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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 
 
 INDIANA 
 
 IN THE THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS, 
 
 WITH A BRIEF REVIEW OF THE 
 
 §diUtd §mm d flm #s||< 
 
 BY W. II. GODDARD. 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 Trice, Single Copy, 20 Cts. ; Skvkx CapiES, $1 ; Aduuess, P. 0. Box, 1146. 
 rriiiteU by ■«'. 11. Moore, 4S4 Kl. voulh Street. 
 
GONTEJ^TS. 
 
 Page 
 
 PREFACE 3 
 
 INDIANA 3 
 
 THE SO-CALLED DEMOCRATIC PARTY 4 
 
 THE UNION PARTY , 8 
 
 HON. HENRY S. LANE , 10 
 
 HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS 14 
 
 HON, WILLIAM E. NIBLACK 14 
 
 HON. M. C. KERR 15 
 
 HON. RALPH HILL 16 
 
 HON. JOHN H. FARQUHER 18 
 
 HON. GEORGE W. JULIAN 21 
 
 HON. EBENEZER DUMONT 25 
 
 HON. HENRY D. WASHBURN 26 
 
 HON. GODLOVE S. ORTH 28 
 
 HON. SCHUYLER COLFAX 31 
 
 HON. JOSEPH H. DEFREES 34 
 
 HON. THOMAS N. STILWELL 35 
 
 THE VOTE OF INDIANA BY COUNTIES FOR GOVERNOR 
 
 AND PRESIDENT, in 1864 38 
 
 THE POPULAR VOTE OF INDIANA FOR PRESIDENT, from 
 
 1840 TO 1864 39 
 
 MARTHA HOPKINS— A Ballad of Indiana 40 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 
 
 INDIANA 
 
 0i|W^w«l gifleptoi 
 
 IN THE THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS, 
 
 WITH A BRIEF REVIEW OF THE 
 
 §4ifkal §%m$% ml l|^ #a|> 
 
 BY W. H. GODDARD 
 
 // 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 Price, Single Copy, 20 Cts.; Seven Copies, $1 ; Address, P. 0. Box, 1146. 
 Printed by W. II. Moore, 481 Eleventh Street. 
 
 1866. 
 
Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1866, 
 
 By W. H. GODDARD, 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the District of Columbia. 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The 39th Congress being the most important one which has ever as- 
 sembled, and believing the citizens of Indiana to be deeply interested in 
 their Representatives, and desirous of knowing their personal history, as 
 Avell as their political status, I have prepared a biographical sketch of each, 
 together with a brief review of the political issues of the day. Much 
 more might have been said respecting the Democratic members had they, 
 or their friends, responded to the request made for the necessary data. 
 
 INDIANA. 
 
 Indiana was admitted into the Union, in 1816, then a wilderness, now 
 one of the great States of the Union, with a population of about 1,380,000 
 inhabitants. Indiana having prudently and wisely adopted the free-school 
 system, now can be seen school-houses erected at almost every cross-road. 
 The time has been, that Indianians were looked upon as very ordinary, 
 and when they visited the Capital of the nation. New York, Boston, 
 Philadelphia, and stopped at the hotels, were assigned to the third or fourth 
 story, but since the Union Republican party has come into power, 
 they are considered to be "somebody," and are now permitted to occupy 
 the first floor or front seats. Indiana is represented in the American Con- 
 gress, by two Senators and eleven Representatives, and by men of integ- 
 rity and ability. One of Indiana's noble sons, has the honor to preside 
 over the 39th Congress, the most important that has ever assembled since 
 the adoption of the Constitution of the United States — momentous ques- 
 tions are to be discussed and settled at some future day, in which every 
 true American citizen is deeply interested; and at no time since the for- 
 mation of the Government, have the American people watched more 
 closely the proceedings of that august body. 
 
 Indiana was represented in President Lincoln's cabinet, and is now rep- 
 resented in President Johnson's, by the Honorable Hugh McCulloch, one 
 of her purest and brightest intellects, and he stands to-day at the head of the 
 great Financial Department of the Nation. A few years ago, he was 
 known only as a private citizen of Indiana, now he is honored as the ablest 
 financier in America, and in fact of the whole world. At no time have the 
 State affairs of Indiana ever been so well conducted as during the past 
 four or five years. Nobly have her sons upheld the honor and dignity of 
 the commonwealth, legions sprang forth to uphold the flag of the Union, 
 and wherever they were with banners unfurled to the breeze, they be- 
 came a synonym of victory. Their fame sheds a bright lustre upon al- 
 most' every battlefield ; they planted the " Stars and Stripes " amid the 
 flight of unnumbered bullets, on the bights of Richmoiid, on the walls of 
 that renowned battle-ground, Yorktown — at Manassas, A ntietam, Donelson, 
 Shiloh, Gettysburg, the Wilderness — and with their banners ragged, shat- 
 tered and torn, planted the emblem of liberty above the clouds on Look- 
 
out Mountain. No where did they turn their backs to the foe, but on, on 
 they went fighting and conquering until the "Stars and Stripes" floated 
 in triumph over the whole domain. Their fame will go throughout the 
 world ; their memories will be cherished, not only by Indiana, but by the 
 whole sisterhood of States. 
 
 'Thou, too, move on, ship of State, 
 Move on, Union, strong and great; 
 
 Humanity, with all its fears, 
 
 With all its hopes of future years, 
 Is hanging breathless on thy fate. 
 We know what master laid thy keel, . 
 What workmen wrought thy ribs of steel, 
 
 Who made each mast, each sail, each rope. 
 What anvils rang, what hammers beat, 
 In what a forge, in what a heat, 
 
 Where shaped the anchor of thy hope." 
 
 THE SO-CALLED DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
 
 It is well known to every intelligent American citizen, that during the 
 Revolutionary war our great and good ancestors were to a large extent em- 
 barrassed in achieving their independence by a gang of tories and a Bene' 
 diet. Arnold. In the war of 1812 there was held a Hartford Convention, 
 and in 1SG4 while the great power of the American Nation was being used 
 to put down a monstrous and wicked rebellion, there was held a Chicago 
 Convention by men calling themselves " Democrats," but their acts were 
 more treacherous to the cause of human liberty than those of the tories or 
 Benediet Arnold. If the Chicago Convention was Democratic, then the 
 rebellion was a Democratic rebellion, for it broke out in and was confined to 
 Democratic States. It was brought about by Southern Democrats, and 
 Democrats North upheld them in their efforts to break up the Union. Dem- 
 ocrats officered the whole llebel army. Democrats in gray made up the 
 whole Rebel army. The so-called " Southern Confederacy" was officered 
 from the Presidency down to the lowest clerkship by Democrats. In the 
 city of Washington under the Democratic Administration of Buchanan the 
 rebellion was conspired and prepared, and he declared he had not the power 
 to prevent it. 
 
 A member of the Cabinet of a Democratic Administration stripped the 
 North of arms and smuggled them to Democratic States, to murder the 
 loyal people with and sent the army of the Union where it would be una- 
 vailable, or captured. A Democratic Cabinet officer of the same Adminis- 
 tration scattered the American navy over the world, and permitted traitors 
 to take possession of United States property on the seaboard. 
 
 A Democratic Secretary of the Treasury plundered the coffers of the 
 Nation, to supply the rebellion with money, and destroyed the credit of the 
 United States in such a way that money could not be had at 12 per cent. — 
 now it can be obtained by a Union Secretary by millions for. 6 and 7 per 
 cent. 
 
 A Democratic President, appealed to by the loyal people to save the 
 Nation and prevent a bloody war refused, and declared that the Government 
 could not constituti(Jtally defend itself, and that it was " unconstitutional" 
 to coerce a traitor. 
 
 A Democratic President allowed United States arsenals to be plundered 
 of their arms ; shops, navy-yards, and fortresses to be seized, and rebel armies 
 
to be organized without calling upon a single man tft prevent it. His acts 
 were applauded by every Democratic Governor, and by Democrats through- 
 out the country. 
 
 During the darkest hour of the rebellion these same Chicago Democrats 
 throughout tlie North, were politically and perstmally opposed to every legis- 
 lative, financial, military or moral measure taken to speedily and successfully 
 prosecute the war to a glorious end. and save the Nation's life. All their 
 sympathies were with their '' friends" who were in arras against the Gov- 
 ernment, and attempting with all their strength to pierce the Nation's heart. 
 
 These Chicago Democrats desired to give up the land bequeathed to us 
 by our noble and patriotic fathers, but the loyal people through the domain, 
 in a thundering voice said : . 
 
 "Is tliis the land our fathers loved? 
 
 The freedom which they fought to win ? 
 
 Is this the soil they trod upon ? 
 
 Are these the graves they slumber in? 
 
 Are we their sons, by whom are borne, 
 
 The mantles which the dead have worn? 
 
 And shall we crouch above their graves 
 
 With craven soul and fettered lip, 
 
 Yoked in with marked and muttering slaves, 
 
 And tremble at a master's whip? 
 
 By their enlarging souls which burst 
 
 The bands and fetters round them set — 
 
 By the free Pilgrim spirit, nursed 
 
 Within our inmost bosoms yet — 
 
 By ail above, around, below, 
 
 Be the eternal answer. No !" 
 
 When the traitors of the South first ushered into overt hostilities by the 
 bombardment of Fort Sumter, the only States still adhering to the Union 
 which had Democratic Governors, except those of the Pacific, were as fol- 
 lows : Delaware, William Burton ; Virginia, John Letcher ; North Carolina, 
 J. W. Ellis; Kentucky, Beriah Magoffin; Tennessee, Isham G. Harris; 
 Missouri, Clairborne T. Jackson ; Arkansas, Henry M. Rector. To each 
 of these Democratic Governors, and all the Republican Governors, President 
 Lincoln appealed for soldiers to aid in the defence of the immediately imper- 
 illed Capital of the Nation, and by each Democratic Governor he was refused 
 — by nearly all with ignominy and insult. You see, that had the existence of 
 the Nation depended on the Democratic Governors, and the party that 
 elected them, it would have perished. 
 
 When the war did come, the leaders of the Democratic party who manipu- 
 lated their conventions and manufactured their platforms, boasted that they 
 had been for thirty long years la;^-ing their plans deep and wide to destroy 
 the Government of our fathers and establish one of their own — the chief 
 corner-stone to rest on human slavery. 
 
 Democrats of the South murdered by a system of starvation and exposure 
 60,000 brave and heroic defenders of the Union. Six hundred of Indiana's 
 noble sons, as brave and as heroic as martyrs ever were, now sleep their last 
 sleep at Andersonville — a Democratic grave-yard. Yet the Democratic 
 Senator from Indiana has the audacity to say " he has no proof that the 
 rebels mistreated their prisoners." Oh ! no, the official record of the Dem- 
 ocratic grave-yard was nothing to him. His sympathies are not with the 
 martyred liorues, but with his Democratic friends of the South. 
 
 The high and enormous taxes are caused by the Democratic party; for, 
 had they remaiucd true to their country we would have had no war — but 
 
6 
 
 the taxes would now be double had they succeeded. The laboring man 
 gives about one hour's labor every day to pay for Democracy. The rich pay 
 about one-tenth of their income for the cost of the Democratic party. Gen- 
 eration after generation will have to carry this Democratic burden. 
 
 See the hundreds and thousands of the sons of the North, whose bodies 
 are strewn over the South, and the support and comfort of families now 
 desolate — caused by the Democratic party. The great and good man Abra- 
 ham Lincoln, whose acts adorn the brightest pages of history, was assassin- 
 ated by a Chicago Democrat. All the nation's past and present wi)es were 
 caused by the treachery of the Democratic party. 
 
 During the Presidential campaign of 1860, the leaders of the Democratic 
 party taunted the members of the Republican party and said, if the Repub- 
 licans elected Mr. Lincoln president they would by force destroy the Union. 
 The American people elected Mr. Lincoln president; two-thirds of the 
 Democratic Senators insulted, bantered, defied the loyal Senators in Con- 
 gress ; then picked up their hats and left the Senate chamber. 
 
 In Indiana, the leading Democrats of that State joined the " Sons of Lib- 
 erty," a treasonable organization, instituted for the purpose of overthrowing 
 the State governments of Indiana, Ohio, and Illinois, and forming what 
 they called a " North- Western Confederacy;" and to organize an army and 
 then join the "Southern Confederacy." 
 
 Notwithstanding all their great criminality and all that is detestable in bar- 
 barism, they now come before you and ask you to place them in power again. 
 God forbid that that day shall ever come when the so-called Democratic 
 party shall rule this country ! Democrats now come forward and ask the 
 soldiers, the boys in blue, to assist them in obtaining possession of the very 
 Government they wished to destroy. Soldiers ! did you ever hear a Demo- 
 cratic public speaker denounce the starvation of your fellow-comrades at An- 
 dersonville and the other hell-dens of the South ? No, never ! — they are 
 as silent on that question as the very grave in which your comrades sleep. 
 Soldiers ! see the pale faces and the emaciated forms of your heroic com- 
 rades whose life-blood has been poisoned in the Democratic prisons of 
 the South, and even denied a spoonful of pure cold water to moisten their 
 fevered lips. Oh ! can the American people be so unmindful, so treacher- 
 ous, so unpatriotic as to place the so-called Democratic party in power again, 
 to make laws and rule the American nation ! Let us all, as American citi- 
 zens, never dishonor or forget the country's dead by placing in power the 
 men who attempted to assassinate the nation, either North or South. I 
 hope and trust that the Union people will never forget their dead heroes, 
 but will say 
 
 " How sleep the brave who sink to rest 
 By all their country's wishes blest, 
 When Spring, with dewy fingers cold, 
 Returns to deck their hallowed mould, 
 She then shall dress a sweeter sod 
 Than Fancy's feet have ever trod." 
 
 When these Democrats ask you to vote their ticket, say to them in plain 
 language that you can never forget your dead comrade that fell at the Wil- 
 derness, or those that died at Andersonville, and as a sample show them the 
 official record of your comrades who died at Andersonville, as follows : 
 
7 
 
 Months. Post Uospital. In Stockade. Small-Foz Hospital. Total. 
 
 March, 1864 2G2 15 5 282 
 
 April 477 71 34 582 
 
 May C33 65 10 708 
 
 June 1,041 150 10 1,201 
 
 July 1,119 620 5 1,744 
 
 August 1,490 1,502 — 2,992 
 
 September 1,255 1,423 — 2,678 
 
 October 1,294 301 — 1,595 
 
 November 494 — 494 
 
 December 166 2 — 168 
 
 January, 1865 191 8 — 199 
 
 February 147 — 147 
 
 Aggregate, 12 months.... 8,569 4,157 64 12,790 
 
 The reader will observe that during the months of August and Septem- 
 ber, 1864, a majority of the dying were not even removed to the hospital, 
 but died in the stockade. 
 
 While the dark cloud of treason hung over our country, I rejoice that 
 there were to be found true and loyal Democrats — " faithful among the 
 faithless found" — and their devotion to the country will never be forgotten 
 by the loyal people- 
 Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, was the only Democratic Senator in Con- 
 gress that denounced the leaders of the rebellion ; he declared that if he 
 was President, he would try them for treason and if found guilty he would 
 execute them ; for his patriotic acts in the Senate, and while Military Gov- 
 ernor of Tennessee, he was denounced by the Democratic party as a traitor, 
 a tyrant ; they thirsted for his blood and demanded his head. 
 
 In Indiana, many of the leading Democrats were true to the flag of this 
 country, and during the Administration of President Lincoln gave him and-' 
 his Administration their cordial support. Among those in Indiana that \ 
 supported President Lincoln in putting down the rebellion, were Hon. D. 
 S. Gooding, Hon. James Hughes, Hon. Joseph A. Wright, Hon. T. N. 
 Stilwell, General Ilovey, Gen. Wallace, Gen. Kimball, and a host of others 
 too numerous to mention ; but the finger of scorn was pointed at them all / 
 by their old party ; they were denounced as traitors, and all the vile threats -* 
 imaginable were hurled against them. 
 
 The same party that attempted to destroy the nation must never be put 
 into power again. If that day should ever come, then the blood of 500,000 
 heroic men have been shed in vain. In the language of President John- 
 son, they must "take a back seat," and the leaders of the rebellion must 
 be disfranchised forever. It is the duty of the loyal people to amend the 
 Constitution of the United States prohibiting all persons who aided, abet- 
 ted, or assisted the rebellion from ever holding any office in the United 
 States. Let us make "treason odious." The rebels should be contented 
 if they are only permitted to live and their children allowed to vote. 
 The policy of prohibiting and allowing rebels to hold oflice and vote, in 
 the language of a Tennessee patriot, Hon. Horace Maynard, has been 
 fairly stated. He says : 
 
 "The policy has been fairly tested in Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, 
 Tennessee, Missouri, Arkansas, and Louisiana. Where it has been rigidly adherea 
 to, as in Maryland, West Virginia, Tennessee, Missouri, and Arkansas, it has worked 
 well. Where it has been abandoned or even relaxed and traitors re-enfranchised, as 
 in Virginia, Kentucky, and Louisiana, there trouble and disorder pievail. 
 
 " The condition of the loyal Union people is little better than under the despotiam 
 of the Southern Confederacy. What that was, go ask our friends in East Tennessee — 
 
8 
 
 East Tennessee, illustrious in her sorrow and the blood of her martyrs. Go to the 
 prison cells, where hundreds pined in wretchedness, rather than pollute their souls 
 by swearing allegiance to a power they condemned. Go to the gibbets where the pat- 
 riots Hann and Harmon, the father and son, and Hanshie and Fry, passed upward along 
 the shining pathway to glory. There see what treason did in the plenitude of its 
 power, and what it wants but the opportunity to do again. Yes, by all means, let 
 us heartily, and without question, indorse the President's policy, and repeat his funda- 
 mental axiom, that exercise of political power should be confined to loyal men until 
 the sounding words shall be echoed from every Union man's hearth-stone and roof- 
 tree in the land. Let the preservers of the nation be its rulevs." 
 
 Let us stand firm and make no concessions to traitors or their sympathiz- 
 ers ; guard the great citadel of liberty, and see to it that no traitor enters it 
 to effect our ruin. Let us follow the path marked out for us by Washing- 
 ton and Jefferson, and plant the tree of Liberty so deep in the American 
 soil that all the traitors and the whole world combined can never uproot it, 
 and in one voice cry : 
 
 " Spare thou the tree of Liberty — 
 
 Harm not a single bough ; 
 In youth it sheltered me. 
 
 And I'll defend it now." 
 
 THE UNION PARTY. 
 
 Thanks be to the Union defenders and to the wisdom and lofty patriotism 
 of the loyal people, the war with bullets is over. The war with ballots 
 has commenced ; the statesman takes the place of the warrior. After a 
 terrible rebellion — the most gigantic in the history of the world — one that 
 has for four years employed all the energies of this mighty nation — one 
 that has called for so lavish an expenditure of blood and treasure, v/e are 
 now called upon to settle one of the most momentous questions ever 
 brought before the American people. Treason ! treason ! the highest 
 crime known to the law, has been committed with impunity, and you are 
 called upon to protect the Union in all its purity and grandeur by your 
 ballots, and see to it, that men are not placed into power that will make 
 treason respectable and elevate traitors. 
 
 In the language of Governor Browulow, of Tennessee, ''let no earthly 
 power drive you from the support of the men and party who fought the 
 battles of the late war and put down the rebellion." 
 
 The great Union party of this country is on the side of right ; let that 
 great thought prompt you to vote right at all times, and by the very law of 
 your being you must conquer. 
 
 "For right is right since God is God, 
 
 And right the day must win ; 
 To doubt would be disloyalty, 
 
 To falter would be sin." 
 
 Union men of Indiana, you are called upon since the war with bullets 
 is over, to commit suicide, by placing in power a party that was used by 
 traitors to start the war and dismember the nation. The Union party 
 was the agency which the people used to carry through the war and save 
 the nation; it is Avithin their power and it is their duty to grind into powder 
 at the polls the men and party that labored to destroy the country. In 
 your zeal to support men do not forget principle — the principles that lay 
 at the very foundation of the government — Justice and right to all men. 
 
Unite as one man, one mind, upon grand and holy principles, and 
 uphold^them with your sacred honor to the end of time. 
 
 Men are but to-day, to-morrow — principles are to-day, to-morrow, and 
 forever. 
 
 Tiie men that are appealini^ to you to commit suicide by plucino- them 
 in power, are the same men that declared at the Chicag-o Convention in 
 1864, "that the war to restore the Union was a failure," and demanded 
 "immediate cessation of hostilites." They are the same men that du- 
 ring the war, never had one word of censure for the rebellion, or of rebuke 
 for its murderous and inhuman authors, but at all times found space and 
 leisure to denounce, assault and vilify President Lincoln, and the men 
 and party that were supporting him. 
 
 They are the same men who asked the people of the North at the Chi- 
 cago Convention, to make an ignominious and dastardly surrender to trea- 
 sonable butchers, whose hands were red and reeking with the warm blood 
 of the soldiers-who went forth at their country's call, to defend and sustain 
 the dear old ilag of our fathers. 
 
 In 18G4, the National Union party met at Baltimore, and adopted the 
 following wise and patriotic resolution : 
 
 ^^ Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen, to maintain 
 against all their enemies the integrity of the Union, and the paramount authority of 
 the Constitution and laws of the United States ; and that laying aside all differences 
 and political opinions, we pledge ourselves as Union men, animated by a common 
 sentiment and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power to aid the 
 Government in quelling by force of arms, the rebellion now raging against its au- 
 thority, and bringing to the punishment due to their crimes, the Rebels and Traitors 
 arrayed against it." 
 
 The Union platform adopted at the same Convention, pays a handsome 
 tribute to the living, and reveres the memories of the dead as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of the American people are due to the soldiers and sailors 
 of the army and navy, who have periled their lives in defence of their country, and 
 in vindication of the honor of the flag; that the nation owes to them some perma- 
 nent recognition of their patriotism and valor, and ample and permanent provision for 
 those of their survivors who have received disabling and honorable wounds in the 
 service of the country ; and that the memories of those who have fallen in its de- 
 fence, shall be held in grateful and everlasting remembrance. 
 
 I see no reason at the present time to abandon the principles laid down 
 at that convention, which brought the rebellion to a close. The platform 
 laid down at that convention says, ^'^ and in bringing to punishment due 
 to their crimes, the rebels and traitors arrayed against it.^^ It is in the 
 power of the Union people of this country to punish the traitors, "due to 
 their crimes" if they only remain trae ^nd firm. The Nation is in the 
 hands of the people ; the people must rule. The men that attempted to 
 break up the Union by force of arms, now proclaim that they made a de- 
 plorable mistake by going out of the " Union to fight," but should have 
 fought their battles " within the Union." They now propose to fight 
 their battles "in the Union" with the ballot; let every Union man meet 
 them at the polls in the coming campaign, and not only overpoiver them, 
 but grind them to powder. The Union party made a solemn pledge " that 
 the memories of those who have f\tllen in the defence of their country, shall 
 be held in grateful and everlasting rememberance." Watch with an eager 
 eye the course of events, and see who betrays that solemn pledge by per- 
 mitting traitors to go " unwhipped of justice." 
 
 They cannot be " held in grateful and everlasting remembrance," by 
 
10 
 
 allowing eleven States of the Union to be controlled by rebels and traitors. 
 Their memories cannot be held in " everlasting remembrance " by placing 
 in power, in eleven States of this Union, the men who murdered them or 
 sanctioned it. Their memories cannot be held *' in everlasting remem- 
 brance," by dividing the ranks of the Union party, and allowing men to 
 get the Government into their hands, whose sympathies were with the 
 rebels, and who have no tears to shed for the Union defenders, who fell 
 in defence of their country, or for the 60,000, who were frozen and 
 starved to death at Belle Isle, Libby Prison and Andersonville. 
 
 The Union party needs no eulogizing, its name is illustrious, and its 
 fame will go to the end of the world; its acts live as a burning light in 
 the American Republic. The Union party organized an army of over one 
 million of men, brave and heroic as ever went into lialtle ; and built the 
 grandest navy in the world, and put down a gigantic, wicked and infamous 
 rebellion. The Union is now in the hands of the Union party, and if 
 they will lay aside all side issues and unfurl their glorious banner to the 
 breeze from East to West, from North to South, and inscribe thereon the 
 patriotic sentiment, that none but Unconditionat, Union men shall rule 
 THE Nation ; that party will hold the balance of power, for years to come. 
 The people will never leave the Union party, if that party will but remain 
 true and firm. In Union there is strength. 
 
 "A Union of lakes, a Union of lands, 
 A Union no power can sever, 
 A Union of hearts, a Union of hands — 
 And the American Union foreverl" 
 
 "And the Star Spangled Banner, Oh 1 long may it wave, 
 O'er the land of the free, and the home of the brave!" 
 
 And may it ever float in all its beauty, majesty and glory, as when first 
 unfurled by George Washington, and upheld by the strong, stalwart 
 arm of Abraham Lincoln. W. H. G. 
 
 Washington, April, 1866. 
 
 HON. HENRY S. LANE. 
 
 He was born February 24, 1811, in Montgomery county, Kentucky; he 
 received a good common school education ; he studied law in his native 
 State; removed to Indiana, and was admitted to the bar in that State. In 
 1837 he was a member of the Indiana Legislature; in 1840 he was elected 
 to Congress from Indiana, and served two years. In 1849 he was a candi- 
 date for Congress ; he and his opponent, the Democratic candidate, Joseph 
 E. McDonald, favored the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, 
 and if that could not be done, they were in favor of removing the seat of 
 government to free soil, but he was defeated by the Democratic candidate. 
 During the Mexican war he was appointed a lieutenant colonel of volun- 
 teers and served under General Taylor, and acquitting himself with great 
 credit. In 1869 he was elected to the United States Senate to contest the 
 seat of Jesse D. Bright, who was elected illegally, but the Senate of the 
 United States being largely Democratic he was denied his seat. In 1860 
 he was selected as the Gubernatorial standard-bearer of the Republican 
 party of Indiana, and was triumphantly elected over T. A. Hendricks by 
 over 9,000 majority, which was a glorious victory for the Republican party 
 in Indiana ; his able and patriotic efforts in that memorable campaign will 
 long be remembered by the Republicans of Indiana. In 1861 he was inau- 
 
11 
 
 gurated Governor of Indiana ; two days after his inauguration he was elected 
 by the Legishiture United States Senator for six years, which position he 
 has filled with credit to himself and to the Comtuunwealth of Indiana, and 
 is now Chairman of the Committee on Pensions. 
 
 In the good old days of Whiggery he was an ardent and zealous friend of 
 Henry Clay, the noble son of Kentucky — tiie noblest " Roman of them all." 
 In his early manhood he was known and called the " Wabash Orator," and 
 as a stump speaker, he had few superiors, if any, in the West. 
 
 When the Republican party was organized he became a member of that 
 noble, patriotic party, and was President of the National Republican Con- 
 vention which met in Independence Square, Philadelphia, July 4th, 185(3, 
 and was prominently spoken of at that Convention as a suitable candidate 
 for the Vice Presidency. * 
 
 While in Congress in 1841, he rose for the first time to make a lew re" 
 marks, on some important questions then before the House; he had not 
 spoken long before the members began to leave their seats and crowd around 
 lam, and as they crowded around him the more and more eloquent he got, 
 and soon attracted the attention of the wh le House with the exception of 
 one Democratic member who was engaged in writing, but soon his eluquence 
 aroused his attention, he laid down his pen, and looking towards Lane ex- 
 claimed in a loud voice — " Who in is that fellow speaking?" 
 
 In 1860 he attended the Chicago Convention as an " outside member," 
 urging the nomination of Abraham Lincoln as the most available candidate 
 for the Presidency, saying — " give us honest Old Abe, and we will carry 
 Indiana by lU,OOU majority." Mr. Lane, though born in a Slave State, 
 was opposed to the institution of Slavery — he was anxious to see its name 
 and nature blotted from the world. Mr. Lane was sworn in as United 
 States Senator in March, ISIJI, while twu-thirds of the Democratic Sena- 
 tors were plotting the destruction of the Government. During the rebel- 
 lion, and while the dark cloud of treason was hanging over the capital of our 
 country, he was true and firm in his devotion to the country, never wavered 
 or faltered in performing the duties entrusted to him in the best interest of 
 our common country. He was a warm and devoted friend of the lamented 
 President Lincoln, and supported him and his administration ; and it is well 
 known that he dime mote to secure the nomination lor the Presidency of 
 that good and great man at Chicago in 186U than any one man. 
 
 Senator Lane was a true and devoted friend to the national defenders, and 
 ably defended them on all occasions from the vituperations heaped upon 
 them and their families by copperheads and traitors, 'i'he following is an 
 eloquent tribute to tbe valor of the defenders of the Republic, spoken at a 
 batujuet. given to the returning remnants of the Minnesota lirst, in Wash- 
 ington City in 18G4, which is the best specimen of patriotic eloquence 1 
 have seen. He said : 
 
 I am here to-nUht, under your kind invitation, to honor and to welcome the war- 
 worn and JCiirred veterans of the 1st .Minnesota. 1 will not mar and di?fi;iuie the 
 grandeur ofvoiir iii^tory by any feeble .Milojiry of mine. I leave the task tu some fu- 
 ture Tacitus, or Hume, or [Bancroft, or .Moiley. You have written your own history 
 upon nineteen glorious and bloody battle-fields, the names of whiih should be in- 
 scribed upon your torn battle-H ig. The history of the Army of the Potomac is your 
 history. You have participated in all its battles. You have shared a commoQ gloom 
 and common glory. 
 
 In the darkest hour of the nation's history you responded promptly to the na- 
 tion's call I saw you when 1,040 stronjr. You return to us now with only 3G0. You 
 have lost over 700 in killed, wounded, and discharged on accouut of sickness incurred 
 
12 
 
 in the service. You have been first in the charge and last in the retreat. What reg- 
 iment in our noble army has a grander history than yours ? 
 
 I hail your return with gratitude and pride, but my emotions are not unmingled 
 ■with sadness. "Your comrades, why come they not to the feast and to the ban- 
 quet?'' Why are they not here to receive the free offering of a nation's gratitude ? 
 Why is it that their relatives and friends, in their far-off horbes in their loved Minne- 
 Bota, shall wait and watch for their returning footsteps, never more to gladden their 
 vision I Slavery and rebellion have laid them in bloody graves, but their blood cries 
 aloud to heaven for vengeance, and a just God will hear and heed their cry. Those 
 ■who have wantonly taken the sword shall perish by the sword. 
 
 In 1861 I saw your regiment full of youth, and life, and hope, and fires of patriot- 
 ism blazing from every eye ; your Colonel (Col. Colville,) then in the full flower of 
 a noble manhood, now borne into the room upon the arms of four of his brave sol- 
 diers ; your banner, unsullied and untorn by the storm of battle, now all rent and 
 torn^ many of the stars shot away ; some lost at Bull Run, some upon the Peninsula, 
 some at Gettysburg, and in the other bloody battles which yoii have borne a part so 
 distinguished. But angel fingers have gathered them up and placed them in the deep 
 azure of Heaven, to blaze forever, calm, silent, and enduring witnesses to the great 
 and good cause in which they fell — the cause of progress, of Christian civilization, of 
 free institutions, of the Union and universal freedom. 
 
 But if brevity is always the soul of wit, upon this occasion and ai this hour, it is 
 the soul of propriety, and I must not forget that I am to respond to the sentiment, 
 "The soldiers of the West" — a noble theme — which warms the heart, and stirs the 
 blood like a call to battle. If I had time to enumerate the battlefields in which the 
 soldiers of the West have struggled and triumphed, and illustrated their bravery, 
 prowess and patriotism, this would be eulogy enough. 
 
 The mountain gorges of Northern Georgia, the Alleghanies of West Virginia — these 
 are monuments which God has reared, and which will bear the fame of the grpat army 
 of the AVest to all the coming ages. Donelson, Shiloh, Stone River, Vicksburg, 
 Port Hudson, Springfield, Pea Ridge, tell their own story. I am proud of the great 
 army of the West. 1 am proud of my own noble State of Indiana. She stands in this 
 great contest the Chevalier Bayard of States — without fear, or without reproach. 
 She has participated in every victory in the West, and shared in no defeat. Her blood 
 has reddened every battlefield from Cape Hatteras to Pea Ridge. But I draw no in- 
 vidious distinctions between sections. We have the noblest army the world ever saw, 
 drawn from every portion of our common country. We have no rivalry, only a gen- 
 erous emulation to see who shall most and best serve our common glorious country. 
 A native of Kentucky, an adopted son of Indiana, I feel to-night I have a still higher 
 distinction: I am a citizen of the United States of America ; I have a share in the 
 achievements and glory of the whole army, without regard to birthplace or residence. 
 
 Soldiers, you have fought a good fight, but much still remains to be done. There 
 can be no peace until the authority of the Government, the supremacy of the Consti- 
 tution and laws of the United States, shall be established over all the States now in 
 rebellion. These rebels have appealed to the sword — let the sword now decide. 
 There can be no compromise. Can you compromise between virtue and vice, good 
 and evil, light and darkness, liberty and slavery? 
 
 Slavery, wrong, and oppression were born in hell, and there can be no comprom- 
 ise, no permanent peace, no lasting Union, while slavery exists. It has been destroyed 
 by the rebels themselves, and by no action of ours. The first gun fired at Fort Sum- 
 ter was its death knell. To save a nation, it was found necessary to free a race, and 
 I accept this conclusion, drawn from the logic of events. 
 
 Bat I detain you. This banquet carries me back to the days of the Roman Repub- 
 lic, when they received their returning legions with triumphal processions and ova- 
 tions, and gave their martyred heroes a place in that grand temple devoted to the 
 ■worship of all the gods. If these honors were deserved by the soldiers of Imperial 
 Rome, how much more do you deserve them? They fought to advance the conquering 
 eagles of the Empire, for territorial aggrandizement and power. You have fought 
 that the nation might live, and the blessings of freedom, like the sunlight of heaven, 
 might visit all. 
 
 It is well known to every intelligent person, that there is a difference 
 of opinion in regard to reconstructing the eleven States lately in rebellion. 
 The question was asked by many, after the 39th Congress assembled — 
 where does Senator Lane of Indiana stand? Will he support what is 
 
13 
 
 called the President's policy, or will he stand by Congress — "make haste 
 slowly? " Since he entered political life, he has never permitted liimself 
 to occupy a doubtful position, always ready to speak out, and let the peo- 
 ple know his views on all questions. In the Senate of the United States, 
 February 8, ISOl), he expressed his views in a very able and elaborate 
 speech, on the questions then agitating the minds of the American people, 
 and that the reader of this sketch may know his viewf? on the momentous 
 questions of the day, I beg them to read the following extracts from his 
 speech. 
 
 In speaking of the efforts of the President to reorganize the rebel States 
 he said : 
 
 But, Mr. President, letting the past effort of the President of the United States to 
 reorganize these rebel States go by without making war upon it, I have simply this 
 to say: if the President of the United States had a right to regulate suffrage at all, 
 he had a right to specify every condition under which snfFrnge should be exercised. 
 In his proclamation, he has disfranchised fourteen classes ot persons, all numerous, 
 who were to have no right to vote, and who were voters under the constitution of 
 North Carolina, and this exclusion was clearly right under the circumstances; and 
 if the President had a right to say that a rebel under certain circumstances should 
 not vote, he certainly had a right to say that a loyal man under all circumstances 
 should vote. I make no war as I before remarked, upon the President's plan of re- 
 construction if I understand what that plan is. If by the President's plan of reorgan- 
 ization you simply mean that we approve what the President under the necessities of 
 the case has done willi a view to the reorganization of the rebel States, I have only 
 this to say : that I find fault with nothing in the proclamations providing for a pro- 
 visional government in North Carolina, and the other States lately in rebellion, except 
 the right granted in those proclamations for rebels to vote and the disfranchisement 
 of loyal people. As far as possible, for purposes of convenience, I would recognize 
 the present State organizations, I would recognize the present State boundaries. 
 But if the President's plan means that we shall now, here and to-day, open wide the 
 doors for the admission to these rebel representatives into Congress, then I am against 
 it; I am opposed to it; they cannot be admitted at present with benefit to themselves 
 or safety to the nation, and the resurrection trump shall sound the summons of these 
 rebels to the general judgment before my voice or vote shall summon them to these 
 Halls. [Applause in the galleries.] I have seen no evidence that the President de- 
 sires the immediate admission of rebel representatives. 
 
 The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr. Clark.) Order! Order! 
 
 Speaking of the ordinance of secession he says: 
 
 "But we are asked, did the ordinance of secession carry a single State beyond the 
 pale ot the Constitution? I answer you that the simple ordinance of secession did 
 not. They might have resolved, and resolved, and resolved a thousand times, and it 
 would not have operated to carry them out of the Union. It was not the act of se- 
 cession, but the act of open, violent, and flagrant war, made upon the Union, which 
 destroyed their right to representation. They might have resolved to secede every 
 day in the year, and still have abided by the laws of the United States, and their res- 
 olutions would have had no elfect. The moment they declared war and became not 
 only domestic traitors but alien enemies and belligerents, that very moment, for the 
 time being, their constitutional relations to the United States were changed, and they 
 can only be restored by the Congress of the United States. The people have too long 
 looked to the President for a plan of restoration and reconstruction. They have 
 looked to him for that which he has no power to grant. Look to Congress. Con- 
 gress alone, embodying the will of the people, in whom resides the sovereignty of the 
 nation, can recall and restore these Slates to their proper relations to the General 
 Government." 
 
 Upon admitting Senators from the late rebel States, be says : 
 
 " "When I am prepared to admit that the condition of any State is such as to 
 entitle it to representation, I shall vote to admit their members, and lest I may be 
 misunderstood, I say now, that when any representative is called to that desk in the 
 
14 
 
 presence of God and these Senators, if he falters in taking the test oath, he is no Sen- 
 ator by vote of mine. 
 
 " Rut, Mr. President, not to detain the Senate longer, I hope that the time will 
 speediiv fonie when with nil these guiirantees and safeguards thrown around the loyal 
 men and the freedmen of the South, we may be permitted to hail them again as 
 brothers, and permit their participation in the councils of the nation. The storm 
 cloud of war which so long has lowered over and darkened' the land, excluding almost 
 every star of hope, is now, thank God, spanned by the bow of peace and of promise^ 
 giving assurance that hereafter ihe rushing red tide of war shall no more deluge the 
 land in blood." 
 
 At the conclusion of his speech he was warmly congratulated by Senators 
 Trumbull, Fessenden, Wade, Wilson, and Sumner. It was the ablest effort 
 of his life, and his speech has been extensively circulated by the Union 
 Congressional Committee. As an orator, Mr. Lane is one of the most elo- 
 quent in the Senate. 
 
 HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. 
 
 He was born in Muskinghum county, Ohio, September 7, 1819 ; was ed- 
 ucated at South Hanover College; studied law and completed his legal 
 studies at the age of 24. He settled in Indiana, and practiced his profes- 
 sion with success. In 1848 he was elected a member to the Indiana Legis- 
 lature by the county in which he lived from his early youth — the county of 
 Shelby. In 1850 he was elected Senatorial delegate to the Convention to 
 amend the State Constitution. In 1851 he was elected to Congress, and 
 served four years in the lower house of Congress. In 1855 he was appoint- 
 ed by President Pierce Commissioner of the General Land Office, and dis- 
 charged the duties of said office for four years ; during that time a vast 
 amount of business was done. The correspondence were nearly a quarter 
 of a million, the patents above four hundred thousand, and the land sold, 
 located by land warrants, and taken by land grants, amounted to eighty 
 millions of acres. During the four years he had charge of the office more 
 business was transacted by the General Land Office than at any period of 
 the Government's history. 
 
 In 18G0 he was nominated by the Democratic party of Indiana for Gov- 
 ernor, and after a thorough canvass of the State he was defeated by Hon. 
 Henry S. Lane, the Republican candidate, by over 9,UU0 majority. In 1863 
 he was elected by the Indiana Legislature United States Senator for six years. 
 
 Mr. Hendricks is a member of the Committees on the Judiciary, Naval 
 Affairs, Public Lands, and Public Buildings and Grounds; he is the ablest 
 Democratic Senator in Congress, and is looked upon as the leader of the 
 Democratic party in the Senate. 
 
 FIRST CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. 
 
 HON. WILLIAM E. NIBLACK 
 
 Was born in Dubois county, Indiana, May 19, 1822. In 1843 he was ad- 
 mitted to practice law, and during the same year he was appointed County 
 Surveyor. In 1849 he was elected to the State Legislature, where he 
 served until 1852. In 1854, he was appointed a Circuit Judge, and was 
 subsequently elected to fill the same position which he had discharged with 
 fidelity and marked ability, in 1858, he was elected to the Thirty-fifth 
 Congress by 1,383 majority, and in 1860 he was re-elected to Congress by 
 
15 
 
 a large majority. At the termination of the Thirty-sixth Congress he re- 
 turned to his home and engaged in the practice of his profession, (the law.) 
 In lf<62, he was elected to the Indiana State Legislature from the county 
 of Knox — was Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means. 
 
 In 18G4: Hon. William E. Niblack was nominated by the Democrats of 
 his district as their candidate ibr the 39th Congress; the Republicans nom- 
 inated Col. C. M. Allen, a man of great ability, and as a public speaker 
 stands second to no man in the southern part of Indiana. After an inter- 
 esting canvass, Mr. Niblack was elected by 2,110 majority, and was ap- 
 pointed by Speaker Colfax a member of the Committee on Pensions. The 
 following is the vote of the 1st district by counties in 1864 : 
 
 c. 
 
 Davies 
 
 Dubois 
 
 Gibson 
 
 Kno.x 
 
 Martin 
 
 M. ALLEN. W. 
 1,245 
 
 305 
 1,290 
 1,350 
 
 584 
 
 924 
 
 W. E. Niblack 
 
 E. 
 
 re( 
 
 NIBLACK. C. M. ALLEN. 
 1,252 Posey 1,418 
 1,507 Spencer 1,560 
 1,490 Vanderberg 2,625 
 1,763 Warrick 1,315 
 886 
 
 W. E. ] 
 
 NIBLACl 
 1,565 
 1,482 
 2,356 
 1,451 
 
 Pike 
 Hon. 
 
 966 12,610 
 
 3eived 2,110 majority. 
 
 14,720 
 
 SECOND CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. 
 
 HON. M. C. KERR 
 
 Is a lawyer by profession, and has been successful in his practice. Politi- 
 cally he is, and always has been a Democrat. In 1864 he was nominated 
 by the Democrats of the second district for Congress, and was elected over 
 Hon. W. W. Curry, the Republican candidate by 2,293 majority. 
 
 Before the passage of the Civil Rights bill he delivered in the House of 
 Representatives an elaborate speech against its passage, claiming that the 
 bill was unconstitutional, and violated the rights of the States. 
 
 In speaking of the bill, he says : 
 
 " There shall be no discrimination in civil rights or immunities among citizens of 
 the United States in any State or Territory, on account of race or color, or previous 
 condition of shiverj-. 
 
 " But it does not define the term " civil rights or immunities." What are such 
 rights? One writer says civil rights are those which have no relation to tlie estab- 
 lishment, support or management of the Government. Another says they are the 
 right? ot a citizen ; rights due from one citizen to another, the privation of which is a 
 civil injury for which redress ma^ be sought by a civil action. Other authors define 
 all these terms in different ways, and assign them to larger or narrower definitions 
 according to their views. Who shall settle these questions ? Who shall define these 
 terms? Their definition here by gentlemen on this floor is one thing ; their defini- 
 tion after this bill shall have become a law will become quite another thing. The 
 anti-slavery amendment of the Constitution had one very simple object to accomplish 
 when gentlemen on the other side of this House desired to secure its adoption ; but 
 now it is confidently appealed to as authority for this bill and almost every other rad- 
 ical and revolutionary measure advocated by the majority in this Congress. Those gen- 
 tlemen often have strange visions of constitutional law, and it is not safe to judge 
 from their opinions to-day what they will be to-morrow. 
 
 Again, he says : 
 
 "The Constitution of Indiana, adopted in 185 1, forbids any negro or mulatto to 
 come into or settle in that State after the adoption of that Constitution, and declares 
 all contracts made with any negro or mulatto coming into the State contrary to the 
 provisions of that Constitution shall be void. This bill proposes to annul those con- 
 
16 
 
 stitutional provisions, and all State laws passed to secure their execution. A negro 
 comes into this State in defiance of them, and makes contracts, and the courts of In- 
 diana, acting under color of those provisions of law, refuse to enforce those contracts. 
 "There will thus arise, not only a conflict of authority, which may lead to most un- 
 happy results, but the ofiicers refusing to enforce such contracts would under the pro- 
 visions of this bill, at once become criminals, subject to the penalties already men- 
 tioned. Or if a State court or officer refuse in any such proceeding to receive the 
 testimony of any negro where he was forbidden by the State law to receive it, he too 
 would incur the penalties of this bill. It cannot be claimed that the person to whom 
 I have referred could not be punished under the provisions of this bill because they 
 were acting as ofBcers, and their conduct was the result of errors of judgment only. 
 That would be no valid defense — no defense at all — against the positive terms of the 
 law. I hold that the only persons intended to be punished by this bill are persons act- 
 ing under State autliority in some sort of official capacity. By its very terms, it only 
 applies to persons who shall do these prohibited acts " under color of any law, stat- 
 ute, ordinance, regulation, or custom." Who can act under siich color but officers of 
 some kind ? I might go on and in this manner illustrate the practical working of 
 this extraordinary measure. But I have said enough to indicate the inherent vicious- 
 ness of the bill. It takes a long and fearful step toward the complete obliteration of 
 State authority, and the reserved and original rights of the States." 
 
 The followi 
 
 Dg is the vote by 
 
 counties in 1864 : 
 
 
 
 W. 
 
 W. 
 
 CURRY. 
 
 M. 0. KERR. W. W. 
 
 CURRY. 
 
 M. C. KERR. 
 
 Clark 
 
 Crawford 
 
 Floyd 
 
 Harrison 
 
 Orauge 
 
 
 
 1,226 
 
 721 
 
 1,769 
 
 1,423 
 
 858 
 
 
 2,087 Perry 
 748 Scott 
 2,007 Washington 
 1,816 
 1,022 
 
 1,130 
 
 614 
 
 1,323 
 
 9,064 
 
 1,090 
 
 746 
 
 1,841 
 
 11,357 
 
 Hon. 
 
 M. 
 
 C. 
 
 Kerr'3 
 
 majority 
 
 2,293. 
 
 
 
 THIRD CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. 
 
 HON. RALPH HILL. 
 
 He was born October 12, 1827, in Trumbull county, Ohio. His father 
 died when he was but eleven years old, leaving his son almost entirely de- 
 pendent upon his own labor for his support. During the summer months 
 he worked on a farm, attending the common district school during the 
 winter, until he was eighteen years of age. when he commenced an acad- 
 emic course at Kinsman Academy, which he attended during the winter 
 and spring sessions, until he was twenty — -working in the summer to pay 
 his tuition and support himself. At the age of twenty he attended the 
 Grand River Institute at Austinburgh, Ashtabula county, Ohio, where he 
 remained one year and a half, and at the end of that time he had prepared 
 himself to enter the sophomore class in college, which he had hoped to do, 
 but finding it impossible to obtain the necessary funds, he abandoned the 
 idea, and in September, 1850, commenced the study of law at the ISew 
 York State and National Law School at Ballston Spa, New York. He 
 remained there until February, 1851, when he was examined and admit- 
 ted to the bar by the Supreme Court of the State of New York. He con- 
 tinued his study at Ballston during the remainder of the term, and gradu- 
 ated as L. L. D., in August, 1851. In August, 1852, he emigrated to Co- 
 lumbus, Bartholomew county, Indiana, and commenced the practice of 
 law, in which business he has ever since been engaged. In 1864 the 
 Union men of the 3d Congressional District nominated him for Congress; 
 he accepted the nomination, and although the district had gone Demo- 
 cratic in 1862, he spared no ellbrt on his part to place the Union party in 
 
17 
 
 power once more in tliat district; and after an able and thorough canvass 
 he was elected a Representative to the 39th Congress over lion. Henry 
 W. Harrington, the Democratic candidate, then a member of the 38th 
 Congress. Mr, Hill is a member of the Committee on Territories and 
 the Committee on Expenditures in the Treasury Department. In the 
 House of Representatives, March 17, 18G6, he made a speech on the mo- 
 mentous question of the day — reconstruction — in which he said: 
 
 I thank God, sir, that, despite the gigantic efforts of the vast horde of parricidal 
 hands and traitorons hearts that have sought the destruction of this great fabiic 
 reared by the immortal of our land and race, the nation's ensign still proudly floats, 
 not only above us, but over every portion of the nation's domain, and commands a 
 new respect from every nation on this earth. When, in sorrowful retrospect, I recall 
 the scenes enacted in this Hall but five short years ago, when treason talked triumph- 
 ant and insulting, and loyal men, with bated breath, and their faces in the dust, 
 begged as a boon that traitors would but name some terms on which they would con- 
 sent to spare the nation's life, until, spurned with inilignity and contempt in their low 
 disgrace, the vast loyal North rose in its manhood and stood erect, with the blood o-f 
 every free loyal heart pledged to wipe out this foul stain; and when I remember the 
 deep maledictions which were heaped on the heads of those who dared to raise a hand 
 to repel the blow aimed at the nation's heart, even by those, I am pained to say, who 
 hehi seats here by choice of the constituencies of the free North; and these failing, 
 the funereal wails chanted from these seats over the fancied grave of this great Repub- 
 lic, where the wish of the singer was but father to the thought he sang ; and when, 
 sir, I behold the integrity and perpetuity of the Republic, as I fondly hope, vin- 
 dicated by the blood and valor of a million loyal hearts, its strength made terrible to 
 all foreign foes, the last traitor disarmed, and those lately so defiant and insulting 
 now begging permission to return here, whence they so scofSngly retired, again, sir, 
 I thank God and take courage. 
 
 Shall the blood of the nation's fallen heroes be slied in vain '. Mr. Hill 
 truly says : 
 
 Sir, if the four years of desolating w.tr were all in vain; if the resistance to armed 
 rebellion was all one grand mistake ; if the achievements of your gallant soldiers, 
 more glorious than any history had hitherto recorded, were all without a purpose or 
 an object; if the brave thousands for whom widows and mothers still weep in un- 
 availing woe went down to dishonored graves ; if, as the sole fruit of all this mighty 
 revolution, it is developed at last that your boasted republican Government is but a 
 farce, and that in its administration no distinction exists between those who point the 
 dagger at its vitals, and those who lay theif lives upon its altar, then open wide theso 
 doors, and welcome with warm embrace those now clamoring for admission here. 
 Start not back from the grasp of their stained hands, though they drip with your 
 brother's blood ; for know that they but assert their rights, and that it was your fol- 
 ly that your brother's blood was shed. 
 
 But if, on the other hand, your appeal to the brave and patriotic millions to array 
 themselves in serried ranks, and march to almost certain death to save from destruc- 
 tion mankind's last hope for free government, was not one stupendous lie ; if you 
 would not turn to eternal shame the deeds of valor which are now your highest glory; 
 if you would not cover with infamy the graves, yet sacred, where the flesh of your 
 fallen kindred has scarcelj' yet moldered back to its mother earth ; it you would not 
 stamp the fratricidal mark of Cain upon the maimed and scarred survivors, then, in 
 the name of the martyred dead and mutilated living; in the name of the great loyal 
 North, whose blood and treasure were poured out like water in the nation's cause ; 
 in the name of the millions struggling upward all over this green earth, whose fervent 
 prayers went up to heaven through all the dread struggle that your armies might 
 succeed, I implore the members of this House that in this last grand act, of this great 
 drama, they so shape this work of reconstruction that the valor of our Army shall 
 not have all been wasted, and that the nation shall not lose by legislation here, all 
 that it so gloriously achieved by its armies in the field. 
 
 The following is the vote by counties in the 3d Congressional district 
 in 18G1 : 
 
18 
 
 R. Hill. 
 
 H. 
 
 W. Harrington. 
 
 R, 
 
 . Hill. 
 
 H.W. Harrington. 
 
 Bartholomew 1,753 
 
 
 2,112 Jennings 
 
 
 2,847 
 
 1,839 
 
 Brown 38 
 
 
 825 1 awrance 
 
 
 1,439 
 
 1,202 
 
 Jackson 1,149 
 
 
 1,867 Monroe 
 
 
 1,190 
 
 1,290 
 
 Jefferson 1,787 
 
 
 1,190 Switzerlan 
 
 
 1,494 
 
 848 
 
 12,017 11,173 
 
 Hon. Ralph Hill's majority, 844. 
 
 FOURTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. 
 
 HON. JOHN H. FARQUHAR 
 
 Was born of Quaker parentage in Frederick county, Maryland, December 
 20, 1818. At the age of twelve his father died, whereupon his widowed 
 mother emigrated with her family to Richmond, Wayne county, Indiana, 
 the "garden .spot" of the State. His opportunities for education were 
 indifferent, such only as country schools in those days offered. For that 
 highest education which springs from the wise and gentle influence of the 
 fireside, and the company of good and sensible people, he had ample 
 scope. In 1837, he was attached to the corps of engineers, who, under 
 the employ of the State of Indiana, surveyed and built the White Water 
 Canal; was soon advanced to the position of assistant engineer, and con- 
 tinued thus occupied until the State ceas<>d to prosecute the work in 1840. 
 In 1841, Mr. Farquhar began to read law with Matson &L Holland, vary- 
 ing the monotony of study by switching off occasionally into politics. 
 In 1S41, he was elected Secretary of the Indiana Senate, and in 1843 he 
 was elected Chief Clerk of the House of Representatives, which position 
 he filled with success, receiving the thanks of both branches of the Legisla- 
 ture. In 1842, he appeared for the nrst time on the political stage as a 
 public speaker; he and John D. Howland canvassed tlie county of Frank- 
 lin, together advocating the doctrines of the Whig party. In 1843, Mr. 
 Farquhar was admitted to the bar and settled in practice of law at Brook- 
 ville, Franklin county, Indiana, which has continued to be his residence to 
 the present time. In 1844, Mr. Farquhar was a delegate to the Baltimore 
 Convention which nominated the great American orator for President. 
 At that Convenion he pledged the ticket nominated his earnest and cordial 
 support. Returning from the Convention, he was nominated by the 
 Whigs of Franklin County a candidate for the Legislature; he accepted 
 the nomination for the purpose of making a canvass, and he followed 
 through sunshine and storm, through evil as well as good report, the flag 
 of our common country, upheld by the stalwart right arm of Henry Clay — 
 the county being largely Democratic, he was of course defeated, but notwith- 
 standing his defeat he ran one hundred votes ahead of his ticket. While 
 engaged in professional and other pursuits, he gave much attention to pol- 
 itics, and was always an active participant in every campaign. In 1847, 
 the Cholera made its appearance in Franklin county, Indiana, and raged 
 as an epidemic among the German settlers of that county; many of the 
 Germans became alarmed and fled, leaving their families and relatives. 
 Mr. Farquhar, Dr. Haymon and a few other citizens of Brookville deter- 
 mined, if in their power to do so, to rescue them from that fatal disease; 
 they went to work, and converted an old building near Brookville into a 
 hospital. Mr. Farquhar then taking the necessary conveyance, conveye.d 
 those that he found unprovided for to the hospital, where the proper relief 
 
19 
 
 was applied. For that humane aiitl Christian act, his name will ever be rev- 
 erenced by those old Germans and their children. His kind he;irl and genial 
 manners drew around him hosts of friends, and in 1852, he was candidate 
 for elector in his District on the Scott ticket, and the same year, ran for 
 Congress against the irrepressible Jim Lane, then a citizen of Indiana, and 
 a Lucofoco, now Senator from Kansas. Mr. P'arquhar and Lane made a 
 thorough canvass of the -Ith District together. There was a hot fight, 
 but Mr. Farquhar was defeated. Though defeated he could say : 
 
 " Freedom's battle once begun, 
 Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son, 
 Though baffled oFt is ever won.' 
 
 Senator Lane of Kansas, says it was the hardest political battle he ever 
 fought. During that canvass the radical Freesoilers of that di.«trict held 
 a meeting to decide wlio they would vote for, for Congress. Hon. James 
 Cravens, of Ripley, was opposed to voting lor either Farquhar or Lane, 
 for neither one went far enough for him on the slavery question. Luther 
 A. Doniiell and Wm. M. Hamilton, of Decatur county, said that they had 
 heard Farquhar and Lane i)oth speak, and although neither of them went 
 as far as they did, they believed Farquhar's heart was right, and would 
 vote accordingly. 
 
 On the 5th (»f May, 1857, Mr. Farquhar was married to Miss Fannie Tur- 
 ner of Rising Sun. Indiana, an intelligent and liighly accomplished lady. 
 
 Mr. Farquhar is a gentleman of superior talents, an eloquent speaker, 
 possesses a fine person, a rich musical voice, an almost unexampled com- 
 mand of words, brimming ideas — cannot but be an interesting speaker to 
 the masses. In 1860, he was run for elector in the Fourth District, and 
 had the honor of giving a vote in the electoral College for Abraham Lin- 
 coln, earnestly identified with the principles of the Republican party, 
 and during that campaign controlling large masses by his activity, perse- 
 verance, and persuasive eloquence. In LSOl, without asking or expecting 
 it he was tendered a commission as captain in the 19th regiment Infantry, 
 U. S. A. Accepting this, he was detailed as mustering and disbursing 
 officer for the State of Indiana, and discharged the duties of said office 
 with admirable address and business skill. Governor Morton appointed 
 him Lieutenant ('olonel of the5.ind Indiana Volunteers. Captain Farquhar 
 made special application to the War Department, for a detail allowing 
 him to accept this volunteer command ; and this — the only favor he asked 
 while in the service — was denied. Mr. Farquhar is a most active and 
 intelligent man of business, of agreeable address, and attractive social 
 qualities. So faithfully and correctly did he discharge his duties while in 
 the service at Indianapolis, that the Secretary of War refused to detail 
 him that he mi>^ht accept a position in the field. In 1^04, the Union 
 Congressional District Convention, met at Greensburg, Indiana, and nom- 
 inated Col. Farquhar tor Congress. He accepted the nomination, and 
 with a Democratic majority ot jJ9-Jo staring him in the face, he determined 
 to spare no effort on his part to carry the works of the Indiana Gibralter 
 of Democracy, and after a laborious canvass, succeeded in planting the 
 flag of the Union party on their works, and was elected to the 39lh Con- 
 gress by GG majority. It was the grandest and most glorious political 
 victory ever won in Indiana. During that canvass he labored uncler very 
 embarrassing circumstances; his opponent Dr. Berry, the Democratic can- 
 didate, refused to meet him and discuss the questions of the day before 
 the people. Had his opponent "faced the music " his majority would 
 have been large. AUhonor to the "Old Fourih " for its wise improve- 
 
20 
 
 ment of this eventful period, by sending to the councils of the nation John 
 H. Farquhar, a sterling patriot. Men that had not voted with the Union 
 party belbre, came to the polls and quietly voted the Union ticket. The 
 most remarkable fact is, that Mr. Farquhar received the vote of all the 
 Democratic lawyers in Brookville. 
 
 The people were wild with enthusiasm in his District over his election, 
 and jollification meetings were held throughout the District. One of the 
 largest political meetings ever held in Brookville, occurred on Saturday 
 night after the election. Patriotic songs were sung by the Union ladies of 
 Brookville amid great enthusiasm. After the meeting adjourned, the Democ- 
 racy of that County no doubt exclaimed, in the language of that good old 
 hymn : 
 
 " I would not live alway, I ask not to stay 
 Where storm after storm rises dark o'er the way ; 
 The few lurid mornings that dawn on us here 
 Are filled with life's woes, unblessed by a cheer." 
 
 In 1855 he organized a National Bank at Brookville witli a capital of 
 $100,000, and was elected President of the bank; but up among the toil- 
 ing millions of the great West he has now advanced to the positions he 
 now so worthily holds by the triple influence of energy, integrity, and 
 great natural ability. Upon the assembling of the present Congress, Col. 
 Farquhar was appointed by the Speaker on the Committee on Post Offices 
 and Post Roads. As a legislator, should he remain in Congress, he will 
 rank among our most prudent and trustworthy legislators, and as a speaker 
 it is in the province of the writer of this sketch to know that he is one of 
 the most eloquent extemporary speakers in the House, and when he speaks 
 always commands the attention of his fellow members. His powers as a 
 debater are excellent, his varied information and the graces of a fine voice 
 and unusually pleasing manner giving him great advantage in this par- 
 ticular. The following extract from a speech delivered at Manchester, 
 Indiana, during the campaign of 18G4 may be considered as a fair specimen : 
 
 Come with me, my friends, to the humble cottage in the suburbs of your vil- 
 lage. It is a plain, unassuming home, uud there are many such all over the land. 
 Those climbing vines and clustered roses giving out their aroma, were planted, cul- 
 tivated, and trained by the loved hand now palsied in death. As we enter the quiet 
 room and see the pale cheek and quivering lip of a young and once beautiful mother, 
 tenderly bending over a sick babe, and little ones all clothed in the garments of deep 
 mourning, you irresistibly feel that the fell distroyer has done his work. To your in- 
 quiry, why these garments of mourning, this paled cheek and tottering form? The 
 answer is : that when the old flag was trailed in the dust and fired on at Sumter this 
 now desolate home was bright and gladdened by the smile and presence of her happy 
 husband. He was a young mechanic, educated as a Democrat, and taught by the 
 great lights of that old party : Hendricks, McDonald, Perkins, Voorhees, Vallandig- 
 ham, Dodd, Bowles, Milligan,' and Berry, to be true, that the first duty he owed bis 
 country was to preserve the Union and the flag. When the fife and drum beat to 
 arms he fell into line, and enlisted for the war — to preserve the nation and subjugate 
 traitors. For long, weary months she watched, for his coming, and at last they 
 brought him wrapped in the " starry banner of glory and beauty," and they laid him 
 in the quiet village church-yard, and bedewed his grave with tears and roses. 
 
 On that memorable morn, preceding the battle of Lookout Mountain, his Colonel 
 sent for him, and said : " Sergeant, I have watched your career in the ranks ; you have 
 never missed roll call, nor been absent or wanting in the hour of peril, and of duty. 
 To-day, we have work to do, the life of the nation is in our hands, as color-bearer of 
 our regiment I charge you, as you know your duty to do it." When the "long roll" and 
 "fall in" was heard along the line, the Sergeant and his colors were in position. In 
 th*e midst of that terrible struggle, and as our lines were swaging to and fro on the 
 giddy mountain-side, in the far distance could be seen the waving flag of the gallant 
 Sergeant, as upward and onward they went in the fiery face of the rebel cannon, un- 
 til at last, high above the smoky cloud he scaled the perpendicular breastworks and 
 
21 
 
 planted his colors in face of the rebel lines, and fell pierced with their bullets, firmly 
 grasping the staff of his loved standard. They bore his lifeless form to the des- 
 olate home of that widowed wife and orphan children. We can't restore that manly 
 form, nor fill the dreadful vacnum ; but we can do that which is our bounden duty — 
 care after the widow and orphans. They are the jewels of our households ; we must 
 preserve them as the apple of our eye ; see that their wants are provided; the orphan 
 educated ; and supply them in all things the place of the absent husband and father 
 who gave his life tiaat we as a nation might live forever." 
 
 Socially Mr. Farquhar is one of the most genial of men, possessing in a 
 large degree the true Christian spirit of benevolence, frank and gentle- 
 manly in his intercourse with his fellow man. 
 
 The following is the vote by counties of the 4th District in 18G4 : 
 
 JoHxH. Farquhak. George Berry. John H. Farquhar. George Berry^ 
 
 Dearbon 2,123 2,366 Ohio 598 401 
 
 Decatur 2,012 1,486 Ripley 1.911 1,727 
 
 Franklin 1,436 2,291 Rush 1,935 1,678 
 
 10,015 9,949 
 
 Hon. J. H. Farquhar's majority, 66. 
 
 FIFTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. 
 
 HON. GEORGE W. JULIAN. 
 
 Among the prominent statesmen and patriots of the present day and the 
 men of mark in the 39th Congress, must be ranked the Hon. George W. 
 Julian, of Indiana. His consistent and honorable career as a public man 
 is not unknown to the people of the United States; but a more particular 
 account of his life, and of the steps by which he rose from the walks of 
 poverty and obscurity to the distinguished position he has attained among 
 the counsellors of the nation, cannot fail to be interesting and instructive. 
 
 He was born May 5, 1817, near Centreville, the shire town of Wayne 
 county, Indiana, his present place of residence. His father and mother 
 were natives of North Carolina, whence they emigrated near the begin- 
 ning of the present century, and were among the very earliest settlers of 
 Indiana Territory. The family is of French extraction, the first of the 
 name in America, having settled on the eastern shore of Maryland near 
 the close of the last century. A son of his, Isaac Julian, is mentioned in 
 the annals of that period as residing near Winchester, Virginia, shortly 
 after Braddock's defeat. — (See Irving's Lile of Washington, vol. 1, chap. 
 18.) On account of the continued Indian troubles, he soon after fled with 
 his family to North Carolina. 
 
 The father of the subject of this notice was prominent among the pio- 
 neer citizens of Indiana. In 1822 he was a member of the State Legisla- 
 ture. He died the year following, when George was six years of age — 
 one of six young children, left to tiie care of a faithful mother, but to an 
 inheritance of poverty and hardship. The history of their early life, if 
 written, were but another chapter from 
 
 " The short and simple annals of the poor." 
 
 Suffice it to say, that under these adverse influences George early de- 
 veloped his principal later characteristics. He was particularly distin- 
 guished for diligence and indomitable perseverance in the path of mental 
 improvement, or in wiiatever else he deemed he ought to accomplish. 
 After his day's labor in the fields, his practice was — unable to procure a 
 
22 
 
 better light — to split a supply of " kindlings," and by the light thus 
 afforded to pursue his studies to a late hour of the night. 
 
 His only educational privileges were those of the common country 
 schools of the period, and good books, occasionally borrowed from his 
 neighbors. So his principal dependence was self-schooling — ever the 
 grand basis upon which the successful student, whether at liome, at school, 
 or college, must build. From such a preparation, his next step was teach- 
 ing, which he followed with credit upwards of three years. It was during 
 his first school that he signalized himself by successfully resisting a very 
 formidable effort of the "big boys," reinforced by some of the hands then 
 at work on the Cumberland or National road, to compel him to "treat" 
 on Christmas day, according to a custom long prevalent at the West. 
 
 In the spring of 1839, while teaching in western Illinois, he began the 
 study of law, which he prosecuted chiefly without the aid of a preceptor. 
 He was admitted to practice in 1840, and followed his profession, save 
 the interruption of politics, till the year 1861. In 1845 he was married to 
 Miss A.nne E. Finch, of Centreville. The same year Mr. Julian was 
 elected to the State Legislature, in which he distinguished himself by his 
 advocacy of the aboli'Jon of capital punishment, and his support of what 
 is known as the " Butler Bill," by the passage of which one-half the State 
 debt was cancelled, and the State probably saved thereby from repudia- 
 tion. A Whig by family associations, and elected as such, he did not 
 hesitate to act independently of party in his advocacy of this important 
 and very laudable measure. 
 
 About this time, influenced chiefly by the writings of Dr. Channing, he 
 became a very earnest opponent of slavery. When, therefore, in 1848, 
 the nomination of General Taylor was urged upon a reluctant people, he 
 rejected it; stood neutral for a while: was finally induced to attend the 
 Convention at Buffalo; came home overflowing with a noble enthusiasm 
 in the good cause ; was appointed elector for his district for Van Buren 
 and Adams, and went to work heart and strength in the unequal contest; 
 endured the disruption of kindred and social ties; received and despised 
 the hisses and execrations, the abuse and calumnies of many of his former 
 political associates, but courageously confronted his ablest opponents with 
 the arrows of truth, and lashed freedom's bitterest adversaries until they 
 cowered before him and confessed his power. Friends and foes were 
 alike astonished at the rapidly unfolding powers of a soul thoroughly 
 awakened by the truth, and the latter not a liiile chagrined to find they 
 had roused a lion when they thought to crush a worm. The result was, 
 that the next year (1849) he was elected to Congress over the late Hon. 
 Samuel W. Parker, a prominent Whig politician, and regarded by his 
 friends as one of the best speakers of the West. 
 
 In Congress, Mr. Julian faithfully sustained the principles upon which 
 he was elected against all temptations. His speeches on the Slavery ques- 
 tion were able, and the tone of uncalculating radicalism which pervaded 
 them, did much to exile him from public life during the ten years prece- 
 ding his present term of service. That delivered on the Public Lands 
 embodies the leading features of the policy on that sul)ject, which has re- 
 cently received the endorsement of all parties, and was declared by the 
 National Era to be the most thorough speech ever made on the subject. 
 Grace Greenwood, speaking of it at the time, paid it this compliment: — 
 
 "This was a strong, fearless, and eloquent expression of a liberty-loving and phil- 
 anthropic spirit. It is l.ying before me now, and 1 have just been reading tome of its 
 finest passages; and, brief and unstudied as it is, it does not seem to me a speech lor 
 
23 
 
 one day, or for one Congressional session. It seems nerved •with the strength of a 
 grertt purpose, veined with a vital truth, a moral lite-blood beating through it warm 
 and generous. It is something that must live and work yet many days." 
 
 In 1851, through a combination of fossil and pro-slavery Whigs and 
 Democrats, (brought about by their leading exponents outside the district 
 and even the State) he was defeated by Mr. Parker. In 1852, his servi- 
 ces and reputation received honorable national recognition in his nomina- 
 tion, by the Pittsburg Convention, for the Vice Presidency of the United 
 States, on the ticket with the Hon. John P Hale. 
 
 During the reaction which followed the Free-Soil movement of 1848, 
 Mr. Julian remained in retirement, receiving of course his full share of 
 the odium attached to men of his class — an odium which was heightened 
 by his determined opposition to Know-Nothingism. His speech on that 
 subject, published in the National Era and "Facts for the People," is 
 reckoned by many as the ablest argument extant against that strange polit- 
 ical fanaticism, which for a time, so remarkably touk possession of the 
 public mind. Altliough the great body of his old and tried friends rushed 
 into the lodges of this secret order, and turned upon him an averted face, 
 he fought it with all his powers of argument and invective, from the very 
 beginning to the end of its evil life ; while it is simple justice to say, that if 
 he had seen fit to join it in the Spring of 1854, he mij/ht then have been 
 returned to Congress, as he could have been in 1851, by softening and 
 modifying his inflexible purpose to yield no jot or tittle of what he be- 
 lieved to be the truth- 
 
 In 1856 he wns called to take a prominent part in the initiatory progress 
 of the National Republican party, as Vice President of the Pittsburgh 
 Convention of tliat year, and chairman of the Committee of Organization. 
 As a politician, he has steadily opposed the tendency towards " fusion" 
 with Know-Nolhingism, Douglasism, and what not, which has been the 
 besetting sin if Indiana republicanism, and has at all times sought to 
 strengthen the element of radicalism in the party with which he has been 
 identified. 
 
 In 186'>, by a signal triumph over every conceivable form and combina- 
 tion of Hunkerism. and personal and political jealousy and miilignity, he 
 was nominated by a popular vote of his party, and overwhelmingly re- 
 turned to Congress at the general election. 
 
 Mr. Julian's career in Congress has not been undistinguished. Speaker 
 Grow, in 1861, placed him on the Committee on Public Lands, where he 
 aided in perfecting and carrying through Congress the Homestead law of 
 186i. He was also appointed a member of tlie Joint Committee of both 
 Houses on the Conduct of the War, to which honorable and very respon- 
 sible position he was re-appointed by Speaker Colfax at the beginning of the 
 38th Congress, serving failhlully on said Committee nearly four years. 
 He was also Chairman of the Comniittee on Public liands of the last Con- 
 gress, and was re-appointed to the same position at the beginning of the 
 present Congress. Among the important measures he has introduced and 
 supported may be named the bill repealing the fugitive slave law of 1850 
 and of 1793; the bill providing homesteads for soldiers and seamen on the 
 forfeited lands of rebels; the bill providintr for the sale of the mineral 
 lands of the Government; the bill fixing eight hours as a day's work for 
 all Government employees; the bill of the present se.«sion extending the 
 Homestead law over the public lands of the States of the South in re- 
 stricted allotments, to black and white, with a prohibition of further sales 
 in that section ; and the bill equalizing bounties among our soldiers and 
 
24 
 
 sailors. All the great measures growing out of or connected with the late 
 rebellion have found in Mr. Julian a zealous supporter; nor has any 
 member of either branch of Congress been more faithful or indefatigable as 
 a public servant. It may be added, as a matter of simple justice to him, 
 that he has not only zealously sustained the Government in all its grand 
 measures of Radicalism, such as the confiscation of rebel property, the 
 arming of colored men as soldiers, and the destruction of slavery, but he 
 has taken a decidedly advance position on all these questions. Still 
 further applying his radicalism now, at the end of the war, he is among 
 the most zealous and emphatic of those who demand the punishment of 
 the rebel leaders, and the complete enfrancliisement of the freedmen of 
 the south. 
 
 The speeches of Mr. Julian during the war, both in Congress and before 
 the people, have been among the very ablest of the crisis. That deliv- 
 ered in the House on the 14th day of January, 1862, on the " Cause and 
 Cure of our National Troubles," is one of which his friends may well be 
 proud, and to-day reads like a prophecy fulfilled. His speech on " Con- 
 fiscation and Liberation," delivered in May following, is similar in char- 
 acter. That delivered in February, 1863, on " The Mistakes of the Past, 
 the duty of the Present," is a merciless review of "Democratic Policy," 
 as seen in the facts and figures which had been supplied by the investi- 
 gations of the Committee on the Conduct of the War. In the winter of 
 1863-'4 he delivered a very thorough and forcible speech on his bill pro- 
 viding homesteads for soldiers on the lands of rebels, which was followed 
 by another on the same subject, involving a controversy with Mr. Mal- 
 lory, of Kentucky, who met with a most humiliating discomfiture. During 
 the session of 1864-'5, Mr. Julian delivered an able speech on the sale of 
 Mineral lands, and another on " Radicalism and Conservatism," closing 
 with a handsome and eloquent tribute to the Anti-Slavery pioneers. His 
 speech on "Reconstruction and Suffrage," delivered last fall before the 
 Legislature of Indiana, is reckoned among the most thorough and effective 
 he has yet made ; whilst his speeches at the present session of the 39th 
 Congress on " Suffrage in the District of Columbia," and on "Amending 
 the Constitution," add still further to his reputation as thinker, and a per- 
 fectly independent man who knows how to say what he thinks. All his 
 speeches breathe the spirit of freedom, and have the merit of careful 
 thought, methodical arrangement, and a remarkably clear and forcible 
 diction. 
 
 It would be unjust to close this sketch without adding, that to the judi- 
 cious counsel and executive energy of his excellent and gifted wife, who 
 died soon after his election in 1860, he has been largely indebted for 
 whatever praise-worthy work he has been able to accomplish. She was 
 beautiful and gifted, a"^nd their lives were perfectly one. Of the three 
 children of this marriage, two have since died, thus adding greatly to 
 the sorrow of a bereaved heart. Mr. Julian was married a second time, 
 in December, 1863, finding a gifted and congenial wife in Miss Laura 
 Giddings of Ohio. 
 
 Mr. Julian is a tall man, with a physical organization not less vigorous 
 than his intellectual. His expansive forehead indicates clearness and 
 strength of thought, and his physiognomy marks him as a man of very 
 decided firmness, conscientiousness, and benevolence. He is no trimmer, 
 no dealer in expediency, and is ready at any time to make any earthly 
 sacrifice to his conviction of right. No man was ever more inflexible in 
 purpose. Compromise is not written on his brow , but, while in disposi- 
 
25 
 
 tion he is one of the most positive of men, he posseses a most remarkable 
 kindness of heart, strong social qualties, and a faculty of attaching to him- 
 self good men of all creeds and opinions. His face is one to be loved, 
 because of the promise it gives of all that is gentle, and generous, and 
 good. Looking upon him you feel tliat he is a man whom you can trust. 
 His private character is above reproach, and has been a perpetual protest 
 against the general divorce which has taken place between morals and 
 politics. In his speeches he has for years insisted, that those who sup- 
 port knaves and traders for ofKce, or men who scoff at virtue and de- 
 cency, are partakers of their vices; and that, in the language of Mazzini, 
 " We must reunite earlh to heaven — politics to the eternal principles 
 which should direct them." There has been no time, in the history of 
 our country, when such men were more needed than now. 
 
 Mr. Julian is yet little beyond the meridian of life, and is to-day more 
 completely embarked in public life than ever before. He seems to have 
 found his true field of labor, and while his many friends are proud of his 
 political record, they predict for him a career still more conspicuously hon- 
 orable in the future. They know it must continue to be consistent and 
 manly, whilst their faith grows constantly stronger that the progress 
 of truth and liberal ideas will more and more weave the story of his life 
 into the best and briglitest pages of our national history. Probably no 
 man in the Union has truer or more devoted friends and admirers, or more 
 relentless foes; whilst very few of our public men possess more ability to 
 fight their own political battles, or more courage to encounter every form 
 and quality of opposition. On the first Monday in April, 1866, Mr. Julian 
 was nominated by the Union men of the 5th district by a popular vote as 
 their candidate for the 40th Congress. A nomination in that District is 
 equivalent to an election. 
 
 The following is the vote by counties in his district for Congress in 1864: 
 
 G. W. Julian. James Brown. G. W. Julian. 
 
 Delaware 2,218 714 Union 765 
 
 Fayette 1.244 843 Wayne 4,294 
 
 Henry 2,697 1,023 
 
 Randolph 2,311 1,204 13,529 
 
 Hon. G. W. Julian's majority 7,368. 
 
 SIXTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. 
 
 HON. EBENEZER DUMONT 
 
 Was born in Vevay, Switzerland county, Indiana, November 23, 1814 
 — two years before Indiana was admitted into the Union as a State. He 
 procured his education at the Indiana University at Bloomington ; he 
 adopted the profession of law. In 1838 he was elected a member of the 
 Indiana Legislature. He served with distinction in the war with Mexico 
 — holding the position of Lieutenant-Colonel. In 1850 and 1853, he was 
 again elected to the Legislature ; was President of the Indiana State Bank 
 for a number of years. Politically he was a Democrat, until the South 
 rebelled against the Government of the United States, when he left tliat 
 parly and tendered his services to Governor Morton, which was accepted. 
 He was appointed Colonel of the 7tii liuliana Volunteers, was a brave and 
 gallant officer, participating in the battle of Philippi, West Virginia. He 
 
26 
 
 was appointed Brigadier-General by President Lincoln, and assigned to 
 command a brigade in Tennessee, and had charge of a brigade at the bat- 
 tle of Murfreesboro. After the battle he was assigned to the command of 
 the troops at Nashville, and from that place he led an expedition against 
 John Morgan, capturing nearly his whole command. In 18(i2 the Union 
 men of the Gth District met in Convention, and appreciating his devotion 
 to the country and desiring to reward him for lofty patriotism, they nomi- 
 nated him as their candidate for the 38th Congress, and he was elected. In 
 1864 he was re-nominated and elected to the 39th Congress, by 7,988 
 majority. 
 
 During the last and present session of Congress, Mr. Dumont's health 
 has been very feeble; so much so as to be unable to attend to his duties 
 in Congress. 
 
 In the House of Representatives, March 17, 1866, he delivered a speech 
 upon the '' Re-admission of the rebellious States and the members thereof." 
 In speaking of the rebels cracking their whips again in the Halls of Con- 
 gress, he says : 
 
 Some gentlemen seem to be anxious to hear within this Hall the crack of the plan- 
 tation whip, and to have a manifestation of plantation manners as in days of other 
 years ; and as sure as God lives they will be abundantly gratified if the policy of let- 
 ting in the rebel 8tates without guarantees shall prevail. I am opposed to it. It will 
 prove unwise, ruinous, and disastrous ; and I stand here to raise my voice against it. 
 What we may do cannot be undone ; let us not, therefore, be guilty of the folly of 
 him who marries in a hurry and repents at leisure. A mistake in the matter is fatal ; 
 let, therefore, what we have sufiFered in the past, illuminate our pathway in the present. 
 I entertain no feeling of revenge against this deluded people. I would exact nothing 
 with a mere view to humiliation. I would do nothing that is merely vexatious. I 
 would exact no condition-precedent that I did not regard vital to the full fruition of 
 our victory and the future safety of the Union. Vengeance belongs not to man. In 
 the hands of Him to whom alone it belongs let it be left. 
 
 The following is the vote by counties of the 6th District in 1864. 
 
 DUMONT. LOVE. DUMONT. LOVE. 
 
 Hancock 1,364 1,395 Morgan 1,844 1,304 
 
 Shelby 1,793 2,372 
 
 Hendricks 
 
 2,611 
 
 1,337 
 
 Johnson 
 
 1,742 
 
 1,568 
 
 Marion 
 
 9,532 
 
 3,229 
 
 18,886 
 
 Hon. Ebenezer Dumont's majority 7,988. 
 
 SEVENTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. 
 
 HON. HENRY D. WASHBURN 
 
 Was born in Windsor, Vermont, March 28, 1832, and his father removed 
 the same year to Ohio. At the age of twelve, he was thrown upon his own 
 resources; at thirteen, was apprenticed to the tanner's trade, but remained 
 at it one year. From fourteen to twenty, he was engaged in attending and 
 teaching school. In August, 1853, he graduated at the New York State 
 and National Law School, and commenced the practice of law at Newport, 
 VermiUion county, Indiana, having been a resident of the county several 
 years previous. In 1854, he was appointed Auditor of Vermillion county, 
 and in 1856 was re-elected to the same position, and served as such until 
 January, 1861. On the breaking out of the war, he raised a company of 
 which he was unanimously elected Captain. August 9, 1861, he was pro- 
 moted Lieutenant-Colonel of the 18th Indiana Volunteers. June 4, 1862, 
 
27 
 
 promoted to Colonel of the same regiment. December 15, 18G4, was brev- 
 eted a Brigadier-General for gallant and meritorious conduct. 
 
 During the war he served with and was under command of the following 
 officers, and participated in the battles fought by them — Gen. Fremont's 
 100 days' campaign; Gen. Pope's Black Water campaign in Missouri; 
 Gen. Curtis in South West Missouri and Arkansas, and his famous march 
 from Pea Ridge to the Mississippi river; Gen. Davidson, S. E. Missouri; 
 Gen. Grant's campaign in rear of Vieksburg and the siege of the same; 
 Gen. Bank's Teche River and Texas Coast Expedition ; under Gen. Butler, 
 Deep Bottom, Va., and Gen. Phil. Sheridan, who captured some 12,000 
 rebels in the Shenandoah valley. 
 
 In January, 1SG5, General Washburn was ordered to Savannah, Georgia, 
 and was assigned to the command of th^ Southern District of Georgia, con- 
 sisting of forty-five counties of that State. He remained in command un- 
 til July 2(3, 1865, when he was mustered out of the service, having been 
 elected to the o9th Congress the fall previous, but the seat was claimed by 
 D. W. Yoorhees. 
 
 In 1864, the Union men of the 7th District, in looking about for the most 
 available man to defeat Hon. Daniel W, Voorhees for Congress, they selected 
 the brave and gallant Henry D. Washburn, as the " coming man," as their 
 candidate against Mr. Voorhees, whose political record since the breaking 
 out of the rebellion the soldiers and Union men of the country detested. 
 
 Gen. Washburn accepted the nomination tendered him, and invited Mr. 
 Voorhees to meet him in joint debate upon the vital questions then before 
 the people. This, however, the Democratic Demosthenes of Indiana, de- 
 clined to do. Indianians, can you tell me why ? Because his political prin- 
 ciples were so detestable that he dare not meet the General before the people. 
 
 Mr. Voorhees had declined to meet General Washburn, so the General 
 and a large number of his friends attended a large Democratic meeting 
 which Mr. Voorhees was to address. After Mr. Voorhees finished his re- 
 marks, the General mounted the stand and said — " I hold in my hand a 
 speech of the Hon. Daniel W. Voorhees, and if you will give me your 
 attention I will read." (Cries of hear him ! hear him ! from all parts of the 
 vast audience.) Mr. Washburn then read the following : 
 
 " You are promised liberty by the leaders of your affairs, but is there an individual 
 in the enjoyment of it, save your oppressors? Who among you dare speak or write 
 'what he thinks against the tyranny which has robbed you of your property, impris- 
 oned your sons, dragged you to the field of battle, and is daily deluging your country 
 with blood ?" 
 
 '' I want to know if you endorse that ? (Cries of yes, yes ! by the Dem- 
 ocrats.) Then you indorse," said the General, *' Benedict Arnold ; for it 
 is the verbatim language he used when he turned traitor to America." 
 (Great laughter and cheers. How are you, Voorhees and Benedict Arnold ?) 
 
 General Washburn, before addressing the meeting, pasted Benedict Ar- 
 nold's address to the Tories in A'oorhees' speech, and read it as if reading 
 from IMr. Voorhees' speech, and the copperheads of course er^dorsed every 
 word of it. 
 
 The following is the vote by counties of the 7th Cong. District in 1864 : 
 H.D.Washburn. D. W. Voorhees. H. D. Washburn. D. W. Voorhees. 
 
 Clay 
 
 1,080 
 
 1.406 
 
 Sullivan 
 
 750 
 
 2,181 
 
 Greene 
 
 1,262 
 
 1,466 
 
 Vermillion 
 
 • 1,064 
 
 G96 
 
 Owen 
 
 1,086 
 
 1,544 
 
 Vigo 
 
 2,856 
 
 2,265 
 
 Parke 
 Putnam 
 
 2,113 
 
 2,076 
 
 1,210 
 2,112 
 
 
 
 
 Total, 
 
 12,296 
 
 12,880 
 
 Daniel W. Voorhees' majority, 584. 
 
28 
 
 General Washburn contested the election on the ground of illegal and 
 fraudulent votes having been cast for Mr. Voorhees in Sullivan and Putnam 
 counties. The Committee on Elections investigated the matter thoroughly 
 and reported the following resolution, which was adopted: 
 
 Resolved, That Henry D. Washburn is entitled to a seat in this House as a Repre- 
 sentative from the Seventh Congressional District of Indiana in the Thirty-Ninth Con- 
 gress. — Yeas, 87 ; nays, 36. 
 
 Mr. Voorhees cannot justly complain ; for it is a matter of official record, 
 that during the six years he was upon the House Committee on Elections, 
 he never cast a vote in favor of ejecting a Democrat or for retaining a Whig 
 or Republican, however much the facts of the case would justify it. 
 
 As a military officer, Gen. Washburn may be classed among the best and 
 most efficient that entered the ser\nce from the noble State of Indiana. The 
 soldiers who served under him, speak of him in highest terms of praise. 
 As an officer he required nothing from the private soldier that he would 
 have been unwilling to do himself. Kind, courteous and obliging to his 
 fellow-soldiers in the camp, he was none the less brave as a lion on the field 
 of battle. Among the first to enter the service of his country to put down 
 armed treason, he was among the last to leave the service ; he remained in 
 it, faithfully illustrating his patriotism, until the last rebel laid down his gun 
 and the flag of the Republic floated in triumph over all the States of the 
 Union. His services will not soon be forgotten, but will be highly appre- 
 ciated by the people of Indiana. The soldiers he so honorably commanded 
 in so many battles, were among the bravest in the service, and will always 
 cherish his name as a kind, considerate and gallant officer. 
 
 Mr. Washburn is about six feet in hight, of calm demeanor and pleasing 
 address. He possesses much force of character, and once undertaking any 
 thing makes every circumstance yield to its accomplishment. As a legisla- 
 tor, I predict an honorable career; being honest and faithful in his con- 
 victions of duty, he will take rank among our safe and prudent statesmen, 
 and being always animated by the principles of right, will vote right. 
 
 EIGHTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. 
 
 HON. GODLOVE S ORTH. 
 
 He was born near Lebanon Pa., on the 22d of April, 1817, and is de- 
 scended of a Moravian family, which accompanied the emigration of that 
 sect under the leadership of the Count Zinzendorf into Pennsylvania, 
 during the early days of the commonwealth. His education was obtained 
 mainly at the Pennsylvania College at Gettysburg. On leaving that in- 
 stitution, he studied law in the same town, in the office of the Hon. James 
 Cooper. 
 
 Upon being called to the bar in 1839, a controlling inclination to mix 
 in the new scenes and activities of the growing West, led Mr. Orth in 
 that direction, and he located at La Fayette, Indiana, where he soon won 
 for himself a reputation for ability and eloquence, that placed him in the 
 front rank of his profession. 
 
 His first debut as a political speaker occurred during the famous Harrison 
 campaign of 1840, in which he took an active part. Of an ardent and 
 impulsive temperament and an enthusiastic Whig, he plunged eagerly into 
 the canvass and amid its tumultuous gatherings, found frequent and con- 
 genial opportunities for the display of his peculiar powers as a popular 
 orator. 
 
29 
 
 In 1843, he was elected to the Indiana Senate from Tippecano county. 
 
 Though the youngest, he was recognized as one of the ablest of that body, 
 and before the close of liis term, was elected its President by an almost 
 unanimous vote. In 1S4G, he was re-elected by his constituents to a 
 second term of three years. 
 
 In 1848, he was a candidate for Presidential elector upon the Taylor 
 and Filmore ticket, and as such, " stumped" the Northern part of Indiana. 
 
 Upon the close of his second term in the Senate, he withdrew for a time 
 from public life and devoted himself to the practice of his profession ; at 
 all times, liowever, taking a deep interest in the current politics of the day, 
 and identifying himself with the struggles of the radical element which 
 was steadfastly battling the encroachments of slavery. His opposition 
 to the gigantic institution of slavery was always intense and outspoken ; 
 particularly so after the Kansas and Nebraska Bill had demonstrated the 
 persevering perfidy and aggressiveness of the South. 
 
 In 18G1, he was one of the five commissioners appointed by Governor 
 Morton to represent Indiana in the Peace Congress wh^h was held at 
 Washington. His experience in that body satisfied him of the hopeless- 
 ness of a compromise, with a power which spurned all overtures except 
 such as were dictated by the South, who were then plotting and laying 
 their plans to break up the Government. 
 
 Referring to the determination of the country never to consent to the 
 extension of slavery, while addressing the Peace Congress, he continued 
 in the following almost prophetic words: " If in consequence of this posi- 
 tion the foundations of society are to be broken up, civil war inaugurated 
 and the destruction of the Government attempted, you must remember we 
 are standing by the constitution, in favor of sustaining the laws of the 
 land, denying the existence of any real greivance ; and standing thus with 
 the consciousness of strength which integrity imparts, you must strike the 
 first blow, cross the Rubicon, commit the foul and damning crime of Trea- 
 son, bring upon your people ruin, devastation and destruction, and call 
 down upon your guilty heads, the curses of your cliildren, and the disapro- 
 bation of the civilized world." Mr. Orth returned to Indiana but a few 
 weeks before the outbreak of hostilities in South Carolina. From that 
 time forth, he was zealously committed to the great cause of preserving 
 the Union, and the complete suppression of the rebellion — lending all his 
 influence to a vigorous prosecution of the war, and support of the Govern- 
 ment in the overwhelming troubles which beset it. In the summer of 
 1862, the State of Indiana being threatened with a sudden invasion, 
 Governor Morton made a call for Volunteers to meet the emergency. In 
 a public meeting held in response to the call on the same Sunday on 
 which it was telegraphed to La Fayette, Mr. Orth closed an eloquent ap- 
 peal by placing his own name first upon tlie roll of Volunteers, an exam- 
 ple which was at once followed by about 200 more, who elected him cap- 
 tain, and within twelve hours reported for duty at Indianapolis. He was 
 ordered with his men to the Ohio river, and placed in command of the 
 U. S. Ram "Horner," on which he did duty, patrolling the river until 
 his term of service expired. In the Fall of the same year, he was elected 
 to the 38th Congress — his competitor being the lion. John Pettit, formerly 
 U. S. Senator from that State. Mr. Orth was assigned by Speaker Col- 
 fax to the committees on Foreign Aftairs, and Freedman Afl'airs. Acting 
 with the Administration members, he identified himself at once with all 
 the war and reformatory measures, of the great and patriotic Union party. 
 
 By his application to his duties, his intelligent comprehension of the great 
 
30 
 
 questions cast upon Congress, and his able exposition and advocacy of the 
 same on various occasions on the floor, he obtained a standing and influence 
 among his fellow members sensibly perceptible by all who visited the Capi- 
 tal. In 18G4, he was re-elected to the present Congress in which he retains 
 his place on the same committees. As a member of. the 38th Congress, Mr. 
 Orth had the enviable opportunity of placing his name on the roll of those 
 who voted for the memorable amendment abolishing slavery, and he justly 
 prides himself upon the privilege he thus enjoyed. While the amendment 
 was under discussion, he gave it all the aid of his advocacy, and the govern- 
 ing principle of his conduct since has been to give perfect effect to its pro- 
 visions. Hence he has zealously assisted all legislation having this end in 
 view ; holding that the only enduring foundations for our country's future, 
 are justice, humanity, and equal rights. During the present Congress, he 
 has faithfully stood by the Union majority, voting affirmatively upon the 
 District Sufii-age, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the Civil Rights Bills. 
 
 Mr. Orth is a gentleman of fine personal presence, and possessed of frank 
 and genial man%ers. As a speaker, his warmth of feeling supplies the tedious 
 ratiocination of colder natures, and conducts him to his subject by direct 
 courses. He delivers himself with animation and vehemence, and is pecu- 
 liarly ready in illustration and repartee. As a specimen of his oratory, the 
 following may be given, extracted from a speech delivered on January 6th, 
 1865, at a time when the House of Representatives had under consideration 
 the amendment abolishing Slavery : 
 
 OUR DESTINY. 
 
 But, sir, we shall not fail. Let us in all our transactions be just and fear not. 
 Let us faithfully discharge these and other duties as they arise, and it needs not the 
 spirit of prophecy to foretell what under the providence of God, is to be our nation's 
 destiny. 
 
 " There is light beyond — 
 And dove-like peace with gentle wings descends ; 
 See, as she comes the hideous bird of death 
 Flaps his dark plumage, shrieking as he flies 
 From fields whereon he looked for future prey. 
 
 " Brethren, united as in former days. 
 Consult together for the common weal ; 
 Chastened in spirit, more forbearing they, 
 Loving God better for their punishment — 
 Columbia's genius, smiling, looks abroad, 
 And cries, exultant, All, at last, is safe." 
 
 This war is shaking North and South, East and West, to their centres, and the in- 
 fluences that will be fully developed in years to come are to us now scarcely percep- 
 tible. Antiquated ideas are being laid aside, and mental vigor no longer pursues its 
 ancient channels. Theories and principles which heretofore received our homage for 
 no better reason than that they had received the homage of our fathers, now wast- 
 ing away beneath the touch of a new thought and a new experience. The sordid are 
 becoming liberal, the selfish profuse, the brave heroic. Age is rejunevated, and 
 youth and manhood possess increased vitality and energy, while the " old fogy" has 
 become an antique relic, and lives only in the uuforgotten past. The immense de- 
 mands of our struggle are bringing our people up to the requisite standard. They 
 are proving themselves equal to the occasion, and exemplifying their capacity in every 
 sphere in which they are called to act. The nation is being born again, and from the 
 fire and smoke of battle, from its death groans of agony, from the patient suffering in 
 the hospital, from the victorious shouts of the conqueror, from every avenue of indus- 
 try, quickened into new life, the American Republic will emerge wiser, better, purer 
 and more powerful. We are called upon to carry up higher and higher the work of 
 the fathers. We are to dovelop, to mature, to protect every energy, every sentiment, 
 every aspiration in man's nature, to secure to him every natural right, to demonstrate 
 to the world his capacity for civil, social, religious, mental, and physical enjoyment. 
 
31 
 
 Our Government, based upon these principles, and sustained for their preservation^ 
 is to be a guide for the nations and to stand in every noble attribute towards them as 
 the Alps stand towards their surrounding hills. With our immense population, its 
 rapid augmentation, its peculiar characteristics, having in its veins the blood of all 
 other nationalities — with our climates, soils, productions, mineral wealth, who is 
 there to say to us, " Thus tar shalt thou go, and no farther ; and here shall thy proud 
 waves be stayed ?" We are planted on the North American continent and the three 
 oceans and the gulf can alone limit our territorial expansion. The lines which you now 
 see on the map of North America as dividing one national possession from another 
 will disappear, thoy will be sponged out by our people, and our children will see, if 
 we do not live to see, the American flag floating over every foot of this continent, and 
 the American Constitution protecting every human being on its soil. 
 
 On the 10th of March, 186G, in the House of Representatives, Mr. Orth 
 made a speech full of patriotism on the true basis of reconstruction. He was 
 warmly congratulated by the Union members in his bold stand against ad- 
 mitting the reconstructed rebels to occupy seats in the American Congress, 
 and holding positions of trust and honor. 
 
 In speaking of forming a new party he said : 
 
 " We need no new party. Those who assumed the once honored name of ' De- 
 mocracy,' under which to carry out their traitorous designs, and have thus brought 
 deserved reproach upon themselves and their party cognomen, xna.y need a new party 
 organization to cover up and hide from merited public scorn the last five years of 
 their history. The Union party, which sprang into existence when rebellion fired 
 its first gun, which has stood by the Government under every diSiculty and saved it 
 thus far from subversion, is able under the providence of God to meet all present and 
 future emergencies and solve all questions pertaining to our national safety and pros- 
 perity. Animated by the common dangers of the past, by the difficulties of the pre- 
 sent, and the importance of the future, let the Union men press on in the discharge 
 of every duty, discarding mere questions of expediency, about which a difference of 
 opinion may well be tolerated, and remembering that upon their united action de- 
 pends the salvation of the Republic." 
 
 In 1864, Hon. Godlove S. Orth, after a thorough canvass of his district, 
 was elected to the 39th Congress over James F. Harney, the Democratic 
 candidate. 
 
 The following is the vote by counties : 
 
 G. S. ORTH. J. F. HARNEY. G. S. 
 
 Boone 2,066 1,705 Montgomery 
 
 Tippecanoe 
 Warren 
 
 Carroll 
 
 1,478 
 
 1,599 
 
 Clinton 
 
 1,460 
 
 1,519 
 
 Fountain 
 
 1,592 
 
 1,833 
 
 ORTH. 
 
 J. ] 
 
 ?. HARNEY. 
 
 2,262 
 3,336 
 1,342 
 
 
 2,260 
 
 2,685 
 
 748 
 
 Hon. G. S. Orth's majority 1,187. 
 
 NINTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. 
 
 HON. SCHUYLER COLFAX, 
 
 Speaker of the House of Representatives, was born in the City of New York 
 March 23, 1823. Death a few months previous claimed his father for a 
 victim, and assigned him the place of an only child of a widowed mother. 
 
 Very early in life thrown upon the world with limited means of support, 
 he exhibited those qualities of energy and application which have since done 
 so much to win him success. His education was by force of circumstances 
 completed in a public school at the age of ten years, and he at once went 
 behind the counter of a mercantile establishment. Three years later he 
 went with his mother to Indiana, at that time a wilderness, and selected a 
 
32 
 
 home in the beautiful valley of the St. Joseph, where the boy of then has 
 grown to be the statesman of to-day. His first duties in his new home were 
 those of Deputy County Auditor, in which position he won many friends, 
 and so improved his leisure hours, that he soon became acknowledged 
 authority in questions of State law. 
 
 At this time the tide of emigration was rapidly filling up the section 
 where he lived, and the need of a first class paper was keenly felt. His at- 
 tention was thus turned to journalism, and in 1845 he became editor and 
 proprietor of the St. Joseph Valley Register, which soon took a high stand 
 among the papers of the West. Its columns contained nothing revolting, 
 and its presence in the family circle did not breathe forth thoughts other 
 than those of an elevating character, while its strength was devoted to those 
 interests of mankind which build up society. Mr. Colfax became settled 
 early in life, having returned East and brought back the associate of his 
 childhood as a wife, before entering upon editorial duties. He was Senate 
 Reporter for the State Journal at Indianapolis before this time, also for several 
 months after publishing the Register. A few years pass, during which our 
 subject was active as a participant in public debates, frequently speaking in 
 behalf of temperance and other reforms. In 1848, Mr. Colfax took his first 
 step in political life by going as a Delegate to the Whig Convention which 
 nominated Gen. Taylor for the Presidency. 
 
 Two years later he was Secretary and an active member of the Con- 
 vention which adopted the present Constitution of Indiana, at which time 
 he fearlessly opposed the clause preventing- free colored men from coming 
 into the State. One year later when just past the constitutional age, he 
 was unanimously nominated for Congress in a District strongly Demo- 
 cratic in opposition to Dr. Fitch the then incumbent, and afterwards U. 
 S. Senator. 
 
 They made a thorough canvass together, and though he was defeated 
 by 200 votes he became a general favorite with the people, having shown 
 during the campaign his strength of intellect and readiness as a debater to 
 such a degree, that it only required the tide of party success at the second 
 following election to gain him the position he has since so ably filled. 
 His first speech in Congress went forth to repel the tide of terror which 
 was sweeping over struggling Kansas, and clearly showed that even then 
 he was of one the best debators of the lower House. Of this speech 500,- 
 000 copies were sent broadcast over the land. 
 
 During the two months contest for the speakership when Gen. Banks 
 was elected, Mr. Colfax by his quickness of perception and readiness 
 in parliamentary tactics, was perhaps more than any other one instru- 
 mental in securing that result. At the Congress following he was appointed 
 chairman of the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, in which 
 position he proved himself a friend to the Western frontiersmen by urg- 
 ing the necessity for their having more extended postal facilities ; a feel- 
 ing which so soon after made him one of the foremost in advocating a 
 railroad to the Pacific. 
 
 In 1863, he was chosen Speaker of the 38th Congress on the first bal- 
 lot which stood 101 to 81. How he has since filled that position the rea- 
 ders of this sketch know full well. 
 
 During the dark hours of our war Mr. Lincoln and he stood together 
 like brothers, ever confident of the final triumph of the right. On that 
 fatal night they parted after he had received the President's last verbal 
 message to the miners of the far West. No heart felt keener the grief of 
 that terrible event, and after waiting until all tliat was mortal of his friend 
 
33 
 
 had been deposited at Springfield, he started for the Pacific to deliver 
 along the way the mef»sage committed to his keeping, and to gain infor- 
 mation regarding the great resources of our vast country. 
 
 That trip, or rather ovation, is yet so familiar to all that we pass it by 
 without comment. He returned more popular than ever, and was again 
 elected by 108 majority to the Speakership of the present Congress. 
 
 Mr. Colfax has ever been decided in his views respecting the great 
 issues of the country since entering upon political life, always valuing 
 justice and principle far more than popularity or position. During his 
 first campaign he had to meet boldly the stand he took at the State Con- 
 stitutional Convention respecting the admission of free colored men into 
 Indiana. His opponent raised this issue on the first day of the canvass, 
 but seldom afterwards, since Mr. Colfax fearlessly declared that if the 
 gaining of a seat in Congress depended upon his compromising his sense 
 of right he spurned the position, and a thousand times preferred the far 
 more honorable station of a private citizen. 
 
 As to his position before he was re-elected Speaker, the following extracts 
 from a speech made in response to a serenade given a few evenings pre- 
 vious to his last election as Speaker will suffice : 
 
 " I shall hail the day when all the States shall revolve in their appropriate orbits 
 around the Central Government, and when we can behold them, distinct as the bil- 
 lows, but one as the sea. But we cannot forget that history teaches us that it was 
 eight years after the surrender at Yorktown in the Revolutionary war — though our 
 fathers were of one mind as to its necessity — before the Constitution was adopted, 
 and the Union thus established. 
 
 " It is auspicious that the ablest Congress that has set here during my knowledge of 
 public affairs, meets next month, to face and settle the momentous questions which 
 is before it. It will not be governed by any spirit of revenge, but solely by its duty 
 to the country. I have no right to anticipate its action, nor do I bind myself to any 
 inflexible, unalterable policy ; but these ideas occur to me, and I speak them with the 
 frankness with which we should always express our views." 
 
 Again, he says : 
 
 "The danger is in too much precipitation. Let us, rather, make haste slowly, and 
 we can then hope that the foundation of our Government, when thus reconstructed 
 on the basis of indisputable loyalty, will be as eteruiil as the stars." 
 
 These words went forth to the people as the forerunner of the only safe 
 and just policy of reconstruction, and tended more to unite public senti- 
 ment than any other words spoken since the death of Mr. Lincoln. 
 
 His present platform is simply that " loyal men should govern a pre- 
 served Republic." On this, he feels it safe to stand, leaving the events 
 of the future to that Being who has thus far safely led us through danger. 
 
 He looks forward to a gradual triumph of the right until as a people we 
 shall hold a position commensurate with the grandeur of our principles. 
 
 On Tuesday night, April 10th, ISGG, the Indiana delegation in Con- 
 gress who voted for the civil rights bill, " notwithstanding the objections 
 of the President," were serenaded by citizens from Indiana. Speaker 
 Colfax in speaking upon the question of reconstruction said : 
 
 " You will ask, perhaps, what is my policy of reconstruction ? I will tell you in a few 
 words. It is the ])olicy of reconstruction laid down by Andrew Johnson with such 
 emphasis and earnestness in his speeches made to the public between the month of 
 June, 1864, and the month of May, 1805. [Cheers.] I endorse the sentiments pro- 
 claimed by him in Nashville, the night he was nominated as Vice-President. I en- 
 dorse the sentiments proclaimed by him in the Capital the day when the news of the 
 surrender of Lee's army was received. I endorse the sentiments uttered by him to 
 various committees upon his entering the Presidency. I learned those sentiments 
 
34 
 
 from him, and cannot unlearn them now. I believed in them then, and believe in 
 them still. They showed his construction of the Baltimore platform, and, higher still, 
 of his feelings of duty to the country. His radical speeches in Tennessee were en- 
 dorsed by his election, and I stand by those declarations yet. They can be condensed 
 into one single sentence, and that is : "Loyal men shall govern a preserved Repub- 
 lic 1" [Cheers.] I stand by that doctrine ; the Congress of the United States stands 
 by that doctrine. It will prevail, and in the policy of reconstruction which shall 
 be adopted if we are feithful to ourselves, if we are faithful to the country, if we 
 are faithful to the brave men who went forth from their happy homes to die for the 
 salvation of the Union, we will proclaim in our legislation, as Andrew Johnson pro- 
 claimed at Nashville : " Loyal men shall govern a preserved Republic 1" 
 
 Mr. Colfax is under medium hight, with brown hair, a brow firmly mould- 
 ed, a blue, open and generous eye, a frank face full of character, a mouth 
 strongly inclined to smile at the least provocation, although clearly showing 
 his traits of energy, application, candor and kindness, which have done so 
 much towards making him what he is, and have won for him that legion of 
 friends whose respect and honor he bears to-day. 
 
 In 18G4, he was re-elected to Congress by 1080 majority over David Tur- 
 pie, the Democratic candidate. The following is the vote by counties : 
 
 
 S. COLFAX. 
 
 D. TURPIE. 
 
 
 S. COLFAX. 
 
 D. TURPIE. 
 
 Benton 
 
 388 
 
 287 
 
 Newton 
 
 344 
 
 271 
 
 Cass 
 
 1,860 
 
 2,105 
 
 Pulaski 
 
 517 
 
 704 
 
 Fulton 
 
 1,008 
 
 1,091 
 
 Porter 
 
 1,440 
 
 1,038 
 
 Jasper 
 
 596 
 
 279 
 
 Starke 
 
 224 
 
 282 
 
 Lake 
 
 1,282 
 
 479 
 
 St. Joseph 
 
 2.185 
 
 1,681 
 
 Laporte 
 
 2,706 
 
 2,248 
 
 White 
 
 983 
 
 901 
 
 Marshall 
 Miami 
 
 1216 
 
 1,808 
 1,768 
 
 
 
 
 I'OOQ 
 
 
 16,658 
 
 14,978 
 
 Hon. Schuyler Colfax's majority, 1,680. 
 
 TENTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. 
 
 HON. JOSEPH H. DEFREES. 
 
 He was born May 12th, 1812, in White county, Tennessee ; at the age 
 of 8 years his father moved to Piqua, Miama county, Ohio, at that time 
 almost a wilderness ; at the age of 15 he entered a printing office and 
 learned the business. In the fall of 1831 he and his brother, John D. De- 
 frees, established a weekly newspaper at South Bend, Indiana, which had 
 just been laid out on the banks of the St. Joseph's river ; one-half or more 
 of the population were Indians. In 1833 he sold his interest in the paper 
 and removed to Goshen, Elkhart county, Indiana, where he now resides ; 
 having turned his attention to the mercantile business, in which he has 
 been very successful. The principal part of his education was obtained 
 in a printing office — schools were little known in that part of Tennessee 
 where he spent his early boyhood ; he spent his early manhood on the 
 frontier among the Indians. Politically he was a Whig in the days of 
 Whiggery, and served his people (although his county was Democratic) 
 as sherifl'for four years ; he served one session in the lower house of the 
 Indiana Legislature, and two years in the Indiana State Senate. Now 
 he is an ardent and zealous Union man, and in the fall of 1864 was nom- 
 inated by the Union men of the tenth district as their candidate for Con- 
 gress ; was elected over Hon. Joseph H. Edgarton, the Democratic can- 
 didate, then a member of Congress, by 580 majority. 
 
 In the House of Representatives, February 15, 1866, he expressed his 
 views upon the various perplexing questions then before the House. He 
 
35 
 
 favored the amendment to the Constitution of the United States excluding 
 persons proliibited from the exercise of the elective franchise from form- 
 ing a part of the basis of representation. This provision he says " is a 
 fair one, and it seems to me that no proper objections can be raised 
 against it." 
 
 On the important question, whether the States are in or out of the Union, 
 he says : 
 
 And probably the most difficult problem to solve of any other, is the policy to be 
 pursued in what is generally termed reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion. 
 To me our duty seems to be plain. I do not think it matters much for practical pur- 
 poses whether these States are in or out of the Union. We may speculate and the- 
 orize and talk about abstract q.uestions the whole session and be no nearer the true 
 condition of these States than when the session commenced. Why not ac- 
 cept of the facts as they are? These States attempted secession. Had they suc- 
 ceeded, they would now be out of the Union — there can be no question of that fact — 
 and we would have no trouble in defining their true position. But they failed in ac- 
 complishing their designs, Consequently they are in the Union, and you cannot get 
 them out now that the rebellion has failed, onlj' in the same manner in which you 
 admit States originally into the Union, and that with their consent. Now, that is my 
 opinion, and let it go for what it is worth. 
 
 Upon compromising with traitors he says : 
 
 Now, Mr. Speaker, I am no more in favor of compromising with traitors than the 
 most radical man upon this floor, for I believe if there is one sin more heinous thaa 
 another that men can commit, either toward God or his country, it is the sin of treason. 
 But I am in favor of rp,llying around and sustaining whatever loyalty may be found 
 in those disorganized States. I am in favor of holding up the hands of the weak, 
 and saying to those who are earnestly engaged in endeavoring to bring order out of 
 confusion, to persevere ; and although your State organizations are not all that we 
 could desire or wish, yet we will come to your relief and aid you in your great task. 
 
 He favored admitting all the Representatives from Tennessee, who 
 could take the "Iron Clad Oath." 
 
 The following is the vote of the 10th District in 1864. 
 
 J. H. DEFREES. J. K. EDGERTON. J. H. DEFREES. J. K. 
 Allen * 2,233 4,622 Noble 2,041 
 
 DeKalb 1,533 1,488 Steuben 1,632 
 
 Elkhart 2,289 1,977 Whitley 1,113 
 
 Kosciusko 2,185 1,831 
 
 La Grange 1,591 736 14,617 
 
 Hon. Joseph H. Defrees over J. K. Edgerton 580. 
 
 ELEVENTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. 
 
 HON. THOMAS N. STILWELL 
 
 Was born August 29, 18.'>0, in Stilwell, Butler county, Ohio. In early 
 life he attended the common schools of Ohio, where he prepared himself 
 for college. He attended Oxford College about two years, from thence 
 he went to Farmers' College, College Hill, Ohio, where his collegiate 
 course was finished. He read law with General S. F. Carey, of Ohio, a 
 man of marked ability and sterling integrity, and one of the most eloquent 
 and brilliant speakers in the West. 
 
 In 1852 he married the daughter of Rev. James Conwell, of Laurel, In- 
 diana. In the fall of 1853 he commenced the practice of law at Ander- 
 derson, Madison county, Indiana, (his present residence,) where he prac- 
 ticed law until 1855, when he retired from the profession to enter the 
 
36 
 
 banking business, in which he is at present engaged, and has been very 
 successful. In 1855, he was elected to the House of Representatives of 
 the Indiana Legislature, and served as Chairman of the Committee on 
 Fees and Salaries during the session of that year. Before the breaking 
 out of the rebellion Mr. Stilwell acted with the Democratic party. He 
 was a warm and zealous friend of Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, and advo- 
 cated him for the Presidency in 18(30, and adhered to that party until the 
 outbreak of civil war, when he abandoned party ties and was among the 
 first to offer his services to the support of the Government : so patriotic 
 and active was he to preserve the Government of our fathers that Gover- 
 nor Morton called on him to organize a regiment, to which he responded 
 by raising the 34th Indiana Infantry, which was organized and equipped 
 in Anderson. At the request of the regiment he accepted the position of 
 quarter-master ; he remained with the regiment some nine months when 
 he was disabled by a dangerous and protracted attack of typhoid fevei* — 
 during this illness Mr. Stilwell tendered his resignation to Generel Hal- 
 leck, then in command of the Department of Missouri, which was ac- 
 cepted. 
 
 In 1862, Mr. Stilwell's name was presented by his friends for the nomi- 
 nation for Congress at the Union Convention which met at Kokomo, but 
 was withdrawn, and Hon. J. P. C. Shanks was nominated. Mr. Stilwell 
 made an active canvass throughout the District, urging his old Democratic 
 friends to stand by Mr. Lincoln and the friends of his administration in 
 their efforts to put down a wicked rebellion, and protect the Government in 
 all its purity and grandeur. Under the call for troops in the fall of 18G3, 
 Mr. Stilwell was again urged by Governor Morton to assist in raising the 
 quota devolving on Indiana, to which was added the appointment of Colonel 
 commanding the District. Mr. Stilwell immediately accepted the position, 
 and with zeal and industry he soon accomplished the patriotic work assigned 
 him. He erected barracks and organized a camp at Kokomo, Indiana, and 
 by his untiring energy and popularity, soon raised a regiment of Infantry, 
 (130th Ind. Vols.,) and six companies of cavalry, being part of tte 11th In- 
 diana Cavalry, in all a force of sixteen hundred men, being more men than 
 were raised in any other Congressional District in the State under that call. 
 
 The heroic valor shown by these troops on the bloody battle-fields of the 
 South rank them among the best soldiers of the war. 
 
 Mr. Stilwell having received an invitation from the Secretary of War, as 
 one of the invited guests at the raising of the old Flag on Fort Sumter, 
 sailed in the Steamer Arago with that party from New York, April (3th, 
 1865, and participated on that occasion. It was on the return, when^off 
 Fortress Monroe, that they heard of the death of President Lincoln. 
 
 In the summer of 1864, the Union Convention of the 11th District assem- 
 bled at Anderson, and nominated Col. Stilwell for Congress. He accepted 
 the nomination and made a thorough canvass. During the memorable cam- 
 paign of 1864, Andrew Johnson of Tennessee, made several speeches in the 
 11th District which greatly assisted Mr. Stilwell's election. It was during 
 that campaign that Colonel Stilwell became personally acquainted with Pres- 
 ident Johnson, and their relations have ever since been very intimate. 
 
 Mr. Stilwell's election was a great triumph. His success was so complete 
 that he received the vote of his District, which had on the preceding elec- 
 tion chose Hon. James F. McDowell, (Democrat,) by a majority of 923 
 votes. Mr. Stilwell's majority over McDowell (Democrat) was 2,244 votes. 
 
37 
 
 Upon the assembling of the 39th Congress he was appointed on the 
 House Committees on Agricuhure and Invalid Pensions. Mr. Stilwell 
 finding it not consistent with his ideas of National policy, to adopt the 
 theory entertained by the majority of his party of the 39th Congress took 
 prompt and firm ground in favor of a restoration of the States, as distin- 
 guished from what he esteemed to be the heresy of reconstruction. His 
 stand was bold and resolute, and in the House of Representatives, Febru- 
 ary 5th, 18GG, he made a speech on reconstruction. In that speech, he 
 urged Congress to admit all loyal men, elected to Congress from the 
 South who could take the prescribed oath, that " they have never volun- 
 tarily assisted in the rebellion. " His speech has been extensively circu- 
 lated in Indiana, and other States. That the reader of this sketch may 
 fully understand his views, I quote the latter part of his speech : 
 
 I will not, Mr. Chairman, pursue this subject further. I rejoice in the great good 
 which the recent contest has produced. I hope we may reap all its legitimate fruits. 
 I hope it will make us a great and uuited people, with one language, one heart, one 
 destiny. I rejoice, sir, that the African race has risen to the condition of freedom. 
 In the dispensations of Providence, the nation laid its hands on the bowed captives, 
 and they sprang to the dignity of freedom. It touched their sightless eyes, and they 
 opened to the morning light of perpetual liberty. At the beginning of the contest 
 they ai)peared to be the orphans of Providence ; at its close they were the wards of the 
 Republic. Under Providence, the guiding legislation of Congress, and the wisdom 
 and justice of those they live among, they are now to go forward to their final destiny. 
 Starting as men, with perfect equality before the law, they will soon become an im- 
 portant part of the body politic. Time will wear away prejudice, and soon reconcile 
 all parties to the new condition of things. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I am hopeful of the future. The Constitution as it stands, is the 
 bond of perfect union and the guarantee of innumerable blessings to this people. 
 Under it we have grown to a great and powerful nation. It seems to me to embrace 
 within its ample folds every State and every individual of each State, whether he be 
 rebel or loyal; and that it has full power to punish the one and protect the other. 
 I hope, sir, that in settling the grave question before us, we shall keep within tlie 
 bounds of this great charter of our liberties, and that no consideration of jiarty ad- 
 vantage or political power will swerve us from the line of duty at a moment so crit- 
 ical. If this be so, the future presents no difficulties. The eleven eclipsed stars will 
 pass from under the shadows which now obscure them, and return to the pure light 
 of a restored and happy Union. 
 
 Hon. T. N. Stilwell is about five feet and eight inches high — dark eyes 
 and black hair; is kind and genial — a "whole soul man," always ready 
 and anxious to serve the Union men of his State. His inlluence with 
 the President of the United States is not unknown to the people of Indiana 
 and other States. The following is the vote by counties in his District, 
 in 1864 : 
 
 T. N. STILWELL. J. F. McDO WELL. T. N. STILWELL. J. F. McDOWELL. 
 
 Adams 
 
 487 
 
 1,221 
 
 Madison 
 
 1,638 
 
 2,069 
 
 Blackford 
 
 361 
 
 512 
 
 Tipton 
 
 790 
 
 971 
 
 Grant 
 
 1,613 
 
 1,282 
 
 Wabash 
 
 2,398 
 
 1,319 
 
 Hamilton 
 
 2,955 
 
 1,076 
 
 Wells 
 
 870 
 
 1,247 
 
 Howard 
 Huntington 
 
 1,739 
 1,643 
 
 909 
 1,642 
 
 
 
 
 
 15,623 
 
 13,383 
 
 Jay 
 
 1,129 
 
 1,135 
 
 
 
 
 Hon. T. N. Stilwell's majority, 2,240. 
 
The vote of Indiana by counties for Governor and President in 1864. 
 
 COUNTIES. 
 
 Adams 
 
 Allen 
 
 Bartholomew- 
 Benton 
 
 Blackford .... 
 
 Boone , 
 
 Brown 
 
 Carroll 
 
 Cass 
 
 Clark 
 
 Clay 
 
 Clinton ........ 
 
 Crawford! 
 
 Daviess 
 
 Dearborn 
 
 Decatur 
 
 De Kalb 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Dubois 
 
 Elkart 
 
 Fayette 
 
 Floyd 
 
 Fountain 
 
 Franklin 
 
 Fulton 
 
 Gibson 
 
 Grant ........ 
 
 Greene 
 
 Hamilton 
 
 Hancock 
 
 Harrison 
 
 Hendricks 
 
 Henry 
 
 Howard 
 
 Huntington ., 
 
 Jackson. 
 
 Jasper 
 
 Jay 
 
 Jetferson 
 
 Jennings 
 
 Johnson , 
 
 Knox 
 
 Kosciusco.... 
 La Grange..., 
 
 Lake , 
 
 Laporte 
 
 Lawrence 
 
 Madison 
 
 Marion 
 
 Marshall 
 
 Martin 
 
 Miami 
 
 Monroe 
 
 Montgomery. 
 
 Morgan 
 
 Newton 
 
 Noble 
 
 Governor, 1864. 
 
 President, 1864. 
 
 Union. 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Union. 
 
 D em. 
 
 Morton. 
 
 McDonald. 
 
 Lincoln. 
 
 McGlel'n. 
 
 491 
 
 1218 
 
 485 
 
 1156 
 
 2251 
 
 4610 
 
 2244 
 
 4932 
 
 1780 
 
 2102 
 
 1645 
 
 2051 
 
 380 
 
 287 
 
 380 
 
 272 
 
 363 
 
 509 
 
 355 
 
 475 
 
 2088 
 
 1691 
 
 2124 
 
 1651 
 
 367 
 
 823 
 
 288 
 
 821 
 
 1495 
 
 1591 
 
 1431 
 
 1583 
 
 1875 
 
 2093 
 
 1836 
 
 2087 
 
 1745 
 
 2072 
 
 1683 
 
 1986 
 
 1293 
 
 1514 
 
 1088 
 
 1407 
 
 1473 
 
 1513 
 
 1413 
 
 1501 
 
 787 
 
 735 
 
 706 
 
 709 
 
 1257 
 
 1252 
 
 1227 
 
 1299 
 
 2151 
 
 2354 
 
 2117 
 
 2420 
 
 2017 
 
 1485 
 
 2172 
 
 1559 
 
 1563 
 
 1465 
 
 1484 
 
 1472 
 
 2330 
 
 707 
 
 2405 
 
 588 
 
 322 
 
 1506 
 
 296 
 
 1454 
 
 2307 
 
 1964 
 
 2253 
 
 2000 
 
 1348 
 
 834 
 
 1318 
 
 860 
 
 1733 
 
 2017 
 
 1457 
 
 2055 
 
 1606 
 
 1823 
 
 1562 
 
 1818 
 
 1453 
 
 2288 
 
 1399 
 
 2316 
 
 1010 
 
 1096 
 
 987 
 
 1099 
 
 1324 
 
 1485 
 
 1297 
 
 1516 
 
 1624 
 
 1278 
 
 1547 
 
 1238 
 
 1277 
 
 1468 
 
 1212 
 
 1515 
 
 2970 
 
 1080 
 
 3225 
 
 1093 
 
 1370 
 
 1394 
 
 1369 
 
 1337 
 
 1436 
 
 1809 
 
 1329 
 
 1780 
 
 2614 
 
 1035 
 
 2622 
 
 832 
 
 3008 
 
 1123 
 
 3027 
 
 1057 
 
 1760 
 
 897 
 
 1728 
 
 932 
 
 1665 
 
 1625 
 
 1597 
 
 1685 
 
 1257 
 
 1753 
 
 1187 
 
 1795 
 
 599 
 
 278 
 
 585 
 
 286 
 
 1138 
 
 1128 
 
 1103 
 
 1143 
 
 2890 
 
 1815 
 
 2758 
 
 1777 
 
 1828 
 
 1162 
 
 1817 
 
 1079 
 
 1748 
 
 1560 
 
 1532 
 
 1715 
 
 1368 
 
 1763 
 
 1348 
 
 1817 
 
 2217 
 
 1809 
 
 2188 
 
 1808 
 
 1625 
 
 712 
 
 1583 
 
 796 
 
 1284 
 
 47;? 
 
 1275 
 
 461 
 
 2772 
 
 2247 
 
 2766 
 
 2145 
 
 1462 
 
 1183 
 
 1421 
 
 1085 
 
 1668 
 
 2063 
 
 1535 
 
 2057 
 
 9554 
 
 3221 
 
 10952 
 
 3486 
 
 1222 
 
 1805 
 
 1206 
 
 1589 
 
 615 
 
 875 
 
 576 
 
 817 
 
 1916 
 
 1759 
 
 1831 
 
 1717 
 
 1224 
 
 1220 
 
 1202 
 
 1210 
 
 2302 
 
 2238 
 
 2228 
 
 2260 
 
 1853 
 
 1309 
 
 1793 
 
 1283 
 
 349 
 
 368 
 
 350 
 
 274 
 
 2077 
 
 1463 
 
 1992 
 
 1550 
 
39 
 
 COUNTIES. 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Orange 
 
 Owen 
 
 Parke 
 
 Perry 
 
 Pike 
 
 Porter 
 
 Posey 
 
 Pulaski 
 
 Putnam 
 
 Randolph 
 
 Ripley 
 
 Rash 
 
 Scott 
 
 Shelby 
 
 Spencer 
 
 Starke 
 
 Steuben 
 
 St. Joseph ..... 
 
 Sullivan 
 
 Switzerland... 
 
 Tippecano 
 
 Tipton 
 
 Union 
 
 Vandenburgh 
 
 Vermillion 
 
 Vigo 
 
 Wabash 
 
 Warren 
 
 Warrick 
 
 Washington .. 
 
 Wayne 
 
 Wells 
 
 White 
 
 Whitley 
 
 Total 152084 
 
 Morton. 
 
 605 
 
 874 
 1091 
 2115 
 1144 
 
 938 
 1448 
 1433 
 
 545 
 2088 
 2443 
 1931 
 1944 
 
 624 
 1804 
 1577 
 
 224 
 1664 
 2191 
 
 754 
 1530 
 3392 
 
 800 
 
 827 
 2649 
 1069 
 2872 
 2409 
 1351 
 1336 
 1333 
 4651 
 
 870 
 
 973 
 1125 
 
 McDonald. 
 
 402 
 1025 
 1544 
 1219 
 1081 
 
 957 
 1030 
 1553 
 
 699 
 2110 
 1177 
 1714 
 1672 
 
 736 
 2365 
 1468 
 
 283 
 
 551 
 1682 
 2187 
 
 812 
 2669 
 
 965 
 
 598 
 2349 
 
 703 
 2211 
 1307 
 
 742 
 1442 
 1840 
 1777 
 1248 
 
 923 
 1311 
 
 Lincoln. 
 
 592 
 
 804 
 1053 
 2121 
 1112 
 
 920 
 1469 
 1357 
 
 488 
 1968 
 2371 
 1826 
 1881 
 
 586 
 1837 
 1558 
 
 217 
 1642 
 2188 
 
 795 
 1440 
 3489 
 
 731 
 
 832 
 2734 
 1044 
 2887 
 2461 
 1373 
 1247 
 1242 
 4238 
 
 846 
 
 940 
 1062 
 
 McClel'n. 
 
 381 
 1020 
 1522 
 1236 
 1042 
 
 971 
 
 936 
 1585 
 
 718 
 2155 
 1168 
 1750 
 1680 
 
 742 
 2223 
 1427 
 
 247 
 
 610 
 1558 
 2059 
 
 855 
 2775 
 1019 
 
 592 
 2114 
 
 752 
 2167 
 1229 
 
 761 
 1441 
 1799 
 1529 
 1235 
 
 899 
 1327 
 
 130233 
 
 THE POPULAR VOTE OF INDIANA FOR PRESIDENT, 
 From 1840 to 1864. 
 
 1864 — Republican, Lincoln.... 
 — Democratic, McClellan. 
 
 .150,422 
 .130,233 
 
 Lincoln's majority. 
 
 20,189 
 
 I860— Republican, Lincoln 139,033 
 
 — Democratic, Douglass 115,509 
 
 — Democratic, Breckinridge. 12,295 
 — National Union, Bell 5,306 
 
 —Free Soil, Hale 6,934 
 
 Pierce over Scott 14,398 
 
 1848— Whig, Taylor 69,907 
 
 — Democratic, Cass 74,745 
 
 —Free Soil, Van Buren 8,100 
 
 Lincoln's maj. over all. 
 
 6.933 
 
 3 — Republican, Fremont 94,375 
 
 — Democratic, Buchanan 118,670 
 
 — American, Filmore ,. 22,386 
 
 Cass over Taylor 4,838 
 
 1844— Whig, Clay 67,867 
 
 —Democratic, Polk 70,113 
 
 -Free Soil, Birney 2,106 
 
 Buchanan over Fremont... 24,295 1840- 
 
 -Whig, Scott 
 
 -Democratic, Pierce. 
 
 80,901 
 95,299 
 
 Polk over Clay 2,246 
 
 -Whig, Harrison 65,302 
 
 -Democratic — Van Buren... 51,601 
 
 Harrison over Van Buren.. 13,698 
 
A BALLAD OP INDIANA. 
 
 From the kitchen, Martha Hopkins, as she stood there making pies, 
 
 South-svard looks along the turnpike, with her Tiand above her eyes : 
 
 Where, along the distant hill- side, her yearling heifer feeds. 
 
 And a little grass is growing in a mighty sight of weeds. 
 
 All the air is full of noises, for there isn't any school. 
 
 And the boys, with turned-up pantaloons, are wading in the pool ; 
 
 Blithely frisk unnumbered chickens, cackling, for they cannot laugh ; 
 
 Where the airy summits brighten, nimbly leaps the little calf. 
 
 Gentle eyes of Martha Hopkins ! tell me, wherefore do ye gaze 
 
 On the ground that's being furrowed for the planting of the maize ? 
 
 Tell me wherefore, down the valley, ye have traced the turnpike way, 
 
 Far beyond the cattle pasture, and the brick-yard, with its clay? 
 
 Ah ! the dogwood tree may blossom, and the door-yard green may shine, 
 
 With the tears of amber dropping from the washing on the line ; 
 
 And the morning's breath of balsam lightly brush her freckled cheek — 
 
 Little recketh Martha Hopkins of the tales of Spring they speak. 
 
 When the summers burning solstice on the scanty harvest glowed, 
 
 She had watched a man on horseback riding down the turnpike road ; 
 
 Many times she saw him turning, looking backward, quite forlorn, 
 
 Till amid the trees she lost him, in the shadow of the barn. 
 
 Ere the supper time was over he had passed the kiln of brick. 
 
 Crossed the rushing yellow river, and had forded quite a creek. 
 
 And his flat-boat load was taken, at the time, for pork and beans, 
 
 With the traders of the Wabash, to the wharf at New Orleans. 
 
 Therefore watchen Martha Hopkins — holding in her hand the pans, 
 
 When the sound of distant footsteps sounds exactly like a man's ; 
 
 Not a wind the stove pipe rattles, not a door behind her jars. 
 
 But she seems to hear the rattle of his letting down the bars. 
 
 Often sees the men on horseback, coming down the turnpike rough. 
 
 But they come not as John Jackson, she can see it well enough; 
 
 Well she knows the sober trotting of the sorrel horse he keeps, 
 
 As he jogs along at leisure, with his head down like a sheep's. 
 
 She would know him ' mongst a thousand, by his home-made coat and vest; 
 
 By his socks, which were blue woolen, such as farmers wear out West; 
 
 By the color of his trowsers, and the saddle which was spread 
 
 With a blanket which was taken for that purpose from the bed. 
 
 None like he the yoke of hickory on the unbroken steer can throw, 
 
 None amid his father's corn-fields use like him the spade and hoe ; 
 
 And at all the apple-cuttings few indeed the men have been 
 
 Who could dance with him the polka, touch like him the violin. 
 
 He has said to Martha Hopkins, and she thinks she hears him now, 
 
 For she knows as well as can be that he meant to keep his vow ; 
 
 When the buck-eye tree has blossomed, and your uncle plants his corn, 
 
 Shall the bells of Indiana usher in the wedding morn ? 
 
 He has pictured his relations, and her Sunday hat and gown. 
 
 And he thinks he'll get a carriage, and they'll spend a day in town; 
 
 That their love will newly kindle, and what comfort it will give, 
 
 To sit down to the first breakfast in the cabin where they'll live ! 
 
 Tender eyes of Martha Hopkins ! what has got you in such a scrape? 
 
 'Tis a tear that falls and glitters on the rufide of her cape; 
 
 Ah! the eye of love may brighten, to be certain what it sees — 
 
 One man looks much like another when half-hidden by the trees. 
 
 But her eager eyes rekindle, she forgets the pies and bread, 
 
 As she sees a man on horseback, round the corner of the shed. 
 
 Now tie on another apron, get the comb and smooth your hair, 
 
 'Tis the sorrel horse that gallops, 'tis John Jackson's self that's there! 
 
 [The above poem waa written about fifteen years ago; I would willingly give the writer's name did 
 I know it.] 
 
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