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ADDRESS 
 
 LANDHOLDERS AND FARMERS 
 
 waw®©®® ©©wir^i^* 
 
 DELIVERED Br 
 
 HON. TRISTAM BUHGES, 
 
 IT A MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF 
 
 nisesiss. 2>igA^(S^ Aim iwi£©iSi 
 
 HOLDEN AT HOWLAND'S PERRY BRIDGE, 
 
 AUGUST 7, 1829. 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 rRII^^ED AT THE OFFICE OF THE DAILY ADVERTISER. 
 1829. 
 
tss 
 
 S'^r 
 
 Rowland's Bridge, Tiverton, Aug. 7, 1829. 
 
 TO HON. T. BURGES. . 
 
 The undersigned, your fellow citizens, in behalf of the company present on 
 this day, at a dinner at Lawton's Hotel, in Tiverton, request that you would 
 permit them to cause to be given to the public your remarks, made on this occa- 
 sion, in reply to the following sentiment, expressive of their approbation of your 
 Congressional course ; 
 
 " Our distinguished guest and fellow citizen, Tristam Burgks — May the 
 Agricultural, Commercial, and Manufacturing interests of Rhode-Island, long 
 continue to appreciate and enjoy, his useful and honourable services in the Con- 
 gress of the United States." 
 
 With respect, we are your friends and fellow citizens, 
 
 COOK ALMY, SYLVESTER GIFFORD, 
 
 ' JNO. P. MANN, SIBLEY WILLCOX, 
 
 STEPHEN B. CORNELL, JOHN GRAY, 
 
 NATH. S. RUGGLES, JOHN SANFORD, 
 
 WM-f VERNON. PELEG BAILEY, 
 
 C. E. ROBBINS, PETER ESTES. 
 CORNELIUS SEABURY, 
 
 [In compliance with the above request, the Address delivered on that occasion 
 is now published.] 
 
 
ADDRESS. 
 
 Mb. President and Gentleman — 
 
 I would offer some acknowledgment for the hospitalities of th*« 
 day, and make some suitable expression of my thanks for the 
 jsentiment now communicated to me. It is but simple truth to 
 say, 1 have no words, equal to the doing of it. When some of 
 my oldest friends have become my adversaries; when men with 
 whom I am engaged in honorable competition, lor public favour, 
 have misrepresented my best public services, and made or per- 
 mitted false statements of my private transactions; at such a time 
 to receive such testimonials, from such a representation of the 
 great landed interest of the county oj JYeu'j^m-t, gives me feelings to 
 which nature has denied me the power of utterance. Although 
 I must be in arrear, in any account of favours, betv/een me, and 
 my fellow citizens; yet I will endeavour, as an individual of this 
 communit}', to do some public service on this occasion. 
 
 Some days ago, a pamphlet was issued from the Herald Office 
 at Providence. It purports to be addressed to the Landed and 
 Manufacturing interests of this State; and alleges "that certain 
 individuals have establi:^hed a system, for eventually destroying 
 the landed interest of R. Island." This accusation, absurd in it- 
 self, is totally unconnected with'any circumstance, giving it pro- 
 bability. Well known facts, are called up as uitnesses; and their 
 testimony, fraudulenthj pcrrrrled, is offered in proof oi' this foul 
 caiumnij. Three of your delegation, in the last Congress, are 
 implicated in this supposed conspiracy. The people are called 
 upon to abandon their late Representatives; and to elect for the 
 next Congress, as the only hopes of tlie State, the men nominated 
 by the Fourth of July Caucus, hclden at Ea.st Greenwich. 
 
 Upon reading it, I became at once satisfied, that some answer 
 to this slanderou:^ tract, would be expected, and was, therefore, 
 required; not only by a becoming respect for the nomination 
 made last June, but lor those great interests jvhich had united in 
 making it ; for the opinion of the people of Rhode-Island to 
 whom the nomination was addressed; for my late colleague and 
 myself, who were the puh]ects of it; for the great dignitaries of 
 . tlie state, under whose high advisenient, a work of such a kind, 
 as this pa-nphlet, must have been prepared; and, finally, for the 
 opposing candidates who have sent out thig fabrication, as 
 
their political Manifesto. Your invitation to nij colleague ano 
 myself, to meet you here, suggested the propriety of making that 
 answer, at this time, and at this place. For where can we so 
 properly refute this calumny, as in the very prescnch of that great 
 interest, the political poiver of which we have been slanderously 
 accused of conspiring to overthrow ? 
 
 We have been your public servants, for two successive terms, 
 and we are now candidates, for a third appointment. No cause 
 can induce us to believe, that you have not duly appreciated our 
 public services; and I therefore, pray, of you to hear me, in re- 
 ply, to those who would persuade you, that we have, at any time, 
 underrated your esteem, and conspired with others to betray 
 your confidence. My colleague, you intimately know; with me 
 you are, personally, less acquainted. Suffer me to say, for my- 
 self, that next to the approbation of " Him whose loving kind- 
 ness is better than life;" and to " a conscience void of oflence," 
 I have ever highly prized, and anxiously laboured to merit and 
 obtain, the good will, approbation, and esteem of my fellow men. 
 It may be called ambition; it may be a weakness. Be it so. It 
 is nevertheless, that infirmity, which calls on man, to toil, to 
 watch, and to peril himself, for man. It is this which now puts 
 me on your courtesy; and raises a question of serious, and high 
 consideration, in the very current of our conviviality. Although 
 I sec none but glad faces at this table ; yet I will presume, that 
 not one of you would, with the Spartan exclaim, " pleasure to- 
 day, business to-mo)i'ow " Under these considerations, I had 
 prepared to offer some answer to this pamphlet; and so that our 
 adversaries should not have occasion to announce, that one thing 
 was said by me, and another published, I have written, and now 
 place on the table before you, what I propose to deliver orally; 
 and what, if you approve, I will commit to the safe heeping of the 
 type, and publish " on the house top." 
 
 It has been thought proper, to consider, who composed, and 
 tvrote the little book, now in question; the nature of the allega- 
 tions contained in it; their object, and who they are, by whom it 
 is sent into the world; the arguments, offered in support of its 
 slanderous accusations; and finally, to say a few words concern- 
 ing the persons, intended, most peculiarly, to be injured, by put- 
 ting in motion this torch of mischief. 
 
 Though not signed, or gvaranlced, by any person, responsible 
 for its contents; yet am I willing, its circidaiion should receive 
 benefit, if so it may, from a knowledge of the names, in the 
 whole concern; so that all men, disposed to honour the Draft, for 
 the sake of the Drawers, may have opportunity, fairly to give it 
 thfd credit, in aid of its future currency. This book begins by 
 announcing to you, that there is a plot laid, and a conspiracy 
 foJ-med, among caiain individuals, to ovedhrow, and destroy the 
 
lamled interest in tiiis Stato. By wliom is tliid alarm giveu ? If 
 true, you would expect tu hear it from some Iciig'-triedfrunds, who 
 held a deep stakx in that important interest: men whose own hands 
 guided, or whose skill and capital directed the operations of the 
 plough. It is not so. The men who have devised and written 
 this calumny, would lose no occupation, no income , no political pow- 
 er, if all the farmers in the State, were chained to their own 
 ploughs; and sold, and bought, like so many Russian slaves, hy 
 some new masters of those fields which thoy have purchased with 
 their toil, or received by inheritance from their fathers. The 
 reputed authors of this pamphlet, are Benjamin Cowell, and 
 John R. Waterman, Esq'rs. 
 
 Mr. Cowell is Clerk of the Circiit Court for the Rhode-Island 
 District. H& has so often accused me of being born in Massa- 
 chusetts, that I must be pardoned for saying the gentleman him- 
 self was guilty of the same transgression; though, to say truth of 
 him, it was so early in life, that he seems long ago to have for- 
 gotten it. I shall, I fear, never be able to make out any such 
 justification; because I find, a certain obstinacy of recollection, 
 is perpetually calling to my remembrance, that my mother still 
 lives, and that the grave of my father yet remains, where, with 
 feelings, never censured by any Rhode-Island man, I of ten visit 
 them, in the old colony of Plijmouth, and not many miles from the 
 Rock, first landed upon, by the Pilgrims of New-England. 
 
 Mr. Cowell, though highly respectable for property, is not, 
 and does not consider himself to be, one of the landed interest. 
 He is an office holder under the United States; and gentlemen, 
 in that condition, have never, until the present year, attempted 
 to influence State elections. Will the landed interest look to 
 him for advice, admonition, or warning ? 
 
 Of Mr. John R. Waterman, I shall say but little. He now 
 belongs to the Custom House in Providence; and whatever claims 
 he may have Jiad to the title of a landholder, he has abandoned 
 his connexion with that interest, for his present office ; and a sala- 
 ry which may vary, with t!ie prosperity of commerce, from ffleeit 
 to tuienty-five hundred dollars a year. Mr Waterman's knowledge 
 of political parties will not be questioned ; for no one has existed in 
 the State for the last twenty years, to which he has not belonged. 
 Last August, he wrote a letter to a distinguished Landholder in 
 Warwick, declaring himself then to be a decided fiend of the 
 then present administration of the General Government. Last 
 March he figured, as it is said, in picking up hints to farmers to 
 warn them against cdl the friends ofthcd administration. For all 
 the purposes of his pay he is in the ctistom house ; hut for other 
 purposes, you w'iW find him in town and country; in the street and 
 at taverns; on the bridge and under the Elm tree, in Providence, 
 If what politicians say he true, that a meeting oi^ three men makes 
 
6 
 
 a ccaicHS, then this p\ui ecniuml of the landed interest holdjj at 
 least o)ic caucus each ami ivcri/ day. 
 
 This is tlie one, and lliui is tiie other, my friends, who have 
 called out from the ILviild Office that " a. plot is kiid, a conspiracy 
 formed by certain individuals to overthroic and destroy the landed 
 interest in the State." One is not quite a yearling, the other not 
 nioi-e than a montkruig Jackson man. " Verily, they hath have 
 their j't'ii'BJvi." These men have incautiously given us a perfect 
 description of their ou-n characters; and at the same time, express- 
 ed their o;;/?ii«» concerning yours. See their book, page 18. 
 These aie their words. " Every dabbler hi polities thinks hitn- 
 self competent to advise you, and to propose sonic scheme for your 
 pccidiar benefit ; and, to speak frankly, you are too easily mis- 
 led by whatever is aftarently to your advantagb\" 
 
 I have already detained you too long with this account of 
 those gentlemen, who, having been so lately on our side, seem to 
 think, that by turning government witnesses they can make it 
 believed, that the friends of the late Administration have laid a 
 plot, and entered into a conspiracy, for their own destruction. 
 Who are the other individuals concerned in .this conspiracy .'' 
 The witnesses do not name them. They must be either of the 
 Jackson party, or of some part ot all the great interests in the 
 State, who, with a surprising unanimity, supported the last Ad- 
 ministration; and who will support the present, so far as it pur- 
 sues the policy of the past. All these interests are deeply con- 
 cerned in the success of that policy ; and though a few of our 
 friends have doubts concerning it; yet some of the Jackson men 
 themselves will never be persuaded to relinquish it. Where 
 then can be found the conspirators against the great landed in- 
 terest of the state? Let those persons, who have attempted to 
 excite the suspicion, and alarm, point out, and name the traitors. 
 
 The entire falsehood of this accusation may be easily demon- 
 strated. It is utterly impossible to carry any such conspiracy 
 into effect. This will appear by a short description of the sev- 
 eral interests in the State. All people in Rhode Island, and in- 
 deed in all other well regulated coimnunities, may be classed un- 
 der five denominations of interests. Those concerned and em- 
 ployed in agriculture ; those concerned and employed in manu- 
 factures; those concerned and employed in mechanical trades ; 
 ^hose concerned and employed in merchandise ; and those con- 
 cerned and employed in the several liberal professions. Those 
 concerned and employed in the government of the state are, by 
 the happy genius of our institutions, so often changed, that they 
 can never form a distinct class; and have any interests peculiar 
 to themselves, and separate from the people. We have no mon- 
 ied interest. That part of oin- capital forming that interest, wheth 
 cr as a commodity, or a currency, is made by a contribution from 
 
all other classes ; and managed by men, in bunks or otherwisd, 
 who are concerned and employed, in some one, or more, of the 
 five divisions al)ove enumerated. 
 
 What cause have the landed interest to fear? Who has the 
 political power? Not only is it true, that the great landed interest 
 hold the great mass of this power; but it is also true, that no oth- 
 er interest can hold any share in this power, until it obtain some 
 share in that interest. No man can have a vote, until he has ac- 
 quired a freehold. He must own a certain value in land, equal 
 in duration, to the term of human life. 
 
 These men may say it is but a small amount which gives this 
 franchise. Do they intend, that small freeholders shall not vote, 
 as well as large ones? Would they, like their Great Patron of 
 Tennessee, suffer no man to vote, until he ov/ns 700 acres of 
 land ? They talk mysteriously about an influence,Avhich will over- 
 throw the political power of the land-holders. What is it? Can 
 it arise from the relative numbers of Freemen in tlie various in- 
 terests? Will you find it in any thing, resuhing from wealth, or 
 independence, or Union, in any, or all the several interests of 
 this community? Or is it derived from the manner of exercising 
 the political power in the State ? Let us examine them seperate- 
 ly; that we may discover, and bring to light, this fearful prepar- 
 ation of political chemistry, so artfully concealed; and, for pur 
 poses, so desolating, laid up, until some traitorous incendiary may 
 securely approach it v/ith his lighted torch. 
 
 Let us begin this search, where we ended the enumeration of 
 these various interests. Men concerned and employed, in the 
 liberal professions, are either lawyers, physicians, ministers of 
 rehgion, or those engaged in the business of instruction. What 
 is the number of all these men? Is it one of each profession, to 
 1000 of the whole people in the State? It cannot be two; and 
 the whole number does not probably exceed 600. As a body of 
 men they are highly respected. For learning, talents, and a 
 power of exercising them, no portion of our country furnishes 
 men, in aJl their several walks, more decidedly able and distin- 
 guished. They have, and are justly entitled to have, much in- 
 fluence m community. It is, however, a moral influence; the 
 result of character, and not of wealth. A few of them are rich; 
 some have middhng estates; but most are dependent on profes- 
 sional employment. Not many of them take much interest in 
 political affairs; and but a small part of the whole number are 
 freeholders, either for the mere purpose of being freemen, or for 
 any any other cause. 
 
 Merchants are, by no means, so numerous, as at first it may be 
 believed. They are of two discriptions; those concerned in the 
 wholesale, and those in retail business. Retail Merchants are 
 established, one part of them, in the country, and one in the 
 
lowns. Those in the country are landholders; and most propei'- 
 \y belong to that interest. Retail INIerchants, in the towns, de- 
 vote all their capital to their business; and do not often incumber 
 themselves with land, or become voters. Wholesale Merchants 
 are, some of them, very rich; and all are men of wealth. The 
 whole number in this employment, in all parts of the State, does 
 not exceed 300. These are all freeholders. The number of men 
 in their employment, in all the various branches of their labor, 
 whether landsmen or seamen, docs not probably equal 3000. — 
 Those who command ships and vessels, and their principal offi- 
 cers, if fortunate, do, some of them, become rich; many have but 
 a bare competency; and some are reduced to great poverty. — 
 Few are freeholders. Merc common sailors abhor all household 
 establishments; consider the ocean as their country; and think 
 themselves abroad whenever they return home. All these, and 
 almost all the day-laborers, employed by merchants, were born to 
 no inheritance but poverty; and few, very few of them, are ever 
 able to call the little house and garden, where they eat and sleep, 
 their own. 
 
 Mechanics, with their journeymen, and apprentices, are much 
 more numerous; but after all, they furm but a small part of the 
 whole population. A very few of thpm become wealthy; not 
 many are prosperous enough to acquire freeholds; and a consid- 
 erable number can but just support, and educate their families. 
 All of them are diligent in their vo<fatio'n; and, as a class of men, 
 they are much respected; but not for their wealth, or numbers, 
 or political power. It is for their skill, industry, usifulness, and 
 excellent condttct in community. 
 
 Manufacturers form another class. These are the leviathan. 
 The Egyptian walking stioJi«, animated ^nto a dragon, to swallow 
 up all other interests. How numerous are they; those I mean, 
 who own, or hire, and operate factories? Are they 3 or 5 or 700 
 or 1000 in all the State? It is true, they employ a considerable 
 number, perhaps two or three thousand people. These are not 
 owners of the soil; not freeholders; and have no votes. 'They 
 are the sons and daughters of toil. Parents labor to bring up 
 their children; and children labor to support their parents. Look 
 into these establishments. Are they the nurseries of treason and 
 profligacy? No master of a family has a better regulated house- 
 hold. Owners and master iVIanufacturers have weight in socie- 
 ty, like other men, from their property, their talents, their scien- 
 tific and moral attainments. Of the mere operatives, few are 
 freeholders; and all depend, for all their influence among men, 
 upon skill, industry, and good behaviour; upon those humble 
 qualities, which often make the poor beloved, while the rich arc 
 ■only feared. 
 
All these descriptions of interest, form but a small part of the 
 freeholders, and voters in the State. Manuiacturcrs do not count 
 more than 700 votes; Merchants 400; Mechanics 300; and 
 Professional men 100. The whole number of votes, belonpng to 
 all these interests, when all told, will not exceed 1500. All these 
 are, to a certain degree, and many of them to a great amount, dn 
 rectly concerned in the landed interest; and derive all their po- 
 litical power from that source. 
 
 The great mass of voters belong to the landed interest exclus- 
 ively. In the whole State, the whole number is not less than 
 7000. It is seen that 1500 only, belong to all other interests; — 
 and this leaves a body of 5500 freemen, and voters, allbelongmg 
 to the great landed interest of this State. Of the voters in the 
 State, the landed interest can, at all times, therefore, carry almost 
 4 to 1. If the population in the State amount to 100,000, more 
 than 75,000 are employed in Agriculture; while not more than 
 25,000 are engaged in all other employments. If numbers can 
 secure the political power of the landed Interest, then have they 
 that security, beyond all fear and all question. 
 
 Does the superior wealth of the other classes expose the land- 
 ed interest to any peril? In the State are about 1030 square 
 miles, equal to 659,200 acres of land. All the towns and villages 
 in the State, do not cover 20 square miles; or 12,800 acres. — 
 This leaves 646,400 acres for the landed farming capital in the 
 State. If you divide the lands into 515 parts, 5l4 of those parts 
 belong to the landed, and one part to all other interests. I will 
 not compare the mere moveable property of other interests, with 
 this solid permanent basis for the freehold and fee-simple of the 
 landholders and farmers of Rhode-Island, In a well regulated 
 State, the value of lands will always exceed the value of all other 
 interests. In England, where the Manufacturing and Mercantile 
 Systems are carried to the utmost extent, there this agricultural 
 interest is, by far, the most valuable. The whole amount of 
 property, in land and farming capital, is, according to Low, in his 
 present state of England, 1400 millions of pounds sterling; while 
 the whole amount of property, in all other interests, cemprehend- 
 ing the Manufacturing, Mercantile, and Navigation, and all oth- 
 ers, is but 800 millions. The landed interest, even in 
 England, is, in value, worth almost twice as much, as all other in-' 
 terests. 
 
 Ownership in lands is, above all other, coveted; because it 
 carries with it the most secure, the most needful, and the most 
 delightsome part, of all property. The owners of land have that, 
 in which, all men most delight; which creates most respect; and 
 gives the greatest influence in all communities; and above all, is 
 a source of the most certain independence. 
 2 
 
10 
 
 It is indeed true, that a mutual dependence binda all classes of 
 community together. This however, as it relates to farmers, is a 
 union of accommodation and convenience; but in respect to all 
 other clashes, it is a union of not convenience only, but of abso- 
 lute necessity. Farmers cm live without them, but they cannot 
 live without Farmers. 
 
 A union too of similar int-^rest, exists among agricuhural- 
 men. It is not so among the other iutercsts. Envyings, com- 
 petitions, rivalries, exist among them ; and these prevent their 
 union. What may we expect, among the mere children of this 
 earth, if we fmd sectarijm animosities, and bitter divisions, among 
 the ambassadors of peace and good-wnll to man, sent from him 
 whose kingdom is not of this world ? 
 
 If, tlierefore, we regard the landed interest, in reference to 
 their numbers, their vvealtli, their independence, or their union, 
 we shall find that all attempts to overthrow, or even impair their 
 political povr'er, are utterly vain, and altogether imaginary. 
 
 This v/ill be more strikingly illustrated,/ if we consider the 
 manner in which, all political power is exercised in the State, 
 You choose by a general ticket, or Prox, all general officers. 
 The Governor, Lt. Governor and Senate ; the General Treasu- 
 rer, Secretary, Attorney General, and Representatives to Con- 
 gress, are all thus chosen. In any contested election, it is usual 
 to put in 5700 votes. Of these 4200 must be landholders ; while 
 all other interests, can put in no more than 1500. If the landed 
 interest all comes out, it can put in 1300 more. How, I pray of 
 you to ask Mr. Cowell and Mr. Waterman, how, without your 
 consent, or gross neglect, this power can be taken from the 
 landed interest. 
 
 You further exercise this power, in the choice of Representa- 
 tives in each town. How many belong to the landed, hov/ many 
 to all other interests ? Newport has six. Providence four, War- 
 ren two and Bristol two ; and if these two towns be not rather 
 of the landed interest, there is, for all other interests, 14 repre- 
 sentatives ; while the landed interest send 58 ; that is, land- 
 holders and farmers have more than 4 parts in 5, of the whole 
 House of Representatives. In the Senate you may have the 
 whole power. This will always be the case, unless, as it was 
 last spring, " while tho husbandmen slept, the enemy came, and 
 sowed tares among the wheat." 
 
 Why then is this alarm sounded ? Is it not to scatter the 
 seeds of controversy among men, united by a common interest ? 
 Is it not to sow discord among Brothers of the same principle ? 
 Should a man educate his five sons ; one to medicine, or some 
 other of the learned professions, one to a trade, one to manufac- 
 turing, one to Merchandize, and one to agriculture ; and equali- 
 
11 
 
 xiiig to them his expenditui'e on each, divide his estate among 
 them ; and leave them, over and above all, as his last legacy, 
 " Love as brethren ;" should, I say, any man do all this ; what 
 would you say of him, who should attempt to excite a warfare, 
 between the farming and manufacturing brothers ; or between 
 any two others of the five ? 
 
 A state, or body politic, is like our natural bodies. It has five 
 classes of interests, as we ha^'e five senses ; or as we are com- 
 posed of a trunk, hands and feet. If our senses, or cur limbs, 
 should fall into warfare, each Avith the other, it would be no more 
 unnatural than this v. ar, attempted to be enkindled and blown up, 
 among tlie various interests in our community. Look at that 
 waggon ; it consists of a carriage, and lovh" wheels. If a fanner 
 should at night, biing home a load of hay or barley ; and, the 
 evening being fine, leave it standing in the yard ; what would 
 Mr. Cowell, or Mr, Waterman say, if eitherpf them should hap- 
 pen to be in the country ? Why truly, they would tell the far- 
 mer, to pluck ofi'the wheels ; or otherwise, they might, before 
 morning, run away with the waggon, load and all. Their advice 
 is quite as sage in their pamphlet ; for the wheels may move 
 away with the waggon, quite as easily as the four other interests 
 can run otf with those of agriculture and the land. 
 
 All interests travelled together, in great harmony and peace, 
 for the last four years. Why should they separate, and contend 
 now ? Have not evils enough iailen on the State, since the 4th 
 of last March ? Will nothing satisfy these men, but our utter 
 ruin ? What can be their object ? shall it be stated. 
 
 Never was an administration of the General Government, 
 more satisfactory to Rhode Island, than was the last. A few 
 Jackson men could be found ; for never can all be satisfied. 
 Here and there will be men, who want better beef than can be 
 made of oxen ; better bread than can be baked from wheat. 
 Notwithstanding this, your last Electoral vote was remarkably 
 unanimous. It was almost hopeless ; but it stands on record, as 
 a noble monument of your principles ; both what they had been, 
 and what the administration mjiist expect they will be. 
 
 So soon as it was knov.n, General Jackson vvas elected, his 
 friends rallied ; and wood, which had long been regarded, as 
 plain New-England oak, was brought to market for hickory. 
 The fence men leaped dov/n, and joined those who had been siiir- 
 cere.lij of that party; and all together, they started for every office 
 in the gift of the President. Custom Houses, Light Houses; 
 Post Offices, ; wherever there was a carcass, a flight of these 
 birds might be seen. 
 
 The leaders in this race, to recommend themselves the more at 
 Washington ; and more certai-ily to secure their object, attempt- 
 
12 
 
 ed, last spring, to revolutionize tlie State. Not succeeding then, 
 they are now repeating the same attempt. Their great men, at 
 Providence, at Newport, at Kingston, and at Bristol, are each 
 struggUng for the masterdom. In each place is a candidate for 
 grand, or semi-grand Almoner of the Administration. 
 
 The collectorship of Providence has been disposed of rather 
 prematurely. For remedy of this evil, a promise may have been 
 given, by letter or otherwise, that, at a proper time, and upon 
 proper representations, that appointment may be revised ; and 
 thus the disappointed candidates, may all, again hope, and again 
 labour, after the reward. At Bristol, a ccdlectorship with all its 
 appendents, is to be taken away, and bestowed. A new nomin- 
 ation is started, for this object. The two great Patrons of these 
 two nominations, have a deep interest in the result. One has a 
 son, the other a son in law ; both worthy youug men ; but no 
 more so, than the men, dead or alive, whose shoes they are wait- 
 ing to wear. 
 
 This is not all. Men are promised or threatened, by those 
 who have, or think they have, the patronage of Government to 
 give away, or to dispose of otherwise. As these men roie, or 
 move, or speak ; so a brother, or afrieml, may ivin, or lose his 
 bread. 
 
 These are some of the reasons, why Mr. Cowell, and Mr. 
 Waterman are so alarmed for the landed interest of Rhode Island. 
 These men are but the men oi' other men much more powerful than 
 themselves ; and who assure them, that if they ferriftj the farmers 
 of R. Island, into voting for Mr. Eddy and Mr. Durfee, they will 
 have two of the delegation, and as they intimate three, pledged to 
 support right or vn'ong, all measures of the present administration , 
 and elistribute all the offices, per order and j)er contnict. If they 
 cannot succeed in this, theij Inioie that three, and we know that 
 four of that delegation, will go with that administration, just so Jar 
 as it goes and 710 step farther than it goes, with the interest of the 
 State and nation. 
 
 Is this intriguing worthy of the people of Rhode-Island? Will 
 the landed, or any other interest, abandon their principles, as 
 som,e of these men have done? A year ago they were with you, 
 n.s he of the purse, had been with the twelve. What have they 
 done; and for what consideration? 
 
 The great body of the people have no interest in these offices, 
 but that they should be well filled for their benefit They care 
 very little, who holds them; provided the public service be well, 
 and faithfully performed. Would they displace Danforth to put 
 in any of the other candidates? No man ever came into office, 
 with a heartier, or more general welcome than the present Col- 
 lector of Providence; but no man would have displaced Colonel 
 
13 
 
 Coles to have given him the office. Who would },ut cut BartoH 
 to put in Branch; or Jirown to give hia jilavc to Wfiteinian; or 
 ■\Vheeler for Crapo, tho' all mijiht \vi<h it done; or Bullock for 
 Dearth or D'Wolf, or D'Wolf, or any other of the nunit runs can- 
 didates in Bristol? ]Men might wish success to Littlefield, but 
 who would dismiss Cranston for any other man? I ask you Gen- 
 tlemen, what officer who has been displaced, or is now threatened 
 with that punishment, Avould have been removed. by a vote of the 
 landed interest, with all other interests, all assembled, in Town- 
 Meeting? Offices, created for the beneiit of the people, are de- 
 graded into a political curency; and are noM- used, to buy and 
 sell with, like dollars and cents. Sordid pamphleteers believe 
 they can terrify, and humble you, into the vile instrumeuts of 
 their venality. 
 
 All the friends of General Jackson do not belong to this tribe. 
 Some were originally, and from principle, cittached to his cause. 
 These men abhor such proceedings, quite as much as they should 
 do. With these gentlemen we have now no controversy. Hon- 
 est men, of all parties, will always give and receive respect. 
 
 These men do not belong to that body of partizans, organized, 
 and disciplined, for carrying, if possible, the coming election 
 Their numbers are to be found, by some account of the United 
 States' offices, in this State. Newport, Bristol, and Providence, 
 are ports of entry. Warren, Pawtuxet, Wickford, and Pawca- 
 tuck, I think, are ports of delivery. In all these, there may be, 
 connected with '* the receipt of customs," at least, of all des- 
 criptions, one hundred officers. Light houses in all our waters, 
 and post offices, in all the State, will, with deputies, clerks, and 
 messengers, make another hundred. District Attorney, clerks, 
 and sub clerks, and waiters ; Marshall^ deputies, sub deputies, 
 and assistants, to aid in taking the census, will, if all receive ap- 
 pointments, who ?/7fl7/ expect them, make at least fifty. Here 
 are 250 officers under the new administration. If the plan of 
 J^ortomzino- be carried into full operation, these may conveniently 
 be changed four times in the four coming years. This furnishes 
 1000 offices, to be won or lost, by, good political conduct, during 
 the next election. Those, who expect these offices, together 
 with their fathers, brothers, uncles, cousins, connexions, and 
 creditors, form the body of Jackson men, who, last spring, aided 
 by the honest parH:ans of that cause, and some of our deceived 
 friends, contrived, with a minority, to vote down the landed inter- 
 est ; and who intend, by a like manoeu\re, to gain a like victory, 
 in Avgnsf. 
 
 About $100,000, are, annually, expended, by the United 
 States, on the fortifications in Newport harbour. Col. Totten 
 
u 
 
 ii tlie Kupenntendiuit of tliese works. Whatever aid your late 
 (k"lei(atioii in Congress, may have given, in obtaining this year- 
 ly appropriation, seems, all to be forgGilen. Dr. Eddy, it ap- 
 pears, is turning ]m shidics from mintrals to conch olo^ry ; and is 
 about taking an excursion, with tliat disburser of public mon- 
 ies, to hunt"" for shells up the Narragansett shore." The guns 
 of this f )rt, are thus, brought to bear, upon your late R,epre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 Your delegation in Congress had, after much investigation, 
 and no inconsiderable labour, obtained, during the last four years 
 two appropriations, aincunting to {?85tM), for the purpose of es- 
 tablishing a Marine Ho^■pital, in the Di.^trict of Providence, for 
 the benefit of sick, and disabled seamen. These appropriations 
 were granted by the President, according to law, and on full 
 proof, that ths seamen of that District had paid into the Treas- 
 ury of the United States, upwards of $9600, more than been ex 
 pended for their benefit. The whole proceeding is on record 
 in the Treasury Department, at Washington. Between the 
 late Secretary of the Treasury, and the public functionaries at 
 Providence, some question arose, first, concerning the place, and 
 next about the lille to the land, where this hG:>pital should be es- 
 tablished. Thepc occasioned so much delay in this business, 
 that the last administration terminated, before the money could 
 be drawn from the treasury of the United State.?. 
 
 This money is now unfJiholden by the jn-escnt administration. 
 The appropriation is even denied by the present Secretary of the 
 Treasury, in his letter to the Town Council of Providence. This 
 detention was to be expected ; because it might give occasion 
 to such, as should be so disposed, to censure me for this very sin- 
 s;nl(tr refusal. This in fact has happened. One gentlemen, as 
 I am told, has, with great asperity abused me ; because the Se- 
 cretary ivilhholds this money. The Secretary doubtless thought, 
 that by excittn<:^ hopes, sad fears for this fund for the relief of sea- 
 men^ the fnends of those men might, at the coming election, so 
 vote as would most probably induce the administration, iw longer 
 to (lilcdn this appropriation of money for their benefit. I saj/ it 
 here, and v;ould say it before all men, the Dehp;a!ion, in that mut- 
 ter, faithfully discharged their duty. The Gentleman, who has 
 abused me, hmu-s the fact ; and whatever he may do, I know 
 the people of Rhode Is'cnd and Providence Flantaiions, are made 
 of that which is too incvrri/ptihlc, to be infiue7iccd, in their votes, 
 by any regard for the h'.anner in which, the Officers of Govern- 
 ment may choose to dispose of the money placed in their hands. 
 
 To finish all arrangements. Duff' Green, Editor of the W'ash- 
 ington Telegraph, has passed through this State ; and made 
 
15 
 
 hnoivn his wants. He has Ivokcd on yoii, ns tlie crow looks on 
 the war liorse ; and waits for a cliance ?hot, that he may flesh 
 his foul beak in tlie warm sides of the iioMe aniniah If he can 
 secure your defeat^ in August, he is sure of his meed The car- 
 cass of R. Island will be left at large to birds nf every hd'dndc 
 and no one will be there to fray them away. 
 
 Such, my fellow citizens, are the men, and such are the ob- 
 jects for which they have sent out among the people, the pam- 
 phlet contrived by Mr. Waterman, and prepared by IMr. Cowell. 
 By what arguments do they attempt to prove their calumny 1 
 They alkdge that a conspiracy has been formed to destroy the 
 political power of the landed interest of Riiode Island. To prove 
 this accusation, they alledge, 1st, that these conspirators at- 
 tempted to make a State Constitution. 2d, They elected Pearce 
 and Burges to the House of Represt-ntativcs. 3d, Thoy elected 
 Mr. Bobbins to the Senate. 4th, They got up the petition, last 
 spring, for free suffrage. 5th, They have incumbered the State 
 with Banks, and opened a canal from Providence to Worcester. 
 6th, They have brought in the Manufacturing System ; and 7th, 
 They have brought down the Tariff on the State, and nation. 
 These are the seven abominations, in th.e sight of Duff Green, 
 and all his associates in Rhode Island. Transformed, by Wa- 
 tennan and Cowell, into seven demons, they are sent, roaring 
 through the land ; and seeking v/hom they may devour. Like 
 the fabled vampire, these demoijs, are made to assume the form 
 of your friends, that while you slumber, they may creep into 
 your bosom and feed on your blood. 
 
 Who ever objected to a State Constitution, defining the pow- 
 ers of the General Assembly, and all the officers of your govern- 
 ment 1 T-he friends of England only, would hold us dependent 
 on that nation, not only for our cloths, but likewise, f'-^r the very 
 form of our Government. The convention was called, by a 
 union of all interests. In its meetings the landed, was regarded 
 as the great leading interest ; and the proposed constitution con-- 
 formed to that principle. In what peril was that interest placed ? 
 Had representation been apportioned, wholly by numbers, still 
 the landed interest must have chosen the Senate, Avith ail other 
 General officers ; and sent three out of four into the House of 
 Representatives. The constitution failed ; because the people 
 did not like it. If formed with the patience of Job, still they did 
 not discover in it, the ivisdom of Solomon ; and accordingly all 
 interests rejected it. 
 
 Who, except the authors of this Pamphlet, has ever said, 
 Pearce and Burges were elected by a chib of conspirators 
 against the landed interest ? Mr. Pearce was peculiarly the caw- 
 
16 
 
 d'uliite of lliat interest ; and elected finallij by an effort of it 
 oq-ai,'i5/ the others which supported his competitor. Those, 
 opposed to me, received mare than nnc half the votes of all other 
 interests ; while I received fi-om ike landed interest, more than 
 three times the namber, received by me from all others. My 
 friends, in those interests, were overbalanced by those opposed 
 to me. The majority given to me orcr all mij eoUected, and scat- 
 tered competitors, was given to me by that great interest, which 
 these sasje pampldeteers tell you, Mr. Pearce and myself have 
 conspired to overthrow. We have never been remarkable for do- 
 injT injury to our enemies ; why then would these men persuade 
 you, that we are secreihj labouring to destroy our friends ? 
 
 How was the landed interest sacrificed by the ejection of Mr, 
 Robbins to the Senate 1 It was indeed that very interest which 
 at the fi.rsf chose him. The other interests were divided ; so that 
 a rmion of this, carried the election. At the second time, all in- 
 terests united : for although John R. Waterman, Esq. was no- 
 minated ; yet Mr. Robbins was unanimously chosen. No won- 
 der Mr. Waterman 6t'o-(ns to be alarmed for the landed interest ; 
 and now comes out against Mr. Robbins. He would then have 
 sailed under the Jldainsjlag ; and afterwards, last .Augrist, offer- 
 ed to ship again, as Representative from Warwick, under the 
 same colours. He was rejected. Having received his month's 
 advance, he is afloat again ; and now under " the red flag of pro- 
 scription and reform." 
 
 IIow has Mr. Robbins, in his public service, sacrificed the 
 lanSed interest ? The Hon. Mr. D' Wolf was his immediate pre- 
 decessor. E.stimate that gentlemen as you please, and he cer- 
 tainly laboured for the benefit of the State ; yet Mr. Robbins 
 can lose nothing by any comparison with him. Go farther back, 
 if you will, and compare him with Mr. D'Wolf's predecessor. 
 The Hon. Mr. Hunter, scholar, statesman and orator, as he cer- 
 tainly is, cannot eclipse Mr. Robbins, in any of those high, and 
 distinguished titles. 
 
 In what manner did Pearce and Burges conspire against the 
 landed interest, by a petition for Free Suffrage ? They were 
 absent from the State, on the public service, during the whole 
 preparation, and arrangement of this application. Was it moved 
 by them, or to secure their election? If the first, they must 
 have written to the movers of it. Where are their letters ? Who 
 received them ? If the second, what cause had they, or their 
 friends, to distrust the landed interest, which had tivice honoured 
 them ; once, on a severe contest, and once by their entire suffrage 
 ^without opposition ? 
 
 I have ever regarded this application, as I think it skoidd be 
 
17 
 
 iegarded. ^ill pcupk iii the slate hava iin unquislionublc nghi tcf 
 ])etition the General Assembly. Eveti convicts are not refused 
 tijis privilege. Sliull it be refused to suck men, as set their names 
 lo this petition ? In 181 1, a petition was presented to the Gen- 
 eral Assembly, for a much s;realer extension of the right of suf- 
 frage. It was, at the February session of that year, granted, by 
 an almost unanimous vote of the senate, composed entirely of 
 Landholders, two only objecting. It came down to the House 
 of Representatives, and \va.spostpo)icd, till the next June. There 
 was no excitement, no fears for the landed interest. No men, as 
 the writers of the pamphlet now have done, seemed to shiulder 
 u'ifh horror, lest day labourers^ and salt heavers on the ivhai'ves, 
 should become voters. The petition was patiently tried, debat- 
 ed, and determined in the negative. The petitioners went home 
 satisfied ; and became freeholders and voters, in that manner, in 
 which their fathers, and predecessors had become so before them 
 I was, at that time, a member of the General Assembly, and 
 gave my opinion at large, and voted with the majority on the 
 question. This is all forgotten by those who now choose to make 
 jne a conspirator against the landed interest. I am satisfied that 
 the present petitioners, had they attended the election for Elec- 
 tors, last autumn, in the city of New- York, would, all of them, 
 be of my opinion ; and would vote against their own petition. 
 
 This application, for an extension of suffrage, is now charged 
 aginst me, and my colleague, as an act o( conspiracy against the 
 landed interest. By whom was it first moved ? What was its 
 political character ? At the first meeting in Providence, Sam- 
 uel Brown, Esq. as the head, and leader, was chosen chairman. 
 He is of the Custom House, and of course a Jackson man. A 
 Central Committee of general correspondence, consisting of 
 five, was chosen. Four of these were distirkguished Jackson 
 men. Do not these facts prove the political character of the ap- 
 plication, if it had any political character ? What did the friends 
 of the present administration expect ? What could Pearce and 
 Burges then expect from a measure, if successful, when thus 
 headed, and directed ? I leave the questions for these pamphlet 
 writers to answer. 
 
 This measure may be looked at from another point of view. So 
 soon as this first movement liad been made, and the excitement 
 rendered somewhat conspicuous, " The Hints to Farmers," were 
 privately put into circulation. This pamphlet has been attributed 
 to Mr. Waterman and others ; but Wilkins Updike, Esq. claims 
 the copy right of it. In these " Hints," this application is charg- 
 ed, as it now is by the authors of the second edition of the Hints, 
 as a conspiracy to subvert the power of the landed interest From 
 3 
 
18 
 
 that moment, Samuel Brown, the leader, and Gen. Cai'pentei'; 
 one of tho Committee of Correspondence for the extension of 
 sutTvage, abandoned these offices ; and left the petitioners to take 
 care of themselves. The gentleman of the Custom House, and 
 the General, were rewarded for their adroitness, by amission to 
 East Greenwich, on the 4th of July. The honest and honoura- 
 ble petitioners of bofh parlies, whom they had deserted, had no 
 swc/i means of srcnn'«^ their fidelity. 
 
 Tell me now, gentlemen, if here was a conspiracy, for 7fhose 
 benefit was it fo7-med and pttt in motion ? What itsc was made of 
 it last spring, by those, who had deceived, and abused the hovo^ir- 
 fiblc and fair intcntiovrd portion of these petitioners .'' What 
 use are tke'^c i^ery men now making of this same application .'' 
 Look at the " Hints'''' of Mr. Updike ; and look at the pamphlet 
 of Messrs. Waterman and Cowell. We put ourselves on our 
 coimtr?/. 
 
 Granting many Bank Charters, and incorporating the Black- 
 stone Canal Company are oflered, as another proof, that Pearce 
 and Burges have conspired against the landed interest. Why, 
 these Banks are, more thanhiilf of them, owned by that very ir^- 
 terest. Shall these charters be resumed by the General Assem- 
 bly; and shall the state then commence the business of banking.'' 
 These wise men must indeed be dabblers in politics, M'hen they 
 offer this advice. How shall the millions of capital be raised, to 
 commence the business .'' By a direct tax on persons, on lands, 
 and on moveables .'' One fourth of the annual revenue of the 
 United States would not supply the funds. Banks now pay the 
 taxes ; and relieve the landed interest. If Banking were done 
 by the State, these taxes must return, and fall again upon the 
 land. How could these institutions be managed .^ What a host 
 of officers; what a field of intrigue I What should we find in 
 the State, but buying and selling? 
 
 These zoise men say the state has been too liberal ; granted 
 too many banks j too much business of banking. This is a most 
 rare; absurdity. The more numerous the Banks, the less profit 
 for each banker. There can be, in any State, but so mxicli cur- 
 rency; but .so mueli loaning of money; and so much banking, as 
 will satisfy these purposes. It is like water, you can croitd no 
 T/iorc of it, into any given vessel. GoW and silver are the basis 
 of your currency ; and that must be increased, to increase the 
 paper money, representing it. The increase in quantity of gold 
 and silver, diminishes its price. The moment it becomes too 
 plenty, it will be bought up, and carried, as merchandize, to 
 ether countries, where the price is higher. Multiply banks, a? 
 JQU will, this eternal law of exehange, will forever prevent bank-^ 
 
19 
 
 crs, by that means, from increasing, either the amount of cur- 
 reiici/, or tho amount onoans. That increase must depend on the 
 increase of exchangeahle conimudities, in any State. If a State 
 multiply banks, it is for its own benefit; not that of bankers. One 
 bank watches another ; and prevents too great an issue of pa- 
 per; and competition brings all business to the best terms for 
 its customers, both in courtesy, and profits. 
 
 How is the landed interest, as such, endangered by the multi- 
 plicity of Banks.'' They merely want a stable and secure cur- 
 rency, whereby they may exchange their produce with all other 
 interests. If banks are too few or too many, how are Pearce 
 and Barges in fault .'* How have we brought this great qnestion 
 into ant/ conspiracy against the landed interest ? 
 
 The Blackstone Canal seems to be a heavy business against 
 us. These men tell you, that we have opened the Providenre 
 market to the farmers of Worcester county, on terms, equal with 
 those offered to farmers on Narragansett bay. Is it really so .'' 
 Have we to deal with men, who would make no roads, lest other 
 men ?night bring their produce to market ? Why, a market is 
 like any thing else which grows by being fed. Where are the 
 greatest cities.'' At the mouths of the longest rivers. If the 
 Blackstone extended, like the Hudson, and wa.s aided like that, 
 with 400 miles of canal, both J^ewport, iu\A Providence, might 
 erjual jYcio-Vork ; and the /«y«/i' of Rhode-Island would be the 
 gardens and orchards, supplying them with fruits and vegetables. 
 Men oHittle minds can have no view oi^ great undertakings ; and 
 base spirits contaminate noble projects by giving tnean and vile 
 objects to them. The j:>co;^/c of Rhode-Island will not be deceived. 
 They will duly appreciate the efforts of those men, who have ex- 
 pended their labour H,ndi capital, to unite the waters, the towns, 
 and t!ie lands of Rhode-Island, with the commerct of the interior 
 aad very centre of New-England. 
 
 Manufactures are the sixth abomination in the catalogue made 
 out in this pamphlet, of conspiracies against the landed interest. 
 It has been seen, that not many men, women, or children, em- 
 ployed in these, can vote in any election. Their numbers will, 
 not in that respect endanger the interests of larii^rs. They do 
 not labour on the land, andtliey must of consequence, depend on 
 landholders ; draw f>om them fuel, forage, food, and the materi- 
 als of their trades. Manufactures consume the surplus produce 
 of agriculture. In every country, mostly devoted *o farming, 
 there will be at many times a great mass of surplus labour. Man- 
 ufactures arc continually calling for, and employing, this surplus 
 labour. We are told, by way of objection, that this demand for 
 labour raises wages. It is true; and where tliere is no demand 
 for labour wages will be still lonrr ; and finally run down to no- 
 
20 
 
 thing. For wliere there is nothing to do^ men will receive no- 
 thing tbr doing it. 
 
 These men, who hve on their salaries and fees of office, would 
 like to see wages doion to s^iTcprnce a day. They look no farther 
 than their oion kitchens, and stables ; and think the country is 
 blessedly conditioned, if the wages of servants are a Utile below 
 old clothes and broken meat ; so the master may bring his man 
 somewhat in debt, at the end of the year. Let rne tell these 
 economists, that low tcages are the inf alible mark of the poverti/ 
 and declining condition of a country. While a brisk demand for 
 labour, and good tragcs prove that a nation is advancing and 
 prosperous. 
 
 Manufactures svpply farmers and other interests with all need- 
 ful fabrics. This is done in exchange for their several commo- 
 dities, at a price, and on terms, at which they cannot be furnish- 
 ed from other countries. 1 will not go into any illustration ; for 
 every landholder, at this table, is abundantly satisfied of the truth 
 of this statement. 
 
 Finally, manufactures have, for a number of years, furnished 
 most of the employment, lor that capital, and labour, which have 
 supplied the revenue of the state, and relieved the landed inter- 
 est from all state taxes. How then do manufactures prove that 
 Pearce and Burges are conspirators against the landed interest ? 
 We agree that the gentlemen opposed to us, are, hostile to their 
 whole system; and wish, most of all, to see them destroyed ; but 
 we do not, therefore admit that the landed interest is likely to re- 
 ceive any peculiar benefit, from the public service of those gen- 
 tlemen. 
 
 The tariff is the seventh, and last proof, offered by this 
 Pamphlet, that Pearce and Burges have entered into a conspi- 
 racy to overthrow the political power of the landed interest. This 
 tariff, so much abused, so little understood, is the great system of 
 laws, laying duties on imported, commodities ; and thereby rais- 
 ing the revenue, and encouraging, and protecting the domestic 
 industry, of the United States. It was begun in the first Con- 
 gress, holden at New-York, 1789. Since that time, it has been 
 revised, altered, and amended, more than twenty tifnes. The 
 most ;-emor^a6/e amendments were made, in 1816, 1824, and 
 1828. Lowndes, Calhoun, and all the Southern leaders, voted 
 Jorit 1816 ; Eddy and Durfee, voted for it in 1824; and Pearce 
 and Burges, voted for it, in 1828. 
 
 The encouragement, and protection, intended to be given to 
 American Wool and itoollen cloths, by the amendment of 1824, 
 had been all taken away, by the British Parliament repealing 
 .their duty on wool, imported into Enfjland ; and by the practices 
 ^f the English manufacturer?, Avho pent out cloths to the United 
 
21 
 
 States. These were valued at half ihc'ir coat ; and marked with 
 iwt more than livo thirds the number of yards contained in each 
 piece. Tlie duty, being a certain amount i)or cent, on tiie va- 
 lue, and tlie measure, was in this manner, and by the aid o{' cer- 
 tain custom house officer.<^, in the great importing cities, totally eva- 
 ded. To remedy this evil, the friends of American industry, at- 
 tempted to amend this system of taritTlaw, in I8'28. Here they 
 'were met, by all the enemies of that system. The friends were 
 anxious to secure the u-ool rai::ing and xeoollen cloth mahing inte- 
 rests, in the United States. The enemies were equally anxious 
 to destroij them. These enemies proposed, and aided by false 
 friends, caused every alteration m the law ichieh rendered it obnox- 
 ious to the interests of J^\'w-En2:land. They put in the duty on 
 mola.'ises, and repealed the drajvlmck on exported New-England 
 rum. They pid in the duty on iron, .'^fcel, hemp, sail cloth and 
 glass. In this state of the law, it must have been totally aban- 
 doned ; or voted for, with all these evils attached to it. If 
 abandoned, not only the new protecting duty on Cottons, but the 
 whole protection o( wool and tcoollen cloths must have been abandon- 
 id. Thus situated, the friends of the protecting policy had no 
 other mode of voting, but to take their choice of evils. It was 
 known, that the law might be amended, either in the Senate, or 
 by some after Congress ; but it was feared, that i( the prinripks 
 contained in that law relative to tcool and woollens, did not pass 
 then, they would not be established, till it would be too late, to 
 .sore those great interests. It was amended, in the Senate ; and 
 passed into a law by the concurrence of the House of Represen- 
 tatives. 
 
 I pray of you Gentlemen to excuse me for having made theso 
 remarks so minutely. The writers of this Pamphlet, and 
 other dabblers in politics, have abused me for speaking against, 
 and voting for the law. I have given you the reasons of doing 
 so. Had New-England voted dotcn that law, the southern poli- 
 ticians would have done, what they are continually labouring to 
 do. They would have effected a disunio7i and controversy, be- 
 tween the people of the East and of the JVcst ; and by that dis- 
 union and controversy, they would have overthrown the great 
 protecting system, of the United States. 
 
 The tariff might be amended ; but if it were repealed, Rhode 
 Island would not, in 1840, number GO,(H)0 people. The de- 
 mand, the employment, and the fabrics, furnished, by manufac- 
 turers, would pass away. The young generations, must migrate 
 to a distant wilderness, in a new country. Streams would return 
 to their native channels ; villages dwindle to single houses ; and 
 houses and lands become desolate. The green islands, which 
 seem to float before us, in the bright waters of our sparkling 
 
o/^ 
 
 bay, and swarm witli busy people, niight, on one half of their 
 fields, be left to grow up into forest, without crowding the scat- 
 tered population. This is the consunnnation, so dccuulli/ wished 
 by all enemies of the ^qrcal American Policy. They would bring 
 bacJc upon us the English Sijstc7n ; place these United States 
 in colonial dependence on Great Britain ; and restore the pros- 
 perous tivics from v.iiich oar jalhers redeemed us with their blood. 
 Your Delegation have been traduced, because \\\ey could not see 
 the wisdom, and would not sustcun the policy, which may, by any 
 possi/jiliti/, result ni this catastrophe. 
 
 I will detain you no longer, with any account of this pamphlet. 
 You have looked at its authors; examined the absurdities of their 
 pretended disclosures ; viewed the persons, and their objects, 
 and interests, who sent it abroad ; and well considered the 
 proofs, offered in support of this infamous libel on your friends, 
 and your understandings. Your late representatives in Con- 
 gress are the objects of this foul calumny. They stand before 
 you as candidates lor re-election. Had not this been the case, 
 the tongue of slander would have been silent. What we have 
 done, you already know. If we have neglected aught of our 
 duty, it cannot be hidden from you. ^Ve have laboured to bring 
 to Rhode Island, in the Halls of legislation, some portion of that 
 character which her sons have earned for her, in the fields of mi- 
 litary achievement. The effort may have been successless ; but 
 the object was indeed worth ambition. We are not here to de- 
 preciate the merit of gentlemen, brought up in opposition to us. 
 ''They have done the State some service." As your public 
 agents, we look to you for nothing,-in which, tec only are concern- 
 ed. The great common concernment of all interest, is now j)c- 
 culiurly brought into the question. When you look, as we 
 know you tcill look to all these, we also shall be seen. Think of 
 jourselves, of your families, your State, your country ; and if 
 jou do not then remember us, we are satisfied to he forgotten. 
 
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