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 ADDRESS 
 
 or THK 
 
 GENERAL COMMITTEE 
 
 OF CORRESPONDENCE, 
 
 .PPOINTED AT A GENERAL MEETING OF THE aEPOBLICAN MEMBERS Of 
 THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA,] 
 
 TO 
 
 THE DE3I0CRATIC CITIZENS 
 
 or TUB 
 
 STATE or PENNSYLVANU, 
 
 ON THB SUBJECT 07 THE 
 
 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, 
 
 1812. 
 
r 
 
 t^n-v^ V^V♦>'^s 
 
 J)^■] 
 
 THE following <\] dress of the General Committee of Coi . 
 respondence n Pennsylvaniaj on the subject ol the Presidential 
 election, is submitted to the consideration of the' people of Ma- 
 ryland It contains an impartial view of' the pretensions of t"ne 
 two candidates nominated for that exalted station. 
 
 Upon an attentive perusal of the address, it is believed that 
 nine-tenths of the republicans throughout the Union will nof 
 hesitate to decide in favor of Mr. Madison, our present worthy 
 chiet magistra.e. His pre-eminent talents, unblemished jn- 
 a rarity, inflexible virtue and patriotism ; his great experience 
 an(! ;.rduous services in the cause of his country, eminently d'ls- 
 tingulsh him as a fit character to direct the energies of the na- 
 tion at this important crisis. For more than thirty years lie 
 time and talents have been devoted to the services of his country ; 
 »ud in the various and honorable stations which he has filled, his 
 conduct has received the approbation of his fellow citizens. Can 
 a more certain pledge for an able and faithful discharge of the 
 hgU trust to be reposed in him, be required by any rational he- 
 
 Uig? 
 
 ihe election of Mr. TNIadison will be supported by the suffra- 
 ges of those who glory in the Declaration of Independence, — hy 
 those who have uniformly supported the neutral, commercial 
 and agricultural rights of the people of the United States, — by 
 the friends of the constitution and republican principles, — and 
 b\ those who are determined, at the hazard of their lives and 
 fortunes, to transmit unimjraired to posterity, the Independence 
 which has been acquired by the blood and treasure of their aiv 
 cestors. 
 
 Maryland, \6th October, 1812. 
 
TO THE 
 
 DEMOCRATIC CITIZENS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 FELLOW CITIZENS, 
 
 AT a full and general meeting of the republican nnembers of 
 the legislature of Pennsylvania, relative to the Prciidential elec- 
 tion, held at Lancaster, March 7, 1812, the subscribers were ap- 
 pointed as a general committee to correspond with the other com- 
 mittees appointed throughout the state, to address the electors, and 
 fill any vacancy which might take place on the electoral ticket 
 agreed upon and recommended at the above meeting. In pursu- 
 ance of the duties, thus honorably imposed upon us, and not from 
 presumption or forwardness, we now address you. The confidence, 
 founded on experience, which we have in your integrity of princi- 
 ple, attachment to republicanism, and devotion to the best interests 
 of your country, have heretofore determined us to remain silent ; 
 nor do we know whether we should even now have addressed youj 
 but for the extraordinary efforts which are making, and the unpre- 
 cedented conduct pursuing, to uproot your principles, to league 
 you wiih federalism, and wean your affectionate esteem from the 
 present chief magistrate of the Union. 1 o effect these objects, ad- 
 dresses and circular letters, from a neighboring state, have been 
 sent into every part of this state^ by every established course, and 
 through every possible channel which industry and wealth could 
 open. Not content with thus assailing the republican character, 
 and thus endeavoring to divide the republican party of Pennsylvania, 
 another and a still more unusual and exceptionable mode of elec- 
 tioneering has been resorted to. Self-crea'ed committees com- 
 posed principally of the officers of government of a neighboring 
 stale, have travelled our state up and down, and traversed it in eve- 
 ry direction to seduce cur citizens from the standard of principle, 
 and induce them to rally round a candidate of whom thes- know lit- 
 tle or nothing but the name, and whose only hope of success rests 
 on a party which has not yet acquired even a denomination. Ihis 
 union isone of those anomalous associations vviih which our coun- 
 try has more than once been cursed, the dangers of which cannot 
 better be described tlian in an extract of an addreos of the rep'ibli- 
 can members of the legislature of Pennsylvaniaon the Pi-e>'.irii:nual 
 eecfion in 180^. We could hardly have hoped that a case so 
 strikingly in point could have been found on the file of precedent. 
 
 •• While federalism preponderated in Pennsylvania, no overtures of union or re- 
 conciliation were made; but, on the contrary, a system of expulsion of ev>ry man, 
 who diitered from them in opinion from all ofl'iccs of profir or of ho:i ■!, \\ i . ■ ; u-n- 
 
 ly avowed, and pvursucU with tuvemiitijis diligence. Foiled, however, at length 
 
4 
 
 they Invite to union and harmony ! But, listen not to their sj-ren song of pretend- 
 ed friendship and rei.oaC!iia;ion, designed onl) to lure you to destructicn ! \\ hile, 
 traitor like, they s>eem to ofter ycu ihe hand of cordiality, they are watching an 
 unguanled jtioment to stab you to the heart. To e\ince their insincerity. , you 
 need only observe the ; rrcnts of abuse, vi ulence, calumny, and detraction, 
 wlixb are incessai.tly issuing from the le.leral prims, aganist Mr. Jcflersou. [and 
 Mr Madison,] frr m ever> iiuarter of the Union. 
 
 "Citizens, beware of their anful wUts ! beware more especially, of pretended 
 republicanb, men of th rd party principles ! Bew are ot the "Union of hotit^t men ! /" 
 
 " it vou turn your e)i's to our sister state of New York, you there behold aii 
 intriguing, ambitiou" individual fomenting division among the republicans, that he 
 may rise into • ffice amidst the ruin of those principles he once j.rofessed. tlap« 
 p\ \\ e'C it for I'c-rinsyivania, had she not characters of this description also, equal- 
 1) restless, ain'oiticus, and dissatisfied, because they are not elevated to the high- 
 est statioris in the goveriimeni ; to which their fellow -citizens have not thought 
 them entiled, either on tiie ground of principle, patriotism or talents : but who, 
 notwithstanding, are deunnmed to cUmb into oiiice,' in defiance of true republicans, 
 by farming a coalition with federalists. Great e.xer lions were made by tlsese men 
 previousl) to the last election ! great exertions are now making by men professing 
 lepublicanism, near your government, to bring about this preposterous union, in 
 order to accomplish their own elevation to oilice, and restore the ancient order of 
 things. 
 
 " Pamphlets, tending to this point, addressed to your representatives, are indus- 
 triously, though covertly, circulated, containing sentiments and doctrines that go to 
 sap the very foundation of republicanism, by bringing into disrepute representative 
 government, and inducing a predilection for aristocratical and monarchical institu- 
 tions ; and tending to excite suspicions and jealousies in the public mind, against 
 the measures of the present and precedmg legislatures. Far be it from us fellow- 
 citizens, to excite animosities and discoia among you. No: Let pe;ice and so- 
 cial harmony mark the character of Pennsylvania. We ardently wish to incul- 
 cate those sentiments, both by precept and example : but at the same time we de- 
 voutly deprecate the monstrous connection of federalism, or aristocracy, with re- 
 vubhcanism ; from the fullest conviction, that such a union would be a certain pre- 
 lude to it, if not the actual prostration and total rum, of the republicanism of 
 Pennsylvania. As well might heaven and earth come in contact ; a.s well might 
 fire and water mingle, and the most discordant principles in nature be united, as 
 feuerahsm and rt-publicanism. 
 
 " 1 his third party scheme, tellow-citizcns, cannot, we presume, have escaped 
 your obser\ ation. Scarcely a state in the union, scarcely a county in this state, in 
 which this H)dra has not reared its horrid front: And, though hitherto it has 
 been baffled, it is not yet destroyed. 
 
 " This plan appears the dernier resort of the fedei-alists. They well know, that 
 the reelection of Jelttrson [Madison] will be likely to place republicanism on so 
 firm a busts, as not to be sapjied or shaken, for at least a century to come. Ever}- 
 artihcc which human ngenuit) can invent; every scheme which deep-rooted en- 
 m t) can sugges'. ; and every exertion which desjieration can jirompt, w ill be com- 
 bined to prevent his re-election : But, we conhdently trust and believe, that we 
 shall a^^ain triimiph over all their machinations by adheVing strictly to the charac- 
 ters lecummtnded to you as electors. 
 
 (Signed) "AARON LYLE, Cbairman. 
 
 JAMES PEARSON, Secmanr 
 
 The only candidates i jw nominated for the Presidency of the 
 United Stales, ure Janu^ Madi.sun and De \\itt Clinton, livery 
 tliinv; which in^enuiiy and talent, eypciience and legal informa- 
 tion can adduce in support of Mr. Clinton, is to be found in an ad- 
 dress '' to the people of the I nited States," from a " special com- 
 mittee of the city of New York, acting under the authority of the 
 Gencial Committee of Corre^'pondtnce of the state of New York." 
 Thai wc may mccl the question fairly, we purpose briefly and 
 
candidly to examine this address. We know the importance of 
 the subject, and we shall scrupulously adhere to facts. Neither so- 
 phistry nor misrepresentation are necessary to subserve the cause 
 of truth or promote the great interests of the republic. The elec- 
 tion of a chief magistrate, always a momentous epoch, is now more 
 than ever so, because now we are at war. The courage and resources 
 of the nation should be called forth vigorously and promptly. It is 
 only by waging a vigorous war that we can hope for an honorable 
 and lasting peace. The man who now shall be chosen to preside 
 over the destinies of the nation ought to be a long tried, well-prin- 
 cipled, faithful public servant: one whose patriotism has been 
 tested as gold in the furnace; and whose well-regulated and well- 
 stored mind should be the nation's security against rashness or 
 ambition; above all, he should be a citizen known to the whole 
 Union, and confided in with a confidence which should never 
 awaken suspicion. 
 
 The first passage in the address which attracts our attention, is 
 the declaration that "the state of New York has, by an open nomi- 
 nation of a candidate for the Presidency, entered its formal protest 
 against the practice of Congressional nominations " The address- 
 ers appear to have been apprehensive that this declaration would 
 either not be implicitly credited, or not have the consideration and 
 weight which they were desirous it should have ; they therofore, 
 very shortly afterwards repeat "we have said the state of New 
 York has entered its protest against Congressional nominations.'* 
 In other paragraphs of the address, it is affirmed that the state of 
 New York has nominated De Witt Clinton for the Presidency. 
 
 This committee have carefully and sedulously attended to every 
 meeting and movement in the state of New York, and throughout 
 the Union, in relation to the Presidential election, and they have 
 no where seen a " formal protest against the practice of Congres- 
 sional nominations" by the state of jVrw York: nor have they been 
 able, by any diligence or research, to find that the state of Xeto 
 York has nominated De Witt Clinton for the Presidency. The 
 last act of the stale of New York respecting " Congressional nomi- 
 nations" for the Presidency, was so far from " a formal protest 
 against the practice," that it was a decided approbation of them, 
 by giving a large majority of her votes in 1808, the last Presiden- 
 tial election, for the candidates that had been previously selected 
 by a " Congressional nomination." " The nomination of Ue Witt 
 Clinton for the Presidency, by the state of New York," is no 
 where to be found. The state of New York has had no convention, 
 to ascertain her opinions ; therefore, she neither has, nor can 
 have, made any nomination. Whether she will, or will not, sanc- 
 tion the nomination made " at a meeting of the republican mem- 
 bers of the senate and assembly of the state of New York," we 
 presume not to determine. It is not without regret that we have 
 felt ourselves bound thus positively, and upon the best evidence, 
 to rebut the truth of the allegations made by the New York com- 
 mittee. That *' the state of New York has entered its formal pro- 
 test against the practice of Congressional nominations " and that 
 tlie state of New York has nominated Mr. De Witt Clinton for the 
 
6 
 
 Presidency, are the main presumptions upon which the New York 
 coininit t.e have prcdita^eci their hopes ol si;ccts;, and claimed the 
 pu'Mi' vote '• in siipjoit of the nomination of the Hon. De W itt 
 C 11. • •' for the Prtsidency of the United Stales at the ensning; 
 elcc io:i." We huvc, we trust, satisfactorily shewn that those 
 presumptions have no foundation in fact, and if we liave not 
 shaken the superstructure to its centre, we have ceriainly so 
 shaken it as to make us cautious how we take the assumptions of 
 the commiitee for historical facts, and to induce the committee 
 themselves to forgive us, if we " learn wisdom in the school of ex- 
 perience, and distrust those who" make assertions that " shrink 
 from investii^alion " 
 
 No inconsiderable portion of the New York address is taken up 
 in v>arning the people of the United Stales to be on their guard 
 against nominations made l)y members of Congress, for fear they 
 should be acting under " corrupt influence," or even under the 
 influence of" a foreign power." It is true, the addressers declare 
 that *• as yet, nvr- hofie no foreign power has attempted to influence 
 the elections of our chief mairislraie ;" thus, most uncharitably 
 insinuHting that which, iliunk heaven 1 can obtain no credence in 
 the country, at least not among republicans. It is matter of pride 
 and exultati:.n to every honest American, that whatever suspicion 
 niuy have been entertained as to individuals there is no shadow of 
 evidence to induce a belief that Congress has ever acted under 
 corrupt or foreit:n influence. The whole object of the attack 
 upon '' Congressional nominations" is to lessen in public estima- 
 tion the citizens whom they have nominated. It is a strange ex- 
 pectation to hope to win tiie suffrages of republicans by insinuat- 
 ing» and that such is their want of integrity or discernment that 
 the men whom hev elect, by their voluntary suffrage, are so wick- 
 ed and unjn-iucipi'jd as to abandon their duty to their constituents 
 and from '* corrupt influence" to lay it prostrate at the foot-slool of 
 « u foreign power." it is ungrateful to our feelings to call to 
 your recollection facts which are not honorable to our country, 
 and nothing but ihc necessity of the case could justify or induce 
 us If we say aught which shall wound the pride or humble in 
 the dust the vauntings of the committee of New York, they must 
 acknowledge, and the public will do us the justice to recollect, wc 
 are not the assailing, we are only the defending, party. The 
 committee of New York having, without " the fear of criticism or 
 ccn-,ure," attacked, and most unsparingly reprehended the repub- 
 lican members of the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
 United States, btjtause ibey have nominated i\Ir. Madison, as a 
 candidate for the Presidency, it will not be considered irregular or 
 foieii;n lo the discharge of our duty if we state a few authentic facts 
 relative to the republican members of tl.e Senate and House of 
 Representatives of the state of New York, who nominated Mr. 
 Clinton for ilic same office. If Mr. Madison is to bear all the 
 sins and suspicio.is laid at the door of those who nominated him, 
 can it be ret^ard A as cither ungenerous or unjust, that Mr. Clin- 
 ton should be loaded with a portion of the crimes and corruption 
 charged by high authority against those who nominated him ? 
 
Mr. Clinton was nominated a candidate for the Presidency, by 
 the republican members of the legislature of New York on the 
 28th INIav, 1812 'I hut le^-is*iuure had been adjourned from ihe 
 27lh March to the 2 1st May by Governor Tompkins, because, as 
 he declared in his niessaa;e, " It ai)pear3 by the Journals of the 
 assembly, that attempts have been vnidc to comifit by nniBFS, four 
 mcml)ers of that body, to vote for the passage of tlie bill to incor- 
 porate the aforesaid Bank [of America;] and it also appears, by 
 tlie Journals of the Senate, that an improper attempt has been 
 made to influence one of the Senators to vote for the bill." At a 
 metiinfi^ of the republican members held at Albany the same day 
 on which Governor Tompkins prorogued the assembly, it was 
 resolved that for that act he " -merits our warmest thanks and the 
 gratitude of his country." This meeting further declared, that 
 the stock of the American Bank, §6,000.000, was "owned prin- 
 cipally by foreigners,'" and that '' representations undku oath 
 have been made of corruftt attempts to seduce several members of 
 the legislature." These declarations and resolutions were unani- 
 mously concurred in by 59 members ; other republican members 
 thought, the Governor had acted "■ hastily and unadvisedly." Our 
 fellow-citizens will bear in mind that the Bank of America was 
 afterwards incorporated by the New York legislature. We have 
 thus as evidence, the oflicial message of Governor Tompkins, the 
 Journals of both houses, and the opinion of a very respectable num- 
 ber ot members, to prove that corrupt attempts were made to bribe and 
 seduce several members of the J\itw York legisliitrirs, and that those 
 bribes came out of a fund oivned principally by foi doners ^ and those 
 foreigners now alien enemies : — Yet this was the legislature, so 
 charged and so suspected, that nominated Mr. De Witt Clinton, 
 and it is a committee emanating from the same source, which 
 cries aloud *'to the people of the United States" to take care that 
 their Presidents are not nominated by '' corrupt influence," and 
 which with, real or affected, charity expresses a hope that " no 
 foreign power has attempted to iniluence the elections of oup 
 chief magistrate." We forbear all comment and submit the facta 
 to the sober judgments of our fellow-citizens, not doubting but 
 they will duly apj)reciute the labors of the New York Committee, 
 and the merits, claims and cjualificalions of their candidate. 
 
 The New York Committee having disposed of the Congressional 
 nomination, which they appear to ha\e regarded as the strongest 
 bulwark around Mr. Madison, they proceed to inform the people 
 vihy the next President of the United States sliould be taken frona 
 the state of New Y'oik. Before Me enumerate the pretensions of 
 the state of New Y'ork as arrayed by its Committee we wish to 
 be distinctly understood to protest, in the name of the republicans 
 of Pennsylvania, against any party or any candidate that attempts 
 to sow the seeds of jealousy and distrust among members of the 
 same community, among sister rates, who have a common interest 
 and ought to be united by a common bond of affection : On behalf 
 of the republicans of Pennsylvania, and we know we deliver their 
 sentiments, we protest against any arrogance of one state over 
 another, or " urging pretensions and claiming superiority" becaus<? 
 
8 
 
 she is larj^er or more populous: and lastly, for the republicans 
 of Pennsylvania, we solemnly prolesl against any claims, to the 
 Presidency, or to any public staiion, except those which are 
 founded on capability, public services, republican principles and 
 attachnneni to the Union. The following are the claims put in by 
 the Committee, on behalf of the siaie nf New York, to shew " the 
 propriety of its giving the next President to the Union 1" 
 
 I. Because " now, for the first time," New York has " put for- 
 
 ward its claim." 
 This claim would be equally just, and conclusive as it respects 
 Pennsylvania or any other state in the Union. This is " the first 
 time" that any state has " put forward its claim" to have one of its 
 citizens made President of the United States. 
 
 II. Because the stale of New York is not the state of Virginia. 
 
 " Virginia inlluence is a bye word" we admit, but it is only " in 
 the Eastern btates" among those who make a " bye word" of 
 French influence, and who would make a " bye word" of any body, 
 or any thing, that would promise to raise them to power. They 
 would even miike a "bye word" of Mr. De Witt Clinton. 
 
 III. Bec-.nise '' the resources and population of New York, place it 
 in the first rank." 
 
 At the late Presidential election. New York ranked r.'i(h Massa- 
 chusetts, and fl//(»- Virginia and Pennsylvania; and no one can 
 charge New York with any delay in "putting forward its claim" 
 when she asks to have the first officer in the Union, so soon as the 
 marshal's return gives her a greater number of votes than any one 
 of her sister states. 
 
 IV. Because its local situation makes it " one of the fit depositaries 
 of power until the distrust and jealousies between the North- 
 ern and Southern states shall have subsided.'' 
 
 If New Yoik hopes to be the depositary ot power until the jea- 
 lousy of eastern federalists against southern and western republi- 
 cans "shall have subsided," she ht)pes for what we trust no state 
 will ever enjoy — a perpetuity of power. 
 
 V. Because she " is a middle stale." 
 
 New York is not so much "a middle stale" as Virginia, against 
 which the addressers rail as a sou'Jitrn slate, whose influence has 
 become " a bye word in the eastern states.*^ 
 
 VI. Because " she is eminently commercial, and most extensively- 
 agricultural." 
 
 These claims arc not sound : her commerce is founded on Bri- 
 tish and banking capital. She has not the American, solid specie 
 cajiitiil of Pennsylvania, nor is her agriculture more extensive. 
 
 VII. Because "she would be likely to hold the balance even." 
 This committee cannot discover upon what the addressers pre- 
 sume, wliich can justify an opmionthat New York is more "likely 
 to hold the balance even" than any other ol her sister states. 
 
 VIII. Because it would "conciliate the interests and good wishes 
 of all." 
 
 If the New York Committee could only establish this assertion, 
 could only /irovc it to be true, their labors would be at an end, for 
 
certain it is that the people of the United States will elect the man 
 most likely to conciliate their interests and fulfil their wishes. 
 
 IX. Because she is a " frontier state." 
 
 Virginia has cetainly a much greater extent of "frontier" sea 
 board than New York, and as certainly would have had a much more 
 extensive inland ^' frontier,'' but that, let it be recorded and re- 
 peated to the honor of Virginia, she voluntarily ceded to the gene- 
 ral government the territory now composing the patriotic states of 
 Kentucky and Ohio, and the Indiana and Illinois territories. She 
 set the glorious example of abridging her own power and rank for 
 the general weal. Had not Virginia thus ceded her territory, her 
 " resources and population" would have placed her far beyond New 
 York, and in the "first rank." It is ungracious to wish to degrade 
 a state purely for her patriotism, and it is to be regretted that a re- 
 spectable committee, of any state, should wish to take advantage 
 of such circumstance, "to put forward its claim," even at the ex- 
 pense of the harmony and integrity of the party of which they 
 profess to be members. It cannot be a good cause that requires 
 thus to be advocated. 
 
 X. Because it would be " somewhat of personal gratification" to 
 the gentlemen on the committee. 
 
 The voting for a President of the United States is discharging 
 too high a duty, and involves too many public considerations, to 
 be done purely to " gratify" any individual or committee. 
 
 For the reasons, which we have faithfully detailed and briefly 
 answered, the New York Committee think the next President 
 should be from New York ; and New York, they say, wishes Mr, 
 De Witt Clinton. They conclude their appeal by saying, "Grati- 
 fy us in his election." 
 
 If, fellow citizens, these reasons, and the desire personally to 
 gratify the New York Committee, shall be so cogent as to overturn 
 all your former opinions, bear away all your former attachments, 
 and make you forgetful of the eminent services, superior talents, 
 and devoted patriotism of yor present excellent chief magistrate, 
 then will you give your votes to the electorial ticket, yet to be 
 formed, in favor of De Witt Clinton. But if, as we believe, you 
 regard the reasons given as of little weight, and feel no disposition 
 to bestow "somewhat of personal gratification," at the expense of 
 your country, we are confident you will one and all vote for the re- 
 publican electoral ticket, unanimously recommended by the re- 
 publican members of the Pennsylvania legislature, and secure its 
 election by a triumphant majority. Remember the ever worthy 
 to-be-remembered election of 1808. 
 
 Of all the reasons, however given and relied upon in the address 
 why Mr. Madison should not be elected, none is labored with so 
 much earnestness and ingenuity, none is considered as of so dis- 
 qualifying a kind as that he has been recommended by the repub- 
 lican members of Congress : nor is any point more strongly urged 
 in favor of Mr. Clinton than his being recommended by the state 
 of New York. The New York Committee appear not to have 
 known or to have forgotten, or if not forgotten, have carefully kept 
 out of sight, that Mr. Madison has been any where nominated ex* 
 
10 
 
 C5pt by the members of Cong:ress. It will not be a few minutes 
 misspent, fairly to state the nominations and evidences of public 
 opinion in favor of both these genllemen for the high office for 
 which they are candidates. This we are the more desirous to do 
 as the Xew York address highly approves of '' Nominations l)y 
 individual States." "'-ho" it asks, "should nominate?" and 
 promptly answers '• some among the states." Upon this, their own 
 principle and mode of nominating, we are willing to meet the New 
 York Committee. 
 
 DE WITT CLINTON has been nominated by the republican 
 members of the Lrgisiaiure of the State of .\'e%r 
 Yorkf which state has twenty-nine VO I'ES. 
 He has also been nominated at a private meet* 
 ing in Lancaster, of nearly twenty persons; 
 among whom, we include the New York travel- 
 ling Committee that were i)resent. He has al- 
 so been nominated by a public meeting in York 
 county. Bot!) those meetings were composed 
 of men eit ler avowe'i federalists or non-de- 
 scripts, and aliens to the great republican party 
 of i'ennsylvania. We had nearly forgotten to 
 mention that at a public meeting in Boston, Mr. 
 Harrison Gray Otis^ the particular friend of Mr. 
 Thrtothy Pickering, announced Mr. Clinton as a 
 candidate for the Presidency. 
 JAMES MADISON i^as been nominated by the republican mem- 
 bers of the Lf- Gi';i.ATiiRE 
 Of the Univkd bTATT??. 
 Of the state of Pennsylvania. 
 Of the stale of Virginia. 
 Of the state of Massachusftts. 
 Of the state of Ntw Hampshire. 
 Of ti.e state of Kentucky. 
 Of the state of Ohio. 
 Of the state of Nkw Jersey ; and 
 Of the state of >L^kyland. 
 AN hich states have one hundred and nineteer. 
 VOTES 
 
 These states include some which are called 
 Southern, some Eastern, some Middle, some 
 Frontier, some of the first Rank and must of 
 them sound, healtliful, republican states. 
 DE WITT CLIN lON's elec'.ion is advocated by most of the Fe- 
 deral newspapers in the Union, but by scarcely 
 any Rtfublican newspaper out of the state of 
 New York. 
 JAMES MADISON'S election is advocated by no Federal news- 
 paper, but it in advocated by almost every /?f- 
 fniblicav newspaper out of the state of New York, 
 and several in it. 
 DE WITT CLINTON'S health and success as a candidate for the 
 Presidency has never been drank even as a vo- 
 
11 
 
 luntcer toast, at any public dinner, no not even 
 in llie state of New York, in the overflowings ot 
 the heart upon great and joyful occasions. 
 •TAMES MADISON'S health and re election was among the regu- 
 lar toasts, and was drank witli acclamations all 
 over the Union on the birth day of our National 
 Independence. 
 These, fellow citizens, are powerful, and are not to be mistaken 
 indications of public sentiment all over the Union, and liave pro- 
 ceeded from various and dissimilar, but all associations of repub- 
 lican citizens. It would be a waste of words and time to use any 
 in shewing how infinitely superior are the recommendations of 
 INIr. Madison, and how much stronger the evidence of public 
 opinion in his favor than any which either has been, or can be ad- 
 duced in favor of Mr. Clinton. Upon the ground of nomination, 
 Mr. Clinton is as fairly and completely distanced as the most 
 anxious friend of Mr. Madison could desire. 
 
 There is an apparent invidiousness in comparing the public ser- 
 vices, claims and qualifications of candidates, which this commit- 
 tee would willingly have avoided, but the address of the New York 
 committee forces it upon us by the manner, any thing but modest, 
 in which Mr. Clinton is characterized. 
 
 DE WITT CLINTON has been a member of the legislature of 
 
 Aew York. 
 
 For a short season a Senator of 
 the United States. 
 And is now lieutenant governor of the 
 stale of JVeiu York. 
 A major general of the militia 
 of .Yew York, 
 
 And mayor of the city of A'ev) 
 York, 
 Mr. Clinton may have filled all those situations with ability, and 
 thus been a useful citizen of New York ; but his usefulness has 
 deen confined to that state. He was so short a time upon the na- 
 tional floor, that the nation know him not ; the nation have not 
 tried, proved and found him honest and capable. If the citizens 
 of New York have so found him, who can wonder at their zeal to 
 promote him to a more exalted station ? But if the citizens of New- 
 York are praiseworthy because grateful for services rendered, 
 shall the nation be suspected of being less sensible, les? grateful, 
 and of entertaining a disposition to cast olT an old, a faithful, hon- 
 est and capable servant, only to take one upon trust, and to afford 
 " somewhat of personal gratification" to the committee who re- 
 commend him. The very expectation is a libel upon the Union. 
 It is one which their votes will put to shame, and which their zeal 
 in favor of Mr. Madison will prove unfounded. 
 
 The New York Committee themselves confess that they felt 
 " much restraint and embarrassment," anticipated " harsh ani- 
 madversions," were fearful of being considered "as innovators," of 
 being " stigmatized as presumptuous," of their conduct being « im- 
 puted to unworthy motives," and of being " opposed with bitter- 
 
12 
 
 ness bv many," in ronserpienrc of their rccomTnendation of Mr. 
 De Witt *■ linion. Its'ic!) wcrr the apprehensions of the gentlemen 
 who assure us •• of the sufurior worth anc' qnalific:itions of their 
 candidate," and whose zeal in his l)eha1f was slimnlated hy the hope 
 of'' somL'what of personal gratifcalion," how can it have been 
 possible tiat they could hope to interest the fetlin::!:s and win the 
 good opinions and votes of niillions who never heard of Mr. Clinton 
 until they are clamorously called upon to raise him to the chief 
 mac';istracv of the Union. 
 
 JAMES MADISON has been a member of tlie legislature 
 
 Of Vii-^iinas of the Old Congress, 
 Of the Convention which framed the consti- 
 tution of the United Sfatfa^ 
 Of the (. onvention of Virginia which ratified 
 
 that constitution, 
 And of Corr^r.'ns lor several sessions, and 
 Secretary of State of the Uniteil States^ 
 And is now President of the United States. 
 No man of character, who respects himself, whatever be his 
 party, prejudices or prepossessions, will have the hardihood Jo af- 
 firm but what in all those stations, Mr. Madison has conducted 
 himself with integrity, patriotism, and the most distinguished al)i- 
 lity. His speeches on the floor of Congress were equally admired 
 for the correctness of their principles, and the chastity of their 
 style. His correspondence, while Secretary of State, and his in- 
 structions to our foreign ministers, particularly upon the subject of 
 the impressment of our seamen, are among the ablest state papers, 
 and the best defence of neutral rights, which modern times have 
 produced. The firm, impartial and dignified course of his ad- 
 ministration has commanded respect and admiration where it has 
 failed to secure esteem, or enforce justice. The messages of the 
 President of the United states are illustrations of the genuine prin- 
 ciples of representative democracy, and evince their author to be 
 a great constitutional lawyer, a profound public jurist, well read in 
 the law of nations, intimately accjiainted with the riglus and wrongs 
 of his covmtry, able to defend the one and avenge the other ; in a 
 word, Mr. Madison is the author of the super.eminently excellent 
 exposition of the unjust and intolerable conduct of Great Britain 
 towards the United States, which was presented to Congress on the 
 first of June, and which greatly contributed to deteniiine that body- 
 to appeal to arms, and " commit a just cause into the hands of the 
 Almighty Disposer of events,'' as the only untried means to main- 
 tain the rights, the honorand independence of liie country. This 
 comniittet have pleasure in concurrmg with the New York com- 
 mittee in the declaration that "Mr. Madison h.«s passed through a 
 life of honor and public services." His piinciples are known, his 
 course of politics certain. His "life" and oRicial con<lucl are his 
 pledges. In voting for him we know fin whouK and for what we 
 are voting. We put nothing to hazard ; for him, therefore, fellow- 
 citizens, le: us vote. 
 
 The New York Committee urge no personal objections against 
 the President of the United States, save only his having been born 
 
13 
 
 in Virginia. Had he the fortune to have been born in Great Bri- 
 tain, tlie comniitlee coiiUl not have manifested more solicitude, ap« 
 prehension and concern at the prospect ol his re-election. Tht ob- 
 jections against Mr. Madison, as a candidate for ti\e Presidency, 
 are stated, on public ground.-^ to be; — the non interception of the 
 Jamaica fleet, which the committee say " escaped capture by some 
 negligent delay at Washington ;" and the committee express 
 doubts whether Commodore Hodgers knew any thing about the 
 fleet, unless he "•accidently heard of it at sea." 
 
 To this charge the Answer is furnished by Commodore Rodgers 
 himself, who in his official despatch, declares that he had heard of 
 the Jamaica fleet ^^ firrvt .us to his leaving New York on the 21st of 
 June," on which day he was joined " by the United States, Congress, 
 and Argus," and that his orders were under date of the 18lh of 
 June, t/ip vtrv day on which the bill declaring war had passed the 
 Senate, in which house it had been delayed, -^i^y tht advocutcf) of Mr, 
 Clinton, so long as to permit the Jamaica fleet to escape capture. 
 
 Again, the New York Committee complain that we have not an 
 army " attacking the Floridas at the same time" that we have an 
 army marching against Canada. 
 
 This charge also lies against the advocates of Mr. Clinton, who 
 contrived to have the bill which had passed the House of Representa- 
 tives for "attacking the Floridas," net,atived in the Senate, thus 
 compelling the President to withdraw the United States' troops 
 which were in the 1 loridas, and prohibiting him from marching 
 others against them. We shoull be giatified to believe that the 
 New York Committee were unacquainted with these facts, but their 
 opportunities forbid this conclusion, and compel us, however unwil- 
 lingly, to consider the charges as "a measure of electioneering po- 
 licy."' 
 
 The "permission to carry on trade with Spain and Portugal," 
 is vehemently urged by the New York Committee against the re- 
 election of Mr. Madison, altliough the committee must have known 
 that the "permission" did not originate with the President, but 
 was a measure of Congress. It is passing strange to hear the ad- 
 vocates of the "commercial interests of the Union" railing against 
 the President, because Congress did not hermetically seal all the 
 ports of the Union. Such reasoning may be "judged cunning," 
 but it is certainly neither candid nor convincing 
 
 We have thus, fellow citizens, submitted to your judgment the 
 arguments and reasons given by the friends of Mr. Clinton, why he 
 should be elected President of the United States ; and we liave re- 
 plied to them as briefly as we could, and with a fairness which we 
 think will not be questioned, even by those who differ from us in 
 opinion. The unexpected and unavoidable length to which the ad- 
 dress of the New York Committe has led us, prevents us from de- 
 tailing many sound and cogent reasons in favor of the candidate 
 whom your representatives, in the state legislature, and in Con- 
 gress, agreed to support. 
 
 The gentleman who is nominated by the democratic party as 
 Vice-President, is Elbridge Cerry of Massachusetts, a citizen of 
 distinguished talents, integrity, and republican principles, well 
 
u 
 
 J<nown from his public services and qualifications. He was befoi'e 
 the revolution a member of the legislature of Massachusetts. \t 
 the daAvn of that momentous era he was elected one of the com- 
 mittee of public safety and supply— he was a member of the old 
 Congress, and voted for and signed the declaration of independence. 
 He was a member of the convention that framed the constitution 
 of the United States; has been minister to the French republic, 
 and Governor of Massachusetts. The duties attached to all which 
 stations he discharged with fidelity and advantage to his country. 
 
 James Madison and FJhridge Gerry, as candidates for the Presi- 
 dency and Vice- Presidency, are citizens so known, so respected, 
 so esteemed, throughout the United States, that the mention of 
 their names in any company from Maine to Georgia, and from the 
 Atlantic to the Lakes, would call forth merited panegyric, and in- 
 teresting recollections of important public events in which Ihey 
 have borne distinguished parts. 
 
 For such men Pennsylvania will vote, because such are the men 
 •whom it delighteth her to honor. 
 
 In conformity to usage, this Committee have taken the usual! 
 means to ascertain that all the candidates placed upon the Pdecto- 
 ral Ticket will vote for James Madison as President, and Elbridge 
 Gerry as Vice-President, of the United States. From some of the 
 Committees we have heard, and from bome we daily expect to hear. 
 jMl the electors from whom we have heard, have cheerfully de-i 
 dared their determination to vote for the above gentlemen for thel 
 offices designated. We hope hereafter to give you the necessary 
 assurances in the name of all the candidates for whom your suf 
 iVages are solicited. 
 
 With sentiments of respect and high consideration, we have th< 
 lienor to subscribe ourselves, j 
 
 Your FelloW'Citizens. | 
 
 JACOB HOLGATE, 
 JOHN BINNS, 
 JOHN GEYER, 
 JOHN PORTER. 
 
 Co7nmittee-Room, 
 
 Philadelfihia, Sefit. 16, 1812. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA ELECTORAL TICKET. 
 
 Charles Thompson, 
 Paiil Cox, 
 Joseph Engle, 
 James Fulton, 
 John Whitehill, 
 liugh Glasgow, 
 Samuel Smith, 
 Nathaniel .Viichler, 
 James Mitchel, 
 Clement Paine, 
 Henry Alshouse, 
 Abia Minor, 
 
 Adamson Tannehill. 
 
 David Mitchel, 
 Isaac Worrell, 
 Michael Baker, 
 Isaiah Davis, 
 Edward Crouch, 
 David FuUerton, 
 Robert Smith, 
 Charles Shoemaker, 
 John Murray, 
 Arthur Moore, 
 James StevensOHj 
 David Meade, 
 
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