207 
 
 L2 T72 
 ;opy 1 
 
 ^ ^ 4. 4. 4. 4. 4 
 
 jIa aIa aIa a&a aIa iii Al 
 
 iP i|f l|f Hf v|v If' W 
 
 LA FAYETTE 
 
 4. 4> 4. 4. 4. ^ 4. ♦ 
 
 m 
 
 ^ 6™ SERIES COLONIAL ^ 
 
 iift aIa ilA ill iii iii ill 
 
 1r fP If' 1^ Hr 'i^ H» 
 
STATUE OF LA FAYETTE 
 
 IN THE COURT OF THE LOUVRE, PARIS: BY PAUL W. BARTLETT 
 Presented to France by the School Children of America, July 4th, (900 
 
!^F^^V^* .- •■-^^i^^^^if:?'?^^^^^^'!sr'rr^rrr:v'j^^ 
 
 ",.;-<--v.«r^i?iCi-</ft»ti>A'i-:-r^w.vx-;'^'^ 
 
 ^a:^^^ 
 
 ty^arquts de Jlcu U'cajette 
 
 ^^^^t^^^m 
 
 irfi«iMihiii« II h«i|fa<*ty|ii^»^- 1 * 
 
 "w^ifrwtn-'w.) 
 
 tf.tn"w.p i 
 
 ■■<..>i.ini».niii,i<...i!..i>.i.jmRjii.'(n'..j.n')iL.lu.i 
 
 '^l';r".".''i' •!''"■'"" 
 
AN 
 
 ACCOUNT OK THE 
 
 LIFK OK 
 
 Marie Joseph PaulYvesRoch Gilbert Dumotier 
 
 Marquis de La Fayette 
 
 major-<;knerai. in the service ok amebica /no 
 
 NOBl.ESr rATRlOT OK THE KRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 With Illustrations of the 
 
 La Fayette Vattern of Sterling Silver 
 
 Tableware 
 
 TOWLE MFG. COMPANY 
 
 SILVERS Mr/'HS 
 NEWBURYPORT ;: MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Chicago, Illinois 
 42 Madison St. 
 
 New York City 
 17 Maiden 1-ane 
 

 .-n^^' 
 
 BUST OF LA FAYETTE IN THE CAPITOL AT RICHMOND 
 
 EXECUTED BY HOUDON FOR THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY 
 
 A duplicate presented to France was prominent in the French Kevolution 
 Reproduced by permission 
 
 Compiled and arranged by George P. Tilton, of the Towle 
 Manufacturing Company, of material derived from the following 
 publications, supplemented by local study of the scenes included: 
 
 Memoirs and Correspondence of General La Fayette. 
 
 Published by his Family 
 The Marquis de La Fayette in the American Revolution. 
 
 Charlemagne Tower, Jr. 
 
 The History of the French Revolution. Louis Adolphe Thiers 
 
 Memoirs of the Marquis de La Fayette. Frederic Butler, A.M. 
 
 Field Book of the American Revolution. Benson J. Lossing 
 
 Fund Publications of the Maryland Historical Society. 13-32 
 
 Life of General La Fayette. Bayard Tuckerman 
 
 The Household of the La Fayettes. Edith Sichel 
 
 The French Revolution. Thomas Carlyle 
 
 The Magazine of American History. 1881-1889 
 
 The North American Review. 1824 
 
 viii, I'll:;, i\ r,,uir 
 ©CI.A;}439a8 
 
 M^,^ r. 
 
* l»AnT OF THE PALACE 
 
 '''^^:f'Sit-i^m>itK->:^r*i^2..^.. versaTJiIb 
 
 Amid the sophistry and prodigality of aristocratic France of the waning 
 eighteenth century, La Fayette conceived an ideal of noble humanity, and at the 
 threshold of his life consecrated his efforts and his resources to its realization. 
 It has been given to few men of like impulses to exercise fuller opportunities or 
 ampler means, and none have excelled him in fidelity and constancy. 
 
 Louis XIV debauched France, Louis XV flaunted profligacy before its crushed 
 but murmuring people, and Louis XVI paid the penalty of this heritage of extrav- 
 agance and oppression, in an era of passion and violence unparalleled, as it was 
 unexampled, in the world's history. Such was the background and the field from 
 which La Fayette emerged at the age of nineteen years to espouse the cause of 
 American freedom, and to which, a few years later, he returned to become the 
 chief actor in the momentous events leading to the French revolution. 
 
 Harie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert Du Motier, Marquis de La Fayette, 
 was bom September 6th, 1757, at the Chateau de Chavaniac in Auvergne, the 
 home of his mother, to which she had retired while her husband, Michel Louis 
 Christophe Roch Gilbert Du Motier, Marquis de La Fayette, fought for France in 
 tiie Seven Years' War. The Marquis de La Fayette, Colonel of Grenadiers under 
 Marshal de Broglie, was killed in the battle of Minden at the age of twenty-five, a 
 few weeks after his son was born. The young marquis was reared at Chavaniac 
 and educated in the accomplishments and graces that were the highest aim of the 
 courtier of that period, but the heroic strain in his character early asserted itself, 
 and he dwelt more on the hope of encountering and conquering the wild beasts of 
 the neighborhood than of shining at Versailles. At the age of twelve he was sent 
 to the College du Plessis at Paris and soon afterward was transferred to the Acad- 
 emy at Versailles and made an officer in the Mousquetaires Noirs, which on review 
 days took him from the schoolroom to the active command of men. 
 
 Soon after he left home his mother died, and he became possessed of the 
 large fortune of her family, with an income suflficient to determine a less serious 
 character on a life of idleness and ease. He was, however, unattracted by the 
 vicious pleasures then the fashion, and became the suitor of Mile. Adrienne de 
 Noailles, daughter of the Due d'Ayen and granddaughter of the Due and Mare- 
 chal de Noailles. The Noailles family was of the highest rank and character, and 
 its history amid the vanities and corruption of this period and the trials of the 
 Revolution endures as a monument of Christianity, love and gentleness. The Due 
 d'Ayen was much in favor of the proposal, but the Duchess, who had made the 
 training and instruction of her five daughters the chief object of her life, was op- 
 posed to the match because of what seemed to her traits of impetuousness in the 
 Marquis engendered by the imperfect surveillance of his guardians and the bane- 
 ful possibilities of his great wealth. 
 
 This divergence of desires caused a serious though temporary estrangement 
 between the parents, which the Duke relieved by receding from his position, 
 while, having discovered during the interval the fundamental virtues of La Fay- 
 ette's character, Madame d'Ayen withdrew her objections. Mile. Adrienne was 
 not immediately informed of the proposed alliance, but she was brought much into 
 the company of her suitor and fell sincerely in love with him, so that when she 
 
was told of the arrangement she was overjoyed, and the marriage soon took place. 
 The young couple — aged respectively sixteen and fourteen — lived two years hap- 
 pily with the d'Ayens, attending occasionally at the DuBarry-ruled court of Louis 
 XV, and, after his unmourned death, participating in the festivities of Louis XVI 
 and Marie Antoinette. The latter soon gathered about her the flower of the 
 young nobility, and formed an exclusive set that excited the jealousy and antag- 
 onism of the older courtiers, who prevailed upon the king to suppress their inno- 
 vations. The La Fayettes were of this coterie, and the Marquis was devoted to 
 the beautiful and virtuous Queen, who in turn adopted him as a favorite, a cir- 
 cumstance which is noteworthy in view of her later attitude toward him when he 
 was forced to stand between royalty and the infuriated people. 
 
 The Marquis and his wife were now settled in a new home, gladdened by the 
 birth of a daughter, and the Noailles family sought to establish their son-in-law 
 at Court by procuring for him a place in the service of the Due de Provence, the 
 King's brother, afterward Louis XVIII ; but La Fayette had no fancy for such a 
 life, and took occasion at a masked ball, when he could appear impersonal, 
 although he knew that he was recognized, to offend the Duke by liberal opinions 
 and a contemptuous rejoinder, which destroyed any possibility of further asso- 
 ciation. Soon after this he joined his regiment at Metz, an environment more 
 suited to the growing taciturnity which marked the birth of his definite espousal 
 of liberty, than the crowding gayeties of Versailles. 
 
 It was at an officers' dinner at Metz, given by the Comte de Broglie, com- 
 mandant of the garrison, in honor of the visit of the Duke of Gloucester, in the 
 fall of 1776 that La Fayette formed the resolution of volunteering in the cause of 
 freedom in the new world across the Atlantic. The Duke had been banished by 
 his brother, George III, for marrying the Countess Waldegrave, and being there- 
 fore disposed to criticise the British policy, he related, with a degree of sympa- 
 thy, news of the uprising in America, the evacuation of Boston by the King's 
 troops, and the declaration of independence. The officers who listened were 
 imbued with the abstract philosophy of free government, at that time the fashion 
 in the brilliant salons of Paris, and the general hope was expressed that the rebels 
 would triumph. To them, as to their confreres at the capital, freedom was an 
 idea called up chiefly by Jean Jacques Rousseau in his "Contrat Social," a treat- 
 ise on free government, which had gained the attention of philosophers of every 
 station, and was arousing the humbler classes to an appreciation of their wrongs. 
 To La Fayette it was the embodiment of the deep feelings which had stirred him 
 from childhood, and had clouded his nature with a mystery inexplicable to his 
 associates and even to himself. The knowledge of a struggling people, gained so 
 casually, precipitated in his mind the nebulae of unrest, and he went to the Duke 
 and privately declared his intention of going to America to fight in its cause. 
 
 This resolution was firm, though so abruptly made, and he immediately took 
 steps to accomplish it. He imparted it gradually to members of his family, all 
 of whom strongly opposed what seemed a mere boyish adventure. Mme. de La 
 Fayette was at first heartbroken at the thought of his absence when their second 
 child would be born, and of the personal danger which he must incur, but realiz- 
 ing the depth of his purpose, and being fully in sympathy with his noble aims, she 
 repressed her sorrow for his absence and encouraged him in his purpose. Her 
 mother, the Duchess d'Ayen, also, from her ovra high conception of duty to one's 
 principles, was easily brought to acquiesce, and his brother-in-law, the Vicomte 
 de Noailles, and cousin, the Comte de Segur, were enthusiastic to accompany him. 
 The one member of the family who was implacable in his opposition was the Due 
 d'Ayen, but this, while a matter of regret to La Fayette, was not discouraging. 
 He sought Silas Deane, the American representative at Paris, and negotiated with 
 him through Baron de Kalb, a French officer of German origin, who had been 
 employed to visit America to report on the political situation, and who also was 
 now desirous of enlisting in its cause. The affair was progressing favorably and 
 Deane had promised La Fayette a commission as major-general, when it was in- 
 terrupted by an order from the King formally forbidding La Fayette to depart. 
 
 France, as a penalty of defeat in its alliance with Austria in the Seven Years' 
 War against England, had forfeited to the latter its Canadian provinces, and 
 secretly desired to strike a blow at its hereditary enemy, but was deterred from 
 doing this openly by the depleted state of its finances, which, through the reck- 
 
- HUGER MANSION-PROSPECT HILL PLANTATION 
 
 NEAR GEORGETOWN, SOUTH CAROLINA 
 
 less extravagance of previous reigns had been brought to the verge of bank- 
 ruptcy. The Ministry saw in the resistance of the American Colonists a hope of 
 punishment for England, but as it was professedly neutral it could not counte- 
 nance open aid of the cause. It did, however, provide the working field for the 
 American agents and commissioners, promise them personal security, and secretly 
 furnish a large sum of money, which, in the form of an indirect loan, went to 
 purchase ships and supplies for the insurgents, as they were called. Lord Stor- 
 mont, the English Ambassador at Paris, kept a very watchful eye on all these 
 movements, and succeeded in thwarting many plans, as of course hLs specific pro- 
 tests required recognition. It was because of this necessity of seemingly strict 
 neutrality that La Fayette and his family, whose station was such that they were 
 liable to be deemed representative of the Government, were peremptorily forbid- 
 den to take part in the uprising, while no hindrance was placed on the movements 
 of many other officers of the French army who volunteered. 
 
 The result of the royal ban was to frustrate the plans of the Vicomte de 
 Noailles and the Comte de Segur, who were less independently situated, and to 
 impose greater difficulties and secrecy upon La Fayette. The Comte de Broglie, 
 to whom, as an old and experienced friend of his family. La Fayette had early 
 appealed for aid, had at first strongly endeavored to dissuade him with argu- 
 ments as to the hopelessness of the American cause, adding: — "I have seen your 
 uncle die in the wars of Italy, I have witnessed your father's death at Minden, 
 and I will not be accessory to the ruin of the last remaining branch of the family." 
 He however promised not to betray the plan and later he so far relented that La 
 Fayette wrote : — "Amongst my discreet confidants, I owe much to M. du Boismar- 
 tin, secretary of the Count de Broglie, and to the Count de Broglie himself, whose 
 affectionate heart, when all his efforts to turn me from this project had proven in 
 vain, entered into my views with even paternal tenderness." 
 
 As Benjamin Franklin had, at this time, arrived in Paris and entered upon 
 the career of wonderful popularity that was destined to accomplish so much for 
 his country's cause, La Fayette appealed to him through M. Carmichael, an 
 American merchant who was among the earliest to go to France for assistance, 
 this precaution being necessary to maintain secrecy. The forces under Wash- 
 ington had been recently defeated by Gen. Howe at Long Island, and the dis- 
 
couraging news was presented to La Fayette, but its only effect was to increase 
 his ardor, and the commissioners henceforth devoted their efforts to getting him 
 safely under way. He had previously arranged to visit England with his uncle, 
 the Prince de Poix, ambassador to that country, and after spending some weeks 
 there he returned surreptitiously to Paris, and a few days later, with Baron de 
 Kalb and others seeking passage to America, set out for Bordeaux, where the ship 
 "La Victoire" purchased by him through M. de Boismartin, was being repaired 
 and fitted for the voyage. While waiting the completion of this work, which was 
 unexpectedly delayed, he despatched messages to friends in Paris, and as he re- 
 ceived information in reply that his plans and whereabouts were known and that 
 an officer was about to start to intercept him, he suspended the repairs on his ship 
 and immediately sailed for the neighboring Spanish port of Los Passaje. 
 
 Lord Stormont had discovered his movements and appealed to the Due 
 d'Ayen, at whose instigation a lettre de cachet had been despatched, of which, 
 and the accompanying letters from his family. La Fayette has this to say : — "The 
 orders of my sovereign were only able to overtake me at Los Passaje, a Spanish 
 port, at which we stopped on our way. The letters from my family were ex- 
 tremely violent, and those from the government were peremptory. I was for- 
 bidden to proceed to the American continent under penalty of disobedience ; I was 
 enjoined to repair immediately to Marseilles, and await there further orders." 
 He complied with these commands to the extent of returning to Bordeaux, where 
 after some days, having heard no more from the Comte de Maurepas, — as was 
 natural considering the final orders received, — he wrote that he interpreted the 
 prime minister's silence as tacit consent, and started, with two of his companions, 
 ostensibly for Marseilles, to satisfy the commandant that he was obeying the royal 
 injunction; the party drew up, however, on reaching the open country, and La 
 Fayette exchanged his more conspicuous costume for that of a courier, in which 
 disguise he galloped ahead of the coach to order fresh horses. At the first oppor- 
 tunity they turn^ off toward Bayonne, where they would have again the main road 
 to Los Passaje. Here they halted, as it was feared that they would be intercepted 
 by the duped bearers of the lettre de cachet, and for three hours La Fayette 
 secluded himself in the loft of a stable while his companions, passing for ordinary 
 travelers, reconnoitered at the inn. No danger being apparent they resumed 
 their journey and met with no mishap until they reached the village of Saint Jean 
 de Luz, where, in spite of his assumed character. La Fayette was recognized by 
 the innkeeper's daughter — who evidently had a keen eye for youth of the other 
 sex — as a young man who had passed in a carriage a few days before. Her dis- 
 cretion was equal to her acumen, however, as at a sign from the pretended cou- 
 rier, she dissembled her surprise, and the horses being changed, the absconders 
 continued unmolested. Soon afterward the over trustful officers rode hastily up 
 to the inn and inquired of the girl if such a carriage had passed, but her sym- 
 pathies were with the young stranger, and without falsehood she told them that 
 she had seen the carriage but that the person described was not in it. The pur- 
 suers returned and this young woman, all unconscious of the importance of the 
 act, proved the pivot on which hung, for this expedition at least, the fortunes of 
 La Fayette in America. On the twentieth of April, 1777, "La Victoire" set sail 
 from Los Passaje, and with more good luck than her condition or armament war- 
 ranted, reached the coast of South Carolina after a two months' voyage, in spite 
 of storms and hostile ships. After recovery from the seasickness which affected 
 him severely. La Fayette spent much of his time on the tedious passage in writ- 
 ing letters of tender regret to his wife — whose situation and condition touched 
 him deeply — at the necessity of parting from her so ungallantly, expressing his 
 unbounded love and solicitude, which was only inferior to the duty he felt in 
 behalf of a struggling people; and also in the study of the English language and 
 military tactics. The ship had cleared for the West Indies and the captain, hav- 
 ing secretly embarked a considerable venture of his own, was determined to go 
 there and was only dissuaded by a promise of indemnity if the vessel was seized, 
 and a threat to put the mate in charge if he further insisted. When near the 
 coast they were intercepted by a cruiser and La Fayette resolved to blow up the 
 vessel rather than surrender, but their alarm was needless as the other proved to 
 be an American privateer and left them unmolested. The party were anxious to 
 land as soon as possible, so the ship was headed directly for the shore and 
 
 6 
 
anchored, as it proved, near North Island, at the entrance of Winyah Bay. 
 Although it was late in the evening a small boat was launched and they proceeded 
 up the bay until a welcome light indicated a friendly roof. Its nearer aspect 
 was doubtful, however, as dogs set up violent barking and the inmates, fearing 
 a raid from a British war ship, were slow to receive the travelers. After a parley 
 between a voice from an upper window and Baron de Kalb, who spoke a little 
 English, the door was thrown open and La Fayette and his companions were cor- 
 dially welcomed to the home of Major Benjamin Huger of the Continental Army. 
 The goal of his absorbing ambition was now at hand, and no better descrip- 
 tio» of his enthusiasm and gratification can be given than these extracts from his 
 first ktters to his wife: — "I have arrived, my dearest love, in perfect health at 
 the house of an American officer ; and, by the most fortunate chance in the world, 
 a French vessel is on the point of sailing; conceive how happy I am. I am going 
 this erening to Charleston, from whence I will write to you. » ♦ * * * 
 I shall now speak to you, my love, about the country and its inhabitants, who are 
 as agreeable as my enthusiasm had led me to imagine. Simplicity of manner, 
 kindness of heart, love of country and of liberty, a delightful state of equality are 
 met with universally. The richest and the poorest man are completely on a level ; 
 and although there are some immense fortunes in this country, I may challenge 
 any one to point out the slightest difference in their respective manner towards 
 each other. I first saw and judged of a country life at Major Huger's house. I 
 am at present in the city, where everything somewhat resembles the English cus- 
 toms, except that you find more simplicity here than you would in England. 
 Charleston is one of the best built, handsomest, and most agreeable cities that I 
 have ever seen. The American women are very pretty, and have great simplicity 
 of character; and the extreme neatness of their appearance is truly delightful; 
 cleanliness is everywhere even more studiously attended to here than in Eng- 
 land. What gives me most pleasure is to see how completely the citizens are all 
 brethren of one family. In America there are none poor and none even that can 
 be called peasants. Each citizen has some property, and all citizens have the 
 same rights as the richest individual, or landed proprietor in the country. The 
 inns are very different from those of Europe; the host and hostess sit at table 
 with you and do the honors of a comfortable meal ; and when you depart you pay 
 without being obliged to beat them down. If you dislike going to inns you may 
 always find country houses in which you will be received, as a good American, 
 with the same attention that you might expect in a friend's house in Europe. 
 • * • * From the agreeable life I lead in this country, from the sympathy 
 which makes me feel as much at ease with the inhabitants as if I had known 
 them for twenty years, the similarity between their manner of thinking and my 
 own, my love for glory and for liberty, you may imagine that I am very happy : 
 but you are not with me, my dearest love; » » * * Embrace most tenderly 
 my Henriette : may I add, embrace our children ? The father of these poor chil- 
 dren is a wanderer, but he is, nevertheless, a good husband also, for he loves 
 his wife most tenderly. * * ♦ ♦ Adieu, then, my dearest love; * ♦ • 
 The night is far advanced, the heat intense, and I am devoured by mosquitoes; 
 but the best countries, as you perceive, have their inconveniences." 
 
 La Fayette and his companions had nine hundred miles to travel to present 
 themselves before Congress at Philadelphia and they set out in good style with 
 horses and carriages that he purchased, but various mishaps reduced them to 
 
 the necessity of mounting the horses, and he wrote 
 Madame de La Fayette that he expected to "finally 
 arrive on foot." They were much impressed by the * 
 virgin grandeur of the scenery, which was in notable 
 contrast to the poor farms of their own country, and 
 traveling this way for a month, which included a 
 }^:^: visit to the Governor of North Carolina and short 
 ^p5^> stops at Petersburg and Annapolis, they arrived at 
 their journey's end. 
 
 Congress was out of patience with the innumer- 
 LA FAYETTE SNUFF BOX able foreign officers who had come over with prom- 
 
 Metropolitan Art Museum ises and credentials from Silas Deane, and high ex- 
 
 Reproduced by permission pectations of preferment in the army, and at first no 
 
attention was paid to the letters presented by La Fayette. The great majority of 
 the applicants were adventurers or worse, and some of those that had been com- 
 missioned had given unending trouble. They hardly opened La Fayette's papers, 
 and the next day when he came to learn the result, he was met by the chairman of 
 the Committee on Foreign Affairs to whom he had intrusted his case, with very 
 discouraging tidings. Suspecting the true state of affairs, he showed no resent- 
 ment but wrote this note, which he requested Mr. Lovell, his intermediary, to 
 read before Congress : — "After the sacrifices I have made, I have the right to ex- 
 act two favours ; one is to serve at my own expense, — the other is, to serve at first 
 as volunteer." This astonishing humility and public spirit attracted the desired 
 attention and his dispatches from the envoys were read, with the result that in a 
 very flattering resolution he was given a commission as major-general. Franklin 
 had written in a most appreciative strain of the young man's character, influence 
 and connections, and urged his appointment, at the same time prudently delaying 
 a letter which the envoys were directed to write, by the court of France, request- 
 ing that he should not be employed. After his own appointment he used his influ- 
 ence in favor of de Kalb, who was granted a similar commission retrospectively 
 dated, like La Fayette's, July thirty-first; of the remainder of his party some 
 were later accepted, and he relieved the disappointment of the others by gifts 
 from his own purse. 
 
 The English under General Howe and Admiral Howe having appeared be- 
 fore the Delaware Capes, Washington came to Philadelphia early in August and 
 at a dinner tendered the Commander-in-chief La Fayette was presented to him. 
 "Although he was surrounded by officers and citizens, it was impossible to mis- 
 take for a moment his majestic figure and deportment. * * * • Invited by 
 the General to establish himself in his house, he looked upon it from that moment 
 as his own ; with this perfect ease and simplicity was formed the tie that united 
 two friends, whose confidence and attachment were to be cemented by the strong- 
 est interests of humanity." (La Fayette's Memoirs.) This immortal friendship 
 was, in the trying years that followed, a source of great solace to both ; the one 
 finding a sincere and self-forgetting friend, loyal under every condition, and the 
 other a hero and guardian whom he worshiped as a soldier and as a man. 
 
 La Fayette's commission carried no assignment and Washington offered him 
 a place on his staff, which was joyfully accepted. Together they visited the for- 
 tifications and the camp at Annapolis where the pitiful aspect of the poorly 
 equipped and half disciplined troops elicited a half apologetic observation from 
 the General on their contrast to the army to which his companion was attached 
 in France, but La Fayette's only reply, "I am here to learn, and not to teach," 
 was indicative of his earnest and modest attitude and at once endeared him to his 
 commander. La Fayette noted the motley and tattered uniforms, of hunting shirt 
 and gray linen coat at the best, and the awkward and unscientific manoeuvres, but 
 he also saw and appreciated the intense patriotism of the men and zealous enthu- 
 siasm of the officers. He soon found himself a participant in active operations, 
 as the British, although appearing to withdraw after menacing the Delaware, 
 soon returned by the way of Chesapeake Bay and Elkton. 
 
 The forces opposed each other gallantly at Chadd's Ford and Brandywine 
 Creek, and after a hard and well planned contest lasting all day and entailing 
 severe losses, the enemy was victorious and the Americans fell back on Chester 
 and later Philadelphia, which, as Washington was unsuccessful in an attempt 
 to again engage Howe, they abandoned, in a few days, to protect their stores 
 at Reading. "The British marched on Philadelphia and occupied it, surpris- 
 ing and routing General Wayne, who had been left with fifteen hundred 
 men to check their advance, Congress fleeing to Lancaster and York. At the 
 battle of Chadd's Ford, La Fayette, seeking the thickest action, secured permis- 
 sion to join the right wing under General Sullivan and in a spirited action dur- 
 ing which Lord Cornwallis concentrated his attack upon the division to which he 
 had attached himself, he was wounded by a ball in the leg and in the retreat would 
 have been unable to mount his horse but for the assistance of Captain Gimat, his 
 aide-de-camp and friend. He undertook to join Washington, who had arrived with 
 fresh troops, but became so weak from loss of blood that he was obliged to stop 
 and have his leg bandaged, and narrowly escaped capture. He reached Philadel- 
 phia by water and had his wound dressed, after which he was taken to the peace- 
 
 8 
 
HOUSE AT CHADD'S FORD 
 
 LA FAYETTE'S HEADQUARTERS 
 
 ful Moravian settlement at Beth- 
 lehem, to recuperate. Although 
 he treated the matter very 
 lightly in letters to his wife, he 
 was confined to his bed for six 
 weeks during which he suffered 
 severely. The Moravian Brothers 
 cared for him with great kind- 
 ness and endeavored to turn his 
 mind from warlike thoughts, but 
 he spent much of his time in 
 writing — the only employment 
 possible — plans for auxiliary 
 campaigns which were never 
 carried out, although it was sub- 
 sequently learned that they were 
 thought well of by the French 
 authorities to whom they were 
 addressed. 
 
 Washington in the mean- 
 time had returned from Reading 
 and engaged the British at Ger- 
 mantown, but the advantage 
 continued against him and after 
 the loss of Forts Mifflin and 
 Mercer on the Delaware river. 
 
 which held out long and bravely against the English ships and sunk a good part 
 of the fleet, he gave up the hope of retaking Philadelphia and withdrew to White- 
 marsh, from whence he soon went into the memorable winter quarters at Valley 
 Forge. 
 
 La Fayette's impatience to be again at the front caused him to leave Bethle- 
 hem as soon as he could walk about, and long before his wound had healed or could 
 be covered by a boot. In this condition he joined Washington at Whitemarsh, and, 
 seeing an opportunity for active service in the movements to check Cornwallis in 
 New Jersey, he joined General Greene as volunteer and at Mount Holly was put 
 in charge of a small detachment to reconnoitre. He discovered Cornwallis about 
 to cross the river at Gloucester, and taking his men to a commanding but dan- 
 gerous position at Stony Point he immediately engaged a superior force of Hes- 
 sians and drove them .steadily back with severe losses, in spite of reinforcements 
 led by Cornwallis himself. He had but three hundred men and many of them 
 had marched all day without food, but in his report to General Washington he 
 speaks most highly of their spirit and ability, while the men were equally appre- 
 ciative of the daring and skill of their commander on this occasion. La Fayette 
 admitted that his escape from annihilation was due largely to errors of judg- 
 ment on the part of the enemy, who overestimated the strength of the attacking 
 force, but as it was successful the affair added much to his reputation and 
 popularity. 
 
 This action was unimportant, as, on arriving, Greene decided to abandon the 
 position and Cornwallis crossed the river the next day ; but the real fighting ability 
 shown by one who, many thought, held only a nominal commission as a compli- 
 ment to his enthusiasm and connections, aroused a general desire to see him in 
 charge of an independent command, and acting on Washington's recommendation 
 to this effect. Congress resolved that he be placed at the head of a division, on 
 which Washington appointed him to the Virginia Militia to succeed General 
 Stephen. Howe gained no advantage from Cornwallis' passage of the Delaware, 
 as, after joining the latter, he made no advance until Greene had effected a junc- 
 tion with Washington and then his tentative movements indicated a hesitance to 
 attack, which was confirmed soon afterward by his withdrawal to Philadelphia, 
 in which comfortable city he settled down for the winter. 
 
 The capture of Burgoyne's splendid army in the North raised the courage and 
 the credit of the country, and the news of it, borne across the ocean, determined 
 the French alliance, without which the triumph of the American cause would 
 
WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS, VALLEY FORGE 
 
 VIEW FROM THE REAR 
 
 have been impossible. The self-interest upon which the Government must justify 
 its success was embodied in sincere kindness, and the French people, captivated 
 by Franklin, were unbounded in their sympathy, while the large loans granted by 
 the Ministry when they hardly knew where to turn for Court expenses, were the 
 very sinews of war to the patriots. 
 
 At Valley Forge, Washington's wretched army lay starving and freezing in 
 pitiful contrast to the British soldiers, who, only twenty-two miles away, reveled 
 in luxury. La Fayette remained with his troops and shared their privations, 
 which he keenly deplored, though in spite of these their patriotism was little abated. 
 While Washington was here suffering poignantly with his men, a clique of offi- 
 cers led by Conway, an Irishman who had been in the French service, sought to 
 undermine his position as head of the forces and supersede him by Gates, who 
 had been made president of the Board of War as a reward for his part in the cap- 
 ture of Burgoyne, the report of which, ignoring Washington, he had transmitted 
 directly to Congress. The country and Congress were divided by parties holding 
 diverse opinions on the conduct of the war, and this situation secured a backing for 
 the conspirators which promised success to their plan. Appreciating La Fayette's 
 popularity and his influence abroad they saw the necessity of depriving Washing- 
 ton of his company and counsel, and they contrived an elaborate plan to seduce 
 him from his allegiance to his beloved friend. Congress authorized the formation 
 of an "Army of the North" for the purpose of destroying the British shipping on 
 Lake Champ lain and subsequently attacking Montreal. It was provided in the act 
 that the expedition, having twenty-five hundred men and ample funds and equip- 
 ment, should be commanded by La Fayette with Generals Conway and Stark 
 for lieutenants, and he received information to this effect through Washington, 
 with instructions to repair at once to Albany and there await further orders. 
 
 Washington, although heavy hearted, advised him to accept the position, but 
 La Fayette, on realizing that its direct responsibility to the Board of War carried 
 an affront to the Commander-in-chief, determined to refuse it, and only modified 
 his decision at the earnest solicitation of his friend, who declared that as the place 
 had been created he preferred that he should accept it. La Fayette, however, de- 
 ferred acquiescence until he had visited headquarters at York and secured fur- 
 ther concessions of funds and trustworthy officers; and while there at a dinner 
 
 10 
 
of the conspirators he created consternation by obligring them to drink a toast to 
 the health of the Commander-in-chief whose ruin they were plotting. 
 
 Finding that the scheme was a failure in respect to its main purpose, the Board 
 of War lost interest in it, and when, after a toilsome and hazardous journey, La 
 Fayette arrived at Albany he found less than half the promised number of men, 
 and entirely inadequate preparation. Conway immediately declared the project 
 impossible, but La Fayette, mindful of the responsibility of his position and the 
 benefit which would result from success, only decided to abandon it when, after 
 waiting in vain for necessary supplies, the lateness of the season precluded the 
 passage of Lake Champlain on the ice. His presence at Albany was not wholly 
 without fruits, however, as he used such money as he received in relieving the dis- 
 tress of his men and allaying their discontent by partial payment of overdue 
 wages, and also spent much of his time in strengthening neighboring fortifications 
 and endeavoring to offset British influence among the Indians who — with the ex- 
 ception of the Oneidas and Tuscaroras — while remaining favorable to their more 
 munificent suitors, treated him with great respect and gave him the name of 
 "Kayoula," formerly borne by a lamented chief, by which he was afterward 
 known among them. 
 
 Soon after La Fayette's departure from Valley Forge, Washington became 
 possessed of incriminating evidence against eminent members of the Cabal, and 
 in the resulting discussion this reached the ears of Congress and created such 
 widespread indignation that the malcontents hastened to repudiate their connec- 
 tion with the intrigue. The possibility of such treason was, however, too seri- 
 ous a menace to pass unnoticed, and Congress made use of the occasion to 
 prescribe for the officers of the army a new oath of allegiance which La Fayette, on 
 returning from his conference with the Indians, was called upon to administer. 
 When, in spite of his regrets for the failure of his expedition, which he feared 
 would humiliate him before the world notwithstanding his obvious blamelessness, 
 he had finally abandoned it and prepared to return, Congress, persuaded of its 
 futility, recalled him to the South in a flattering dispatch calculated to exonerate 
 him from the stigma. He rejoined Washington and was employed in further 
 administering the new oath when the news was received that France had acknowl- 
 edged the independence of the United States and concluded a treaty of commerce 
 and alliance. The whole country rejoiced at the consummation of this great tri- 
 umph of Franklin's diplomacy, and at Valley Forge, where the hardships of the 
 cause had been most cruelly experienced, the joy was especially marked. La 
 Faj^ette's happiness at the realization so long hoped for was deeply clouded by 
 intelligence of the death of his beloved daughter Henriette, brought by the same 
 vessel that bore the treaty, and thus, with his thoughts far across the ocean with 
 his stricken wife, he was obliged to take part in the celebration of the nation's 
 thankfulness amid salvos of artillery and congratulatory toasts. 
 
 "The English government had made advances toward peace which had been 
 spumed by Congress, because they looked only to a cessation of hostilities and 
 promised no recognition of independence, but now that France had virtually 
 declared war, it was thought necessary to strengthen their holdings in this coun- 
 try. Sir William Howe, who had remained comfortably in Philadelphia all win- 
 ter, was recalled and Sir Henry Clinton was sent to take his command. Amid 
 the preparations for the elaborate and ridiculous "Mischianza" which was to mark 
 liOrd Howe's withdrawal, Washington, who had reason to think that the British 
 would leave Philadelphia, sent La Fayette with two thousand chosen men across 
 the Schuylkill to watch the enemy. 
 
 Since the suppression of the Conway Cabal, the Board of War had been 
 superseded by General Greene who as quartermaster general had placed the army 
 on an excellent working footing; it had also been increased by new recruits and 
 most assiduously drilled by Baron Steuben, an accomplished Prussian officer, 
 who arrived early in the spring. It was therefore with high hopes that Wash- 
 ington looked forward to intercepting Clinton when he should undertake to join 
 his army at New York. A council of war ordered by Congress had decided, how- 
 ever, on a defensive campaign, and La Fayette was cautioned to exercise great care 
 in the preservation of his command. He left Valley Forge on the eighteenth of 
 May, and, crossing the river at Swede's Ford, took up a position at Barren Hill, 
 twelve miles from the main army and effectively commanding the roads from Phila- 
 
 11 
 
ST. PETER'S CHURCH, BARREN HILL, PA. 
 
 A POINT OF VANTAGE FOR LA FAYETTE'S ARMY 
 
 delphia, which was about equally 
 distant. His camp was upon 
 high ground abruptly sloping to 
 the Schuylkill in the rear, and he 
 placed a body of Pennsylvania 
 militia under General Patten to 
 the front and left to guard 
 against surprise from the direc- 
 tion of Whitemarsh, while 
 pickets were advanced on either 
 side to warn him of approach 
 in these directions. In the im- 
 mediate vicinity a stone church 
 and several substantial stone 
 houses offered protection in the 
 event of an engagement, and in 
 this situation, admirably chosen, 
 he remained until the morning 
 of the twentieth, seeking the in- 
 formation for which he was 
 detached. In the meantime the 
 British, in the midst of their 
 revelry, learned of his prox- 
 imity, and lightly estimating his 
 force and skill, sent out a de- 
 tachment to bring him in as a 
 climax to their festivities. Lord 
 Howe in his confidence inviting 
 a party to meet the marquis at 
 his house the next evening, while 
 Admiral Howe prepared a frig- 
 ate to receive him. On the morning of the twentieth, having ample troops, five 
 thousand were sent around to cut off his retreat at Swede's Ford, and two divi- 
 sions of two thousand each were sent against him from different directions at the 
 front, thus apparently surrounding him and rendering his escape impossible. 
 
 La Fayette was giving instructions to a young woman, who, on the pretext 
 of visiting relatives, was to go to Philadelphia in his interest, when information 
 was brought of red-coats on the Whitemarsh road, but as a portion of the militia 
 under General Patten had uniforms of that color this excited no alarm. Never- 
 theless he immediately sent scouts to learn the truth of this inference, and they 
 soon reported that a column of the enemy was advancing on his left and that 
 another body was passing up the road to Swede's Ford. Almost at the same 
 moment it was learned that a third division was approaching on the Ridge road, 
 the direct route from Philadelphia by the bank of the Schuylkill, on which the 
 camp was located. The situation was alarming and created consternation among 
 the troops, to whom it appeared that every avenue of escape was cut off — as 
 General Clinton and Lord Howe certainly intended they should be. La Fayette, 
 while fully appreciating the seriousness of his position, was in no wise distracted, 
 and his immediate and decisive orders inspired a return of confidence in his men. 
 This predicament was entirely due to some inexplicable remissness of his outly- 
 ing militia, but there yet remained an avenue of escape if the British on the 
 Swede's Ford and Whitemarsh roads could be delayed, and La Fayette unhesi- 
 tatingly availed himself of this possibility. 
 
 Somewhat parallel to the Swede's Ford road and nearer to Barren Hill was 
 one leading to Matzon's Ford, less known and used. Soon after leaving the hill 
 this entered a ravine and was still further concealed by woods in the direction of 
 the enemy. Just before reaching the ford it was intersected by a connecting 
 road from the main thoroughfare, and the success of La Fayette's plan lay in 
 passing this point before his debouchment should be discovered, as it was some- 
 what nearer the British lines than his own. To accomplish this he quickly 
 posted a defensive party behind the stone wall of the churchyard to guard against 
 attack by General Grey, who occupied the road from Germantown; he then 
 
 12 
 
despatched a number of false 
 heads of columns to appear at 
 intervals through the woods to 
 the westward, to convey to Gen- 
 eral Grant, who menaced Mat- 
 zon's Ford, the impression that 
 a line of columns was emerging 
 to engage him. This ruse was 
 successful and was the salvation 
 of Lafayette, who, while Gen- 
 eral Grant was manoeuvering 
 before the imagined army, was 
 rapidly sending his troops, un- 
 der General Poor, down the road 
 to the ford, and when these had 
 safely passed he brought up in 
 the rear with the skirmishers, 
 reaching the west bank of the 
 Schuylkill in safety just as the 
 British, who tardily discovered 
 the deception, arrived at the 
 river. At Barren Hill, the divi- 
 sions under Generals Grey 
 and Clinton met in confusion 
 where they expected to find 
 their quarry. Their consterna- 
 tion was enlivened by recrimi- 
 nations between the command- 
 ers, and in a very crestfallen 
 state they returned to Philadel- 
 phia, being unwilling to attack 
 La Fayette in his now ascer- 
 
 MONUMENT AT BARREN HILL 
 
 ERECTED BY THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONT- 
 GOMERY COUNTY, PA., TO MARK THE SITE OF 
 LA FAYETTE'S ENCAMPMENT 
 
 tained position. A ludicrous incident occurred when a body of dragoons, ad- 
 vancing on the Ridge road, came upon a company of Iroquois who were a part of 
 Captain McLean's command, and who, terrified by the unfamiliar cavalry, rose 
 with a war whoop from the ground where they were lying prostrate in ambush. 
 The dragoons were even more terrified than the Indians, whom they believed to be 
 painted devils, and they precipitately retreated dovni the road to Philadelphia. 
 
 La Fayette remained on the west bank of the Schuylkill over night awaiting 
 possible attack, and on the morning of the twenty-first, having learned that the 
 British had withdrawn, he recrossed to his former position on Barren Hill, and 
 later returned by Swede's Ford to Valley Forge, to the great relief of General 
 Washington, who had heard alarm guns which were fired the day before, and 
 feared that the detachment had met with disaster. He warmly commended La 
 Fayette for his judgment and skill in extricating his command from a seemingly 
 hopeless position, in which defeat would have crippled the American army and 
 forever blighted the young commander's career. 
 
 Anticipating that Clinton would soon evacuate Philadelphia, Washington 
 called a council of war to determine the course to be taken. At this council 
 General Lee, an English officer who had joined the Continental army, and who 
 was second in command, vigorously opposed an encounter with the British and 
 advocated withdrawal to White Plains to await developments. He carried many 
 with him in this proposal although La Fayette spoke vigorously against it, and 
 Washington, being desirous of attacking, requested all the officers to put their 
 opinions in writing, but before this could be done it was learned that the British 
 were on the march, and shortly afterward that they were across the Delaware 
 on their way to New York. Washington sent orders to the New Jersey militia 
 to impede the enemy in every way, and immediately despatched two divisions of 
 the army under Generals Lee and Wayne respectively, to Coryell's Ferry on the 
 Delaware, a direction parallel with that the British had taken, while the next day, 
 the 19th of June, he followed with the main body under General La Fayette, Baron 
 de Kalb, and Lord Stirling. Soon after passing the Delaware another council 
 
 13 
 
-* — ■ 
 
 SUNNYSIDE TAVERN, BARREN HILL 
 
 IN WHICH LA FAYETTE SLEPT. NOW OCCUPIED AS A DWELLING 
 
 wa« called, at which General Lee again argued against an encounter with the 
 British, avowing that there was no hope of victory over the highly trained 
 enemy, but Washington was determined not to permit them to pass unhindered, 
 and with the support of many of the officers, including La Fayette, who spoke 
 strongly in favor of an attack, he detached strong parties to harass their flanks 
 and rear. These were increased until, having about five thousand men in this 
 service, he decided to combine the commands under a major-general, who by 
 right of seniority would have been Lee, but this officer being opposed to the plan, 
 declined it and with his permission it was given to La Fayette. The latter started 
 enthusiastically upon the mission and was close upon the British, who were then 
 resting at Monmouth, when General Lee changed his attitude toward the opera- 
 tions and, declaring that his honor was at stake, begged Washington to place 
 him in command, at the same time acquainting La Fayette with his request and 
 working upon his generosity to resign in his favor, which La Fayette immedi- 
 ately, though reluctantly, did. Washington's purpose was to bring his army 
 within available distance in case the detachment was endangered or a good 
 opportunity for a general engagement arose. The division was now within a 
 few miles of the enemy, and realizing that if they passed Monmouth the British 
 would stand a good chance of reaching the coast, Washington resolved to 
 attack them as soon as they should move, and directed General Lee to hold his 
 troops in readiness for this. He also, in the presence of a company of officers, 
 requested the latter to call a council of his generals later in the day to decide 
 upon a plan of action. 
 
 From this time General Lee's acts must be regarded as those of a traitor to 
 the cause he was identified with. He held no council with his officers, who there- 
 fore had no common understanding of the projected movement. He remained 
 inactive while his generals were carrying out individual manoeuvres, and he 
 refused repeated calls for assistance, and finally recalled and ordered them to 
 retreat in the face of evident advantage, until consternation prevailed, and his 
 troops were in full retreat without knowing why. La Fayette, being superseded 
 in command, had gone into action as a volunteer and was requested by General 
 Lee to direct the advance detachments under General Wayne and General Scott, 
 but while successfully executing his instructions, his command was ordered else- 
 where and, in spite of repeated appeals for support, soon found itself deserted 
 in the general retreat which it was obliged to join. General Washington was 
 appri.sed of the situation by meeting on the road by which his army was hur- 
 
 14 
 
riedly advancing, the first stragglers from the flying troops. Riding hastily for- 
 ward he came up with the main body accompanied by General Lee, and in scarcely 
 concealed wrath he demanded of the commander an explanation of his action. 
 The latter in his confusion was at a loss for a reply, and receiving no satisfac- 
 tion on repeating his inquiry, the Commander-in-chief left Lee and rode back 
 to check the retreat. He soon learned that the British, taking advantage of the 
 flight, were rapidly advancing, and he seized upon a favorable position in a nar- 
 row defile to make a stand and receive the enemy's cavalry. The latter advanced 
 to within short range when they were met with a volley which shattered their 
 formation and obliged them to fall back with heavy loss; they were followed by 
 grenadiers who were likewise received and repulsed. In the meantime General 
 Washington brought up his own troops which, with others of Lee's command, 
 were advantageously disposed on rising ground in the rear, the center line under 
 La Fayette, and effectually checked the British advance. A severe engagement 
 ensued, and when darkness fell both sides maintained their positions, the British 
 protected from flank attacks by woods and morasses on either side. Notwith- 
 standing these difficulties. General Washington had decided to press an attack, but 
 the failing light obliged him to postpone it until morning, with the result that 
 dawn showed a deserted field, the enemy having departed noiselessly in the night, 
 leaving many of their wounded, and gained an advance which rendered pursuit 
 hopeless. The outcome was equivalent to a victory by the Americans which, had 
 it not been for General Lee's incompetence or treachery, would have amounted to 
 the annihilation of Clinton's army. General Lee was soon afterward tried by 
 court-martial, and being found guilty on several charges, was sentenced to be 
 suspended from all command in the army for a period of twelve months, this sen- 
 tence being later approved by Congress. Before the expiration of this he was 
 discharged from the service, the unanimous testimony of his brother officers 
 leaving little doubt that his deliberate purpose on this occasion was to subvert 
 the plans of his commander and facilitate the escape of the British. 
 
 While the battle of Monmouth was being fought to cripple the British in 
 their passage to New York, a powerful fleet, the first of the French alliance, was 
 nearing Delaware Bay in the hope of blockading and capturing Lord Howe's 
 ships and cooperating with the American army against the garrison at Philadel- 
 phia. This fleet, consisting of twelve ships of the line and fourteen frigates, with 
 one thousand men for shore service in addition to their ample crews, was under 
 the command of the Comte d'Estaing, and brought as a passenger, among others 
 identified with the cause of independence, M. Gerard, the first minister of France 
 to the new republic. It sailed from Toulon on the thirteenth of April, 1778, but 
 head winds and storms beset the ships from the start, and it was eighty-five days 
 before they anchored, on the seventh of July, inside the capes of the Delaware. 
 By this time the British were safely in New York, and Washington, with his 
 army, was nearing the Hudson, which he planned to cross and establish himself 
 near the enemy. Finding no use for his fleet at that point, the Comte d'Estaing 
 landed his passengers and despatched messengers to Congress and to General 
 Washington, announcing his arrival, and then put to sea again with the purpose 
 of following Lord Howe to New York. He arrived at Sandy Hook four days 
 later, but to his great disappointment it was found, after waiting more than a 
 week for fresh water and supplies, of which his men were in sore need, that 
 his larger ships drew too much water to cross the bar at the entrance to New 
 York harbor, and he was compelled to again put to sea, leaving the British, whom 
 he so eagerly sought, safe in the inner harbor while he headed for Newport, 
 Rhode Island, to cooperate with the troops under General Sullivan and others 
 that Washington was preparing to despatch under La Fayette, for the reduction 
 of a strong garrison which the British held under General Pigot on the islands of 
 Narragansett Bay. 
 
 The arrival of this fleet was a source of great joy and gratification to La 
 Fayette. It represented before the world the alliance of the country of his birth 
 and that of his adoption. He was a thorough and sincere American in this strug- 
 gle for liberty, but this in no way displaced his innate patriotism, bred through 
 generations of soldiers and courtiers, and his heart warmed with a Frenchman's 
 pride in the prowess and magnificence of his country's tribute, while it opened in 
 thankfulness for the timely help promised the American cause. His native rank 
 
 15 
 
V 
 
 ir 
 
 X 
 
 
 and prestige, with his high 
 standing in the esteem of the 
 army and Congress, marked 
 him providentially for an inter- 
 nuncio between these two peo- 
 ples united in a common cause 
 but with fundamentally differ- 
 ing sentiments and customs. 
 This duty was made particularly 
 pleasant by the fact that the 
 Comte d'Estaing was his rela- 
 tive and an Auvergnat which 
 was taken advantage of, at the 
 request of General Washington, 
 to assure the Admiral of the au- 
 thenticity of the first dispatches 
 from the American camp by 
 reference to family and provin- 
 cial matters. La Fayette had 
 good reason for his gratification 
 at the turn of aifairs. He had 
 left France in actual though re- 
 gretful defiance of his honored 
 King's commands, to champion 
 an almost hopeless cause, and 
 now, after two years of effort 
 and advancement he beheld his 
 country's forces by his side, and 
 his King's minister received 
 with high honor at Philadelphia. 
 His eager desire to share in the 
 glory to be won through the op- 
 erations of the allies was grati- 
 fied by the Commander-in-chief with the command of a detachment of two thou- 
 sand men to augment the forces under Major-General Sullivan, consisting chiefly 
 of militia which he was endeavoring to increase by levies from neighboring states. 
 It was Washington's intention that La Fayette should lead this entire force, under 
 General Sullivan's direction, but before La Fayette reached Providence the claims 
 of General Greene, in this his native state, presented themselves, and he modified 
 his instructions to the former, with the request that he relinquish one half his 
 command to Greene, whose special fitness for this occasion was noted, and La Fay- 
 ette with his usual good grace acquiesced, although experiencing some disappoint- 
 ment at this curtailment of his opportunities in concert with his countrymen. 
 He reached Providence on the fourth of August, soon after the arrival of the fleet, 
 which was anxious for immediate action, impelled by the evident weakness of the 
 British situation and the necessity of early relief from an epidemic of scurvy en- 
 gendered by the lack of fresh water and wholesome food ; this was postponed at 
 the request of General Sullivan, who had as yet received but a small part of his 
 expected militia, and it was several days before he was ready to begin, during 
 which General Pigot made important changes in the disposition of his troops and 
 greatly strengthened his position. He had a garrison of six thousand men, the 
 greater part of whom were at Newport, with a detachment at the northern end of 
 the island guarding the passage from the mainland and another on the adjacent 
 island of Canonicut; these were strongly intrenched and supported by several 
 frigates and smaller craft. Realizing that his situation was critical, the British 
 commander abandoned the post on Canonicut, which was certain to fall an easy 
 prey before the fire of the French fleet and the troops from the mainland. He also 
 blew up or burned the vessels, that would otherwise have been at the mercy of the 
 greatly superior enemy, sending some of them adrift as fireships among the ap- 
 proaching fleet. 
 
 When at last on the eighth of August General Sullivan declared himself in 
 readiness for the combined attack and transmitted the plan to the Comte d'Es- 
 
 16 
 
 LA FAYETTE MONUMENT 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 BY FALGUIERE AND MERCIER 
 
tuing, only the necessity for harmonious action prevented a breach of the strained 
 relations between the allies, each of which regarded the other jealously. La 
 Fayette was called upon to exercise his tact to the utmost to maintain a degree 
 of confidence between them, while his own feelings were lacerated by the seem- 
 ing indifference of the Americans to the rights and merits of his countrymen. 
 It having been agreed that the attack should be made simultaneously on the morn- 
 ing of Monday, August tenth, the Comte d'Estaing on the eighth moved his ships 
 to the chosen stations, the chief squadron entering the main channel unharmed 
 by the broadsides from the batteries on Rhode Island, to a point advantageous 
 for disembarking the troops which were to serve on Canonicut with the Amer- 
 icans under La Fayette. On Sunday, while the troops and field pieces were being 
 landed, word was sent to the Comte d'Estaing by La Fayette that General Sullivan 
 had taken advantage of the retreat of the British from their northern fortifica- 
 tions on the approach of the French ships that were sent up the East Channel, 
 and had crossed over to Rhode Island with his troops, though unable to trans- 
 port his cannon, and that he desired assistance from the French Admiral. This 
 deviation from the carefully arranged plan was doubtless of little consequence 
 from General Sullivan's point of view, but to the professional soldier, on whom 
 he now relied, it was the shattering of every tradition of recognized warfare and 
 an affront affecting every one of his self-sacrificing compatriots. Notwithstand- 
 ing his wounded sensibilities and the poignant regret that his men would thus be 
 deprived of their just meed of glory in the expected victory, he was preparing to 
 send the desired assistance when he received intelligence of a powerful fleet that / 
 
 had arrived outside to succor the beleaguered garrison. This alarming news found / 
 
 him in a weakened position, his ships widely separated and many of his men on / 
 
 shore, and he decided to immediately embark his men and call a council of his 
 captains to decide on the question of offensive or defensive action. The council 
 declared in favor of concentration of the fleet during the night in readiness to 
 receive attack, as the wind was unfavorable to passage outward, but in the morn- 
 ing the wind veered to a favorable direction and they at once set sail to meet and 
 challenge Lord Howe. Three frigates were left to protect General Sullivan, to 
 whom assurances were transmitted that the Comte d'Estaing would return and 
 take part in the attack as soon as he had defeated the British fleet. 
 
 Having repassed the British batteries on Rhode Island without serious dam- 
 age from their broadsides, he approached the enemy under full sail, and the latter 
 hastily left their anchorage and put to sea, standing again toward New York. 
 The French followed with all possible speed, and late in the afternoon had so 
 gained upon them that orders were given for a general attack, which Lord Howe 
 was preparing to meet, when a severe storm arose and obliged the admirals to 
 give their undivided attention to the preservation of their ships. The storm con- 
 tinued with great fury throughout the night, and when morning broke both fleets 
 were scattered and badly damaged, the "Languedoc," the Comte d'Estaing's flag- 
 ship, having lost her rudder and all her masts. In this helpless condition she was 
 attacked by one of the British ships, which fortunately did not press its advan- 
 tage, and other desultory engagements took place, but neither fleet was in condi- 
 tion for combat and after a consultation with his captains the Comte d'Estaing 
 turned toward Newport — his own ship in tow of a less crippled one — and the 
 British returned to New York without further molestation. The council of cap- 
 tains strongly favored immediate retreat to Boston for refitting and replenishing 
 the almost utterly exhausted or contaminated supplies, and by the strict terms of 
 his royal orders the Admiral was required to do this, but as he had given his 
 word that he would return to New^port he determined to do so, although it was 
 evident that he was in no condition to render aid to General Sullivan. On arrival 
 he presented his situation to the American Commander, and advised him of the 
 necessity of taking his fleet straightway to Boston, as the conditions and his orders 
 required. He promised to return at the earliest possible day and resume opera- 
 tions, but the American officers refused to be satisfied with this, and his sailing 
 was followed by a protest signed by all but General La Fayette. 
 
 The position of the latter was fast becoming unbearable under the succession 
 of misfortunes and misunderstandings that marked the Comte d'Estaing's ill- 
 starred expedition. His honor as a Frenchman, dearer even than his hope for 
 American liberty, was frequently and deeply wounded by the disparaging com- 
 
 17 
 
ments and recriminations he heard from his brother officers, and by the unfriendly 
 looks that met him on every side. Under this he maintained his usual poise and 
 dignity, but his feelings found vent in a heartfelt letter to General Washington 
 and in personal protest to General Sullivan, when the latter in the heat of resent- 
 ment included in his general order a slighting reference to the allies. He con- 
 vinced the commander of the necessity of retraction, and a later order of the same 
 day explained what, it noted, had unwarrantably appeared to be a reflection on 
 the Comte d'Estaing and his fleet. While he resented the attitude of his com- 
 panions toward his compatriots. La Fayette in no way relaxed his efforts to secure 
 mutual cooperation, and he had earnestly endeavored to dissuade the Comte 
 d'Estaing from departing until some decisive blow could be struck. Having 
 failed in this he rode post haste to Boston, at the request of General Sullivan, 
 to urge the detachment of an auxiliary force to aid in the land attack, and as a 
 result of a conference with the French commander and the Massachusetts leaders, 
 he brought back to General Sullivan assurance of the Comte d'Estaing's readiness 
 to personally command a regiment of reinforcements which would be entirely at 
 the disposal of the American General. The Count made this offer to show his 
 freedom from ill-will as a result of recent dissensions, and to restore harmony, as 
 he had no faith in the value of such an inconsiderable augmenting of the forces, 
 but his complaisance proved fruitless as an attack had been precipitated the day 
 after La Fayette's departure from the field and the latter reached Rhode Island 
 again just in time to take charge of the last section of a midnight retreat to the 
 mainland. On the twentieth of August he had made the journey to Boston, a dis- 
 tance of seventy miles, in seven hours, and arrived almost at the same hour as 
 the French fleet. On the thirtieth he made the return trip in six and one half 
 hours, reaching camp at eleven o'clock at night. 
 
 In leaving the army in the face of imminent action he sacrificed his keenest 
 ambitions to the will of his superior. The struggle which had been the object 
 of his hopes and efforts for more than a month was forced by the British, when 
 the Americans, after a council of war and in view of their growing weakness from 
 rapidly deserting militia and the peril of their position in the event of the ex- 
 pected return of the English fleet, returned to their former position at the north- 
 ern end of the island, where the adjacent mainland would enable them to retreat 
 if necessary. This was accomplished on the night of August twenty-eighth, 
 and early on the morning of the twenty-ninth General Pigot discovered the 
 movement and hurried his forces to a vigorous attack. General Sullivan dis- 
 played great skill and bravery in the resulting engagement in which he repulsed 
 three determined assaults, and in the last completely routed the enemy, who re- 
 treated in disorder, leaving many dead and wounded on the field. At the 
 end of the day the British were intrenched on a neighboring hill, and the two 
 armies confronted each other with minor skirmishes during the thirtieth, while 
 on the American side a council of war, called on the receipt of a message from 
 General Washington announcing the departure of Lord Howe for NewT)ort, de- 
 clared for immediate retreat to the mainland. In pursuance of this, the heavy 
 baggage was sent to the rear, while at the front a show was made of strength- 
 ening the fortifications. As soon as darkness permitted the transportation of the 
 troops was begun which La Fayette on his arrival from Boston completed with- 
 out discovery or mishap. This movement proved a fortunate escape, as on the 
 following morning Lord Howe arrived with a fleet of one hundred vessels and with 
 reinforcements for the garrison. 
 
 The action on Rhode Island marked the close of operations against the east- 
 ern stronghold of the British and terminated the activities of the allies under 
 the Comte d'Estaing. Having set out with a splendid equipment and with the 
 high hopes of France and America, as well as with undoubted personal enthu- 
 siasm, he had failed, through a succession of misfortunes, to accomplish any of 
 the great objects of his expedition, and in now preparing to sail for the West 
 Indies, he was carrying out what was expected to have been a triumphant descent 
 upon the British possessions after clearing the coast of their ships, whereas the 
 close of his campaign left America more menaced than before, as the presence of 
 his fleet had been the cause of a greater strengthening of British naval forces on 
 this side of the Atlantic. On the breaking up of the command. La Fayette was 
 left to defend the country around Bristol while General Sullivan with the main 
 
 18 
 
THE FRIGATE "ALLIANCE" 
 
 BUILT ON THE MERRIMAC RIVER AT SALISBURY POINT, NEAR NEWBURYPORT, MASS. 
 
 body of the troops went to Providence. The Marquis had expressed to General 
 Washington his mortification and regret at his enforced absence from the field of 
 battle, to which his inherited profession of soldier most ardently impelled him, 
 and it was therefore especially consoling to receive, as he did soon after, a copy 
 of a resolution of Congress noting his service in Boston and thanking him for his 
 self-sacrifice at a time of impending action. It was accompanied by a cordial 
 letter from the President, Henry Laurens, to whom La Fayette returned expres- 
 sions of his gratification and his sincere and abounding love for America and its 
 cause of liberty. 
 
 With the approach of winter and the prospect of inactivity for some months, 
 he recurred to his desire to visit his home, which he had entertained the pre- 
 vious year but which had been frustrated by the proposed expedition to Canada. 
 He had now an incentive added to the joy of reunion with his family, the possi- 
 bility that his service would be required in a descent on England under his coun- 
 try's flag, of which the Comte d'Estaing had suggested a probability. He obtained 
 leave of absence to visit Philadelphia, and on his way spent a day with General 
 Washington at his headquarters on the Hudson, and received the Commander-in- 
 chief's approval of his petition for a furlough to return to France. An ill-con- 
 sidered affair came up at this time, when Lord Carlisle, one of the commissioners 
 sent by England to offer terms of peace to America, referred slightingly to France 
 in an address to Congress. La Fayette, with youthful and with French impulse, 
 against the remonstrances of General Washington and the Comte d'Estaing, chal- 
 lenged the commissioner to give him an opportunity to avenge the insult, but 
 Lord Carlisle refused to regard it as a personal matter and suggested that it was 
 one fitter for the French and English admirals to decide — a view in which La 
 Fayette in later years coincided. 
 
 Congress, always ready to honor the beloved marquis, not only granted him 
 an indefinite furlough but extended their thanks for his zeal and services and 
 further "Resolved, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of 
 America at the court of Versailles be directed to cause an elegant sword with 
 proper devices, to be made and presented, in the name of the United States, to the 
 Marquis de La Fayette." It was also ordered that the new frigate "Alliance," 
 then at Boston ready for sea, be held to carry him to France. He set out from 
 
 19 
 
Philadelphia with buoyant anticipations of his glorious return, but the chilling 
 weather of the late fall found in him a weakened victim, and a growing illness 
 overtook him with prostration at Fishkill on the Hudson, only a few miles from 
 the headquarters of his dearest friend in America. There he lay for weeks toss- 
 ing in violent fever while the army and the country mourned him as one departed, 
 so little hope was entertained of his recovery. General Washington visited the 
 house daily to learn of his condition, and he sent to attend him. Dr. John Cochran, 
 Surgeon General of the Army, under whose skillful and devoted care he finally 
 rallied. As soon as his strength returned sufficiently he bade an affectionate 
 farewell to his dear friend, and with Dr. Cochran, who was still solicitous, de- 
 parted for Boston, where he passed a short period of convalescence while 
 awaiting the complement of the frigate's crew. He kept up correspondence 
 with Washington to the moment of sailing, and he took with him a most cordial 
 and appreciative introduction from the latter to Dr. Franklin, while Congress 
 addressed to King Louis a remarkable testimonial to his character and abilities 
 in the service of the United States. 
 
 The "Alliance" sailed from Boston on the eleventh of January, 1779, and made 
 a quick passage in spite of especially rough weather, arriving at Brest on the 
 twelfth of February. La Fayette had left France less than two years before under 
 the ban of a lettre de cachet; he now returned a recognized and an honored hero. 
 The lettre de cachet was, technically, still in force against him, and he went at 
 once to Versailles where he met the King's Ministers and was most cordially re- 
 ceived, but out of respect to the law was arrested and committed to the Hotel de 
 Noailles — his family residence. Here he gave himself up to the joy of reunion 
 with his wife and kindred, and received the notables who hastened to pay their 
 respects and consult him, and the ladies who flocked, in the allowable French 
 fashion, to embrace him. He saw for the first time his daughter Anastasia, bom 
 since his departure, who now occupied the place of the lost Henriette. After a 
 few days he wrote a letter of humble apology to the King and he was in conse- 
 quence summoned to Versailles where he received a "reprimande douce" and con- 
 gratulations from Louis XVI, and was restored to liberty with a hint to avoid as 
 much as possible the public places where demonstrations by the people would call 
 attention to the anomaly of his position. There is ample evidence that such 
 sequestration was warranted, as popular acclaim had reached such a height that 
 nightly allusions to him in the theaters occasioned general applause. 
 
 La Fayette was now able to give thought and effort to plans directly and 
 indirectly favoring the revolution, and the high respect in which he was held at 
 Versailles, especially by the Comte de Vergennes, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
 enabled him successfully to advocate them and resulted in incalculable good to 
 the American cause. So critical and discouraging were conditions in France and 
 America that but for the personal popularity of Franklin and La Fayette the 
 fullness and continuance of the aid so indispensable at this juncture would have 
 been unattainable. Through the influence of Queen Marie Antoinette he was 
 made colonel of a regiment stationed at Saintes and from this place he addressed 
 to the Ministry numerous suggestions upon the common cause, and in particular 
 upon a projected expedition to invade England in which he was extremely desir- 
 ous of taking a prominent part. The expedition was finally arranged and he left 
 for Havre where the army and navy were to rendezvous for this purpose, his 
 assignment being that of aide to the Comte de Vaux, the Commander-in-chief. 
 Great preparations were made for a combined attack by the forces of France 
 and Spain, but owing to extreme tardiness on the part of the fleet under Comte 
 d'Orvilliers, which was to convoy the transports, British contradefense so pro- 
 gressed that the feasibility of the plan was in doubt and it was finally aban- 
 doned late in the summer of 1779 after months of waiting. While at Havre La 
 Fayette received with warmly expressed pleasure the sword made for him in 
 Paris under Franklin's direction by order of Congress, and now brought to 
 him with an appreciative letter from the envoy by his grandson Temple Franklin. 
 This sword was of exquisite workmanship and depicted on the golden hilt 
 and guard the scenes in which La Fayette's bravery and skill had been most 
 conspicuous. 
 
 Even while the invasion of England was expected, La Fayette was develop- 
 ing, at the request of M. de Vergennes, a comprehensive and detailed plan for a 
 
 20 
 

 PORTRAIT AND LETTER BY LA FAYETTE 
 
 FROM THE ORIGINAL IN THE CAPITOL, RICHMOND 
 
 second expedition to Amer- 
 ica, and in the latter part 
 of July he forwarded this 
 to the Secretary with such co- 
 pious notes and instructions 
 based upon his knowledge of 
 the country and experience in 
 its affairs that the memorial 
 was accepted as an adequate 
 embodiment of the subject 
 and became the foundation of 
 the plan which, upon the aban- 
 donment of the Channel cam- 
 paign, was definitely adopted. 
 Thus through La Fayette the 
 energies of France were again 
 bent to succor and aid the en- 
 feebled cause of liberty whose 
 exhausted defenders were now 
 reduced to critical inefficiency. 
 Through correspondence and 
 consultation between La Fay- 
 ette and the Comte de Ver- 
 gennes the final arrangements 
 were made and early in March, 
 1780, the Marquis found him- 
 self on board the frigate 
 "Hermione" bound once more 
 for America, this time as the 
 honored servant of his King, 
 bearing to General Washing- 
 
 ton the tidings of ships, and troops that were soon to follow, and his majesty's sug- 
 gestions for their effective employment under the American Commander-in-chief. 
 On the twenty-eighth of April the "Hermione" arrived at Boston where great 
 joy was manifested at the return of La Fayette, who was escorted through 
 cheering crowds to the residence of General Hancock. He at once wrote Gen- 
 eral Washington apprising him of his arrival and intention of starting the next 
 day to seek him and deliver the important messages with which he was in- 
 trusted. He was at that time ignorant of recent movements of the army and 
 of the location of headquarters but following later intelligence he found the 
 General at Morristown, where he arrived on the tenth of May. He was re- 
 ceived with gratifying enthusiasm by the officers and soldiers and with heartfelt 
 pleasure by Washington, to whom he announced the coming of the new expedi- 
 tion, under the Comte de Rochambeau, and presented the suggestions of the 
 ministry contained in his instructions from the Comte de Vergennes. After 
 spending a few days with General Washington and discussing the combined oper- 
 ations. La Fayette continued to Philadelphia to present himself to Congress 
 and to confer with the Chevalier de La Luzerne, who had succeeded M. Gerard 
 as French Minister to the United States. He was heartily welcomed by Con- 
 gress, which as a body had as yet no knowledge of the news he brought, it 
 having been thought wise to withhold this information until the arrival of the 
 fleet, for fear of giving warning to General Clinton. Before the French arrived 
 however the matter was generally known and discussed, as the British had received 
 dispatches from England reporting the movement. 
 
 Washington's great anxiety was to properly support and feed the allies and 
 he urged the governors of the several states to exert themselves to the utmost to 
 raise men and provisions for the purpose. His own army had frequently been 
 without bread or meat for days at a time, so scant were the resources available, 
 but he felt that now or never must the supreme effort be made to strike a crush- 
 ing blow, and this would be impossible and the French cooperation again fruit- 
 less without troops and rations. The fleet, which arrived at Narragansett Bay 
 early in July, consisted of six ships of the line and five frigates with five thou- 
 
 21 
 
sand five hundred troops. More troops were to have been sent but the transports 
 for bringing them were delayed and it was thought best to sail at once with all 
 that could be carried, leaving the balance to be forwarded when opportunity 
 offered. They were hardly inside the Rhode Island capes when several British 
 men-of-war appeared and they came out again to meet these, but the British were 
 apparently discouraged by the strength of their enemy for they turned and put 
 back to New York. The Comte de Rochambeau immediately sent a letter to 
 General Washington placing himself and his forces at the Commander-in-chief's 
 disposal, on receipt of which La Fayette was despatched to Newport with a plan 
 of action against New York, which then seemed feasible because of a preponder- 
 ance of naval strength on the French side — and which Washington regarded as 
 the most important object attainable — but before he reached Rhode Island rein- 
 forcements under Admiral Graves arrived which gave the British the naval supe- 
 riority and put the French commanders on the defensive. The situation of the 
 French was rendered more dubious by the incapacity, through illness, of a large 
 proportion of the troops and sailors, and Admiral de Ternay feared for his fleet 
 a repetition of the failure of the Comte d'Estaing. A few British men-of-war 
 appeared off Newport and were driven back by a portion of the French fleet, which 
 were unable to overtake them, but they in turn were pursued by a large fleet of 
 the enemy which soon appeared and which set up a blockade of Narragan- 
 sett Bay. As General Clinton was known to be preparing a large expedition 
 to move against the combined forces of General Heath and the Comte de Rocham- 
 beau on Rhode Island, the surrounding country was drawn on for militia to swell 
 the ranks, and the French General strongly urged General Washington to send a 
 body of regulars to his assistance, but for many reasons the Commander-in-chief 
 decided against this, mainly because he felt that by using his army to threaten 
 New York from the West and thereby restrain General Clinton, he could more 
 effectively relieve the forces at Newport. The issue was as he hoped and the 
 expedition was soon abandoned, although there is reason to believe that other con- 
 siderations contributed to this result. 
 
 Although the situation was relieved it was still unfavorable, and La Fayette 
 took up with the Comte de Rochambeau the plan of attacking New York, which 
 the aid of the second division from Brest, which was now shortly expected, would 
 render promising. Much depended on this division as it was to bring clothing 
 for fifteen thousand men, and large quantities of arms and powder, all of which 
 La Fayette had arranged for, but which the first division was unable to bring on 
 account of the lack of transports. The need of these munitions was greatly felt 
 in the work of building up the army for the projected operations, but patience 
 and patriotism on the part of officers and men made the best of the deficiency. 
 Having established an understanding as to the movements to be made when oper- 
 ations were begun, La Fayette returned to the headquarters on the Hudson and 
 was given the command of a corps of light infantry, consisting of six battalions, 
 which General Washington had formed with this in view. As the light infantry 
 would naturally be in the van in any movement 
 the commission was both flattering and pleas- 
 ing to the Marquis, and the relations thus begun 
 between commander and men were notable for 
 cordiality and permanence. 
 
 Late in August the frigate "Alliance" ar- 
 rived at Boston and brought information that 
 the second division of the French fleet was 
 blockaded by thirty English ships outside the 
 harbor Brest. This put an end to hopes of 
 immediate reinforcements and supplies from 
 France and it became necessary to give up the 
 plan of an attack on New York until greater 
 naval strength was available. Regret for this 
 misfortune was particularly poignant because 
 of the lateness of the season, and the fact that 
 a large part of the army would retire at the 
 end of the year through expiration of their 
 tex-ms of enlistment. At this juncture General 
 
 COMMEMORATIVE PLATE 
 Owned by the Metropolitan Museum of Art 
 
 22 
 
Washington, in compliance with a request from the Comte de Rochambeau, ap- 
 pointed September twentieth at Hartford for a conference on the situation and 
 prospects. The Commander-in-chief was accompanied on this occasion by General 
 La Fayette and General Knox, while with the Comte de Rochambeau and Admiral 
 de Ternay were several other French officers. The conference was most deferen- 
 tial on both sides, and the serious deficiencies of force and resources being recog- 
 nized by all, mutually signed statements were executed which strongly urged the 
 King of France to provide the necessary ships and supplies, and a copy of these 
 addressed to Comte de Vergennes was delivered to the Vicomte de Rochambeau, 
 the son of the General, who sailed at once for France in one of the vessels of the 
 fleet. To further urge this appeal Congress despatched Colonel John Laurens, 
 the son of their President, to the court at Versailles. The American officers re- 
 turned to headquarters by way of West Point to give General Washington an 
 opportunity to inspect the fortifications there and confer with General Benedict 
 Arnold who at his own urgent request had recently been appointed to command 
 this post. The hand of fate, which alike shapes good and ill fortune, brought them 
 there at the very hour of Major Andre's arrest at Tarrytown while returning 
 from the fort with Arnold's traitorous contract of surrender, and the latter, hav- 
 ing the fortune to be first informed of this, fled without greeting them. In a 
 most detailed and interesting account of the calamity which he wrote to the 
 Chevalier de La Luzerne, La Fayette expressed his horror of the revelation and 
 related the circumstances attending it, commending also to the sympathies of 
 patriots the stricken wife of the traitor, who, he was convinced, was ignorant of 
 the plot. He was a member of the court-martial which condemned Major Andre 
 to be hung, and he signed the judgment, regretting deeply that the inexorable 
 necessities of war required beyond any shadow of doubt the execution of this tal- 
 ented and lovable young man. 
 
 September was now near its end, and with Admiral de Ternay's fleet block- 
 aded at Nevq^ort and the American army unequal in numbers or equipment to the 
 British under General Clinton, there was little prospect of accomplishing any de- 
 cisive movement during the few weeks that would intervene before going into 
 winter quarters. La Fayette with his usual zeal, and especially in consideration 
 of the moral necessity of presenting some report of action to the waiting Minis- 
 try, urged various secondary attacks upon the British outposts around New York 
 and one of these had been determined upon when an unexpected movement of the 
 enemy's ships disarranged the plan. He chafed under inactivity and he feared 
 for the reputation of the American army and the success of the expedition which 
 his country had sent here. While he was agitated by these regrets the Chevalier 
 de Chastellux, a dear friend who was serving under Comte de Rochambeau, took ad- 
 vantage of the settled routine of the win- 
 ter camp at Newport and visited_ head- 
 quarters for some days while on his way 
 to Philadelphia. In a charming account 
 of his travels M. de Chastellux describes 
 his delight at meeting and knowing Gen- 
 eral Washington, who received him most 
 graciously, and his gratification at 
 the remarkable position and in- 
 fluence of the Marquis de La Fay- 
 ette, both among his troops and the 
 country in general, while 
 he further says of him, "I 
 do not fear contradiction 
 when I say that private let- 
 ters from him have fre- 
 quently produced more 
 effect upon some states 
 than the strongest exhor- 
 tations of the Congress." 
 Soon after the Marquis de 
 
 LAFAYETTE CHINA IN METROPOLITAN MUSEUM ChastelluX arrived at Phil- 
 
 Reproduced by permission adelphia, La Fayette ob- 
 
 23 
 
IKfem^TK 
 
 tained leave of absence and joined him, there being no special occasion for 
 his services at the winter quarters to which the army had now repaired. From 
 that city his attention was turned southward and in the hope of active service he 
 requested General Washington to transfer him to the department under General 
 Greene, who was endeavoring to regain General Gates' lost ground in South Caro- 
 lina and Georgia. General Washington at this time feared that by renouncing his 
 command in the northern army La Fayette would unwisely forfeit his share in the 
 glory to be achieved when reinforcements should make possible the reduction of 
 New York, and he advised the Marquis to decide the matter in the light of the 
 fullest information that he could obtain from France as to the probability of 
 immediate succor. Everything now depended on substantial aid from that coun- 
 try. The British easily dominated the naval situation, while the army, through 
 lack of funds and consequent lack of food and clothing, was reduced to its lowest 
 efficiency — with rapidly dwindling ranks and little hope of recruits. The uni- 
 forms and supplies which La Fayette had arranged for, were still at the mercy of 
 the British fleet blockading Brest, and although public spirited men and women 
 worked diligently to supply the deficiency, the suffering was but slightly relieved. 
 On the occasion of the raising of a fund in Philadelphia for this purpose. La Fay- 
 ette contributed one hundred guineas in the name of his wife, and accompanied the 
 gift with a letter assuring the ladies having the matter in charge that the Mar- 
 quise would, were she present, most heartily enter into the work. While at Phil- 
 adelphia he frequently wrote to Comte de Vergennes and others of the Ministry 
 urging speedy assistance, and to M. de Vergennes and to Madame de La Fayette 
 recommending Colonel Laurens, the special envoy, to the highest social favors. 
 He gave up his idea of joining the southern army and early in January, 1781, he 
 returned to the headquarters at New Windsor to pass the rest of the winter with 
 General Washington with whom he hoped to visit his countrymen at Newport. 
 
 While he thus renounced his desire for southern service the movements of 
 the British were soon to bring about in a more gratifying way than La Fayette 
 had expected, his participation in the campaign in that section. Confined to New 
 York in the North, General Clinton had long since transferred aggressive oper- 
 ations to the South, hoping thus to restrict by degrees the territory of the rebels, 
 and through several successful engagements had taken Savannah and Charles- 
 ton, at which latter city he had left Lord Cornwallis with upwards of four thou- 
 sand troops, to hold it and, if possible, extend his domination northward. On the 
 American side. General Benjamin Lincoln and his army had been forced to sur- 
 render at Charleston, and Congress had formed and despatched a new corps from 
 Maryland and Delaware, under Baron de Kalb, and given the command of the 
 Department of the South to General Gates who, taking his army into South Car- 
 olina, was met and utterly defeated at Camden, the Baron de Kalb being killed in 
 the action. Cornwallis sought to take advantage of his success by marching 
 through North Carolina, but was checked by an American victory in an engage- 
 ment with a division of his troops at King's Mountain and drew back over the 
 South Carolina border. Sir Henry Clinton, on learning of the success at Cam- 
 den, despatched a force of three thousand men under General Leslie to establish a 
 base near the James river in Virginia, and operate in that vicinity subject to 
 orders from the southern commander. The latter soon called General Leslie to 
 his support in South Carolina and the British Commander-in-chief made up an- 
 other expedition to enter Virginia under the traitor Benedict Arnold, who now 
 held the rank of brigadier general in the British army. These operations were 
 followed with intense interest by General Washington, who cherished the hope of 
 dislodging the British from their strongholds in the South. He was authorized 
 by Congress to appoint General Nathanael Greene to supersede Gates, and the 
 former was already in North Carolina with the nucleus of an army, when Arnold 
 arrived at the James river on the thirtieth of December, 1780. General Greene 
 had aroused the country through which he passed, to fresh and notable exertions 
 for the support of his troops, and was gathering an effective army at Charlotte, 
 North Carolina, but as he was fully occupied in checking Cornwallis it was neces- 
 sary to combat Arnold with another division. To this end General Washington 
 detached a part of the Light Infantry commanded by La Fayette in the fall of 
 17S0, and ordered a rendezvous of New Jersey troops at Morristown — in all 
 about twelve hundred men — which he placed under La Fayette with instructions 
 
 24 
 
ASSEMBLY HALL AND LIBRARY, BALTIMORE 
 
 FROM A PRINT OWNED BY THE MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY 
 
 to proceed at once to the head of the Elk river and from there to embark, under 
 French convoy if possible, for Hampton Roads or other advantageous point. 
 
 La Fayette received the command on the twentieth of February and started 
 at once on the mission. He planned so wisely and marched so expeditiously that 
 he reached the Elk several days ahead of the date mentioned by General Wash- 
 ington in his instructions, notwithstanding unfavorable weather and roads. He 
 had seen to the shipment of ammunition and supplies from Philadelphia and writ- 
 ten Governor Jefferson of Virginia requesting reinforcements of militia and also 
 horses for the artillery he had received on the way, and his expedition, so far as 
 his control of it extended, had every prospect of success. In his instructions he 
 was ordered to embark his troops only when certain that French vessels were in 
 Chesapeake Bay to support them, but after waiting several days for the collection 
 of the required boats La Fayette embarked his men and took them to Annapolis, 
 which he considered a point of greater advantage, from whence he continued 
 down the bay to investigate conditions and if the French were there to personally 
 request of the commander the convoy which, from his knowledge of the jealousies 
 still obtaining with the allies, he felt was unlikely to be sent. 
 
 Admiral de Ternay the commander of the French fleet at Nev(T)ort had died 
 there early in the winter and his place had been taken by the Chevalier des Touches, 
 hitherto second in command. The latter was earnest for active operations and 
 during a storm which scattered and weakened the British blockading fleet, he was 
 enabled to despatch a ship of the line and two frigates for Chesapeake Bay in 
 response to requests from Congress and the Governor of Virginia, who were 
 alarmed by the Arnold expedition and hoped to check it by destroying its trans- 
 ports. These vessels left Newport on the ninth of February but as the British 
 ships were then safe in the Elizabeth river at Portsmouth they soon returned 
 without accomplishing their purpose, although they justified their attempt by 
 capturing at sea several of the enemy's ships and destroying others. 
 
 General Washington was ignorant of the departure of this squadron and when 
 he learned of it predicted the result, but he urged M. des Touches to proceed 
 there with his entire fleet and a suitable detachment of land forces which he 
 regarded as essential to the purpose. It was this expedition which he relied upon 
 to support La Fayette, and though it eventually sailed, nothing was accomplished 
 as it was overtaken at the entrance of Chesapeake Bay by Admiral Arbuthnot 
 and a blockading fleet, and after a hard fought battle in which neither side 
 gained a victory, was obliged to return to Nev^rport for repairs. A few miles 
 
 25 
 
, (;,„,.ni, ntxi'i^fejti- 
 
 •.MNSSMMfrii 0.,.,-.,/ (__ „ 
 
 |<i§i^^£-»-v 
 
 "'ii'i#s;;>'i^---":- 
 
 MONUMENT-SCENE OF SURRENDER 
 
 YORKTOWN, VA. 
 
 away La Fayette, unconscious 
 of the repulse, was at York- 
 town, Williamsburg and other 
 points where stores could be col- 
 lected or information of the 
 enemy gained, and he learned 
 with gratification that in re- 
 sponse to his appeals Baron 
 Steuben, who had been sta- 
 tioned at Richmond, had raised 
 five thousand militia to serve 
 with the troops then resting at 
 Annapolis. While reconnoiter- 
 ing the enemy's position at 
 Portsmouth with General Muhl- 
 enberg, whom he visited at his 
 camp at Sufi'olk, he learned of 
 the arrival of a fleet which he 
 naturally supposed to be that of 
 Admiral des Touches, but which 
 to his great astonishment and 
 disappointment he later found 
 to be British. La Fayette's in- 
 structions required him in the 
 event of success or failure of 
 the original plan to return to 
 headquarters as expeditiously 
 as possible, and he therefore set out by land for Annapolis, going by way of 
 Richmond and allowing himself the pleasure of visiting General Washington's 
 mother at Fredericksburg and his home at Mount Vernon, for which delay he 
 made amends by riding at night. On arriving at Annapolis he found the return 
 of his fleet blocked by two small gunboats which the British commander had 
 immediately sent up the bay, and the matter of reaching the head of the Elk 
 became a serious question, as to go by land would necessitate the sacrifice of 
 artillery and heavy stores which he had no means of transporting such a distance, 
 and for which no wagons could be found although the surrounding country was 
 searched. The forward passage of the fleet of ninety-seven boats had been made 
 under Commodore Nicholson of Baltimore and he was ready to take them back 
 at the first opportunity of eluding the gunboats. This opportunity came, after 
 the land passage had been given up as unfeasible, through a plan of Colonel 
 Ebenezer Stevens, proposed at a council of the officers. Under his direction two 
 of the largest sloops, each about sixty-two tons burden, were armed with can- 
 non, and, fitted with awnings to protect the crew, they resolutely sallied forth. 
 Although greatly superior in armament the British did not see fit to test it, and 
 they dropped down the bay a safe distance while the fleet triumphantly emerged 
 and made a rapid passage to the point of their embarkation. Arrived again at the 
 head of the Elk, La Fayette's plans were once more reversed by the receipt of a 
 recent letter from General Washington in which he retracted, after very serious 
 consideration, an earlier confirmation of the original instructions to return, and 
 directed him to proceed as rapidly as possible to the support of General Greene. 
 While this was directly in line with his earlier expectations, La Fayette 
 found it difficult to carry this order into effect with the troops turned toward 
 the North. They did not like the prospect of a summer in an impoverished 
 army in the warm climate of Virginia or North Carolina, and desertions became 
 alarmingly frequent. To check these. La Fayette took extreme measures which 
 were entirely successful. He hung one deserter and reprimanded two others, 
 and then in an order of the day he announced the nature and hazards of the 
 proposed expedition, and that he would not force any soldier to encounter these 
 against his will, but to obviate the occasion for deserting he would on applica- 
 tion from any who wished to return to the North grant them a pass to headquarters. 
 Thus placed upon their mettle they cheerfully accepted the situation, and deser- 
 tion, which had threatened to destroy his army, ceased entirely. Considerable 
 
 26 
 
difficulty was experienced from head winds while crossing the Susquehanna river 
 at Bald Friar Ferry, but without further incident the troops reached Baltimore 
 where it was hoped to obtain much needed supplies of clothing and shoes. The 
 finances of Congress were then at their lowest ebb and even Robert Morris, to 
 whom the burden had been transferred, was unable to meet the requirements, 
 so that no help could be expected through regular channels. It was impossible to 
 proceed without the supplies, however, and La Fayette on his personal security 
 borrowed two thousand guineas of the merchants of the city, with a large part 
 of which he bought cloth for overalls and shirts, and with the balance hats and 
 shoes. At a ball given in his honor in the new Assembly Hall he appealed to the 
 ladies to make up the garments, with the result that the next day the dancing 
 hall was turned into a busy workroom and those who had graced the ball vied 
 with each other in the work of clothing the soldiers. 
 
 With spirits revived by new and serviceable outfits, the expedition left Balti- 
 more on the nineteenth of April and began the campaign that was to end in the 
 most glorious event of the war. Many other carefully matured plans had been 
 set at naught by disappointment and delays and unpropitious elements, but for 
 this one, to an extent far greater than even the Commander-in-chief could foresee, 
 a beneficent Providence was drawing together long hoped-for and long deferred 
 advantages, to unite them in a crown of victory. That victory was the capture 
 of Cornwallis at Yorktown, and the path to it was virtually direct from this point, 
 although incidental detours were necessary, and slowly ripening conditions coun- 
 seled delay. 
 
 Pressing forward with the utmost rapidity by forced marches, and unim- 
 peded by tents, baggage, or artillery, which followed under guard, La Fayette 
 arrived at Richmond with his troops on the twenty-ninth of April just in time 
 to prevent the capture of the city by General Phillips, who had come up the James 
 river with a strong force and was then but a few miles below Manchester on the 
 opposite bank. Phillips, although stronger in disciplined troops than La Fayette, 
 and greatly exasperated by the sight of the latter's well chosen camp, did not see fit 
 to contest his position but after burning some tobacco warehouses at Manchester, 
 abandoned his object and dropped down the river by stages to Brandon, where he 
 encamped on the south shore. When Arnold first arrived in Virginia, he raided 
 Richmond and destroyed an important ordnance foundry, but as the public 
 stores and munitions had been conveyed to remote country towns, and it was 
 necessary to return immediately to the coast, comparatively little damage was 
 done ; at this time large stores of ammunition and supplies were held in the mag- 
 azines, which were the especial object of Phillips' excursion, and the loss of these 
 would have had a serious effect on the Virginia campaign. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, who had returned to Wilmington to recover from a disas- 
 trous engagement with General Greene at Guilford Court House, now formed 
 the plan of uniting his forces with those of General Phillips, who commanded over 
 Arnold, to gain possession of Virginia, and isolate the South to hasten its conquest. 
 He sent word of this plan to General Phillips and the latter, who had passed fur- 
 ther down the river, returned to Brandon preparatory to marching to Peters- 
 burg, the appointed rendezvous. This movement led La Fayette, who was fol- 
 lowing him down the river at a safe distance, to believe that he intended another 
 attack on Richmond, and he hastily returned with his own troops to that city, 
 but he soon learned of Cornwallis' approach and the menace to Petersburg, and 
 he chafed at his inability, from lack of men, to go there and defend it. He con- 
 tinued, however, by means of scouts, to keep watch over both armies and hoped 
 for the speedy arrival of expected reinforcements under General Wayne which 
 he planned to use to resist a combined attack. Owing to the great difficulty of 
 organizing and equipping them, these reinforcements had not yet left Pennsyl- 
 vania, and as La Fayette at this time received orders from General Greene to 
 assume command of all forces in Virginia and protect the state to the best of his 
 ability, the importance of ' conserving and most efficiently employing his small 
 army rendered him extremely cautious; he wrote that he "hardly dared trust 
 himself" and when it is realized that Virginia was then the key to the most vital 
 issue of the war and that its protector, though so long a leader of men, was only 
 twenty-four years of age, it is not surprising that the weight of this responsibility 
 with the insufficiency of his means, bore heavily upon him. While General Phillips 
 
 27 
 
LA FAYETTE 
 
 <'V'> 
 
 »^"^,.;";?^ 
 
 RUINS CHURCH TOWER, JAMESTOWN IS., VA. 
 
 BUILT IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 was on his way to Peters- 
 burg he was stricken with a 
 fever and soon afterward 
 died, upon which the com- 
 mand of his troops devolved 
 again upon Benedict Arnold. 
 Very soon after his reacces- 
 sion he sent a letter to La 
 Fayette under a flag of truce 
 but the latter on learning 
 the name of the sender re- 
 fused to receive it, explain- 
 ing to the bearer that he 
 would gladly communicate 
 with any other British offi- 
 cer. This was in direct ac- 
 cord with his instructions 
 from General Washington 
 and the dictates of his own 
 feelings, and it was highly 
 approved by the country, but 
 it naturally angered Arnold, 
 who threatened hardship to 
 American prisoners, but no 
 notice was taken of his 
 threats and on the arrival 
 of Cornwallis he was given 
 leave of absence to report to 
 General Clinton at New York 
 and passed from the scene. 
 
 The operations of the 
 next two months exhibited to 
 a remarkable degree La Fayette's military abilities, and resulted, after devious 
 marches and retreats by both sides, in driving the British into the trap from which 
 they could not escape. Lord Cornwallis was joined by General Leslie with up- 
 wards of two thousand troops and another descent was made upon Richmond, but 
 La Fayette caused the stores to be removed, and by retiring in another direction 
 led the enemy a chase through the neighboring country, which in the course of 
 events, and with the arrival of General Wayne, became a pursuit by the Ameri- 
 cans. The British raided many towns, including Richmond and Charlottesville, 
 pillaging and destroying stores, and at the latter place made prisoners of seven 
 members of the General Assembly — which had retired there from Richmond on 
 the approach of Cornwallis — Governor Jefferson himself barely escaping. Only 
 once was the safety of the American army in doubt, and that was at Green Spring 
 Farm near Jamestown on the sixth of July, when as the British were retreating 
 down the river, La Fayette was led into an undue approach by a report that they 
 were about to cross in great haste. This proved to be a trap into which Lord Corn- 
 wallis planned to draw the American commander, as he made it appear that the 
 body of his troops had crossed and only a covering party remained, whereas the 
 former were ambushed for an assault when La Fayette should open on the rear 
 guard. By means of stragglers and pretended deserters who were instructed to 
 misinform the Americans, La Fayette was led to make the attack, but he used 
 such caution and made such an admirable disposition of his troops, that he in- 
 flicted considerable loss on the enemy and did not expose himself to the annihi- 
 lation they hoped for. He discovered the ruse early in the action, although the 
 concealed troops had not then been brought out, and by skillful formation, and 
 distinguished vigor and bravery on the part of General Wayne, he was able to 
 retire without serious loss, while the British, realizing the failure of their strat- 
 agem, crossed the river at nightfall and established themselves at Cobham. It 
 is probable that no general action would have occurred had it not been precipi- 
 tated while La Fayette was personally investigating the peculiarities of the 
 advanced skirmish, as he then discovered the ambuscade, but when, on retum- 
 
 28 
 

 ing, he found the matter beyond re- 
 call he entered valiantly into it, and 
 was in the center of the combat lead- 
 ing and encouraging the troops to the 
 end, although his horse was twice 
 shot from under him. His bravery en- 
 deared him still further to the army 
 and the country, and was recognized 
 with respect by his antagonists. 
 With the exception of a detachment 
 which General Tarleton took on a 
 futile raid to Amelia Court House 
 the British retired from Cobham to 
 Portsmouth, and La Fayette after 
 having occupied Williamsburg with- 
 drew his troops to a more salubrious 
 position at Malvern Hill. He sent 
 Generals Wayne and Morgan to 
 watch Tarleton, upon which the latter 
 also fell back on Portsmouth, leav- 
 ing Virginia free from further alarm. 
 La Fayette with his restricted 
 view of the situation now regarded 
 his work as finished, and hoped to be 
 recalled to New York where he be- 
 lieved that more important operations 
 would soon take place. There was 
 good reason for this supposition, as 
 General Washington had not relin- 
 quished his plan of driving the British 
 from Manhattan and upon the arrival 
 of Admiral the Comte de Barras, 
 
 REVOLUTIONARY POWDER HOUSE 
 
 WILLIAMSBURG, VIRGINIA 
 
 who came from France to command the fleet at Nevv^port, a conference at Weth- 
 ersfield, Connecticut, had decided to combine the French and American land 
 forces on the Hudson, preparatory to making a general attack when the Comte 
 de Grasse, who was expected from the West Indies, should arrive to strengthen 
 the naval force. The proposed preliminary movements of the allied armies were 
 intended, in a great measure, to alarm General Clinton and cause him to draw on 
 his southern forces for support, thus to relieve the situation in Virginia, where 
 at this time La Fayette appeared to have little prospect of holding Cornwallis in 
 check. Fortunately, the report of the conference, which was despatched to Con- 
 gress and the Chevalier de La Luzerne, fell into the hands of General Clinton by 
 the capture of the messenger, and he at once sent the order to Cornwallis to 
 embark his troops, which was the occasion of the latter's withdrawal to Ports- 
 mouth, the rendezvous of his fleet. 
 
 At the Wethersfield conference the Comte de Rochambeau had urged the 
 concentration of the allies on the Chesapeake, an alternative to which General 
 Washington had already given much thought, but as the Comte de Barras de- 
 clined on the ground of the insufficiency of his force to take his fleet there, the 
 plan was kept in abeyance until circumstances should further develop its possi- 
 bilities, the Comte de Rochambeau meanwhile sending an urgent appeal to the 
 Comte de Grasse for ships, men and money for New York, though he also called 
 his attention to the equal opportunity for service in the Chesapeake. Early in 
 June a fleet arrived at Boston bringing upwards of six hundred additional troops 
 for the Comte de Rochambeau, and ample funds for his and General Washing- 
 ton's armies, and on the arrival of these reinforcements at Newport General de 
 Rochambeau started with his entire force to join the American army on the Hud- 
 son. The "Saggittaire," which convoyed the French transports to Boston, also 
 brought a letter from the Comte de Grasse whose fleet had left France with the 
 other and kept it company for some time, which stated the admiral's intention of 
 coming to the United States for a short visit which he hoped would prove advan- 
 tageous to the allies, and the Comte de Rochambeau before breaking camp 
 
 29 
 
^^^m.. 
 
 ''''"'■■q:;;;--::vS^^!l'''''" 
 
 .,j;;,;;'iv,',;viv.;;is;!iig'E;^w^ 
 
 \**'' M!**it::f 
 
 ■ • :»»-.•■■•... iter..* 
 
 ,,.„„„.,,, .;;(„M,;,.,„ 
 
 ^";w:u::V?!:r;,;v,... 
 
 THE VILLAGE STREET, YORKTOWN 
 
 UNALTERED SINCE THE REVOLUTION 
 
 despatched to him another letter frankly stating the weakness of the Continental 
 army and again urging him to help them at this critical juncture with all the 
 resources he could command. He also repeated his intimation that a favorable 
 opportunity existed in the South. 
 
 On the arrival of the French army General Washington undertook minor 
 operations against British outposts but they were unsuccessful and the combined 
 forces went into camp near White Plains to await developments. Washington's 
 appeal to the states for additional troops met with slight response and his army 
 had less than half the number of men he hoped for, so that the assistance of the 
 Comte de Grasse was imperatively necessary to any offensive measures. The 
 long awaited assurance of this assistance arrived on the fourteenth of August 
 and caused an immediate change in the plans of the allies. The admiral announced 
 that he would sail from Santo Domingo on the thirteenth of August with from 
 twenty-five to twenty-nine ships of war, and in addition to their crews, three 
 thousand two hundred men from the garrison of the island and a liberal equip- 
 ment of artillery of a most effective character ; that he would proceed to Chesa- 
 peake Bay, and that as he must return the men to the garrison in the fall it 
 would be necessary to hasten to the utmost any proposed operations. He also 
 announced that he had arranged to bring from Havana one million two hundred 
 thousand livres in specie. On the receipt of this joyful intelligence the Com- 
 mander-in-chief determined to move the combined armies to Virginia with all 
 possible speed and his first care was to despatch a courier to the Marquis de La 
 Fayette acquainting him with the Comte de Grasse's intention and urging upon 
 him the necessity of holding Lord Cornwallis in a position unfavorable to retreat. 
 He left La Fayette to surmise the part the Northern army would take in the 
 operations as it was unwise to risk the possibility of giving General Clinton an 
 inkling of his contemplated withdrawal from New York. 
 
 Leaving General Heath with a small force to protect the Hudson river he 
 made a detour of New York with the remainder of the troops, about two thou- 
 sand Continentals and four thousand French, to make it appear that he was 
 moving on Staten Island and by this means deceived General Clinton until they 
 were in a position to head directly for Philadelphia without fear of interception. 
 While the army was marching to the head of the Elk General Washington went 
 
 30 
 
ahead to arrange for supplies and then, inviting the Comte de Rochambeau and 
 the Marquis de Chastellux, his companions, to accompany him, he paid a short 
 visit to Mount Vernon, which he had not seen since he left it six years before to 
 take command of the Continental army at Cambridge. At Philadelphia they had 
 received word of the arrival of the Comte de Grasse which was soon followed by 
 information of the juncture of troops under Field Marshal the Marquis de Saint- 
 Simon with those of General La Fayette at Williamsburg. 
 
 Soon after his return to Portsmouth, Lord Cornwallis had embarked his 
 troops, as directed by General Clinton, and was preparing to take them to New 
 York when an order was received from his superior countermanding that for 
 their return, and taking the General to task for having given up his ground on 
 the James river, at the same time instructing him to take a favorable position 
 between the York and the James where the fleet could be protected. As General 
 Clinton had previously expressed a preference for Yorktown for such an estab- 
 lishment, and as surveys convinced General Cornwallis of its superiority to Old 
 Point Comfort, which had also been recommended, he set sail around the penin- 
 sula and disembarking at that point began the erection of fortifications. To La 
 Fayette, who watched their departure with interest, it appeared likely that Balti- 
 more was the objective point of the British, and he hastily broke camp at Mal- 
 vern Hill, and, calling in the detachments which he had posted to prevent a 
 retreat of the enemy to North Carolina, he started for Fredericksburg, but on 
 reaching Richmond learned that the fleet had entered Yorktown Harbor and con- 
 tented himself with stationing General Wayne near Westover, while he took a 
 corresponding position on the Pamunkey river. From here he wrote to General 
 Washington — whose courier had not yet reached him — that he was confident that 
 a considerable change had been made in the plans of the British, and that while 
 there were points of advantage in the location at Yorktown and opposite in 
 Gloucester, it would result happily for the Americans if a French fleet should 
 make its appearance at this time. He also wrote that he was exercising great 
 caution as "His lordship plays so well that no blunder can be hoped from him to 
 recover a bad step of ours." His observation in regard to the fleet was based only 
 on the general knowledge that one was likely to be in West Indian waters, and 
 when a little later he learned that it was actually coming to his aid his spirits 
 rose to a high pitch of enthusiasm. 
 
 On the receipt of General Washington's letter he communicated it to General 
 Wayne and ordered him to proceed to Westover and prepare to cross to the south 
 side of the James, where he would be in a position to embarrass any attempt of 
 the British to reach North Carolina, and he then, in accordance with General 
 Washington's instructions, sent dispatches by Colonel Gimat his friend and former 
 aide-de-camp, to Cape Henry to be delivered to the Comte de Grasse immediately 
 upon his arrival. He had as yet no knowledge of the coming of General Wash- 
 ington himself, but he was happy in the prospect of the substantial aid of the 
 French fleet and the troops with it, and he was prepared to waive any question 
 of his own rank as commander, to obviate possible friction in the union of the 
 forces. Happily he was not called upon to do this, as the Comte de Saint-Simon 
 though holding high rank in the French army, insisted on taking a place subordi- 
 nate to the American commander, when, a few days later, the ships appeared, and 
 the troops, which were immediately reembarked for the passage up the James, 
 went into camp at Jamestown Island, under the protection of La Fayette's guns. 
 The latter's triumph was now insured and the hard work and skillful strategy' 
 of the long and unequal campaign for the possession of Virginia were rewarded 
 with the knowledge that Lord Cornwallis was securely confined in his ill chosen 
 position. Since receiving General Washington's dispatch. La Fayette's chief anx- 
 iety had been to prevent the British from making a sudden retreat to the south- 
 ward, but now, thanks to the forces at his disposal, all danger of this was past 
 and he recalled the outlying divisions that guarded the roads and passes, and 
 moved his camp to a strong position at Williamsburg, but a few miles from the 
 enemy. Early in the summer Lord Cornwallis had written to General Clinton, 
 "The boy cannot escape me," but now with the "boy" and his forces only a few 
 hours' march from his camp he felt unequal to attacking him, and after a recon- 
 noissance settled down to the completion of defensive works at Yorktown and 
 Gloucester, hoping for reinforcements from New York to relieve his situation. 
 
 31 
 

 ■'~'^\ - ^T^^"^*^ ■ 
 
 GOV. NELSON'S HOUSE, YORKTOWN 
 
 OCCUPIED BY THE BRITISH AND BOMBARDED BY ORDER OF ITS OWNER 
 
 The Comte de Grasse, out of regard for his obligation to return to San Do- 
 mingo, wished to begin the attack at once, but in compliance with La Fayette's 
 earnest solicitation, and in deference to the latter's superior knowledge of the 
 situation, he consented to await the arrival of Generals Washington and Rocham- 
 beau — whose movements were now known — and their armies. He had reached the 
 Chesapeake on the thirtieth of August and on the fifth of September he was chal- 
 lenged to battle by Admiral Graves, who had succeeded Admiral Arbuthnot at 
 New York and who left there with his fleet in search of the Comte de Barras, 
 who, in connection with the movement on Yorktown, had left Newport with his own 
 ships and a large fleet of transports loaded with the supplies and heavy artillery 
 of the Comte de Rochambeau, and whose departure had been discovered. The 
 Comte de Grasse at once put to sea for greater freedom of action, and a battle 
 ensued in which, as with that of Admirals des Touches and Arbuthnot, no deci- 
 sive victory was obtained on either side, but which seriously disabled some of the 
 British ships, one of which had to be abandoned and destroyed. Admiral Graves 
 was forced to retire to New York, and the Comte de Grasse although still strong 
 and in an advantageous position was content to return to Chesapeake Bay after 
 waiting some days for a renewal of the engagement, as in view of the responsi- 
 bilities of his position he wished to take no unnecessary risks. On reaching Cape 
 Henry he found that the Comte de Barras had safely arrived while the opposing 
 fleets were off the coast, having escaped Admiral Graves by a wide detour. This 
 welcome reinforcement assured a sea power ample for the occasion, and the 
 transports were at once unloaded and sent up the bay to the head of the Elk to 
 bring down the waiting troops. 
 
 General Washington, with the Comte de Rochambeau and the Marquis de 
 Chastellux having resumed their journey from Mount Vernon, arrived at La 
 Fayette's headquarters at Williamsburg on the fourteenth of September. The 
 reunion was momentous for the Marquis as he not only had the joy of being again 
 with his beloved friend, but he was relieved from the strain and responsibility of 
 his previous sole command, which, especially in its necessity of procuring provi- 
 sions, had caused him much anxiety. The Comte de Grasse sent the "Queen 
 Charlotte," a luxurious craft which he had captured from the British, to bring 
 General Washington and his companions to his flagship, and they spent several 
 
 32 
 
days there in pleasant and necessary intercourse, the highest military honors 
 being paid to the Commander-in-chief on his arrival and departure. On his 
 return to camp he found among his dispatches one announcing the arrival of 
 Admiral Digby at New York with six ships of the line and additional troops. 
 He at once sent this information to the Comte de Grasse, who, alarmed 
 by this access of power and fearing the return of Admiral Graves with this rein- 
 forcement, determined to abandon the Chesapeake which he feared would be 
 blockaded, and await their possible arrival outside the Capes. This decision 
 blasted instantly all hopes and plans that Washington had cherished since leav- 
 ing New York, and changed the certainty of victory to the almost equal certainty 
 of Cornwallis' immediate escape by water to his former strong position at Ports- 
 mouth. To prevent this crushing misfoi'tune Washington despatched La Fayette 
 to the flagship with a most strenuous appeal for a reconsideration of the decision 
 urging the Marquis to use his influence to the utmost to the same end, and the 
 messenger had the pleasure of returning to Williamsburg with the promise of the 
 Admiral to remain and carry out the original plan. The allied troops had now 
 arrived from the head of the Elk and joined those at Williamsburg, and imme- 
 diate preparations were made for attacking the British position. 
 
 On the twenty-eighth of September the American troops and their allies 
 marched from Williamsburg and took up positions surrounding Yorktown. The 
 following day they advanced to within firing distance of the enemy's outer works, 
 and on the morning of the thirtieth they entered these, the British having aban- 
 doned them during the night and retreated to the central fortifications. The French 
 ships were drawn up in the river opposite the town, and with the troops stead- 
 ily closing around him. Lord Cornwallis' position was becoming very serious and 
 he hurriedly sent messengers to New York for aid. General Clinton had dis- 
 covered too late the error of his orders and had hoped to relieve the post, but the 
 best he could do was to promise to despatch a fleet under Admiral Digby, with 
 five thousand land troops and ample provisions and supplies. Cornwallis believed 
 that he could hold out until the arrival of this succor and it was arranged that on 
 hearing heavy firing at the mouth of the bay, he should send up two columns of 
 smoke to indicate his continued occupation of the town. This time however all 
 elements combined for American success and the help he looked for came too late. 
 
 With the Americans under La Fayette on the right, and the French troops 
 on the left, Washington after a week of preparation fired the first gun of the siege 
 on the morning of the seventh of October. The fire was kept up with increasing 
 severity until the eleventh, when a second parallel, but three hundred yards from 
 the enemy's fortifications, was opened. The British had suffered severely, many 
 of their guns being silenced, and on the fourteenth Washington determined _ to 
 force two outlying redoubts by which the inner works were protected, and which 
 in his hands would make the reduction of the latter easy. One of these was 
 assigned to the American Light Infantry under La Fayette and the other to the 
 regiments of Auvergne and Gatinos under the Baron de Viomenil. The detach- 
 ments, with fixed bayonets, charged simultaneously in the face of a destructive 
 volley, and in a few minutes the Americans, led by the gallant Lieutenant Colonel 
 Alexander Hamilton, had scaled the parapet and taken their redoubt, the British 
 throwing down their arms as the Americans entered. The French commander 
 had expressed a belief that only his troops would succeed in the undertaking, 
 and as he was not yet in possession of his redoubt, La Fayette, jealous of Amer- 
 ican valor, immediately tendered his assistance, but the Baron answered for the 
 unaided ability of his men and a little later announced his similar victory. Two 
 days later the British, made desperate by the destructive fire from these points, 
 attempted to regain the redoubt held by the French, but were repulsed and driven 
 back to their works with great loss, and as a last resort Lord Cornwallis under- 
 took, under cover of darkness, to remove his troops to Gloucester Point. A rising 
 storm defeated this purpose — of doubtful merit at the best — and he was obliged 
 to bring back the few who had reached the other side, and resign himself to the 
 inevitable end. On the seventeenth of October he opened his negotiations for 
 surrender, and on the next day, the articles, which, at La Fayette's suggestion, 
 were the same as those imposed on General Lincoln at Charleston, were signed. 
 On the nineteenth the British troops, resplendent in new uniforms, marched out 
 between the French and Americans drawn up in lines, and laid down their arms, 
 
 33 
 
THE SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS' ARMY, YORKTOWN, OCT. 19, 1781 
 
 FROM THE PAINTING BY TRUMBULL, IN THE CAPITOL AT WASHINGTON 
 
 their bands playing "The World Turned Upside Down," a then popular air. 
 Lord Cornwallis kept his tent, giving illness as an excuse, and sent his apologies 
 by General O'Hara, who delivered his sword to General Lincoln. 
 
 Although General Clinton still held New York and had posts at Charleston 
 and Wilmington, Cornwallis' surrender was recognized as the virtual end of the 
 struggle. General Washington, hoping to regain the Carolinas while his troops 
 were flushed with victory, desired the cooperation of the Comte de Grasse in the 
 reduction of Charleston, or at least the aid of his ships to transport reinforce- 
 ments under La Fayette to General Greene, but satisfied that he had accomplished 
 all that should be required of him under the circumstances of his visit to the 
 American coast, the French Admiral felt himself obliged to deny this request, 
 and La Fayette, seeing no further opportunity for active service, obtained General 
 Washington's permission to visit Philadelphia and petition Congress for leave to 
 return to France to spend the winter. This request was immediately granted 
 and resolutions were passed eulogizing his services in Virginia and accrediting 
 him to the Ministers at Versailles as a qualified representative of the United 
 States in matters pertaining to its needs. He was also made the bearer of a letter 
 to King Louis XVL and the frigate "Alliance" was again designated to convey him 
 across the Atlantic. He sailed from Boston on the twenty-third of December, 
 1781, and after a very short voyage landed in France, where the account of his 
 triumph had preceded him and he was received with high honors. 
 
 The youth whose high resolution had prevailed over royal bans, had, by 
 force of his manliness and proved abilities, passed from indulgent recognition 
 in the American army to enduring fame in its history, and gained the irrequit- 
 able affection of the people of his adopted country. His expected return to 
 service under Washington was deferred at the request of Franklin, who greatly 
 appreciated his help in securing the many benefits still required of France, and 
 the termination of the war found him thus engaged. 
 
 Firmly established in the esteem and affection of all classes in his native 
 land, he settled down to the quiet joys of his family life, little knowing how soon 
 these were to give place to the turbulence and anarchy, separation and bereave- 
 ment of the yet unheralded French Revolution. Before this second era of his life 
 however, he crossed the ocean once more to visit his beloved friend General Wash- 
 ington, with whom he spent some weeks at Mount Vernon in the fall of 1784, and 
 then, after a tour of a few of the scenes of his activities, he bade him a final fare- 
 well and sailed from Boston on his return to France. 
 
 34 
 
GUARD 
 OF SWORO 
 PRESCNTCO TO LA FAYCTTC BT CONGRESS 
 
 At an age when young men customarily enter upon active life, La Fayette 
 returned to the affairs of his native country, mature in experience and flattered 
 with exceptional distinction. The monarchy of France, undermined by the ex- 
 cesses of three reigns, though still exhibiting the habitual appearance of strength, 
 tottered on the verge of a revolutionary abyss. Excessive taxation and despotic 
 rule exhausted and prostrated the producing classes and raised discontent almost 
 to resistance, while the revenue thus extorted was inadequate to meet the require- 
 ments of national obligations and royal extravagance. Louis XVI and his luxu- 
 rious court lived only for display and private gratification, while one after another, 
 ministers of finance sought in vain to supply their ever increasing demands. The 
 American Revolution, so generously aided, had drained the treasury to the danger 
 point and the only hope of recuperation lay in wise administration and radical 
 economy. The former was available and the latter had been repeatedly urged 
 but such was the influence of the nobles whose patronage was menaced that no 
 headway could be made in this direction, and added taxation of the people was the 
 only resource applauded. 
 
 Turgot, whose wise reforms were unpalatable, was succeeded by Necker, who 
 also brought skill and high purpose to his office and inspired confidence in the 
 people. He in turn was forced to give way to M. de Calonne, who revived an 
 appearance of prosperity by negotiating ruinous loans, but who, toward the end 
 of 1786, was obliged to announce the virtual bankruptcy of France, and realizing 
 that retrenchment was imperative, urged the King to call together an Assembly 
 of Notables in the hope that this body could and would impose such measures. 
 La Fayette, although in disfavor with many of his class because of his liberal 
 tendencies, was made a member of the body thus instituted and proved its most 
 potent influence. The Assembly recommended minor reforms and having inves- 
 tigated Calonne's record, secured his dismissal, but it could not be brought to 
 indorse the pleas of La Fayette for the abolition of wasteful ceremonies and 
 patronage, and the equitable distribution of taxation. Realizing the futility of 
 its further deliberation he startled the Assembly and the Court by calling for the 
 convocation of the States General — a memory of a less enthralled France of 
 nearly two hundred years before. Louis agreed to do this and named the year 
 1792 for the inauguration, hoping that in the meantime public confidence would 
 be restored and that the Government would then be in a strong position, but 
 dissatisfaction continued and he was obliged to issue the summons for May, 1789. 
 This was in thought and deed the actual beginning of the revolution that engulfed 
 France in the most barbaric tumult of destruction that history has recorded. La 
 Fayette looked forward to radical changes in the system of government but he 
 believed that these would come peaceably as a result of philosophic influences, 
 and with his innate and cultivated love of liberty he placed himself in the fore- 
 front of every movement to secure its blessings for his countrymen. 
 
 At the appointed time deputies to the number of twelve hundred, represent- 
 ing the nobility, the clergy, and the people — or Third Estate — elected by their 
 peers after an exciting campaign, assembled at the church of Notre Dame de 
 Paris, and the next day at Versailles were received by the King and addressed 
 by Necker, reinstated Minister of Finance. The adoption of methods of proce- 
 dure occupied several weeks and but for the insistence of the Third Estate upon 
 its right, numerical and political, to dominate and constitute the body parlia- 
 mentary, effective organization would have been impossible as the Nobility and 
 Clergy, though separately less in number, claimed the right to vote as bodies 
 which thus combined could defeat the people. In the end, however, they were 
 obliged to accept the organization of the Third Estate and vote as individuals. 
 
 35 
 
La Fayette had been elected to represent the nobles of Auvergne and he found 
 himself in an anomalous position as in this contest his sympathies were with the 
 people. While he was considering the resigning of his seat to seek election to 
 the Commons, his dilemma was solved by a royal order commanding the Nobles 
 and Clergy, many of whom had already gone over to the dominant body, to recede 
 from their position and join the popular organization. This ascendency of the 
 people was reflected by rioting at Paris and Versailles, and the impending civil 
 conflict was hastened by the concentration of the King's troops to quell these 
 disturbances. The first and most important act of the Assembly was the con- 
 sideration of a "Declaration of Rights" introduced by La Fayette which formu- 
 lated on a high and enlightened plane the rights and dues of the people, and 
 which became the basis of subsequent enactments. 
 
 Notwithstanding his ambition to lead in the parliamentary emancipation of 
 his countrymen, which was assured by his being elected Vice-President of the 
 "States General," La Fayette was destined for other and more strenuous activi- 
 ties and he was soon called from the Assembly to the command of a body of 
 Militia called the National Guard, organized to subdue the more violent 
 elements of the populace which the royal troops were unable to control. In this 
 position, with the rapidly growing tendency toward anarchy, he soon became the 
 most prominent figure of the revolution, and, until the final upheaval, when, in- 
 toxicated with power the ascendent terrorists threw off all restraint and shed 
 noble blood in rivers, he was the only one capable of standing effectively between 
 royalty and the clamoring mob. 
 
 The necessity for this organization was made manifest by the uprising at 
 Paris which followed the dismissal of Necker from the Ministry to which he had 
 been returned to gratify the people. His plans were too radical for the Court, 
 and with other ministers favorable to the popular interests he was requested to 
 secretly depart. The news of this and the presence of German troops, which 
 the King had brought to overawe malcontents incited them to riot, to quell which 
 the Provost of Merchants, the nearest to recognized authority, was called on to 
 enroll a civic guard which armed itself from the public arsenals and later under 
 the badge of the tricolor proposed by La Fayette, became the National Guard. 
 The opening day of this enrollment was signalized by a demonstration around 
 the hated Bastile, the hitherto impregnable prison where for centuries had lan- 
 guished justly or unjustly the offenders of royalty. Throughout the night the 
 mob continued to gather and on the morning following, the memorable four- 
 teenth of July, began an attack which late in the afternoon compelled its surren- 
 der. Its fall and demolition symbolized the extinguishment of royal power and 
 oppression, and its anniversary has become the chief national holiday of France. 
 
 The task that La Fayette found awaiting him was diflScult almost to the 
 point of discouragement. The line between mob domination and the supremacy 
 of his motley National Guard was so precarious and doubtful that order and dis- 
 cipline were matters of passing impulse and influence, sometimes yielding to his 
 exhortations and again surging uncontrollably in an opposite course. With Jean 
 Sylvain Bailly, formerly president of the Assembly, now appointed Mayor of 
 Paris, he shared authority transcending that of the King, whom indeed it was 
 given him later to direct and eventually to arrest. 
 
 In the States General the Comte de Mirabeau led the debate and strove for 
 the enactment of a constitution on which to base a reformed political system, 
 while in the faubourgs and the "Palais Royal" — a popular forum — "Sanscullotism" 
 banded for pillage and destruction. Destitution and hunger are grievances on 
 which a mob can speedily be raised and a throng of determined women moved 
 by these incentives, gathered at the Hotel de Ville on the fifth of October, 1789, 
 and routing a company of the National Guard took possession of the building. 
 To get them out it was proposed, insincerely, to lead them to Versailles, and a 
 citizen named Maillard seized a drum and led the way, followed by the "Menads" 
 who enlisted or impressed every member of their sex, of high or low degree, who 
 came upon the scene, and not to be swerved from their course straggled in a noisy 
 and ever increasing horde — followed by sympathizers of every description — over 
 the fifteen miles of muddy road in a drizzling rain, to the royal palace where they 
 demanded bread. La Fayette, starting some hours afterward, arrived about mid- 
 night with his National Guard, which from fear of its loyalty under such con- 
 
 36 
 
ditions he had kept in Paris until 
 the King's danger became evident. 
 He reassured Louis and the As- 
 sembly, which was still in session, 
 and about five o'clock in the morn- 
 ing retired for a short rest having 
 been without sleep for twenty- 
 four hours. He had hardly lain 
 down when he was recalled to the 
 palace by a conflict which was pre- 
 cipitated between a party of ma- 
 rauders and the Life Guards, and 
 which, but for his presence and the 
 services of the National Guards, 
 would have resulted disastrously 
 for the royal family, whose apart- 
 ments were invaded by a mob. 
 Later in the day he gave public 
 evidence of the devotion to the 
 King and Queen, and his popu- 
 larity caused them to be received 
 with cheers, the people dispersing 
 on his assurance that they would 
 accompany him to Paris. Under 
 his escort they were taken to the 
 Tuileries, followed peaceably by a 
 procession of one hundred thou- 
 sand, and although no personal 
 restraint was as yet exercised 
 they were from that time virtu- 
 CHURCH OF NOTRE DAME DE PARIS ally prisoners. 
 
 IN WHICH THE STATES-GENERALCONVENED, MAY 4,1789 The DUC d'OrleanS, COUSin Of 
 
 Louis XVI, dissolute of character and a recognized enemy of the King, was sus- 
 pected of complicity in the attack at Versailles and was forced to retire to England 
 by La Fayette, whom all parties acknowledged as the savior of the royal family. 
 Following the Insurrection of Women, the Assembly— which to be near the Kmg 
 had transferred its place of meeting to one of the halls of the Tuileries— while 
 enacting the constitution abolished lettres de cachet, an arbitrary form of arrest, 
 proclaimed ecclesiastical estates confiscated to the Government, and on the basis 
 of this property issued eight hundred million francs in paper assignats. This 
 reckless expedient caused the final resignation of Necker, who in response to pop- 
 ular clamor had been again recalled to the Ministry of Finance. Religious orders 
 were suppressed, taxes on salt and corn repealed, jury trial instituted, and all 
 titles of nobility abolished, with which last decree La Fayette, who had urged its 
 adoption, consistently complied although in later years other regimes brought a 
 general return to monarchial titles. 
 
 At this time a new menace to rational administration made its appearance in 
 the Rue St. Honore where a club called the Jacobins, from the religious order 
 whose convent they occupied, gathered nightly to the number of a thousand or 
 more and promulgated incendiary doctrines. Its membership included the most 
 radical and unprincipled leaders in the Assembly, and to counteract its effects 
 La Fayette organized an association called the Feuillans or Moderates, which for 
 upwards of a year and a half held it materially in check, but which was then dis- 
 persed by the flight of a majority of its members during the events leading to the 
 Reign of Terror emanating from its rival. 
 
 To fittingly celebrate the anniversary of the taking of the Bastile and thereby 
 cement the bonds of patriotism and brotherhood, a grand fete was planned for 
 the fourteenth of July, 1790, when all National Authorities should swear allegiance 
 "to the King, to Law and to the Nation." By the voluntary labor of the inhabit- 
 ants of Paris of both sexes and all ages and ranks, the Champ de Mars, a spa- 
 cious plain set apart for military manoeuvres, was transformed to an immense am- 
 phitheater with an impressive altar and festooned colonnades and arches. On the 
 
 37 
 
HEADQUARTERS OF THE JACOBIN SOCIETY 
 
 THE BIRTHPLACE OF THE REIGN OF TERROR 
 
 morning of the festival, La Fayette, who was master of ceremonies by virtue of 
 the temporary command of the National Guard of France delegated to him by the 
 King, arrived at the head of a procession of sixty thousand federalists, soldiers 
 and deputies, and after the celebration of mass by the Bishop of Autun and three 
 hundred priests, amid the booming of cannon, he descended from his horse and 
 presenting himself at the throne received from the King the form of the oath, 
 which he carried to the National Altar and pronounced to the assembly of five 
 hundred thousand persons, his words echoed by the Army, the President of the 
 National Assembly, the Deputies and the King. "Liberty, Equality, and Frater- 
 nity" reigned throughout the day and night, and promised a future free from 
 strife and intrigue, but the sun of another day brought its paramount emotions 
 submerging the glorious federation in new and greater animosities. 
 
 On the twenty-eighth of the following February a mob from the Faubourg 
 Saint Antoine, the most lawless district of Paris, attacked the prison at Vin- 
 cennes under the leadership of Santerre, a brewer subsequently to become more 
 ignobly prominent. Before they succeeded in liberating the prisoners La Fayette 
 arrived and put them to rout. While he was thus occupied he was summoned to 
 the Palace of the Tuileries, some five miles distant, where it had been discovered 
 by the National Guard that all the dependents of the King, rallying as by arrange- 
 ment, were armed with daggers. It probably was to defend the King should the 
 Saint Antoine mob descend on the Tuileries that this arrangement was made, 
 but the Guards professed to believe it a conspiracy to abduct Louis, and before 
 the return of La Fayette they had disarmed and violently ejected the courtiers. 
 
 Following closely upon these alarms the National Assembly and the true 
 cause of the people lost an heroic figure whose influence for good was second 
 only to La Fayette's. This was the Comte de Mirabeau, whose motives were often 
 questioned, whose methods were resented, and whose private character was 
 assailed, but whose public acts were the embodiment of strength and wisdom, a 
 force and a balance on occasion, and whose continued activity would have tem- 
 pered Jacobinism. He died on the second of April, 1791, and was buried on the 
 fourth, amid general and sincere mourning and demonstration. 
 
 Toward the middle of this month the announcement was made that the King 
 for the benefit of his health would pass the Easter season at Saint Cloud, the real 
 
 38 
 
THE STORMING OF THE BASTILE, JULY 14, 1789 
 
 ITS FALL AND DEMOLITION WERE THE MOST SIGNIFICANT EVENTS OF THE FRENCH 
 
 REVOLUTION 
 
 reason of his excursion being his desire to receive the ministration of a priest 
 not sworn to the new civil orders, which, in common with many devout Catholics, 
 he regarded as an infringement on moral and ecclesiastical rights. On the eight- 
 eenth of April, in accordance with this plan he started in his state carriage but 
 was immediately stopped by a crowd that blocked his way. La Fayette hastened 
 to the scene, and, appreciating the delicacy of his motives, offered to open a 
 passage at any cost, but the King would not permit the attempt, and leaving the 
 carriage returned to the palace. The suspicion that the King was about to flee, 
 though unjust on this occasion, was however warranted, and preparations were 
 then making for the event. On the evening of the twenty-first of June the royal 
 family with trusted attendants left the Palace of the Tuileries and in several 
 closed carriages were carried northward where the support of the army defending 
 the frontier was depended upon. The undertaking was badly managed and at 
 Varennes the heavy coach containing the King and Queen was blocked by an 
 obstructed bridge which suspicious town officials, warned by intelligence now sent 
 broadcast, had piled with wagons and lumber. Close by, on the other side 
 of the bridge, was an advance guard of the army, sent to meet the ref- 
 ugees, but its commander, a son of General Broglie, one of the King's most 
 trusted officers, had, owing to the lateness of the hour, ceased to look for them, 
 and retired for the night. Thus detained, where deliverance was looked for, the 
 party was overtaken and arrested soon afterward by a company of National 
 Guards and escorted back ignominiously to Paris to be more closely guarded until, 
 a year later, after a few months' freedom following the acceptance of the con- 
 stitution they were imprisoned in the Temple, from whence after predetermined 
 trials they issued to the guillotine — Louis XVI on the twenty-first of January, 
 1793, and Marie Antoinette on the sixteenth of the next October. 
 
 Early in September, 1791, after the Federation and the flight to Varennes, 
 the long-looked-for Constitution was completed and accepted by the King, and 
 the Constituent Assembly — formerly the States General — having finished its work 
 terminated its sittings and dissolved. Its last acts decreed the King exempt from 
 punishment for his attempted flight, and, on the initiative of La Fayette, author- 
 ized the freeing of all prisoners held for offenses growing out of the Revolution. 
 The proposal to absolve the King from responsibility for his flight aroused bitter 
 
 39 
 
antagonism from the Jaco- 
 bins, and before it was en- 
 acted a petition to the Assem- 
 bly urging his dethronement 
 was started on the altar at 
 the Champ de Mars and 
 signed by a multitude of Jaco- 
 bin sympathizers, who having 
 created a disturbance were 
 fired upon and dispersed, sev- 
 eral being killed — by the Na- 
 tional Guards under La Fay- 
 ette and by the authority of 
 Mayor Bailly, who proclaimed 
 them guilty of disorderly con- 
 duct. With the dissolution of 
 the Constituent Assembly, La 
 Fayette resigned his com- 
 mand of the National Guards, 
 which he avowedly held only 
 to preserve order until the 
 Constitution should be estab- 
 lished, and retired to his home 
 in Chavaniac taking with him 
 a sword forged from bolts of 
 the Bastile and presented as 
 a token of the esteem of his 
 Guards. With all others of the 
 better classes he believed the 
 destiny of the nation happily 
 settled and he looked forward 
 to peace at his country estate. 
 
 NATIONAL FEDERATION IN CHAMP DE MARS 
 
 JULY 14, 1790 
 
 The Constitution from which so much was expected failed unmistakably, 
 however, to fulfill its mission and the new Legislative Assembly elected under it 
 lacked the capacity of its predecessor, whose members had specifically decreed 
 that none of their number should be eligible to membership in the new body. 
 Internal troubles appeared and multiplied, and early in 1792 these were aug- 
 mented by a declaration of war against Austria. This brought La Fayette again 
 to the front, as at the request of the King he was appointed to command the 
 Army of the Center, one of three divisions of the French forces, with headquar- 
 ters at Maubeuge, in Flanders near the Prussian frontier. From his camp at 
 this place he wrote to the Assembly, in part as follows, denouncing the instigators 
 of the high-handed violences which were rending his country: — "Can you dis- 
 semble even to yourselves, that a faction (and to avoid all vague denunciation) , 
 the Jacobin faction, have caused all these disorders? It is that which I boldly 
 accuse — organized like a separate empire in the metropolis, and in its affiliated 
 societies, blindly directed by some ambitious leaders, this sect forms a corporation 
 entirely distinct in the midst of the French people, whose powers it usurps by 
 tyrannizing over its representatives and constituted authorities." The Jacobins, 
 in consternation at this arraignment, declared the letter to be forged, on which 
 La Fayette left his army and appeared at the bar of the Assembly to repeat with 
 emphasis his accusations and plead for the respect and authority guaranteed 
 the King by the Constitution. In this he was too late, as a mob which invaded 
 the Tuileries on the twentieth of June on the pretext of petitioning the King to 
 withdraw his vetoes of two revolutionary decrees, had hopelessly violated the 
 dignity of the royal presence and foreshadowed the repression and dethronement 
 soon to follow. Realizing that the Constitution was practically overthrown. La 
 Fayette, who still enlisted an ardent following, planned to remove the royal family 
 to the frontier, pledging the protection of his army, but the King with fatal per- 
 versity refused his good offices and he reluctantly returned to his command. 
 
 Insurrection had now infected outlying districts and a body of its votaries 
 to the number of five hundred marched from Marseilles and were received as 
 
 40 
 
heroes in Paris on the eve of the anniversary of the Federation, which was re- 
 peated in a mockery of its former spontaneity. Frightened by La Fayette's 
 denunciation, the Jacobins endeavored to secure his impeachment by the Assem- 
 bly but were outvoted two to one and were forced to adopt more radical measures 
 to overthrow the Moderates who still cherished the Constitution in name. They 
 had for weeks sought in vain for some apparent provocation by the Court which 
 could serve as a rallying cry for the Faubourgs, and crystallize insurrection that 
 would dethrone the King. The supporters of La Fayette were now insulted with- 
 out and within the Assembly, and under the leadership of George Jacques Danton, 
 who exhorted the people to rise and save themselves from external and internal 
 enemies, an uprising was accomplished which, invading the Tuileries, forced the 
 King to seek protection of the Assembly, and massacred the valiant Swiss, who 
 alone of all his constitutional defenders had remained loyal and efficient until his 
 subservience to his dictators caused him to order them to cease resistance. The 
 King was declared dethroned, and with his family was imprisoned in the Temple, 
 while the Court and the Constitutionalists sought safety in flight. Aristocrats 
 active and passive, for no reason but their presumed sympathy with royalty, were 
 by hundreds thrown into prison, many to be delivered only when the tumbrels car- 
 ried them to the guillotine under the decrees of the September tribunals. 
 
 When the intentions of the revolutionists were obvious, La Fayette had sent 
 messengers to again implore the King to avail himself of the protection of the 
 army, but he was once more rebuffed and his plan becoming known he was de- 
 nounced as a traitor and enemy of the people. Under the style of the Commune 
 of August 10th the Jacobins usurped the government of Paris, and still fearing La 
 Fayette's popularity sent commissioners to conciliate him with ofl^ers of high 
 office if he would ally himself to their cause, but on their arrival at Sedan he 
 caused them to be arrested and imprisoned, paying no heed to their overtures. 
 He renewed his army's oath of fidelity to the Constitution but deputies from Paris 
 soon corrupted it, and realizing that further effort was useless he gathered a few 
 of his most intimate friends and set out for Belgium from whence he could make 
 his way to England or America. To do this they were obliged to cross the path 
 of the Austrian army, to which they had recently been opposed, and one of the 
 party went to headquarters to obtain the necessary passports. These would have 
 been immediately forthcoming but for the fact that the presence of La Fayette 
 was noted, and as he was regarded by foreign courts as the instigator of the Revo- 
 lution the whole party was arrested and taken to the fortress of Wesel where the 
 rigors of the confinement in a damp cell prostrated their leader. He was told that 
 his condition would be ameliorated if he would give information to aid the Aus- 
 trians, but as he spurned this offer he was treated with greater severity. After 
 some months at Wesel the prisoners were transferred to Magdebourg, where 
 they were placed in dungeons and debarred a sight of the sky or each other for 
 nearly six months, when, it being evident that life could not be maintained under 
 such conditions, they were given a daily airing in the court yard. 
 
 While La Fayette languished in prison, events moved rapidly in France. Suc- 
 cessively lower elements of Jacobinism gained control through the imprisonment 
 or execution of former leaders. The King and Queen were executed, Marat, one 
 of the most venomous and unprincipled instigators of anarchy, was assassinated 
 by virtuous Charlotte Corday; Danton was guillotined to make way for Hebert, 
 and he in turn to elevate Robespierre. The war of La Vendee, in southern 
 France, engaged hundreds of thousands, and the guillotine and even shooting 
 being inadequate to dispose of the prisoners of the revolutionists, thousands 
 were drowned, men, women and children together, penned in hulks that were sent 
 to the bottom of the Loire. Madame de La Fayette and her children were arrested 
 and would have been executed but for the intervention of Gouverneur Morris, 
 American Minister to France, who also advanced a large sum of money to relieve 
 the distress of the family, many of whose estates were confiscated and whose 
 revenue was cut off. The Marechale de Noailles, grandmother of Madame de La 
 Fayette, the Duchess d'Ayen her mother, and the Vicomtesse de Noailles were car- 
 ried to the guillotine together, and the loss of these beloved intimates added 
 greatly to her other misfortunes. 
 
 With the tide of war favoring the French against the Prussians and Aus- 
 trians it was deemed wise by the coalition to remove La Fayette to Austrian 
 
 41 
 
territory, and he was taken to Olmiitz where his hardships were further increased 
 and he was told that his identity would be forever lost in a prison number by 
 which he would be designated in all communications and records, as he was re- 
 garded as most dangerous to monarchial institutions and it was desired to reduce 
 him to political if not actual death. During these years of imprisonment his 
 friends in Europe and America petitioned frequently for his release without 
 other effect than to further convince his captors of his importance to the cause 
 they sought to crush. One of his old friends, however, the Comte Lally-Tollendal, 
 made the acquaintance in London of Dr. Erick Bellman, a Hanoverian who had 
 aided in the escape of other French prisoners, and Dr. Bollman, who was an en- 
 thusiastic admirer of La Fayette, agreed to undertake his release. 
 
 In the autumn of 1794, some six months after the General had been taken 
 to Olmiitz, Dr. Bollmann, having learned that important personages were confined 
 in this prison, went there and by means of a professional acquaintance with the 
 physician who attended him, he conveyed to La Fayette information of his plan 
 of rescue. With Dr. Bollmann was associated Francis Kinlock Huger, a son of 
 Col. Benjamin Huger who had first received La Fayette on his arrival in America. 
 They learned that owing to his low state of health the prisoner was taken each 
 day on a short drive under guard, and they planned to intercept his carriage, and 
 taking him by force to carry him hastily to the town of Hoff, where a carriage 
 would be stationed to bear him out of the country. To avoid suspicion the execu- 
 tion of this arrangement was delayed for some months, during which Dr. Boll- 
 mann visited Vienna, but eventually everything was ready, and as La Fayette 
 and a guard were walking behind the carriage on a country road, the attendant 
 was overpowered and La Fayette placed on horseback with a hurried direction in 
 English from young Huger, to go to HoflT. The guards in the carriage, instead 
 of assisting their fellow, drove rapidly away and but for the escape of one of the 
 conspirators' horses during the attack all would undoubtedly have been well. As 
 only two horses could be brought, it was some time before the rescuers could re- 
 cover this one and proceed to Hoff, and on their arrival they found no trace of 
 the fugitive. The attempt had therefore failed 
 and it was learned afterward, that, in the haste 
 of the admonition. La Fayette had understood 
 that he was to go off and had taken a road which 
 eventually brought him to the village of Jagers- 
 dorfF, where he was detained as a suspicious per- 
 son, and two days later carried back to Olmiitz. 
 Huger and Dr. Bollmann were very soon appre- 
 hended and they were held in prison, chained to 
 the walls of their cells, for eight months, with 
 sentence of death threatened, when they were 
 released through the intercession of the Count 
 Metrowsky, a generous nobleman living near the 
 prison, whom they had never seen but whose 
 sympathies were aroused by their predicament. 
 
 Madame de La Fayette had been again ar- 
 rested at her home at Chavaniac and carried to 
 Paris to await execution, when the counter- 
 revolution of "Thermidor," the July of the new 
 style, sent the dreaded Robespierre to the guillo- 
 tine to which he had consigned so many, and the 
 Jacobins being finally deposed in the revulsion of 
 popular feeling, their prisoners were generally 
 released; Madame de La Fayette did not imme- 
 diately profit by this delivery, however, and it 
 was some months before she was freed, and then 
 only through the efforts of the American Minis- 
 ter. Distracted by her afflictions and her in- 
 ability to communicate with her husband, she 
 determined to go to Austria and plead in his be- 
 half. She took her two daughters, her son George 
 Washington La Fayette having been sent to 
 
 KEY OF THE BASTILE 
 
 Presented to Washington by La Fayette 
 
 Now at Mount Vernon. Reproduced 
 
 by permission 
 
 42 
 
the care of friends in America, 
 and made the journey to Vienna 
 by way of Hamburg, where she 
 was aided by the American con- 
 sul, Mr. John Parish, who gave 
 her passports under the name of 
 Madame Motier of Hartford, 
 Connecticut. Through the influ- 
 ence of the Prince de Rosenberg, 
 a family friend, she was received 
 by the Emperor, who declared it 
 impossible to liberate her hus- 
 band but who granted her request 
 to be allowed, with her children, 
 to share his captivity. She there- 
 fore went at once to Olmiitz 
 and, without premonition, the 
 doors of his cell opened and he 
 beheld those whose continued ex- 
 istence was his dearest hope, but 
 whom he feared he should never 
 again be permitted to see. For 
 two years the family were thus 
 together, Madame de La Fayette 
 and the children occupying an 
 adjoining cell and spending much 
 ^_^_^________ of each day with the General, 
 
 LA FAYETTE, COMMANDER NAT'L GUARD Tr!;;ZT'l.'''iSi'''!o^l^. 
 METROPOLITAN ART MUSEUM. BY PERMISSION Madame de La Fayette suffered 
 extremely however from the confinement and neglect of the prison, and after 
 having been there nearly a year begged permission to go to Vienna for the 
 benefit of her health, but on being informed that she might depart never 
 to return, she resigned her considerations of personal welfare for the happiness 
 of her husband, and remained with him until in September, 1797, they, with his 
 companions in the flight from Maubeuge, were released on the demand of Napo- 
 leon Bonaparte, who at the head of the French army had driven the Prussians 
 from his adopted land and now menaced Vienna while dictating a treaty, one of 
 the most imperative and strenuously resisted provisions of which was this de- 
 livery of Frenchmen who were even then unacceptable to France. This con- 
 sideration was largely brought about by violent agitation of the matter in England 
 where prominent generals and members of Parliament, his former enemies, united 
 in his behalf under the spur of newspaper articles written by a French sympa- 
 thizer. His friend Charles Fox appealed to the House of Commons in behalf of 
 "that noble character, which will flourish in the annals of the world, and live in 
 the veneration of posterity, when kings and the crowns they wear will be no more 
 regarded than the dust to which they must return." 
 
 For two years after his release La Fayette lived in exile in the Netherlands, 
 his wife latterly returning to France to seek in their depleted estates relief from 
 the financial embarrassment in which they now found themselves. In these straits 
 two bequests from unknown admirers, amounting to twenty thousand dollars, 
 were most happily received and provided amply until his own affairs were com- 
 posed. Late in the fall of 1799 Napoleon, returning unexpectedly from Egypt, 
 seized the government from the Directory and proclaimed himself First Consul 
 on the foundation of the revolution of 1789 ; La Fayette took this proclamation lit- 
 erally and conceiving himself safe in France, returned at once, but in so doing 
 he incurred the enmity of the dictator, who feared that the great Constitutionalist, 
 through his public spirit and popularity, would endanger his plans for the subver- 
 sion of authority, of which the protestation of republicanism was but a trans- 
 parent cloak. La Fayette had no desire, however, to again enter the struggle, 
 and aside from the giving of advice when sought, and holding himself in readi- 
 ness to rejoin the army if his services should be required, he took little part in 
 
THE CHATEAU LA GRANGE: LA BRIE, NEAR PARIS 
 
 LAFAYETTE'S LATER HOME, HIS ONLY REMAINING ESTATE AFTER THE CONFISCATIONS 
 
 OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
 affairs, and retired to the tranquillity of his wife's estate of La Grange, which was 
 to be the home of his declining years. Here he devoted himself to retrieving in a 
 small way his scattered fortunes, and paying, as he was able, the debts incurred by 
 loans to his family while he Avas in prison. Agriculture was his fixed occupation, 
 and charity and intercourse with friends his cherished pleasures. Many illus- 
 trious visitors from other lands made the pilgrimage to La Grange to renew treas- 
 ured acquaintance, or to testify their respect for his noble character. Napoleon 
 held him in high personal regard, though constantly fearing the possibilities of his 
 popularity and unwavering patriotism, and he sought in many ways to enlist him 
 in his cause, but without avail. La Fayette hoped for a Napoleon without self- 
 ishness, but he clearly saw that the great General's power would be used for his 
 own aggrandizement, and in disappointment he remained silent and aloof. 
 
 From this retirement he emerged to become a member of the Representative 
 Assembly when Napoleon, returning from Elba, reestablished himself on the 
 throne and palliated his usurpation with constitutional professions. La Fayette 
 was one of a committee of five who endeavored to prevent his reaccession, and 
 at the end of the turbulent Hundred Days it was he who forced Napoleon's abdi- 
 cation. For the last time, after long retirement, he lent his influence in national 
 affairs in the revolution of 1830, when in the sanguinary outburst against 
 Charles X, he was called to Paris and persuaded to accept the command of the 
 National Guard, for which he was borne to the Hotel de Ville on the shoulders of 
 his friends. After a few days of bitter struggle Louis Philippe was set upon the 
 throne, to be coldly received by the assembled people until La Fayette became his 
 sponsor, and then enthusiastically applauded. He remained in reluctant com- 
 mand of the National Guard, which was reorganized soon afterward, and ren- 
 dered indispensable service, until, on the return of settled conditions he 
 tendered his resignation, which was readily accepted by the distrustful monarch 
 who viewed with repugnance his lieutenant's tremendous popularity. 
 
 Not long after his retirement to La Grange La Fayette had the misfortune 
 to slip on the ice while visiting the Ministry of Marine in Paris, and his hip was 
 broken in the fall. He elected to endure the tortures of a newly invented appa- 
 ratus for preventing the shortening of the leg in such cases, and for weeks en- 
 dured his sufferings with such fortitude that the attending physicians were not 
 
 44 
 
aware that the bandages were much too tight, and on the removal of these the 
 muscles were found to be so mutilated that further operations were required, and 
 it was feared that amputation would be necessary. He recovered however with 
 but slight permanent lameness. 
 
 His children married and made their home with him, and their children 
 brightened the numerous circle at the chateau. The privations of his meager 
 income were cheerfully borne by all, and were chiefly regretted because of the 
 limits which were imposed upon their habits of charity, which nevertheless con- 
 tinued to be a blessing to their humble neighbors. The great sorrow of the Gen- 
 eral's life came upon him on Christmas eve, 1807, when Madame de La Fayette 
 passed away. She had never been able to eradicate from her system blood poison 
 which developed in the prison of Olmiitz, and now at the age of forty-seven it 
 prosti'ated and overwhelmed her. While x*acked with pain and wasting from 
 innumerable eruptions she maintained the buoyant and unselfish spirit that was 
 her heritage and distinction, and the parting from her husband, as revealed in his 
 tender tribute to her virtues, most fittingly and passionately crowned a life of 
 love and devotion. While accepting his bereavement with the calmness and res- 
 ignation characteristic of earlier adversities, he never ceased to mourn his loss, 
 and devoted a portion of each morning to contemplation of her portrait, which he 
 wore in a locket hanging from his neck. On the gold back of this were engraved 
 these, among her last words to him : "Je vous fus done une douce compagne, eh 
 Men! benissez moi!" 
 
 There was yet reserved for him however a pleasure that it is given to few 
 to enjoy, that of visiting in its assured prosperity a nation whose beginning he 
 had labored for. In accordance with a resolution of Congress he was invited by 
 President Monroe early in 1824 to visit the United States as a guest of the nation. 
 The invitation placed a man-of-war at his disposal for the voyage, but he mod- 
 estly declined this honor, and with his son and M. Levasseur, his secretary, sailed 
 on the American ship "Cadmus" from Havre, July thirteenth of that year, and 
 arrived at Staten Island on the sixteenth of August. 
 
 Welcomed with every conceivable honor, he traversed, for more than a year, 
 the length and breadth of the country, sustaining with hearty joy and remarkable 
 vigor an ovation unabated from his landing at New York to his embarkation 
 from the same port. Particularly affecting were his reunions with those of his old 
 comrades whom the ravages of time had spared, and his pilgrimage to the tomb 
 of Washington at Mount Vernon ; while, on the battlefields of other days he lived 
 again the scenes of his early consecration to liberty. From New York, Boston 
 was his next objective point, reached by way of New Haven, New London and 
 Providence, and after his reception there and a visit to Harvard College, he 
 continued east to Portsmouth, New Hampshire, stopping at Salem and Newbury- 
 port, where a pleasant incident occurred which is thus reported in the New- 
 buryport Herald of September third, 1824: — 
 
 "Of the many veterans of the Continental army who were presented to the 
 General none produced a stronger title to notice than Mr. Daniel Foster who is 
 
 the only man in this town belonging to La Fayette's 
 select corps of Light Infantry. He was a non-com- 
 missioned officer therein, of course constantly about 
 the General, and possesses now the very sword 
 which the General gave him in common with other 
 officers of that his favorite and most excellent corps. 
 Mr. Foster held his sword before the General when 
 introduced, with emotions of honest pride, and stat- 
 ing the circumstances welcomed the General to our 
 shores and told him that he was proud to see him 
 once more on American soil and that his sons par- 
 ticipated in the joyful occasion. When La Fayette 
 learned that one of his own infantry stood before 
 him, who had commanded his quarter-guard, and 
 when he saw his own mark on the blade of the 
 sword, half drawn from the scabbard, he greeted 
 his old soldier very cordially and assured him that he 
 looked upon him as one of his own family." 
 
 45 
 
 •.■■;«*^2S 
 
 LA FAYETTE PITCHER 
 
 Independence Hall, Philadelphia 
 
 Reproduced by permission 
 
LAFAYETTE ^ 
 
 He returned by way of Hartford to New York, where on September sixth, 
 his sixty-seventh birthday, the Society of the Cincinnati gave a banquet in his 
 honor. From that city he set out for Philadelphia, stopping at Trenton for a 
 brief visit to Joseph Bonaparte, brother of Napoleon I, who had been his sincere 
 friend in France, and from Philadelphia he went to Baltimore and Washington 
 with many halts at intervening places. Virginia, teeming with associations of 
 his memorable campaign, welcomed him with unbounded gratitude at Yorktown, 
 Williamsburg, Norfolk, Portsmouth, Richmond, and Petersburg. Charleston, 
 Savannah, and New Orleans echoed his welcome, the latter city especially, with 
 its large French population, receiving him with pride as well as affection. He 
 passed safely through a shipwreck on the Ohio river on which occasion the cap- 
 tain's chief regret, notwithstanding the loss of his vessel and a large sum of money 
 on board, was the jeopardy in which he had put the nation's guest. In June, 
 1825, he again visited Boston and on the seventeenth of that month, just fifty 
 years after the famous battle whose echoes had reached him at Metz, he laid the 
 cornerstone of the Bunker Hill Monument and received the eulogy which Daniel 
 Webster, the orator of the occasion, included in his memorable address. 
 
 Many years before. Congress had allotted to him, in Louisiana, the large tract 
 of land which under the system of reward for Revolutionary service was due his 
 rank of major general. Soon afterward, and before he had entered upon this 
 grant, the land was inadvertently included in a cession to the city of New Orleans, 
 to which it was adjacent, and although La Fayette was advised that he could 
 hold it by reason of prior title he refused to antagonize any American interest 
 and renounced his claim. On his return to Washington after touring the coun- 
 try, he was received in state by Congress, and as a recompense for the conversion 
 of his land, as well as a national testimonial, he was presented two hundred thou- 
 sand dollars, appropriated by a unanimous vote of all parties. 
 
 La Fayette returned to France on the United States frigate "Brandywine," 
 arriving at Havre on the fifth of October, 1825. His journey to La Grange was 
 marked by popular ovations in spite of attempted repression by the Government, 
 which was ever watchful for incipient revolution. The years immediately follow- 
 ing his return from America were passed quietly at La Grange, his influence be- 
 ing continually manifest, however, through his advice, which was constantly 
 sought by leaders of the Assembly. He was journeying to visit his son at Chav- 
 aniac when the forebodings of the revolution of 1830, previously noted, reached 
 Auvergne, and his modest excursion was changed to a triumphal march by the 
 people, who instinctively looked to him for delivery from despotism. After his 
 efficient service on this occasion, and his final relinquishment of the command of 
 the National Guard, he served again in the Chamber of Deputies, and retained a 
 measure of activity until his death at Paris on the twentieth of May, 1834. 
 
 He was buried beside his wife in the Picpus cemetery which she had helped 
 to establish as a resting place for the martyrs of the Reign of Terror, and his 
 funeral was an imposing testimonial of the universal appreciation of his char- 
 acter. Ministers, deputies, government officials, educational and philanthropic 
 bodies, and his beloved National Guard, made up a vast procession which followed 
 his remains, while the church bells of France and all surrounding countries where 
 liberty was established in any degree, tolled throughout the day. 
 
 In America Congress and the people, on learning of his death, adopted a 
 
 badge of mourning, and the same honors were paid to his memory by the army 
 
 and navy as had been paid to that of General Washington. John Quincy Adams 
 
 delivered an address on his life and character before both houses of Congress 
 
 and fervent eulogies were pronounced in all the cities and centers of the country. 
 
 . His career lacked the culmination of such high office . 
 
 Jf^ as is often deemed the measure and meed of success, Jr^ 
 
 ^J^ and his abilities were not extraordinary; but his ^ffl^ 
 
 "^ gentle, steadfast, and unassailable character, and his "'I* 
 
 high and unwavering devotion to the oppressed of two 
 
 continents, gained for him a place in the affections 
 
 of his contemporaries and the regard of succeeding 
 
 generations, that transcends political sovereignty. 
 
 46 
 
PORTRAIT ax ARY SCHEFFER 
 
 PREISENTED TO CONGRESS BY LA FAYETTE 
 
 THE LA FAYETTE 
 
 Table Flatware illustrated on tlic following!: pages is a reproduction of a time honorr<l Colonial 
 desifrn, the counterpart of many cherished heirlooms whose early owners were the matrons 
 of the period of the Revolution. It is made in Sterling- Silver, 925/1000 fine, of substantial 
 construction and sufiiciont variety for moderate or extensive chest combinations. 
 
 TOWLE MFG. COMPANY, SILVERSMITHS 
 
 Nl'WBURYl'ORT MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Chicago, Illinois j^^j 
 42 Madison Street '■^w^' 
 
 New York City 
 17 M^UJJEN La_ne 
 
 THE TOWLE MFG. COMPANY DOES NO RETAIL BUSINESS 
 
 47 
 
Tea Spoon 
 No. 11 
 
 Tea Spoon 
 Nos. 1), 15. 18 and 21 
 
 Dessert Fork 
 Nos. 28 and 56 
 
 Table Fork 
 Nos. 36 and 45 
 
 Tea Spoon, P.M. 
 
 ^ 
 
 TRADE MARK 
 
 LA F AV ETTE 
 
 Coffee Spoon 
 
Table Spoon 
 Nos. 42 and ?? 
 
 Dessert Spoon 
 Nos. 28 and )6 
 
 Pap Spoon 
 
 
 
 49 
 
\ 
 
 Gravy LaJle 
 
 ..^- 
 
 0-i 
 
 .\^^^" 
 
 .J.\i 
 
 -»*». 
 
 X 
 
 \\* 
 
 \i\^ 
 
 ,s?°' 
 
 ,0^ 
 
 .^ 
 
 / 
 
 ^\ 
 
 > 
 
 
 / 
 
 / 
 
 
 ( '^ 
 
 "A 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 THADt MARK 
 
 
 
 
 ©CD 
 
 
 
 
 LA FAVCTTE 
 
 50 
 
 
 ; 
 
y 
 
 .;# 
 
ugar Spoon 
 
 Jelly Spoon Ice Cream Spoon 
 
 Berry Spoon ' 
 
Small Olive Fork 
 
 Pea Server 
 or Ice Spoon 
 
 Small Olive Spoon 
 
Confection Spoon 
 
 Vegetable Fork 
 
 Cucumber Server 
 
 54 
 
Sugar Sifler 
 
 Tnni;|t<i S'.T\'i' 
 
 TBADE MARK 
 
 LA r A V ETT E 
 
 65 
 
Olive Fork 
 
 Lettuce Fork 
 
Salad Fork 
 
 Cold Meat Fork 
 
 r\ 
 
 i » 
 
 TRADE MARK 
 
 @G) 
 
 LA rATETTE 
 
 V i' 
 
Ramekin Fork 
 
 11 
 
 / 
 
 ^ V 
 
 TRADE MARK 
 
 LA FAVtTTE 
 
 Oyster Cocktail Fork 
 
 Grape Fruit Spoon 
 
 I' 
 
 ^ K I' 
 
 Butter Knife 
 
 58 
 
Berrv Fork 
 
 Horse Radish Spoon 
 
 Chow Chow Fork 
 
 Iced Tea Spoon 
 
 Butter Pick 
 
 A 
 
 Food Pusher 
 
 \ 
 
 ■r^- 
 
 ■% f 
 
 Oyster Fork 
 
 \ / 
 
 59 
 
Cheese Server, Small 
 
 ^ 
 
 Jelly Server 
 
 Cheese Server, H. H. 
 
 French Dressing Mixer 
 
 Sandwich Fork 
 
 / 
 
 60 
 
Sauce Ladle 
 
 M;i>'onnaise LaJle 
 
 Tea CaJdy Spoon 
 
 /^ 
 
 / 
 
 Petite Child's Fork 
 
 \, 
 
 Petite Child's Spoon 
 
 61 
 
JtK Cracker Scoop 
 
 Pastry Fork 
 
 /^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 \ 
 
 Individual Fish Fork 
 
 . J 
 
 62 
 
Sugar Tongs 
 
 Tefc-a-tete Tongs 
 
 Ice Cream Slice 
 Plated Skel Blai 
 
Breakfast Spoon 
 No. 2+ 
 
 Breakfast Knife 
 No. 2t 
 
 Breakfast Fork 
 
 Lemon Voik. 
 
 I 
 
 \ 
 
 Chocolate Spoon 
 
 ()4 
 
Pickle Fork 
 
 Beef Fork, small 
 
 Individual 
 Salad Fork, small 
 
 Beef Fork, large 
 
 i 
 
 Individual 
 Salad Fork, Lirfe 
 
 ~1 
 
 / 
 
 \ \ I I' 
 
 / / / 
 
 i 
 
 iio 
 
y^ 
 
 m 
 
f 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 Alci (. 
 (Length n 
 
 X inches) 
 
 4tl 
 
 1/ - 
 
 iLen.t'di 14;>, 
 
 inches) 
 
 fc; 
 
 
 
 ir 
 
 Cinie 1-ork 
 
 ll 
 
 ,^ 
 
 Ij' 
 
 Game Carver 
 
 \ 
 
 > 
 
 > 
 
 > 
 
 ^'^^1'!?^% 
 
 y 
 
. Tea Knife 
 
 Dessert Knife 
 
Fruit Fork, H. H. 
 Plated Steel Tines 
 
 Child's Spoon 
 
 CliilJ's Knife 
 
 Child's Fork 
 
 r 
 
 Cheese Scoop, H. H. 
 Plated Scoop- 
 
 jic-..s3 
 
 I 
 
 
 TRADE MARK 
 
 LA FA V tTTE 
 
 \ ', \ i 
 
 Butter Spreader, Flat 
 
 > 
 
A COMPLETE TABLE SERVICE. 
 
 One of the fundamental principles of tasteful furnishing is that of unity. However 
 beautiful in itself a thing may be, it cannot be gratifyingly used with other pieces unless 
 in harmony with them. A dining table of the largest size is still small enough to be swept at 
 a glance, and if that glance reveals incongruous diversity of motive in its service of silver the 
 effect is far short of that where studied harmony blends the beauty of each piece into a digni- 
 fied whole. 
 
 The Towle Manufacturing Company has long recognized this need of unity and made 
 possible its fulfilment by providing complete services for breakfast, tea, and dinner in its 
 various Colonial patterns, of which the La Fayette is here illustrated. 
 
 All of these pieces are of sound construction and worthy weight, which, joined to their ever 
 pleasing simplicity of form, ensure lasting gratification. 
 
 
 LA 
 
 FAYETTE SERVICE. 
 
 3°o7 
 
 Asparagus Tray 
 
 14% inches x 8'^ inches. 
 
 9860 
 
 Bacon Tray 
 
 Length 11 "4 inches. 
 
 
 3=36 
 
 Baking Dish 
 
 Diameter 13 inches. 
 
 Height 2% inches. 
 
 3^36 
 
 Baking Disli. with cover 
 
 Diameter 13 inches. 
 
 Height 5 inches. 
 
 5215 
 
 Berry Bowl 
 
 Diameter 8 inches. 
 
 
 5077 
 
 Berry Saucer 
 
 Diameter 6 inches. 
 
 
 8590 
 
 Bottle Holder, 
 
 Height 5 lit inches. 
 
 
 3943 
 
 Bouillon Cup, china lined 
 
 Diameter 41;, inches. 
 
 Height 2^i inches 
 
 3943 
 
 Bouillon Cup Saucer 
 
 Diameter y)i inches. 
 
 
 5427 
 
 Bread and Butter Plate 
 
 Diameter 6>i inches. 
 
 
 597S 
 
 Bread Tray 
 
 Length 15 inches. 
 
 
 4075 
 
 Butter Dish 
 
 Diameter 7 inches. 
 
 
 9621 
 
 Butter Dish, individual 
 
 Diameter 3 inches. 
 
 
 3757 
 
 Candelabrum, 5 lights. 
 
 Height 13 '4 inches. 
 
 
 3737 
 
 Candlestick 
 
 Height 8 inches. 
 
 
 9541 
 
 Cake Basket 
 
 Length 12 inches. Height 4 Jo inches. 
 
 MEAT PLATTERS, EXTRA WIDE 
 
 70 
 
SHOWING FRONT 
 
 / 
 
 J*J^"" ^-^ 
 
 TKA SK.T AND VVAITKR 7647 
 
 4>S7 
 
 Celery Tray 
 
 3800 
 
 Center Piece 
 
 S150 
 
 Cereal Saucer 
 
 5383 
 
 Cheese Dish 
 
 .MOO 
 
 Cheese Jar Holder 
 
 3401 
 
 Cheese Jar Holder 
 
 8130 
 
 Child's Bowl 
 
 8130 
 
 Child's riate 
 
 7900 
 
 Child's Caip 
 
 6632 
 
 Chop Dish 
 
 5547 
 
 Chocolate Pot 
 
 S5S5 
 
 Cocktail Mixer 
 
 .■i94l 
 
 Coffee Cup. china lined 
 
 .394 1 
 
 Coffee Cup Saucer 
 
 5547 
 
 Coffee Pot. A. I). 
 
 7647 
 
 Coffee Pot A 
 
 7647 
 
 Coffee Pot n 
 
 5546 
 
 Coffee Pot. petite 
 
 5547 
 
 Coffee Set Waiter A 
 
 5547 
 
 Coffee Set Waiter B 
 
 5546 
 
 Coffee Set Waiter 
 
 9757 
 
 Compote 
 
 9758 
 
 Compote 
 
 5546 
 
 Cream Pitcher 
 
 5547 
 
 Cream Pitcher 
 
 7647 
 
 Cream Pitcher 
 
 3925 
 
 Dessert Plate 
 
 3926 
 
 Dinner Plate 
 
 4220 
 
 Double Dish 
 
 4243 
 
 Egg Cup 
 
 5336 
 
 Entree Dish 
 
 5337 
 
 Entree Dish, covered 
 
 533S 
 
 Entree Dish, covered 
 
 8086 
 
 Finger Bowl 
 
 8086 
 
 Finger Bowl Plate 
 
 4008 
 
 Fish Platter 
 
 5017 
 
 French Dressing Bowl 
 
 STEH LINn 
 
 Length 14% inches. Width 6-^.,' inches. 
 
 Height 14 inches. Width 1 1 '.^ inches. Length \- inches. 
 
 Diameter 6 '.2 inches. 
 
 Diameter 7 inches. 
 
 Height 4|'^ inches. 
 
 Height 5 '2 inches. 
 
 Diameter 5 '^ inches. 
 
 Diameter 7 inches. 
 
 Height 3 '2 inches. 
 
 Diameter 14 inches. 
 
 Height 8 '4 inches. Capacity 2Vj half pints. 
 
 Height Q^a inches. Capacity 3'., half pints. 
 
 Diameter 2^^ inches. Height 2 V inche.s. 
 
 Diameter 4% inches. 
 
 Height 8''*i, inches. Capacity 2 half pints. 
 
 Height 10% inches. Capacity 5 half pints. 
 
 Height 9% inches. Capacity 4 half pints. 
 
 Height 7 inches. Capacity i '4 half pints. 
 
 Length 15 inches. Width 8 '4 inches. 
 
 Width 7% inches. 
 
 Width 6J4 inches. 
 
 Width 8% inches. 
 
 Width 9 '4 inches. 
 
 Height 4- 
 Height 5" 
 
 inches, 
 inches. 
 
 Length 14 inches. 
 
 Length 12 inches. 
 
 Length i 2 inclies. 
 
 Length 13 inches. 
 
 Height 3^, inches. 
 
 Height 4^ inches. 
 
 Height 5% inches. 
 
 Diameter 9 inches. 
 
 Diameter 10 inches. 
 
 Length 13 inches. Width y'^ inches. Height 4 
 
 Diameter 1% inches. Height 2% inches. 
 
 Length 13 inches. Width y'4 inches. Height ij^ inches 
 
 Length 13 inches. Width 7 '4 inches. 
 
 Length <)}i inches. Width 5 '4 inches. 
 
 Diameter 4 y";; inches. Height 2 inches 
 
 Diameter 5 { jl inches. 
 
 Length 22 inches. Width 9 inches. 
 
 Diameter 4V inches. 
 
 inches. 
 
 Height 4IS inches. 
 Height 3'< inches. 
 
 n 
 
CR E AM PITC W 
 
 I'n'K A. 1>. COKFEK SF.r AND WAITKR 5546 
 
 5018 French Dressing Bowl 
 
 5019 French Dressing Bowl 
 9347 Fruit Dish 
 
 6S37 Cohlet 
 
 S617 Hot Milk Pitcher 
 
 85 1 2 Ice Bowl 
 
 4381 Ice Cream Tray 
 
 7647 Lamp and Stand 
 
 4937 Mayonnaise Disli 
 
 4938 Mayonnaise Dish 
 
 4939 Mayonnaise Dish 
 9S63 Meat Flatter 
 
 9864 Meat Platter 
 
 9865 Meat Platter 
 
 9866 Meat Platter 
 
 9867 Meat Platter 
 
 9868 Meat Platter 
 
 9869 Meat Platter 
 
 Diameter 4-'i inches. 
 I )iameler 5-'h inches. 
 
 Length 12 inches. 
 Height 6'k inches. 
 Height 6\ inches. 
 Diameter 1 1 inches. 
 Length 14% inches. 
 Height 5 '4 inches. 
 Length 5 '4 inches. 
 Length 6-!,' inches. 
 Length 8 '„ inches. 
 Length 12 inches. 
 Length 14 inches. 
 I .rnglh 16 inches. 
 Length 18 inches. 
 Length 20 inches. 
 Length 22 inches. 
 Length 24 inches. 
 
 Width 8'., inches. 
 
 Capacity H pints. 
 Height 3i!j inches. 
 Width Syi inches. 
 
 Width 3^4 inches. 
 
 Width 4^4' inches. 
 
 Width s&.f inches. 
 Width 6?f inches. 
 Width 7»i inches. 
 Width S»i inches. 
 Width 9?i inches. 
 Width 10% inches. 
 Width 1 1 's inches. 
 Width I2's inches. 
 
 Height 2J4 inches. 
 Height 3'* inches. 
 Height 4 inches. 
 
 / \ .*' 
 
 WATER PITCHER 6748 SYRl^p PITCHER AND TRAY 8537 WATER PITCHER 6747 
 OVAL MEAT PLAT lERS 9863 9864 9865-9866-9867-986S-9869 
 
LA 
 FAYETTE 
 
 4» 
 
 FRONT 
 C R EAM 
 
 A. 1). COKFKK SKI' 
 
 S.S47 -^ 
 
 9S70B Meat Platter, extra wkle 
 
 l.englli 
 
 12 inches. 
 
 9S71B Meat Platter, extra wide 
 
 Length 
 
 1-1 inches. 
 
 98726 Meat Platter, e.xtra wide 
 
 Length 
 
 16 inches. 
 
 987JB Meat Platter, extra wide 
 
 Length 
 
 iS niches. 
 
 9S74K Meat Platter, extra wide 
 
 Length 
 
 20 inches. 
 
 gS75B Meat Platter, extra wide 
 
 Length 
 
 22 inches. 
 
 9877 Meat Platter, with well, 
 
 tree 
 
 
 and feet 
 Meat Platter, with well, lu-e 
 
 and feet 
 9SS5B Meat Platter, extra wide. 
 
 with well, tree and feet 
 Muttin Dish 
 Muffineer 
 Pepper Shaker 
 Pepper Shaker 
 Pep])er Shaker 
 Percolator 
 Punch Bowl 
 Punch Bowl 
 
 9S78 
 
 3137 
 -5'7 
 S446 
 8447 
 8448 
 
 7737 
 69 1 o 
 6') 1 1 
 
 AND WAIIKR 55 17 A 
 
 \\i<lth 7% inches. 
 Width 9'h inches. 
 Width io;'2 inches. 
 Width 1 1 ?4 inches. 
 Width 13 inches. 
 Width 14 '4 inches. 
 
 Length JO inches. Width lo-'j inches. 
 
 Lengtli 22 inches. Witllli 11 v inches. 
 
 Length 22 inches, Widlli 141 inches, 
 
 Uianieter 9 inches. Height 4'„ inches. 
 
 Height 53c; inches. 
 
 Height 2!4 inches. 
 
 Heigh; ;; '4 inches. 
 
 Height 4 inches. 
 
 Height 15 inches. Ca|)acity i) half pints. 
 
 Diameter ij inches. Height 4'',, inches. Capacity jij 
 
 Diameter i^ inches. Height (»',_. inches. Capacity 16 
 
 pints, 
 pints. 
 
 ICK BOWL 8512 ASPARAGUS TRAY 3007 MUFFIN' 1)L-^I1 
 
 liRKAl) AND liUTTKR PLATE 5427 ('HF.KSK JAR HOLDFR u'" 
 
 TRAY 6588 SANDWICH PLATK 5457 CIIEESK DISH 53S3 
 
 ;'37 
 
 73 
 
ta*Jf^ 
 
 ^V- 
 
 ICE CREAM TRAY 4381 CANDELABRUM 3757 CHOCOLATE POT 5547 
 
 COVERED ENTREE DISH S337 CANDLESTICKS 3737 
 
 DOUBLE DISH 4-20 MAYONNAISE DISHES 4937-4938 
 
 Diameter 2^.1 inches. 
 Heij^ht 2 inches. 
 
 6921 
 
 I'lincii 
 
 ( 'up 
 
 
 1 Iciglit 2 '4 inches. L 
 
 39(>7 
 
 Kuniekin Dish. 
 
 cldua 
 
 lined Diameter 3'.j inches. 
 
 6570 
 
 Rtjund 
 
 'I'lay 
 
 
 Diameter 7 inches. 
 
 657. 
 
 RouikI 
 
 Truy 
 
 
 Diameter S inches. 
 
 f,57. 
 
 Round 
 
 Truy 
 
 
 Diameter i) inches. 
 
 657j 
 
 Round 
 
 Tiay 
 
 
 Diameter 10 inches. 
 
 657-1 
 
 Round 
 
 Tiay 
 
 
 Diameter 1 1 '.^ inches. 
 
 6S7^ 
 
 Riiund 
 
 Tray 
 
 
 Diameter 13 inches. 
 
 O376 
 
 Kouiul 
 
 Ti ay 
 
 
 Diameter 15 inclies. 
 
 6jSS 
 
 Round 
 
 Tiay 
 
 
 Diameter 6 inches. 
 
 65Sy 
 
 Round 
 
 Tray 
 
 
 i->iameter 7 inches. 
 
 6390 
 
 Round 
 
 Tray 
 
 
 Diameter H^ Inches. 
 
 6541 
 
 Round 
 
 liay 
 
 
 1 liarneler m in( hes. 
 
 ^ 
 
 COMPOTIER 9757 BACON DISH 9<S6o 
 
 COVERED VEGETABLE DISH 4618 
 
 ITSH DISH 4008 MUFEINEER 7517 
 
 PEPPER SHAKERS 8446-8447-8448 
 
 74 
 
LA 
 FAYETTE 
 
 r» 
 
 BOL'ILLON CUP 3943 RAMEKIN 39O7 MEAT PEATIER 9S7S DINNEK IM.ATE 3926 
 
 BERRY SAUCER 5077 DESSERT RLAI'E 3925 CDEEEE CVV AND SAUCER 3941 
 
 INDIVIDUAL BUTTER DISH 9621 FINGERBOWE AND TRAY S086 
 
 SERXTCE PLATE 3928 SERVICE PLATE 3929 'TEA CUl' AND SAUCER 3945 
 
 TEA STRAINER AND STAND 3637 BREAD TRA\' 597S SALT CELLARS 8350-8351 
 
 65^2 
 
 Rouiul Tray 
 
 I>iaineler i i '2 inciu ^. 
 
 
 <'593 
 
 Round Tray 
 
 I)iameter 13 inches. 
 
 
 6594 
 
 Round Tray 
 
 Diameter 15 inches. 
 
 
 5455 
 
 Sandwicli Plaie 
 
 Diameter y inches. 
 
 
 5456 
 
 Sandwich Plate 
 
 Diameter 1 1 inches. 
 
 TR 
 
 5457 
 
 Sandwich Plate 
 
 Diameter 12 inches, 
 
 
 «j50 
 
 Salt Uish 
 
 Length 2% inches. 
 
 
 S351 
 
 Salt Dish 
 
 Length 4 inches. 
 
 
 S446 
 
 Salt Shakei 
 
 Height 2 '.., inches. 
 
 
 S447 
 
 Salt Sliaker 
 
 Height i 'i inches. 
 
 
 S44S 
 
 Salt Shaker 
 
 Height 4 inches. 
 
 
 5716 
 
 Sauce Tureen 
 
 Height 4 inches. Capacity i-'i 
 
 halt i)ints. 
 
 5716 
 
 Sauce Tureen Tray 
 
 Diameter 7^.1 inches. 
 
 
 5717 
 
 Sauce Tureen 
 
 Height 4>^ inches. Capacity j 1 
 
 Kilf pints. 
 
 5717 
 
 Sauce Tureen Tray 
 
 Diameter S''^' inches. 
 
 
 jy^s 
 
 Service Plate 
 
 Diameter tj^.i' inches. 
 
 
 b I EH LING 
 
 r 
 
 GRAVY TUREEN AND TRAY 5716 
 OPEN VEGETABLE DISH 4619 
 
 CAKE BASKET 9541 
 FRUIT DISH 9347 
 
 76 
 
 CEREAL SAUCER 8150 
 CELERY TRA\ 4157 
 
LA 
 FAYETTE 
 
 4* 
 
 COVKREl) HAKINC DISH 
 
 TURKF.V PLAITKR 9882 
 
 TEA BELL 74^0 
 
 BUTTER DISH 4075 HOT MILK PLI'CHER 8617 SWINGING KETTLE 7647 
 
 ( 1HI,D'S BOWL AND PLATE S130 FRENCH DRESSING BOWL 5018 
 
 Uiameter 1 1 inches.'' 
 
 Lenglli 24 inclics. Widlh 14 iiulies. 
 
 Diameter 9 inclies. 
 
 Length 1 1 '^ inclies. 
 
 Heiglit 2^2 inches. trad 
 
 jy-y 
 
 Service Plate 
 
 ('r,>i 
 
 Serv. Tray. Mahogany Hot ton 
 
 5.! '7 
 
 .Soup riate 
 
 i("7 
 
 Soup Strainer and Stan<l 
 
 5546 
 
 Sugar Bowl 
 
 55-47 
 
 Sugar Bowl 
 
 5547 
 
 Sugar Bowl, with cover 
 
 76-17 
 
 Sugar Bowl 
 
 7647 
 
 Swinging Hot Water Kettle 
 
 '^S37 
 
 Syrup I'itcher 
 
 S5,;7 
 
 Syrup Pitcher Tray 
 
 7420 
 
 Tea Bell 
 
 3'M5 
 
 Tea Cup. china lined 
 
 .V'45 
 
 Tea Cup .Saucer 
 
 7647 
 
 Tea Pot C 
 
 Height 
 
 inches. 
 
 Height 4l< inches. 
 
 Height 5^-^ inches. 
 
 Height i4-'4 inches. Capacity 5 lialf pints. 
 
 Height 6^2 inches. 
 
 Length 6 inches. 
 
 Height 2% inches. 
 
 Diameter 3 }.j' inches. Height 2 '4 inches. 
 
 Diameter 5I4 inches. 
 
 Height S'"'., inches. Capacity 3 half pints. 
 
 SOUP PLATE 5317 CHOP DISH 6632 
 
 \ASES 2500-2501-2502-2503 
 
 ENTREE DISH 5336 BAKING DISH 
 TRAVS 6570-6571-6572-6573-6574-6575 
 
 3226 
 
 7i; 
 
rOFFKK I'OT 7647 
 CHOCCILATK POI' 5547 
 SU(;AR bowl 5547 
 
 H R E A K F A S T K Q V 1 1 ' M p: N T 
 
 TOAST RACK M 13 I'KI'PKR SllAKKR S44S 
 
 KG(; Cri' 424.:; SUGAR I'.OWl, 7647 SAl/r SIIAKF.R 8448 
 CKRKAL SAUCER 8150 SKR\TCI': TRAY 6348 
 
 ,56.57 
 i)SS: 
 C500 
 2501 
 2502 
 
 = 503 
 4618 
 46M1 
 
 ji.v 
 (1247 
 
 624S 
 7647 
 6747 
 674S 
 
 Tea Strainer ami Slaiul 
 
 Turkey I'latlur 
 
 Vase 
 
 Vase 
 
 Vase 
 
 Vase 
 
 Vegetalile Disli, coviit'il 
 
 Vegetable Oish, open 
 
 Walfle Dish 
 
 Waiter (for fi-piece Tea Set 
 
 Length 7 '4 inches 
 
 Length 50 inches. Width I":",, inches. 
 
 I leight 6 's inclies. 
 
 1 leight 8 '4 iiulies. 
 
 Height 10 '._, inches. 
 
 Height 1 2;'g inches. 
 
 Lengtli II inches. Width 6'*j^ ini iies. Height ^ im lies. 
 
 Length 10 '4 inches. Height 2 '4 inches. Width (1 '4 inches. 
 
 Diameter (j inches. Height 4'^ inches. 
 
 Length 27 inches. Width 1,1 '4 inches. 
 Waiter (for 7-piece Tea Set) Length 50 inches. Width 16 inches. 
 Waste Bowl Height 3'':, inches. 
 
 Water Pitcher Height 9',; inches. Capacity ; pints. 
 
 Water Pitcher Height 11 ■'., inches. Capacity 5 pints. 
 
 vS^' 
 
 OK - 'i* 
 
 I 
 
 PUNCH BOWL 69 1 1 
 PUNCH CUPS 6921 
 
 COCKTAIL MLXLR 8585 BOTTLK 
 CHILD'S CUP 7900 
 
 HOLDKR 8590 (iOBLF.T 68,57 
 BERRY BOWL 5215 
 
 1 1 
 
APR i3 VM 
 
 THE ARMOIRE 
 
 Patektkd January 26, ipt2 
 
 The Armoire here shown with La Fayette Service is a modern embodiment of an old institution, 
 and it is perfectly adapted for the preservation and, as desired, for the harmonious display of a 
 complete Silver Service for Breakfast, Luncheon, and Dinner. These pieces require to be fitted for 
 the actual articles which they are to hold, and they are not offered for use with any but the wares 
 made by the Towle Manufacturing Company. 
 
 Floor space required for Armoire, four feet four inches wide, three feet six inches deep ; width 
 with doors fully opened, eight feet; height over all, eight feet six inches. 
 

 Almoml Sroop 
 
 Armoiro 
 
 Beef Fork, largi 
 
 Reef Fork, smali 
 
 JKoiry Fork 
 
 Hnrry Spoon 
 
 Bouillon LadI'' 
 
 Booillon Spoo'i 
 
 Bread Fork 
 
 Breakfast Folk . 
 
 Breakfast Knife No. '.'4 
 
 Breakfast Spoon No '.'-' . 
 
 Butter Knife . 
 
 Butter Pick 
 
 Butter Spreadii. J,. ;. 
 
 Butter Spreaili'i-. flat 
 
 Cheese Scoop, II. II., plalet! .sooo] 
 
 Cheese Server H. II. 
 
 Cheese Server, small 
 
 ChiUi',s Fork . 
 
 Chil.rs Knife 
 
 Chilli's Spoon 
 
 Choi'olate Spo.n: 
 
 Chow Chow Fork . 
 
 Coffee Sjioon 
 
 Cold Meat Furl: ... 
 
 Confection Spnf.i, 
 
 Cracker Si'oop . . 
 
 Cream Ladle .... 
 
 Cueumber Server . 
 
 Dessert Fork 
 
 I)es.sert Knife 
 
 Dessert Spoon 
 
 Dinner Ware, etc. 7<l 
 
 Fish Fork, iudividn.. 
 
 Food IMislier . 
 
 French Drossiii;.' Mi' ■ 
 
 Fruit Fork, H. H., 
 
 plated stee! tines, 
 Fruit Knife, plated st.-vl hiade 
 Game Fork 
 Game Carver 
 Came Shears 
 (rrape Fruit Spot.). 
 Gravy Ladle . 
 Horse Kadisli Spooi 
 Ice Cream Fork 
 Ice Cream Spoon 
 Ice Cream Sli'-er, II 
 
 plated steel hlade 
 Iced Tea Simon 
 Ice Spuoi' 
 .Telly Serv . 
 Jelly Sp. 
 Lemon 1 ■ 
 
 5:1 
 
 -ft 
 »!."> 
 
 i;5 
 
 52 
 
 4<) 
 63 
 
 (14 
 
 r>4 
 
 ,w 
 
 59 
 09 
 69 
 69 
 60 
 60 
 
 »;9 
 
 69 
 *i9 
 64 
 59 
 48 
 57 
 54 
 62 
 51 
 54 
 48 
 68 
 49 
 to 77 
 62 
 59 
 60 
 
 69 
 69 
 66 
 
 (;6 
 66 
 .58 
 51 
 59 
 58 
 
 i\3 
 ,59 
 53 
 60 
 52 
 64 
 
 Ti(>ttuce Fork 
 Lettuce Spoon . 
 -Mayonnaise LatUc 
 Meat Fork 
 Meat Carver . 
 Meilitini Knife . 
 ^Mustard Sfiooi' 
 Nut Spoon 
 Olivo Fork 
 Olive Fork, siii:i;, 
 Olive Spoon . 
 Olive SjJoon. small 
 Oranjje Spoon 
 Oyster Cocktail For! 
 Oyster Fork . 
 Oyster Ladle 
 Tap Spoon 
 I'astry Fork 
 I'ea Server 
 Petite Child's Fork . 
 Petite Child's Spoon 
 I'ickle Fork . . 
 Pie Server, 11. H. 
 
 plated steel blade 
 Powdered Sugar Spoon 
 Preserve Spoon 
 Kainekin Fork ... 
 Ro.ast Holder, laruu 
 Salad Fork, individual, large . 
 Salad Fork, individual, small 
 Salad Fork 
 Salad Spoon . 
 Salt Spoon 
 Sandwich Fork 
 Sardine Fork 
 Sauce La<lle . 
 Soup Ladle 
 Soup Spoon 
 Steak C'arver 
 Steak Fork 
 Steak Steel 
 Steel 
 
 Sugar Sifter 
 Sugar Spoon . 
 Sugar Tongs 
 Table Fork 
 Table Spoon 
 Tea <^addy Spoon . 
 Tea Knife ... 
 Tea Spoons . . 
 Tea Spoon, P. ,M . . 
 Tot<va-lete Tongs . 
 Tomato Server ... 
 Vegetable Fork 
 Waffle Server 
 
 in 
 
 w; 
 
 56 
 61 
 66 
 66 
 6S 
 51 
 
 tj8 
 IW 
 .Vl 
 ,il 
 ■19 
 62 
 
 61 
 
 6) 
 
 ni 
 r>2 
 
 58 
 
 w> 
 
 TO 
 65 
 
 57 
 57 
 
 51 
 
 tiX 
 l»> 
 M 
 52 
 63 
 48 
 
 nl 
 68 
 48 
 48 
 
 6:i 
 
 55 
 
 I 
 
 
 t^mim 
 
LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 
 
 011 711 418 1