SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 MR. '^ARTIiETT, 
 
 AT 
 
 A MEETING OF CITIZENS 
 
 Opposed to the Re-election of Andrew Jackson, 
 
 HOLDEK A7 
 
 PORTSMOUTH, N. H. 
 
 OCT. 15, 183*. 
 
 Printed bt Miller & BREvranit. 
 

 
MR. BARTLETT'S SPEECH. 
 
 Mr. Chairman,—' 
 
 We have been accustomed to lookback upon the 
 period of our Revolution as the most eventful crisis in our country's 
 history. The actors in the scenes of that day cannot recur to them 
 without partaking of the anxiety that then filled every bosom, nor can 
 their descendants review the page of history, that records the struggles, 
 the sacrifices, the sufferings in the cause of Freedom, without sharing 
 in the despondency, that, at times, oppressed the stoutest hearts— the 
 high resolve, that the noble enterprise inspired — the excited hopes, 
 which followed success — and the exultation at final victory. But, sir, 
 in my judgment, there was no time in the darkest hour of that strug- 
 gle, when the cause of Liberty was in more peril— there was no mo- 
 ment, when the utmost energies of the friends of free institutions were 
 more earnestly called for, than at the approaching election of Presi- 
 dent. Had the power of Great Britain then subdued the rising spirit 
 of Freedom in the colonies, — a rebellion would have been suppressed 
 — and the Revolution postponed — not defeated. The onward march 
 of free principles would only have been retarded— not stopped, and 
 that, which was attempted in infancy, we would have executed in man- 
 hood. Fatal indeed vrould be the consequences of OUr failure, at this 
 time, in the experiment of a Republican form of government. In our 
 conflict with power, then, we triumphed gloriously. We have boasted, 
 that we have established a system of government free and perfect as 
 human nature will admit of, and have challenged the world to witness 
 its successful operation, and the eyes of the world are upon us. If this 
 experiment shall now fail — if our freedom shall be yielded to force or 
 fraud — the downfal of republican government here brings with it not only 
 the desolation of all free institutions in this hemisphere, but the ruin of 
 the last hope of freedom throughout the earth for ages to come, if not 
 forever. Shall I be asked, " Is our republican system of government 
 in danger ?" It is in danger ! — If Andrew Jackson is re-elected Pres- 
 ident — it is destroyed! To what quarter are we to look for the ap- 
 proach of danger to our institutions ? Not from hostile fleets or ar- 
 mies. Let invasion be threatened, and it is hardly figurative to say 
 — that 
 
 " The groves would descend 
 
 From the hill tops they shaded, 
 
 Our shores to defend." 
 
From foreign force or foreign foes we have no fears, where in the 
 cause of Liberty, every citizen is a soldier, and every soldier a hero. 
 
 Our dangers are from within. They are in the midst of us. When 
 the accidental popularity of an individual shall place him at the head of 
 our government, with no one qualification for the discharge of the du- 
 ties of such high trust, — when such individual shall surrender himself 
 to the keeping of unprincipled and irresponsible demagogues, and when, 
 through their " malign influence," all the terrors of proscription, and all 
 the temptations of bribery and corruption are put in requisition to over- 
 awe and delude the people — when the cry o( republicanism is raised to 
 cover the grossest usurpation of tyranny — and the doctrine is unblush- 
 ingly avowed, that public offices are mere " spoils of the enemy," with 
 which "to reward the victors" — then, if the people acquiese — then in- 
 deed is the temple of our Liberties " the holy and beautiful house 
 where our fathers worshipped" made a desolation and a ruin. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, to avert the danger from this source which now 
 threatens us, I supplicate my fellow citizens to arouse, buckle on their 
 armor, assert and vindicate their rights. With the convictions that rest 
 upon my mind, I should be a traitor to the principles of patriotism, which 
 I have cherished from my childhood, not to express the alarm which I 
 feel-^an alarm which I would I could proclaim in a voice that should 
 reach the remotest settlement in our borders. In justification of this 
 feehng, permit me to advert, very hastily, as I must do, to some of the 
 prominent pretences and promises by which the friends of Andrew Jack- 
 son effected his election ; — to the manner in which those pretences and 
 promises have been treated by him since in office ; — to the fearful evils 
 realized in his administration beyond all the predictions of the opponents 
 to his election ; and to some of the fatal influences of the corrupt system of 
 his party, upon, tho ^roat interests of the country, and of this State in 
 particidar. 
 
 Nearly eight years since, it became my duty, holding the vote of a 
 sixth part of this State, to choose between Andrew Jackson and the 
 other candidates then presented to the House of Representatives. — 
 That duty I endeavoured to discharge, under a sense of all the solemn 
 responsibility that rested upon me, — and I gave my vote for the candi- 
 date who succeeded against him, and that success was received with 
 acclamation by all parties throughout New-Hampshire. Four years 
 since, when his claims were again urged for the office ; when his par- 
 tizans multiphed charges against the then incumbent, and reiterated the 
 promises of reform, which Andrew Jackson would accomplish, — know- 
 ing the charges to be false, and having no faith in the pretences and 
 promises made, and believing it my duty to let the truth be known to 
 my fellow citizens, then, in this place, I publickly stated my reasons 
 for still adhering to the judgement formed on the most candid and care- 
 ful deliberation ; — and then it was, that such adherence to principle 
 and to previous opinion was denounced as " treason" — as " apostacy," 
 then it was, that those journals which had denounced his election as 
 
'* a curse to the country,'^ denounced those as traitors, who would not 
 help to bring that cujse upon us- 
 
 But what were the pretences and promises then urged for the election 
 of Andrew Jackson ? — 
 
 That it was anti-republican and dangerous to re-elect a President for 
 a second term — which would be avoided. 
 
 That President Adams had corruptly attempted to subsidize the press 
 by the government patronage, which would be corrected. 
 
 That President Adams had brought the patronage of the Federal 
 Government in conflict with the freedom of elections, which would be 
 reformed. 
 
 That the expenses of the government were unnecessarily enhanced, 
 which should be diminished. 
 
 That the number of public officers was multiplied for useless purpo- 
 ses, and it should be reduced. 
 
 That Congress itself was bribed by the appointment of its own mem- 
 bers to public stations — and the practice should be abolished. 
 
 For proof of the first, of these pretences and promises, you rest 
 not alone on the solemn resolve of the royal life guard at Tammany 
 Hall, which with all due pomp and circumstance was published to the 
 world, but you have the deliberate judgment of Andrew Jackson, with 
 an assurance, that he " will practice on the maxims he recommends to 
 others," in his letter to the Tennessee Legislature, as well as in his 
 first- official message to Congress — and how has he practised upon his 
 Qwn maxim ? Less than twenty-two months in office, on the 30th cf 
 Dec. 1830, he puts his official frank upon a letter written by his private 
 Secretary, addressed to a member of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, 
 soHciting his nomination for a second term. I forbear all comment, (t) 
 
 " Subsidizing the press" — by means of executive patronage, was an 
 evil to be con acted. Tlie electioneering document of the friends of 
 Andrew Jackson, called the retrenchment rey:>or^, holds this language. — 
 " The danger which assails the freedom of the press, through the insin- 
 " nation of this species of influence, is far more serious, than any star- 
 " chamber code of pains and penalties. "This pecuniary censorship 
 " of the press, must end in its utter prostitution to an indiscriminare sup- 
 " port of the acts of government, hovi^ever injurious to the rights and in- 
 " terests of the people." And what was then the extent of this evil ? 
 It was that the Secretary of State could designate the papers m which 
 the laws should be published, and the several officers could exercise 
 their judgment in relation to advertisements. And what is the correc- 
 tion ? All that power still remains, and has been^most unsparingly exer- 
 cised. Not only that, but the honors and treasures of the government have 
 been most profligately poured out, as mere rewards, by the appointment 
 of more than fifty editors and printers, to offices of trust and emolu- 
 ment ; — and even to high places, many have been appointed with no 
 better recommendation, than their reckless disregard of truth — their 
 vulgar abuse of the best patriots, and their fulsome adulation of their 
 
pretended idol. Nay more, you see the President himself aiding in 
 the establishment of a "Government press" at the door of the Treasury, 
 to manufacture " public sentiment" — his officers officiating as co-editors 
 — and the mail coaches burthened with loads of its polluted sheets, un- 
 d^r official franks. — (2) 
 
 But the abuses " which brought the patronage of the government in 
 conflict with the freedom of elections" — were to be corrected. During 
 the preceding administration, who ever heard of officers of govern- 
 ment, as editors of partisan papers. When was a requisition made up- 
 on them as a body, to contribute a large per centage of their salary for 
 electioneering purposes. When were they members — agents — officers 
 of political caucusses. When were they noisy and meddling brawlers 
 at the polls .'' How is government patronage now exercised .'' (3) 
 
 Again, — extravagant expenditures were to be curtailed. 
 
 The pretence, that expenses under the last administration were ex- 
 travagant, and the manner in which the promise of retrenchment has 
 been kept, are best illustrated by a few extracts from Official Docu- 
 ments; and the subject is of sufficient interest to you, fellow-citizens, to 
 justify me in asking your attention to a few figures. 
 
 Let us look first at the expenditures in the Executive Department 
 in the last two years of the late administration. 
 
 In 1827, $509,801 33 
 
 1828, $507,136 41 
 
 1,016,937 74 
 Iq present Administration, 1830 $543,234 90 
 
 1831 $559,330 83* 
 
 $1,102,565 73 
 1,016.937 74 
 
 Excess of two last years of present adnjioistration, $85,627 99 
 
 And how stands Retrenchment in the expense of Intercourse with 
 
 Foreign JVations ? 
 
 The Ej^penditures in the two last years of the late administration 
 
 were— In 1827, $257,923 42 
 
 1828, 198,473 24 
 
 Same in two last years of present administration were, 
 
 In 1830, $294,067 27 
 1831, 298,599 95 
 
 592,767 22 
 456,396 66 
 
 Excess of two last years of present administration, 136,370 56 
 
 A comparison of the amounts of the general expenditures shows a no 
 more favorable result for modern retrenchment. 
 
 •This does not include expense of taking liie Census. 
 
The last administration left it at a fraction over twelve millions. — 
 The second year of the present, increased it to over thirteen millions — 
 the third year to over fourteen millions — and the appropriations for the 
 present year exceed sixteen millions of dollars. • 
 
 " The numher of public officers vv^as multiplied for useless purposes 
 — and should be reduced." How has this pretence and promise been 
 treated by the administration in power ? 
 
 An additional secretary of stale has been asked for. That Depart- 
 ment, with one more clerk than in March, 1829, at the last session 
 asked for five in addition. The patent office, a branch of that depart- 
 ment, with one more clerk than in March, 1829, asked for twenty in 
 addition at the last session, having eighteen of the twenty then underpay. 
 
 The Chairman of the Committee of Finance in the Senate, the or- 
 gan of the administration, asked for an appropriation of ten thousand 
 dollars, at the last session, for additional clerks in the Departments. — 
 The Post Office Department asked for an additional Post Master Gen- 
 eral, and already has twenty additional clerks at an expense of seven- 
 teen thousand four hundred dollars. Congress has been asked to pro- 
 vide for a solicitor of the Treasury, which has been done, with a salary 
 of three thousand dollars a year — and the Land Office has asked for 
 ten additional clerks. In the Custom House branch of the Treasury 
 Department during the present administration three hundred and forty 
 two officers have been added at a cost of two hundred thousand dollars. 
 Such are the promised reductions ! 
 
 " The bribery of Congress, too, by the appointment of its members 
 to public stations was to be abolished," The language of Andrew 
 Jackson as a candidate, was— if " important appointments continue to 
 " devolve upon the representatives in Congress, it requires no depth of 
 " thought to be convinced that cokkuption wil.l. tn^^jvaim xhk order 
 " on xHE DAY !" With all this depth of thought, what has been the 
 practical comment of President Jackson upon his own text while a can- 
 didate. He has long since appointed twenty partisan members of Con- 
 gress to the highest places and highest salaries in his gift ; — 'many of 
 them recommended for no other qualification than their partisan zeal. 
 But we will not detain you by adverting to further proofs of the falsity 
 of the pretences with which the friends of Andrew Jackson assailed his 
 predecessor — the faithlessness with which he has disregarded his own 
 promises. In the language of a late public meeting — " we have long 
 " ceased to be astonished at any contradiction however palpable be- 
 " tween the professions and practice of Mr. Jackson. His officiaLi 
 
 " PATH IS STREWED WITH VIOLATED PLEDGES." 
 
 Such facts, indeed, remove the ground upon which his election was 
 urged — and are sufficiently disgraceful, in the exhibition of the duplici- 
 ty, deceit and self contradiction of the orccupant of the presidential 
 chair, but if such proofs stood alone, however unfit I might believe him 
 for the office, T still should not fear for the safety of our institutions. — 
 He might exhibit his inconsistency in calling for a constitutional prohi- 
 
bltion to holding the office a second term, and might seek his own re- 
 election. He might talk of the dangers from a " subsidized press" — 
 and lavish the treasures and offices of the country upon the most aban- 
 doned of it| conductors to purchase their slavish subserviency to him- 
 self. He might complain of the intferference of he officers of the federal 
 government with the freedom of elections, and require his pension- 
 ed hirelings, from those of the palace household to the humblest village 
 post-master, to devote all their power and means, personal and official 
 to control the elections of the people. He might talk of the extrava- 
 gant expenditures of a previous administration, and in three years, in- 
 crease the appropriations for the sanie,ybw7- millions of dollars. He 
 might decry against the useless multitude of public officers — and add 
 hy hundreds to their number. He might again and again proclaim the 
 danger of corruption in the appointment to office of Representatives in 
 Congress, and in twelve months, make more such appointments than 
 any of his predecessors in as many years ; — still our government could 
 survive such shameless disregard of violated pledges — "Such disgraceful 
 abuse of public confidence. Our fears rest not on the fact, that he has 
 not corrected abuses, — for seldom has a President come to the place, 
 when there was less occasion to exert power for such a purpose ; but 
 they arise from the fatal fulfilment of the predictions of the o]oponents 
 of his election of the abuse by himself of the powers of his office ; — of 
 the assumption too of powers neither conferred upon him by the peo- 
 ple, or the constitution. 
 
 When Andrew Jackson was first before the country as a candidate 
 for the office of President, many of the purest patriots, who lacked 
 nothing of gratitude for the gallant achievments of General Jackson as 
 a military officer, expressed their convictions, that he possessed none 
 of the qualificntions 1 cLjuibue for the high oflice ; — that he was "too 
 summary m his habits of action," unfitted by his pursuits ; — too violent 
 in bis temper ; — too arbitrary and despotic in his feelings and princi- 
 ples, " for the ruler of a free people." 
 
 The truth of such convictions has been most fatally realized. To 
 advert to all the proofs would be to tax your patienee with a detai) of 
 the whole history of this administration. Time would fail me, even if 
 the theme were not such, that no freeman could dwell upon it, but with 
 emotions too painful to be voluntarily protracted. I will briefly notice 
 a few only ot the usurpations and outrages upon the constitution and lib- 
 erties of the people. 
 
 Already have the fawning sycophants, who seek to bask in a tyrant's 
 favor, flattered the incumbent in the office of President, agid Insulted 
 the people, with a statement in his own official organ, that " he was 
 BORN To'coMMAND," and he has, by his acts, responded, with Frederick, 
 King of Prussia, " I was born to comnand — and the people ivere born 
 to obey.'''' — (4) His champions have announced, that the public offices 
 established by our Constitution and laws, are not intended for the gen- 
 eral welfare, but that in a party contest, they are the " spoils of the en- 
 emy" and to be distributed as " rewards to the victors." (5) 
 
9 
 
 The man who can tolerate in his presence the slaves, that can utter 
 such sentiments, will not long refrain from practising the usurpations and 
 abuses they inculcate. 
 
 Scarcely had the corps of pensioned editors echoed back to the pal- 
 ace their shouts of hosanna for the unparallelled constellation of integ- 
 rity and talent, which their chief had gathered in his cabinet, when for 
 a cause, which I will not name, the whole were displaced, the major- 
 ity banished from his presence, and the hired trumpeters were com- 
 manded to proclaim their incompetency ; — their treachery ; — their con- 
 demnation ; and they obeyed. 
 
 Even in France, the late King could not sustain himself upon the 
 throne, with his attempts upon the liberty of the press ; but in republi- 
 can America, the liberty of speech in the Hall of Legislation, se- 
 cured by our Constitution, has been assailed by ruffian violence, sanc- 
 tioned, as is proved in the admissions of his official organ, by the Pres- 
 ident of the United Stutes ; thus fulfilling the prediction of his leading 
 partizan, that under his reign you must go armed to the Halls of Con- 
 gress. The disclosures which led an intimate associate of the Presi- 
 dent's to attempt the life of a representative of the people, shew but 
 too clearly, that public offices alone, are not considered the only right- 
 ful SPOILS of the dominant party. 
 
 The founders of our government established the Judiciary as the 
 bulwark to protect the constitution, and preserve the liberties of the 
 people. — To this obstacle to usurpation and tyranny, tha President has 
 exhibited undisguised hostility. 
 
 Without the evidence of a late distinguished partizan of the adminis* 
 tration, who testifies to the President's anathemas against the Supreme 
 Court, and the promise, that if re-elected, he " will put it down.,'''' we 
 liave his own official assertion, that he has the right, and will exercise 
 the power, if he choose, to re-judge their judgments, and to treat their 
 decrees as a nullity.-— (6) — That he is supreme over the people. Con- 
 gress and Court, and he has proclaimed in the spirit if not in the lan- 
 guage of Louis 14, " I AM THE State !" Already are our fellow 
 citizens doomed to taste the bitter fruits of these principles of despotism. 
 Much of our widely extended domain has been acquired by purchase 
 from its original proprietors. The bureaus of government are filled 
 with parchment rolls of treaties negociated with diffisrent nations of In- 
 dians, with the formal ratifications of the Senate, and the approval of 
 every President from the foundation of the government. The Chero- 
 kee nation possess a goodly heritage on the South Western borders of 
 Georgia, where they are quietly and industriously pursuing the arts of 
 peace and civilization. The State of Georgia is desirous of driving 
 this nation from their own domain, that she may divide it by lottery 
 among her own citizens. — The Government of the Union were bound 
 by treaty, and its officers required by law, to protect them from intru- 
 sion, or molestation, and all this has been faithfully observed, until the 
 elevation of Gen. Jackson to the Presidency. He has withdrawn the 
 
 2 
 
10 
 
 protection of the government ; — ^refuses to execute the law of the land ; 
 — denies the validity of our treaties ; — and suffers two preachers of the 
 gospel, guilty of no other offence than carrying the hJessings of Christi- 
 anity among the Indians, to he imprisoned among convicts and felons 
 under a pretended adjudication, which the Supreme Court has pro- 
 nounced an illegal usurpation, and void. 
 
 The opinion of the people expressed through their representatives, is 
 spurned with no less contempt, than is the judgment of the Court. — 
 Seven times has he refused his assent to acts passed by majorities of 
 both Houses of Congress; — and the official organ of the President has 
 threatened the Senate, that they shall he " cut down" for refusing to 
 confirm nominations and register decrees at his bidding ; and when 
 neither entreaty nor menace could bring the Senate to compliance, he 
 has usurped the power and appointed to an important public office, 
 an individual whose nomination to the san)e, the Senate had twice re- 
 fused to confirm ! 
 
 Was it necessary for the President publicly to avow in his last " Veto 
 Message" doctrines abhorrent to every principle of a free government ; 
 —"assumptions, to be tolerated no where but under the most unqualified 
 despotism, to convince the people, that he practically claimed the divine 
 right of being Born to Command ? A Message of which an able com- 
 mentator has said — " It rests upon false principles, mistaken views, 
 and futile objections. It is presumptuously put forth against the public 
 sentiment and public interest — in the face of the highest authority and 
 most approved precedent ; it is founded in fallacies the most pernicious, 
 in doctrines the most detestable, in principles the most dangerous, and 
 must lead to consequences, both by its example and its influence, the 
 most disastrous. It tends to a total revolution, if not dissolution of 
 government ; an assumption of all power in the Executive ; a total dis- 
 regard of the rights of majorities, or the will of the people ; a denial of 
 all power in Congress, and of all authority in the Courts'; all the bal- 
 ances of the Constitution are destroyed, and all the connexion, depen- 
 dence and subordination of the parts is lost." 
 
 If treafies solemnly ratified and approved are to be set at nought at 
 the pleasure of the executive ; if the president is to suspend the ex- 
 ecution of laws approved by former presidents as well as those with his 
 own signature ; if the constitutional security of the confirmation of the 
 Senate to appointments to office is to be disregarded ; if the voice of 
 the people by the majorities of their representatives is to be defeated, 
 by the abuse of the power of the veto ; if the judgments of the Su- 
 preme Court are to be annulled at pleasure ; then where is there a des- 
 potism on earth more absolute or arbitrary ? What is your govern- 
 ment the better, that your executive magistrate is called a republican 
 president, rather than Emperor or Autocrat ? — A venerable and em- 
 inent jurist of another state,* after examining the violations of the con- 
 
 *Judge Sp«ncer of New- York. 
 
11 
 
 stitution and usurpations of power by Andrew Jackson, concludes with 
 ihe solemn declaration- — ^^it is my deep and abiding conviction, . that 
 ^'■shoidd he he re-elected, our institutions will he subverted, and our na- 
 ^Hional glory destroyed.''^ (7) 
 
 Let the people sanction the principles avowed by the President, and 
 the prophetic warning of the distinguished statesman referred to in 
 your address, will have become history ; — "the constitution will have 
 perished even earlier than the moment which its enemies originally al- 
 lowed for tlie termination of its existence. It will Hot have survived to 
 its fiftieth year." 
 
 In pursuance of the suggestion which I made on rising to address 
 you, it remains for me to take a passing notice of some of the fatal in- 
 fluences of the corrupt system of the dominant party upon the great 
 interests of the country, and particularly of this State. 
 
 The moral sense of every man was at fii'st shocked with the worse 
 than piratical sentiment of the great Bandit of the party, that "all 
 is lair in ))olitics" — but there is too much evidence that the sentiment 
 has been approved in high places. We have seen a bill before Con- 
 gress, making provision for removing the Indians across the Mississippi, 
 — the well-kno\yn object of which was to compel them to abandon 
 their cultivated fields, their schools and their churches, and drive them 
 into the western wilderness — commencing an expenditure estimated at 
 twenty-five millions of dollars. We have heard the argument for its 
 passage urged upon Congress — that it was a favourite measure of the 
 President's — and it was sustained by the party generally, and for such 
 or other reasons, by the New-Hampshire delegation to a man ! 
 
 When the life of a member of Congress was endangered by an as- 
 sault, for the discharge of hi^duty, in exposing, in his place, an alleged 
 attempt at fraud in high officers of government, — some cause brought 
 out the vote of New-Hampshire's Representatives, against the punish- 
 ment of the ruffian for such contempt of the Constitution, — for such 
 violation of ' the right of freedom of speech in the Halls of 
 Congress. When evidence under oath was laid before the House of 
 Representatives of the most gross frauds attempted upon the govern- 
 ment by a collector of customs in a neighborhig state, the united vote 
 of New-Hampshire in the House was against their investigating the 
 charge. 
 
 When a member of the House in his place alleged that gross abu- 
 ses existed in the post-ofRce department and moved the appointment of 
 a committee for investigation, New-Hampshire, by her vote, declared 
 her unwillingness to let the people see and hear the facts. 
 
 Whenever the question was presented of defending our own inter- 
 ests of agriculture and manufactures against the hostile legislation of 
 Great Britain, the vote of New Hampshire was found against Ameri- 
 can industry and in favor of British interests. While we were colo- 
 nies the whole system of British legislation in relation to us was a 
 system of enactments of pains and penalties to suppress manu- 
 
12 
 
 factures of every dcscrijttion. The same was pursued after our 
 independence, under the old confederation, when we had no power to 
 counteract them by our own laws — and it was among the first jjurposes 
 of our present constitution and strongest motives for itsi'adoption to "ive 
 the nation power to protect its own interests in this behalf. Yet now 
 against Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison and Munroe, President 
 Jackson, most distinctly denounces the power as unconstitutional, and 
 tlifi laws upon the subject as " improvident legislation." It was no an- 
 swer to this, that he has repeatedly, officially and otherwise advanced 
 opinions diametrically opposite. It is admitted. But this is the last 
 and representatives who favored General Jackson as the friend of pro- 
 tection to American Industry, by acts of Congress, support President 
 Jackson as the declared opponent to the constitutional power. 
 
 But a more gross instance of the sacrifice of the interests of the State 
 and of the people, to the influence of party discipline and devotion to 
 one man, need not be cited than the vote upon the " Land Bill." Our 
 immense domain was purchased by the common treasure of the whole 
 union. Several of the new States in which it is located, have by their 
 Legislatures asserted an exclusive right to the property. The annual 
 proceeds of the sales this year, amount to ^3,500,0Q0. A committee 
 of the Senate reported a bill providing for the allowance" to the States 
 in which the lands are situated, of twelve and a half per rent, for cer- 
 tain objects of improvement, and for an annual distribution of the resi- 
 due, to the several States, according to their federal representative pop- 
 ulation, to be applied to objects of education, colonization or internal 
 Improvement, as the Legislature might choose. This Bill passed the 
 Senate by a majority of twenty-six to eighteen — one of the Senators 
 from New-Hampshire voting against it. In the House, a motion was 
 made to postpone the Bill, that is, to defeat it ; and on that motion /our 
 representatives in New-Hampshire are found voting in favor and none 
 against it. 
 
 The amount which that bill would hav^e given to New-Hampshire as 
 the proceeds of sales were then estimated at three millions of dollars 
 would have been fifty-seven thousand, five hundred and seventy-three 
 dollars and seventy-one cents. But, as the sales have since been found 
 to amount to half a million more, the annual dividend to this State 
 would have been over sixt^-eight thousand dollars. 
 
 I ask my fellow citizens, whether our wealth is such that we may de- 
 spise tiie proffer of this annual boon ? Oris it better that the subject 
 shall remain a theme of controversy with the old and new States, where 
 neither we or the- General Government may ultimately realize any 
 thing. Yea more, — remain a disturbing topic of contention, endanger- 
 ing even the Union itself. I ask them to look at the report of the Sen- 
 ator, who framed the bill, and to the records of the votes in the Senate 
 and House, and say, whether the interests of the people were consulted 
 or whether the party behest had not gone forth, that the measure must 
 he defeated, lest it should add still more to the well earned fame of its 
 author, Henry Clay. (8) 
 
13 
 
 The time has been when an American Secretary, even if his own 
 spirit of patriotism and independence had not detered him, would aiot 
 have dared bid a represantative of the American nation to degrade iiiin- 
 self and the government as a humble suppliant at the footstool of the 
 British throne. The time has been, when no mouth piece of the Pres- 
 ident would have dared to bid the people to elevate to an office in their 
 gift, the candidate designated by himself, under the penalty of his high 
 displeasure. And what but the most " malign influence" can induce 
 them to give dieir suffrages to a candidate,— for the second oiFice in the 
 Goverment, who is thus disgraced — and thus attempted to be imposed 
 upon them ? 
 
 Shall we claim to he freemen and thus submit to be treated asslaves,'' 
 
 Let us first blot from our records the achievements of the patriots 
 of the revolution. Let us first deny the pledge of their lives and for- 
 tunes and sacred honor to the principles of liberty. 1 ^et us first tear 
 from the declaration of Independence the signatures of our ancestors 
 and kindred — the names of Bartlett, Thornton, and Whipple. — 
 
 We will not yet despair of the Republic. 
 
 Sixty-seven years ago, when the stamp act was expected to be en- 
 forced in this State, and when in the language of our faithful historian, 
 Belknap, " the minds of the most thoughtful persons were filled with 
 anxiety," a funeral procession was seen passing through these streets 
 followed by a long ti-ain of sorrowing mourners. The grave was open- 
 ed, and the coffin,tiie plate of which was inscribed"THE, Goddcss ov Lib- 
 erty" was about being deposited, signs of life were discovered, and she 
 was carried off in triumph, amid the acclamations of the people that 
 she yet lived—and should still live, while an arm should be left to raise 
 a weapon ua her defence. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the time has agai'n come, when " the minds of the 
 most thoughtful are filled with deep anxiety" — when to the disinterest- 
 ed patriot the exultations at the success of arbitrary power seem to 
 sound the funeral knell of Liberty — when the grave is already opened 
 for our prostrated freedom and mangled constitution. Yet it has not 
 closed upon them forever. All hope is not yet extinguished. I see around 
 me the veterans who shared in the toils and conflicts for the achieve- 
 ment of our Liberties, and I see marked upon their brow the same reso- 
 lute determination that then sustained them, still to contend manfully to 
 the last sand of life for their beloved country. Already has this assem- 
 bly' been cheered widi the voice of one of the compatriots of jLangdon, 
 whose heroic spirit, the enemies batteries in seventy-six could not 
 quell, and whose patriotic ardor half a century has not abated. (9) 
 
 I see around me, too, young men conscious of the value of that leg- 
 acy in the liberties of their country, which their fathers have left them. 
 Young men, determined that they will not basely surrender the trust 
 committed to their hands ; — that they will not disgrace those sires with 
 whose blood the foundations of our Institutions were cemented. 
 
 Auspicious signs already cheer our prospect. 
 
14 
 
 Maine lir.s lecenlly given no doubtful indication?, that she is not to 
 he clieated into siibnjission by a colonial arrangement, in which we 
 have surrendered commerce and character for contempt and insolence ; 
 — that she yet deems her free citizens "a little too white to be sold." 
 
 The state of New-York is arousing from the spell of the magician ; 
 is hushing her petty strifes and local disocntions, to unite in the migh- 
 tier cause of freedom, and is already resolved to march shoulder to 
 shoulder, to the rescue of the Constitution of our Country. 
 
 The great state of Pennsylvania has stretched forth her mighty arm 
 and inscribed mene tekel on the walls of this administration. 
 
 Shall New-Hampshire llien give the lie to her Constitution, that we 
 were " born free," and rivet upon the necks of her citizens, a collar 
 labelled — " born to obey.^^ 
 
 Shall the friends of our country yield to obstacles, real or imaginary, 
 in the path of duty ? Rather let every freeman imbibe the spirit of 
 Emmett in such a cause, and determine, that rather than surrender, 
 " he would fight to the last trench, and let that be his grave." 
 
 We have obstacles to contend with — the unsparing use of the Gov-- 
 ernrntent patronage; the hosts of pensioned presses; the disciplined ar- 
 my of postmasters, selected and commissioned in this state, for the pur- 
 pose of aiding to perpetuate the reign of their chief. But we have a 
 glorious cause to cheer us on. We contend not for the " spoils of 
 victory;" we contend for our Constitution and our Country, and with 
 us, sooner or later, we shall find the whole body of the people. The 
 delusions, which the arts of designing demagogues have imposed upon 
 them will pass away. Let us then bury all minor dissensions in obliv- 
 ion, and let all the Friends of Law, Order, and Republican Institutions 
 unite in their defence and support. 
 
 In the language of your Address, "the crisis truly demands of every 
 citizen, that he should act upon the sentiment of the patriotic Gerry, 
 when he said, "if I had but one day to live, I would devote 
 
 THAT DAY TO THE SERVICE OF MY CoUNTRY." 
 
 Note.— The foregoing is not submitted as a perfectly accui-ate report. What 
 was said at the meeting was literally extemporaneous, and this is believed to 
 contain the substance of the remarks, as correctly as they could be prepared in 
 haste, amid other continued avocations. 
 
M'Ol^mi* 
 
 0) 
 
 Extract from the official Address of the Jackson General Committee of JS/eto-York 
 adojjted at Tamviany Hall, April 8, 1828. 
 
 "Experience has satisfied us that one term of oflice, is sufficient to repay any 
 SERVICES OR GRATIFY ANY AMBiTiOiX. At present the first four years of an ad- 
 ministration are past in efforts to confirm the Bargains and pledges, as to the 
 RIGHT OF SUCCESSION. It is thus that the gi'eat interests of our country are sac- 
 rificed at the shrine of personal ambition." 
 
 Thus thought and thus spoke the Jackson leaders four years ago. Were 
 their principles, thus unequivocally expressed, then sound and republican ? — 
 Have these principles, or has the party which professed them changed ? Is 
 power less likely to coirupt now that it was then ? Is it not apparent that the 
 people of this nation will be obliged to adopt the rule that no man shall be re- 
 elected President? It would be giatifyingif the party whose motto is above, 
 wiW show us their consistency in supporting a candidate who has not served 
 " one term of office." If they published these principles to guide and not mis- 
 lead the people, why do they not follow them ? 
 
 Presideni Jacksofi, in bis first message to Congress, makes use of the 
 following language : — 
 
 " It would seem advisahlj to limit the services of the Chief Magistrate to a single term of 
 four Of six years." 
 
 In hi? second message, ho agnin urges the propriety of placing re- 
 strictions upon the re-eligibiiity of the President. Jn connexion with 
 the foregoing amendment to the constitution, Gen. Jackson urged anoth- 
 er, which he and his friends considered to be of great importance, in 
 his address to the Legislature of Tennessee, he says :— 
 
 " With a view to sustain more effectually in practice the axiom whicli divides the 
 three great classes of power into independent constitutional checks, 1 would impose a 
 provision rendering any member of Congress ineligible to office under the General Govern- 
 ment, during the term for which he was elected, and for two years thereafter, except in 
 cases of judicial office." 
 
 If these amendments are made, he goes on to show — 
 
 " That members, instead of being withdrawn from legislating on the great interests of 
 the nation, through prospects of Executive patronage, would be more liberally confided 
 in by their constituents; while their vigilance would be less interrupted by party feelings 
 and party excitements, calculations from intrigue or management would fail," iS:ci 
 Again, he says — 
 
 " But if this change in the constitution should not be obtained, antl important appoint- 
 ments continue to devolve upon the representatives in Congress, it requires no depth of 
 thought to be eenvinced, that corruption will become the order of the day." 
 
16 
 
 in eoiiclu»i()n, he remaiks — 
 
 " That it is due to mysplf to praciisf upon tl)e mnxims recommended to others, mid 
 hence feel constrained to retire from a situation where temptations may exist and suspi- 
 cions Brife,of the exercise of an influence tending to tny own ftggrandizenient. " 
 
 (2) 
 
 The following is an extract fi-om the famous Retrenchment Rejiort under the 
 
 head of the "Executive patronage of the Press.^^ 
 
 " When your committee look at this amount of patronage, placed, without 
 control or responsibility, in tlie hands of the Executive, or in those of the subor- 
 dinate chiefs of his Departments: and when they reflect on the moral mechan- 
 ism upon which this patronage acts, with a power that seems irresistable, they 
 would deem their duty very inadequately discharged, if they did not propose 
 some remedy for abuses already existing, and essentially liable to be aug- 
 mented The danger which assails the freedom of the press, through 
 
 the insinuation of this species of influence, is far more serious than any star- 
 chamber code of pains and penalties. This pecuniary censorship of the press, 
 must end in its utter prostitution to an indiscritninate support of the acts of gov- 
 ernment, however injurious to the rights and interests of the people." 
 
 (3) 
 In Gen. .lackson's Inaugural flddresi is the following metnor^tbie par- 
 agraph : 
 
 '' The recent demonstrations of piihlic sentiment inscribes on the list of executive 
 duties, in characters too legil)le to he overlooked, the task of reform, abuses winch have 
 ()rDught the patronage of the Federal Government into conflict with the fredoui of elections, 
 and the counteraction of those causes which liave disturbed the rightful course of ap- 
 pointments, and have placed or continued power in unfaiiliful or incompetent hands." 
 
 The following is a copy of a circular from the commissioner of ihe 
 General Land Office, residing at the seat of Government with a salary 
 of 1^3000 per annum. 
 
 " .Sir :—l send you the second number of the Extra Globe. It is one dollar for thirty 
 numbers. As it is of the greatest importance in the appioaching contest for the Pre* 
 sidency, tliat this paper should be circulated and read in every neighborhood in Ohio, can 
 you procure five or ten subscribers to it in your vicinity ? If you can, and do, you may 
 transmit the money to me, and I will see the papers forwarded to ruch persons and post- 
 offices as you shall direct. The back numbers will be sent." 
 
 The following is. a copy of a letter from a reputed member of the 
 cabinet improper, Mr. Fourth Auditor Kendal!, on a salary of ^3000, 
 which with his official frank enclosed proposals for that vehicle of 
 correct information the Extra Globe. 
 
 TVashingion, April 28, 1832. 
 
 '' Dear Sir : — I lake the liberty to enclose you certain proposals which sjicak for them- 
 selves. The people need only correct information, and the proposed paper will give it on 
 the cheapest terms. It is intended to reach eveiy neighborhood in the Union, and it is 
 peculiarly desirable that it should be circulated through all Kentucky. It will render es- 
 sential service in all your elections. Will you take the trouble, for the sake of our good 
 cause to raise a subscription in your quarter, and make a speedy return of names and 
 money. The time for action is at hand. 
 
 "The President is well, and in excellent spirits. I do not doubt that llie peo))le, whom 
 he has so honestly served, will triumphantly sustain him. 
 
 " With great lespect, yours truly, AMOS KENDALL." 
 
17 
 
 In April, 1829, soon after the President had announced, as above, his 
 grand principle of reform, he caused Bela Latham to be appointed Post- 
 Master in Columbus, in place of a very meritorious citizen and excel- 
 lent officer. Shortly after, on the death of Mr. Graham, Gen. Jackson 
 appointed Elijah Hayward Commissioner of the General Land Office. — 
 We ask the candid attention of all impartial readers, of whatever party, 
 to the following letters, written by officers of the government, attempt- 
 ing an interference in an important election, and that too, in a district 
 in which neither of the writers were citizens, and had no rightful 
 
 concern. 
 
 Post Office, Columbus O. } 
 September 14, 1832. S 
 
 Dear Six : The Central Committee last evening came to the conclusion, after 
 much consultation, that it was desirable that your name should be placed on the 
 list of electors, instead of Mr. Menager of Gallipolis, who has declined. ONE 
 CONDITION we all consider desirable before this is done, that is, that you 
 should WITHDRAW from the list of candidates for Congress. We all feel a 
 dcQp interest in your success and advancement in the political arena. But, at 
 the present time, we must beg of you to decline, and suffer us to place your 
 name on the Electoral ticket ; and we think you can do it with credit to yoursellj 
 &c. 
 
 Any thing we can do to aid jou hereafter, we will do. - Yours, 
 Gen. Wm. S. Murphy. B. LATHAM. 
 
 Please write us without a moment's delay, and give us your views. 
 
 Columbus, Ohio, Sept. 16, 1832. 
 Dear Sir : — I beg of you calmly to consider and reflect and determine upon 
 the subject of Mr. Bryan's letter, which was written at my instance and request. 
 I HAVE received A VERY FRIENDLY LETTER FROM HAYWARD upou this Sub- 
 ject ; he wishes and begs that you would sacrifice your feelings for the present. 
 He will and we all will do any and EVERY THING to aid in any thing you 
 may want. Write me immediately. Yours, sincerely, 
 
 Gen. Wm. S. Murphy, B. LATHAM. 
 
 Chillicothe, Ohio. 
 
 The Cincinnati Herald states that Gen. Murphy spurned the effort to 
 buy him off, and exposed the agents employed by the administration to 
 control local elections. Mr. Bryan, the writer of the letter referred to 
 by Mr. Latham, is likewise an officer of the government, and owes his 
 appointment to General Jackson." — Natisnal Intelligencer. 
 
 "(4)" 
 When Dr. Franklin applied to Frederick, King of Prussia, to lend his assist- 
 ance to America, " Pray Doctor," says the veteran, " What is the object they 
 mean to attain ?" " Liberty Sire,''replied the Philosopher ; " liberty — that freedom 
 which is the birthright of man." The King after a short pause made this me- 
 morable answer — "I was born a Prince, I am become a king ; and I will not 
 use the power which I possess to the ruin of my own trade. I was bokn to 
 COMMAND — and the people are bom to obeyJ^ 
 
 American Museum Vol. 6. page 411. 
 
 3 
 
18 
 
 This sentiment was advacced in the U. S. Senate at this last session by Mr. 
 Marcy, the present Jackson Van Buren candidate for Governor in New-York. 
 
 (G) 
 §#^Stephen Simpson, formerly a leading Jackson editor in Philadel- 
 phia, and a confidential friend of the President, who offered him an 
 office worth $ 2,500 a year, relates a conversation he had with the Pres- 
 ident about the Supreme Court, while the Indian question was pending. 
 He declares that Jackson said — 
 
 " We shall never be a^-ee people, Mr. Simpson, until the Supreme Court is 
 abolished. It is. a greater Tyrant than the Inquisition. And, sir, if I am re- 
 elected, I WILL PUT IT DOWN— or it shall put me down ! It is a usurper 
 on the Constitution, We can have no laws, no legislation, no Executive, as long 
 as that Court exists. It is a mere cabal of faction, to interfere with and defeat 
 my plans for the public ^ood. There is Sergeant at the head of it — and Wirt, 
 too ! Sir, it is not for the Indians that they stir it — but they hope to put me down 
 by it — but they can't do it. I know the man that moves it," shaking his iong 
 finger with a significant gesture of hatred towards the west — "but this Court 
 must and shall be put down. Your representatives deserted me on the repeal of 
 the 25th section of the Judiciary Act ; or, we should have drawn his teeth this 
 last session — but it shall yet be done ; or it shall put me down. We have no 
 Ldberty as long as we have a Supreme Court" 
 
 ft) 
 The venerable Judge Ambrose Spencer, of New-York, in a letter to a 
 friend, alluding to some remarks which he had delivered on a former 
 oceasion, makes the following observations. They declare the senti- 
 ments of a man too wise to be deceived, and too virtuous to deceive — 
 of a man, remarkable, indeed, for the powers of his mind, but even more 
 remarkable for stern honesty. 
 
 "If aught I said can influence any individual to oppose the re-election of Gen. 
 Jackson, it would afford me sincere gratification. I appeal to the Searcher of 
 Hearts, when I say that I advanced nothing that I did not most conscientiously 
 believe. It appears wonderful to me that any intelligent being can read 
 
 *rHE LATE VETO MESSAGE. WITHOUT A CONVICTION THAT GeN. JaCKSON ADVANCES 
 doctrines, which, IF CARRIED OUT, LEAD TO ANARCHY AND RUIN. He denies 
 
 - that the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States are binding on Con- 
 gress, the Executive, or any other officer of the Government — and denounces 
 the tariff, as a protecting system of the United States, as an abandonment of the 
 triie principles of legislation, and as improvident. He has refused obedience to 
 the act of Congress of 1802, regulating intercoui-se with the Indians, — in effect 
 pronouncing it unconstitutional. He has denied the validity of all the treaties 
 with the Indian tribes, entered into by Washington and all his predecessors. In 
 short, he has done all that lay in his power to derange the policy uniformly pur- 
 sued by all who went before him, and bring contempt on the government. Jlnd 
 it is my deep and abiding conviction, that, shoidd he be re-elected, our vistitutio^is 
 Ufill be subverted, and our national glory be destroyed.^'' 
 
19 
 
 John McClintock, Esq. addressed the meeting, stating, among other 
 things, that he fought in three battles in the Revolution, and lost three bi'others 
 in the service. — " We strove hard," said he, " for freedom and equal rights 
 then, and now we are unwilling to give up the fruits of our labor!" 
 
 A like spirit of patriotism among tlie veterans of seventy six, seems 
 to prevail elsewhere. 
 
 The venerable Col. John Steve.ns, of Hoboken, who has not voted before 
 fovjlftif years, went to the poll to deposite his vote in favor of the Constitution, 
 and was received with three cheers by the people. Comfort Sands, Esq. the 
 last surviving member of the Convention of 1777; which framed the Constitu- 
 tion of New York, and at the head of which was John Jay, also voted against 
 the Jackson Ticket at the same time. We trust that the other worthies of the 
 Revolution, in every State, will imitate his example. They rrnist do so, if they 
 think the independence for which they fought and toiled, still worthy of preser- 
 vation. — JVeiv- York Commtrcicd Advertiser, 
 
 Commodore Tiicker was born at Marblebead, Ms. Nov. Ist^ 1746. 
 His was the first written Commission as Commodore during the Rev- 
 olution, and he was selected by Gen. Washington to convey to France 
 the first Minister from this country on whose negociations depended the 
 whole fate of the Revolution. Tucker had full power to fit out a Fri- 
 gate for this purpose. The task was a most arduous one, for a Britisli 
 Fleet in Newport and another on the coast of France, were watching 
 to intercept any communication with that country. Notwithstanding all 
 this, Tucker escaped a 74 and 2 Frigates from Newport, although di- 
 rectly on his track and almost within gun shot — took a British frigate 
 of superior force on his passage, and after a most tempestuous passage, 
 landed our Minister safe in France, for which he received an unani- 
 mous vote of thanks by Congress. His acts of gallantry and noble 
 daring will hereafter appear in his Biography. 
 
 The British Privateer that he captured last war with a small coaster 
 and nothing but small arms, made up the number of 3000 men and 600 
 guns he had captured from the British. 
 
 The hand writing of the Commodore and the following letter, may be 
 seen at this office. — Wiscasset Yankee. 
 
 Bremen, October 18, 1832. 
 
 It is with some degree of reluctance, that I again obtrude myself on the pub- 
 lic, and I am compelled to do so by the consideration only that my former com- 
 munication has, I am informed, been pronounced by some a forgery ! This un- 
 generous accusation against you, it is equally my pleasure and my duty to deny, 
 and I now do it most explicitly and unequivocally ; and I challenge a man of the 
 place in which I reside, to prove that I have, either in word or in deed given the 
 slightest intimation of change in my political opinions. Sir, so far from this, I 
 now beg leave, through the medium of your paper, to address a few sentiments 
 to those who were my companions in arms during the glorious struggle for "Lib- 
 berty and Independence. Yours, &c. 
 
 SAMUEL TUCKER. 
 
20 
 
 TO THE SURVIVING OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS OF THE REV- 
 OLUTION. 
 
 Friends and Fdlow Citizens ! 
 
 Permit one who lias now arrived at the age of fouf score and six tears, to 
 address you on a subject of awful moment to our country. Standing as I do, on 
 the confines of another world, 1 cannot be accused of acting from motives of av- 
 arice or ambition. True, I may be accused of selfish motives, in dreading the 
 consequences of Gen. Jackson's re-election ; for, should that event take place, 
 slender as my present iiold on life is, I may yet survive the liberties of my coun- 
 try. Indeed, who that risked his life to gain that admirable Constitu- 
 tion, under which we have lived for more then half a century, could wish to 
 survive the overthrow of so proud a monument of human wisdom ? 
 
 Need I, my aged friends, point out to you the numerous instances in which 
 Gen. Jackson has violated this constitution ? Need I direct you to the manner 
 in which he has insulted the authority of the Supreme Judiciary, a branch of our 
 Government, equal in power, and with a more sacred trust, if possible, than the 
 President himself.' Need I point out to you the various instances in which he 
 has laughed to scorn, as it were, the high authority of the Senate of the United 
 States, a part of the Executive of the nation, and the only constitutional check 
 on the will of the President? Lastly, need I direct you to the manner in which 
 he has totally disregarded the popular branch of our Government, the Repre- 
 sentatives of the People of this countiy, by placing his Veto on laws they 
 passed for the benefit of their eonstitueuts ; thus virtually saying to a majority of 
 the people, "My wisdom and my will alone, aro superiour to allof youre." Now 
 I ask, could any monarch of Europe, say more than this? 
 
 When my old friends, Jefferson and Adams, drew that sacred charter of our 
 rights, little did they think it would be so soon violated by one bound to support 
 it ! When the Constitution was formed, it was objected that it did not guard 
 sufficiently against the exercise of tyraimical power by the Chief Magistrate. — 
 Our Government was then so pure, that no one anticipated such an abuse of 
 power as we now witness, and the only immediate remedy then thought of, was 
 impeachment. It was also said in reply, that ours being a Government of the 
 people, the President would be removed at the end of four years, if he presumed 
 to trespass on the power delegated to him by the Constitution. Now, therefore, 
 my friends, comes the hour of trial. It remains for the people to say, whether 
 our Constitution shall be violated and our Liberties prostrated by this Military 
 Chieftain, or whether the Constitution and liberties of our country are worth 
 preserving. Neither you nor I have much personal interest in the issue; but 
 have we no interest in (he fair heritage we have bequeathed to our posterity? 
 Can we depart hence in j)eace, while the Government for which we risked "our 
 lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honors," is threatened with tyranny and civil 
 discord ? Shall we go down to our graves in silence, merely because we are 
 too old to seek for office, while we see a Military Chieftain about to wrest from 
 our children and our children's children that Liberty which we fought and bled 
 to secure to them ? God forbid ! Old and infirm as I am, while the the liberty 
 of speech and the liberty of the press remain, I will not fail to warn you of the 
 danger before you, though it be the last act of my life. 
 
 Are the dangers I anticipate imaginary ? So said the Tories of our Revolution 
 when warned of the dangers that then thieatened us. Is it nothing to us, as 
 citizens of Maine, that a part of our citizens and territory are to be basely bar- 
 tered away to satisfy the insatiable avarice of Great Britain ? If Gen. Jackson 
 does not mean to acquiesce in the recommendation of the King of the Nether- 
 lands, why does he not say so before the election, that we may know whether 
 he will protect us ornot ? Why does he tell our Agent, through his Secretary 
 of State, that "he is extremely desirous of such an arrangement," that is 
 for Maine to receive an equivalent in land for her " relinquishment of her 
 territory .'" Does this look as though he meant to protect us ? No ! Fellow 
 
21 
 
 citizens! If Gen. Jackson could be re-elected, one of his first acts would be, an 
 acquiescence in tlie loss of our territory, so far as his will goes. 
 
 Before I take a final leave of you, I cannot fail to guard you against the de- 
 ception about to be practiced on you by a false name. All the enormities of 
 Gen. Jackson's administratson are cloaked ander the sacred name of Republican- 
 ism ! A greater imposition was never practiced. I am, and ever have been, a 
 Republican — yes, a Democratic Republican ; and my Republicanism is of a 
 much older date than Gen, Jackson's whose political sentiments are, and ever 
 have been, aristocratical in the highest degree ; and whose private as well as pub- 
 lic walk have been any thing but Republican. Pardon the liberty I have thus 
 taken ; for 1 have been emboldened to this act by the interest I feel in that coun- 
 try whose flag I have had the honor to bear in triumph so often during the long 
 and arduous struggle for our Independence. With much respect. 
 
 Your ob't serv't. SAJVIUEL TUCKER. 
 
 (8) 
 PUBLIC LANDS. 
 
 In the hurry of business near the close ofthe last session of Congress, 
 and amidst the great mass of Congress'orial matter which pressed upon 
 us, we entirely overlooked the Yeas and Nays in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, on the question of the postponement to the next session, of 
 the Bill reported by Mr. Clay, in the Senate, and which passed that 
 body by a vote of 26 to 18, entitled " An act to appropriate, for a lim- 
 ited time, the proceeds of the sales of the Public Lands of the United 
 States, and for granting Lands to certain States." Our attention has 
 been called to this omission by letters inquiring for them. — JVai. Int. 
 
 The yeas and nays on the question of postponement, were as follows : 
 
 YEAS — Messrs. Alexande*- Anderson, Archer, Ashley, John S. Barbour, 
 Barnwell, James Bates, Beardsley, /. BelJ, Bergen, Bethune, James Blair, Boon, 
 Bouck, Bouldin, Branch, John C. Brodhead,Cambreleng, Carr, Chandler, Chinn, 
 Claiborne, Clay, Clayton, Coke, Lewis Condict, Connor^ Coulter, Warren R. Da- 
 vis, Dayan, Doubleday, Drayton, Felder, Fitzgerald, Ford, Foster, Gaiiher, Gil- 
 more, Gordon, Griffin, Thomas H. Hall, Wm. Hall, Harper, Hawes, Hawkins, 
 Hoffman, Holland, Horn, Howard, Hubbard, Isacks, Jarvis, Jenifer, Cavj; John- 
 son, Kavanagh, John King, Lamar, Lansing, Lecompte, Lewis, Lyon, Mann, 
 Mardis, Mason, McCarty, McDuffie, Mclntire, McKay, Mitchell, Muhlenburg, 
 Newnan, Nuckolls, Patton, Pierson, Plummer, Polk, Reed, Roane, Soule, Sjieight, 
 Standifer, Stephens, Francis Thomas, Wiley Thompson, Verplanck, Ward, 
 Wayne, Weeks, Camp. P. White, WickliiFe, Wilde— 91. 
 
 NAYS.— Messrs.^ J, Q. Adams, C, Allen, H. Allen, Allison, Appleton, Arm- 
 strong, Arnold, BaBcock, Banks, Barber, Barringer.Barstow, Isaac C.Bates, John 
 Blair, Briggs, Butcher, Bullard, Burd, Burges, Choate, Collier, Condit, Eleuther- 
 os Cooke, Bates Cooke, Cooper, Corwin, Crane, Crawford, Creighton, Daniel, 
 Davis, Dearborn, Denny, Dewart, Doddridge, Ellsworth, G. Evans, J.Evans, H. 
 Everett, Findlay, Grenell, Hodges, Heister, Hughes, Huntington, Ihrie, Ingersoll, 
 Irvin, Kendall, Kennon, A. King, H. King, Leavitt, Letcher, Marshall, Maxwell, 
 McCoy, McKennan, Mercer, Milligan, Pearce, Pitcher, Potts, Randolph, Reed, 
 Root, Russell, W. B. Shepard, A. H. Shepperd, Slade, S. A. Smith, Southard, 
 Stanbery, Stewart, Sutherland, Taylor, Thomas J. Thompson, Tompkins, Vance, 
 Vinton, Washington, Watmough, Wilkin, Wheeler, E. Whittlesey, Williams, 
 Young — 88. 
 
On llie next dav, Jniy 4, Mr. Lewis Condict moved for a re-con- 
 sideration ol ilie voLe, by which the bill had been postponed, which re- 
 sulted as follows : 
 
 YEAS— Messrs. J. Q. Adams, C. Allen, H. Allen, Allison, Appleton, Arm- 
 strong, Arnold, Babcock, Banks, Barber, Barstow, I. C. Bates, Briggs, Btdlard, 
 Burd, Burges, Choate, L. Condict, S. Condit, E. Cooke, B. Cooke, Cooper, Cor- 
 wm, Crane, Crawford, Creighton, Daniel J. Davis, Dearborn, Denny, Doddridge, 
 Ellswortl), G. Evans, J. Evans, E. Everett, H. Everett, Grennell, Hodges, Heis- 
 ter, Hughes, Huntington, IngersoU, Irvin, Jenifer, Kendall, Kennon, A. King, 
 H. King, Kerr, Letcher, Marshall, McCarty, McCoy, McKennan, INIercer, MiHi- 
 gan, Pearce, Pendleton, iMtcher, Potts, Randolph, Reed, Root, Russell, Semmes, 
 W. B. Shepard, A. H. Shepperd, Slade, Southard, Stanbery, Stewart, Storrs, 
 Sutherland, Taylor, P. Thomas, J. Thomson, Tompkins, Tracy, Vance, Vinton, 
 Washington, Watmough, Wilkin, Wheeler, E. Whitdesey, F. Whittlesey, Wil- 
 liams, Young — 88. 
 
 NAYS. — Messrs. Adair, Alexander, Anderson, Archer, Ashley, J. S. Barbour, 
 Barnwell, J. Bates,, Beardsley, Bell, Bergen, Bethunc, James Blair, John Blair, 
 Boon, Bouck, Bouldin, Branch, Brodhead, Bucher, Cambreleng, Carr,Chandler, 
 Chinn, Claiborne, Clay, Clayton, Coke, Connor, Coulter, Craig, W. R. Davis, 
 Dayan, Dewart, Doubleday, Drayton, Felder, Fitzgerald, Ford, Foster, Gaither, 
 Gilmore, Gordon, Griffin, T. H. Hall, W. Hall, Hammons, Harper, Hawes, Haw- 
 kins, Hoffman, Hogan, Holland, Horn, Howard, Hubbard, Ihrie, Isacks, Jarvis, 
 C. Johnson, Kavanagh, J. King, Lamar, Lansing, Lecompte, Lewis, Lyon, Mann, 
 Mardis, Mason, M'Duffie, Mclntire, McKay, Mitchell, Muhlenburg, Newnan, 
 Nuckolls, Patton, Pierson, Plummer, Polk, E. C. Reed, Rencher, Roane, Smith, 
 Soule, Speight, Standefer, Stephens, F. Thomas, W. Thompson, Verplanck, 
 Ward, Wardwell, Wayne, Weeks, C. P. White, WicklifTe, Wilde, Worthiugtou. 
 —100. 
 
 The following is a copy of the very important bill thus postponed : — ■ 
 
 A BILL to appropriate, for a limited time, the proceeds oj the sales of the Pvhlic 
 Lands of the United Slates, and for granting Lands to certain States. 
 
 Be it enacted, &fc. That, from and after the thirty-first day of December next, 
 there shall be allowed and paid to each of tbe States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, 
 Alabama, Missouri, Mississippi, and Louisiana, over and above what each of the 
 said States is entitled to by the terms of die compacts entered into between them, 
 respectively, upon their admission into the Union, and the United States, the sum 
 of 12i per centum upon the net amount of the sales ofthe Public Lands which, 
 subsequent to die day aforesaid, shall be made within the several Umits of the 
 said States ; which said sum of 12^ per centum shall be applied to some object 
 or objects of Internal Improvement or Education within the said States ; under 
 the direction of their respective Legislatures: Provided, That said dividend and 
 distribution, or die proportion of any State thereui, shall be in nowise afl'ected or 
 diminished on account of any sums which have been heretofore, or shall be here- 
 after, applied to the eonstruction and continuation of the Cumberland Road, but 
 that the same shall remain, as heretofore, chargeable on the two per cent fund, 
 provided for in the compacts with die new States. 
 
 Sec. 2. And be it further enacted. That after deducting the said 12^ per centum, 
 and what, by the compacts aforesaid, has heretofore been allowed to the States 
 aforesaid, the residue ofthe net proceeds of all the public lands ofthe U. States, 
 wherever situated, which shall be sold subsequent to the said thirty-first day of 
 December next, shall be divided among the twenty -four States ofthe Union, ac- 
 cording to their respecdve federal representative population, as ascertained by 
 the last census, to be applied by the Legislatures of the said States to such objects 
 
23 
 
 of education, Internal Improvement, colonization of persons of colni-, or reim- 
 bursement of any existing debt contracted for Internal Improvements, us the said 
 Legislatures may severally designate and authorize : Provided, That nothing 
 herein contained shall be construed to the prejudice of future applications for the 
 reduction of the price of the Public Lands, or to the prejudice of applications 
 for a transfer of the Pilblic Lands on reasonable terras to the States \ithin which 
 they lie, nor to impair the power of Congress to make such future di >|)osition of 
 the public Lands, or any part thereof, as it may see fit. 
 
 Sec. 3. ^^nd be ii further enacted, Tliat the said several sums of money simll be 
 paid at tiie Treasury of the United States, half yearly, to such pereon or persons 
 as the respective Legislatures of the said States may authorize and direct. 
 
 Sec. 4. .find be it further enacted, That this act shall continue and i^e in force 
 for the term of five years from the said thirty-first day of December next, unless 
 the United States shall become involved in war with any foreign power ; in whic' 
 event, from the commencement of hostilities, this act shall eease, and he no lon- 
 ger in force: Provided, nevertheless, That it, prior to the expiration of this act, 
 any new State or States sliall be admitted into the Union, the power is reserved 
 of assigning, by law, to such new State or States, the proportion to which such 
 State or States may be entitled, upon the principles of this act, and upon the " 
 principles of any of the compacts made as aforesaid, with either of the seven 
 States first mentioned. 
 
 Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That there shall be granted to each of the 
 States of 3Iississippi, Louisiana, and JMissouri, the quantity of five hundred thou- 
 sand acres of land, to the State of Indiana 115,272 acres, to the State of Illinois, 
 20,000, and to the State of xA.labama 100,000 acres of Land, lying within tho lim- 
 its of said States, respectively, to be selected in such manner as the Legislature 
 thereof shall direct, and located in parcels conformably to sectional divisions and 
 subdivisions, of not less than three hundred and twenty acres in any one loca- 
 tion, on any public land subject to entry at private sale ; which said locations 
 may be made at any time within five years after the lands of the United States 
 in said States respectively, shall have been surveyed and offered at public sale 
 according to existing laws. 
 
 Sec. 6. And be itfiuiher enacted, That the lands herein granted to the States 
 above named shall not be disposed of at a price less than one dollar and twenty- 
 five cents per acre, until otherwise directed by law ; and the nett proceeds ofthe 
 sales of said lands shall be faithfully applied to objects of Internal Improvement 
 within the States aforesaid, resjiectively ; namely : roads, bridges, canals, and im- 
 provement of water courses, and draining swamps; and such roads, canals,bridges 
 and water courses, when made or improved, shall be free for the transportation 
 of the United States' mail, and munitions of war, and for the passage of their 
 ti-oops, without the payment of any toll whatever. 
 
 The following are the Yeas and Nays on the passage of the same bill 
 in the Senate : 
 
 YEAS.— Messrs. Bell, Chambers, Clay, Clayton, Dallas, Dickerson, Dudley, 
 Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Hendricks, Holmes, Johnston, Knight, Naudain, 
 Pondexter, Prentiss, Robbins, Ruggles, Seymour, Silsbee, Sprague, Tomhnson, 
 Waggaman, Webster, Wilkins — 26. 
 
 NAYS.— Messrs. Benton, Brown, Ellis, Foi-syth, Grundy, Hayne, Hill, Kane, 
 King, Mangum, Marcy, Miller, Robinson, Smith, Tazewell, Troup, Tyler, White, 
 — 1 8. — JVat. Intelligencer. 
 
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