5 65" LIBRARY OF CONGRESS f ||||||||||i || II III! Ill 012 608 442 Hollinger oH S3 THE UNIFORM RECORD OF ALL POLITICAL PARTIES IN MAINE DOWN TO 1856, IN OPPOSITION TO HUMAN SLAVERY. SPEECH or EON. FKANCIS 0. J. SMITH. TO TEIE REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, Holden in Portland, July 8, 1856. SPEECH. Mr. President and Fellow Citizens; countenanced no measure, that is no I regret the necessity I have been un- square up to the great requirements of der of commencing to address you at the great cause of human freedom, such an inopportune hour. I will then We have a right to be proud as a detain you but in a few words. I do State, of the record which he has made congratulate you, one and all; I con- there, and before the country, for our gratulate one and all, the independent State In honoring such a man, we freemen and electors of Maine, on the do most honor ourselves, nomination that has this dav been rHaia M , « -.k i a .u [Here Mr. Smith remarked, that as it was the made for the Office of Governor. appropriate hour, about 6 o'clock, for an intermix It is a nomination most eminently 8 '° n . if the assembly, through the President, "fit to be made." It is a nomination would consent t0 an ild Jo" r nment, he would meet .•_ ,, j . , j . ., c ,, them and address them more at large ihnn he could that nobly, and truly, and truthfully ,. . . . , . . . r M . " J ' J otherwise bs expected to do. An adjournment represents THE GREAT CAUSE OF HUMAN was accordingly made for an hour and a half, FREEDOM! tO the Support of Which the whea the City Hall was jammed to its utmost ca- freernen of this State are now chal- P icit 7- Mr. Smith came into the HJi about 8 i i v ,i_ -j j o'clock, and on being announced, was received lenged by the myrmidons and syco- ... 6 . , . * * * with the most rapturous applause bv the whole as- phatltS Of the Slave power at thefeouth. 8embly . W h,n these demonstrations of enthusi- YOU have accepted the challenge, and asm subsided, a profound stillness pervaded the raised your banner ready for the fight. va8t audience, so that, except in occasional om- Of Mr. Hamlin, you have nominat- breaks ° r a PP Iause of tho s P^ aker ' lhe fd " of a , r j-* . ii P' n would have been noticed throughout a speech ed for uovernor, it may be said, per- nf mnr ,, . . w , , r J ' r ot more than two hours. We never bef>re wit- haps With more emphasis than of any nessed such marked and profound attention in a Other mail, that he has done our State co course of people so vast. He proceeded as great service. Through a succession foIlow8 of years, and from the first hour he Ma. President and Fellow Citizens; entered that high and august body of When you indulged me with an in- legislators, where the State Commis- termission this afternoon, I was about sioned him to represent you, he has to call your most serious and thought- given no vote, uttered no sentiment, ful attention to the past record of our people, as a proud and patriotic State, and also to the past records which they have made as party politicians, under both Whig and Democratic organiza- tions. There is in these records much that is worthy of your most careful revision and remembrance. For I hold, that next to the religion of a people, their politicalprinciples are en- titled to be regarded as resting upon grave realities; and the record of them should be such as to be cherished and consulted with patriotic pride by us all. It is well for us to talk often with the past. And the reputation of our State before the world, and upon the pages of history, should be to every honest mind a sacred portion of the in- heritance which he is directly interest- ed to preserve and defend for his chil- dren and for society. If we compute the aggregate num- ber of individuals in our State, who are filling offices in the State Govern- ment, we may find it to be perhaps five hundred. Include all the offices that are filled in our towns, large and small, we may estimate theoffice hold- ers in our State to number 1500 per- haps 2,000. But call them 3,000. And we here have the utmost number who are immediately interested in the emoluments of public office. Our ag- gregate population at this time approx- imates 000,000. We have as it will probably appear in our approaching election 140,000 voting men in the State. How small indeed is this num- ber of 3,000 officeholders in a popula- tion of 600,000 souls, and a voting list of 140,000, who can have an interest for the sake of personal gain, in per- mitting the proud history and reputa- tion of our State to be stained and degraded, by placing the State politi- cally before the country and the world, in a false position ! In a con- dition of direct opposition to the hon est humanity of our people ! I then have a right to call upon men of all parties and of all religions, to look with me into the past history of the politics of our State, and see anew — call carefully up to their remem- brance, what have been the declared sentiments of our people as a State, what the declared principles of our people as political partizansalso, upon this great and now all absorbing ques- tion of human liberty and human bon- dage. And here I will make the assertion, and I challenge any man and every man. be he a writer, a speaker, editor, or partizan of any and of whatever party,for proofs in contradiction of me, I here assert, that never, until the year 1856 had dawned upon the State, has one sentiment, or one principle been enunciated in the name of the State* or in the name of any political party, or religion, or other association what- soever, within the State, adverse to the sentiment and principles of human freedom, which you have this day an- nounced as the platform upon which you rest the nomination of your can- didate for Governor. Upon this great question, the record of our State, and of our people, is pure ! And it is a record of which our people before the world, and before God, may well be proud ! As one of her humble citizens, I do feel proud of it ! And that man, claiming to be a freeman, who would put into the bal- lot box of his town, a ballet to alter, reverse and to stain that record, may well feel hat he is no longer worthy to be a freeman, and if his hand with that ballot were blackened with palsy, he might well own there would be jus- tice in the vengeance ! I will call your thoughts now to a few indisputable facts, which this re- cord of the State furnishes. Mr. Hamltn, your nominee, was elected to the Senate of the United States first, to fill a vacancy, occasioned by the death of Mr. Fairfield in 1847. The term he was thus elected to complete expired in 1851. It devolved upon the Legislature of 1850 to elect a Sen- ator for the succeeding term. That legislature was elected in September, 18°49. In June, 1S49, the Democratic State Convention was holden, consist- ing of six hundred delegates, and here in this Hall, beneath this same roof, that covers us, were passed in the name of the Democracy of Maine, those two emphatic resolutions in favor of freedom and against slavery, and the extension of slavery into free ter- ritory, which your convention this day has incorporated into and made the platform upon which your candidate for Governor is presented to the peo- ple ! In 1849 these resolutions— this plat- form of freedom was democratic— pure democracy ! Can they be otherwise in 1856 ? Are they made less so, because the friends and supporters of Fremont? and Dayton, approve, adopt and make these resolutions their own? Where else than upon these resolutions — where else than upon this platform, ought all, who still claim to be demo- crats, in our State, to be found now. if they are not within the temptations of public office to drag them off— if they do not desire to be false to their own honest convictions upon this question of slavery — if they do not wish to trample under foot the proud record of our State I But I need not rehearse these reso- lutions,* for 1 have another passage of * These resolutions were as follows : Reso ved, That the institution of hu- man slavery is at variance with Ihe theo- ry of our Government, abhorrant to the common sentiment oi mnnkind, and fraucht with danger to all who come within the sphere of its influence ; that the federal government possesses adequate power to inhibt its existence in the territories of the Union ; that the constitutionality of this power has been settled by judicial construc- tion, by contemporaneous expositions, and by repeated acts of legislation; and that we enjoin upon our Senators and Representatives iu Congress to make eve- ry exertion and employ all their influence to procure the passage of a law forever excludins slavery from the territories of Californfa and New Mexico. Resolved, That while we most cheerfully concede to our Southern brethren the risht on all occasions, to speak and act with entire freedom on questions con- nected with slavery in the territories, we claim the exercise of the same right for ourselves', and any attempt, from any quarter, to stigmatise us or our Represen- tatives for advocating or defending the opinions of our people upon this subject, will be rapelled as an unwarrantable act of aggression upou the rights of the citizens of this Stale. That the readers of this Speech may have the means of tracing out men aud names, at this junc- ture, that may be known to them, that were actors in penning these same two resolutions in the Demi ocratic Convention of 1849, which the Republi- can, Fremont and Da.yton, and Hamlin Convention of 1856 have adopted and re-pn claim- ed, a list of the delegates, being 607, who attend- ed the former Convention is hereto appended — The resolutions were by this 1849 Convention adopted with only one dessenting voice, one Bion Bradbury, Esq. ot Eastport. The delegates were as follows : Aroostook. Plymouth grant, C. Bradlord ; Leavit pi., Samuel G Tuck; Letter A, range 2, L D Harmon; N. 11, Varnum Putnam; Kuckebema plan, Jesse Gilman; New Limerick, Hiram M Ea- ton; Mo.iticello, J C Willington; Smyrna, Levi Berry, jr; Van Buren pi, John R Graves; No. 12 r 3, Joel Dodge; Haynesville, Josiah Jellison; Pres- que Isle, G W Towle; Houlton, Shcphard Cary; Nelson, Herrin; Portage Lake, John L Cilley; Masardis, Stephen P Hose; Hancock pi, Daniel Savage; No. 11 pi, G W Smith; Westfield pi, C A Jordan; Maple Grove, Win H Flanders; Salmon Brook pi, VVm Towle; Amity, Columbus Dunn; Williams col grant pi, Lewis Delette; Portland democratic history — of history , which and justly to sacrifice themselves, their all democrats who reflect too seriously consciences and their votes to the vas- acad gr pi, Wm Carter; Crystal pi, John V Put- nam ; Orient, James Sundee; Linneus, Thomas Nicholson; Bridgwater pi, Thomas P Packard; Bancroft, Joseph E Shorey; let H pi, Ivory Hardi- son; No. 12, r 4, Daniel Lord; Belfast a< ad gr, Melzar Drake; Madawaska pi, Francis Thibod^au, W P Vinal; Molnnkas, Hiram Hawes; No. 8 r 8, Sonah Spofford; Reed pi, Abram M Miles; Bene- dicta pi, James Ryan; Golden Ridge, B L Staples; Let D, Mark Trafton; Hodgdon, Joseph R Haven; No. 5, r 3, Lysander Strickland; No. 11, r 6, J S Thompson: Dayton pi, James Brown; No. 9, r 6, Ira Fish; Weston, Joseph Foss; No. 1, r 5, Wm A Washburn ; Let I, r 2, Wm Trundy ; No 6, r 4, John Dorsey : Framingham acad gr, S H Peavy ; No. 13, r 15, P G Chase. Cumberland. Auburn, Thomas J Howard and NaShan Woodbury; Bridgton, Sewall C Siroutand George G Wight; Brunswick, Robert P Dunl»p, T S McLellan and James Otis; Casco, Richard May- bury ; Cape Elizabeth, Samuel M Skillin, Hiram Staples; Cumberland, G M Sturdivant, Moses Leighton; Danville, Elijah L Townsend; Durham, Jas Strout, Chas C Cobb; Freeport, Nuh'l Curtis, Rufus Soule; Falmouth, John Williams, Jeremiah Hall; Gorham, Hugh D McLellan, Dan'l C Emery, John Lewis; Gray, Sam'l Mayall, Moses Palmer; Harpsvvel', Alex Ewes, J E Dunnells; Harrison, C Caswell ; Minot, Eliner W Harris; New Glouces- ter, Benj H Mace, Benj Morse; North Yarmouth, James C Hill, William C Storer; Naples, Wash- ington Brav; Of' afield, Joseph Lombard; Poland, David Dunn, David W True; Portlai d, Ezra Car- ter, Jr, Edward Fox, Sam'l J Anderson, Benjmin Larrab a e, George McAllister, John Yeaton, Allen H '.he', L De M Sweat,James T McCobb, Benj. Kingshury, jr, George T Hedge; Pownal, Sam'l S Troy; Raymond, Sam'l S Brown; Scarborough, John Larrabee, John S Larrabee; Sebago, John E McDonald; Standish, Wm H Lowell, Josiah Moul ton; Westbrook, Levi Morrill, Geo Libby, Aaron Q.aimby; Wtndham, D P Baker, Ezra Brown. Franklin. Freeman, E II Oliver; Industrv, J C Manter; Weld, John Robinson; Chcsterville, Wm Whiter; Jay, Daniel Merritt.Aru a Holmes; No. 3, range 2, John Haley, jr; Stroi g, Luther Sweatland; Temple, Wm Nye; Avon, J E Bates; Carthage, Wm Winter; Salem, James Davis; Madrid, Sylvanus Dunham; No. 1, range 3, Wm. Chism; No. 1 range 1,S F Hinkley; Wilton,Enoch Scales, Thomas Hender; New Sharon, H E Dyer, Chas Follsnsbee; No. 2, range 2, John W Lowell; Jackson pi, B B Mace; P/rillips, M Sherbourne, D Howard; No. 1, range 4, Stewart Foster; No. 1, range 3, West of Bing Purchase, B L Morrison; Farmington, A B Caswell, Henry Clark; pi No. 6, James R Pratt, jr; Letter E, Ephraim Rand. Hancock. Tremont, Eaton Clark; No. 21 pi, Wm Mace; Surry, Leonard Jarvis; Franklin, Sa- bine J Hardison; Gouldsboro', J L Hovey; Cran- bejry Isles, James F Rawson; Mariaville, Arno VViswel!; Eastbrook, Moses Smith; Sullivan, Josiah Bean; Aurora, James Wallace; Castine, Geo L Vose; Trenton, Geo W Newbegin; Greenfield, Sylvanus Tvvitchell; Amherst, Geo F Foster; Mount Desert, John M Noyes; Bucksport, John Lee, Burnham Wardwell, Amos Smith; Otis, Benj DavisS Waltham, Jotbam S Dyer; Eden, Isaac *H Thomas; Ellsworth, Tho's D. Jones, Samuel K Whiting; Hancock, Wm Burnett; Brooksville, Erastus Redman; Orland, Parker Tack; Bluehill, F A Holt Alex Fulton; Wetmore Isle pi, Richard C Abbott; No. 2, Chas Littlefield. Kennebec. Monmouth, J Blake, J Cupston; Wayne, J E F Dunn; Pitiston, G H Rabinson, S Young; China, J H Brackett, John Hatch; Litch- field, John Randall, E Hatch; Vassalboro', E Small, G Aillsbury; Greene, Ingersoll Parker; Leeds, O D Turner Josiah Day, 2d; Belgrade, Richard Mills, C S Buckley; East Livermore^ Gid- eon Hinkley; Readfield, A P Morrill, J R Bachel- der; Albion, L. Blake, D B Fuller; Hallowell, E E Rice, .1 H Withington, D H Goodno, Isaae Foster; Mt Vernon, G Taggart; Windsor, Veranus Pierce, Samuel R Cottle; Winslow, A J Dingley, .T H Drummond; Sidney, E G Morrison, Orrtn Rowe; Waterville,Paul L Chandler, Joseph Nudd.) Wales, Samuel Larabee; Gardiner, N Hutchins, Stephen Webber, R Thompson, G W Bachelder, Fayette, R B Dunn; Sebasticook, J C Hudson; Winthrop, Oliver Foster, Jona Wnitney; Cli: ton, Ch<, Ephram K Smart, C Young, Jr. and PJ Sam'l N Woodman, Noah Baker; Kirkland, Sul- Carleton; Prospect, P Simonton and Joseph Mud- livan Patterson; Howland, Wm R Miller; Ply- get t; Troy, Jesse Smart; Monroe, Horace Mc mouth, Jas Woodman; Newburg, Wm Miller; Kinney and Asa Thurlough; Montville, Geo N L«vant, C W Piper; Dexter, Jethio Goodwin; White' and Nathan Pierce; .-'earsmont, Sumner Greenbush, John Ballard; Dixmont, Jos Gilman Pattee; Freedom, Robert Elliot; Unity, Jas B Stetson, Jos Higgin; Newport, Hiram Rose; Etna, Murch; Belfast, Hugh J Anderson, Wm T Co!- JH Whitfen; Edinburgh, Obed W Haynes; Car- burn and JamesP Furber; Belmont, John Greer; roll, Galen Gates; Alton, Wm J Thomas; Orono, Hope, Jones Taylor and Nath'l Alford; Swan- Abel Moore, Martin McPheters; Milford. Peleg ville, Samuel Eames; Islesborough, E G Knight. Hall; Oldtown, Solomon Moulton, Ephraim R. Washington. Ceoper, Gilbert D. Foster; Lamas; Garland, Jos Knight, 2d; Mattawamkeag, Crawford. M J Talbot; Danfoith plantation Par- Asa Smith; No: 5, Range 6, John Merrick; No 7. ker Tewkesbury ; Epmunds, Wm Woods;PI No Range 3, Benj Osgood; Nickertow Plantation, 14, J Burgin: Marrion, Phineas Foster; PI No 7 Arvida Hayford; Patagumpus Plantation, Thos. Zadoc Bi-hop; Cutler, John C Talbot, jr; Weslev Fowler; West India Plantation, James H Haynes Reuben Gruy; Ea«t Machi.-.s, JosLaa A Lowel.'; No 4 Range l.Zadock Gates; Maine, C W Phil- Alexander, John K Damon; Co umbia, Albert brick; No 1 Plantation,^/. Thompson; Corinna, K*en; Tr-scott, Geo W IVavev; Robbinston, C Jacob J Elliot, David Jones; Whitney Ridge, T. Cooper; Calais, Be' j Yuong, Wm L McCollister; Dunham; Ornville, Sam'l Newbegin; Millnocket, Topsfield, Matthrns Viekery, jr.; Cl.erryfield, J C Sam'l Braden; No'iR S O Peaisons; Grand JFashburn; Mepy benips, Warn n Gilman; B rin., Falls, Chaa Littlefield; No 8, Samuel Clark. George Wells; Codyvill •, JuhnGr.v; Addison, W Piscataquis. Brownville, Abram Jaquith; V Bowen; Demiysville, Benj Kilby ; Whitnevvilie, Bowerbank, Curus Chase; Parkman, Jos Drew; Sam'l H Talbot; Eastport, Bion Bradbury, J D Wellington, Goe. W. Stanton; Greenville, John Odeli; Northrield, 8. A. Scribner: Beddinglon, Jas G Walden; Dover, S W Elliot, E S Clark; Flanders; Charlotte, Xrmenes Philbrook; Big Lake Kingsbury, Amos Decker; Milo. Wm A Luce; f«. R Byram; Princeton, C H Rulf; Tnlmadge, N Elliotsville, John F Thombs; Blanchard, Thos Dinsmore; Joneaboro, A D Getcbell; Lambert's D Packard; Atkinson; Daniel Chase; Kilmarnock Lake, Jau.es Joy; Lubec, J W Lyman, Samuel 8 Convention of 1849, that ' passed the resolutions you have this day re- adopted for your platform, constituted a State Committee, and empowered them to write and publish an address li to the Democratic Republican Electors of the State of Maine." This com- mittee very shortly discharged this duty. The address was published. — The names of the committee were affixed to it. To some now present these names may not be unknown. — I will read them. They are Ephraim K. Smart, [the announcement oi his name was followed by a general shout of laughter and ridicule, and Mr. Smith proceded:] Yes, I percieve, some of you seem to know who and where Mr. Smart now is ! The other names are, Micah J. Talbot, Moses Sherbourne, Daniel C. Emery, [and his name caused another general laugh, when Mr. Smith pro- ceded,] and I percieve you also know who and where Mr. Emery now is !■ — Staples, jr; Baileyville, AH Staples; Machias, Geo Walker; Marshfield, Orestes Brown; Jackson Brook, James L Dudley; PI No 19, Francis Ms Kussick; Pembroke. Ezra Stinchfield; PI No 9, Sewel L. Bolter ; VVaite PI., John Dudley ; Perry, Syvanus Leland ; Whiting, Wm. S. Peavey ; Weston, Joseph Foss ; Centerville, Samu'l Fur- long ; Machiasport, John Hunter : Steuben, C. S. Clark : Harrington, William Trundy. York. Action, David Libby ; Alfred, Wm. C. Allen ; Berwick, JM. Hanson, G. C. Wallingf'ord; Biddeford, J. T. Smith, Jacob K. Cole ; Buxton, Stephen Hanson, Jona, McKenny ; Cornish, C. R. Ayer ; Elliot, Geo. A. Hanscom, N. Hanscom 3d ; Hollis, Saml. Sawyer, John M. Goodwin ; Kennebunk, J. Titcomb, R. Smith ; Kennebunk- port Joshua Herrick, Ivory Bickford ; Kittery, Gowen Wilson, Chas. G. Bellamy ; Lebanon, F. A Wood, John Chase ; Limerick, Luther S. Moor, Abner Burbank ; Limington, S. M, Brad- bury, Robt. Morton ; Liman, Magness J. Smith ; NewfieM,Geo. Ayer ; North Berwick, Thomas J. Hobbs Jr.; Parsonfield, M. Swett, G. L, Bennet ; Saco, J. W. Leland, A. A. Hanscom, L. D. Wil- kinson ; Shapleigh, EUsha Bodwell, M. Goodwin jr.; Sanford, Saml. B, Emery, Saml. Lord ; South Berwick, Wm. Young, T. C. Parker ; Walerboro, Robt. P. Berry, Jos. Allen ; Weils, S. Mildram, Geo. Hatch ; York, L. Junkina, Wm. H. Sweat. Chas. Came. The last name is Alpheus A. Hans., com. I dare say these gentlemen, when they signed the document I hold in my hand, were sincere, felt as freemen may well feel on this great question of human liberty. They wrote, also, as freemen may well be proud of writing on this great theme of freedom. The topics of the address are divided off under appropriate heads or titles, and the one to which I wish to invite your special attention is under the instruc- tive title of — " The duty of the Democracy of Maine: 1 Under this title, the address proceeds as follows : " We should make a most decided demonstration in the coming guberna- torial canvass. The hills and valleys of our State should everywhere become vocal with loud condemnation of the acts of the Whig party and the present administration. We should boldly de- clare the principles upon which we stand." Yes, fellow citizens, men who feel honest, will ever feel bold in declaring their sentiments. The democracy of Maine, all the people of Maine, of all parties, as I will demonstrate directly, were honest in 1849 in their hostility to the extension of slavery, and they did declare boldly their sentiments ac- cordingly in 1S49. I invite the honest democracy now to take their eyes off from party leaders, and look back with me upon this record of their party, made up in 1849, to stand for ever as their testimony to the world. I return to the address. It says — " We should boldly declare the prin- ciples upon which we stand. The true democracy should every where unite in opposition to any scheme ere- ating a Bank ; in opposition to the yet untarnished by a vole actually Tariff * * * and in opposition to cast in favor of slavery, in 1849 bold- 1 The extension of slavery in terriio- ly declared, that unless the free terri- ries now free.' tories of California and New Mexico Aye, fellow citizens, it was true should positively inhibit slavery, Con- democracy in Maine, in 1849. "to unite gress should spread over them the or- in opposition to the extension of slavery dinance of 1787! And what was in territories now free." And let me that ordinance? It was originally assert, that no man has dared since drafted by Jefferson and afterwards 1849, and prior to the year 1856, to say re-written by Mr. Nathan Dane of any thing in the name of "true democ- Massachusetts, and the Congress of the racy" contrary to this freedom senti- Confederation of States adopted it as ment. Will men, can our intelligent a law, that slavery should never exist citizens, at the bidding of party leaders, in the territories that had been ceded be made to say in 1856, that "opposi- to the Confederacy nothwest of the tion to to the extension of slavery in Ohio River. An extension of this territory now free," is not as much perpetual charter of freedom over the true democracy as it was in 1849 ? — newly acquired territory of California What do we mean, what do we under- and New Mexico, by Congress, was stand, when we say "men change, but the doctrine boldly declared as the principles are eternal?" Do we mean platform of the "true democracy" of that the principles of 'true democracy' Maine in 1849 ! And can it be, that in 1856 can be exactly the opposite of in 1856, at the mere beck or command what they were in 1S49 ? Honest of a few party leaders, this great doc- men— intelligent men will recognise no trine and platform of freedom is to be such doctrine. What they were in suddenly renounced and repudiated, 1849 upon principle, they will be found and by that true democracy ? [Cries to be upon principle in 1856, regardless of no, no, resounded throughout the of names, and regardless of interested, HalI J ' too, sa Y no. And I will not office hunting leaders. The great believe our intelligent citizens, whose heart of our people will be true to it- recor d and history and politics are so self at this crisis. fo" of pledges to freedom, are so wed- But I return once more to the Ian- ded to party as to make any such sud- den turn upon their heels, guage of the address : — r> . t i •.' .i & & But 1 proceed once more witn the " We owe it to ourselvs to give no i anguagP f tne address :— countenance to slavery propagandism t d fc and unless the people of Cal^rn.a and £. f v g Sew Mexico sha I lorm btate govern- , ... , .. - , ... . . * • u u * i , tu^A^™ who will be satisfied with nothing ments inhibiting slavery, the democ- J. ., ! , . , , ,. $ c ivt • li „il, ;. t u„ im short of the actual introduction of racv of Mame will consider it the im- , - t .... . *■ a , e p„„„^„ ♦« „w^,i slavery into our free territories, or a perative duty of Congress to extend ,. . } . c . T7 . lf ' v .u / •♦ • „ *u„ ~ .,->.,; ci™. ~f dissolution of the Union. If any one over those territories the provisions of . .. , , , . . . } , t riTQ-r» is inclined to doubt this assertion, we the ordinance of 17o7. ., ,. ., j i c u could cite him to the declaration of Yes, fellow citizens, the proud record Mr. Belser, the person recently nomi- of the true democracy of Maine, as nated as the Taylor candidate for 10 Governor in the State of Alabama. — We present abundance of evidence showing a determination to establish slavery in the territories by force; but let a single extract from the late letter of Mr. Belser suffice. He says — " I am against the Wilmot proviso, and view such legislation as unconsti- tutional, oppressive and unjust. I be- lieve that if it is never adopted by Congress, that under the existing law, no slave holder can take with him his slave to New Mexico or California. — I go for dividing these territorial acqui- sitions, and if this division cannot be peaceably effected, I will be found with that party at the South, number whom it may, who are for maintaining our claim to a portion of this inheritance at all hazards." '•Thus it will be seen, that those who appropriated the whole of Texas for slaveholding purposes, are for intro- ducing slavery into California and New Mexico at all hazards. Such men will find no sympathy in Maine. Their demands are altogether too un- reasonable, and if submitted to, it will finally be required of us to go the length of opposing the admission of California and New Mexico into the Union, provided the people of those territories establish free states. The propogation of slavery, into a portion at least, of this territory, is, according to Mr. Belser and others to be main- tained, "at all hazards."* But tnese pretensions have finally created some- thing like disgust in the minds of pa- * Only for want of time, I omitted to re >d the following extraets from Southern sources, collated in an able speech of Hon. I. Washburn. Jr., of our State, in the Hou>e oi Representatives at Washington, June 21, 1856, clearly demonstrating that the "true democracy" of 1856 in Maine have the same threatenings to warn and contend against, of di-solution of the Union for the sake of slavery, which they "boldly declared" in 1849 to exi-t, and which had then "created something like dis- quiet in the minds of patriotic men, in all sec- tions of the Union.'" Why may we not expect the true democracy of Maine to feel in 1856 this same "something like disgust," if now, in J 1856, they are true to their principles, and to freedom ? Can it be that a great and noble party ; long number- ing a large and desisive majority of our State,and still confessedly very numerous, can be wheeled direct- triotic men, in all sections of the Union. Every sensible person must see how ly about, only by the passing a resolution to that effect by a few party leaders in a political Conven- tion ? We shall see. Extracts from Mr. Washburn's Speech : And first 1 will quote fiom Mr. McMullin, of Virginia: "And I tell you, sir, and I want the country to * know it — I want the gentlemen from the free ' States^>ur Republican?, our Seward Republican?, * our Abolitionists, or whatever else they may be * called, to know it — that if you restore the Mis- ' souri Compromise, or repeal the Fugutive Slave * Law, this Union will be dissolved." Mr McMullin at the same time added: "1 hope that il any gentleman deems I do not * properly represent the state of public feeling in ' the South, he will correct me." And no member has ever disclaimed the senti- ments imputed to the South. Mr. Shorter, of Alabama, said a few months age : "We tell you plainly that we take issue with ' you; and whenever you repeal the Fugitive Slave * Law, or refuse to admit a State on account of 'Slavery in her Constitution, or our equality in ' the Territories is sacrificed by an act of Con- ' gress, then the star of this Union will go down to * rise no more. "Should we be forced to dissolve the Union ' in order to preserve Southern institutions and ' Southern civilization, we will do it in peace if we * can; in war if we must, and let the God of * Battles decide between us." South Carolina, through one of her Representa- tives, [Mr. Boyce,] declares as follows: "That party which places itself upon the posi- ■ tion of giving power to the North will eventually 'succeed; and when that party does succeed, in ' my opinion, the Union will be at an ' END." The North, according to Mr. Boyce, although a majority of the Slates and of the people, has no right to power. Speaking through another Rep- resentative, [Mr. Keitt,] the same State admon- ishes us thus : "Let the North refuse admission to a State be- ' cause of Slavery in her Constitution, and the * HISTORY OF THIS UuiON IS CLOSED. And the same gentleman adds: "The Sonth should establish in the platform the ' principle, that the right of a Southern man to his « slaves is equal in its length and breadth, to the ' right of a jXorthern man to his horse. She ' should make the recognition of the right, full, ' complete, and INDISPUTABLE." Or, in other words, should insist upon the princi- ple, that if a citizen of Maine may take his horse to South Carolina, and hold it there as property, the citizen of South Carolina may as well take his slave into Maine as property. This results from the Southern doctrine, now so popular, of the "oquality of the States." But, sir, 1 am not driven to reply upon the test- imony of members of Congress upon this point. — The same settlements have been avowed in South- em Democratic conventions — as witness the fol- 11 impossible it is, to draw the people of the north into the odious work of an unlimited propagation of slavery. It is encouraging to know, also, that in the south the spirit of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Mason and Pick- ering still exists ; and that there are eminent men, whose feelings revolt at the present lust for the "diffusion of slavery." But a few weeks ago, that distinguished and honest advocate of American Democracy (and who, fel- low citizens, do you think he is 9 ) Thomas H. Benton, [The father of the people's Jessie, cried out several voices, and Fremont's father-in-law,] boldly declared to the people of Mis- souri, his opposition to slavery and its extension. He said — lowing, given as a sample, from the resolutions of a convention in Mississippi, on the 8th of January last: "That the passage by Congress of any law abo- ' lining Shivery in the District of Columbia, or ' prohibiting the slave trade between the States, or * pronibiting Slavery in the Territories, or other ' places subject to the laws of Congress, or the re- ■ fusal of Congress to admit a Stite into the Union ' because its Constution recoes Slavery, would ' afford evidence of a fixed and deliberate design, 1 on the part of that body, to impair, weaken, and • finally destroy the institution of Slavery in the ' States, 'would be such a violation of our rights as 1 would amount to intolerable oppression, and just- ' ify a resort to measures of resistance.' " According to this, ii Congress should attempt to do now, what for sixty years it did without objec- tion, measures of resistence will be justified. 1'hat the above extracts express provailing Southern doc- trine, without respect to party, I cite the following resolution recently adopted by an American State convention in Alabama : "Resolved, That in view of the increased dan- ' gers that thi eaten the institutions of the South, • this convention deems it necessary to, and does ' hereby, re-endorse and adopt the following reso- ' lution, ki own as the Georgia platform, to wit: — ' That the State of Alabama, in the judgement of ' this convention, will and ought to resist, (as a ' last resort, )to a disruption of every tie which binds ' her to the Union, an action of Congress upon the ' subject of Slavery in the District of Columbia, or ' in places subject to the juri-diction of Congress 1 incompatible with the safety, the domestic iran- • quility, the rights and honor cf the slaveholding ' States or any act suppressing the slave trade be- 1 tween the slaveholding States; or any refusal to ' admit, as a State, any Territory applying, because ' of the existence of Slavery therein; or any act ' prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the ' Territories; or any act repealing, or materially • modifying the laws now in force for the recovery • of fugitive sLves.'" "As to the Wilmot proviso, I consid- er it Jefferson's proviso, constitutional and if passed by Congress to be obey- ed as other laws. * * * My per- sonal sentiments are against the insti- tution of slavery, and against its intro- duction into places where it does not exist. If there was no slavery in Mis- souri to-day, I should be opposed to its coming in. If there was none in the United States, I should oppose its coming into the United States ; as there is none in New Mexico or Cali- fornia, I am against sending it to those territories." The address then proceeds to com- ment on Mr. Benton's views as fol- lows : U A great majority of the people of these United /States, we are confident, will stand by this doctrine. In the at- tempt TO EXTEND THE BLIGHT OF SLAVERY over the free lands of this nation, the sturdy republicans of maine, in common with the patriotic of the whole Union, will demand a halt. — In this they ask nothing sectional." Fellow Citizens, said Mr. Smith, it was "the true democracy," calling themselves also by the other name of "the sturdy Republicans of Maine," that in 1849 proclaimed this language, this sentiment, this creed ! Had ihis document been written by any dele- gate to your own Convention to-day, for the platform upon which Fremont and Dayton and Hamblin are present- ed for the support of the sturdy Re- publicans of Maine in 1856, could lan- guage have been chosen, could senti- ments have been conceived, more fitting or appropriate to the occasion? I know not who penned this document. But be he who he may — let him belong now to what party he may, he maybe proud of it — may glory in it — but he should curse his own soul, if he has fallen from its noble behests in favorof human freedom ! 12 It is a proud record of where the de- mocracy of Maine has stood, in other years — where they will still stand, in 1856, if true to themselves. It is a proud record from which no man had the impudence, or dishonesty, before the year 1S56, to ask any one of that democracy, or of any other party to depart, or renounce. And as yet, I am rejoiced in the belief, that down to this hour, no vote other than of par- ty leaders, or partizan office seekers has been given in any assemblage in Maine, to renounce and reverse this proud record of a once great party in Maine. The address says — mark it well — "In the attempt to extend the blight of slavery over the free lands of the nation, the sturdy Republicans of Maine, in common with the patriotic of the whole Union, will demand a halt ! In this theij ask nothing sectional. — They only ask what they believe to be fair and right, and just to all sections. They desire nome other than a nation- al administration of the government. " They will stand by the Union, and by their political friends in the South, in all democratic measures, and adhere strictly to their constitutional obliga- tions; but they will not surrender what rightfully belongs to the free laborers of the whole country." Fellow Citizens, continued Mr. Smith, this position in favor of free- dom — this exposition of the duty, of the democracy of Maine in 1849, is word for word, and line for line, sentiment for sentiment, the position, and the duty, owned, acknowledged and this day proclaimed, of the Republicans of Maine, and of all men true to the cause of human freedom, in 1S56 ! Mark you, democracy in' 1849, pro- claimed, that opposition to the exten- sion of slavery into free territories "asks nothing sectional!" Of 607 delegates in the Convention, represent- ed by this address, in 1849, and which passed the two resolutions which your Convention to-day have incorporated into the Republican platform of Maine, one man only, Mr. Bion Bradbury, of Eastport, raised then a dissenting voice! He — an honorable man, I grant — an honest man, I doubt not — he stood out, the lone star, in Maine, of slavery, in 1S49 ! Nor never since that day, until the year 1856, has this lone star found in Maine one glimmer of sympathy, or support in favor of the cause of extending " the blight of slav- ery over the free lands of the nation." If there be any man entitled to favor, or credit in early devotion and un- swerving constancy to this doctrine of political paganism to which the true democracy of Maine are in 1856 being invited by leaders anddrivers to become converts, in the face of all past records, of their party and of their State, and in the face of all their past convictions of humanity, he only — Mr. Bradbury alone, has earned it, and is entitled to it! It was this Convention of 1849, hol- den in this Hall, on the 28th and 29th days of June, that nominated John Hubbard a candidate of the •' true democracy " for the office of Govern- er. Now I hold in my hand a slip cut from my file of the Eastern Argus un- der date a few days short of a month after this nomination of Dr. Hubbard was made — namely, July 26, 1S49. — This slip contains a correspondence between the county delegation of Wal- do in the nominating Convention and their gubernatorial nominee, on this same interesting and great question of the extension of slavery into free ter- 13 ritories. This correspondence is pre- faced by editorial remarks, indicative also of the decided opinions then en- tertained by the editor of that paper. The time was, when the Eastern Argus was esteemed by all its patrons and followed, as .safe to stand by,and almost to swear by. Bnt some years since a revolution of sentiment was worked in the minds of its supporters, so that i few held themselves longer bound by all the doctrines that the paper had maintained from time to time, for they were somewhat difficult very often to reconcile. [Laughter and cries of that is so.] The safer sentiment, conse- quently obtained among the true dem- ocracy, as all know who have taken that paper,that no man was bound any farther back by that paper, than what was contained in the then last Argus ! [Great applause and laughter through- out the Hall.] Now I shall not there- I fore read the editors remark's upon the slip I hold in my hand and claim for them any binding authority upon any man's politics. For it has long been well understood, the principles of the Argus are very much like the French- man's flea, upon which if you put your finger, the flea would no longer be there ! [Laughter and shouts of applause.] Nor do I undertake to say who was the editor at the time these remarks were penned and printed. — For it is also well understood that the editor of the Argus is as uncertain as the principles of the paper, and again, like the Frenchman's flea, put your finger upon him. and he is no longer there ! [Renewed and long continued shouts of laughter and applause.] The title prefixed to the article I am about to read, is as follows — "HUBB»RD AND FREE SoiL." [The announcement of this title in- stantly convulsed the whole assemfr'y with laughter unrcstrined for some minutes, after which Mr. Smith pro- ceeded as follows :] I am not at all surprised, that at this day the association these names, Hub- bard and Free Soil, excites your mer- riment. But it is not. my fault that they are so associated at this day — it is the fault of the Eastern Argus, the editor of which wrote then as follows : "HUBBARD AND FREE SOIL." "The following correspondence defines precise- ly, tersely, and without any possibility of mistake Dr. Hi/bbard's position on the free soil Usue. It is a position fully sustainable, and in entire ac" cordance with the sentiments of the great body cf the democratic party of Maine, and in fact of the North generally. "In view of the action of the democracy of the legislature— of the resolutions of our State Conven- tion— and of this letter from our candidate for Guv- ernor — the question becomes peculiarly appropriate — What are the Free Soil party hoping to accom- plished by separate organization ? We think it would puzzle their wisest leaders to answer i\" Here then is the evidence, that in July 1849, the party of the Eastern Argus — the true democracy of Maine — the supporters of John Hubbard, were so identical in views upon the sub- ject of slavery, with the Free Soil par- ty, that the Argus rebuked that party for desiring a seperate organization ! and it asserted that "it would puzzle their wisest leaders to answer" in what could consist the good of a seperate or- ganization of the Free Soil party from the Democratic Party ! Then follows this correspondence with Dr. Hub- bard : Augusta, July 16, 1849. Hon. John Hubbard — Sir :— The undtrsi»n ed, the delegation from the county of Waldo, would respectfully request a statement of your views in relation to the extension of si i very into territories of the United States which are now free. Your position as a candidate for the office of Governor of this State, is a sufficient apology for what might 14 otherwise appear lo bean officious interference with the opinions of others. Very respectfully, Youi- friends and servants, Adams Treat, P. Simonton, Thomas M. Morrow, George N White, William Merriam, Nath'n Worthing, Authcr Treat, Dan. Wentworth, Jbsse Smart, Joseph Bacheler, John Hodgdon, David Smith. Hallowell, July 17, 1849. Gen'lemen: — Yours of the 16th, requesting "a statement of my views in relation to the extension of slavery into territories of the United States now free." is before me. The question in all its prac- tical bearings, as a subject of deliberative and sol- emn legislation, is an extensive one. I can only give, heri', a brief statesment of the principles which would guide my action upon it. 1st. I believe Congress to have entire constitu- tional jurisdiction over the whole subject of slavery in the territories of the United States. 2d. I am opposed to slavery in all its bearings, moral, social, and political, and especially ami opposed to its extension. 3d. I would adopt all constitutional and equit- able means to prevent the extension of slavery into territories now free. Hoping, gentlemen, that this brief expose will meet jour views, I am with sentiments of respect and regard, Yours, John Hubbard. Fellow Citizens — If Mr. Hamlin, your candidate tor Governor were to sign his name to this same letter of Dr. Hubbard, and date it July 17, 1856, instead of July 17, 1849, would he not cover the exact ground upon which yon place the support of him at this day? Then, it was pure democracy ! — Now, it is called black republicanism and disunion ! But. will the democracy of Maine be expected to follow leaders who are running away from all the principles of government in respect to freedom and slavery, to which for a life-time democrats in the ranks as well as lead- ers have professed and pledged them- selves to support ? In the support of Mr. Buchanan exactly the reverse of every principle and of every sentiment embodied in this Hubbard letter, is in- volved and demanded ? And the Argus says, these principles and sentiments were not only "sustainable" in 1849, but were "in entire accordance with the seentiments of the great body of the democratic party of Maine, and in fact of the North generally." After this full and complete commit- tal of the democratic party, and of the people of Maine, to this opposition to the extension of slavery, does it not require bold confidence to ask, and to expect, that this same democratic party and this same people will in 1856 wheel entirely round, and in Mr. Bu- chanan, give their support and their votes, to exactly the opposite principle and doctrine of government ? and to trample into degradation this proud record of their devotion to freedom? — Will you believe they will do so ? [No, no, was responded from every part of the Hall.] No more do I believe it of the Elec- tors of Maine. They will follow the flag of freedom wherever that waves, and floats, aud yield deference to par- ty leaders up to that furthermost mark. But. when those leaders abandon that flag, and attempt to stripe it with one additional black stripe, or black star, that is emblematical of human slavery, the ballot boxes of our people will re- volt, and no longer own obedience to the influence of such leaders. Having exhibited to you the posi- tion and doctrines of the democratic party, and of their candidate for Gov- ernor, in 1849, upon this great ques- tion of human slavery, I will now call your attention to the record which the whig party also, at that time, made up on this same great subject. Bear in mind, that I have tendered the chal- lenge to every man of every party to disprove the ^assertion which I make, that no party in Maine ever before the 15 dawn of the present year, had the boldness to invite the electors of Maine to give the slightest countenance to the extension of slavery over free ter- ritory; but all parties have been unit- ed hitherto as one man, and one peo- ple, throughout our noble State,against such an extension of slavery under any form whatever. In the address to the democracy in 1849, from which I have read, various accusations are embodied against the whig party; but not one syllable of fault on this ques- tion of slavery. For whigs then were as true to freedom, as democrats them- selves claimed to be. [Great applause.] And 1 will now read to you the whig record of that day. A Convention of the whigs, assembled in representation of the whole party in the State, at Augusta, on the 18th day of July, 1849, among other resolutions passed this one on slavery — namely — "Resolved, That we now reiterate "the Sentiments expressed in the Halls "of Congress upon the question of the "admission of Missouri nearly thirty "years since, by Mellen Whitman and "other whigs of our State, in relation "to the farther extension of slavery ; "while they would be just to all the "constitutional rights of the North, we "are decidedly opposed to the further "extension of slavery."* Fellow Citizens, upon that high and *And what may also be appropriately remem- bered at this juncture, and in connection with what I have said in my 9peech, of Hon. George Ev- ans, this same Whig Convention unanimously passed the following resolution, indicating where Mr. Evan's position then was, and I fain hope, still is, on this question of slavery in free territory : — "Phineas Barnes, Esq., of Portland, and Hon Isaac Reed of Waldoborougb, being present, were called upon to addressed tha convention, and after some remarks from Mr. Appleten, the resolves were unanimously adopted. Mr. Cochran of Waldoberough presented the following resolve, which was unanimously adopt- ed. "Resolved, That in the Hon George Evans, we recognise Maine's able Representative, fearless patriotic ground did the whigs of Maine, as well as the democrats o^ Maine, plant themselves in 1849. — Neither of these parties then dared to assail the other on the ground of de- fection to freedom. Who is there of the patriotic whigs of 1849 so forget- ful of principle — so faithless to patriot- ism, as to trample upon this proud re- cord in 1856? [Several voices cried out Evans — George Evans— Little, are the men !] Say rather, exclaimed Mr. Smith, Little George Evans, if it be so, for fallen indeed is Mr. Evans — the great man has indeed become Little, if it can be that he will be guilty of such de- fection to freedom now. I respect Mr. Evans too much — he fought too well the whig battles of other days— he has grown too old in years, and earned himself too much of fame, to be now tempted in the decline of life to turn traitor to freedom and to the holy re- cord of the whig party upon this great question of human liberty, for the pal- try trappings,or the paltry income of a small office, even if accepted at the hands of a corrupt democracy. I will not yet believe it of him,although their prominent men among the supporters of the Buchanan Slavery Platform, already sneer contemptuously at the uses which they are now making in this State of some who were formerly prominent members of the whig party. And one of them to-day illustrated his subject by a comparison that has less of vulgarity than of truth in it. — He said it reminded him of certain men, who dressed their kept mistresses statesman, and eloquent advocate of the lights aud interests of the northern laborer. His hi<*h talents untarnished integrity, and dovotod patriotism, de- mand the gratitude not only of eur own State bnt of the nation. 16 ill silks and satins, while they dress- ed their own wives in homespun and calicoes ! I inquired how he meant to be understood? Why says he, for the sake of using the whig leaders our party leaders give the whigs the best of the offices, and content our own folks with those that are mere calico ! ("Great laughter and applause.] But, continued Mr. Smith, is George Evans one of these ) Is this subser- viency to the cause of slavery, which the supporters of Buchanan, or what is the same in effect, opposition to Fremont and Hamlin, involves, the price that Mr. Evans is to pay for the silken office which he holds at the hands of the present administration ? If Mr. Evans shall appear in that silk dress before the people of this State, as the advocate of slavery — to tarnish and desecrate the great testi- monials reared by the concurrence of all political parties in Maine to freedom, in the sacred records I have already read to you this evening, and reared also to himself in Congres, I pledge my best efforts and humble opportuni- ty, in return, to meet him before our people and shame him in the act.— But let no man say, Mr. Evans will o this, until Mr. Evans shall himself proclaim it ! But I now come to yet one more record, that lifts its proud voice from the past, and speaks with fresh life to the hearts of the Electors of Blaine. — I have refered you to records written in the name of the democratic party of our State ; I have referred you to the records written in the name of the Whig party of Maine; I now refer you to the record which both those parties concurred in writing, in the name of the State and whole people, to live forever upon the Statute book of our State Government ! And I go again to that ever memorable year 1849. Gov. Dana then filled the Executive chair. The Legislative session was being held in summer, In the Governor's Message, he denounced the institution of slavery in the abstract, and its extension into the new ter- ritories of California and New Mexico. — But he also held, that Congressional prohi- bi'ion of it there would be inoperative and of no practical use, because the territory was sure to be free without it. But the Legislature acted upon the subject, and act- ed with decision, and unmistakable bold- ness. I will now read their resolutions as they were originally reported and as they passed both branches of the Legislature: "Resolved, That we hereby declare for ourselves and in behalf of the people of this State, our uncompromising opposition to the extension of slavery into any territory of the United States which is now free.'' "Resolved, That in organizing govern- ments for New Mexico and California, the introduction and existence of slavery in those territories should be positively prohib- ited by an act of Congress." "Resolved, That our Senators in Congress are hereby instructed, and our representa- tives requested, to vote againat any act es- tablishing governments for said territories that does not contain an express prohibition of slavery. '•Resolved, That the Governor be request- ed to forward copies of the foregoing reso- lutions to each of our senators and represen- tatives in Congress, and to each of the Gov- ernors of the several States of the Union." These Resolves passed the Senate on the 14th of June, 1849, unanimously ; and on the 10th of July, 1849, they passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 113 yeas, to 2 nays* On the 17th of July *To enable ^the reader to possess himself of full knowledge of this legislative record, we present it as follows: — These resolves were adopted in the Senate of Maine, June 14, 1849. The following Senators vot- ing for them : — Oliver Bean.Readfield; Win. V. Bowen,Addison ; \7 Gov. Dana sent them back to the Senate ity, and not of any objectionable abstract with a Veto, on the ground of an informal- principle involved ; and the Senate re-passed Gilman M. Burleigh, Dexter; Hiram Chapman, Dam- ariscotta; Philo Clark, Turner; Eleazer Crocker, St. Albans>; Daniel Dam, Newlield; John P. Davis, Naples; John P. T. Dumnnt, Hallowell; Manley Eames, Dover; Paulinus M.Foster, North Anson; Sam'l VV. Fox, Berwick; Joab Harriman, Clinton; James Hobbs, Jr., Fryburg; John Hodgdon, Houlton; Iddo K. Kimball, East Thomaston; Chas. Meguire, New Gloucester; Thomas M. Morrow, Searsmonf ; Amos I'ickard. Hampden; Isaac Paol Edgecomb; Oliver Prescott, Vassalboro; Benj. Rea, Brooksville; Henry Richardson, Oldtown; Ephraiin Sturdivant, Cumberland; Micah J. Talbot,East Machias; Adams Treat, Frankfort; Leander Valentine, Westbrook. No vote in the Senate against the resolves. The same resolves were adopted in the House, Ju- ly 10th; 113 yeas to 2 nays: — Yeas. — Moses L. Appleton, Bangor; Isaiah Avery, , Exeter; Joseph Avery, Jefferson; Joseph Bachelor, Monson; E. F. Baker, Steuben, Thos Baker, Water- ville; Win. Baker, Moscow; Edward Bean, Charles- ton; Sam'l Belcher, Farmington; Alden Boynton, Wiscasset; James Brown, Dayton Plantation; David Bryant, Windsor; Alvah J Buker, Canaan; Thomas P. Bunker, Maxfield ; John Burrill, Jr., Baldwin; Henry Carter, Portland; Samuel Clark, Pittston; John C. Cochran, E. Thomaston; Wm. S. Cochran, Waldoboro'; Geo. Cox, Vassalboro'; Joseph Curtis, New Castle; VVm. Curtis,Bruns\vick ; James B. Das- comb, Bloomfield; Josiah Day, 2d, Leeds; John Dudley, Waite Plantation; Geo. W. Duncan, Bath; Henry T. Emery, Eastnort; Nathaniel Fenderson, Scarboro'; John Fogg ,Et ia; Royal Fogg, Monmouth ; Phinea.) Foster, Marrion; Francis Fuller, Winthrop; Benj. A. Gardner, Charlotte; S. K. Gilman, Hallow- ell; Samuel Gould, New Portland; Jonas Greene, By- ron; Ebn'r Greenleaf, Westport; Nathan Grover, Bothel, Levi Guptil, Belgrade; Sam'l Haines, Clin- ton ; John R. Haley, Kittery; Daniel Hall, Gray, Elias Ham, Shapleigh; Alonzo Hamilton, Saco; Ol- iver Hanscom, Lebanon; James F. Hill, Gouldsboro'; Isaac M. Hobbs, N. Berwick ; John Hodgdon, Lin- colnville; Amasa Holman, Dixfield ; Isaac S. Hoop- er, Cambridge; Darius Howard, Phillips; Horace P Hubbard, Topsham; David Huston, Bristol: John Hutchinson, Corinna; Warren Johnson, Wellington; Sam'l Jordon, Westbrook; VVentworth Jordan, Web- ster; Joseph Kinsman, Cornville; Henry Leach, Smilhfield; Thomas E. Lincoln, China; Thomas Littleficld, Auburn; Nathan M. Lord, Newfield; Howard B. Lovejoy .Fayette; Joseph Mahoney,Sears- mont; James Mann, Gorham; Jacob Marston, Par- sonsfield; Robert Martin, Poland; Henry Mason, Porter; James McGown, Ellsworth; Elisha Merriam, Belmont; VVm. Merriam, Camden, Jona. C. Merrill Durham; H.L. Morrison, E. Livermore; Chas. M. Morse, Wilton; Stephen JVfyrick, jr., Lewiston, Joel Nevens, Carmel; Jas. W. North, Augusta; Clifford B. Norton, Industry; Thomas O'Brien, Thomaston; E.H.Oliver, Freeman; James Percey, Arrowsic; N. D. Phillips, Orrington; Daniel Putnam, Belfast; Henry C. Reed, Norway; Sampson Reed, Hartford; Daniel Rogers, Windham; Daniel Savage, Hancock Plantation ; George P. Sewall, Oldtown; P.Simon- ton, Searsport; Jesse Smart, Troy; Turner Smith, Northfield; Thos. B. Spaulding,Milo; Joseph Spear, Warren j^Charles Spofford, Deer Isle; Isaac Strick- land, Turner; Hastings Strickland, Baneor; Samuel Sweetser, N. Yarmouth; Ziba Tayer, Paris; Fran- cis Thibodeau, Madawaska; Sam'l Thing, Freeport; Arthur Treat, Waldo; Aaron True, Litchfield; Isaac N.Tucker, Gardinei j^Silas L. Wait, Sidney; Jas. C. Warren, Detroit; Samuel Webber, jr., VVaterboro, Dan'l Wentworth, Knox; R. Wentworth, Buxton; Amherst Whitmore, Brunswick; D. S. Witham, Concord; Nathan Worthing, Palermo; Christopher Young, Union. Goo. N. White, Montville. Nays 2. — C. R. Abbott, Bucksport; Jabez Knowl- ton, Newburg. These resolves were vetoed by Gov. Dana, and on the 25th of July were passed by the Senate over his veto, every Senator voting for them except Mr. Bean, of Kennebec, who was absent. Besides those voting for the resolves as above (June 14) were the following who wcie then absent : Wm. W. Tripp, Wilton; Thomas Dyer, 3d, Saco; Joseph Merrill, Topsham; James H. Fainum, Rum- ford. So the Senate passed the Resolves over the Gov- ernor's veto by an unanimous vote. In the House the same resolves were also passed over the Governor's veto (Jaly 27) by a vote of 94 ayes to 20 noes : — The Ayes were as follows: — Samuel Andrews 2d, Bndgton; JosephAvery, Jeffer- son; Joseph Bachelor, Monroe; Thomas Baker, Wa- terville; Wm. Baker, Moscow; Edward Bean. Charleston; Sam'l Belcher, Farmington; Ozias Blanchard, Blanchard; Moses Bradbury, Biddeford; David Bryant, Windsor; Thos. P. Bunker, Max- field; John Burrill, jr. Baldwin; Wm. T. Chadbourne, Standish; Sam'l Clark, Pittston; Wm. Curtis. Bruns- wick; Joseph Curtis, New Castle; Geo. W. Dun- can, Bath; Josiah Day, 2d, Leeds; Nath'l Fender- son, Scarboro'; John Fogg, Etna; .Royal Fogg, Mon- mouth; Wm. L. Foot, S. Berwick; Geo. M. Free- roan, York; Phineas Foster, Marion; Francis Ful- ler, Winthrop; Sam'l Furlong,Calais; S. K. Gilman, Hallowell; Sam'l Gould, New Pojtland; Nathan Grover, Bethel; Levi Guptill, Belgrade; John R Haley, Kittery; Dan'l Hall, Gray; Elias Ham, Shap- leigh; Alonzo Hamilton, Saco: Wm. Hesketh, Bow- erbank; Oliver Hanscom, Lebanon; James F. Hill, Gouldsboro'; Nath'l Hilton, Wells; John Hodgdon, Lincolnville; Darius Howard, Phillips; David Hues- ton, Bristol; John Huthinson, Corinna; Warren John- son, Wellington; Sam'l Jordon, Westbrook ; Went- worth Jordon, Webster; Henry Leach, Smithfield; Thos. B. Lincoln, China; H. B. Lovejoy, Fayette; Joseph Mahony, Searsmonf, James Mann, Gor- ham, Jacob Marston, Parsonsfield; Robert Mar- tin. Poland; Henry Mason, Porter; Jas McGown, Ellsworth; Cephas Meeds, Liniington; Elisha Merriam, Belmont; Wm Merriam, Camden; Nathl Mitchell, Kennebunkport; H L Morrison, E Livermore; Chas M Morse, Wilton; Daniel March, Casco; Joel Nevens, Carmel; Jas W North, Augus- ta; Clifford B Norton, Industry; Parker W Perry, Orland; N D Phillips, Orrington; Daniel Putam, Belfast; Sampson Read, Hartford; Daniel Rogers, Windham; George P Sewall, Oldtown; Putnam Si- monton, Searsport; Jesse Smart ,Troy; Turner Smith, Northfield; David Smith, Vinalhaven; Thomas B Spalding, Milo; Joseph Spear, Warren; Chas Spof- ford, Deer Isle; Ziba Thayer, Paris; Arthur Treat, Waldo; Aaron True, Litchfield; Isaac Tucker, Gar- diner; Silas L Waite, Sidney: Tobias Walker, Ken- nebunk;JasC Warren, Detroit; Josiah Webster, Glenburn; Daniel Wentworth, Knox; R Wentworth, Buxton; Nathan Weston, Jr, Orono; Geo N White, Montville; Wm Winter, Carthage; D S Witham, Concord; Nathan Worthing, Palermo; Christopher Young, Union. Jones Greene, Byron. In the House of Representatives, June 13, 1849, 18 them on the 25 th of July, without altera- tion, bj the vote of every Senator present, Mr. Appleton of Bangor by leave laid on the table the following resolve — RESOLVE RELATIVE TO SLAVERY. Whereas the people of Maine regard slavery with feelings of profound abhorrence; as conflicting with the great principles of freedom and free government, detrimental to political progress, and ought not to be upheld or sanctioned in the capital of our glorious Union, the very sanctuary of Liberty; therefore Resolved, That our Senators and Representatives in Congress be requested to use their utmost influence to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia by all constitutional means. On motion of Mr. Sewall of Oldtovvn the rules were suspended and the resolves read once. On motion of the same gentleman, the rules were again suspended and the resolves read a second time. On motion of the same gentleman the yeas and nays were ordered and the resolve was passed, yeas 112; nays 14 — as follows. Yeas. — Constant R Abbott, Bucksport; Moses L Appleton, Bangor; Asaiah Avery, Exeter; Joseph Bachelor, Monroe; E F Baker, Steuben; Thomas Baker, Waterville; Edward Bean, Charleston; Saml Belcher, Farmington; Alden Boynton, Wiscasset; Moses Bradbury, Biddeford; James Brown, Dayton plantation; David Bryant, Windsor; Isaiah Bruce, Patricktown; Thomas P Bunker, Maxfield; Henry Carter, Portland; Sam'l Clark, Pittston; John C Cochran, E Thomaston; Wm S Cochran, Waldo- boro'; George Cox, Vassalboro'; Joseph Curtis, New Castle; William Curtis, Brunswick; Jas B Dascomb Bloomfield; Josiah Day, 2d, Leeds; Geo W Duncan, Bath; Henry T Emery. Eastport; John Fogg, Etna; Royal Fogg, Monmouth ; Wm L Foote, South Ber- wick; Phinehas Foster, Marrion; Geo M Freeman, York; Francis Fuller, Winthrop; Sam'l Furlong, Calais; Benj A Gardner, Charlotte; Sam'l Gould, New Portland; Jonas Greene, Byron; Eben'r Green- leaf, Westport; Levi Guptill, Belgrade; John R Ha- ley, Kittery; Dan'l Hall, Gray; Elias Ham, Shap- leigh; Alonzo Hamilton, Saco; Oliver Hanscom, Lebanon; George Hathaway, Addison; Wm Hesketh, Bowerbank; Nath'l Hilton, Wells; Isaac M Hobbs, N Berwick; John Hodgdon, Lincolnville; Amasa Hol.man, Dixfield; Isaac S Hooper, Cambridge; Dav'us Howard, Phillips ; Horace P Hubbard, Tops- ham; David Huston, Bristol; John Hutchinson, Cor- inna; N H Ingalls, Bluehill; Warren Johnson, Wel- lington; Thomas Johnson, N Gloucester; Wentworth Jordan, Webster; Joseph Kinsman, Cornville; Jabez Knowlton, Newburg; Henry Leach, Smithfield; Thos B Lincoln, China; Thos Littlefield, Auburn; Nathan M Lard, Newfield; H B Lovejoy, Fayette ; Joseph Mahoney, Searsmont; James Mann, Gorham; Jacob Marston, Parsonsfield; Robert Martin, Poland; Henry Mason, Porter; Jas McGown, Ellsworth; Cephas Meeds, Limington; Elisha Merriam, Belmont; Wm Merriam, Camden; Jena C Merrill, Durham; HL Morrison, E Livermore; Stephen Myrick, Jr, Lewis- ton; Joel N evens, Carmel; Jas W North," Augusta; C B Norton, Industry ; Jas Percy, Arrowsic; Xime- nes Philbrick, Buckfield; N D Phillips, Orrington; Dan'l Pntnam, Belfast; Henry C Read, Norway; Sampson Read, Hartford ; Dan'l Rogers, Windham; Geo P Sewall, Oldtown; Putnam Simonton, Sears- port; Turner Smith, Northfield; Joseph Spear, War- ren; Chas Spoflbrd, Deer Isle; Sam'l Sweetser, N Yarmouth; John C Talbot, Jr, Lubec; Ziba Thayer, Paris; Francis Thibodeau, Madawaska; Arthur Treat, Waldo; Elisha Trowbridge, Portland; Aaron True, Litchfield ; Thomas Trull, Sweden; Isaac N being 30 of the 31 in number ; and the House passed them on the 27th of July by a vote of 94 to 20 ; notwithstanding the Governor's objections ! Well might Ephraim K. Smart, and oth- er signers of the Democratic Address, ex- claim — " In the attempt to extend the blight of slavery over the free lands of the nation, the Sturdy Republicans of Maine, in common with the patriotic of the whole Union, WILL DEMAND A HALT ! — In this they ask NOTHING SECTION- AL! They only ask what they believe to be fair, and bight, and JUST to all sec- tions ! " In view of such a record— a record in which the pride of all our citizens, of all parties, should enlist unhesitatingly to make immu- table, the Eastern Argus, too, might wel exclaim — "It is a position fully sustainable, and in entire accordance with the sentiments of the great boby of the democratic party in Maine, and in fact, of the North generally." Let us.one and all.hold this record high up; and, before the country, and before man, and before God, let us proclaim, that we deem it sacred to humanity, and that we will be true to it in Maine, let who else may turn traitor to the cause of Freedom ! [Great applause and shouts of "we will ; we will !J Fellow Citizens, I have but few brief inquiries to submit to you, before I retire. And first, let me ask, who is it that now demands that we should no longer halt, but that the democracy of Maine, even, shall with quickened march, persevere "in the at- tempt to extend the blight of slavery over the free lands of the nation ?" A few party leaders, claiming to repre- sent in Convention at Cincinnati "the sturdy Republicans of Maine !" They, too, never Tucker, Gardiner; Silas L Waite, Sidney; Tobias Walker, Kennebec; Sam'l Welster, Jr, Waterboro' ; Daniel Wentworth. Knox; R Wentworth, Buxton; Nathan Weston, Jr, Orono; Geo N White, Mont- ville; Benj 1 Wilson, Casline; Wm Winter, Car- thage; D S Witham, Concord; Nathan Worthing,, Palermo; Christopher Young, Jr, Union. \ 19 until the Convention holden in June, 1856 } at Cincinnati, heard the impudent request made within the limits of Maine, in the name and authority of any party, or party Convention, that Maine should turn upon her heel against Freedom to support human slavery ! To show this, more conclusively, let me for a moment call your attention to the reading of the only sentiment which the party leaders of the now Buchanan party, dared to enunciate in their State Conven- tion, holden at Augusta on the 21st day of June, 1855— a few days more than one year since. Their resolution reads : 5. Resolved, That the National Admin- istration by its faithful execution of the lawa ; by its adherence to the constitution ; by its admirable foreign policy and by its resolute maintenance of the old land marks of the Democratic party, will command the respect and support of all true men. It be- ing understood, that this approval of the National Administration is expressive of no opinion in relation to the repeal of the Mis- souri Compromise." Here then is the proof.that one year since, only, so uniform had been the opinion, the convictions, the creed of the democracy of Maine against the policy of suffering slavery to extend into free territory, that even their party leaders did not dare present a resolu- tion in their Convention, that might be con- strued that way, without affixing to it a caveat, a proviso, an avowed understanding, that nothing of the kind should be imputed to the democracy of Elaine I This very resolution — the last on record in this State down to 1856, is a tribute to the firmness, to the intelligence, to the love of freedom, that has ever characterized the sturdy Republicans of Maine ! Then, I say, the record of Maine, of all parties in Maine, is clean, is uniform, is unstained and unquestionable, in favor of freedom, and against slavery, down to the year 1856 !* * The summerset now sought to be fastened up- on the democratic party of thiv State, by the fol- Shall it now be repudiated ? Shai. be dishonored? Shall it noxo be blotted ou- lowers of the Southern interests that ruled the Cincinnati Convention, and made Mr. Buchanan the nominee of that party, for the Presidency, is no less marked in principle, than by men in Maine who participate in the undertaking. For instance; in 1849. the democratic County Convention holden in Cumberland, passed unani- mously the following resolution : "Reiolved, That the Democracy of Cumber- land will adhere strictly to the old Jbfferso- nian creed, and strenuously resist any attempt to modify its character, by the addition of new articles; and therefore, THOUGH uncompro- misingly opposed to the introduction of slavery into free territory, it will never consent TO MAKE SUCH OPPOSITION A TEST OF P»- LITICAL ORTHODOXY." Now the democratic State Convention holden at Bangor on the 1st inst. resolve, " that the PEOPLE OF A TERRITORY LIKE THOSE OF A State, shall determine for themselves their own democratic institutions." Of course, then, the doctrine of the Cenvention of 1856 is, that it is competent for the people of territory that is free, and that is not yet a State, to legalize slavery in that territory, regardless of the will and judgment, and legislation of Con- gress ! It is remarkable, that Hon. Robert P. Dun- lap, who may, without disrespect, be denominat- ed a stereotype party democrat, and who presided at the Democratic State Conventien of 1856, was a delegate to, and presiding officer of the Cum ber- land County Convention of 1849, that passed unanimously, the above quoted resolution ! A nd the Hon. George F. Shepley, (who cannot as well be denominated a stereotype, as he may, a daguerreotype democrat, for he does not like Mr. Dunlap, exist in fixed metal, but in the refraction of political colors artistically blended;) was by this same Cumberland County Convention of 1849 nominated for the office of Senator to the State Legislature of 1850, and was elected accordingly, and helped to elect Hon. Hannibal Hamlin to the United States Senate at that session of 1850; and yet was a delegate to the democratic State Convention of 1856, and was there one of the cheered speakers in ridicule of the Jefferson doc- trine of the sovereignty of Congress over the free territories! He, who in 1849, solemnly voted for the resolution, "strictly to adhere to the old Jeffersonian creed," aud to "strenuously resist any attempt to modify its character by the addition of new articles!" That it was a part of "the old Jeffersonian creed," that Congress had supreme legislative power over the legislation of the territories. I need only remind Mr. Dunlap and Mr. Shepley, and their Buchanan coadjutors, of th« historical fact that is undoubtedly well known to them, that Gen. Arthur St. Clair, of Revolutionary renown, was for fourteen years Governor of the northwestern territory; and that under Jefferson's administration, in 1804, he was removed from that office, EF^'for asserting the doctrine of terri- torial popular sovereignty, and denying the pow- 20 in support of Mr. Buchanan ? Of what is it supposed the Electors of Maine are made that this tergiversation is demanded of them ? Can they be wheeled about at the bidding of a few party leaders ? Who is there, of our fellow citizens, apart from office holders and office seekers, that is not interested in upholding the political reputation of the State ? Who among democrats, does not love to preserve the principles of that party uncontaminated by treachery ? If there are any who do so love that party's good name, they must in honor, in conscience, and upon principle, decline to support Mr. Buchan- an's election to the Presidency ! But for whose interest, let me next ask, is this sudden wheel about of the democratic party of Maine, and of the whig party of Maine, also, demanded ? By that of less than 350,000 slave hold- ers ia all the Union! And are they to con- trol at pleasure the principles, the policy, the consciences, and the government of up- wards of twenty millions of souls ? Are we in Maine to yield ourselves up, the flexible instruments to work out the purposes of these sectional slave holders ? For the mere hope of cheap cotton, are the manufacturers of New England to do this? er of Congress to impose certain conditions and restrictions upon the people of Ohio in the forma- tion of their State Government. "^Jgj But this is not all. The Whig County Conven- vention for Cumberland, holden August 23, 1849, and nominating Senatorial candidates for the Sep- tember election against Mr. Shepley and associate nominees, passed the following significant and de- cisive, and instructive resolutions, on the subject of slavery, viz: — "Resolved, That we cordially unite with all liberal, patriotic, and philanthropic hearts and minds in the community, whether they be whigs or democrats, in pronouncing for the perpetual freedom of all soil upon which the fatal stamp of slavery is not irrevocably infixed; that we see no difference between our principles on this point, and those of the most devoted to the cause of human rights, and uncompromising in their hostility to the extension of slavery, and determined in their res- olution to circumscribe, so far as it is not in their power to extinguish, this most hideous of all social calamities, and the most dreadful of political en- ormities, excepting only, the scourge of civil war." For the mere purpose of employing a few thousand tonnage of navigation in the freighting of that cotton, or of other pro- ducts of slave labor, are our ship owners, and merchants of Maine to surrender up their independence, and their humanity, to theso 350,000 slave owners ? And what else do these slave holders of the South, and their panders at the North, demand at our hands ? To aid them in converting the free soil of Kansas into a nursery of slavery. Yes, we of New England, who expend our public treasure, and our private munificence, in building up institutions of religion, of sci- ence, of benevolence and of education, we who by both our public moneys and private munificence, have aided in providing in our own State, or elsewhere, institutions for prac- tically making the blind, see, for making the deaf, hear, for making the dumb speak, for restoring the insane to reason, and even for searching out the hidden brain of the idiot- ic, and smiting it into active intelligence as the rock of old was smitten to gush forth the living waters to the thirsty multitude — we who are reared in the building up of these high and holy institutions of light, of knowl- edge, of benevolence and of moral culture, that the human soul may expand and grow in happiness — we are asked to forget and abandon all these noble impulses, and turn our backs to these great and glorious work s and lend our aid and our influence to these 350,000 slave-holders in crushing out all the life of knowledge, all the uplifting of hu- man souls in the common territory of our country that is now free, and sink the souls of half the population which that territory, dedicated by nature and by God to freedom, is destined to support, into the depths of irredeemable darkness and ignorance ! Yes ; and our brothers, our relations, our neigh- bors, who have emigrated there, invited by a genial soil, and under the protection of a government of freedom, as they supposed, 21 have been compelled to abandon all these high and holy institutions, ignore their teachings to the heart of man, leave them all behind, and uphold the accursed influ- ences and teachings of human slavery and of slave-holders, or expose themselves to brutal massacre, and their property to the rapine of worse than thieves. The bones of some of our own citizens who have fallen in this delusive promise of democratic free dom in that land, are now bleaching there, hideous testimonials of a faithless and treacherous federal administration which is sought to be perpetuated in the election of Mr. Buchanan. Shall we perpetuate it? [Cries of no, 710.] But this — all this, we of Maine are asked to do and to submit to, thus suddenly, and after upholding for years, and writing upon our statute books for all eternity, such a proud, such a glrious record in favor of human freedom, as I have exhibited to you this evening ! In the name of God, may I not ask, if our people are capable of such degradation ; if they could thus suddenly become traitors to the cause of human liberty and republi- can government in our land ; if they could so tarnish the past, and be insensible to the shame of the present, and so reckless of the future, what vengance of heaven, though heated a hundred fold hotter than the light- ning that splinters and blasts the gnarled oak, would not be justly merited by them under Divine Providence ? Fellow Citizens, this huge sin must not be laid to our charge. As one people, with one mind, let us watch and preserve untar- nished, the glorious record of our State, and of its political parties, which the past em- blazons to the country, and to the world. — Our honor is involved in it. The pride of our children is in it ! And if others falter — if others are tempted — if others are false to liberty, false to humanity, false to the honest pledges of their own souls, let us dare to do that — let us dare pursue that, one, straightforward, patriotic course, in the cause of freemen and of liberty, for which, on the great final reckoning that awaits the world of mankind, we can rush fearlessly into the presence of Almighty God, and boldly claim, that we have been at all TIMES FAITHFUL TO LIBERTY, AND TO HU- MANITY ! [From the most intense and profound quiet, the vast throng of listeners to Mr. Smith's Speech burst forth at its conclusion in immense and reiterated applause.] "TIlC True Issue." millions of men, is much stronger than the We append the following article which constitution It would be far easier to . change or violate the constitution, than to appears under the above head in the Rich- abolish S i avery . Besides, slavery is older mond (V*.) Enquirer, the leading Demo- than the constitution, existed before it, and cratic paper, as we understand it, in the independently of it. We derive no right South. The sentiment of the article appears to our , slaves . from i'- and . wea ^n our r cause by seeming to relv r.n it. Nor will to be different from that which we read in it avail us aught t0 show ' that the negro is Northern Democratic journals, which gen- most happy and best situated in the condi- erally admit that slavery is an evil, but l i° n of Slavery. If we stop there, we maintains that the fact of its being so has weaken our cause by the very argument ..,,,., , ... . „ intended to advance it; for toe propose to pract.cally little to do w,th the question of introduce into mw territory human beings its extension. There are in this article whom we assert to be unfit for liberty, self - some admissions which it may be safer to make in the Southern than in the Northern States, such for instance as that the 'aboli- tionists' (by which the Southern mean Re- publicans) 'are clearly right if Slauery be ■morrally wrong ;' and that Northern Dem- ocrats cannot consistantly maintain that Slavery is moral, inexpedent and profane, and yet continue to submit to its extension.' government, and equal association with other men. We must go a step farther. — We must show that African Slavery is a moral, religeous, natural, and probably, in the general, ^necessary institution of socie- ty. This is the only line of argument that will enable Southern Democrats to main- tain the dectrines of State equality and Slavery extension. For if Slavery be not a legitimate, useful, moral, and expedient institution, we cannot It will be seen that the Enquirer openly without the reproof of conscience and the advocates the introduction of Slavery into blush of shame, seek to extend it, or assert new territory. But read the article : our equality with those States having no m, r> c ., . . ., such institution. The Democrats of the South in the pres- ent canvass cannot rely on the old grounds Northern Democrats need not go thus of defense and excuse for Slavery ;for they far. They do not seek to extend Slavery, seek not merely to retain it where it is, but but only agree to its extension, as a matter to extend it where it is unknown. Much of right on our part. They may prefer less can they rely on the mere constitutional their own social system to ours. It is guarantees of Slavery, for such reliance is right they should. Our friends are con- pregnant with the admission that Slavery is servatives at home and conservatives of the wrong, and but for the constitution should Union — conservatives of religion, of mar- be abolished. This constitutional argu- riage, of property, of State institutions, and ment for Slavery, standing alone, fully of Federal institutions. But whilst they justifies the abolitionists. They are clearly may prefer their own social system, they right if Slavery be morally wrong, for to will have to admit in this canvass that ours get rid of it under the constitution, or by is also rightful and legitimate, and sanction- amending the constitution, is confessedly ed alike by the opinionsjand usages of man- unpracticable. In truth, the constitution kind, and by the authority and expressed in- cannot help Slavery, if it be a violation of junctions of Scripture. They cannot con. the laws of God, and of morality. In that sistently maintain that Slavery is immoral, case, the constitution should secede, rather inexpedient and profane, and yet continue than continue to guaranty what they con- to submit to its extension, sider immoral and profane. The constitu- We know that we utter bold truths. — tion cannot help Slavery for another season. But the time has now arrived when their That institution extending through fifteen utterance can be no longer postponed. — States, and interramified with the interests, The true issue should stand out so boldly and the feelings, and the very existence of clearly that none may mistake it, 23 FOUR 'SFREESOIL" GEMS FROM "it is believed to be just and politic, and as ^THF? I GUBE5NATORIAL , CAM-" " in n ° wa V interfering with the constitu- FAIGN OF 1849. "tional rights of the South. The free labor TFrom the Ace.l "of the republic has a direct interest in the , tvt *u ~ „ *:~>, ~r cU.,„^.,. "question, no less strong than any that the "Now as to the question of slavery a ,3 , .■ ,, ,=, J . , , , • , ,* r „ Mo= nrw i l„ 'south may have; and the same right that 4 question that is before Congress and be- . ^ /. , ». » rillmore asks us here at Albany this ques- "grant such a request if made. ,• ., n .■ , . ,- l , fa n lion — "ban they have the madness or the ri? m a p if , d ki- t in "folly to believe that our Southern breth- |Lrom the Belfast .Republican Journal. 1 u u L * • , L il. J "ren would submit to be governed by such "The action of Mr. Wilmot, of Penn., at « a chief magistrate ?" "the last session of Congress, and the ap- For ourselves we' can see no "madness" "proval then extended to his proposed re- i n expecting a submission to a majority "stnction of slavery in new territory, and provided for by the constitution, and no "the similar course ot Mr. King, of N. Y., "folly" in the fact that States casting votes "(leading democrats,) at this session, we to the ratio of 22 to 15 should elect any "believe correctly represents the demooralic person ot their choice who is eligible to "sentiment of the North. It is an expres- that office under our fundamental faw. 'sion of democratic sentiment, too, at an j^Let some one give a reason for the sub- opportune moment for we cannot think mission of the North to the South. The "that any discussion arising out of such a North has the most votes, the most wealth, "proposition should not at all interfere with the most schools, churches and colleges' "the vigerous presecution of the war ; and the North pays the most taxes ; she is "it will be sustained by the North, because strongest in every social and political inter 24 est in every social and political interest. — In productions and improvements she is superior. In peace she is more prosper- ous — in war she would be more powerful. 'I he North advances the fame of free in- stitutions, while the South keeps alive their reproach. There is no reason for any such submis- sion. On the contrary, it is degrading to our country and to ourselves. It would not be asked unless it were for the purpose of aiding slavery — by increasing the value of slaves, and that alone is sufficient rea~ son for asserting our simple right to the supremacy. Instead of doing so base a thing, let us catch up the motto of Brutus and all cry — "Peace ! Freedom ! and Lib- erty !" — Albany State Register. Hear Daniel Webster ! MR. WEBSTER, in the year 1837, in a speech in Niblo's Garden, New York, discussed the Slav- ery question at length, and spoke of the danger of its extension. After remarking that "Congress had no power over in the States already in the Union," he said,: — "But when we come to speak of admitting new States, the subject assumes an entirely different aspect. Our rights and our duties are then both different. The free States, and all the States, are then at liberty to accept or to reject. When it is proposed to admit new members into this political partnership, the old members have a right to say on what terms such new partners are to come in, and what they are to bring along with them In my opinion, the people of the United States will not consent to bring iuto the Union a new, vastly extensive, and s'avebolding country, large enough for a halt a dozen or a dozen States. In mv opinion they ought not to consent to it." MR. WEBSTER in 1848, in the U. S. Senate, when discussing the Oregon Bill, said : — "I have said that I shall consent to no extension of the area of Slavery upon this continent, nor to any in- crease of Slave representation in the other House of Congress. I have now stated my reasons for my con- duct and my vote. We of the North have already gone, in this respect, far beyond all that any Southern man could have expected, or did expect, at the time of the adoption of the Constitution. I repeat the state- ment of the fact of the creation of five new slavehold- ing States out of newly-acquired teiritory. We have done that which, if those who framed the Constitution had foreseen, they never would have agreed to Slave representation. We have yielded thus far, and we have now in the House of Representatives twenty per- sons voting upon this very question, and upon all other questions, who are there only in virtne of the represen- tation of slaves." The speech from which we have iust quoted, concludes with the following emphatic words : — "I have made up my mind, for one, that under no circumstances will I consent to the further extension of the area of Slavery in the United States, or to the further increase of slave representation in the House op Representatives." MR. WEBSTER in his celebrated "7th of March speech," in 1850, said: — "it has happened that, between 1837 and this time, on various occasions, I have expressed my entire opposi- tion to the admission of new Slave States, or the ac- quisition of Slave Territories, to be added to the United States. I know, sir, no change in my own sentiments or my own purposes, in this respect." In this same speech, when Mr. Webster ex- pressed his willingness to forego the exercise of the Congressional prohibitive power for Utah and New Mexico, "because Slavery was excluded from them by the law of God," he took care to add the following emphatic words : — "Sir, wherever there is a substantive good to be done, wherever there is a foot of land to be prevented from becoming slave territory. I am ready to assert the prin- ciple of the exclusion of Slavery. I am pledged to it from the year 1837; I have been pledged to it again and again; and I will perform those pledges." And again, in a subsequent speech on the Com- promise Bill, made on the 17th of June of the same year, MR. WEBSTER said : - "And here let me say that neither here nor elsewhere has anything been advanced to show that on this sub- ject I have said or done anything inconsistent, in the slightest degree, with any speech, or sentiment, or letter or declaration, that I ever delivered in my life; and all would be convinced of this if men would stop to con- sider and look at real differences and distinctiors." In his letter to Robt. H. Gardiner, and others, citizens on the Kennebec, written in June 1850, MR. WEBSTER said :— *- "Gentlemen, one of the exciting questions of the present moment respects the necessity of excluding Slavery, by law, from the territories lately acquired from Mexico. If I believed in ant such necessity, 1 should, of course, support such a law. 1 could not do otherwise, consistently with opinions very many times expressed, and which opinions I have no inclination tu change, and shall not change." In the summer of 1851, only one year before his death, MR. WEBSTER delivered a speech at Buffalo, N. Y., from which the following are ex- tracts : — "Now, gentlemen, permit me to say that I speak of concessions. If the South wish any concession from me, they will not get it ; not a hair's breadth of it. II they come to my house for it, they will not find it, and the door will be shut; I concede nothing. But I say I will maintain for them, as I will maintain tor you, to the utmost of my power, and in the face of all danger, their rights under the constitution, and your rights under the constitution." Ae;ain, in the same speech he said : — "My opinion remains unchanged, that it was not within the original scope or design of the constitution, to admit new States out of foreign territory ; and, for one, whatever may be said af the Syracuse Convention, or at any other assemblage of insane persons, I never would consent, and never have consented, that there should be one foot of slave territory beyond what the old thirteen States had at the formation of the Union. Never, never ! The man cannot show his face to me, and say that he can prove that I ever departed from that doctrine. He would sneak away and slink away, or hire a mercenary press to cry out — What an apostate from liberty Daniel Webster has become ! But he dows himself to be a hynoorite and a falsifier. '' LIBRARY 01 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 1111 Hi 012 608 442 Hollinger