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 Copy 2 BRIEF 
 
 EMIGRATION & COLONIZATION 
 
 i^E :p OX^T 
 
 IN ANSWER TO 
 
 A RESOLUTION OF THE SENATE. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 FOLKINHOBN A SON, BOOK AND JOB PBINTKBS. 
 1865. 
 

 i^i^ oip o siTi onsrs- 
 
 1. "All men are created free and equal. But a separate and independent 
 subsistence for the great families of men, is clearly marked out by the 
 Diviae Ruler." 
 
 2. " Society is an ordinance of Heaven, having for its object the happi- 
 ness, prosperity and peace of its members." 
 
 3. "Governments are designed to guard the peace, prosperity and hap- 
 piness of society, and to remove all political evils." 
 
 4. "A homogeneous population is necessary to the existance of a sound 
 republic." 
 
 5. "Slaves and peasants, deprived of the right of citizenship, and suf- 
 fering degradation, are incompatable with the genius of republicanism." 
 
 6. "The United States of North America should be a pure republic." 
 
 7. " There is no salvation for another race that comes in conflict with 
 the Anglo-Saxen race, but in fusion with it. All others that conflict with 
 it will be borne down by it." 
 
 8. "The colored population of this country cannot be other than a 
 class of peasants, if excluded from white society." 
 
 9. "Where men are truly religious and moral, the white and black 
 races of the United States do not mix — so the influence of religion will 
 never effect fusion, or destroy the riglit of choice in the parties." 
 
 10. "No two races, kept distinct by the refusal of the stronger Cor ma- 
 jority racej to fuse with the weaker (or minority race_), can dwell together 
 in the same country on terms of social eiiuality." 
 
 11. "A heterogeneous population, tliat will not amalgamate (on righteous 
 terms^, sooner or later, becomes a turbulent, restless and revolutionary 
 population." 
 
 12. "The separation of the races, and the erection of the colored race 
 into an independent and separate commonwealth, are the true and only 
 remedies for the disabilities of the colored race." 
 
 — Report to the Indiana Legislature, 1S52. 
 
 13. Mixed races create the necessity for imperial forms of government, 
 and will sooner or later superinduce a strong central form of rule, to set- 
 tle conflicting interests. 
 
LETTER ON COLONIZATIOJf 
 
 Honorable and Dear Sir : 
 
 Permit me to review the question of colonization, as a 
 policy of the Government, from a political stand-point, as 
 disclosed by the acts of the Government ; I leave the merit 
 of the policy for future discussion, and simply ask the 
 question, " What is the policy of the Government thereon ?" 
 
 In answer I will respectfully state, that the spirit and 
 policy of colonization underlies the enactments of the 37th 
 Congress on the negro question, culminating in the Procla- 
 mation of Emancipation of September 22d, 1862, which is 
 a colonization document, both as to loords and intention. 
 This measure was asked of Mr. Lincoln and his party, as a 
 condition on the part of the Western Democracy who sup- 
 ported him, and out of which they cannot now be defrauded 
 without endangering the unity of the existing organization, 
 as passing events clearly disclose. 
 
 The authority given President Lincoln on this subject is 
 as follows, made and adopted to enable him to meet his 
 obligations to his western supporters. The law for the 
 measure is found in the 12th section of the Confiscation 
 Act, and placed there to make that act a more palatable 
 measure for the western men — approved July 17, 1862, 
 
 "^nd he it further enacted, That the President of the United Stated is 
 hereby authorized to make provisions for the transportation, colonization, 
 and settlement, in some tropical country beyond the limits of the United 
 
States, of such persons of the African race, made free by the provisions 
 of this act, as may be willing to emigrate — having first obtained the con- 
 sent of tlie government of said country to tlieir protection and settlement 
 within the same, with all the rights and privileges of freemen." 
 
 This is the standing authority and instruction given the 
 President, on it he issued to the writer an amended com- 
 mission, dated August 4th, 1862, which is not dependent 
 on supply bills, but is effective until revoked by the Presi- 
 dent. The power of the President to make this appoint- 
 ment is not questioned by the Attorney General, his opinion 
 is rendered on salary, made unfortunately on a partial 
 statement of the facts as to funds in the Treasury, so mucli 
 so as to justify its being set aside ; for the books of the 
 Treasury disclose the fact, that on the 31st of July, 1865, 
 there was in the Treasury, subject to requisition for coloni- 
 zation purposes, $205,980, collected under the tax law ap- 
 proved June 7th, 1862, (see the last paragraph of section 
 12.) 
 
 "And one-fourth shall also be paid over to said State, as a fund to aid 
 in the colonization or emigration from said State of any free persons of 
 African descend who may desire to remove therefrom to Hayti, Liberia, or 
 any other tropical state or country." 
 
 My commission comprehends the supervision of this fund, 
 so far as the General Government has to do with it, as I was 
 " appointed to aid in the execution of the several laws and 
 parts of laws " which relate to colonization, and "under the 
 direction of the President." 
 
 The above enactment and settlement of colonization, as 
 policy, was followed, in quick succession, by the Proclama- 
 tion of Emancipation two months and five days later ; and 
 that of January 1st, 1863, dissolved the limitation as to time, 
 and let the fundamental proclamation of September 22 take 
 effect, which unquestionably is a colonization measure of 
 the most sokmn and binding character — an instrument "of 
 Providence," in all its words and terms, against which re- 
 
sistance will prove madness and folly ; tlie same mind that 
 designed it to be an instrument of emancipation designed it 
 to be equally an instrument of colonization — it was intended 
 to he so. It proclaims to the world, " That the efforts to colo- 
 nize persor.s of African descend, with their oion consent, upon 
 the coyitinent, or elsewhere, ivith the previously obtained consent 
 of the government existing there, will he continued.''^ This 
 policy, bequeathed to this nation by President Lincoln, in 
 the midst of so much blood, North and South, seals the case 
 beyond the power of parties or men to re-open it. 
 
 Again — to add further weight to this policy, and to root 
 it deeper in the national heart and national economy, it has 
 been surrounded with the solemnities of our Holy Religion, 
 and the sanction of the oath has forced it home on the con- 
 science and the heart of the people of the South. 
 
 The success of our arms has enabled us to impose the 
 above measure of emancipation on the people of the South, 
 and enabled us to exact an oath binding it on them in all 
 its provisions. Thus it has become a solemn compact and 
 covenant between the two parties late at issue. 
 
 It is an obligation of our own making, both as to form 
 and substance. Mr. Lincoln might have been silent on the 
 point of colonization contained therein, but as a true states- 
 men he did not choose to be so. When the gauge of battle 
 decided against the South — as a generous people should do — 
 they come forward, and, with proper unanimity, assume the 
 obligations imposed, and swear to support the Proclamation 
 of Emancipation, colonization included. Does that assump- 
 tion impose no obligation, no duty on the maker, the framer 
 of the instrument ? is there no corresponding obligation 
 fastened on the people of the North ? Surely there is. As 
 one sadly cognizant to the fearful judgment that has swept 
 over the land, and for seventeen years has seen the gather- 
 ing storm, and warned my people of its approach, (at my re- 
 quest, Indiana placed colonization provisions in her Oonstitu- 
 
tion fifteen years ago,) I have thus been reluctantly, though 
 intimately, connected for that time with the class of measures 
 and questions in issue. For one I will not be found breaking 
 faith with the people of the South on this subject; it is not 
 well, it is not wise for us to be found amongst the first to disap- 
 point the expectation we have made in such a solemn and 
 formal manner. I have asked Southern statesmen to accept 
 emancipation and unite with us on this policy, and they 
 have done it — for one I dare not deceive them in this. 
 
 I intend to calmly take my stand on the Proclamation of 
 Emancipation and its attendant oath, and be found asking 
 the rulers of this nation the fulfillment of the compact, 
 liberal and just as it is — emancipation for the slave, and 
 colonization of a free and voluntary kind. In opposition to 
 the labor-monger, North as well as in the South, and as 
 formidable now in the former as in the latter, we ask nation- 
 ality for the African race, and finally their undisturbed rule 
 in the Tropical Belt ; we ask no hasty action, but calm, 
 equitable, just and well-considered action ; yet we protest 
 against retrogression in what has been already done. 
 
 If republicanism is to be preserved amongst us, and the 
 imperialism of the hour quickly removed and cut short by 
 the wise policy of the President, I expect to see the Ameri- 
 can people unite in a noble effort to give this nationality to 
 our freedmen ; but if this union comes not in our day, the 
 future will witness the wisdom and success of that policy 
 laid down and settled by Presidents Lincoln and Johnson. 
 
 But I will be met with the question of expense. I will 
 answer this in a word: we can colonize extensively and 
 wisely and not cost the nation a dollar. In 1863, under 
 the sanction of the President, I formed engagements with 
 the British colonies in the American tropics, for the proper 
 settlement of as many of our freedmen as desire to change 
 their residence. The agents of those colonies agree to mus- 
 ter, ship to, and settle in \X\<^\\ fine tropical lands as many 
 
emigrants as desire to remove thereto, without cost to us. 
 They are this day asking me to fulfill this engagement — 
 shall I be permitted to do so, or must I first appeal to the 
 people for their opinion ? 
 
 Mr. Lincoln thought a world-wide necessity existed for a 
 combination with England on this question, and acted ac- 
 cordingly, believing that a union of two such powers as the 
 United States and Great Britain could bring a third power 
 into being for the benefit of the colored race. 
 
 I trust the leaders of the colored race will lend their aid 
 in due time, and that we will recognize the coming fature 
 of the African and prepare him by education for the true 
 independence in reserve for him. Undoubtedly the drift of 
 events will carry our freedmen towards tlie Tropical Belt, 
 where they will become masters of the situation and lords 
 of the soil. 
 
 The privilege granted to British colonies, the fulfillment 
 of which is vow desired, will cost (as I have stated) this 
 nation nothing. Between the Governments of Washington 
 and London it is but a change of population, we taking the 
 white, they taking the black, whilst in the end the blacks 
 will take the colonies as we drifted off" in 1776; whilst, 
 for the time being, the limited imperialism of the one is 
 best adapted to the proper government of the colored and 
 mixed race; whilst republicanism suits the Celt and Saxon 
 best. If this is true, should not our English speaking 
 people, white and black, in Europe and America, consider 
 it. Mr. Lincoln did consider it, and there are men in Lon- 
 don who did respect his view. The time may come when 
 the whole policy of the great emancipator — the true friend 
 of the negro — will be fulfilled ; for his memory and his views 
 will now be held sacred by all English speaking nations, 
 whether white or black. I shall never forget the fullness and 
 emphasis of his utterance, which flowed from his great heart, 
 when I first brought this colonization of the British colo- 
 
nies to hia notice. On asking permission to bring it to the 
 notice of our able Secretary of State, he remarked : " Surely ! 
 If England tvants our negroes, and taill do better hy them than 
 we can, I say let her have them, and may God bless her T^ This 
 was uttered about the 23d of July, 1862, in the following 
 September the Proclamation of Emancipation was issued, 
 and the Secretar}'- of State sealed the matter by his letter 
 of the 30th of that month, addressed to our Foreign Ministers, 
 asking the co-operation of Foreign Governments. The ar- 
 gument as to the intention of the (iovernment is thus made 
 complete. 
 
 In the light of the above facts, I think it a far fetched 
 argument to maintain that the repeal of part of the coloni- 
 zation appropriation is an abandonment of the policy — 
 whilst the fact is, tlie $H00,000 supposed to be repealed is 
 not so, but is just devoted to "existing engagements by the par - 
 tics in interest, meaning CIdrique ;" to which contract I would 
 have had no objection, if the rights of the colored emigrant 
 had been respected, and which, so far as I am concerned, 
 sliall meet with no further opposition, so soon as colored 
 men become the owners and holders of the contract, and 
 are to be the benefited party. 
 
 It is no part of the object of this letter to discuss the rea- 
 sons f >r colonization, either white or black, but to disclose 
 the policy of the past administration, and to ask you, as a 
 Western statesman of enlarged views, to built on the foun- 
 dations already laid, and to respect the claims of the men 
 who honestly differ from the radical division of the admin- 
 istration party on this subject. 
 
 Since the last of June, 1864, I have conducted the ofBce 
 at my own expense. Through all the time that this policy 
 and the writer have suffered attack, I have been a silent, 
 patient supporter of the administration — not without assur- 
 ance, however, from President Lincoln, that there would be 
 a change in the administration of the Interior. In that time 
 
I labored, so far as I had influence or skill, to perfect the 
 measures of the administration on the negro question : in 
 that effort I committed myself and political friends, so far 
 as I have any, to the policy of Mr. Lincoln, as disclosed in 
 this letter. I asked my friends of the Border and South to 
 accept the Constitutional Amendment, and it was accepted. 
 I asked them to let the Freedman's Bureau Bill become a 
 law, promising that it would be carefully and peudently ad- 
 ministered in the spirit of the above policy ; they granted 
 nie this favor too. I may have no power to fulfill this 
 promise, but shall I change front? — others may change 
 front, but, under the circumstances, I cannot. 
 I have the honor to remain. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 JAMES MITCHELL, 
 
 Commissioner of Emiyration. 
 
Report on Emigration and Colonization, 
 
 In answke to a Resolution- of the Senate adopted 
 March 25, 1864. 
 
 "Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to fur- 
 nish the Senate the report of the Commissioner of Emigration for 1863, 
 with his account of existing contracts, and other necessary informatioQ on 
 the question of emigration." 
 
 Emigration Office, 
 Washington, Nov. 24, 1864. 
 ffis Excellency, A. Lincoln, 
 
 President of the U. S. : 
 
 I have the honor to communicate the following statement, 
 relating to the emigration question entrusted to me. 
 
 The present condition of our work is one of foundation 
 and formation, having made no attempt to stimulate emi- 
 gration, considering that more depends upon a proper settle- 
 ment of the policy, plans and territorial location of our first 
 settlements, than on any spasmodic movement made to be 
 abandoned with discouragement. 
 
 In this review of the situation I desire to be careful — to 
 avoid the wrong and follow the right — inasmuch as the fu- 
 ture interests and well being of millions of both races depend 
 on the issues of this eventful age. Yet, I am impelled by 
 the strong conviction that wrong can be avoided, peace se- 
 cured for future generations, and the cause of civilization 
 served by the representative men of both the white and the 
 
10 
 
 black races, considering the things that make for peace in 
 this land, and the absolute want of a higher civilization in 
 distant lands, to which a portion of the shattered and unset- 
 tled masses of our freedmen and more educated men of color 
 would be a blessing. The Tropical Belt of the Old and New 
 World is a field interdicted by an all-wise Providence to our 
 healthful habitation — and in equity to the tropical man it 
 should be interdicted to our dominion, and will be when re- 
 publican economy prevails therein, for then it will be ruled 
 by the actual occupants of the soil. 
 
 Our people have made a large number of magnificent 
 States for themselves within a very few years, and under the 
 favor of the Great Ruler, they can surely cut out and help 
 make a few more for the special benefit of their wards, near 
 to or beyond our borders, inasmuch as there are clear indi- 
 cations on the part of the British Empire, whose statesmen 
 feel that they too owe something to the negro as an act of 
 justice for forcing this population on the reluctant colonies. 
 On the authority of our correspondence, I will state that 
 the most important of the British Colonies in the American 
 Tropics, are now legislating in expectation of a liberal emi- 
 gration of our people of color to their respective settlements, 
 which they intend making attractive by all the appearance 
 of a wise legislation, a liberal expenditure of wealth in the 
 development of agriculture and commerce, and other means 
 of fostering infant colonies, so successfully used by that 
 limited monarchy, whose Providential mission seems to be 
 the founding and fostering young colonies to the period 
 of national maturity and independence. 
 
 The emigration conducted under the authority of the 
 British Colonies will be attended with no expense to us — 
 all they ask is that we give their agents access to our people 
 of color, and protect them in mustering the emigrants, and 
 not restrain by military or civil authority the man of color 
 in the execution of his right to emigrate, as has been done 
 
11 
 
 in some instances, the evidence of which in one case is now 
 before me, forwarded by a Mr. J. Eoles, an agent of John 
 Hodge, Esq., who lately represented the claims and wants 
 of the colony of Honduras, and who was permitted and 
 authorized to find emigrants where he could, by our execu- 
 ting to him the following paper : 
 
 "Emigration Office, ) 
 
 CCOPY.) 
 
 Washington, D. C, June 11, 1863. 
 "John Hodge, of London, and S. R. Dickson, agents of the British 
 Colonies of Honduras and Guiana, are here, in accordance with the well 
 settled policy of the United States, to aid such free persons of color as de- 
 sire to remove to their respective colonies. We, therefore, recommend 
 all parties and persons having the direction or charge of such, to present 
 no hindrance to them or their agents in the work of canvassing for emi- 
 grants, but render them, and their regular appointed agents, all the aid 
 
 possible in this work." 
 
 JAMES MITCHELL, 
 
 I approve the within : Commissioner of Emiyration. 
 
 A. LINCOLN. 
 June 13, 1863. 
 
 The power thus given was opproved by you, and on its au- 
 thority action has been taken, which I trust will not fall to 
 the ground. Further, it is known to you that the action of 
 the British Colonies is supported and well approved by the 
 " Home Government." 
 
 This may be the proper place to speak a word in behalf 
 of "The African Civilization Society," a body of colored men 
 who have been incorporated by an act of the State of New 
 York. This society was founded in 1859 ; their Objects are 
 indicated by their name. Their board of directors have 
 asked a small donation to aid them in carrying out the gen- 
 eral objects of their foundation. It will be remembered 
 their request was seconded, and their reliability was endorsed, 
 by Dr. S. H. Tyng, Dr. H. W. Bellows, Messrs, D. Haudly, 
 S. Sturges, W. S. Griffith, H. J. Eaymond, W. A. Booth 
 and P. Cooper. 
 
12 
 
 This office has been so embarrassed by an imperfect legis- 
 lation, that the aid asked could not be rendered. 
 
 Liberia, as an African State, though feeble, promises 
 much to that land — as the creature of the benevolence of our 
 own nation, it should not be deserted ; and in our opinion 
 no more grateful service can be rendered the cause of Chris- 
 tianity and civilization than the multiplication of such set- 
 tlements on the African continent. 
 
 Hayti is a standing applicant for all the men of color who 
 are willing to cast in their lot with her people. 
 
 A proposition was made during the last session of Con- 
 gress to dedicate and set off that part of southwestern Texas 
 lying west of the Colorado, for the use and benefit of our 
 people of color who might desire to settle therein, so as to 
 give them, by concentration, the benefit of mutual protec- 
 tion, and place them near the borders of that semi-tropical 
 land, Mexico. 
 
 I need hardly say all these thoughts have been before the 
 country ; and, although studiously kept out of direct issue 
 in the late canvass, they were indirectly discussed. The 
 early and well-known views of the administration on the 
 subject of the best condition for the negro race, that of free- 
 dom and separate independence, gave the nation a centre 
 around which the thoughts and expectations of the country 
 gathered and safely revolved, 
 
 Eesolution of the Senate. 
 
 On the 25th of March the Senate passed the following 
 resolution : 
 
 " Resolved, That tho President of the United States be requested to 
 furnish the Senate the report of the Commissioner of Emigration for 
 1863, with his account of existing contracts, and other necessary informa- 
 tion on the question of emigration." 
 
 In answer, permit me to say, that this report contains the 
 substance of that made for 1863, whilst it remains to answer 
 that part which relates to contracts. 
 
13 
 
 Several persons have at sundry times offered to make con- 
 tracts for the deportation of persons of color, but on terms 
 which, to a great extent, ignored the true interests of the 
 emigrant. I regret to say, that in most instances an un- 
 due regard to the personal emolument of the parties, and 
 want of true liberality to the man of color, have been so 
 clearly manifested, that I thought it best to decline the com- 
 pletion of all such contracts, and hereafter to depend mostly 
 on such reliable agencies as those put forward by the British 
 Colonies, Liberia and Hayti. 
 
 It will be claimed by certain parties in interest, that there 
 are two contracts outstanding — that known as the Chirique 
 contract, and one formed for the purpose of colonizing the 
 Island of A'Yache, belonging to Hayti. 
 
 I do not recognize the validity of either of these contracts, 
 as they were formed without my knowledge or consent ; and 
 I express the hope that the papers and files drawn from 
 this office, by sundry parties not responsible for our work, 
 will be returned thereto at an early day. 
 
 I am ignorant of the existance of any other contract, and 
 trust none other has been formed, as the reliable national 
 agencies referred to will meet all the claims and wants of 
 the enterprise in the future — the whole question is a delicate 
 one and should be handled carefully. I trust we shall even 
 prove grateful for the steady support you have given us in 
 the midst of the perplexities of this dark and stormy period, 
 and against the interference of parties not responsible either 
 to the public or to the government for the success or 
 failure of this enterprise. 
 
 Permit me to represent, that to the duties of this office 
 may be added matters and interests connected with the sup- 
 pression of the African slave trade. From the year 1848 
 we have steadily advocated, as we have had time and op- 
 portunity, sometimes giving whole years to the canvass, the 
 propriety of settling the African coast with American set- 
 
 >Mvt«' 
 
LIBRfiRY OF CONGRESS 
 
 14 
 
 011 932 637 
 
 tlements as our best and cheapest plan for the suppression 
 of that trade, AVith this view you heretofore agreed and 
 kindly lent me your aid, as a private citizen of your State, 
 as have many other leading men of past administrations, 
 through whose kindness a place had been given this work 
 amongst the offices of the government, as the original plan 
 was to place both these interests — that of tbe suppression 
 of the slave trade and that of emigration — in one office, un- 
 der one head. I trust that by proper legislation this will be 
 done, as it will reduce the expense of the workings of both. 
 I feel that, let the effect be what it may on my position, it 
 is my duty to make this recommendation, 
 
 I respectfully ask a small appropriation to meet the claims 
 made by " The African Civilization Society," and the cur- 
 rent expenses of this office, inasmuch as the large appro- 
 priations heretofore made have been repealed, as not being 
 needed under the inexpensive plan of emigration now pro- 
 posed. Although it is a question of doubtful policy to go 
 back on the well-made record of the past by such an act of 
 repeal, inasmuch as the terms of that act of repeal closes 
 out from the fund once appropriated, all claims except those 
 of the two outstanding contracts named above, for the ex- 
 press benefit of which, according to the terms of that act 
 of repeal, the funds are reserved. This may not have been 
 the intent of the gentlemen who devised that act of repeal ; 
 but this is the effect of their law. The better way, in my 
 humble judgment, would have been to let the fund alone, but 
 organize a proper office, with men under bond to take charge 
 of it ; for I trust it will still appear right to you to main- 
 tain an official centre for this work, to which persons and 
 parties representing colonial interests may be referred. 
 I have the honor to remain, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 JAMES MITCHELL, 
 Commissioner of Emigration. 
 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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