a cruel vindictive tyrant and unnatural debauchee, he had a strong and curious disposition towards harmony and the polite arts, which, but for the lowering com- bination of his beastly propensities, might have made an honourable addition to society. Even his revenge and his vices were tinctured with the unusual mixture of the refined arts ; as, for instance, when he wished to mortify his wicked and mischievous mother, he sent a band of the common rabble to sing satirical songs and insulting language, addressed to her from under her windows. He inherited from childhood a passion for Music and Poetry, and spent considerable exertions, under good masters, to obtain a proficiency in Singing, in order to appear upon the Stage in the character of a theatrical performer. He was equally ambitious of being a Poet, but could not submit himself to that rigid study and close application which are necessary to proficiency, and, in all probability, was not organized with a sufficient vis Poetica to shine in that sublime art. In order to gratify his Poetic ambition, he obtained from a number of his courtier-wits such verses as each could compose, and, stringing them all together, he dignified the medley with the title of a Poem ! One might suppose that this was done as a parody on the collection of the Homeric Poems, or else that he cherished the infatuation that his work should rival the great Grecian prototype ! The theatrical tour of this incongruously organized being is one of the most singular artistic adventures on record. He became truly mad in his ambition to rival the regular performers ! His determinate thirst for praise was such as to induce him to use all the mean arts of the common actors to obtain his purpose ! The Greeks were now under the rule of Rome, and it was, therefore, at once the craft, the interest, and even OF THE ANCIENTS. 67 the necessity of that people to obtain the good-will of the Roman Emperors. As Nero's weakness happened to run into their own peculiar channel of refinement, the Grecians very wittily resolved to send him musical crowns, as the honours of all their games ; and their ambassadors courted Nero's vanity so artfully that he determined on a tour into the classic land, because he considered that none other people were so worthy of his attention. He consequently spent a year in journeying through Greece, attended by a great host of Singers, Musicians, dancers, and other theatricals. The Greeks gratified his vanity to the full by bestowing on him 1800 crowns, as the marks of his superiority, no one being foolish enough to contest the prizes seriously with the half-mad Emperor, excepting one vain man, whose talents cost him his life, by opposing Nero too successfully. On his return, he entered Rome with the greatest magnificence, being crowned with wild olive, the con- queror's garland in the Olympic games. He held the crown of the Pythian games in his hand, while the other 1800 crowns were carried in the procession before him, and he was attended by Musicians and Singers, in number like an army of soldiers, whose business was to resound the praise of the "conquering hero" in the midst of sacrificed victims, and displays of childish adorations rendered to him almost incredible. It would have been well for the subjects of Nero had he practised nothing more really injurious and base than the above insanities. Unfortunately, his mind afterwards soured into the most savage excesses of cruelty. When he became sated with theatrical honours, he sought other more horrid pleasures. He is generally supposed by historians to have set the city of Rome on fire, for the strange gratification of seeing a resemblance of the 68 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS destruction of Troy ; and, during the conflagration, he expressed his delight by repeating, in all the frenzy of theatrical pomp, and in a common actor's dress, some verses on the Trojan catastrophe ; but, finding himself suspected and disliked on this account, he charged the incendiary outrage upon the Christians, who were become numerous in Rome at that time. Hence that poor devoted body was doomed to suffer all the persecution of a pre- judiced and exasperated populace, who, though jealous of the real offender, were willing to wreak their vengeance on the Christians, because the doctrines of their religion were antipodes to popular opinions, and because the austere virtues thereby rigidly enforced were offensive to the deep and general corruption of that period. Under this visita- tion of wicked ignorance St. Paul was beheaded, and St. Peter crucified. This latter disciple, having choice of the manner in which he should be executed, chose to exceed the shameful death of his Master by being crucified with his head downwards. Now also fell, through the jealousy of the tyrant, two honourable men of Literature — Seneca, the famous philo- sopher, who had been tutor to his inhuman murderer, and Lucan the Poet, who was nephew to Seneca. Pen- torius was put to death under the cruelties of this period, and, being of the Epicurean philosophy, he endeavoured to exhibit his ease of mind under suffering by many frivolities, and, amongst others, by listening to the recitation of some light Poems, even while iu the act of dying. And the furious, blood-thirsty Emperor manifested his Musical infatuation to the last ; for, in the midst of that rebellion which rid the world of so mean and inexplicable a tyrant, he displayed this one of his ruling passions, by showing to the Senate some new instruments which were OF THE ANCIENTS. b\) to be played upon by water, and, explaining their nature, said, sneeringly, that, with the permission of Vindex, the chief revolter, he hoped to exhibit this instrument upon the theatre. But the miserable wretch was disappointed, not only in the amount of his danger, but also in his premeditated performance. His madness grew still more manifest every day ; when he was obliged to think of going out to subdue his enemy, one of his first cares was to provide waggons for the safe carriage of his musical instruments, wherewith he promised that he would most certainly appear on the stage after his victory. In the extremity of his revolutionary distresses, the care of his voice for singing was uppermost in his mind ; for, although he could give his attendance to the theatre, he durst not take a journey for the welfare of his empire, through fear of increasing a hoarseness which had settled on him ! In his latest moments, when the enemy had hunted him down like a fox to his cover, and came upon him for his life, one of his friends, whom he had urged to flee with him from the pursuing destruction, showed his acquaint- ance with Poetry by replying to the terrors of Nero in the words of Virgil — " Usque adeone mori niiserum est ?" " Is death, then, such a misfortune ?" But it mostly happens that tyrants are cowards, and it was eminently so with this despicable tormentor of his own species. During the reign of Nero, in the year of our Lord 61 was born that polished gentleman and accomplished scholar, Pliny the Younger. He was particularly attached to the Muses. Even while at home, under private tutors, at the age of fourteen, being yet too young to enter the public schools, he is reported to have written a Greek 70 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS Tragedy. He seems never to have been idle, but con- tinually occupied with a congenial mixture of Literature and business, being, in this respect, a pattern peculiarly befitting the study of young men. During his return from a Spanish expedition, he was detained by adverse winds in the Isle of Icaria ; on which occasion he exemplified his philosophical industry by quietly sitting down to write Latin Elegies on the place and the circumstances of his detention ; and, although he was singularly successful in all the departments of private and public life, yet the love of Poesy always had over him a powerful influence. Even his prose writings, especially the Epistles, possess much of the spirit and witchery of Poetry, independent of his frequent Poetic quotations and allusions. His Epistle to Socius Senecio is interesting, both in regard to his own taste and the customs of the Romans. He tells us that they then had so great a produce of Poets, that scarcely one day during the month of April passed without some new public rehearsal. Then he complains of the lazy disposition of the people at that time towards these ex- hibitions of talent, which were so pleasant to himself ; he says that they assemble tardily, some simply to idle away their time, ask foolish questions, and then loiter out again ; or some even sneak off slily, at which double dealing he is much annoyed. He also takes a glance back, and informs us that this public indifference did not prevail in the time of Claudius Caesar, the next preceding to Nero, at which time the multitudes used to run to the rehearsals with a great clamour. There is no doubt that a gladiator or a beast-fight was generally more congenial than the fine arts to the breeding of the Roman populace. Pliny frequently complains of the moral and literary degeneracy of his time, and especially observes that great attainments were even dangerous during the reign of Nero. OF THE ANCIENTS. 71 The Epistles of Pliny are almost a history of Poetry for his era. To Euritius he descants on the elegance and spirit that are conspicuous in the verses of his friend Pompeius Saturninus, which, he says, are equal to those of Catullus or Calvus. Another of his friends, Titinius Capito, was industrious in celebrating the lives and actions of great men with excellent verses. On the funeral of Virginius Rufus, our author reckons, amongst other happy circumstances of his life, the fact that he lived to see Poems written in praise of his great actions, and to read his own history. To a friend, Octavius, he writes a sharpish stricture on his foolish bashfulness in retaining unreasonably long his Poems from the public. Pliny strenuously urges Octavius to a formal recital in open assembly, which, it appears, that himself had already practised ; and, after recital, he would have this friend to collect and publish his pieces in one volume, lest some other person should get hold of them, and put them forth in a barbarous manner. In writing to Calvisius, Pliny mentions a hearty old man, Spurinna, who, to his seventy-seventh year, was cheerfu^ enough to write Lyric Songs, and be amused at supper with the rehearsals of Comedians. This same old hero was also industrious both in private and public duties, and altogether such an one, that Pliny says he does not know any other person whom he should so much like to emulate. Then he tells Caninius of another amusing old gentleman Silius Italicus, who, amongst a multitude of books and statues, for which he had a great reverence, esteemed those of Virgil with especial veneration, and celebrated the anniversaries of the birth-day of that Poet with more solemnity than his own ; on which occasions he visited, at Naples, a monument of Virgil, as a temple for worship. This Virgilian devotee was Nero's last consul, being in 72 POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS office when that Emperor died. Pliny writes an entire letter to Spurinna and Coccia, about some verses which himself had written on the death of their son. This kind and accomplished writer always appears veiy happy when he has an opportunity of praising his Poetic acquaintances. Among other instances of this character, his Epistle to Proculus is remarkable for good feeling and pleasure in giving approval. He acknowledges the encouragement which Tully gave to Poets ; he declares his own veneration for Poetry, even to a religious feeling ; and then goes on to express many fine com- mendations on the performances of his friend. He writes a very laudatory letter on the death of his Poetic friend, Valerius Martial, and takes especial care to approve his wit and Poetry. In praise of Antonius's Greek epigrams and iambics, he uses many kind words, wondering, among the rest, how a Roman can come to be so finished a Grecian ! and affirms that he envies the Greeks, for that Antonius has chosen to write Poetry in their language ! In another Epistle, as a proof of his deep interest in those Epigrams, he says that he has been imitating them in Latin ; and again he writes to say that he continues to find still greater worth in those Poems than he at first saw, by his inability to imitate them successfully. To Falco he expresses his great satisfaction on hearing the rehearsal of a young Poet, Sentius Augustinus, whom he sets forth as a successful writer, and a credit to their times. A similar circumstance gives him occasion for an Epistle to Spurinna, whom he informs that, on the same day whereon he wrote, he had been an auditor to the rehearsal of an excellent Poem by Calphurnius Piso, a young gentleman of quality and refinement. He thinks this Poet well calculated to support the credit of the age, for which he expresses his anxiety lest it should be OF THE ANCIENTS. 73 unfruitful in the arts. From another rehearsal, he com- municates an amusing story to Romanus. He says that Passienus Paulus, a Roman Knight of great breeding and learning, and a writer of Elegies, when beginning to read his work in public assembly was ridiculously interrupted. The piece began thus : — " Priscus, do you command ?" And upon hearing this, one Jabolenus Priscus, a man of official consequence, but rather questionable understanding, quickly answered, " No ! I command nothing !" Upon this response, Pliny says, you may imagine what a burst of laughter and mirth pervaded the audience. At one time our great Poetic admirer expresses his strong resentment against some auditors who had conducted themselves in a sullen manner towards a public reciter of a superior work. And as one more instance of Pliny's liberal praise, we find him writing to Caninius in honour of Virginius's Comedy, written in imitation of Meander and others of the old Greek school, with much success. But, in spite of the excellences which Pliny enumerates, he observes that the Comedian had but a thin audience, which is another instance, among many more, of the dis- taste of the Romans in general for literary amusements. Had the performer been able to introduce a few car- nivorous animals and gladiators to work out his play, he would have found his audience to swell enormously. We meet with repeated information of Pliny's personal activity in Literature, especially his devotion to Rhetoric and the Muses. In addition to the instances already mentioned, we have him referring to those matters, more or less, in almost every epistle. His general studies are frequently mentioned, and of the Poetic, out of many more instances, take the two following : — To Paternus, H 74 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS who expected one of his orations, he sends, instead thereof, what he calls his Phaleucic Verses, and says that with these he amuses his leisure time in his chariot, at the bath, or at supper ; and in them he expresses his mirth, love, sorrow, complaints, anger, and such like feelings, in a variety of strains. The next and last I shall quote respecting Pliny's own studies and habits is a remarkable Epistle to Aristo, who has informed him that several friends in a meeting at the house of Aristo, had conversed freely on Pliny's habit of writing and repeating verses ; and that they went so far as to express wonder why he should practise such things ; but instead of shrinking from the accusation, he at once informs his friend that he writes comedies, hears and sees mimics, reads lyrics, enjoys satire, laughs, jokes, and makes merry, so as to indulge in all innocent relaxations. He is not much concerned for the strictures of his critics, and he justifies his Poetic indulgence by the example of some of the illustrious dead of his own countrymen ; the living he names not, in order to avoid any suspicion of flattery. He thinks it cannot be scandalous in him to cultivate the arts that were nursed by M. Tully, C. Calvus, A. Pollio, M. Messala, Q. Hortensius, M. Brutus, L. Sulla, Q. Catullus, Q. Scaevola, Ser. Sulpitius, Varro, Torquatus, the Torquati, Memmicus, Lentulus, Gaatulicus, Anngeus, Seneca, Luceius, Virginius Rufus, Julius Caesar, Augustus, Nerva, T. Caesar, P. Virgilius, C. Nepos, Ennius, and Atticus. Such is the list of those whose practices Pliny thought were a sufficient apology for his own Poetic bias ; on Nero's extravagance he makes the apt remark, that any subject is of no less intrinsic value because that it may happen to be employed by a bad man. Adrian, the nephew of Trajan, who obtained the throne A.D. 117, is remarkable, amongst other things, for his OF THE ANCIENTS. 75 learning and encouragement of the arts. He was a good Greek and Latin scholar, an expert lawyer, and well skilled in oratory and the philosophy of that period, in physic, and in mathematics; and, what refers more par- ticularly to our present inquiry, he was a sweet Singer and respectable Poet. Yet this Emperor was by no means clear from vice, and was vain enough to consider himself a master in all arts and sciences ; he would argue with the learned men on any subject, and it was dangerous for any to oppose him too closely. Indeed, Adrian's literary merit was undoubtedly considerable. He suffered much pain before death, and expired while repeating the following verses, which his sufferings had dictated : — "Animula, vagula, blandula, Hospes, comesque corporis, Quae nunc abibis in loca ? Pallidula, rigida, nudula, Nee, ut soles, dabis jocos ?" These lines are remarkable for the employing of endearing diminutives, which our language neither has nor admits of. These peculiarities are not easily represented in English. The reader will perhaps excuse the following attempt : — O, little free and gentle soul, Guest and companion of my body, Whither, now, shalt thou depart ? Pale, stiff, and naked, Wilt thou or not, as wont, pass jokes or be merry ? It is worthy of notice, that Adrian distinguishes soul from body in the first part ; but afterwards applies epithets to the soul which can only belong to the body — paleness, rigidity, &c, wherein we discover the dimness of a heathen's con- ception. Mr. Pope, by a free paraphrastical translation, renders the above soliloquy into verse thus : — " Oh ! fleeting spirit, wandering fire, That long hast warm'd my tender breast ; Wilt thou no more my frame inspire ; No more a pleasing, cheerful guest ? 76 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS Whither, ah ! whither, art thou flying ? To what dark, undiscover'd shore ? Thou seem'st all trembling, shivering, dying, And wit and humour are no more." Whatever virtue there may be in the various systems and creeds which distract the religious world, this is, at least, a most painful degree of doubt and uncertainty for a death-bed. The intellect is groping a strange road in the dark ; at such moments the lamp of Christianity is surely a boon, and her hope, even to an infidel or a heathen, in the comparison, must appear truly rational. Titus Antonius, surnamed Pius, succeeded Adrian A.D. 138. He was a liberal supporter of the Christian religion, and a cultivator of the arts and sciences ; he was munifi- cent in his pensions and honours to learned men, of whom he drew as many as he possibly could to Rome. In A.D. 161, Marcus Aurelius, otherwise called Antonius the Philosopher, received the empire. He was himself virtuous and well accomplished, but much annoyed by the vices of Lucius Verus, who reigned conjointly with him for awhile. Aurelius paid an often-repeated honour to the refinement of Greece. He visited Athens, and encouraged her learned men by all the means in his power. He appointed professors for every department of science, and awarded them liberal salaries. But the corrupting prin- ciples of successful luxury had entered too deeply into the vitals of Romish society for the virtues of an individual to bear up the drooping Empire. The original energy and stern spirit of Rome was departed ; she had become enfeebled by a too great expansion of her power ; her citizens were enervated by debauch, and her overgrown territories were plundered by the constant ravages of the hardy barbarians ; in short, it is at this stage becoming evident that Rome is doomed to sink intellectually and OF THE ANCIENTS. 77 morally, and that the pride of empire must, by-and-by, be transferred to some more competent power. It would be wearying and uninstructive to wade through all the declining passages of this falling nation ; it will be sufficient for our present purpose to take but one or two more glimpses from her downward progress. Alexander, a Prince of rare merit, commenced his reign A.D. 222. He was virtuous and well accomplished, which qualities he owed mostly to his virtuous mother, Mammsea. He was well taught in geometry, mathematics, music, sculpture, and painting, and was a Poet equal to any of that age. He drove back the enemies who daily were now boldly encroaching on his dominions. But he was too good for the general declension of manners, and the soldiers destroyed him because they were too debauched to endure his reformed discipline. After him follows about a century of discord and retrogression, which carries us on to the days of Constantine. Constantine was appointed to succeed to the government by his dying father A.D. 311. He was a pious Emperor, and gave full freedom and protection to the Christians, who had suffered the most shameful severities during many of the preceding reigns. He also exerted all his power for the renovation of learning, which had become nearly extinct. From the time of Trajan there had been a perfect stagnation of Literature until about now, that the Christian authors began to effect a wonderful influence on the general mind. The Bible was translated into the Latin tongue, and the celestial light of Hebrew Poetry flashed like the electric glare across the atmosphei'e of Roman intellect, which, combining with the zeal and industry of the devoted Christians, produced a new and almost richer harvest than had been known in Italy, h 2 78 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS The slumbering genius of Eome was awakened ; it stretched itself, and soared forth after the visions of Oriental Melodies, and became an imitator of Hebrew Poetry. This circumstance begat an agreeable variety, and adorned with extra grace the closing scene of Roman Literature. The consequence of the Christian Religion was very- marked upon all Roman Literature. Its effect on Poetry, in particular, was that of transferring it from the expres- sion of heroic and mythologic paganism to the development of hymns and spiritual songs, in imitation of the Poetry of the Jews ; and, however feeble the spirit of the age had become, it could not but feel the invigorating power of those grand patterns that were now made accessible for the first time. Such were the great and beneficial religious and literary movements of Constantine's reign ; but his policy of removing the seat of government to Constantinople has been regarded as unhappily instrumental in the destruction of the Empire ; and from this time it is useless for us to pursue any further the subject of our inquiry. Rome returned to barbarism, and her territories were taken into the possession of the powers of darkness ! "We are already advanced to a lower period in the course of Literature than that from which we borrow our classic models : the glory of the former ages of the Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans now lay eclipsed for awhile ; the intellectual light of man seemed to be gone down into darkness, until the degenerate minds of the nations in after time, like the returning prodigal, sought for the spirit of their fathers, and drew out, from many obscure recesses, the sublime works of the generations of yore ! OF THE ANCIENTS. 71? CHAPTER VII. THE GRECIAN DRAMA— ITS RISE AND PROGRESS. In order to preserve entirely free from interruption, the string of incidents in the Poetic and Musical Customs of the Ancients, I have reserved for this separate considera- tion the nature, rise, and progress of the Grecian Drama, with some personal notices of a few of the chief dramatic authors. By this means the Drama will be better under- stood than it could be if mixed up in the general notice of common popular events, given in a cursory and promiscuous narration. Besides this, the Drama of the Greeks is so peculiar, that it were not easy to amalgamate it with any other article. Irrespective of national peculiarities, the essential spirit of any Drama is a universal talent common to all men. It consists in our propensity to imitation, and, like all the other imitative arts, grows spontaneously from the mind under favourable circumstances, and, by those same cir- cumstances, is moulded into various shapes. Hence all nations, even the rudest, exhibit more or less of this Dramatic disposition, in some approach to a scenical representation of the several modes and manners of society. The old Peruvians, the Chinese, the ancient Indians, and the ancient Grecians, though each isolated from the others, had yet each and all their own peculiar 80 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS sort of Dramatic performances ; and we meet with the same art, in its crude state, in the grotesque mimicry and buffoonery almost everywhere observable amongst the South Sea Islanders, the North American Indians, and many more. The Dramatic propensity, so common to all nations, is as varied in its forms of development as are the habits and the degrees of activity in its different cultivators. That intellectual spark, which could scarcely brighten the eye of an ancient pagan-bound Egyptian, would set the whole of Greece in a blaze ; and so in proportion was the effect in all places, according to the specific condition of the mind observable in the several divisions of the human family. And although Dramatic imitation is an inherent quality of our nature, and, therefore, beyond the reach of history, yet the progressive and classic manifestation of this prin- ciple is a subject of very pleasing historical research. In this inquiry it is usual to remount to the early ages of Greece, the most famous habitation of the Muses ; and with us this is the proper course, inasmuch as Greece is the original garden whence we chiefly imported the seeds of our literary glory, and the Grecian Drama is certainly the precursor of our own. We are, then, at once led back to the rural sports and the rude mythology of the aboriginal Greeks. This people, of an especial lively and energetic character, had, in common with nearly all nations, their established rural festivals and sports, fixed for the purpose of marking particular national events and the seasons of the year, like our May-day sports, our harvest-home, our Christmas festivities, and our village feasts. These periodical rural feasts were then, as they are to this day, the simple and rude overflowings of pleasure, resulting from either the blessings of a fruitful season, or OF THE ANCIENTS. 81 the recollections of previous benefits and old associations. With the Greeks these festivals were always held in the name and for the honour of that god who was considered to preside over the particular object of then- rejoicings ; and as their supposed gods were many, so were their festi- vals numerous, and through the rapid succession thereof was engendered their habit of vehement national enthusiasm. In the feasts of Dionysos, or Bacchus, the favourite deity of the vineyard, solemn hymns or devotional odes were sung, accompanied with Music and dancing, around the altar and sacrifices ; then mysterious rites and ceremonies were performed in adoration of that divinity. These hymns or songs, distinguished by the name of Dithyramb, were necessarily of a lofty, serious character, expressive of reverence or devotion. This was the religious or more orderly part of the festival. The writers of the Dithyramb were styled the Dithyrambic Poets. Next came the devotions of the populace, or rude merriment of the rustic multitude, of whose nature we may easily form a tolerably correct idea. The character and rites of this deity were peculiarly inviting to the common rabble, and even the better part of a rural population was easily warmed by a Bacchanalian carousal ; and all descriptions of grotesque buffoonery and raillery were the usual consequence. One portion of these public ceremonies consisted of the Phallic procession, the very perfection of obscenity, in which the coarse Phallic Song resounded from the lips of the Phallophori, or drunken men, who acted this lewd custom. The third and completing class of performers in these singular assemblies consisted of Fauns and Satyrs, or men dressed in fantastic mummery to represent supposed beings, who, under these names, were thought to attend upon Bacchus for his amusement and other services. oZ THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS To these three sets of characters we are indebted for the present peculiar forms of our Drama. The Satyrs first assumed other dresses, appearances, and characters than their own. The goat, as a mischievous enemy to the vineyard, was sacrificed to the god of wine, and the skin served for dressing up the Satyrs ; the horns being erected into the appearance of upright ears. Thus dis- guised, this band of extraordinary beings amused the country people by all manner of extemporaneous antics and waggery. At length these performers improved upon their spontaneous witticisms, and held a kind of set discourse, in keeping with the general tenure of their peculiar devotions. These companies, called Satyric Cho- ruses, at length, arriving at a little polish and excellence of their art, began to vie, village against village, and district against district, for the pre-eminence in this profession, as we may now call it. The prize for the successful competitors was a goat, which, in the Greek tongue, is named ttagos ; and the song or vocal perform- ance was thence called Tragou Ode, or Goat Song. It seems to be not quite settled amongst the learned whether this term was originally applied to the Choruses of the Dionysia, who contended for the goat as a prize, or whether it was used on account of the Dithyramb, being sung round the altar and the sacrificed goat ; but as the two are so nearly allied, this distinction is of small consequence. After a little excitement of this meaner rivalry, more worthy prizes were given, and greater efforts were used by the competitors. In the august Dithyramb, or sacred ode, a bull was awarded to the victor ; to the Phallophori, or the disgusting Phallic Singers, were given a basket of figs and a vessel of wine ; whilst the Satyric Choruses were left in quiet possession of their emblematic goat. Thus OF THE ANCIENTS. 83 originated the public games and the Theatrical exhibitions, which, with sundry variations and improvements, so capti- vated the active-minded Greeks ; and which, in the course of ages, descended to us, through many innovations, into the established form of our present Theatre. From the compound name Trag-odia was derived the permanent name Tragedy, which has always since that time attached to the more serious dramatic performances. These Dionysian exhibitions existed at an early date in the Doric cities of Greece, where they were cultivated by many Poets, of whom Archilochus of Paros, one of the first regular composers in the Dramatic art, flourished about 700 years B.C. ; and the Dithyramb had then received considerable polish. This sacred ode was now accompanied with Music, dancing, and other developments of great artistic skill ; whilst the metre or verbal com- position of the piece itself had become a matter of much taste. Prom the dancing of the Choristers in a circle round the altar, on which the goat was immolated, these games or devotions received the name of Cyclic. After this assumption of regular theatrical characters, which the Satyric Choruses sustained,* whilst acting publicly for the amusement of the multitude that collected about them, we soon trace the next step of Dramatic progress, in some improvements introduced by Thespis, who, according to Plutarch, was contemporary with Solon, one of the seven sages. He imported into Athens so many novelties, chiefly from the Dorian cities, that if he was not the introducer of the first rudiments, he was so far an improver as to be frequently called the inventor of the Greek Drama. He began to exhibit 535 years before Christ. Thespis, observing the difficulty under which the Satyric Chorus laboured, in maintaining a continuous discourse without any interruption or relief, introduced 84 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS a sort of interlude in the performance. By incessant jesting, merry-making, and discoursing, the Satyrists were necessarily both fatigued and worked out of matter, whilst their audience was also wearied for want of change. The interruptions put into the old system by this new actor were calculated to remedy both these inconveniences. Under this variation, the leader of the Chorus came forward, at certain intervals, and made a recitation, a performance of some character, or a relation of some incident, which, though not essential to the original story of the entertainment, was such as could naturally enough be grafted thereon ; hence these digressions are called Episodes (from the Greek epi, upon ; eis, into ; and odos, a way). At the close of each Episode or interlude, the Chorus resumed its original performance. Presently another progressive step of improvement was obtained, by causing the leader and the Choristers to mutually question and answer each other in a sort of dialogue, and also for the Chorus to break in with applause, or sympathetic exclamations, during the narrative of the leader. By these several steps the Drama became considerably expanded, and partially polished ; and, in place of the old Bacchanalian themes, many historical, traditional, and mythological subjects were exhibited. In order to the better assumption of the divers characters represented in the Drama, Thespis contrived to fix pieces of linen over part of his face, and otherwise altered his countenance with vermilion, wine-lees, a preparation from purslain, and other pigments. From these circumstances, the invention of the Mask has been ascribed to him ; but that was, probably, the introduction of the Poet iEschylus at a later period. Thespis also invented for the Chorus some sportive and energetic dances which were in much favour during more OF THE ANCIENTS. 85 than a century ; Music and Songs were added, and the whole tenure of the exhibition was brought to bear more than heretofore upon one plot or design, and thus was prepared the plan for a regular Dramatic composition. The introduction of these, and other similar novelties, into the city of Athens, made a great excitement in the public mind, and multitudes of hearers nocked after the new Dramatic wonders. We are told that Solon, now an old man, but still fond of hearing, learning, and enjoying himself, went to witness the performance of Thespis ; but as it was too ludicrous to fall in with his views of truth, he asked Thespis, at the conclusion of the play, whether he were not ashamed to tell so many lies before the com- pany. Thespis answered that he thought it no wrong to tell them in jest. Solon struck the ground violently with his staff, and replied that, if such jesting were allowed and commended, it would very soon interrupt their serious affairs. Nevertheless, the laughter-seeking populace con- stantly followed the merry-making Satyrs, and the Thespian entertainments were greatly encouraged. Our dramatic hero then used a sort of wain or carriage, whereon his actors and choruses were stationed for greater convenience and elevation. Now, also, prizes were more systematically contended for in Athens by the Tragedians ; and that strong spirit of emulation was excited which soon carried the Grecian Drama to comparative perfection. The next party to be noticed, in the progressive develop- ment of the Greek Theatre, is Phrynichus. He was the pupil of Thespis, and first began to exhibit for himself 511 years before Christ. He discarded the jesting buffoonery of the Thespian Chorus, and incorporated into the im- proved machinery of the Satyric Drama the noble ode of the Dithyramb, and by this union made a respectable advance towards the legitimate Tragedy. The Satyric Bb- THE POETrC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS Chorus afforded the popular form, and the august Sacred Ode imparted the loftier style and sentiments, which, together, created a respectable Drama. He also forsook the hackneyed themes of Bacchic history, and introduced any other interesting plot or story which afforded a new field for his adventurous spirit. This was assuming a sort of aristocratic position, which did not exactly fall in with the wishes of the common people, who pined somewhat after their merry, unrestrained, and capricious Satyrs. It is worthy of remembrance that the Drama or festivals here spoken of belonged, originally, exclusively to the peasants and their rustic acquaintance, who joined them in their displays of mirth and joy at the gathering of the vintage ; and the intoxicating produce of the vine being largely indulged in, the unavoidable consequence was much riot and fantastic commotion. This is the reason why the worship of Bacchus, the god of the vine, was at once the most noisy, the most popular, and the most cultivated of the devotions rendered to any of the deities. Hence it is- natural to expect that any restraining innovations which were calculated to check this vulgar enthusiasm, would be but ill received by the general multitude, however great their real merit. The next more popular festivals of the Athenians were those dedicated to the worship of Ceres, the goddess of the harvest, and of the Panathenaea, devoted to Minerva, the patron goddess of the city of Athens. Both of these were peculiarly inviting to the people, and, therefore, were observed with much splendour ; but the vehement character of the Bacchic exhibition outran all the others, and ultimately produced the regular and classical Greek Plays. The disuse of the old Bacchic themes and antics, and the substitution in their place of heroic plots, with stories of more universal interest, was a most important act of OF THE ANCIENTS. 87 Phrynichus. This might be termed the birth of the true Tragedy, as it formed the essence of the Classic Drama. The Dramatic Poets, thus set at liberty from their com- pletely worn-out Bacchanalian subjects, were left to soar up and down in the region of intellect ; and to appropriate to their own purpose the most imposing events of fact or of fiction. To the prosecution of this course, Phrynichus is supposed to have been under great obligations to the Homeric Poems, which had just been collected, revised, and published in regular form, under the care and directions of Pisistratus. Indeed, as Phrynichus seems to have been a little infidel in his devotions to Bacchus, there is no doubt but he would glean up a new form, or a diverse subject from the older authors, from the services of the other deities, or from any available source whatever. It appears from Herodotus that the Chorus of Sicyon performed the Tragic sufferings of Adrastus before this time ; and there were, no doubt, other public ceremonies from which a catering genius, like that of Phrynichus, would easily gather a new idea, and extract some novel feature for his entertainments, which, though very dis- jointed, soon led to the construction of regular Dramatic plots. In the first instance, his Drama consisted mainly of his scientific dances and finely-polished Lyric Odes or Songs, with some little combination of the Chorus ; but the latter part of his daily improving career must have been very different to the earlier period of his theatrical performance. Contemporary with Phrynichus were his two rival, though minor, Tragedians, Choerilus and Pratinas. The former wrote about one hundred and fifty Tragedies of the Satyric class, all of which are entirely lost. Pratinas invented a new sort of Drama, partly resembling the mythologic and historic plays of Phrynichus, and yet THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS intermixing the merry Chorus of the Satyrs, singing, grimacing, and dancing, at intervals, through the ex- hibition. This has been named the Satyric Drama. Pratinas is said to have written fifty Dramas, of which thirty-two were Satyric, But the grand author of the true and dignified Tragedy was iEscHYLUs. He is one of the most famous Tragic Poets, as well as a valiant Athenian soldier. He was born about 525 years before Christ. He fought in the terrible battles of Marathon, Salamis, Plataea, and other struggles of his high-spirited city, in which its proud enemy was most severely handled. His bravery in the field was equalled only by the immortal spirit of his Poetry. iEschylus has been considered the father of the Drama : he abolished the exclusive custom of recitations or single performers, by introducing more personages than one on the stage at the same time, and those dressed and performing distinct and peculiar characters. He very much improved the relative proportions in the several parts of his plays, by contracting the choral pieces, and expanding the dialogues and the personi- fications of characters ; by cultivating his dances ; the introduction of a permanent stage ; the exhibition of scenery ; the adoption of masks with strongly marked features ; and by sundry other alterations and additions, tending greatly altogether to the perfection of the Grecian Theatre. It was he who established the practice of pre- venting the actual deed of bloodshed and violence from being represented to the view of the spectators. But it is not so much in the scenic part of the Drama that we are to consider iEschylus ; he was a public-spirited and natural Poet of extraordinary parts, who struck out his own course, regardless of precedents or opinions. His OF THE ANCIENTS. 89 great mind took its flights amongst the grand and the terrible, and astonished his audience with those stupendous themes which none before him had courage to touch. Heroes were to him as toys, and the Titans, the Furies, and the gods his playthings. He showed in all his actions a man of gigantic mind ; in war, the most determined and brave ; in the common affairs of life, active, austere, and impatient, yet kindly disposed when not irritated. His mind seems to have been animated with a strict and lofty moral feeling which disdained all meaner influences ; his genius was bold and expansive, even to daring. "With these natural parts, and an education suitable to the station of his noble family, it is no wonder that he should become the remodelling hero of that Drama which his very boyhood espoused. We are told that this Poet often related of himself, that, while a boy, being once left in care of the vineyard, he fell asleep, when Bacchus appeared to him in a dream, and urged him to apply himself to the cultivation of Tragedy ; and, having awoke, he made an attempt at Dramatic com- position, in which he found himself wonderfully proficient. This vision we may understand simply to indicate the fiery propensity of his genius, which was even then struggling to burst out into the blaze of its destined glory # But iEschylus did not come out as a public Tragic Poet until his 25th year: at that age he contended for the prize in the year 499 B.C. ; and it was not till 484 B.C. that he became successful in the Dramatic contests. The number of his plays, according to some authors, was seventy; but others say that he wrote ninety, or even a hundred, of which a few were Satyric. He was victor in the Tragic exhibitions thirteen, or, as some affirm, forty times ; and yet, out of all this literary mass, there are but seven of his Tragedies extant. i 2 90 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS As a natural, and, we may say, unavoidable consequence of the yet infant state of the Drama, in connection also with the voluminous writings, the multitudinous engage- ments, and the independent unimitative character of this author, it is in no way surprising that in his Poems some slight imperfections have been discovered by the severe rules of modern criticism, which would almost presume to limit the nights of the mind by the measures of feet, inches, and barley-coms ! It is acknowledged, however, that iEschylus is sometimes disorderly in his arrangements, obscure and overswolien in his expressions, and defective in his plot ; nevertheless, it cannot be denied that he is a most dignified and sublime genius, who takes the highest standing-place, and maintains throughout his pieces a stupendous exaltation. His Agamemnon and Prometheus have been justly esteemed to be such master-pieces of Dramatic composition as seldom/ to be surpassed, or even equalled. In the latter days of JEschylus, the bones of Theseus, the first hero and demi-god of Athens, were discovered in the Island of Scyros, where they had lain nearly 800 years ; they were then exhumed, and sent to Athens ; which circumstance diffused such excessive joy through the city, that the Athenians instituted public games to perpetuate the recollection of the event. The Tragic Poets were invited to compete ; the heroes of the day were iEschylus, the veteran Tragedian, and the young Sophocles, with his first prize exhibition ; the contest was severe and determinate, but, ultimately, the young man carried the victory from iEschylus, his aged pre- ceptor, who had hitherto been the acknowledged Dramatic champion of Greece. So deeply was the high mind of the old Poet mortified at the defeat, that, according to some authors, he voluntarily exiled himself into Sicily, where OF THE ANCIENTS. 91 he ended his life shortly afterwards. The manner of his death is variously told. First, it is affirmed that he died of a mortified spirit, resulting from his unsuccessful exhibition ; and then it is recorded that when sitting in motionless meditation in the fields at Gela, an eagle, in flying over him, mistook his bald head for a white stone, and dropped thereon a tortoise for the purpose of break- ing its shell, but, instead thereof, broke the Poet's head, and terminated his earthly career, B.C. 456. He was then about 69 years of age. Whatever might be the immediate cause of this Poet's death, there is no question but his advanced life was em- bittered by political and theatrical trouble. The Athenians were divided into factions ; he espoused the partizanship of the Areopagus, or new court of supreme justice, which was established by Solon, and had become hateful to the multitude, because that, amongst other duties, the officers under this tribunal were to investigate the means whereby every man obtained his livelihood. Hence the hatred of the lazy and the dissolute was certain, and the Poet who dared publicly, like iEschylus, to defend the Areopagus was sure to feel himself uncomfortably situated with the populace. Add to this his theatrical defeat, with his own austere temper ; and we have sufficient cause why he should prefer the more congenial society which was then entertained in Sicily by Hiero, King of Syracuse, where the immortal Simonides, Pindar, Epicharmus, and others of like minds, were sojourning. Sophocles. — We have already seen the successful com- petition of young Sophocles against his aged master, iEschylus, and are thereby prepared to expect in him an accomplished promoter of the Drama. He was born of wealthy and illustrious parents, 495 B.C., at Colonus, a pleasant village about a mile from Athens, of which city 92 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS he was by birth a freeman ; and if we are not to suspect that fame has been too much enamoured of this lovely Poet, and too partial with his history, we must look upon him as a prodigy of artistic felicity. He is described as a youth of almost every natural charm and educational accomplishment ; of personal beauty, both in countenance and symmetry ; of mind amiable, bland, and clear ; expert in the gymnastic exercises ; devoted to the natural religion, and to his country's prosperity, he seems to have been adorned with all those qualifications that a fond parent could wish, or his admiring fellow-citizens require. After that almost miraculous victory of the lone city of Athens over the mighty congregated hosts of all Persia at Salamis, Sophocles, then only 16 years of age, was selected, as the most accomplished in Music and the dance, and the most active and graceful in figure, to lead on the band of beautiful youths who, according to the custom of their country, performed their pgean of triumph. Such are a few of the good things related of Sophocles, and, what is exceedingly rare in the history of mankind, there are very few evil deeds recorded against him. He seems to have been possessed of a sweet, happy tempera- ment, whereby he was enabled to bear with the inequalities of society, and thereby conciliate the affections of men. Plutarch, in his life of Nicias, sets forth our Poet's modesty, greatly to his honour, and no doubt this feeling was the leading feature of his conduct through life. Another rare blessing amongst literary men was the lot of Sophocles — namely, the enjoyment of a cheerful mind and vigorous constitution to the extreme age of ninety years. Sophocles holds about the same position amongst Poets that Plato does amongst the Philosophers ; their exaltation of mind was nearly equal, the chastity of their language similar, and the Poet is entitled to the epithet "divine" OF THE ANCIENTS. 98 in about the same signification wherewith it has been applied to the sage. As illustrative of the high moral position of Sophocles, we need only observe with what an air of faith Plutarch relates that he was honoured by the god iEsculapius sojourning with him during his life-time ; of which this historian declares there were abundant proofs extant when he wrote. And not only so, but he adds further that Bacchus, by two successive exertions of his power, procured the deceased Bard an interment in his family sepulchre, which, without such interference, could not have happened, as the burial-place was then in the possession of an hostile army. But these two assertions I take to have arisen from the symbolical mode of the Greek tongue. As the old man was so remarkably vigorous and healthy, it was the most natural thing possible for his countrymen to say that the god of medicine was his guest ; such an expression is but a fair example of their generally figurative language. And with regard to Bacchus appear- ing twice to Lysander, the Lacedaemonian general, for the purpose of procuring the interment of Sophocles, why does not the whole tenure of the story indicate that Lysander had possessed some singular respect for the departed son of the Muse, and that, through the inspirations of his own natural disposition, he permitted the Athenians to perform their funeral ceremonies, and return unmolested ? Certainly we may fairly interpret the matter thus ; for, be it observed that the general is said to have not agreed to the applica- tion of the god until he had learned from the soldiers that Sophocles was dead ; whence it plainly appears that he regarded the Poet more than the god ! We need only to remember that Bacchus was accounted the god of Tragedy, and the inspirer of Tragic Song ; and we may suppose that the appearing of this deity to Lysander means nothing more than a springing up in his mind of his own inert 94 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS love of Poetic excellence. But, no matter how we regard those historic stories, it is quite evident that a great amount of veneration was entertained by most people towards this highly accomplished author. Yet Sophocles was not entirely destitute of human frailty, otherwise he could not have been mortal : he stands accused of excesses in his devotions to Venus and the jolly god ! His mode of death is variously recorded ; it is asserted that he died of joy at being pronounced victor at the Tragic contest, the excitement being too much for his great age to endure. Then we are told that he died of exhaustion, caused by reading aloud a passage from the Antigone, one of his plays. After so much of the moral and physical character of Sophocles, we may easily anticipate the quality of his composition. For the harsh impetuosity of iEschylus, he substituted a mellow harmony of speech ; in place of two, he introduced three actors on the stage, for the purpose of developing greater variety of character; his Choral Odes were remarkable for their sweetness ; he made them more brief, so as not to interrupt the plot too much, and con- nected more distinctly their sentiment with the fable of the play. Instead of the terrific introduction of the super- natural heroes of his master, he delights in exhibiting noble specimens of human nature, and draws with marvellous truth the frailties and peculiarities of men. Although less disposed than iEschylus to the unearthly horrible, yet Sophocles was considered superior in the true steady greatness of the legitimate Tragedy. He is a spirited, pure, and judicious author ; his subjects are well chosen, clearly digested, and tastefully arranged. His "King (Edipus" is reckoned a very masterly Dramatic piece. Had iEschylus lived much longer to contest with Sophocles, he might have said of him, as Demosthenes OF THE ANCIENTS. 95 did of Phocian, " He is the prurdng-hook of my periods.'' But not only was Sophocles as a fine pruning-hook to cut off whatever was dry and unsightly in the Tragedy of his predecessors, hut he infused a natural virtue that was capahle of filling up all inequalities, and bringing out every member in its own fair and natural proportions. Sophocles was a successful cultivator of the Drama, an able military officer, and a valuable citizen, but spoiled to a great degree by a want of sufficient courage. Euripides.— The last of the famous triumviri of great Gracian Tragedians is Euripides, the son of Mnesarchus and Clito. He was born at Salamis, 480 B.C., on the same day that the Greeks obtained in that island their glorious victory over the almost innumerable Persians under Xerxes. From his early youth Euripides was trained in gymnastic exercises, and in his seventeenth year he obtained the crown in the Eleusinian and Thesean competitions ; but he soon retired from these games. For awhile he took to painting, in which art he seems to have had a good taste, as some of his pictures were long preserved in the city of Megara. During this early stage he also cultivated some acquaintance with the Tragic Muse, and, ultimately, betaking himself to philosophy and literature, his mind was by degrees trained to the bold exercise of the Grecian Drama. From this course of early training is derived that peculiarity in the writings of Euripides which has been termed his stage philosophy. On this subject, in addition to his scholastic training, this Poet was generally suspected of receiving actual assistance in the composition of his Plays from Socrates, his school-fellow, with whom he was ever on familiar terms ; and as a justification of this suspicion, Socrates was noted especially for departing from his usual custom in public amusements, by attending the 96 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS Theatre when the pieces of his friend Euripides were to be performed. Our hero came out as a public Tragedian in his 25th year, 455 years B.C. In his first competition he was the third with his piece called " The Pleiades." In the year 441 B.C., he succeeded in carrying the prize, and from that period became a regular exhibitor. His rivals were, chiefly, Sophocles ; Jophon, the son of Sophocles ; Ion ; and Euphorion, the son of iEschylus. In the year 408 B.C., Euripides exhibited his Orestes ; after which he shortly left the turbulent city of Athens ; first, for Magnesia, and afterwards for Macedonia, whither he had been invited to the court of King Archelaus : while here, he wrote a Play in honour of the King, whom he pleased so well as to be appointed one of his ministers of state. He came to an unfortunate death, being riven severely by some savage hounds, to which he became exposed, either by chance, or, as some suppose, through the malicious designs of his enemies ; he died soon after- wards, in a dreadful condition, at the age of seventy-four. The Athenians endeavoured to beg his body from Arche- laus, who denied their request. His remains were interred at Pella, with great solemnity and respect, and the only satisfaction remaining for Athens was to erect a cenotaph, with a suitable inscription, to the honour of her somewhat neglected citizen. The style of writing cultivated by Euripides is so far peculiar as to demand especial attention. He is allowed to be a Poet of undoubted genius ; and yet he was the butt for the jeers and ridicule of the Comedians of his day, particularly of Aristophanes. He stands accused of courting approbation at too great a price of complacency, and, by this means, of rendering some parts of his com- positions grovelling and unequal to the natural grasp of OF THE ANCIENTS. 97 his intellect. He was derided for introducing mean and vulgar personages on the stage, and for needlessly lowering the character and sentiments of his heroes beneath their general fame, and that, too, without serving any purpose in the plot of his pieces. His aim, one might think, was rather that of reducing great men to the standard of the little than of elevating the humble to the rank of nobility, which is the glory of aspiring human nature. This is the reverse of what is usually found in Poets, and expected from them. Euripides is very free in introducing his deities in not a very godlike style, and makes a frequent parade of the philosophical notions of his school. He exhibits bodily graces or misfortunes rather than mental. He degrades the female character with unbecoming severity, either from his domestic infelicity, or else from his desire to secure the approbation of his audiences, which, amongst the Greeks of that age, consisted chiefly, if not wholly, of men. The general style of Euripides, when placed in comparison with iEschylus and Sophocles, may be characterized as formal, nice, profuse, and adorned with all available extraneous ornaments ; his Odes, sung by the chorus, are more disconnected from the main subject than theirs ; and his regular attempt at mere- tricious novelty and allurement is much more apparent than can be discovered in those other two great compeers of the art. And yet for these peculiarities, or faults, if we are to call them faults, there is much to be pleaded by way of atone- ment in Euripides. In the first place, the position which fell to his lot in the progressive stages of the Drama was calculated to lead him, more or less, into the course which he took. iEschylus had already pleased and astonished his auditors by his fearless intrepidity and bold, abrupt style. The field was open to him and unoccupied ; he was K 98 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS at liberty to turn to the right hand or to the left, as should best suit his inclination. Sophocles followed, with these privileges, curtailed by so much as had been adopted by his predecessor, and found that, to keep up an equality of original merit with his great master, iEschylus, he must introduce some new points of excellence, and, happily for him, there was still room left for producing a finer degree of polish, and a few more legitimate innovations, which were even required for the perfection of the art. After these two great artists had exhausted their minds, there was but little scope remaining for their successors, and, under such secondary, or, rather, tertiary, circumstances, it would have been difficult for even a superior genius to maintain the same elevation with these two Poets. Accordingly, we find Euripides necessitated to cull inferior flowers from the same roots. The first and choicest blossoms had been already snatched away. The " Attic Bee " and her adventurous elder mate had secured or ransacked all the best honey-bearing blooms. Euripides must, therefore, be contented with a less splendid, a less odorous garland ; for the attractions and excellences left to his service were necessarily of a more artificial character. Secondly, the Greek audiences had in the time of Euripides become more powerfully critical, more fantas- tically nice in their taste, more imperious in their demands ! And yet it was for these audiences alone that the authors of this period wrote. It was this capricious public mind which was to sit as the judge of genius, and be the arbiter of its reward. Hence, no matter what merit an author possessed, if he was unfortunate enough to thwart the general ideas of the multitude, his doom was irrevocably fixed, and fierce persecution not unfrequently the result. This absolutely tyrannical public tribunal, through reason of inexperience, was undoubtedly taken with surprise by OF THE ANCIENTS. 99 the first bold artist, iEschylus, who rushed impetuously aud unexpectedly on, in a new course wherein his auditors were unprepared to either accompany or criticise his doings ; he was, therefore, their entire master. But then, by so much novelty or improvement as one author adopted, by just so much more difficult was the task rendered for each succeeding writer who followed in the same way ; and from this time we see the Tragic Poets gradually sink in the downward scale of merit and success. Hence the position of Euripides was far from favourable. In addition to these three bright luminaries of the Tragic sphere, was a constellation of- lesser stars of various magnitude, all emitting their rays of Poetic light ; but the effect of the remainder was entirely eclipsed by the glory of these already described. Of the minor Tragedians of Greece we know very little ; some of their writings were voluminous, and yet out of the whole of their productions we possess scarcely a vestige ; and it is a remarkable fact, that all these inferior authors were subsequent to the period of iEschylus, whence the certainty of their copyism may be clearly inferred. The oi'igin of Comedy is very obscure. Aristotle, and others after him, usually derive it from the Phallic Songs of the Bacchanalian festivals ; but this sort of theatrical amusement has been so disregarded in its earlier stages by the literati, that we know but little of its progressive development. The slight snatches of history wherewith we are favoured often remind us of the merry-making rustics whose coarse jesting and buffoonery we have occasionally observed on the village greens, and at the street corners in the agricultural districts of England, even under all the restraining influences of the nineteenth century. A set of rural mirth-provokers always enlivened the festivals of ancient Greece by their unrestrained sarcasm 100 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS and ribaldry. In course of time these promiscuous and heterogeneous merriments settled into a more regular form, under the directions of rude, and, as we may term them, natural Wits or Poets. Certain performers of the greatest adaptability were ultimately chosen, and, being furnished with dresses, masks, and all other necessary articles of business, they went regularly to work in an improved form of the art. Into the mouths of these actors was put a sort of regular discourse, to which the multitude, or a band selected for the purpose, responded to the chief interlocutor so as to unfold the regular plot of the play. This respond- ing party is termed the Chorus, and was long continued as a necessary part of a theatrical company ; indeed, for a considerable space the Chorus sustained nearly the whole burden of the play. The Grecian Comedy is usually divided into three successive stages of progressive development ; and each stage is indicative of a distinct species of the art. This division is the Old, the Middle, and the New Comedy. The old or original Comedy, partly described above, grew at last into a satire on individuals, or an attack upon personal character. In this form it became very licentious and vexatious, and the art fell into consequent disrepute. This species of Comedy was cultivated first by Epicharmus of Syracuse, about 500 B.C., being contemporary with the Tragedy of iEschylus. After him were a great multitude of other Comedians, of whom Aristophanes was the chief. Theopompus, 386 B.C., was the last author in this first division. In the Middle Comedy there are reckoned upwards of thirty writers, who, by reason of political changes, and of the check put upon the old Comedians, in their abuse of individual character, were compelled to restrain their per- sonal satire, and to seek out new matter for their Drama. OF THE ANCIENTS. 101 These writers took chiefly to mythology, to parody upon the Tragedians, to ridicule of the philosophers, and to the attack of persons in low conditions, or of lewdly vicious propensities. This was a sort of transition Comedy. The new Comedy, by going one step beyond the above, got rid of the individual, and attacked his vice or folly in the abstract only, ridiculing the frailties of men, while it avoided the vexations of personal reference. Thus, at last, the Comedians arrived at the means of lampooning the manners of society, without giving particular annoy- ance or exciting private resentment, and Comedy became a faithful but humorous portrait of life. The Exhibitions of the Tragic and Comic Plays were not in Greece as with us — private speculations ; but, witli the exception of the offensive stages of the Comedy, were conducted at the public expense ; and, being esteemed equally with the chief acts of the nation, were performed under the immediate management of the magistrates. These exhibitions were held at regular periods, and formed the main features of the public festivals. On these occasions nearly the whole of the Greeks, together with many strangers, were assembled, and, consequently, the theatres had to be built of an immense size to receive them. The Theatre of Bacchus at Athens could accom- modate with seats 30,000 auditors, some of whom must have been at least 100 yards from the performers. This immense place was open at the top, exposed to the beautiful sky of that country, from which the assembly very seldom received any annoyance of foul weather, ; but when an occasional storm did descend, a temporary interruption of the play was the inevitable consequence. The seats were arranged in semicircular form, not unlike the sweeping galleries of our large modern chapels, and were allotted into different divisions for the several classes k 2 102 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS of the spectators. A great variety of machinery, and every other available assistance, were used to represent the several characters of the Drama in their proper style and circum- stances. Instruments were fixed for swinging the gods and heroes through the air, when it was requisite for them to descend, or to pass across the vision ; pits and doors were constructed to admit persons to ascend from the nether regions, or to depart thither, and, in short, every contrivance was used that ingenuity could suggest, or necessity require, in the full development of any dramatical piece. The stage curtain was drawn upwards, through an opening in the floor, from a roller at the bottom, in opposition to the " dropping " of ours. The whole of these, and a multitude of other portions of the Theatre, were inclosed by a beautiful architectural structure of stone, which afforded convenient passages for ingress and egress, and provided some shelter from the changes of weather, together with proper apartments for the machinery and the dresses, and the retirement of the performers. The Poets who were desirous of having their pieces performed in the grand festivals had to send in their compositions beforehand to the chief magistrate, who examined each, and decided which were to be deemed worthy of the public contest. To each of the authors who gained this approval were allotted, by ballot, three actors and a chorus for the representation of his play ; the ex- pense of these assistants was paid by the wealthier portion of the public, the same as any other national concern. The adjudicators of the victory in these Dramatic contests were five in number, and received their appointment also from the chief magistrate. The expense of one chorus was from £80 to £100, and was borne alternately by the chief citizens ; the person on whom the care and cost of OF THE ANCIENTS. 103 this chorus devolved was called the Choragus ; and, his being esteemed a position of honour, he was subjected to several restrictions by way of qualification. After the full development of these Dramatical festivals, the reward of the successful Poets consisted simply of applause, fame, and an ivy wreath ! No unsuccessful piece was allowed to be exhibited a second time until it had been re-written, with the exception of the works of those three great Tragedians already noticed, — iEschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. But, after the death of these powerful authors, their works were too mighty to be admitted in rivalry with the minor Poets, and consequently their writings were excluded from the public contests, and were read by themselves annually, as a separate entertainment. By reason of the Theatre being maintained at the public charge, the people were, at first, allowed free admission ; but as this soon produced confusion and uproar, a small payment was afterwards imposed. A Grecian audience was a very masterful assembly. A Poet, or Actor, who was unfortunate enough to offend against the notions of his hearers, was generally treated with extreme abuse, not only by insulting words, but also by having thrown at him sticks, stones, or any other missile weapons that happened to be convenient. On the other hand, when the spectators were gratified, they expressed their approbation in the most energetic enthusiasm of applause. The Theatrical exhibitions began early in the morning, and, with two or three short intervals, continued the whole day. On these occasions ten or a dozen plays were usually performed. "With these short notices of the leading features of the Athenian Theatre, the reader will form a tolerably correct view of the Dramatic position of ancient Greece. There is scarcely sufficient classic interest excited in the Roman Drama to call for more than the passing notices previously made. The Romans were chiefly but imitators, or, very 104 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS often, only borrowers from the Greeks ; and, in like manner, all other succeeding nations are greatly indebted to the Grecian model, which we have here briefly attempted to describe. Even to this day, the principal characteristics of our own Drama clearly trace their origin to Greece ; and, therefore, whoever admires any of our modern writers of Poetry, of any class, cannot but feel some interest in these ancient forerunners of the art. There is no question but that, throughout the whole course of Theatrical history, there is much both of the foolish and the sensual intermingled with the intellectual ; and this is greatly to be deplored. But, although we deplore these errors, yet it is right that we should fix the fault on the right party ; it is not our Tragedians or Comedians who are to blame ; they are merely the tools of the public taste, and if they thwart the public notions, they will suffer scarcely less in England than they would have done in ancient Greece. The mistake consists in the moral condition of the nation. The readers and the hearers of our Drama forget that this ought to be an intellectual amusement, and that the mind alone should be interested and instructed in its compositions and performances. But, instead of this, the public seek chiefly for animal excitements — for sensual representations. Our Drama is laid under the compulsion of necessity to cater for these meaner appetites, and the consequence is, that those who would otherwise be its intellectual patrons are driven forcibly to swell the number of its opponents. Could our national taste but once become so philosophized, and so abstracted from vicious propensities, as to look upon this as an employment for the mind alone, then the Drama would grow up into an intellectual science, and afford a school of the richest moral experience. Till then, its position is far from enviable. OF THE ANCIENTS. 105 CHAPTER VIII. REFLECTIONS CONNECTED WITH ANCIENT POETRY— FICTION —IMAGINATION— MODERN DIFFICULTIES— INSPIRATION —CONCLUSION. We cannot peruse even a contracted history of Ancient Poetry without being led into several reflections. In a general review of the Poetical incidents and customs, as we meet with them mixed up in the daily affairs of the Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans, we find altogether a great patronage of the Muses ; and yet, in each of these nations, Poetry assumes a new form, and performs different services. With the Hebrews she is a sacred creature, devoted to religious and moral purposes ; some- times, indeed, embracing domestic and personal pleasure. With the G-reeks she becomes a highly imaginative genius, and, by her supernatural machinery, she strikes con- tinually at the rapturous enthusiasm of unbridled spirits. Amongst the Romans, with a few individual exceptions, this same art is completely desecrated ; she entirely loses her celestial Hebrew breath, and flags considerably below the high flights of Grecian genius. The Jewish Muse is a saint ; the polished Greek, an intellectual spirit ; the Romish, chiefly a dame of pleasure. The appointed Poetic festivals in Judea are mostly remarkable for the solemn devotion of the religious feelings ; in Greece, for the wild 106 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS excitement of the imagination, and consequent excessive bodily exercises ; and in Rome, for the satiety of the animal propensities, descending even to the wholesale butchery of men and beasts. With the Jew, and the advanced Greek, Poetry maintained her ascendancy ; from the Roman, her essence became almost wholly banished. Hence it is not so easy as might at first be imagined to discover any one distinguishing characteristic whereby the essence of Poetry may be known and clearly defined. Some people determinately assert that the essential of Poetry is fiction. They use this word, too, as condemna- tory, in that meaning which is opposed to truth, intending thereby to verify the oft-repeated verdict, that Poetry is opposed to the duties of life, and the general transactions of business. If I could for a moment believe Poetry to be, essentially, one-half so false as the common maxims, principles, and practices of men, I would for ever cast her from me as a dangerously polluted thing ! But not so — her accusers know her not ! The epithet fictitious more truly belongs to their own disordered notions ! It is scarcely possible to find a word which contains within itself a proper description or definition of any art or science. A much better word, because more true, is used by some critics of sounder judgment. They tell us that Poetry is an imaginary art ; that it is the work of the imagination ; that it is an image painted in the mind, as the representative of any matter or circumstance of our inquiry. Now, fiction, in its gross modern sense, is simply falsehood ; but the image of the mind — the work of the imagination — like any other image, may be false or true, according to the art and talent employed in its execution. An ideal image bears the same relation to the subject represented as the chiselled marble image bears towards the original from whence it is copied. Hence the picture OF THE ANCIENTS. 107 in the imagination may be as perfectly true as the purest idea of heaven. These two images differ in reference to their objects only as they differ in the instruments of their production. The statue must always be a material copy of a material being, because it is formed by a material architect ; whereas the image of the mind is an immaterial picture of either real objects or of abstract qualities — a spiritual conception of whatever exists, or is supposed to exist, either in matter or in mind. Therefore, the work of the imagination is true or false, according to the condition of the intellect wherein the image is created. It is highly probable that the Greeks had some such idea as this, of the picture-forming quality of the imagination ; for we have our words Poem, Poetry, and the like, from their verb Poieo, which signifies, primarily, to do, make, or imagine. And what could possibly be more truly satisfactory to an intellectual being than these ideal realities ? The Poet requires nothing of necessity to be fictitious — nothing false beyond the mere figures of common language ; and he who abides in the closest connection with truth is the best author ; witness the truthful heaven-aspiring songs of the Hebrews. These are undoubtedly the finest specimens of all the Poetry wherewith we are acquainted ; and it is a question not unworthy our inquiry, whether truth be not absolutely the chief essence in this divine art. After the many facts which have been collected, and the many more which could be added thereto, it is not much to assume that Poetry is an article natural and essential to the human miud ; and, if so, that it is intended to be a true thing ; because whatever is in strict accordance with the general rules of the created universe we must admit to be true, otherwise we offer a gratuitous insult and a libel on the All-wise Creator. The abuses which we thrust into Poetry 108 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS no more disprove her celestial birth-right than those wars and vices which are carried on under the cloak of piety can refute the truth of religion. There is, without doubt, much difficulty in representing the stern native boldness of truth in a sufficiently attrac- tive Poetic dress to secure the attention of men whose minds are more decidedly adapted to error. But this difficulty consists not in the essence of the subject, which is in itself sufficiently sublime and majestic. The real difficulty lies in our own inability — in our own obtuse conceptions, either to write the sublimity of truth, or to receive it when it is written. "We are circumscribed by a moral incapacity, and our intellect is error-ridden to a fearful degree. "We are too much of the earth to relish pure celestial fruits. A multitude that fills its carousals with the phallic indecencies of the primitive Greeks, without even the remotest perception of the rich natural truths conveyed in their mysteries and sacred forms, could hardly be at home amongst the Hebrew Melodies. But it is to be feared that something worse than gross ignorance has to do with this question. It is doubtful whether some criminal self-deception does not interpose to screen us from the sting of our own consciences ; and whether some hypocritical imposition upon the opinions of others be not also in active operation ; and whether we do not, therefore, form fictitious theories to gloss over the vicious quality of our Literary and Poetic ideas. There appears much reason to believe that many of the perverted notions which have been put forth, respecting the nature and the offices of Poetry, were but, in reality, at first, so many loopholes or subterfuges prepared for the better effecting an escape, when pinned up too closely to those truths for which we have ceased to feel any relish ; and that these pretensions being found a convenient form of OF THE ANCIENTS. 109 cowardly vice, have settled down into an almost natural habit, from which now it is not always easy to escape. If this be correct, as many reasons appear to indicate, we discover a clear case of injury — of defamation — by one party thrown on another, for the unhandsome purpose of representing himself above his proper standard of merit, and, at the same time, of depressing his injured friend. And yet, if men cannot bear the truth, even in the beauty of its Poetic dress, why should they increase the vicious quality of their capacity by persuading themselves into a further error, and mocking the principles of Poetry with the title of fiction ? And why should Poets themselves so tamely submit to the imputation ? Why, forsooth ! Simply because we are all together sunk deep into the same abyss. It has become almost proverbial that we have a dearth of sacred Poetry — of truth- writers ! And what a reflection is this, if you take it by the proper handle ! Well may the disbeliever in Poesy cry out, " fiction !" But the Poetry of truth will never be a favourite with any reader until Truth herself becomes the daily object of his practical pursuit ; and Poets will never properly compose sacred verse until theyfirst experimentally believe their theme. Neither Poetry nor Truth are half- hearted ; they must have the entire assent of the mind, and the utmost affection of the soul. But still it is surely not too much to hope that men may be induced to abandon, in some degree, their false posi- tion, and to discontinue their abusive, hypocritical conduct towards the subject that does not happen to accord with their preconceived notions — their remnants of barbarism. It is by no means difficult to discover, whatever may be thought to the contrary, that the first Poets were the seekers and the imitators of the truth — were the Poets of what they understood to be the truth. The original Songs L 110 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS of all people are simply an expression of their natural feelings, given in the finest manner that they are able to understand and practise. It is only men who are called civilized that have learned to revel in the invention of abstract ideas — of mental nonentities — of systematic fic- titious creations ! The plain man of nature knows bxit little beyond what he sees and feels, and, therefore, cannot enter far into the world of fiction ; he cannot invent things unlike what he has experienced. This holds good with our aucient Poetic models. All the themes cultivated by the Hebrew Poets are the subjects of Jewish religion, or the facts of life — chiefly the Providence of God and the praises and adoration connected therewith. There is no fiction or opposition to truth whatever in these, excepting we catch their highly figurative language by that name. And yet the flights of the imagination are bold and sublime enough in gathering collateral materials for filling up their pictures along with their leading subject. Precisely so with the ancient Greeks. The only gods which they knew anything of were the chief heroes of their Poetry — the subjects of their praise and exaltation. From the rustic love song, which is one of the first subjects of simple adoration, the Grecians go on to celebrate the whole course of nature — her plenteous fruitfulness, her mysterious workings, and her congenial beneficence. To the virtues of things these Poets attach names, whereby they may be distinguished, and the energies of the elements they designate as gods ; and this simply because they saw in those elements a godly power or virtue which they could not trace to a higher source. These worked together, with all their circumstances, form an extensive system of natural religion, and when cleared of what, to us, is a mysterious expression, are almost deserving the name of truth : it is all the truth which their knowledge, experience, or speculations could discover. OF THE ANCIENTS. Ill This religious system, in one form or another, with their natural emotions — their historical data — their traditional reminiscences, and their many other interesting subjects of faith or fact, constituted the whole Poesy of the primitive Greeks ; and to these sources may be traced their festivals and their Drama. Furthermore, it is too much presump- tion on our part to suppose the old heroic Poems of Homer and his compeers to be wholly fictitious. The whole com- plexion of the early Poetry of the Grecians bears the blush of then mode of truth ; and it is but fair to presume that the heroics are founded on some facts, however exaggerated they may be, in their traditional transit from period to period, from their transaction up to their final development in all the gay attire of versification. We are strange literary infidels — wonderful doubt-manu- facturers, if we affect to receive as entirely fabulous all that has descended to us from above the era of letters, or all whereof we have not absolute proof now remaining. It would be ridiculous in us to expect, after so great a lapse of time, sufficient collateral evidence for establishing the verity of all, or even many, of the circumstances related in ancient Poetry ; it is far more generous and scholar-like to give credence to the narration, allowing, however, for the errors of ignorance, and of heroic enthusiasm, which have, no doubt, become interwoven with the texture of the ancient writings. And yet, in the advanced ages of Greece, men became sufficiently civilized to invent fiction, and sufficiently polished to tell falsehoods, which, as Solon prophesied, ultimately interfered with serious affairs ; but we still hold, that such fictions were so far from necessary, as to be a real fault ; and so thought Solon, who, though himself a Poet, could not endure to hear lies grafted into Poetry. However, in spite of the natural root of Poetry, 112 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS and the censures of the better sort of men upon those who abused the cultivation of this art, error continued its hold on the public mind, and, by courting favour and pampering men's passions, made itself, ultimately, a necessaiy article in the service of the Muses. Greece at last reaped her full share of noxious flowers, and Rome afterwards imported the seeds which ripened thereon. Then, lastly, as regards fiction, although some use this term as a stigma on Poetry, and although I deny it, in its broad sense, to be a necessary material for the exercise of the Poet's talent, yet I have no reluctance in believing that it may, in the sense of fable, type, or parable, be rendered both useful and ornamental in the most truthful compositions. "Whoever thinks of condemning the fiction of iEsop, or Gay's " Fables," or the parables of the Evan- gelists ? And were it not for some abuse, on the one hand, together with a peculiarly narrow bigotry on the other, the objection would never have attained much force against Poetry. A little suppositious amplification of a plot may sometimes be very useful, by giving a more extensive scope to the imagination, and thus, in some measure, satisfying our human thirst for novelty. But this description of matter ought always to be kept in rigid subordination to the truth, and never allowed to border on that meretricious vanity which, first becoming obscure and unmeaning, ends in dissatisfaction. From the contradictious profusion which ultimately grew up amongst the ancients we derive our Poetic patterns, and our most incongruous English taste and customs. Some of us admit into our Poetic creed nothing but the sternly religious strains of the Jewish Muse ; some few ape the choirs of Parnassus ; and a multitude, unhappily, cherish the inferior examples of Greece, with some tincture even of the vicious propensities of the OP THE ANCIENTS. 113 Italian Amphitheatre. Our avaricious adoption of these opposite features into the different regions of our national taste arises, no doubt, from the confused mixture of the English character, which well prepares us for receiving so many and heterogeneous models. Our origin is from nearly all nations ; we have inter- course with all, and each of us thinks and acts in accord- ance with his own individual will. Hence many different states of moral and intellectual culture are inevitable, and this will as certainly lead to our imitation of those patterns which are most allied to each of our several notions. It were greatly to be wished, even intellectually speaking, that the public mind could be all brought to one fair standard ; this would redeem Poetry from the desecration into which she has been partly enticed, and partly forced, by those who are the first to heap their contumely on her fallen graces. With such dissimilar examples for his imitation, and so many conflicting and indefinite sentiments in his patrons and critics, it has become really a severe task for the English Poet to hit upon a successful course for his essays. Prom this cause he is debarred of reasonable encourage- ment ; he must fight his labours on to the public attention, in the face of every impediment ; and even should he be fortunate enough to force a fair impression, he is, after all, looked upon as nothing more than a pleasant trifler, the property of the public, to be either quoted or derided, according to the humour, intellect, or morals of the com- pany into which he may happen to fall. And what is the inevitable consequence of this con- dition ? Why, nothing more certain than that it will deter, perhaps, the very best geniuses from their natural course, and thereby rob the world of, probably, some of the best gems with which it would otherwise have been i 2 114 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS adorned. To be convinced of this circumstance, we hare need only to remember the distracting effect of public opinion upon the great Greek Tragedians ; and the world's history supplies many more examples wherein the mighty have been diverted from their purpose. Another great mischief no doubt arises from this bad taste. Nearly all men of decent mental powers have considerable Poetic feeling in their youth ; but on arriving at manhood, and observing the deterring attitude of the public towards this subject, they become somewhat alarmed at the threatened hostility ; and very many are really laughed out of all their finer feelings, and induced to become, as other men, mockers of their noble birth-right — the glorious harmony and virtue of creation ! Some at this period go back to swell the multitude of discordant spirits, whose occupation is to libel the pure and innocent joys of nature, and to seek out new and contorted inven- tions of their own. Some, who still feel the darling Muse too kind, too loving, to be forsaken, and are yet somewhat fearful of the conflict of public mind, rush impetuously, and almost despairingly, into a devoted enthusiasm, as their best resource and only defence ; they become callous to all opinion, and force their passage into such extremes as otherwise they would have never known. To stand on his own natural ground, like other men, is almost an impossibility for any modern English Poet. He has but little sympathy from others ; no companionship or friendly advice ; those around him are fighting the wars of, too often, wicked politics, religious schism, or mercantile knavery. For the most part, his theme is too elevated for his observers, and he stands per force an isolated being ! Where, then, is the wonder that, in perusing the biography of the Poets, we should meet with a great amount of heedless eccentricity ; some revenging satire ; OP THE ANCIENTS. 115 some mocking comedy, and some Archilochian venom ? What less could be expected in the last resort of the poor, provoked mental outcast. This is really the root of the Poet's usual unfitness for common business, and the public deserves the greater blame on account thereof. It were greatly to be desired that we should have a reformation in our Poetic customs. But without some general reorganiza- tion of public ideality, morals, and education, this whole- some change can scarcely be anticipated. Our Mechanics' Institutes and other learned establishments are not a little at fault ; yet we hope the arising of a more natural and glorious light, and think we already discern a few rays, as the first-fruit of the happy day now dawning in the horizon of intellect. That Poetry is necessarily and essentially at antagonism with the common engagements of life, either political, commercial, or social, is a great mistake, and directly contradicted by the facts of the preceding pages. The Jews have ever been proverbial for their hard, persevering, money-making propensities, and general solid unflinching habits ; the Greeks were all warriors, artizans, and men of business ; and those of the Romans who have been most remarkable for Poetic feelings have, in nearly all ages, been the chief men of public usefulness. There is, indeed, some danger that the pride of intellect may creep in, and set a man to contemn all inferior pursuits ; but this can be only in a one-sided mind, which has lost its natural sense of rectitude. And this species of pride is equally dangerous to all other valuable possessions ; but we should not, on that account, refuse the enjoyment of those blessings which are liable to such attack ; it is much better to rescue them, if possible, from the abuse, and cultivate their natural truthful character, whereby their value will be increased. Before leaving this ground, one serious because mis- 116 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS chievous error requires our consideration — namely, that of Poetic inspiration. We have seen in the life of iEschylus that he ascribed his dramatic talent to the immediate inspiration of Bacchus. Lysander, the Spartan general, is said also to have been inspired by the same god with a kindly disposition, for the purpose of allowing the funeral of Sophocles to pass unmolested through his army. The whole army of Bacchus was said to be inspired when he travelled into the East ; and old Socrates is memorable for professing to have the attendance of a demon, who encouraged him in good ideas and sentiments. Also, on Mount Parnassus, the supposed residence of the Muses, and of Apollo, their deity, there was said, at one time, to be a fissure in the earth, which emitted sulphureous vapours, whereby a herd of goats and their attendant, together with some other persons, were inspired in a wonderful manner. This, of course, was said to be the spirit of the god, and it was resolved to build there a city for his honour, and to dedicate to him a temple and an oracle. This city was called Delphi ; the oracle became famous all over the world, and the temple was the repository of great wealth offered by its visitants. The priestess, called Pythia, professed to give the answers of the god to the questions of men, on all matters, whether public or private ; she pretended to receive from the deity a sudden rush of inspiration into her through means of the gas, from the cavity of the earth within the temple ; and to perfect the system, she delivered those answers in verse, as the real responses of Apollo, the god and patron of Poetry, Music, and all the fine arts. Besides these instances of supposed inspiration, the reader will scarcely require informing that, to gather a multitude, more cases would be easy work ; but these are remarkable examples, and sufficient for our purpose ; we OF THE ANCIENTS. 117 need not seek further for the present. That the ancients speak of an inspiration admits of no dispute. That the middle, or what are termed the dark ages, should adopt this or any other doctrine, is not very marvellous ; but that modem Europe, and especially England — and that, too, in the nineteenth century, under all the influences of increased civilization and experience — should swallow the nasty gas of the Delphian cavern, with natural avidity and satisfaction, is a thing almost incredible ! And this appropriation of a notion which is altogether foreign to our genius, both makes us look stupid, and gives the Poet's enemy a good foundation for his ridicule. Old Cornelius Agrippa, in his "Vanity of Arts and Sciences," gives a tremendous slash at the pretended inspiration of the Poets ; but there are also many enlightened people who, even to this day, bebieve that real inspiration — a supernatural endowment — is necessary for the production of Poetry. Even many of our good Poets, either from ignorance, thoughtlessness, vanity, or some other useless characteristic, have assisted in propa- gating the notion of Poetic inspiration by their formal invocations of the Muses, and other unnecessary acts and foreign modes. In consequence of these circumstances, many persons are really in doubt whether there be not some sort of Poetic inspiration ; indeed, I make but little question that some think that there is, in fact, a supernatural visitation received by the real Poet ; and hence, it is, in some measure, that they take him to be a man scarcely belonging to this sphere — as a being of a different nature — as one unfitted for the pursuits of life. But let us examine what is inspiration ? The simple meaning of this word is, first, a drawing in of the breath ; secondly, a breathing into anything ; and, thirdly, amongst 118 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS the divines " Inspiration is when an overpowering impres- sion of any proposition is made upon the mind by Grod himself, that gives a convincing and indubitable evidence of the truth and divinity of it : so were the prophets and the apostles inspired." (Watts.) Now, the first and second definitions are inapplicable ; it must, therefore, be in the last sense only that modern Poets are said to be in- spired ; and yet it appears strange that any rational man, especially a Christian, should ever conceive such a notion. Supposing that we had a godly inspiration the productions thereof must of certainty be godly — be of one uniform and specific character ; and even though the language, or style of verbal expression, should be left to the writer, yet the ideas, the sentiments, and the purposes set forth ought to be in strict keeping with the character of that superior Being from whom the inspiration is supposed to proceed. But if this were the case, and all other descrip- tions of Poetry were annihilated, how small indeed would be our remaining stock. It is proper to remember that an inspiration of religious sentiments is a very distinct thing from an inspiration of the art of writing Heroics, Tragedies, Comedies, Satires, Lyrics, or any other such like articles. Or, if we revert to Delphi, and consult the Pythoness, she is no proof of Poetic inspiration, but rather the reverse, for she ceased to deliver Poetry; she made up doggrel, and fathered it upon Apollo, till at last it could be endured no longer ! The people declared that this god of Poetry made the worst verses of any author in the world ! ! A pretty inspiration this, and Pythia, when she could no longer cheat by her Poetic delusions, descended to make what she could out of plain prose ! Scarcely any one will believe otherwise than that this was one of those decep- tions which we find, in all ages, practised upon the credulous public for the sake of its profits. But although OF THE ANCIENTS. 119 such things may prosper for awhile, they end in dis- appointment. With regard to iEschylus, I have already explained that his supposed inspiration was no doubt the force of his strong and fervid imagination, fixed on a particular purpose ; and the like of Lysander. As the demon or genius which was said to attend and direct Socrates, I am fully persuaded that this was merely his own good under- standing, which supported and encouraged him in the performance of any wise design that he had proposed ; in fact, this doctrine forms one item in the Platonic philosophy, and is another proof, if more were wanting, of the mysterious mode of speaking and teaching adopted by the ancients. We find it was a studied principle with many of the philosophers to deliver their sentiments in an enigmatical manner, so as to be understood only by the initiated. As a mighty instance of this, we find Alexander the Great wrote to Aristotle to complain about the philoso- pher having published the sciences which he had formerly taught to the King, who now became displeased that others would learn as much as himself ; whereas he wished to stand supreme ; but the Stagyrite satisfied his royal disciple by assuring him that though the books were indeed, published ; yet the subject of them remained a secret to all but to those who were initiated into the mode of expression wherein the books were written. King Solomon appears to have been well acquainted with this enigmatical form of instruction ; he gives us a noble example in his sacred song, which is scarcely suited to the crude ideas of these refined days. Furthermore, he gives us a specific intimation of this mysterious way of teaching. He says : — "A wise man will hear, and will increase learning ; and a man of understanding shall attain unto wise counsels ; to understand a proverb, and 120 THE POETIC AND MUSICAL CUSTOMS . the interpretation ; the words of the wise, and their dark SAYINGS." We ought, therefore, to rest satisfied with understanding that, under the outward appearance of words, the ancients possessed meanings, and even doctrines, which are not always comprehensible to us, and so not safe for us to adopt into very familiar practice. Prom the habitual use of a single expression, borrowed out of the enigmatical, and often misunderstood writers, we may entirely pervert its original meaning, and build thereon such sentiments as the primitive literati never cenceived. Nay, indeed, let us so far mistrust the common course of our perceptions as to examine carefully all such matters before we dare to pre- sume, even in supposition, that our great forerunners in literature set themselves much in opposition to natural truth ; and, especially let us take care that we do not, unwittingly, receive into our creed even greater errors than we sometimes profess to find in the ancients. I cannot persuade myself to enter seriously any further into the subject of Poetic inspiration ; for it must require a very little steady attention in any person to discover its fallacy. Having advanced thus far, I must leave this theme ; and should my readers find sufficient entertainment herein, probably on a future occasion I may offer them other considerations relating to the practices and principles of the Poetic Art. Amongst other very important ques- tions yet remaining are the moral and political conditions of the people, which may be observed in parallelism with the several stages of Ancient Poetry. And besides this question, I should wish to trace the course of Poetic usages and sentiments, through succeeding ages, down to our own time ; — a subject which, if fully developed, is pregnant with important lessons. HER MAJESTY QUEEN VICTORIA'S VISIT, TO CASTLE HOWARD, THE RESIDENCE OF THE EIGHT HOE THE EABL OF CABLISLE, august 27th, 1350. PREFACE. _Lhe many points of uovelty which the recent Royal Journey presents over any other in the world's history, will, I think, justify my loyal enthusiasm. All the features of railway travelling are entirely new ; the felicitous ease, the almost annihilation of immense space, and the conse- quent multiplying of time, are modern realities of the most interesting experience. Add to these the universal display of loyal affection everywhere manifested along the royal route, without any mingling of restraint, coldness, force, fear, or other alloy, and sustained, simply, by a real soul- felt national love towards an admired and agreeable Monarch, and then you have a picture worthy the pencil of the most inspired artist. I have, however, read, or heard it expressed by some stern moralist, that we need not praise any person for the performance of good deeds, because that to do good is the duty of all men, and that the fulfilment of duty gives no title to an eulogy ! But I am of a very different opinion, and therefore am not one of those who praise in flattery ! In a state of being where we have so many delinquencies, and innumerable temptations to depravity, I take it that a prudent encouragement is the shortest way to make an upright man ! The consciousness of being approved is a strong foundation for our morals that cheers us on in the resistance of evil ; whereas, a man who feels himself generally avoided and detested in society, usually turns out a consummate villain, and takes the certain road to moral destruction. We seem all inclined, in some degree, to grow into what men tell us we are. Hence it is as a matter of principle that I am inclined to offer my commendations to the virtuous great. From a personage nothing can emanate of a trifling effect ; 124 PREFACE. his position magnifies upon others the force of all his deeds. If, then, we are blessed with a Monarch, or other great person, desirous of walking at the head of the nation in the paths of virtue and moral rectitude, which have but too often been strangers to the "powers that be,'' ought we not immediately to show our apprecience of such conduct, and so be instrumental in assisting that determination of goodness to the highest attainable point of perfection ? Ought we not to hold up such excellence as a lamp to the feet of all other present and future great persons ? And is it not veiy proper, too, that we should bring out these rare instances as examples to the humbler classes, who have often been inclined to think that moral propriety is expected from them, almost to the exemption of their superiors ? Practically, it has frequently seemed as though the rich lived by their might, and the poor by their virtues ; but a different moral rule has of late entered our land, whereby many of the wealthy are becoming rich in those graces which ennoble humanity ; and therefore ought our souls to overflow with gratitude. This overflowing or spontanous working of mind was really the cause of these Stanzas on Her Majesty's Visit to Castle-Howard. With the first announcement of the intended journey, certain preparations were made along the route, and a degree of enthusiastic loyalty displayed which drew from me those expressions of pleasure which constitute, chiefly, the first part of the piece, even before I began to think of writing formally on the subject. And arriving at the end of the first part, I thought not of proceeding any further, till the observation of a friend, that I had not mentioned the royal children, threw me head- long into the second part ; and, having completed that portion, I again shut up my manuscript with the intention of doing no more. A copy of these two parts was, through the kindness of the Right Honourable the Earl of Carlisle, presented to Her Majesty at Castle-Howard ; but I after- wards thought the remaining portions a necessary com- pliment to the other distinguished persons, and a natural conclusion to the subject. A. G. T. HEE MAJESTY'S VISIT, &c. Part I. *' Jam Fides, et Pax, et Honor, Pudorque Priscus, et neglecta redire Virtus Audet: apparet que "beata pleno Copia Cornu. HoE. (Now Faith., and Peace, and Honour, and ancient Modesty, and neglected Virtue daxe to return, and joyful Plenty appears with, her full horn.) Hail ! grand auspicious morning ! hail ! Lift up thy curtains high ! And shed abroad a genial tint Across th' extended sky! Behold ! our Queen comes forth to-day ! The Queen of British Isles ! — Victoria travels out to see Her nation's cheerful smiles ! Hold up, ye clouds, your sluggish wings ! To upper skies ascend ! Nor, overshadowing the sun, With frowns o'er earth impend ! Shine out, thou soVreign light of day, With bright transcendent blaze ! Till all creation, filPd with bliss, Shall hymn its Maker's praise. Then, blithe and mirthful, every scene Shall laugh without alloy, And well beguile our Lady's way With plenitude of joy. Lo ! now she comes ! The children shout, And wave their tokens high ! And men, and maids, and matrons press Their SoVreign to espy ! m 2 ! 126 her majesty's visit The instruments of martial sound Burst forth melodiously, With harmony that gives relief To our excess of glee ! And as Minerva taught the Prince, (Bellerophon, the fair,) On Pegasus, the winged horse, To triumph in the air ; So now hath godly wisdom taught That artfulness of plan Wherein the might of very God Obeys the will of man. Hence, fleeter than the striving winds, For our good Queen we form A steed that mocks the tempest's flight, And leaves the chasing storm ! Nor need we Mercury to bear The swifter tidings hence ; With both his winged hat and heels The gods can now dispense ! When, like a goddess going forth, Victoria would stray, EVii Lightning's self foreruns, and says, Prepare ! — prepare her way ! All universal pow'r conspires To aid th' anointed Queen, Till, like an Indian arrow flown, She's past, and scarcely seen ! Lo ! cautious Earth his mantle threw *, To shield her from our sight ! So sacred is her safety held By all superior might. Yet, envious Terra, why so churl With too officious care ? For we would smite the hand that dar'd To harm our noble Fair. That foul, presumptuous cloud of sand I charge thee to restrain ! Nor mar with dust, nor hide from view, That Lady or her train ! * Swift trains usually throw up a cloud of dust, in dry weather, not very- gracious to the vision of bystanders. TO CASTLE-HOWARD. 127 Behold ! how modestly she runs ! No ostentation's seen ! And hist'ry shows in virtuous worth Never her rival Queen ! When Seroiramis went abroad, She drench'd the earth in blood From Nineveh, through Asia's bounds, EVn to old India's flood ! Pah- Helen, by her wanton pride, Prepar'd the grave of Troy, And made her native Grecian home Pay dearly for her joy ! When Cleopatra, Egypt's Queen, Sail'd in her glory-boat, To ape the Venus what she could, All vanities were sought ! But our Victoria scorns such airs, And travels meekly on ; You seldom know she's on her way Before she's really gone ! From Scarbro', once, we " put to sea," To greet our passing Queen, With many more, who had not then Their Royal Mistress seen! When, lo ! so stealthily she steer'd Along the "offing" way, We scarcely saw her "pennant" wave, So slight was her display ! With lofty canvass, through the spray We seem'd to almost fly ; But in th' horizon, lost to view, She taught us all " good-bye !" We "veer'd about," and "made a tack" To our " intended port," And soon again were harbour'd safe Under the ancient fort. Some thousands from the " Castle-cliff" Throng'd to the " Lighthouse Pier," Of what the Queen to us had said Some short report to hear ! ! 128 her majesty's visit Such now again ! She hies away Without the last parade ! And seems to wish that we would not Her quietude invade ! Vulcan ! thou lord of forging skill, Now warrant well thine art ! And bid the rails, and bolts, and springs Act well their destin'd part ! And hush yon 'streperous din, whose rage Must some annoyance yield ; Let those impetuous chariot-wheels To silence be anneal'd ! Electrify or Galvanize, Or seek ethereal aid, To cushion with a soft'ning spell All thy discordant trade ! Then, as it were, on angels' wings She'll view her wide domain ; Or, as in a celestial car, Drive through th' extended plain ! Ye guardian spirits, from purer realms, Benignantly descend ! From worldly harm and worldly fear Her Majesty defend ! As the good genius taught the sage* To feel what thoughts were ill ; Then left him free, when he was right, To follow all his will ; As the twin deities t appear'd, Like men who travell'd hard, To save from an impending death Their very favourite Bard J ; Or, as the heav'nly guide who gave The flaming sign by night, And held by day the pillar' d cloud - To guide the saints aright ; So, dread eternal Pow'r of heaVn, Ordain some blessed guest To guide our Sovereign in the course Of all whate'er is best ! * Socrates. t Castor and Pollux. $ Simonides. TO CASTLE-HOWARD. 129 ! be her virtue ever pure — Her spirit ever fair; And well preseiVd from all that's wrong, And all that can impair ! In Howard Castle now enshrin'd, She walks those ancient halls ; And we'll hold sacred for her sake Those old familiar walls ! Let no rude loyalty approach With over-rustic stare, T" intrude amid her rural peace, Or mar her bliss with care ! For crowned heads, like others, wish At times for quiet bliss ; And all would have our Queen t' enjoy A sweet retreat like this ! 'T would seem a gen'rous breath is here Of dignity and worth, That in celestial, balmy life Is gently stealing forth. 'Tis like some high empyreal sphere, Such influence fills the air As sure on earth's wide confines nought Could with this spot compare ! Hush ! — heard'st thou not the warbling sweets Of universal notes, Like cherubs whispering, when their voice Through rarest ether floats ? Nay, Philo heard not, for his clay Is base and ill refin'd ; And Music speaks to those alone Who have a tuneful mind ! But wonder not if Heaven be here To guard those earthly Pow'rs, Or angels should for once descend To such terrestrial bow'rs ! Ye sylvan hills, where oft we ran, Assume the smiling spring ! Ye feather'd choirs devoutly join Your various joys to sing ! ISO HER MAJESTY'S VISIT Ye ancient deer, your gambols show Sportive across the Park ; And, o'er th' expansive waters, ye Aquatic fowls embark. Declining in the western skies, Thou ev'ning sun illume, With soft refulgent rays, the views These beauteous scenes assume ! Old Echo ! with thy mocking tongue, Strange hoary woodland ghost ! Resume the many nightly sounds Thy mystic home can boast ! The routy deer and wisdom-bird Oft make creation ring ! Or in these hallow'd groves, perchance, Sweet Philomel may sing ! But what in forest, park, or lawn Shall vocalize the eve, Still mimic, with untiring zeal, Whate'er thou canst receive ! Ye rural phantasies that charm The ev'ning wand'rer's nerve, Sooth and delight, as best ye can, Those guests ye seldom serve ! That Howard's Royal Friends may feel An all-enchanting spell "Welcome them to this Paradise, And make them love it well ! That when, on her intended tour, Her Majesty goes hence, She may of this old Castle home Retain a grateful sense ! And, on departure, may much joy Amongst her smiles be seen, Whilst honest Yorkshire shouts, " Long live Victoria the Queen !" Haste round, bright golden morn ! repeat The bliss this ev'ning gave, And fill those souls to pleasure given With all delight they crave. TO CASTLE-HOWARD. 131 For thee, Priuce Consort, as thou would' st Explore the Border scene, For thine own sake, we wish thee sport, And for our much-lov'd Queen ! Then hie to Scotia, once again, With the returning year ! Away to Caledonia's hills, To stalk the Highland deer. Away across the mountain-tops, Amongst the heather game ! Or where the forest tempts thy gun "With birds of beauteous fame ! Both, with your nation's blessings, go Where'er ye have design' d — A happy, youthful Sov'reign Pair As seldom we may find ! SONG. All hail ! Victoria the Fair ! — Thy victories of love Thy subjects glory much to share, And their adhesion prove. While the ravages of war Send their desolations far, O'er continental lands, Proudly, nobly, still thy throne On the People's love alone, The firmest basis, stands. Should foreign foes thy peace disturb, Or Revolutions try, Thy loyal hosts such wrath will curb, And all their hate defy. Heav'n thy duteous tribes will bless, Shield them when hot dangers press, And English rights defend. Lady Chief ! Victoria, still 'Tis thy loyal Nation's will To hail thee Queen and Friend ! HEE MAJESTY'S VISIT, Ac. Part II. "Magnus ab intergo seclorum nascitur ordo. Jam redit et Virgo : redeunt Saturnia regna : Jam nova progenies coelo demittitur alto." "ViR. (The great series of revolving years begins anew ; and n returns the Virgin. ; the Saturnian reigns return, and a n progeny descends from lofty Heaven.) Illustrious Queen and Consort, hear Your nation's solemn pray'r ; Ev'n when intent on pleasure's call, Deny us not your care. For ye can make or mar our peace— Our fate obeys your seal ; Ye can envelop us in wo, Or fortify our weal ! 'Tis true no hostile host we fear ; We scorn a coward's flight ! And, while we bear the English name, We'll shun no equal fight ! We ask not, then, your toil in wars, To meet our marshall'd foe ; Or, to beseech a tyrant's grace, As our petitioners go. Nor do we pray you spare our crimes, But, with the two-edg'd sword, Cleave to the inner soul the man Who merits such reward. Nor ask we ye to bribe, or buy Our courtesies with gold ; For we'll maintain your thi'one as high As e'er it was of old. HER MAJESTY'S VISIT, &C. 133 Nor will we crave for flattering words, Although your smiles we love, And we will rush impetuous on When ye but deign t' approve. Repay then us (who love you so) With this much gratitude ; (Nor think the Bard too bold who thus His stanzas dare intrude). We have within your charge a Prince Of genealogic fame ! Your guardianship will form his youth — His manhood we must claim. This scion of illustrious blood Is mighty England's hope ; His prospect is to be our King ! And with our foes to cope ! We hail'd his birth with merry bells, And songs of high delight ! Britain, like a new-married spouse, Thought him her only might ! And many pious souls pour'd forth Their heav'uly savour'd pra/i-, Burden'd with special striving for This new-born treasure's care ! Heav'n, thus besieg'd, appears to yield To grant the fond request ; And hence with all auspicious good Our Prince of Wales is blest ! Nor weary is this national love ; Its ardour, as at first, Is ever ready, when 'tis meet, In greater zeal to burst. Then, if you possibly could lose The private parent's heart ! Still, for the sake of England, act The Royal Teacher's part. As England by you both is loVd, Your true regard evince, By rearing with incessant care Your Son ! our hopeful Prince ! 134 her majesty's visit Teach him to know that wisdom is A Ruler's chief support ; That virtue ever will be found A nation's strongest fort ! Teach him that firm security- Is founded on the rock Of Truth, that's unimpeachable, And fears no earthly shock ! Teach him that lasting kingdoms stand By the eternal might Of Justice, held with even hand, For all men's equal right. Teach him, in all concerns through life To fear the King of kings, And look to Him as to the fount Whence ev'ry glory springs ! Your vast dominion daily feels A growing load of care, Thro' num'rous ills that ever strive Its glory to impair. With blood imbrued, the outer world Completes its awful fate ; And constant vigilance we need To thwart its plotting hate ; Lest error, like a mighty flood, Should drench this happy realm, And in the pit of moral death Our greatness overwhelm. Whilst in this nation demons dwell, That gnaw it to the core, Intent to tear its vitals out, And revel on our gore. Thus, deadly foes attack the throne Of our apparent Heir ; And 'tis your Royal charge for these The Prince to well prepare. The heaving mounts of public mind That rise to present view Demand another serious thought, While passing in review. TO CASTLE-HOWARD. 135 All things assume a new array ! Old Time has made his flight ! His store is gone, save some tew rays Of still congenial light ! New visions more extensive rise To circumfuse the earth ! Society has travell'd through An all-transforming birth ! The old experience of the kings, Or precepts of the sage, Require reeoining now to suit This metamorphos'd age ! All pristine principles are hid In such unheard-of schemes ; Men find much trouble to descry Their once familiar themes. (Ev'n when the ghosts of former times Come back to see their home, Tliey Teen so little in this world, They're ceasing now to roam !) Hence have our senators much time In new decrees to pass, To keep the kingdom safe amidst The huge fermenting mass. And, like the onward era, we Must daily, too, progress ; For the last apex we shall gain Seems difficult to guess ! Methinks that from Creation's morn A gleam of reason shot, T' attend the changing path of man, And light his varied lot ; Sometimes in moral darkness hid, When vice prevail'd awhile, This sheen of mortals seem'd extinct, And HeaVn refus'd to smile, Till some redeeming wisdom, sent To trim the flick'ring light, Added each time a further ray To dissipate the night. 136 her majesty's visit So, oft enlarg'd, this ancient gleam Has grown a moral sun, And in a circuit through the earth A gen'rous course has run ! Should now this radiance be eclips'd By some inglorious pow'r, How horrid would the influence be That o'er mankind would low'r ! Or, should th' Almighty Intellect In one grand focus bind All wisdom's rays, and join them back To the primeval mind ; Then would the world to bliss advance, Safe with the light that's given, And happy tribes on earth should join To rival those in heaven ! Hence, whether way the question turns, 'Tis such momentous fate As should, in all well-order'd minds, A deep concern create. But chiefly those who govern realms Need mark each new event, And learn therefrom to gain new bliss, Or evils to prevent ! To thee, young glorious Prince of Wales, This is essential Truth, Wherewith thy mind should be imbu'd E'en in its tender youth, That, rightly train' d, like some stout oak Of proud, unflinching form, True principles in thee shall grow Firmer by ev'ry storm. Or, in the quiet days of peace, Be thine the joy to heap Such fruits within this happy isle As nations seldom reap. Our bliss and thine in union twin'd,. Must flourish hand in hand ; A truly happy King must rule Over a happy land 1 TO CASTLE-HOWARD. 137 How vast, ye Royal Parents, then, Those themes ye should inspire Into our Prince, to fill his soul With patriotic fire ! How vast the precepts ye should teach Of universal skill, "Whilst yet his youthful passions bend Obedient to your wilL To brighter fame than Philip bought, He's bom ! We must provide A more than ancient Stagyrite To be our hero's guide ! And yet, Eternal God, forbid This Prince should early reign ; But may his glorious Mother-Queen Her office long retain ! Till, through the lapse of many years, Her Majesty hath given Her energies to bless her land, And slept away to heaven ! Then, in a stately ripen'd prime (When, too, the Bard's gone hence,) This realm shall hail our Prince its king, Its glory, its defence ! Then, noble Prince, perpetuate Our Royal Lineage ! And to our British records add Another brighter page ! That future generations may Oft praise the fruits of this ! And England thrive and travel on Through long-extended bliss ! And may eternal Wisdom's Sun Each day more brightly shine ! Till human intellect climbs up To join the Light Divine ! Then the Millennium, often sought, Shall greet the universe ! And the pure happiness of heav'n All earthly care disperse. i2 HEE MAJESTY'S VISIT, fo Part III. THE LOYAL FESTIVITIES AT CASTLE-HOWARD. " Happy, thrice happy they, "Whose graceful deeds have exemplary shone Bound the gay precincts of a throne With mild effective "beams." Shenstoni From Henderskelf the vapours rise, Curling amongst the spires, And token the old English joy Of bright congenial fires. The saVry perfumes tell the toil Of culinary art, Replete with all the varied skill Experience can impart. The bounteous Earl invites his guests Of Royal British fame ; And Princes, Lords, and Ladies fair Of honourable name. His verdant hills and dales supply The fatted flocks and herds, And many rural dames produce Their fav'rite broods of birds. Intent to aid their gen'rous Lord With aught that's good and rare, The husbandmen their purest stock In rivalry prepare. Well pleas'd to find his Lordship mark The energy they use, And well repaid for what his taste May condescend to choose, her majesty's visit, &c. 139 Some with the fatted, snowy lamb, Or choicest calf will vie ; With bullock stout, or heifer fair, Some more for favour try. The cauldron boils, the spit revolves, With flame the ovens roar, And steamers fume, awhile the cooks Trip nimbly o'er the floor. So roast and boil'd are soon prepar'd, And serv'd in neatest style, When all the hungry nobles deign To give a nat'ral smile ! For such is nature's course of joy, When health the system fills, That food inspires a cheerful mind, And rectifies our wills. No vain magnificence presumes To show its mean parade ; Though equal to the high-born guests Is preparation made. This shows our nation's growing sense, The wisdom of the great, Who for superfluous goods exchange A comforting estate. Unpleasing now that table pride Of gormandizing kings, Which made them rival who could dine On most unwonted things. Such gen'rous food as cheers the blood Rich people now advise ; The choicest parts themselves may use, The rest their house sur Now well-fed oxen seven bled, And five fat bucks were shot ; Of heather game were us'd some scores, Of poultry quite a lot ! Some forty sheep, four splendid calves, And many lambs were slain ; Of which, when all our friends were gone, But few did whole remain ! 140 HER MAJESTY'S VISIT Besides, were pastries richly made, And moulded very neat, And fruits of extra luscious juice Most beautiful and sweet. Of native oysters thousands came In flavour much esteem'd, And old and mellow cheerful wines A nectar fountain stream'd. Thus was the Princely Feast ordain'd With wise refining taste ; From all barbaric usage clear — Plenty, devoid of waste. Meanwhile, as the magnetic pole, Besides the common cheer, Our Queen attracts the joyous mood In eVry soul that's here. None can be melancholy where Such Queen of virtue sits, Or act the cynic round the board Of these resplendent wits. Here, by Her Majesty, is plac'd, Tall, manly, fair, and bland, That fine, accomplish'd, favourite Prince From the Teutonic Land, — Albert, the military chief And patron of the arts, By birth and training well prepar'd To act those various parts. And here's the pride of English blood, Suffus'd with virtue's smile — The star of British noblemen, The honour'd Earl Carlisle ! The Graces love his gen'rous soul, And consecrate his voice By all the charms of eloquence That are the Muses' choice ! For, like the loveliest summer fiow'rs, His words are sweet and rich ; His speech hath such harmonious chords As really to bewitch. TO CASTLE-HOWARD. 141 His gentle influence where he dwells With peace the country fills, And round his princely mansion bliss Like honey-dew distils. Kind charity constrains his soul To ev'ry good intent ; To ease humanity of care His thoughts are wholly bent. His lib'ral hand relieves the poor Where grievous want appears, And all who know him wish my Lord Many and happy years. Nor yet is this a flatt'rer's praise, Or flourish of the verse, For were my theme from numbers free, More worth I should rehearse. 'Tis but the slightest echo giVn To England's long acclaim, That daily lauds its Earl Carlisle, Morpeth and Howard's fame. The Countess Dowager is here, In venerable years Her loyal joy amid her guests Conspicuously appears. The Lady Mary charms the board With almost grace divine ; Her virtues are the country's boast, Where gloriously they shine. The noble Duchess Sutherland Supports her lofty birth ; And Dover, Lascelles, Grower, and Grey Are guests of special worth. And Lord and Lady Peversham, Of large and rich domain ; And Dufferin and Clifden Lords Augment the Royal train. Sir John, the Hackness Baronet, Of Johnstone's favour'd name — A kind, humane, and bounteous knight. Brings honourable fame. 142 her majesty's visit His sylvan hills, and crystal streams, And fine romantic dales, Are to the Muse well-known, and there A wealthy joy prevails. Here's Prescott, from America, Whose rich historic page Augments the literary store Of this important age. Seymour, the brave Lord Mayor of York, Old Ebor's fame maintains ; And Leeman, spirited and free, Th' esteem of many gains. Sir Tatton Sykes throws off his age, And sporting corduroy, To dance his merry, loyal freaks As buxom as a boy ! Scarbro', inur'd to thoughts refin'd, Confirms her pristine zeal, And greets Her Majesty with love, Pledg'd by her borough seal. Her Doctor Harland, justly priz'd For philosophic skill, She sends to bear the token forth, And urge her loyal will ! And Ladies, Lords, and Gentlemen, Of other honour'd names To the descriptive Poet's pen Present undoubted claims. But with th' omitted Friends, the Bard Must for their pardon sue ; He had no means to know them all, Or to record their due. Virtue and Modesty prevail'd, And Reason crown'd the Feast ; And thus the common joys of man By Wisdom are increas'd. Nor yet was glory temporal The only object sought ; But to inspire her heavnly breath Fair Piety was brought. TO CASTLE-HOWARD. 143 For England's Primate comes to give The sacerdotal grace — Ebor's Archbishop, Musgrave, reigns Right worthy of his place. And near him stands, in Bishop's right, Longley, of Bipon's See, Held famous for his classic taste, And pious, kind, and free. In " holy orders," many more Victoria honour'd here, By joining with them round the board To feast on Howard's cheer. Her Majesty then pleas'd to bless Young children with a thought, And twelve of Howard's village schools Around the Queen were brought. A feast of harmony, prepar'd By Chatsworth's thrilling band, Was wholly stay'd, to mark the stroke Of Death's unflinching hand ! The slaying angel's ruthless might For no distinction cares ; All grades of men, all powers, and names He in his triumph bears. Louis, the once renown'd of France, Has felt the mortal-sword, And to his friends our noble guests Their sympathy accord. Hence, not a single revel note Presum'd to mar the scene ; A modest mirth alone prevail' d Around our virtuous Queen. 'Tis thus the gentler virtues rule With meekly soft'ning sway, That must dispel those sterner traits Which fighting kings display. Happy the nation where the rage Of fierce emotion dies ; And Peace, Humanity* and Love The Monarch daily tries. 144 her majesty's visit,