M€ople. to These artilicial wings to soaring ambition, will serve Mr. Hen- shaw and his friends, no better than did those wooden ones, the poor mortified philosopher in the happy valley of Rassel- las. Such is the extent of the Henshaw party and influence. A hundred, seeking through mere craft, aided by a press, to misrepresent the sentiments of forty thousand. Mr. Henshaw is in a worse position now, even, than he was before he undertook his defence against the charge of perfidy, in publishing letters addressed to him as confidential, in which he alone was interested. The precedents behind which he attempts to entrench himself, do not in reality exist. The con- versation between Mr. Morton and Hazewell, was not of a pri- vate nature, as Henshaw asserts ; nor did Hazewell intimate a wish that it should be considered such ; and the confessions of the Knapps' to Rev. Mr. Coleman, and admitted by the Court as evidence at their trial, cited by Mr. Henshaw in his justifica- tion, were not confidentially made. On this subject, then, we leave Mr. Henshaw as we found him, and as he has left himself. He does not know, probably, or if he does, he purposely con- ceals the fact, which is much worse, that this trial of the Knapps' being capital, the full Court were present, and that conse- quently whatever decisions were made, the Court is answera- ble for them, and not Judge Morton, who might have dissent- ed entirely. One statement more Mr. Henshaw makes in re- lation to this trial ; which is, that they were " convicted of murder, and hung for murder." If he should suffer his tem- per to cool sufficiently for him to look into the facts of the case, he would possibly find himself as unfortunate in this, as in his other statements. He would probably learn that but one of the Knapps' was convicted of murder ; the other as be- ing an accessory. What importance will the public attach to the assertions of a man who will sufTer his evil passions to urge him thus headlong, trampling down all truth ? Passing over, for the present, Mr. Hcnshaw's silly twaddle 14a ;ibout "equity or chancery law," whicli occupies n great part of his last letter, wherein he has most clearly demonstrated one thing at least, utter ignorance of that about which he writes, I will notice, the more fully to show the character of the man, one or two other misstatements in relation to the of- ficial course of Judge Morton. After remarking that the Constitution secures the rights of conscience as well as the liberty of the press, etc ; and that " this clause was designed to shield every person from being legally questioned on ac- count of his opions or professions concerning religion," he says that, — " During the period Judge Morton was on the bench, Ab- ner Kneeland was indicted for the crime of blasphemy. Af- ter some five years of agonizing judicial torture, this old man, whose head was frosted by time, and against whose moral character during a long life of active benevolence, neither spot nor blemish was even alleged to exist, was innured in a dun- geon. It is true, Judge Morton did not preside at these tri- als, except upon the law questions, which he is understood to have sustained, but he was part and parcel of the Supreme Court, and so far as I have ever heard, he never interposed in any way to protect the rights of this old man, or to save him from the infamous grasp of legal oppression, or from the bloody and fiery hand of religious persecution. He never in- terfered to save the Constitution from the gross violation here portrayed." It has never fallen to my lot to read a paragraph more re- plete with hypocrisy, ignorance and mendacity, than the above. What interest has David Henshaw in Abner Kneeland, except to prate about the old man's frosted hair, and " five years of judicial torture," " innured in a dungeon," for the purpose of making a case, how poor an one will be soon shown, and to get up a scene. Long before he commenced thinking about it, Judge Morton was acting in the old man's behalf. Not actuated by any particular sympathy with Mr. Kneeland, but by a Democratic love for constitutional liberty and justice. 12 The Kneeland case was originally tried in the Municipal Court, before Judge Thatcher, and carried up to the Supreme Judicial Court, by an appeal taken from the ruling of the Court, by the defendant. If Mr. Henshavv had taken the trouble to have read the re- port of this trial in the 20th Pick. 206, he would have seen the falsify of his every statement concerning it. Judge Mor- ton labored for nearly five years in opposition to his associates, in favor of Kneeland, and the rights of conscience ; and when, finally, at the March Term in 1838, the Court gave its opinion in the case ; overruling the motion in arrest of judg- ment and the exceptions. Judge Morton gave also a dissent- ing opinion, which has ever been thought by the Suffolk bar, as clear and conclusive. For this dissenting opinion of Judge Morton, I refer David Henshavv to 20 Pick, 225 ; and advise him to read it. But lest his time should be wholly engaged in reading Chancery law from •' Hawkin's Reports," a book which is probably known to no one but himself. I will ex- tract one or two of the most significant paragraphs. After quoting the sixteenth article of the Constitution : " The liberty of the press is essential to the security of freedom in a State ; it ought not therefore to be restrained in this Common- wealth," — Judge Morton says : — " The first member of the sentence expresses the importance of the object, and the last lays down the rule for its protection. In a fundamental law like this, the terms used, though only implying obligation or duty, are equivolent to a positive com- mand ; and I understand this to be an imperative interdiction of any restraint upon the liberty of the press, obligatory upon every branch of the government." Further, after discussing like a true Democrat and honest Judge, two clauses in our Bill of Rights, he continues: — " They guarantee to every citizen the right to form, enjoy, and promulgate such opinions, upon any subject, as his own judgment shall dictate." Again, Judge Morton says ; — 13 '' For a man's private opinion, for his devotional feelings and exercises, he is answerable to his God alone. When he engages in the discussion of any subject, in the honest pur- suit of truth, and endeavors to propagate any notions and opinions which he sincerely entertains, he is covered by the a3gis of the Constitution." Judge Morton concludes thus : " I am of opinion that the defendant, Kneeland, has been tried upon a mistaken view of the law, and for this cause is entitled to a new trial." Such are the views of Judge Morton upon this question, whom David Henshaw says " never interfered in any way to protect this old man, (Kneeland) or to save him from the in- famous grasp of legal persecution ! " Can any ignorance be more barefaced, or mendacity more startling? What reliance can be placed in any statements of a man thus laboring un- der an hallucination of mind, brought on by disappointed am- bition, and the self-known impotency of his own rage ? I shall only say in answer to Mr. Henshaw's idea of the un- constitutionality of making libel a crime, that ever since the for- mation of our State Government, both branches of our Legis- lature have repeatedly recognized it as constitutional. But again, observe the logic of our expounder of " Hawkins' Re- ports " — our learned critic in the law. " The bench, (says he) despise the Jury." Judge Morton was on the bench, there- fore he despises the jury ! What an exhibition of manliness and candor ! REFUTATION. &o. Against no man in the Commonwealth, can the charge of AboUtionism be made with less truth, than against Marcus Morton. I shall show before I get through, that David Hen- shaw, tried by his own test, is far more amenable to it. In private conversation, in public letters, and in his official acts, Governor Morton has always expressed the greatest alarm at the rash thoughtless course pursued by this band of modern fanatics. He probably is opposed to the institution of Slav- ery in common with the civilized world ; but he is far more opposed, now that the Free States are supposed strong, and can do without the Slave-holding States, dastardly to violate that constitutional condition of our federal compact, volunta- rily entered into at our greatest need. The unwarrantable interference of the North, in the domestic Institutions of the South, Marcus Morton rebuked in every instance, as Govern- or, in 1840, as well as in 1843. The Abolition party in this State, knowing his opinions thus hostile to their views, have ever opposed him in their prints, and by their votes. In 1843, when the election of Governor was thrown upon the Legislature, Marcus Morton being the Democratic candidate, and the abolition party was thought to hold the balance of power, every exertion was made by the Whig party to gain their votes. They held out hopes, made promises, and became, as they are now, wonderfully good Abolitionists. u Marcus Morton, on the other hand, stern in his honesty, and true to his principles, would countenance no overtures made to, or by, this party ; and answered a letter written to him by one of their leaders at this lime, in a manner so condemnatory of their views, that they abandoned all hopes of making capital of him, and adhered to their regular party candidate. Thus, then, stood Marcus Morton, the Hcnshaw accused Abolition- ist, presenting the noble spectacle of a man, just within the grasp of the object of his most laudable ambition, determinedly risking its final attainment, in maintaining tlie constitutional riarhts of our sister States of the South. a In this very year, at the organization of the Legislature, when a Speaker for the House was to be chosen, this same Henshaw faction^ by a species of chicanery peculiar to themselves, pro- cured the nomination of one of its members, as the candidate to be supported for this office. The efforts of these accusers of Gov. Morton, on account of his abolitionism did not stop here ; here ; these sympathizers with the South, then became the most loving friends of the Abolition party. The time between candle light and sun light, was not long enough for their courtship. Thus stood the present accusers and accu- sed. What a contrast 1 Does Mr. Henshaw and his friends suppose they can impose upon the South by such barefaced, canting hypocrisy ? Does he think the Southern Democracy are of his " calibre and character ? " But let us meet the evidence of the " calibre and charac- ter" of Mr. Henshaw and his party, in the charges of Aboli- tionism, so recklessly made against Governor Morton, in the order they appear. Firstly, — Mr. Henshaw, in his last letter, says : " I am yet to learn of any great public measure, adopted by President Tyler, while I had the honor (?) of a seat in his Cabinet, that the most fastidious Democrat could object against, unless indeed it bo the measure then begun and suc- cessfully prosecuted, and which had my cordial support, — the 16 annexation of Texas. I readily admit tliat I took this ground, notwithstanding the vote of Mr. Morton's Democratic friends in the Legislature of my native State, denouncing the mea- sure in the severest terms. But as this is such a tender sub- ject to his Excellency and his particular friends, most of whom have found it expedient to change their professions on this subject, and apparently to swallow their own principles and resolutions, I in charity will let it pass." If Mr. Henshaw had more charity for himself, he would not thus publicly expose the malignity of his disposition, and the ignorance under w^hich he labors. If he would not have the public infer by the above extract, that Governor Morton ap- proved the resolves he alludes to, then the whole paragraph is worse than nonsense, for it is a waste of pen, ink, and pa- per, and the wear of the typo of his friend of the Post. If he would have this inferred, tiien he is either purposely, or ignorantly, — both equally disgraceful, — imposing upon his readers. Marcus Morton utterly disapproved of these Re- solves, both privately and officially ; and they stand among those Acts and Resolves of tiiat Legislature, to which he did not affix his signature of approval. Again, Resolves of a simi- lar character, were passed by the Legislature of 1840, when, also, Marcus Morton was Governor of the State. They re- ceived the same treatment at his hands. He would not sign them. Secondly, — Marcus Morton is charged with appointing " one of the most decided of the abolition party, an old feder- alist in his party predilections, to an important station con- nected with the judiciary." Mr. Henshaw alludes here to the appointment of Ellis G. Loring, Esq., to the office of Master in Chancery ; and here, again, he is as unfortunate, as in his other statements. Mr. Loring is a far more consistent Demo- crat than his accuser, and has always been so ; for he never yet was lured to foreswear his own professions, tempted by the glitter of office, as did Mr. Henshaw ; but has alvvays acted 17 and voted with the Democratic parly ; and was appointed through the influence of our most distinguished men, Mr. Henshaw, however, is in a degree excusable for this blunder, for he and his friends could probably have no personal know- ledge to the contrary, of his assertion, as Mr. Loring natural- ly exercises his right in selecting his associates. But when he again makes, what may appear to one of his '•' calibre and character," a weighty statement, however weightless in reality, he would do well to attempt to inform himself. If this story were true, however, and the inference which the Southern Senators are called upon to draw from it, a just one, it would prove by far too much for the purposes of its narrator. " Aa guns ill aimed at duck or plover. Bear wide the mark, and kick the owner over." By this kind of reasoning of Mr. Henshaw, he himself might be proved the most arrant abolitionist, at the same time he is endeavoring to excite prejudices against another for be- ing so. While Mr. Henshaw had the honor of a seat in his (Tyler's) Cabinet, by his utmost exertion, he procured the ap- pointment of one of the most decided of the abolition party, to the office of Collector at New Bedford. A man who has openly avowed his willingness to trample down the Constitu- tion, that he might trample down Slavery. But Mr. Henshaw had party objects to attain in the appointment, which entirely lulled to sleep this holy horror against Abolitionism. For the same party objects, Mr. Henshaw, the sincere, now sees fit to arouse this giant indignation, ready armed, not only against Abolitionism, which he so lately sought to strengthen in the appointment above referred to, but against those who will not fight them with his own coarse weapons. How overweaning selfishness eats in upon itself, increasing its own enormity, by belittleing the very cause of its existence. Again, if Mr. Henshaw reasons well, and who will doubt ii} it can be still stronger proved tliat he himself is the abo> 2 18 litionist, and Governor Morton the reverse. In 1837, the Hon. Abel Gushing, then State Senator from Norfolk Gounty, made a very decided speech in the Senate, against that very class of resolves which Governor Morton has most persever- ingly refused to sanction, and with which the brains of our Massachusetts Whigs seem so pregnant, — relating to the in- stitution of Slavery, and the admission of new States into the Union. It becomes necessary in order to judge of the character of this speech, which I shall show was approved of, by Gover- nor Morton and condemned by David Henshavv, to extract from it as follows : — " Your Government is constantly acquiring new territories — and that mostly in the South and West, from Spain and the Indians. It then throws its broad shield of protection over them, by which the value of the land is immensely enhanced. Now will Senators allow these territories to be peopled ? I know you will. But will you in your plenitude go on to ordain, with what kind of population — with what domestic habits and institutions shall these fair domains be overspread, — and expect to find obedience ? No, Mr. President, not- withstanding all your legislation and that of Congress too, I apprehend that vigorous and enterprizing young men, wheth- er slave-holders or not, of the Old Southern States, will, hke the old patriarchs, leave their country and their kindred, and seek new lands both in the South and in the West ; — in Florida, or beyond the Mississippi ; — and they will carry with them their domestic institutions, matrimony and domes- tic servitude if you will, their wives and their little one's — their men servants and their maid servants — black, white, and grey, and the whole band in spite of your enactments will then propagate their species of varied hue — and subdue and cultivate the wild and stubborn soil ; and if in those distant cHmes they sin against nature as social beings, the punish- ment will be on them and not on us. Now, Mr. President, that gentleman (meaning the Senator who preceded him) has kindly admitted, as did our fathers at the adoption of the Constitution, a necessity for its contin- 19 ued existence ('that of Slavery) in the old States, — and why, I would ask, does not the same necessity exist in new territo- ries peopled under the institutions of the old States. The necessity does not come of local position or boundaries — but of time-hardened domestic habits and social structure — and this operates over all territory, old or new alike." Such were the sentiments of Mr. Gushing then, and such liave they been known to be, by every democrat, since. These liberal, just views were received by our Southern brethren with deserved applause. In this hot bed of Abolitionism, they saw one ready to defend their rights and the constitution. With this feeling on the part of our Southern States, Marcus Morton sympathized ; — for no sooner had he the power, when Governor in 1843, than he appointed Mr. Gushing to the vacancy, existing at the time, on the bench of one of our criminal Gourts. Thus, as Mr. Henshaw argues, endorsing these sentiments, and becoming an equal friend to justice and the South, with Mr. Gushing. But what course did Mr. Henshaw take in relation to this gentleman, — Mr. Henshaw, who now coos himself in a most blissful state of mind on account of his love to his dear Southern brethren? Why, he and his confederates sent out emissaries to the county which Mr. Gushing represented, (o prevent his renomination to the Senate, and co-operated with the Whigs to array the abolitionists against him ; using these very Southern Eulogies of his speech, as the battering ram wherewith to beat down his popularity! And this is the man who expresses so much kindly feeling towards the South, and such indignation against Governor Morton for appointing an old democrat, suspected by Mr. Henshaw of abolitionism, to the office of Master in Ghancery. To use his own language, " the simple facts here pre- sented stamp in the most legible form the real character pf the 20 man. Duplictty cannot stand more unmasked and barefaced than it is here seen." Mr. Gushing dares alone, in the Massachusetts Senate, to stand up in defence of the rights of the South. Marcus Morton, accused by David Henshaw of prostituting the Dem- ocratic party to serve the abolition cause, defends him in this, and appoints him to an important office. The accuser, the present would-be-considered sympathizer with the South, used this very speech of Mr. Gushing to deprive the South of his services ever after, in the same sphere. There are feel- ings too deep for language; — the readers of this, must already entertain such towards David Henshaw. Thirdly — Governor Morton is charged with abolitionism because, as is alleged, he approved an act authorizing mar- riages between negroes and whites. This charge is not only untrue, but absurd. Mr. Henshaw seems to forget that ho lives under a Republican Government where nature alone authorizes marriages, leaving matters of color entirely to the taste of the parties concerned. There was in our statute books an old law, interfering with this law of nature, prohib- iting the marriage between whites and blacks, Indians and mulattoes. This law was repealed with the approval of Gov- ernor Morton and thus the whole matter is left precisely as it is in the Southern States themselves. What has this to do with abolitionism ? What man would not approve its repeal in this State? Will even Mr. Henshaw dare say he would not ? Such over-acting, the almost necessary attendant upon** hypocrisy, must disgust every honest man. Fourthly — The inference which Mr. Henshaw intends should be drawn from the charge, that Governor Morton approved the act prohibiting the use of our jails for the imprisonment of fugitive slaves, destroys itself. The existing laws of our State point out the acts which encloses a citizen within the walls of our prisons; — and the constitution declares, that 21 being a slave, is not one of them. The only thing which renders this charge worthy of notice, is its exhibition of the "calibre and character" of him who makes it. Fifthly — Mr. Henshaw, accuses Governor Morton of abolitionism, because " he approved the resolves under which Mr. Hoar and Mr. Hubbard were appointed on their negro missions to Charleston and New Orleans." In this allegation Mr. Henshaw discovers about the same amount of information which he exhibits in his Essay on " Chancery Law." Governor Morton did not approve these resolves. They were not passed under his administration ; but were passed in 1844, when George N. Briggs was Gover- nor, and by him approved, and by him Messrs. Hoar and Hubbard " were appointed on their negro missions." If Mr. Henshaw supposes he can impose upon our Southern Senators by such statements, dragged from the very cesspool of falsehood, he most grossly insults them. While writing the above, a copy of the Morning Post, con- cerning which we have had occasion to speak, was put into my hands, containing a repetition in substance of the same charge of abolitionism, made by Mr. Henshaw against Governor Morton. When we consider the present connexion of the Henshaw styled " soldiers of fortune," with this paper, there can be but little doubt as to its author. The similarity between these publications, indicate similarity of motives and feelings in their origin ; I will therefore treat them as the offspring of the same faction, though from different pens, and meet them now. Of the letters written by Governor Morton, I shall say nothing. They speak for themselves ; whatever of abolitionism can be extracted from them, the extractor is welcome to. The first charge made by Benjamin F. Hallett, for I shall venture to consider him as the author of this last effusion of the Post, is, that " in 1842, Mr. Gregory, Lieutenant Governor 22 and acting Governor of Virginia, demanded of Governor Davis, of Massachusetts, ' one George Latimer, represented to be a fugitive from that State.' Governor Davis rejected the apphcation. In 1843, the requisition was renewed, and was also refused by Governor Morton." If a case in court is considered desperate, from the reckless disregard of the witnesses to truth, how miserably desperate must be the case which Messrs. Henshaw, Hallett and Co. seek to make out against the favorite of the Massa- chusetts Democracy. Should my readers not know the author of this statement personally, they will be much surprised to learn that the acting Governor of Virginia never made a requisition upon Governor Morton for " one George Latimer." An application was made to Governor Morton to revise an opinion expressed by Governor Davis, in refer- ence to the requisition made upon him. To this. Governor Morton replied, that he could not act upon the opinion of his predecessor ; but if an application was made to him directly, it should receive his immediate attention. This Mr. Hallett must have known, as he was a member of Governor Morton's council at the time. Henshaw might have blunder- ed in his assertions, as he probably did, through ignorance. Mr. Hallett's misstatement, in this instance, must be wilful. How admirably does this little paragraph, quoted from the Post, prove the truth of what has been before asserted, — that all the charges against Marcus Morton emanate from the same source, and are based upon the same feelings and motives. The next charge made by Mr. Hallett, to prove the abolitionism of Marcus Morton, is that he transmitted certain resolutions, passed by the Massachusetts legislature while he was Governor, relating to slavery, to their place of destina- tion — the Southern States. Not one of these resolutions, as I have stated before, were signed or approved of by Marcus 23 Morton, and therefore could be considered only as private expressions of the members of the legislature, over which the Governor can exercise no control. But he is obliged to obey the legally expressed wishes of the people's agents. And this, only. Governor Morton did, when he sent the resolves in question, or requested the Secretary of the State to do so as directed. He was not obliged to approve them, and he did not. To have done more or less would have been unconstitutional. '' But," says Mr. Hallett, " Governor Mor- ton should have accompanied them with his dissent, written out at length ; — should have descended from the dignity of his office, to excuse or repudiate the acts of his constituents, with which he could have nothing to do, but to obey ; and because he did not do this, according to Mr. Hallett's logic, he is an abolitionist. Governor Morton, did that wJiich was far more significant, and which alone he could do lawfully. He acted as Governor, and simply sent them, not bearing his official signature, without which they were valueless. He knew this, and those to whom they were sent knew it, if Mr. Hallett did not. Again, in the article above referred to, Mr. Hallett echoes the charge of his coadjutor, as in duty bound, that Marcus Morton when Governor, appointed Ellis Gray Loring Master in Chancery. The absurdity of this accusation I have already shown. But as Mr. Hallett is a little bolder in his attempts at misrepresentation, than his more cautious confederate dare be, I shall notice very briefly this Hallett edition of Hen- shaw's charge. Mr. Hallett has seen fit, why, I shall hereafter show, to pub- lish a series of very obnoxious abolition resolves, reported by a committee of which Mr. Loring was a member, and adopt- ed by a meeting of the abolition party ; leaving for inference, what even he, had not the courage to assert ; viz. that these resolves were reported and passed with the approval of Mr. 24 Loring. Mr. Hallett does not assert this. No, no. The arri- val at such a consummation must be gradual ; though judging from this last specimen, he certainly is a very rapid traveller. But leaving personal reflections, which such instances of strangling truth necessarily suggests, I will, by a simple state- ment of facts, draw aside the veil which has been thrown over them, when Henshaw, Hallett, and their confederates may be seen in the back ground, working at their teaming cauldron of festering deception. At the time Mr. Loring was appointed to the office in question, Mr. Hallett was a member of Governor Morton's Council; and a most eager applicant for this very office. — Governor Morton feeling himself in a degree responsible for his appointments to his constituents, could not consistently, in the exercise of his judgment, gratify his wishes. Not suc- ceeding himself, Mr. Hallett opposed the claims of others, and objected to the appointment of Mr. Loring, as being the advocate and supporter of the very resolutions above referred to. Governor Morton felt, that if these charges were true, he could not appoint Mr. Loring. But his appointment being pressed by many of the most prominent Democrats of our State, the whole matter was laid over, that an investi- gation might be had by the Council as to the truth of Mr. Hallett's allegations. It was had, and the result was that Mr. Loring, so far from being an advocate of the resolves, had often and always opposed the passage of such, by the Anti- Slavery society. That at the meeting of the society, when the committee was chosen, which Mr. Hallett refers to, Mr. Lor- ing was not present, nor knew that he was on such a com- mittee, till the resolves were reported, passed and published, together with his name. When Mr. Loring first discovered this, so strong was his opposition to their character, that he went to New York, at the next meeting of the society, for the sole j)urpose of ob- 2d taining a reconsideration of the vote, by which they were passed. Such was the result of this investigation, which further resulted in his appointment. Three of the Council only, I believe, objected ; Messrs. Hallett, Thompson, and Crocker. Mr. Hallett knew all this, when in the Post-article referred to, he reiterates these very charges, impliedly, it is true, as if they had never been refuted. Not content with this glaring outrage upon facts, the au- thor of the communication uses the very popularity of Marcus Morton, as an argument against him ; and accuses him of ob- taining it by conciliating the Abolition leaders ; and this too, when, but a few lines before, he publishes one of Governor Morton's letters, wherein he says, " many of their (the Abo- lition) leaders are governed by selfish and sinister designs ! " Thus Marcus Morton's accusers murder their own offspring. Marcus Morton, accused by Benjamin F. Hallett of flatter- ing the Abolition leaders to obtain their votes ! Has this un- bending Democrat, this soldier of no, this cognomen has been patented by David Henshaw, forgotten that, at the time of the election of Marcus Morton to the office of Governor, in our Legislature, in 1843, he, without consulting Mr. Morton, sought to prevail upon Lewis Williams, then a Representative from Easton, and a leading Abolitionist, to give him his vote, promising him, on his own responsibility, as an inducement, a seat in Governor Morton's Council ? He did not succeed. But I will pursue this no furtlier. If such self-debasement to the Henshaw interests, is the perpetual tribute which Mr. Hallett is to pay, that he may be secure from the abuse of the Henshaw organ, from being called by it " The Soldier of Fortune," and other opprobrious epithets, then I most sincerely pity him. In the language of him whose name he bears, he pays very dear for his whistle. With a few exceptions, the remainder of this Post commu- nication, is composed of extracts from the letter of Davi4 3 26 Henshaw, and the Hampden Statesman newspaper ; that paper wliich has before been spoken of, edited in the western part of this State, by one Avhom Governor Morton removed from office ; and supported by the Henshaw faction. The whole article furnishes a remarkable instance of that easy method by which Mr. Henshaw and his confederates, manu- facture public opinion for their own purposes ; and I thank Mr. Hallett for this timely proof of my statement. There are two other charges in this article, I will briefly notice, and then leave it. The first is, that Marcus Morton, as Collector, has removed democrats as well as whigs from office. Has not good staunch democrats been appointed to their places? This is not denied. Where then is Mr. Hal- let's sincerity in his earnest advocacy of that most democratic measure, rotation in office ? Is he one of those who advocate this principle only so far as to rotate themselves into office, and then that the revolutions cease, and perpetually ? The democracy of Massachusetts respond most warmly to this enforcement of a principle, by Marcus Morton, they consider so vital in its importance ; and ardently hope that what he has done in this respect, is but an earnest of what he will do. They also desire, no less ardently, that our excellent President should practice upon the same principle, in our city Post Office department, and remove Nathaniel Green,* who has been there for nearly sixteen years, and received more than * This same gentleman has recently been using whatever influence he might have acquired with the whig party, as once having been an enrolled member of the Boston Clay Club, or some other whig association, to pre- vent the confirmation of the Hon. Marcus Morton to his present office. But a short time since he applied to Senator Evans, whig, of Maine to vote against the appointment of Mr. Morton, when his name should be presented to the Senate, by the President. One of the members of the President's Cabinet on learning this fact, well said, that Nathaniel Greene might find it necessary to confine his attention, exclusively to his own somewhat delicate position- Si a hundred thousand dollars of the people's money 1 Can Mr. Hailett, even, tell the democracy why he should remain there longer? The historian of the " twenty years services of David Henshaw in the democratic party," can perhaps confer the same favor upon Nathaniel Green. But to return. Marcus Morton has removed no democrats from office, since he has been Collector, except on the ground of actual incapacity to discharge their duty; and the consequent in- jury which the public sustained, by such men remaining where they were. Mr. Hailett, and the Henshaw party, however, probably would not think this a sufficient reason for their removal. But it is asserted against the Collector, that he has, in enforcing the principle of rotation in office, been partial to the Whigs. Is it true ? When Marcus Morton assumed his present office, there were in his department about one hundred and twenty-five office holders. Of this number, as nearly as could be ascertained, ninety-nine were democrats, or nomi- nally so, twenty -three were whigs, and three of doubtful politics, very much like Mr. Henshaw. Of this number, Marcus Morton removed eighteen or nineteen whigs ; of the doubtful, two, and about nine nominal democrats. In the Naval Officer's [Mr. Parmenter's] department, there are four office-holders. Of the four, three were whigs ; till recently, one resigned, and a democrat appointed. In the Appraisers department, there are about twelve, of which four are whigs. How foolishly false, then, are the insinuations of the Hen- shaw faction, that the Collector, in his removals from office, has favored the whigs, at the expense of the democrats. Whig, however, is often a relative term, depending upon the political principles of him who is the standard ; in this view of the subject, the slanderers of Marcus Morton, certainly are to be pardoned for their misstatements, as one, who would appear to the Collector, a very decided whig, would appear to tbem, a very good democrat. 28 There is but one other allegation made in their Hallett communication, which I shall passingly notice, and then leave this whole tissue of misstatements and misrepresentations. This is it — " When Mr. Morton was elected Governor in 1S43, he refused to call in the warrant, issued by his prede- cessor, John Davis (honest John) for the apprehension of Mr. Dorr." This charge would have excited no surprise, coming from the learned expounder of " Hawkins' Reports ; " but it is surprising, that Mr. Hallett should thus wreck his reputation as a lawyer, upon his malice. Governor Morton could have no more control over that warrant, issued by his predecessor, than has one judge over a warrant issued by his associate. It was a precept legally sent out, under the seal of the State, and put in the hands of an officer for execution. Governor Morton might have sent a proclamation after it, calling it back ; but would it come when it was called ? If not, how is the officer to be reached for refusing to return it ? He is commanded by one Governor, to do an act, and by another Governor, not to do it. The precept of one, would justify him for not obeying the proclamation of the other. Thus a proclamation would have justly subjected our Governor to ridicule, and Governor Dorr trusting to it would have fallen a victim to this most tyrannical act of John Davis. Under these circumstances what could Governor Morton do, but precisely what he did do — suffer the warrant to expire by its own limitation. If Mr. Hallett or his friends bought this defunct warrant of Mr. Thayer, as they assert they did, but which, I understand, Mr. Thayer is about publicly to deny, why, then they got most egregiously hoaxed. Marcus Morton proved himself a better friend to Governor Dorr, than they certainly knew how to, however good their intentions might have been. Thus showing how ridiculous this charge is, I will let it pass. Having thus disposed of the charges of this office-seeking 29 clique ; made through its adopted head, I will return now to the same, uttered by its original head ; and then close. It is a most significant fact, that David Henshaw's entire last letter is not so much an attempted defence, against the specific accusations of Governor Morton, as an evident strug- gle to raise false issues, and turn the public attention from himself. Does Governor Morton accuse him of favoring associated wealth ? he seeks to evade this actual charge, by charging Governor Morton with the same. This mode of self-defence, to the understanding of every one, proves the truth of the charges of Governor Morton, and the falsity of the charges of David Henshaw. I might here let this accu- sation against our present Collector pass, did it not serve as a mirror, clearly reflecting the " calibre and character " of him who made it. David Henshaw charges Marcus Morton with having approved, while acting Governor, in 1825, numerous acts of incorporation, and swells out his already lengthy let- ter with a long list ; and again as doing the same thing in 1840 and 1843. The first charge is not only against Governor Morton, but against the whole democratic party ; and David Henshaw himself also, if he has ever been with the party. The demo- cratic party approve of this in Governor Morton, by voting for him as their Gubnatorial candidate repeatedly after, and choosing him their Governor twice. So, also, as it regards acts of incorporations in 1840. In his assertion that Gov- ernor Morton approved of the acts of incorporation passed in 1843, David Henshaw does not tell a falsehood, unless suppression of truth is one ; but he is guilty of that most cowardly mode of attack, — by contemptible inuendoes. His object is to have his readers infer, what he knows to be false. And such is David Henshaw. His identity among his friends most certainly would have been lost, had he been candid enough to have added to his assertion, that every one of those 30 acts of incorporation, approved by Governor Morton, ex- cept those for charitable purposes, contained in them the " individual liability clause," and were consequently perfectly democratic. No, no ; the charge would have been valueless to David Henshaw, if it did not bear his stamp ; and he must be a man who will sacrifice all considerations, especially those of hatred and revenge, upon the altar of truth. In Governor Morton's last lettefj to Mr. Henshaw, he pays a just tribute of respect to the memory of the late Hon. Sam- uel C. Allen, vvjiose virtues and patriotism commanded the respect and esteem of all. His long life, and strong mind was devoted to his country's good. For a number of years he was the candidate of the working men's party, then nu- merous, in this State. He died full of years and honor. Governor Morton in defining his views upon corporations, stated in his last letter to Mr. Henshaw, that he early adopted the principles of this pure-minded, and deep-thinking states- man, that " associated wealth is the dynasty of modern States." What Democrat has not felt this ? Mr. Henshaw, however, true to his own sympathies, does not think so ; but seizes upon this opportunity to abuse a gentleman, who has ever been as closely allied to the democratic party, as he once was to the Tyler influence. There are but few words that are sufficiently significant, to express the littleness of this attack upon the dead. Does not the wide world afford suf- ficient food for Mr. Henshaw's spleen, that he must thus disturb the silence of the tomb ? Has he no more respect for the feelings of the survivors and friends of that loved states- man, than he has for truth? Our early ancestors were accus- tomed to place a stone across the graves of the departed to protect them from the rapacity of the wolves. It must indeed be grievous to the feelings of those who hold his memory dear, to find that the simple stone now leaning over the last resting-place of the Hon. .Samuel C. Allen has jiot served a, similar purpose. 31 In the letter of Governor Morton to David Henshaw, he says, — it '' was not propitious to our contest with associated wealth, to find one of our leaders so deeply engaged as share- holder and officer, in so many, and some of them so rotten corporations^ Mr. Henshaw^ perhaps not knowing that the word corporations means more than one, thinks to evade the entire charge, by asserting, not, that he was not interested in the Commonwealth Bank,\but that Governor Morton was equally so, in as " rotten " Banks as that was. He will not understand, that in the word incorporations is included the Mount Washington Association and others; — Mr. Hen- shaw's legitimate oflspring ; by the frauds of which the Uni- ted States lost vast sums of money. Further, Governor Mor- ton never was interested in any bank as " rotten " as the Commonwealth Bank, as Mr. Henshaw asserts. He was never connected in any way with a bank that did not pay its debts on demand. Did Mr. Henshaw's bank do this ? Lastly, Mr. Henshaw justifies his advocacy of the " pet- bank system," by stating that the same system was approved of by Gen. Jackson, and other distinguished democrats. This was not the Charge ; it was that Mr. Henshaw recommend- ed the Commonwealth Bank as a safe depository for the public' money ; when at the time he did so, he knew that the public had so little confidence in it, that its capital stock was below par in the market. This was in substance the accusation against Mr. Henshaw, and this he has not denied. Thus I have attempted to answer the charges brought by the Henshaw-party against Marcus Morton. Showing them to be weak in their origin, and false in their character ; and yet this is the whole case that Mr. Henshaw and his echoes have been able to make. If Mr. Henshaw with his apparent recklessness, — "a finder out of occasions ; that has an eye can stamp and counterfeit advantages, tiiough true advantage never present " itself, — with witnesses," stimulated by the ^■^f^i!^ ;:2?53^^ 32 strongest hope of gain, — with every advantage in fine, but that great one, honesty, thus signally fails ; his con- federates fail and sink with him. While the Democracy of Massachusetts is still unharmed by the arrows of faction, aimed at its favorite Morton. ^HR^HYT^M^^^^^