„_ _ v-6^ .Hq 1 . O > r< ^^o^ A <> * O „ ' ^ 9vr '^o ■•: "W" '/^ COLLECTIONS OF THB Hhobc-lslanb i|t0toncal Sactctij, VOLUME V. -"h PROVIDENCE: KNOWLES AND VOSE, PRINTERS. 1843. OFFICERS OF THE RHODE-ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY, ELECTED JULY 19tH, 1842. JOHN HOWLAND, President; JOB DURFEE, First Vice-President; ROMEO ELTON, Second Vice-President ; JOHN P. KNOWLES, Secretary; GEORGE BAKER, Treasurer; GEORGE BAKER, Cabinet Keeper of the Northern District ; BENJAMIN B. HOWLAND, Cabinet Keeper of the Southern District. TRUSTEES. ALBERT G. GREENE, JOHN CARTER BROWN, WILLIAM G. GODDARD, JOHN PITMAN, EDWARD B. HALL, JOSEPH MAURAN, ELISHA R. POTTER, BARZILLAI CRANSTON, THOMAS B. FENNER, JOHN P. KNOWLES, GEORGE A. BRAYTON, AMHERST EVERETT. COMMITTEE 'OF^ PUBLICATION. Elected Jby the'/Trustees, April ith, 1843. ALBERT G. GREENE, JOHN HOWLAND, ROMEO ELTON. CIRCULAR. The Society would call the attention of members and correspondents, to the following subjects : 1. Topographical Sketches of towns and villages, including an ac- count of their soil, agriculture, manufactures, commerce, natural curi- osities and statistics. 2. Sketches of the history of the settlement and rise of such towns and villages ; and of the introduction and progress of commerce, manu- factures, and the arts, in them. 3. Biographical Notices of original settlers, revolutionary patriots, and other distinguished men who have resided in this State. 4. Original letters and documents, and papers illustrating any of these subjects ; particularly those which shew the private habits, manners or pursuits of our ancestors, or are connected with the general history of this State. 5. Sermons, orations, occasional discourses and addresses, books, pam- phlets, almanacs and newspapers, printed in this State ; and manuscripts, especially those written by persons born or residing in this State. 6. Accounts of the Indian tribes which formerly inhabited any part of this State, their numbers and condition when first visited by the whites, their general character and peculiar customs and manners, their wars and treaties, and their original grants to our ancestors. 7. The Indian names of the towns, rivers, islands, bays, and other re- markable places within this State, and the traditional import of those names. 8. Besides these, the Society will receive donations of any other books pamphlets, manuscripts and printed documents. PREFACE. The Rhode-Island Historical Society had long been desirous that a History of Providence should be prepared by one of their number, as soon as the requisite materials could be gathered. They were therefore gratified by knowing that the task had been undertaken by one of their earliest associates, upon whose care and fidelity, reliance could be placed. The Society most cheerfully bear testimony to the industry which Judge Staples has devoted to the work ; and present this volume to the citizens of Rhode-Island, as a faithful record of the charac- ters and deeds of their fathers ; and to the Ameri- can people, as a valuable addition to that body of local annals upon which the future historians of our country must principally depend for materials for their more elaborate and extended works. ALBERT G. GREENE, ) ^ ... . JOHN HOWLAND, V ^^™^^^ «/ ROMEO ELTON, ^fumicaiion. Providence, June, 1843. A N N A L 8 OF THE TOWN OF PROVIDEKCE. FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT, TO THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CITY GOVERNMENT, IN JUNE, 1S32. BY WILLIAM R. STAPLES. PROVIDENCE: PRFNTEI) r. Y KNOWLES AND VOSE. 1843. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1843, by William R. Staples, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Rhode-Island. PREFACE. The only historical publications relating to Rhode-Islaud, which have emanated from Rhode-Island men, are, Simplicity's Defence against Seven-Headed Policy, Callender's Century Ser- mon, Hopkins' History of Providence, Potter's Early History of Narragansett, Pitman's Centennial Discourse, and Bull's Sketches of the History of the State. The first of these, is the production of Samuel Gorton, one of the first settlers of Warwick. It was originally published by him in London, in 1646. It has since been re-published, as the second volume of the Collections of the Rhode-Island Historical Society. It contains a narration of some events which trans- pired in Warwick, during a few of the first years after its set- tlement. Callender's Sermon, is a historical discourse which was de- livered by John Callender, pastor of the first Baptist church in Newport, in 1738, at the close of the first century of the exist- ence of the English settlements on the island of Rhode-Island. It embraces a brief history of those settlements, together with the events of general interest which had occurred in other parts of the colony. No publication of the kind deserves higher praise for impartiality, candor, and research. An edition of this work was published in 1838, with extensive notes by Professor Elton. Valuable as the original work is, the notes of Mr. Elton have added much of value and interest to it ; but the historical events are not brought down, beyond the time of its delivery. Hopkins' History of Providence first appeared in the Provi- dence Gazette, in 1762. It has since been re-published in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. The au- thor was Stephen Hopkins, who for several years, sustained the office of Governor of the Colony of Rhode-Island. It contains the history of the Town of Providence, from its settlement down to 1645. It is entitled to confidence, for its general correctness. IV PREFACE. Potter's Early History of Narragansett, makes the third vol- ume of the Collections of the Rhode-Island Historical Society. This is a very valuable work, compiled with great care, from authentic sources. It relates, almost exclusively, to that part of the State known as the Narragansett country. In 1636, Judge Pitman delivered an address to the citizens of Providence, on the completion of the second century since the settlement of the Town. This was immediately printed. It is a fine historical discourse, but it does not pretend to be a His- tory. Bull's Sketches of the History of the State, were published in the Rhode-Island Republican, at Newport. The author was Henry Bull, now deceased, well known throughout the State at least, as a gentleman of great industry and historical research. — These sketches contain the greater part of the public documents which relate to the State in the infancy of the various settlements within it. The inferences and remarks of Mr. Bull, and his views in relation to his subject, are well worthy of attention. Historical discourses have more recently, been delivered before several religious societies in the state. These generally relate to the societies before which they were delivered, and are very valua- ble as containing minute details in their histories. i\mong the most interesting of these, may be named, Ross' Discourse be- fore the first Baptist church in Newport; Hall's, before the first Congregational Society, and Hague's before the first Baptist Society, in Providence. Most of the States in the Union, and most of the large cities and towns, have produced their local historians. With the excep- tions before mentioned, neither the State of Rhode-Island, nor any of the municipal corporations within it, have, as yet, any printed account of their rise and progress, unless the incidental notices which they have received from the historians of other states, may be considered as such. These notices are short and unsatisfactory. The town, state, or nation that borrows a his- torian from its neighbors, must expect to have its virtues forgot- ten and its vices magnified. The ensuing work does not assume to be a History of Provi- dence. The object of the author has been to collect facts for " the future historian, and to classify and arrange them, chrono- PREFACE. V logically, with only so many of his own remarks, as were necessary to connect them together and make them understood. In his attempt, he is aware that he has sometimes embodied facts and documents, intimately connected with, and forming a part of, the history of the State. Without doing this, he deem- ed it impossible, in some instances, to give a fair view of the acts of the Town ; while, in others, the proceedings of the State appeared to be founded upon and to have been the natural ef- fects of, the doings of the Town. Besides this, in early times, the dividing line between the state, or rather the colony, and the town history was, by no means, so distinctly defined as now. For these reasons, he hopes his readers will pardon him, if he has trespassed upon the future historian of the State. Others may suppose that some of the facts collected are quite too mi- nute and trifling. The object of the author being as before expressed, he believed himself less liable to censure for matters inserted, than for matters omitted. His aim throughout, has been, to omit no circumstance which might serve to illustrate the growth of the Town, or the changes which have taken place in the habits, the business, and the pursuits of the inhabitants. Many of the materials for this work were obtained from the office of the Secretary of State, and from the City Clerk's office. The General Assembly of the State and the City Council, upon the author's application, gave him leave to take their early records and files from the offices where by law they are depos- ited, and to make extracts and copies from them, at pleasure. The like permission was given him by the Historical Society of the State. He availed himself of this privilege, and the records and files of both State and City have been sedulously examined. The permission given him by the Society, opened to him their historical treasures, included in which, are the results of the antiquarian life of the late Theodore Foster, and many of the collections of the late venerable Moses Brown. While he thus acknowledges his obligations to the State, to the City, and to the Historical Society, he is not unmindful of the kindness of the keepers of those offices, nor of the numerous individuals who have likewise aided him in his labors. The early historians of Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New-England, as well as the works relating to Rhode-Island first alluded to, have 1 VI PREFACE. also been exaiuiucd. The author, aL tirst, resolved to append notes of reference to the authorities upon which he has relied, and to the places in which the originals of the published docu- ments may be found. This course, on second thought, he abandoned, because it seemed calculated to prove the extent of his researches, rather than to aid the reader ; and besides, the nature of the documents copied, will, in most instances, deter- mine the place where the originals are deposited. No alterations have been made in the documents published, excepting only in their orthography, which has been changed to that in general use at the present time. If such change deprives them of one innate mark of authenticity, it also renders them more easily read and understood. The orthography of Indian names of persons and places has been strictly preserved in the documents published. In the text, the author has used, what he believed to be, the common orthography of such names. It is by no means pleasing to see the same name, in the course of two or three pages, spelt in as many different ways; yet, as such diversity prevailed with our ancestors, who learned the lan- guage only by the ear, it has been preserved, with the wish that it may iiid the curious philologist in his researches. Where any fact is referred to, the date of it is given in new style so far as relates to the year and the month. Bearing in mind, that, according to old style, March was the first month of the year, many supposed errors in the following work will dis- appear. If absolute exactness is desirable, in the date of any event occurring in or previous to 1752, the reader will add eleven days to the date given. The author avows a decided preference for facts over words, and for things over names. His labors have been among the first, and his researches have been after them. The materials here published were principally found where a like disregard for terms and language prevails. These circumstances may have induced in him an unwarranted carelessness in style and expres- sion. If, however, he shall succeed in exciting a taste for things of old time, and in arousing attention to the facts which make up the liibtory of Providence, his object will be accomplished. CONTENTS. Chapter I. — General History, from the first settlement in 1636, to the reception of the first Charter to the Colony, in 1644. Chapter II. — General History, from the arrival of the Colony Charter, in 1644, to the adoption of the second Colony Charter, in 1663. Chapter III. — General History, from the adoption of the Colony Charter of 1666, until 1763. Chapter IV. — General History, from the Peace of 1763, to the Peace of 1783. Chapter V. — General History, from the Peace of 1783, to adoption of the Constitution of the United States, by the State of Rhode-Island, in 1790. Chapter VI. — General History, from 1790, to the City Charter. Chapter VII. — Ecclesiastical History. Chapter VIII. — Education. Chapter IX. — Newspapers and Periodical Publications. Chapter X. — Purchases of the Natives and Divisions of the Town, Chapter XI. — Miscellaneous. Appendix. — Ecclesiastical History, from 1832 to 1842. Newspapers and Periodical Publications commenced since 1832. List of persons who have been Representatives to the General Assembly, Town Clerks, Town Treasurers, Members of the Town Council, Collectors of the Port, and Fourth of July Orators, in Providence. ANNALS or PROVIDENCE. CHAPTER FIRST. GENERAL HISTORY. FROM THE FIRST SETTLEMENT, IN 1636, TO THE RECEPTION OF THE FIRST CHARTER TO THE COLONY, IN 1644. The first permanent European settlement within the present limits of New-England, was made at Plymouth, in the year 1620. The colonists were Enghshmen by birth, and of that denomination of Christians since called Doctrinal Puritans. Their former pastor, the Rev. John Robinson, is styled by Neale, "the father of the Independents." He and his congregation had been compelled, some years before, to remove to Holland, on account of their noncon- formity to the rites and ceremonies of the English established church. There, they enjoyed their pe- culiar reUgious opinions in peace ; but the language and customs of the country continually reminded them, that they were in a land of strangers. This, connected with the reflection, that their descendants would be aliens and, perhaps, enemies to the land of their birth, induced them to seek a permanent refuge from English persecution in some remote part of the English possessions in America. Next to the desire of worshipping God according to the dictates of 2 10 GENERAL HISTORY. their own consciences, was the wish to transmit to their descendants the privileges of Enghsh subjects. The spirit of colonization pervaded, rit that time, a large proportion of their fellow subjects, and render- ed it easy for them to make arrangements with one of the large companies established by king James for the settlement of America, for permission to settle within the limits assigned them. Such an arrange- ment they did conclude with the Virginia Company. They also obtained from king James an intimation, that there they should not be molested for their non- conformity. Allured by the hope of enjoying their relioious opinions, under the sanction and protection of their natural prince, they undertook a second pil- grimage, and embarked for the wilderness of Amer- ica. As it happened, however, their arrangement with the Virginia Company, and their assurance from king James, availed them nothing. They landed far to the Northward of the hmits of the Virginia Company, and within the bounds of the Grand Plym- outh patent, on the inhospitable shores of Cape Cod, and in the midst of an inclement winter. The second permanent settlement was made on the borders of Massachusetts Bay. These colonists also were EnoJish Puritans. Before they embarked from England, they obtained a patent for their lands from the proprietors of the Grand Plymouth patent, and a charter of incorporation from the king. Neither of these colonies deemed it important to obtain from the Indians a title to the soil, before they commenced their plantations. They rehed, in the first instance, either upon their own actual pos- GENERAL HISTORY. 11 session, or on a grant from the king, as sufficient to confer a title to the soil they occupied. They, with all christian governments of their day, assumed the right to determine the religious belief of the individu- als who composed the colony, or who should afterward join them. Without stopping to reflect, how they, individually, had suffered in their native country from the exercise of this same power, and how inef- ficient all attempts to regulate religious faith by legal enactments had always proved upon conscientious men, they followed on, in the beaten track. The religious standards adopted by these colonies essen- tially differed from each other. That of Plymouth approximated nearest to the Brownists. They dis- claimed communion with the church of England, as well as with the church of Rome. The first set- tlers of Massachusetts were more liberal in their views. They professed not to separate from the church of England, but only from the errors of that church. At their departure from England, they sought the prayers of" mother church." Both colonies soon had occasion to use the stand- ards they had established. In each, there were some individuals whose creeds exceeded or fell short of le- gal measure. Toward these the same power was exerted, though in a less rigorous manner, which had driven the colonists across the Atlantic. The assumption of such a power by any government, will soon find, if in fact it does not create, opportunities for its exercise. On the fifth day of February, 1631, Roger Wil- liams arrived in Boston. He had taken orders in the 12 GENERAL HISTORY. established church in England, but had subsequently become a noncontormist and a rigid separatist, froni that church. This change in his religious opinions, induced his removal to this country. The Governor and Assistants of the colony on Massachusetts Bay, soon ascertained that his opinions did not conform to their established standard. The church at Salem in- vited him to become their Teacher, in the place of Mr. Higginson, then lately deceased ; Mr. Skelton being their Pastor. In April, the Court of Assistants wrote to Mr. Endicott, one of the leading men of the Sa- lem Church, that " they marvelled that they would choose" Mr. Williams, " without advising with the Council ; and withal desiring them that they would forbear to proceed, till they had conferred about it." They stated as a reason for this interference with the acknowledged rights of the Salom church, as an in- dependent church, that " Mr. Williams had refused to join with the congregation at Boston, because they would not make a public declaration of their repentance for having communion with the churches of England while they tarried there ; and besides had declared his opinion, that the magistrate might not punish a breach of the Sabbath, nor any other of- fence that was a breach of the first table." Whether the first allegation was true, or whether accompanied with any explanation or exceptions, or whether it was an inference of the court from other declarations and opinions of Mr. Williams, cannot be ascertained from any of his writings. The court undoubtedly believed the statement to be correct. The second allegation— by which it was intended, that the civil GENERAL HISTORY. 13 magistrate, as such, had no right to punish for any vi- olation of duties toward God — was true, in its utmost extent. Mr. Williams has the honor of being the first, in modern times, to protest against the interfer- ence of the civil power with the rights of conscience. While he claimed the privilege of forming his own opinions on religious subjects, he claimed also the same right for all others, however they might differ from him. Notwithstanding this difficulty, Mr. Wil- liams was admitted a freeman in May following. He remained in Salem until into summer, when he removed to Plymouth, where he was received as the assistant of Mr. Ralph Smith, the Pastor of the Plym- outh church. His connexion with that church con- tinued about two years, when it was dissolved at his own instance. He then returned to Salem. About the time of his return, the ministers of Massachusetts estabhshed regular meetings, once a fortnight, at each others houses, for mutual aid and advice. Mr. Skelton and Mr. Williams opposed these meetings, as tending to endanger the independence of church- es, and to introduce into them the Presbyterian form of government. This opposition gave ofience to the ministers. In December of the same year, (1633) the Governor and Assistants had under con- sideration, a treatise that Mr. Wilhams had sent to them, the design of which was to show that no char- ter or patent from the king of England, could con- fer on the colonists, any right to the lands they oc- cupied, as against the Indians. It was not written for pubUcation, but only for the satisfaction of the Governor of Plymouth, and with the design, probably, 14 GENERAL HISTORY. of inducing the colonists to purchase a title from the Indians. This treatise gave offence to the magis- trates of Massachusetts. At the next court, howev- er, Mr. Williams "gave satisfaction of his intention and loyalty," "so it was left and nothing done in it." That he never abandoned these opinions, but always acted consistently with them, after transactions will fully prove. Mr. Skelton died in August, 1634, and Mr. Wil- hams soon after became pastor of the Salem church. The Governor and Assistants of Massachusetts, at a meeting on the 27th day of November, 1634, directed a summons to be sent to Mr. Williams to appear at the next court " for teaching pubhcly against the King's patent, and our great sin in claiming rightthereby to this country, &c., and for usual terming the churches of England, anti-christ- ian." In April following he was again sent for by the court, for teaching "publicly that a magistrate ought not to tender an oath to an unregenerate man." In July Mr. Williams appeared before the General Court. He was there charged, in addition to what has been already stated, with holding that " a man ought not to pray with unregenerate persons" or " give thanks after the sacrament or after meat." These opinions of Mr. Williams being adjudged by the Court to be " erroneous and very dangerous," both he and the church which had called him to of- fice, were notified "to make satisfaction before the next General Court, or to expect sentence." The inhabitants of Salem preferred a petition to this court " for some land in Marblehead neck which GENERAL HISTORY. 16 they did challege as belonging to their town." The court refused to grant tliis petition, " because they had chosen Mr. WiUiams their teacher, while he stood under question of authority." This refusal pro- duced a great excitement in Salem, and the church there, following the example of the other churches in Mr. Williams' case, wrote " to the other churches to admonish the magistrates of this, as a heinous sin, and likewise the deputies." It should be borne in mind that none but members of churches could be magistrates, or even freemen, at this time. It is probable that the other churches, not feeling so deep- ly as did the Salem church the effect of this refusal, neglected to comply with this request; for on the 16th day of August, Mr. Williams being confined by sickness, wrote to his church, that he would not communicate with the other churches, nor with his own, unless they united with him in refusing com- munion with the rest. In the following October Mr. Wilhams was convented before the General Court, and charged with the two letters, the one from his church to the other churches, and the other from him to his own church. He justified both of them, and after an ineffectual attempt to convince him of his errors, on the third day of November, the follow- ing sentence was passed against him. , "Whereas Mr. Roger WiUiams, one of the elders of the church of Salem, hath broached and divulged divers new and dangerous opinions, against the au- thority of the magistrates, as also written letters of defamation, both of the magistrates and churches there, and that before any conviction, and yet main- 16 GENERAL HISTORY taineth the same without retraction ; it is, therefore, ordered, that the said Mr. Wilhams shall depart out of this jurisdiction within six weeks now next ensu- ino-, which if he neglect to perform, it shall be lawful for the Governor and two of the magistrates to send him to some place out of this jurisdiction, not to re- turn any more without license from the court." Subsequently he obtained permission to remain in Salem until Spring, on condition that he would not attempt to draw others to his opinions. On the 1 1th of January, 1636, the Governor and Assistants sent for him "to come presently to Boston to be shipped, &c." they having determined that he had disregarded their injunction "not to go about to draw others to his opinions," and " did use to entertain company in his house, and to preach to them even of such points as he had been censured for ;" and it was agreed to send him into England by a ship then ready to de- part. The reason was, because "he had drawn above twenty persons to his opinions, and they were intending to erect a plantation about the Narragan- sett Bay, from whence the infection would easily spread into these churches." He returned an an- swer to this summons that " he could not come with- out hazard to his hfe, &c." Upon this a pinnace was sent to apprehend him and put him on board a ship, then lying at Nantasket, bound for England. When the messengers arrived at Salem, Mr. Williams had been gone three days. It is highly probable he was informed by some friend of the intention of the Gov- ernor and Assistants to send for him. The preceding facts and dates are derived princi- pally from Gov. Winthrop's Journal, GENERAL HISTORY. 17 From Salem he went to Seekonk, and procuring a grant of land from Massasoit, at Manton's neck on the Seekonk river, " began to build and plant there." Here he received a letter from Governor Winslow, of Plymouth, stating, that he w^as within the bounds of the Plymouth patent, that they, of Plymouth, "were loath to displease the Bay," and advising him to cross that river, where he would be beyond any English claim. This advice was soon followed, and in the latter part of the Spring, or in the beginning of the Summer of 1636, he landed, for the first time, with intent to commence a settlement, within the limits of Providence. It is impossible to fix the exact date of this event. That it was after planting time, may be inferred from a remark in a letter of his, in which he says his removal occasioned him " the loss of a harvest that year." That it was before the 26th day of July is certain from the fact, that the Governor of Massachusetts, on that day, received a letter from Mr. Williams at Providence, informing him of the murder of one of their inhabitants, (Mr. Oldham,) by the Pequods. At the first settlement of Plymouth, the Narragan- setts were, undoubtedly, the most numerous and powerful of any of the tribes in New England. The pestilence which, a few years before, had almost depopulated some parts of the country, had not af- fected them. Their principal town was in the south- western part of the State of Rhode-Island. All the tribes on the western side of Narragansett Bay were their tributaries. Ousamequin or Massasoiet, Sa- chem of the Wampanoags, on the eastern side of the 3 18 GENERAL HISTORY. Bay, acknowledged to Mr. Williams, "that he and his tribe had submitted themselves to the Narragan- setts.'- " The Sachems of Shawmut and Neponsit," says Morton's Memorial, " acknowledged a degree of subjection to Massasoiet." At the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, Conanicus and Miantonomi, uncle and nephew, were chief Sachems of the Nar- ragansetts. The Pequods on the west and the Wampanoags on the east, were the hereditary enemies of the Narraganselts. During the prevalence of the pes- tilence l>efore alluded to, the Narragansetts secured an ascendency over the latter. The Wampanoags lost their independence and became the unwilling tributaries of the Narragansetts. Massasoiet anxiously sought an opportunity to free himself and tribe from this yoke. These passages in Indian history in a a great measure account for the readiness with which he and his tributaries around Massachusetts Bay sub- mitted themselves to the handful of enfeebled whites settled at Plymouth. The Pequods were a far more warlike nation than the Naragansetts under Conanicus and Miantonomi. They nearly or quite equalled the Narragansetts in numbers. Their sachem, Sassacus, was a great warrior, and he had infused his own warlike spirit into his subjects. They had extended their con- quests every way, and it was with difficulty that the Narragansetts withstood them. Sassacus saw with pleasure the power of the Narragansetts weakened by the defection of the Wampanoags. But, as a wise and politic prince, he saw in that defection, his tlENERAL HISTORY. 19 own ruin, and that of all of the tribes around him. He proposed, therefore, to the Narragansetts, to hmj the hatchet of their private difficulties, and to unite, and drive the white man into the ocean. The Narragansetts had become a.verse to war. They had engaged in agriculture to a considerable extent. They made a great part of the peag which circula- ted as money among the tribes, and they excelled their neighbors in the manufacture of pottery. Under Tashtassuck, the ancestor of Conanicus and Mian- tonomi, they had attained their power and extended their conquests, while under the latter sachems, they were making rapid progress in the arts of peace, and approximating a state of semi-civilization. They must have lost their warhke enterprise. Unless it had been so, they would never have so tamely borne the defection of Massasoiet. The handful of ar- rows tied with the snake skin, the declaration of war, which they sent on that occasion, to the English at Plymouth, would have been followed with a war of extermination against the whites. The difference in numbers would have ensured them the victory. Instead, however, of following up this declaration of war with actual hostilities, they seem to have con- tented themselves with refusing all intercourse with the strangers. Mr. Wilhams describes them as be- ing exceedingly shy of the whites, and refusing to sell them land. It was in vain that Sassacus pointed to the settlements of the whites which were spring- ing up, as if by magic, around them. In vain he told them, that the stranger had lighted his fires along the whole coast, and upon the bank of every 20 GENERAL HISTORY. navigable stream — in vain he pointed to the smoke of the Avhite man's cabin, as it rose in every direc- tion around them. He attempted, in vain, to rouse anew the vvarhke spirit of the Narragansetts, and to induce them to make common cause with him against the intruder. While negotiations of this character were passing between the Narragansett and Pequod sachems^ Mr. Williams approached the wigwams of the Nar- ragansetts. During his residence at Plymouth and Salem, he had become acquainted with their sa- chems. The character of rehgious teacher, which he bore, ensured him from the savages some tokens of respect. And it may well be believed, that even before this period, he had devoted some portion of his time to their service. He had gained their confi- dence to such a degree, that when he sought from them a refuge and a shelter, it was not only readily granted, but he was able to frustrate the designs of the Pequods. Whether Mr. Williams was accompanied by any persons in his flight from Salem is unknown. Mr, Cotton, in his "Reply to Mr. Williams his Exam- mation, &c." page 8, says that some of Mr. Wil- liams' friends " went to the place appointed by himself, beforehand, to make provision of housing and other necessaries for him against his coming." This may be so, but it seems hardly possible that it should be, as he could not have anticipated the sum- mons from the Governor and Assistants, which caused his flight. Among those who joined him while at Seekonk, were, William Harris, John Smith, (miller,) GENERAL HISTORY. 21 Joshua Verin, Thomas Angell, and Francis Wickes. These, with Mr. Wilhams, composed the first settlers of Providence. The number is ascertained from a letter from Joshua Verin to the town, which will be given hereafter, and the names are gathered from the same source, and from a plea made by Mr. Wil- liams before certain commissioners of the King, in 1677. Tradition says that they first landed on " the Slate rock," on the bank of the Seekonk river, near the residence of his Excellency Governor Fenner, and that, as they approached the shore, they were saluted with "What cheer, netop," by an Indian from the hill. That there is some foundation for the tra- dition appears from the fact, that a tract of land adjoining this rock, has ever since borne the name of " What cheer." Under this name, it was assigned to Mr, Wilhams in the first division of lands among the settlers. It has also been handed down by tra- dition, that Mr. Williams and his companions, after exchanging salutations with the Indian, pursued their voyage, around Fox Point and up Providence river, to a point a little south of St. John's Church. A fine spring of water there, which has ever since borne the name of Williams' Spring, is supposed to indi- cate the place of their first settlement. This small company was soon increased by new emigrations, both from Plymouth and Massachusetts. It is impossible to ascertain the precise date of the arrival of any of them. The records, as may be sup- posed, were very scanty at first, and these have be- come mutilated and illegible in many places. The date of the first entry is "16th day 4 month" (June.) 22 GENERAL HISTORi'. The year, if ever inserted, is now illegible. There are two entries under this date, one imposing a fine for not attending at the iiour appointed for town- meetings, the other providing for the monthly choice of a town treasurer. From the latter it would seem, that they held meetings, monthly. The next record is under date of 13th of 6 mo. (August.) It contains an order, altering a previous law, not re- corded, (which required every person to be pro- pounded one month before he could be received into the town,) so that upon urgent necessity, a special meeting could be called, and a person received after standing propounded for three or four days. The next proceedings recorded are under date of 3d of 10 mo. (December.) A fine was imposed at this meeting on every person absent from any town- meeting, and it made it the duty of him "who keeps the books in that month, to observe and take notice who is wanting, and present his name to the town.'' From this it would seem that a clerk was chosen at every meeting. The only officer whose election is recorded is Thomas Olney, town treasurer. This was under date of August 13. These comprise all the entries made on the first page of the town re- cords. The next page begins with "Orders and agreements, the 2d year of the Plantation," without any date of day, month or year. In the entry under this date, it appears that William Carpenter, Bene- dict Arnold, William Reynolds, Thomas Angell, Mrs. Alice Daniels, (afterwards the wife of John Greene, Senior,) Mary Sweet, and Edward Cope, had each received a grant of land from the Town, about that GENERAL HISTORY. 23 time, as they were required to pay a certain sum, not legible in the records, "in consideration of ground at present granted unto them." Similar grants had, before this, been made to Robert Cole, Francis Wes- ton, and Richard Waterman. This appears from the second order, under the same date, imposing a penalty on each of them "for damage in case they do not improve their grounds." All future comers, by the third order, were required to pay a certain sum, not legible, "upon the grant of a like portion of ground." Every person was prohibited from sell- ing "his field or his lot granted in our liberties to any person but to an inhabitant, without consent of the town." From an entry under date of 28th of 12 mo. (February,) it appears that William Field was then at Providence. Under date of the 10th of 4 month, (June,) is an order confirming certain grants of land to John Greene, Thomas James, Eze- kiel Holyman, John Throckmorton, William Arnold, and Stukely Westcott. On the 2 1 st of the preceding month, the following vote was passed : "Joshua Ver- in, for breach of covenant in restraining liberty of conscience, shall be withheld the liberty of voting, till he declare the contrary." We are indebted to Governor Winthrop for an account of the manner in which Verin "restrained the liberty of conscience," and for the circumstances attending his trial and dis- franchisement. After recounting the trouble that a Mrs. Ohver had given the ministers and magistrates of Massachusetts, by her contumacious heresy, he adds: "At Providence, also, the devil was not idle. For whereas at their first coming thither, Mr. Wil- 24 GENERAL HISTORY. Hams and the rest did make an order, that no man should be molested for his conscience, now men's wives, and children, and servants, claimed liberty to go to all religious meetings, though never so often, or though private, upon the week days ; and because one Verin refused to let his wife go to Mr. Williams' so oft as she was called for, they required to have him censured. But there stood up one Ar- nold, a witty man, of their company, and withstood it, telling them that when he consented to that order, he never intended it should extend to the breach of any ordinance of God, such as the subjection of wives to their husbands, &c., and gave divers solid reasons against it. Then one Greene, he replied, that, if they should restrain their wives, &c., all the women in the country would cry out of them, &c. Arnold answered him thus : Did you pretend to leave the Massachusetts, because you would not of- fend God to please men, and would you now break an ordinance and commandment of God to please women ? Some were of opinion that if Verin would not suffer his wife to have her liberty, the church should dispose of her to some other man, who would use her better. Arnold told them, that it was not the woman's desire to go so oft from home, but only Mr. Williams' and others. In conclusion, when they would have censured Verin, Arnold told them that it was against their own order, for Verin did that he did, out of conscience, and their order was that no man should be censured for his conscience." Prob- ably Gov. Winthrop learned the story from Verin GENERAL HISTORY. 25 himself, for he left Providence soon after this occur- rence and removed to Salem. Little further can be collected about Verin. The following letter from him to the town is inserted as containing more information relative to the early proceedings of the settlers, than in relation to him- self. " Gentlemen, and countrymen of the Town of Providence. This is to certify you, that I look upon my purchase of the town of Providence to be my lawful right. In my travel, I have en- quired and do find it is recoverable according to law, for my coming away could not disinherit me. Some of you cannot but recollect, that we six which came first should have the first con- venience, as it was put in practice, first, by our house lots, and second, by the meadows on Wonasquatucket river ; and then, those that were admitted by us into the purchase to have the next which were about, but it is contrary to law, reason, and equity, for to dispose of my part, without my consent. There- fore, deal not worse with me than we dealt with the Indians, for we made conscience of purchasing of it of them, and hazarded our lives. Therefore we need not, nor any one of us ought, to be denied of our purchase. So, hoping you will take it into your serious consideration, and to give me reasonable satisiaction, I rest Yours in the way of right and equity, JOSHUA VERIN. From Salem, the 21st Nov. 1650. This to be delivered to the deputies of the town of Providence, to be presented to the whole town." This letter was laid before the town at their quar- ter-meeting, April 27, 1651, and the clerk was di- rected to answer it, which he did as follows : Sir — The Town of Providence having received, read, and considered yours dated the 21st November, 1650, have ordered 26 GENERAL HISTORY. me to signify unto you, that if you shall come unto court, and prove your right, they will do you justice. Per me. GRE. DEXTER, Town Clerk. It has been before observed, that Mr. Wilhams both at Pylmouth and Salem, contended that the In- dians were the sole owners of the soil they occupied, and that a patent or grant from the king of En- gland could convey no title in them to any one. The promulgation of these sentiments formed one of the principal charges against him, and contributed not a little, to his final banishment from Massachusetts. That they were the honest convictions of his own mind is evinced by the fact that he reduced them to practice. When he " began to build and plant" at Seekonk, he obtained a grant of land from Massa- soit. That a similar grant of Providence was ob- tained at or before the settlement there, appears from the following deed. " At Nanhiggansick the 24th of the first month commonly called March, in the second year of our plantation or planting at Mooshausick or Providence. Memorandum, that we Cau- naunicus and Meauntunomi, the two chief sachems of Nanhig- gansick, having two years since sold unto Roger Williams, the lands and meadows upon the two fresh rivers, called Mooshau- sick and Wanasquatucket do now by these presents, establish and confirm the bounds of those lands, from the river and fields at Pawtucket, the great hill of Neotaconkonitt on the north west, and the town of Mashapauge on the west. As also in consideration of the many kindnesses and services he hath con- tinually done for us, both with our friends of Massachusetts, as also at Quinickicutt and Apaum or Plymouth, we do freely give unto him all that land from those rivers, reaching to Pawtuxet GENERAL HISTORY. 27 river, as also the grass and meadows upon the said Pawtuxet river. In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands. The mark of | Caunaunicus. ■/"°tV The mark of Meauntunomi. In tlie presence of The mark of ><3 Seatash. The mark of * Assotemewit. 1639 Memorandum 3. mo. 9th day. This was all again con- firmed by Miantonomi, he acknowledged this his act and hand, up the streams of Pawtucket and Pawtuxet without limits, we might have for our use of cattle. Witness hereof ROGER WILLIAMS. BENEDICT ARNOLD. This is the earUest conveyance, in the records of Providence. The body of the deed is in the hand writing of Mr. WiOiams, the clause signed by him is in the hand writing of Thomas James. It is proba- ble that the prior conveyance referred to in this deed, was a verbal one. This is a confirmation of the precedent grant, or rather a declaration of the bounds of the lands conveyed by it. It contains no words of transfer or sale of the "lands and meadows upon the two fresh rivers Mooshausick and Wanasqua- tucket." It would seem also that it was the inten- tion of the sachems to enlarge the bounds of their previous grant, for the deed, in technical language conveys " all the lands from those rivers, reaching to Pawtuxet river." But upon the whole, the instru- ment is so inartificially drawn, purporting to transfer only a life estate by its terms, when undoubtedly the 28 GENERAL HISTORY. fee was intended to be conveyed, as to render it very doubtful whether Mr. Wilhams ever pursued the study of the law, as his biographer asserts, under the strictly technical Sir Edward Coke. By this deed, and the previous conveyance, be it what it may, the title to the land, vested in Mr. Williams alone. The consideration, such as it was, passed from him alone. In a letter from him to the town a long time afterward, speaking of Providence and Pawtuxet he says, " they were mine own as truly as any man's coat upon his back." This was after- wards denied by some of the proprietors as will sub- sequently appear. It was not however Mr. Williams' object to retain the whole purchase to himself, or to make his com_panions in exile in any way dependant on him. His son Daniel, in a letter to the town da- ted August 24, 1710, says, "if a covetous man had that opportunity as he had, most of this town would have been his tenants." It was contended after- wards by some of the inhabitants that the original purchase was made by Mr. Williams as the agent of the whole company, and that they refunded to him their proportion of the original cost. This he de- nied in the strongest terms. Soon after the pur- chase he executed the following deed to his compan- ions. He subsequently executed two other deeds, which will be given hereafter. Why this is called his " Initial deed," will be very apparent on its pe- rusal. " Menioranduin, That I, R. W. having formerly purchased of Cauoiiicus and Miautoiioini, this our situation or plantation of New Providence, viz. the two fresh rivers Wonas. and Moosh, GENERAL HISTORY. ^y and the grounds and meadows thereupon, in consideration of ^30 received from the inhabitants of said place, do freely and fully, pass, grant and make over equal right and povi'er of enjoy- ing and disposing the same grounds and lands unto my loving friends and neighbors S W. W A. T J. R C. J G. J T. W H. W C. T O. F W. R W. and E. H. and such others as the major part of us shall admit into the same fellowship of vote with us. As also, I do freely, make and pass over equal right and power of enjoying and disposing the said land and ground reach- ing from the aforesaid rivers unto the great river Pawtuxet, with the grass and meadow thereupon, which was so lately given and granted by the two aforesaid sachems to me. Witness my hand. R. W. There is no date to the only copy of this deed now in existence. Informal as it appears, it was the only evidence the town had, that Mr. Wilhams had parted with any portion of the lands conveyed to him by the Sachems. That they scarcely deemed a con- veyance necessary is evinced by the carelessness witli which this was kept. The probability is, that the original deed from the Sachems was deposit- ed with and kept by the clerk of the Town, and the possession of that was esteemed equivalent to a conveyance, or if it were not, impHcit confidence was reposed in Mr. Wilhams that he would execute the requisite deeds on request. On the sixth day of December, 1661, a commit- tee appointed at a previous meeting to wait on Mr. Williams and procure from him a deed of the first purchase, made a report, and on the thirteenth of the same month, another committee was appointed to procure the signature of Mrs. Williams to the deed. It is presumed that the following deed was execu- ted in pursuance of these requests. 30 GENERAL HISTORY. " Be it known unto all men by these presents, that I Roger Williams, of the Town of Providence, in the Narraganset Bay, in New-England, having in the year 1634 and in the year 1635 had several treaties with Conanicusse and Miantonome, the chief Sachems of the Narragansetts, and in the end purchased of them the lands and meadows upon the two fresh rivers called Mooshassick and Wanasquatucket, the two Sachems having by a deed under their hands two years after the sale thereof estab- lished and confirmed the bounds of these lands from the river and fields ofPawtuckqut and the great hill of Neotaconconitt on the north-west, and the town of Mashapauge on the west, not- withstanding I had the frequent promise of Miantenomi my kind friend, that it should not be land that I should want about these bounds mentioned, provided that I satisfied the Indians there in- habiting, I having made covenant of peaceable neighborhood with all the Sachems and natives round about us ; and having in a sense of God's merciful providence unto me in my distress, called the place. Providence. I designed it might be for a shel- ter for persons distressed for conscience, I then considering the condition of divers of my distressed countrymen, I communica- ted my said purchase to my loving friends John Throckmorton, William Arnold, William Harris, Stukely Westcott, John Greene, sen., Thomas Olney, sen., Richard Waterman and others who then desired to take shelter here with me, and in succession unto so many others as we should receive into the fellowship and society of enjoying and disposing of the said purchase ; and besides the first that were admitted, our town records declare that afterwards we received Chad Brown, William Field, Thom- as Harris, sen., William Wickenden, Robert Williams, Gregory Dexter and others, as our town book declares ; and whereas, by God's merciful assistance, I was the procurer of the purchase, not by monies nor payment, the natives being so shy and jealous, that monies could not do it, but by that language, acquaintance, and favor with the natives and other advantages which it pleased God to give me, and also bore the charges and venture of all the gratuities which I gave to the great Sachems, and other Sa- chems and natives round about us, and lay engaged for a loving and peaceable neighborhood with them to my great charge and GENERAL HISTORY. 31 travel, it was, therefore, thought by some loving friends, that I should receive some loving consideration and gratuity, and it was agreed between us, that every person that should be admit- ted into the fellowship of enjoying lands and disposino- of the purchase, should pay thirty shillings into the public stock, and first about =£30 should be paid unto myself by thirty shillino-s a person, as they were admitted ; this sum I received in love to my friends, and with respect to a town and place of succor for the distressed as aforesaid. I do acknowledge the said sum and payment as full satisfaction. And whereas in the year 1637, so called, I delivered the deed subscribed by the two aforesaid chief Sachems, so much thereof as concerneth the aforemention- ed lands from myself and my heirs unto the whole number of purchasers, with all and every pov/er, right and title therein, re- serving only unto myself one single share equal unto any of the rest of that number, I now again in a more formal way, under my hand and seal, confirm my former resignation of that deed of the lands aforesaid and bind myself, my heirs, my executors, my administrators and assigns never to molest any of the said persons already received or hereafter to be received into the society of purchasers as aforesaid, but they, their heirs, executors, admin- istrators and assigns, shall at all times quietly and peaceably enjoy the premises and every part thereof; and I do further, by these presents, bind myself, my heirs, my executors, my admin- istrators and assigns, never to lay claim nor cause any claim to be laid, to any of the lands aforementioned, or unto any part or parcel thereof, more than unto mine own single share, by virtue or pretence of any former bargain, sale or mortgage whatsoever or jointures, thirds or entails made by me the said Roo-er Wil- liams or of any other person either, for, by, through or under me. In witness thereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 20th day of December in the present year 1661. ROGER WILLIAMS. [L S.] Signed, sealed and delivered, in presence of us. Thomas Smith, Joseph Carpenter. I Mary Williams wife unto Roger Williams do assent unto 32 GENERAL HISTORY. the premises. Witnes.s my hand this 20th day of December, in the present year 1601. The mark of M W MARY WILLIAMS. Acknowledged and subscribed before me. WILLIAM FIELD, Assistant." The treaties in 1634 and 1635 referred to in this deed, probably gave rise to the suggestion made by Governor Winthrop before quoted, of the intention of Mr. Wilhams and his adherents to make a settle- ment on Narragansett Bay. It was in conferences held with the Narragansetts while he resided at Plym- outh and Salem that he acquired that knowledge of their language and that influence in their councils, wliich enabled him to overcome their shyness and jealousy of the whites. It appears from this deed that the grantees in it never paid any part of the £30 which he received, nor does it contain any ex- pression which would suggest the idea that he acted in the purchase as their agent. The acceptance of this deed and the enrollment of it by the town in their records, is in some degree an acknowledgement of the truth of the recitals contained in it, and the part which he subsequently acted by appointment of the town in procuring other deeds of cession and confirmation from the natives, prove that the town reposed full confidence in his integrity and upright- ness. With respect to the dates referred to in this deed, they are probably incorrect. His deed from the Sachems, bears date the 24th of the first month, in the second year of the plantation, corresponding with the 24th day of March, or last day of the year 1637. There is no date to his " initial" deed, but it GENERAL HISTORY. 33 was executed the 8th clay of October, 1638. This deed was lost long before 1661, and the date 1637 might be intended to refer to the date of the Sa- chems' deed. Some of the grantees in the " Ini- tial" deed did not leave Massachusetts till 1638. The town accepted the deed of 1661, and had it entered on their records. This, with the evidence then in existence of the contents of the initial deed, constituted the whole title of the town till 1666. In that year, for some reason not apparent, Mr. Wilhams executed the following instrument, which is also re- corded. " Providence, 8 of 8th month, 1638, so called. Memorandum, that I, Roger Williams, having formerly pur- chased of Conanicus and Miantonomi, this our situation or plan- tation of New Providence, viz : the two fresh rivers V/onasqua- tucket and Moosehasick and the grounds and meadows thereupon, in consideration of thirty pounds, received from the inhabitants of the said place, do freely and fully pass, grant and make over equal right and power of enjoying and disposing the same ground and lands unto my loving friends and neighbors, Stukcly West- cott, William Arnold, Thomas James, Robert Cole, John Greene, John Throckmorton, William Harris, William Carpen- ter, Thomas Olney, Francis Weston, Richard Waterman, Eze- kiel Holyman and such others as the major part of us shall ad- mit unto the same fellowship of vote with us. As also I do freely make and pass over equal right and power of enjoying and disposing the lands and grounds reaching from the aforesaid rivers unto the great river Pawtuxet and the grass and meadows thereupon, which was so lately granted by the aforesaid Sa- chems to me. Witness my hand, Providence 22, 10 mo. 1666, so called. ROGER WILLIAMS. This paper and writing given by me about twenty-eight years since, and differs not a tittle, only so is dated as near as we could 5 34 GENERAL HISTORY fTuess about the time and the names of the men written in the straight of time and haste are here explained by me. ROGER WILLIAMS. In presence of us, John Browne, John Sayles, Thomas Harris, Assistant." After accepting the initial deed, on the 7th of Oc- tober 1638, the then thirteen proprietors deemed it expedient to make a division in their purchase, and subject the different parts to different rules of subse- quent subdivision. The two parts are known in the records as the " grand purchase of Providence," and " the Pawtuxet purchase." Great dissentions and difficulties grew out of this division. With respect to the first divisions of land in " the grand purchase of Providence," little can be gathered from the records. Frequent reference is there made to the " home lots" and the " six acre" lots of the pur- chasers. It has sometimes been supposed that these terms referred to the same lots. There is in the files of the city clerk's office a small paper book which completely refutes this idea. The title of the book is " A revised hst (saving corrections with ad- dition) of lands and meadows as they were originally lotted from the beginning of the plantation of Provi- dence in the Narragansett Bay in New-England, unto the (then) inhabitants of the said plantation un- til anno 16 — ." First in order are the "home lots," " beginning at the Mile-end cove." This cove disappeared many years since. It was at the south end of the town between Fox Point and GENERAL HISTORY. 35 Wickendeii street. " The home lots" all bounded on "the Town Street" on the west, and what is now Hope street on the east. The Town Street in mod- ern times has become South and North Main-streets. The book afore referred to gives the location of fif- ty-four of these home lots, as follows : Robert Williams, Christopher Unthank, William Hawkins, Robert West, Hugh Bevvit, John Lippit, Matthew Weston, Edward Hart, Thomas Hopkins, Widow Sayer, Widow Tiler, Nicholas Power, A highway, William Wickenden, William Man, William Burrows, Adam Goodwin, Thomas Harris, Joshua Winsor, John Field, William Field, Richard Scott, George Rickard, John Warner, Chad Brown, Daniel Abbott, William Reynolds, Stukely Westcott, Ezekiel Holyman, Richard Waterman, Francis Weston, Thomas Angell, Thomas Olney, Robert Cole, A highway, William Carpenter, John Sweet, Alice Daniels, William Harris, John Throckmorton, Roger Williams, Joshua Verin, Widow Reeve, John Smith, John Greene, Sen. Thomas James, William Arnold, Francis Wickes, Benedict Arnold, John Greene, Jun. Edward Manton, Thomas Painter, Mathew Waller, Gregory Dexter. The highway between the lots of Nicholas Power and William Wickenden, is now known as Power- 36 GENERAL HISTORY street, and that between Robert Cole's and William Carpenter's lots, is now called Meeting-street. The dividing hnes between all these lots, run east and west, and many of them may be traced by the walls and fences now standing. Several of these lots have never been transferred by deed. The northwesterly corner of the Roger Williams lot, is now occupied by the stone house at the cor- ner of North Main-street and Rowland's Alley. The spring was on the opposite side of the street. A pump is now set in it. The tide then flowed al- most up to the spring, and the street passed along on the shore. By referring to the foregoing list of home lots, a tolerably correct conclusion can be formed as to the order in which the first inhabitants arrived here. The first twelve are found on either hand of their leader. Within their extremes are lots which we,re set off" to the persons under age and the lone women who accompanied them. Those who succeeded them and were admitted inhabitants had their lots set off* to them upon the one or the other extreme, thus extending the line as their strength in- creased. In addition to the home lots each individual had a " six acre lot" assigned him. Seven of these lots are located between Mile-end cove and the one set off" to Mr. Williams. His lot adjoined "What cheer," and is the last to the north on Seekonk river. Other " six acre lots " were located in other parts of the purchase, as "on the North side of the Wanasquatucket," and " by the west river." There can be no mistake as to the GENERAL HISTORY. 37 location of Mr. Williams' six acre lot. The entry in this list is " six acres of Roger Williams with What cheer;" and in a deed that he made of What cheer and his six acre lot to James Elis, Jan. 29, 1667, he recites that in disposing of his purchase unto the "Township or commonality," he reserved to himself " the two Indian fields, called ' What cheer and Saxefrax Hill,' " and that the town afterwards " laid out unto me the aforesaid field, called What cheer, and adjoined my six acre lot unto it." In 1718 the proprietors of the purchase made another division of home or house lots. They divided the lands on the southerly and easterly side of Weybosset street, on the west side of North Main street north of Canal market, and on the south side of Olney street, into one hundred and one house lots, being one for each proprietor, which were drawn for by the propri- etors or their assigns. The land on the west side of Main street north of Mile-end cove, was subsequent- ly platted and divided into warehouse lots, and in most cases sold by the proprietors to the owners of the house lots opposite them. With respect to the other lands in the propriety, it was generally disposed of by vote to particular persons, or a divis- ion of certain number of acres made to each pur- chase right, the location of which was left to the in- dividuals interested, to be surveyed by the proprie- tors' . surveyor, allowed by the proprietors or their committee and recorded by the clerk. The returns, as they are called, of the surveyors, constitute the first link in the chain of the title of almost every estate in the county of Providence. The record of 38 GENERAL HISTORY. these returns and of subsequent conveyances were made by the clerk chosen by the towju, until 1718, after which the proprietors met by themselves and chose their own officers. During the first years of the colony, it is not pro- bable, that any of the powers of the community were exercised by or delegated to, any portion of its mem- bers. The original purchasers, with " such as they received into the same fellowship of vote" with them, met in town meeting, monthly, and there transacted all the business pertaining to their little common- wealth. It is matter of regret that their records from month to month have not been preserved. It would be interesting to peruse the proceedings of a colony of civilized men, commencing a political existence with the principles of perfect equality, and to mark the growth and increase of difficulties which gradu- ally and necessarily led them to the abandonment of their pure democracy, to the delegation of part of their powers, and to the institution of a representa- tive government. They must have adopted some general rules for their government at a very early period. This is fairly to be inferred from the fol- lowing agreement entered into by "the second com- ers." It is copied from the first book of the records of the town. It is there without date. When the early records of the town were copied, the transcri- ber added to his copy the date of August 20, 1637, from the inside of the cover of the same book. This date evidently refers to another matter which follows it, and is in a diflferent hand writing from the agreement itself. The precise time when any GENERAL HISTORY. 39 of these signers removed to Providence cannot be ascertained. Richard Scott, who is the first, left Massachusetts before March 1638. Two of the others, Thomas Angell and Francis Wickes, came with Mr. Wilhams. The tradition is, that they were then minors, and that that was the reason they were not named in Mr. Williams' deed They probably signed this agreement as soon as they became of age. " We whose names are hereunder, desirous to inhabit in the town of Providence, do promise to subject ourselves in active or passive obedience, to all such orders or agreements as shall be made for public good of the body, in an orderly way, by the major assent of the present inhabitants, masters of families, in- corporated together into a town-fellowship, and such others whom they shall admit unto them, only in civil things. Richard Scott, Thomas -|- Angell, William -[- Reynolds, Thomas -{- Harris, John -f- Field, Francis -j- Wickes, Chad Brown, Benedict Arnold, John Warner, Joshua Winsor, George Rickard, William Wickenden." Edward Cope, It is worthy of remark, that the signers of this in- strument, submit " only in civil things." That there existed some kind of an agreement between the first settlers "masters of famihes" is apparent from the terms of these articles. They are referred to as a town, as " incorporated together into a town fellow- ship." And, it is equally certain that the first agree- ment, whether in writing or not, provided for obe- dience " in civil things only," otherwise this would not have been so guarded. The testimony of Gov- 40 GENERAL HISTORY. ernor Winthrop is in point here, as before quoted in relation to Verin's case. He says, " at their first coming thither, Mr. Wilhams and the rest did make an order that no man should be molested for his conscience." Here then was estabhshed a christian community based upon the great principles of per- fect religious hberty, as contended for by Mr. Wil- liams both at Salem and at Plymouth. The first delegation of power, the first remove they made from pure democracy, was in 1640. The colonists had undoubtedly experienced the difficul- ties attendant on this form of civil government. They found it not only onerous to individuals, but wanting in that energy necessary to preserve the peace and ensure the prosperity of a growing com- munity. The change adopted is found embodied in the following report. Providence the 27th day of the 5th mo. in the year, so called, 1640. We Robert Cole, Chad Brown, William Harris and John Warner, being freely chosen by the consent of our loving friends and neighbors, the inhabitants of this town of Providence, having many differences amongst us, they being freely willing and also bound themselves to stand to our arbitration in all dif- fjgrences amongst us, to rest contented in our determination, being so betrusted, we have seriously and carefully endeavored to weigh and consider all these differences, being desirous to bring them to unity and peace, although our abilities are far short in the due examination of such weighty matters, yet so far as we can conceive in laying all things together, we have gone the fairest and equallest way to produce our peace. 1. Agreed. We have with one consent agreed, that in the parting those particular properties which some of our friends and neighbors have in Pawtuxet, from the general common of our town of Providence, to run upon a straight line from a fresh spring, being in the gully at the head of the cove running by GENERAL HISTORY. 41 that point of land called Saxefrax, into the town of Mashapaug, to an oak tree standing near unto the cornfield, being at this time the nearest cornfield unto Pawtuxet, the oak tree having four marks with an axe, till some other land-mark be set for a certain bound. Also, we agree, that if any meadow ground lying and joining to that meadow that borders upon the river of Pawtuxet, come within the aforesaid line, which will not come within a straight line from long cove to the marked tree, then, for that meadow to belong to Pawtuxet, and so beyond the town of Mash- apaug from the oak tree between the two fresh rivers Pawtuxet and Wanasquatucket, of an even distance. 2. Agreed. We have with one consent agreed, that for the disposing those lands that shall be disposed, belonging to this town of Providence, to be in the whole inhabitants by the choice of five men for general disposal, to be betrusted with disposal of lands and also of the town's stock and all general things, and not to receive in any in six days, as townsmen, but first to give the inhabitants notice, to consider if any have just cause to show against the receiving of him, as you can apprehend, and to re- ceive none but such as subscribe to this our determination. Al- so we agree, that if any of our neighbors do apprehend himself wronged by these or any of these five disposers, that at the gen- eral town meeting he may have a trial. Also, we agree for the town to choose beside the other five men, one to keep record of all things belonging to the town and lying in common. We garee, as formerly hath been the liberties of the town, so still to hold forth, liberty of conscience. 3. Agreed, that after many considerations and consultations of our own state and also of states abroad in way of government, we apprehend no way so suitable to our condition, as govern- ment by way of arbitration. But if men agree themselves by arbitration, no state, we know of, disallows of that, neither do we. But if men refuse that which is but common humanity be- tween man and man, then to compel such unreasonable persons to a reasonable way, we agree, that, the five disposers shall have power to compel him either to choose two men himself, or if he 42 GENERAL HISTORY, refuse for them to choose two men, to arbitrate his cause, and if these four men chosen by each party, do end the cause, then to see their determination performed and the faultive to pay the arbitrators for their time spent in it. But if these four men do not end it, then for the five disposers to choose three men to put an end to it. And for the certainty hereof, we agree the major part of the five disposers to choose the three men, and the major part of the three men to end the cause, having power from the five disposers, by a note under their hand to perform it, and the faultive not agreeing in the first, to pay the charge of the hist and for the arbitrators to follow no employment until the cause be ended, without consent of the whole that have to do with the cause. Instance. In the first arbitration, the offender may offer reasonable terms of peace, and the offended may exact upon him, and refuse and trouble men beyond reasonable satis- faction, so for the last arbitrators to judge where the fault was, in not agreeing in the first, to pay the charge in the last, 4. Agreed, that if any person damnify any man either in goods or o-ood name, and the person offended follow not the cause upon the offender, that if any person give notice to the five disposers, they shall call the party delinquent to answer by arbitration. Instance. Thus, if any person abuse another in person or goods, may be for peace's sake, a man will, for the present, put it up, and it may so be, resolve to revenge ; therefore, for the peace of the state, the disposers are to look to it in the first place. 5. Agreed for all the whole inhabitants to combine ourselves to assist any man in the pursuit of any party delinquent, with all our best endeavors to attach him ; but if any man raise a hub- bub, and there be no just cause, then for the party that raised the hubbub to satisfy men for their time lost in it. 6. Aorreed, that if any man have a difference with any of the five disposers, which cannot be deferred till general meeting of the town, he may have the clerk call the town together, at his occasioned time, for a trial. Instance, it may be a man may be to depart the land, or to a far part of the land, or his estate may lie upon a speedy trial or the like case may fall out. 7. Agreed, that the town by five men shall give every man a GENERAL HISTORY. 43 deed of all his lands lying within the bounds of the plantation lu hold it by for after ages. 8. Agreed, that the five disposers shall, from the date hereof, meet every month day upon general things and at the quarter day to yield to a new choice and give up their old accounts. 9. Agreed, that the clerk shall call the five disposers together at the month day and the general town together every quarter, to meet upon general occasions, from the date hereof. 10. Agreed, that the clerk is to receive for every cause that comes to the town for a trial 4d, for making each deed 12d and to give up the book to the town at the year's end and yield to a new choice. 11. Agreed, that all acts of disposal on both sides to stand, since the difference. 12. Agreed, that every man who hath not paid in his purchase money for his plantation shall make up his 10s. to be 30s. equal with the first purchasers, and for all that are received as towns- men hereafter to pay the like sum of money to the town stock. These being those things we have generally concluded on for our peace, we desiring our loving friends to receive as our ab- solute determination, laying ourselves down as subject to it. Witness our hands. Chad Brown, John Warner, Robert Cole, John Field, William Harris, William Arnold, John Throckmorton, William Field, Stukely Westcott, Edward Cope, Benedict Arnold, Edward -j- Manton, William Carpenter, William Man, Richard Scott, Nicholas Power, Thomas Harris, William -j- Reynolds, Francis -f- Wickes, Thomas Olney, Thomas --j- Angell, Richard Waterman, Adam -j- Goodwin, William Wickenden, William -f- Burrows, Edward Hart, Roger Williams, Hugh Bewit, Robert West, Thomas -j- Hopkins, Joshua Winsor, Joan Tiler, Robert Williams, Jane -\- Sears, Matthew Waller, Christopher Unthank, Gregory Dexter, William -f Hawkins- John -f- Lippitt, 14 GENERAL HISTORY. The foregoing is copied from a copy in the files of the city clerk's office, dated March 28, 1662. It is certified by Thomas Olney, town clerk, to be a true copy "as it standeth upon record in our town book." The records in their present mutilated state, do not contain this document or any reference to the appointment or report of the committee by whom it was drawn up. A copy of it may be found in Haz- ard's Historical Collections, there said to be taken from the Suffolk records. The signers' names are there omitted. Nor are the names of all the first set- tlers and received purchasers, appended to Olney's copy, and whether they were or were not to the orig- inal, cannot be ascertained, as tliat original is not in existence. So far as can be traced from the records, it went into immediate operation, and constituted the Town Government for several years. From a pe- rusal of this document, it is quite evident, that there existed in this little community, a great distrust and jealousy of delegated power. Experience had forced them to have recourse to it, and they endeavored to provide against its abuse, by the frequency both of the general meetings of the whole body, and of the elections of their officers. Though but a small re- move from the perfect democracy of their first or- ganized government, still it forms an epoch in the history of the Town. It marks the growth of the colony, and an increase of population that required a more energetic and less onerous form of govern- ment than was sufficient for an infant colony, while the change shows the same love of equality and lib- GENERAL HISTORY. 46 €rty, and the same regard to the rights of individuals as was manifested in the former. The new system, by its weakness and lack of ener- gy, gave rise to difficulties, which, to some of the in- habitants seemed inherent and insurmountable. The great liberty which all enjoyed was abused by some to hcentiousness. From the denial of the right of government to interfere in matters of conscience, some claimed the right to do with impunity whatso- ever, they said, conscience dictated. Others were at the time accused of denying all power in magis- trates. Persons in the neighboring colonies who had adopted such opinions as these, could ill brook the restraints there imposed on them by laws. They would seek and did seek a refuge in Providence, and here they found, that although there was no law-re- ligion, there was still law, though weak and ineffi- cient. Any attempt to enforce it was attended with danger even to the existence of the plantation itself. Influenced by fear of utter destruction to the settle- ment, on the 17th November 1641 thirteen of the colonists wrote a letter to the Government of Mas- sachusetts, praying them " of gentle courtesy and for the preservation of humanity and mankind" to con- sider their condition and to lend them " a neighbor- like helping hand," to enforce the execution of an award made by "eight men, orderly chosen," against one of the inhabitants, in a civil matter. The wri- ters were informed by the Government of Massachu- setts that " except they did submit themselves to some jurisdiction, either Plymouth or ours, we had no calling or warrant to interpose in their contentions." 46 GENERAL HISTORY. The letter and the reply to it may be found in the Second Volume of the collections of the Rhode-Isl- and Historical Society. How such a subjection could have extended the jurisdiction of that corpora- tion beyond the bounds set in their charter, it is dif- ficult to conceive, and it is not easy to imagine how any of the inhabitants of Providence, could accede to the terms proposed. Yet within a year, William Arnold, William Carpenter, Robert Cole, and Bene- dict Arnold, subjected themselves and lands to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. The three first named, were among the original purchasers of Providence. The fourth, Benedict Arnold, was son of Wilham Arnold. They all at this time resided at Pawtuxet. William Arnold was appointed " to keep the peace." The reasons assigned by Governor Winthrop for as- suming jurisdiction over these persons and lands, so far beyond their charter limits, were "partly to res- cue these men from violence, and partly to draw in the rest in those parts, either under ourselves or Ply- mouth," Whatever were the motives of these persons in preferring their petition to Massachusetts, or of Massachusetts in granting it and assuming jurisdic- tion over them, the effects were highly injurious to Providence. The new subjects of Massachusetts being bound to obey the laws of that colony, held themselves discharged, of course, from every obliga- tion of obedience to the laws of the community in which they dwelt. The pecuhar circumstances in which they had placed themselves, would produce difficulties and dissentions between them and their GENERAL HISTOrI 47 neighbors ; and these, again, would be aggravated by the conflicting jurisdiction of the colonies. If the new subjects of Massachusetts were bound to obey the laws of that colony, they were entitled to protection from that colony. This could be afford- ed only in the courts and apcording to the laws of that colony. The consequence would be, that some of the colonists at Providence might be compelled to appear in those courts, although banished from their jurisdiction. That such was the case appears from the following letter. " Massachusetts, to our neighbors of Providence. Whereas William Arnold of Pawtuxet, and Robert Cole and others, have lately put themselves and their families, lands and estates, under the protection and government of this jurisdiction, and have since complained to us that you have since (upon pre- tence of a late purchase from the Indians) gone about to deprive them of their lawful interest confirmed by four years' possession, and otherwise to molest them ; we thought good, therefore, to write to you on their behalf to give you notice, that they and their lands, &c. being under our jurisdiction, we are to main- tain them in their lawful rights. If, therefore, you have any just title to any thing you possess, you may proceed against them in our court, where you shall have equal justice ; but if you shall proceed to any violence, you must not blame us, if we shall take alike course to right them. JOHN WINTHROP Governor. THOMAS DUDLEY, RI. BELLINGHAM, INCR. NEWELL. The 28 of the 8 mo. 164-2. " That the writers of this letter, were not sincere in supposing that their neighbors of Providence would have equal justice in their courts, is not to be pre- f 48 GENERAL HISTORY sumed. The settlers at Providence ought to be ex- cused, if they preferred their own course of arbitra- tion, to the courts that had before, sentenced them to severe punishments for errors in judgment and heretical opinions. Samuel Gorton supposed that this letter referred to himself and those who had adopted his rehgious opinions. To avoid the con- sequences of it, and at the same time to free the in- habitants of Providence from further vexation on their account, they in January, 1643, purchased a tract of land of the Indians, lying to the south of Pawtuxet, where they commenced the settlement of Shawomet, in the town of Warwick. Their troubles did not end with their removal. They were driven from their new homes and compelled to appear in the courts of Massachusetts, and there answer to new allegations. Mr. Gorton has told his own story in a narrative pubHshed by him in 1645, and since repubhshed by the Rhode-Island Historical Society. Those who subjected themselves to Massachusetts remained under that government till 1658, (except Benedict Arnold, who removed to Newport,) when, on tlieir own petition, they were dismissed and re- united to Providence. Such a state of things was highly inauspicious to the welfare of any community, and much more so, to one just starting into exist- ence. The wonder is, that the settlement had not been entirely broken up, or that the majority had not taken refuge under the protecting hand of Mas- sachusetts, and united the colony with that govern- ment. Soon after the banishment of Mr. Williams from (.'ENERAL HISTORY. AS Massachusetts other sectaries arose to disturb the peace of the churches. The synod which convened in August 1637, found eighty-two erroneous opin- ions held in that colony. They banished the Rev. John Wheelwright, and Mrs. Ann Hutchinson, the principal leaders of the schismatics, and subsequent- ly disarmed a large number of persons holding heterodox opinions. A part of these, with the aid and assistance of Mr. Williams, purchased the Island of Rhode-Island of the Narragansetts, and com- menced a settlement there in March 1638. The deed bears date the same day with the deed of Prov- idence. They entered into articles of association, which were signed at Providence on the 7th day of March 1638. Their first settlement was near the north end of the island, within the present town ol' Portsmouth. In May 1643, the colonies of Plymouth, Massa- chusetts, Hartford and New-Haven, formed a con- federacy for mutual protection and support. Two commissioners were annually appointed by each colony to meet and deliberate upon all matters of common interest. The immediate cause of the confederacy was the prospect, in 1642, of a general war with the Indian tribes. Neither of the colonies within the State of Rhode-Island, was invited to join this confederacy at its formation, and all subse- quent apphcations for admission into it were uniform- ly refused, except upon the condition that they would subject themselves either to Plymouth or Massachu- setts. This condition was, of course, rejected. The leading men in each of the colonics of Providence, 7 50 (;i::\i:nAL hisi'ohy. llliode-Islaiid and Shawoniet, were obnoxious to the laws of Plymouth and Massachusetts, on account of their religious creeds. Had such a subjection been acceded to, the great object of these settlements must have been abandoned. The religious standard of orthodoxy, must have been re-estabhshed over them, and the rights of conscience, surrendered. Neither of these colonies was willing to secure im- munity from present danger by such a sacrifice. Their situation was consequently very precarious. In case of a war with the Indians, they had no means of obtaining necessary munitions, except from the other colonies, or from the Dutch at New- York ^ none of which might be willing to supply them. Besides this, each of these colonies was still in its infancy, and the population small. They were en- tirely independent of each other. They had nothing to unite them but the sense of common danger and the recollection of common sufferings, in the same cause ; and above all, neither of them had any au- thority from the mother country to justify their pro- ceedings as a corporation. The whole force of their several governments rested in the consent of the individuals who composed each colony. Urged by these, as well as other reasons, the colony at Rhode- Island, in September 1642, resolved to send an agent to England, to procure a charter of incorporation. That the colony at Providence came to the same resolution seems proved by the fact, that Mr. Wil- liams was selected for the agent, and that the char- ter, when obtained, embraced as well Providence as tlie towns on the island, under the name of " The cu:nkral history. 51 incorporation of Providence Plantations, in tlic Nar- ragansctt Bay, in New-England." There is nothing in the records of Providence relative to this appoint- ment, but it must be recollected, that the records were much mutilated and defaced at the time the town was burnt by the Indians, in 1676. Owing to this circumstance, there are no records of the pro- ceedings of Providence, until 1650, except such as are hereinbefore copied or referred to. Mr. Wil- hams embarked from New- York for England in June or July 1643, in pursuance of this appointment. The year 1643, is marked with one of the most atrocious of all the cruel and unjustifiable deeds which constitute Indian history. Miantonomi, one of the chief sachems of the Narragansetts, was taken pris- oner by Uncas, sachem of the Mohegans, in a bat- tle between the two tribes. Uncas doubted whether he should take his life, and finally delivered the illus- trious captive into the hands of the English at Hart- ford. The matter was laid before the commission- ers of the United Colonies at Boston. After due consideration, they resolved, unanimously, that "it would not be safe to set him at liberty, neither had we sufficient ground for us to put him to death." In this dilemma they consulted "five of the most judic- ious elders" who gave it as their opinion, that he de- served to die. This resolved all the doubts of the commissioners and they then agreed that the com- missioners from Hartford, on their return, should in- form Uncas of their determination, " that Miantono mi should be delivered to him again, and he should put him to death, so soon as he came within his own 52 GENEUAL IJISTOIIY. jurisdiction, and that two English should go along with him to see the execution, and if any Indians should invade him for it, we would send men to de- fend him : if Uncas should refuse to do it, then Mi- antonomi should be sent in a pinnace to Boston, there to be kept until further consideration." What a comment on the proceedings of the commissioners is the last clause of the above extract, implying as it does, a doubt whether Uncas, an uncultivated savage, protected by all the power of the United Colonies, would execute the sentence pronounced by his Christian allies. Uncas was a fit instrument for such a purpose. He resumed the custody of Miantono- mi, carried him to Sachem plain, and there, in cold blood, murdered him, in the presence of the English deputed by the commissioners to be witnesses of the execution. In justification of this deed, several rea- sons are given by Governor Winthrop. The first was that "there was a general conspiracy among the Indians to cut off all the English, and that Mian- tonomi was the head and contriver of it." If duly convicted of this, the English should have punished him, as the crime was against them and them alone. The advice of the elders would not have been neces- sary to convince them of their right and duty to do so. If the whole evidence against him rested in the bare suspicion of the English that he meditated such a conspiracy, the commissionersjudged right that "it would not be safe to set him at liberty" nor should the advice of all the elders in New-England have convinced them, that they had sufficient ground to put him to death. Again, it was urged, that he kill- GENERAL HISTORY. 53 ed the Pequod who shot at Uncas, instead of sending him to Uncas as he promised, and tliat he beat an Indian belonging to Pomham, who had subjected liimself to Massachusetts, and then bade him com- plain to Massachusetts. The first of these reasons concerned Uncas, and not the English, and all of them taken together are quite insufficient to justify the proceedings of the commissioners. The remain- ing reason given by Governor Winthrop was, that Miantonomi " was of a proud and turbulent spirit, and would never be at rest." He was a sovereign prince over a powerful nation. His government extended over a wide extent of territory. When the English received the Wampanoags under their pro- tection, and broke the feudal ties that bound the sa- chems of Pawtuxet to him as their liege lord, Mian- tosiomi bore the insult and the injury in silence. Tlie blood of an Englishman had never stained the weapons of the Narragansetts. Their covenants of peace and amity were fulfilled to the letter. They joined the English in their war with the Pequods, and aided in the extermination of that race. They could calmly recount the instances in which the English had failed to perform their engagements with them. Herein there was not either pride or turbulence, injurious to the whites. Within the limits of his own kingdom, Miantonomi neither sought for nor follow- ed the advice or dictation of the magistrates or min- isters of any English colony. He dispensed his royal bounty with a munificent hand, to those who sought shelter and protection from him. He received with- in his dominions those that were banished from the 54 flKNERAL HISTORY. Enolis-li colonies, without stopping to inquire intc) their rehgious creeds. The wanderer and the out- cast, though a christian, was comforted and cherished and reheved by this pagan savage. His open arms offered a shelter to Mr. Williams and the first settlers of Providence, when their brethren closed their hearts against them. To the first settlers of Rhode-Island, he sold the Eden of America, for their resting place from the storms of religious persecution. And last of all, when the arch heretic Samuel Gorton had no place left him where he could enjoy the mysticisms in which he veiled his rehgious behef, this kind hearted Sachem gave to him and his companions, Shawomet, for a home. Here is the evidence of his pride and turbulence, and " he would never be at rest" in performing such acts of kindness and be- nevolence. The armor that Gorton gave him, which he wore in his disastrous conflict with Uncas, might have saved his life from the weapons of his cruel foe. Might it not, also, have influenced the com- missioners and elders against him ? The descend- ants of the first settlers of Providence, Rhode-Island, and Warwick, should ever remember the obligations that their ancestors \vere under to Miantonomi. They should cherish his memory in their grateful recollections. When there was no eye to pity, and no power to save in the civihzed world, Miantonomi was their friend, their protector, their generous ben- efactor. And he who reads the lame apologies that his contemporaries offered, and the lamer excuses which later historians have conjured up, for requiring his life, tlie life of an ally, a prince bound to the En- GENEKAL HISTORY 55 glish in a treaty oftensive and defensive, will be led to believe, that it was this friendship, this protection, this beneficence, that cost him his life. Before Mr. Williams arrived in England, a civil war was shaking the government of that kingdom to its centre. Each party had levied troops in the name of the King, for the support of the constitution. The king had been driven from London, and the Parlia- ment reigned lord of the ascendant there, though the final issue of this conflict was as yet doubtful. In November 1643, the parliament committed the care and government of the Colonies to certain members of their own body. The Earl of Warwick was ap- pointed Governor in chief and Lord High Admiral of the Colonies, and chairman of this committee. From thiscommittee Mr. Wilhams obtained a charter of civil incorporation, bearing date the 17th day of March 1644. The towns of Providence, Portsmouth, and Newport, were united in this charter in a body cor- porate under the name of "The Incorporation of Pro- vidence Plantations in the Narragansett Bay in New- England." Full power was conferred on them " to rule themselves and such others as shall hereafter in- habit within any part of the said tract of land, by such a form of civil government, as by voluntary consent of all or the greatest part of them shall be found most ser- vicable in their estates and condition ; and, to that end, to make and ordain such civil laws and constitutions, and to inflict such punishments upon transgressors, and for execution thereof so to place and displace oflicers of justice as they or the greatest part of them shall by free consent agree unto. Provided, neverthe- 50 UENKRAL HISTORY. less, that the said laws, constitutions and punishments for the civil government of the said plantations, be conformable to the laws of England, so far as the nature and constitution of that place will admit." The powers conferred by this charter, are exceed- ingly ample. No form of Government is prescribed, and the choice of every officer is left to the inhabi- tants. In strict conformity too with the leading prin- ple of the settlements, it refers only to civil gov- ernment. The inhabitants are empowered to make " civil laws" for their " civil government." The colonists had always contended that their right to perfect religious hberty did not result from human laws. They could not therefore have accepted a grant of this from any human power, as that would be acknowledging a right to withhold the grant and to control the exercise of religious freedom. Mr. Williams was bearer of this charter to Amer- ica. He arrived with it in Boston, September 17th, 1644. A letter which he brought from some of the leading members of Parliament, to the Governor of Massachusetts, enabled him to land there unmolest- ed, notwithstanding the previous proceedings there against him. On his arrival on the banks of the Seekonk, he was met by the inhabitants of Prov- idence in fourteen canoes. It must be left to imagi- nation to portray the feelings elicited on that au- spicious occasion. Undoubtedly the mind of Mr. Williams reverted to the time when he first crossed the same river — with only five associates — in a sin- gle canoe — when every stroke of the paddle re- moved them further and further from every vestige GENERAL HISTORY 57 of civilization. Before him, on that occasion, was a wide wilderness filled with savages, behind him his friends and countrymen, from whose fiery religious zeal he had been obHged to flee, with nothing to so- lace him but a quiet conscience, and a firm reliance on his God. As he recalled the succeedinfj events and met his friends assembled to hail his return, their eyes glistening with teai-s of joy, how his heart must have swelled with gratitude to that God who had thus rewarded his pious confidence. There were around him now his old, tried friends. Together they had bufleted misfortune, and borne the taunts of the neighboring colonies. By the charter which he now brought, they had become the equals of those colo- nies in rights and powers, though not in numbers or wealth. This was to them the assurance of a legal existence, dependent alone, on the mother country. It was also a guaranty for the protection of that mother country. No wonder then that their hearts beat high with joy and hope, and that the woods re- sounded with their loud acclamations. He who could remain unmoved under such circumstances must be far above or far below a man. 8 CHAPTER SECOND. GENERAL HISTORY. FROM THE ARRIVAL OF THE COLONY CHARTER, IN 3G44, TO THE ADOPTION OF THE SECOND COLONY CHARTER, IN 1663. Although the colony charter of 1644 arrived in this country in the autumn of the same year, the gov- ernment was not organized under it till May 1647. We are left to conjecture as to the causes of this de- lay. It embraced, it M^ill be recollected, the towns of Providence, Portsmouth, and Newport, by name. The previous entire independency of these towns may have presented some obstacles, and these may have been increased by local and personal jealousies. The charter prescribed no form of government ; nei- ther did it point out any way by which the inhabi- tants of the several towns should be called upon to meet and consider what form should be adopted. These might have produced some delay at first. Af- terward, in 1645, the General court of Massachusetts sent a letter to Mr. Wilhams informing him that they " had received lately out of England, a charter from the high court of Parliament, bearing date, 10 Dec. 1643, whereby the Narragansett Bay and a certain tract of land, wherein Providence and the Island of Aquidney are included, which we thought fit to give you and our countrymen, in those parts, notice of. GENERAL HISTORY. 59. that you may forbear to exercise any jurisdiction therein, otherwise to appear at our next General Court" " to show by what right you claim any such jurisdiction." It is remarkable that the historians of Massachusetts are silent respecting this charter. The only known evidence of its existence, is the re- cords of that state. From a copy made from them, the foregoing extracts were made. Although Mas- sachusetts never exercised any jurisdiction under it, yet the assertion of a right to do so, would, in itself, be no small obstacle to the establishment of a settled government under the other charter. The colonists might also have hesitated to exercise any authority under a charter emanating from the Parhament. There is indubitable evidence that they were divided into parties, like the mother country, some taking part with the king, while others were in favor of the Parlia- ment. So long as it remained uncertain which par- ty would succeed in this contest, it would not be strange, that the inhabitants should not agree to act under the authority of those who in one event might be adjudged traitors. These may be some of the rea- sons why a charter government was not sooner or- ganized in the colony. This Unsettled state of public affairs, though it may have retarded, did not entirely stop, the growth of Providence. The utmost freedom in religious matters which existed here, must have attracted from the other colonies, those who were there in danger of civil penalties, for the heterodoxy of their opinions. This alone would have increased their numbers, con- siderably. Dr. Holmes, in his " American Annals," 60 GENERAL HISTORY. States, that in 1645, tliere were in Providence one i hundred and one men capable of bearing arms. It is probable that the colony at Shavvomet or Warwick was included. If Providence contained one half of that number, it was a very great increase, consider- ing its situation and the circumstances under which it originated, and through which it had had to pass. Besides those who, in the words of the original ^eed, were admitted to " equal fellowship of vote" with the first purchasers, other individuals were re- ceived as townsmen, having no interest in the lands, and some too, as twenty-five acre or quarter-right purchasers. The latter class in every division of land, received One quarter part as much as a full purchaser. The Avhole number of purchasers of both kinds never exceeded one hundred and one persons. They were admitted such, at various times and on various terms, but it cannot be ascer- tained when the last of that number was admitted. Some individuals were received as inhabitants on the conditions contained in the following agreement. " The 19th of 11 mo. 1G45. (January 19, 1G46.) We whose names are hereafter subscribed, having obtained a free grant of Twenty-five acres of land, apiece, with the right of commoning according to the said proportion of lands, from the free inhabitants of this town of Providence, do thankfully ac- cept of the same, and do hereby promise to yield [*Thc State of active or passive obedience to the authority of England.] , i « i- ^-, ,,.,,. [Kmg and Parliament*] established in this colo- ny, according to our charter, and to all such wholesome laws and order.s, that are or shall be made by the major consent of the Town of Providence, as also, not to claim any right to the pur- chase of the said plantations, uor any privilege of vote in town GENERAL HISTORY. 61 'affairs, until we shall be received as freemen of the said town of Providence. John Brown, John -f- Clawson, Pardon Tillinghast, Thomas -}- Sucklin, John -|- Jones, Benjamin -f- Herendeen, Thomas -|- Clemencc, Edward Inman, William Fenner, Henry Reddock, George Sheppard, Samuel Bennett, Robert -|- Potter, Edward Smith, Robert Pyke, John Fenner, Mathurin Beliou, John Sayles, Thomas 4" Walwin, Stephen Northup, Lawrence -|- Wilkinson, Daniel Brov.n, Daniel -|- Comstock, Epenetus Olney, Benjamin -f- Smith, John Steere, John Smith, George Way. " The appearance of the signatures to the original document indicates that they were not made at the same time. The alteration in the agreement itself, as noted in the margin of it, was undoubtedly made after the establishment of the Commonwealth of England. In May 1647, the obstructions to the organization of the Government of the colony of Providence Plan- tations, under the charter, Were so far removed that a meeting of a committee from each of the towns of Providence, Portsmouth, Newport and Warwick, was agreed upon, to be holden at Portsmouth on the 18th of the month. A town meeting for the choice of the committee of Providence, took place on the 16th. The following instructions were given to their committee, by the town. " To our loving and well betrusted friends and neighbors, Gre- gory Dexter, William Wickenden, Thomas Olney, Robert Wil- liams, Richard Waterman, Roger Williams, William Field, John Green, John Smith, John Lippitt. 62 GENERAL HISTORY. We, the greater part of the inhabitants of this plantation of Providence, having orderly chosen you, at our Town Meeting this l()th of the 3d mo. 1647, to appear for us, at the General Court of this colony, to be held at Portsmouth on Rhode-Island, upon the 18th of this instant month, desiring the Lord's Provi- dence for your safe arrival there ; we all voluntarily assenting, do hereby give you full power and authority as followeth : First, to act and vote for us respectively or otherwise, as if we ourselves were in person, for the settling of this General court for the present, and for the composing of it, into any figure for the future, as cause shall require. Secondly, to act and vote for us, as aforesaid, in the choice of all general officers, as need shall require. Thirdly, if the General Court shall consist of but ten men for each town, then you are to act accordingly for this town; and if the General Court shall be reduced into a fewer number, which, for divers considerations, may be for the best, then, we give you full power to choose from among yourselves, such a number of our loving neighbors as shall answer the same figure, unto whom, being orderly chosen by you, we do give you power to transfer this our commission, giving of them full power to act and vote for us the inhabitants of this plantation, in all general affairs, and for the settling of the island in peace and union, and for all matters that shall concern this particular town, desiring a careful respect unto these ensuing instructions. But if the Court shall consist of ten of each town, then our desires are that this our commission, with the ensuing instructions, may remain entire in your hands. First. That we may have a true copy of our charter assigned unto us by the General Court for the use of our plantation. Secondly. We do voluntarily, and are freely willing, to re- ceive and be governed by the laws of England, together with the way of administration of them, so far as the nature and constitu- tion of this place will admit, desiring, so far as may be, to hold a correspondency with the whole colony in that model that hath been lately shown unto us by our worthy friends of the Island, if the General Court shall complete and confirm the same, or any GENERAL HISTORY 63 other model as the General Court shall agree upon according to our charter. Thirdly. We desire to have full power and authority, to transact all our home affairs, to try all manner of causes or ca- ses, and to execute all manner of executions, entirely within our- selves, excepting such cases and executions as the colony shall be pleased to reserve to general trials and executions. Fourthly. We desire to have full power and authority to choose, ordain, authorise, and confirm, all our particular town officers, and also, that the said officers, shall be responsible un- to our particular town, and that there may be no intermixture of general and particular officers, but that all may know their bounds and limits. Fifthly. We desire to have an exact and orderly way open for appeals unto General Courts, that so, if any shall be justly grieved, at any sentence passed, or otherwise, he or they may make their lawful charge for relief there. Lastly. Whereas, it was hinted in that which our worthy friends [sent] unto us, that each town should have a charter of civil incorporation, apart, for the transaction of particular affairs, if the Court shall proceed so far as to agitate and order the same, then, we give you full power, on our behalf, to move and procure any thing beside these instructions, that in your wisdom you may conceive may tend unto the general peace or union of the colony and our own particular liberties and privileges, provided you do all, or the most of you unanimously agree therein, and always reserving our equal votes, and equal privileges in the general. Thus betrusting you with the premises, we commit you unto the protection and direction of the Almighty, wishing you a com- fortable voyage, a happy success, and a safe return unto us again. Your thankful friends and neighbors, ROGER WILLIAMS, Moderator. The allusions to the difficulties and dangers of a •' voyage" to Portsmouth, almost provoke a smile. Accustomed to the modern facilities of travel, it is not easy to conceive that they have not always ex- 64 GENERAL HISTORY isted, or that such a journey ever involved either dif- ficulty or danger of sufficient magnitude to be named in town meeting. Probably this voyage was made in canoes, and the committee worked their passage at the paddles. Nearly twenty years after this, Mr. Willams went in his canoe to Newport, and by "row- ing all day," arrived at his journey's end towards midnight. Notwithstanding the appointment of this commit- tee, it is probable that the greater part of the inhab- itants of Providence, Portsmouth, Newport and War- wick attended this meeting. It was in truth a Gen- eral Assembly of the people. Mr. John Coggeshall of Newport was chosen moderator. After resolving that a major part of the colony was present, and that they therefore had power to act under the charter, they agreed to adopt the charter by subscribing an " engagement" to it. A grant of £100 was made to Mr. Williams for his services and expenses in pro- curing it, to be paid, £20 by Providence, £30 by Portsmouth, and £50 by Newport. They ap- pointed a General Assembly of the whole colony to be holden annually, " if wind and weather hinder not," on the Tuesday after the 15tli of May, at which the General Officers of the colony were to be chosen. There were, a President, one Assistant for each town, a General Recorder, a Public Treasurer, and a Gene- ral Sergeant ; afterwards a General Attorney and a General Solicitor, were added. Such of the colony as could not attend the General Assembly, had the right to send their votes for these officers, by some other persons ; hence the origin of the terms prox, GENERAL HISTORY . 65 and proxy votes, as applied to the present mode of voting for state officers in Rhode-Island. Each town had the nomination of one person for each of the offices of President, Recorder, Treasurer and Sergeant, and of two persons for each Assistant, from which the election was to be made. The President and Assistants, composed the Gen- eral Court of trials. They had jurisdiction over all aggravated offences, and in such matters as should be, by the town courts, referred to them as too weighty for themselves to determine, and also, of all disputes between different towns, or between citizens of differ- ent towns and strangers. They had two sessions in each year. Ail questions of fact, were determined by a jury of twelve men. The town courts had ex- clusive original jurisdiction over all causes between their own citizens. The President was Conservator of the Peace throughout the colony, and the Assist- ants, in their respective towns. All legislative pow- er was ultimately in the people, in General Assem- bly. Questions of general interest, and laws affect- ing the whole colony, were to be debated and deci- ded upon by the town where they originated and then sent to the other towns. The votes in relation to them were collected in each town and sent to the General Court, which was composed of six Commis- sioners from each town. If upon examining the votes returned, a majority of them were in favor of the law, the General Court were to declare it, and it stood for a law, till the next General Assembly. Such laws might also originate in the General Court. In this case, they were subsequently to be sent to each 9 66 GENERAL HISTORY. town, there to be debated in town meeting, after which, the votes were to be taken and returned to the General Recorder, to be counted in presence of the President. If a major part of the colony were in their favor, they stood for laws, till the next Gen- eral Assembly. Each town was directed to choose surveyors of highways, "to provide carefully for the relief of the poor, to maintain the impotent and to employ the able," to appoint an overseer, military officers, and a town council to consist of six persons. Each town had the power of licensing taverns, and alehouses, and the head officer, that is, the Assist- ant, took the recognizance of each hcensed person with two sureties to maintain good order. Before the meeting of this General Assembly, a body or code of laws had been drawn up and sent to the several towns, for examination. This was adopted, and it is presumed, was referred to in the instructions given to the committee of Providence, as "the model that hath been lately shown unto us by our worthy friends of the Island." It contains a general description of various crimes and offences, provides for the general administration of justice, for the collection of debts, publication and celebra- tion of marriages, support of the poor by the several towns, and for the probate of wills and the settlement of the estates of deceased persons. It is prefaced with an engagement to the charter to be signed by the inhabitants, after which it is declared "that the form of Government established in Providence Planta- tions is Democratical, that is to say, a government held by the free and voluntary consent of all or the GENERAL HISTORY 67 greater part of the free inhabitants." The following are extracts from the bill of rights. " That no per- son in this colony shall be taken or imprisoned or deprived of his lands or liberties or be exiled or in any otherwise molested or destroyed but by the law- ful judgment of his peers or by some known law and according to the letter of it, ratified and con- firmed by the major part of the General Assembly, lawfully met and orderly managed." " No person shall, but at his great peril, presume to bear or execute any office, that is not lawfully called to it and confirmed in it ; nor, though he be lawfully called and confirmed, presume to do more or less than those that had power to call him, did authorize him to do." The code contains nothing touching religion, or matters of conscience, thus pursuing the same silent, yet most expressive legislation on the subject, which was commenced in the charter itself That part of the code relating to oflfences, ends with the follow- ing significant expressions. " These are the laws that concern all men, and these are the penalties for the transgression thereof, which, by common consent are ratified and established throughout the whole colony, and otherwise than thus what is herein for- bidden, all men may walk as their consciences per- suade them, every one in the fear of his GOD. And let the Saints of the Most High, walk in this colony, without molestation, in the name of Jehovah, their GOD, forever and ever." Such is the general outline of the government established under the charter. That the framers of 68 GENERAL HISTORY. that government felt the necessity of carefully guard ing all delegated power, appears from all their pro- ceedings. It is also apparent, that the towns, ay such, parted with no more power than they deemed the exigency of the case required. They can scarcely be said, to have consented to any thing more than a confederation of independent gov- ernments. If they intended a complete consolida- tion of powers, their acts fall far short of it. He who carefully peruses the whole proceedings of the first General Assembly of the towns in this infant Colony of Providence Plantations, as he will find them recorded, will be struck with the resemblance there is, between those towns, after that assembly had closed its labors, and the several states now com- posing the United States of America, under the con- stitution. The organization of the colony government, did not put an end to the feuds and divisions that had previously disturbed the tranquillity and hindered the growth of Providence. Many were the expedients resorted to, to restore peace and union. The fol- lowing document is selected, as one of these expe- dients. " Considering that great mercy afforded unto us in this liber- ty to meet together, being denied to many of our countrymen m most parts, especially in our poor native country, deploring their distressed condition, in most sad and bloody calamities ; that ingratitude and disacknowledgment of favors received, are just causes for the deprivation of them; together with our home divisions and home conspiracies, the ruination of families, town and country ; moreover the many plots and present endeavors at home and abroad, not only to disturb our peace aiid liberties, GENERAL HISTORY. 69 Itut utterly to root up both root and branch of this our being; that government holds forth through love, union and order, al- though by few in number and mean in condition, yet by expe- rience hath withstood and overcome mighty cpposcrs, and above all, the several and unexpected deliverances of this poor planta- tion, by that mighty Providence, who is able to deliver us, through love, union and order : Therefore, being sensible of these great and weighty premises, and now met together to consult about our peace and liberties, whereby our families and posterities may still enjoy these favors, and, that we may publicly declare unto all, the free discharge of our consciences and duties, whereby it may appear upon record, Ihat we are not wilfully opposite nor careless and senseless, and thereby the means of our own and others ruin and destruction ; and, especially, in testimony of our fidelity and cordial affection unto one another here present, that so there may be a current, peaceable and comfortable proceeding: We do faithfully and unanimously, by this our subscription, promise unto each other, •to keep unto these ensuing particulars. First. That the foundation in love, may appear among us, what causes of difference have heretofore been given, either by words or misbehavior, in public or private, concerning particu- lar or general affairs, by any of us here present, not to mention or repeat them in this assembly, but that love shall cover the multitude of them in the grave of oblivion. Secondly. That union may proceed from love, we promise to keep constant unto those several engagements made by us both unto our town and colony, and, that, to the uttermost ot our powers and abilities, to maintain our lawful rights and privi- leges, and to uphold the government of this plantation ; also, that love may appear in union, we desire to abandon all cause- less fears and jealousies of one another, self-seekings and striv- ings one against another, only aiming at the general and particu- lar peace and union of this town and colony. Lastly. For our more orderly proceeding in this Assembly, whereby peace and union may appear in order, if in our con- sultations, differences of judgments shall arise, then moderately in order througli argumentation to agitate the same, consid- 70 GENERAL HISTORY. ering the cause, how far it may be hurtful or conducing unto our union, peace and liberties, and accordingly act, not after the will or person of any, but unto the justice or righteousness of the cause. Again, if in case such causes shall be presented, where- in such difficulties shall appear, that evident arguments cannot be given for present satisfaction, but that either town or colony or both shall suffer, then to take into our consideration, a speech of a beloved friend, Better to suffer an inconvenience than a mis- chief, better to suspend with a loss which may be inconvenient, than to be totally disunited and bereaved of all rights and liber- ties, which will be a mischief indeed. Moreover, that offences and disturbances may be prevented, that so the current of busi- ness may peaceably proceed in this Assembly, we do faithfully promise to carry ourselves in words and behavior, so moderately and orderly as the cause shall permit, and if in case any of us shall fly out in provoking scurrilous or exorbitant speeches or unsuitable behavior, that he or they, so doing, shall be publicly declared, branded, and noted upon record, to be a common violator and disturber of the union, peace and liberties of this plantation. Dated December, 1647. We do here subscribe, without partiality. Robert Williams, William Wickenden, Roger Williams, John Field, John Smith, Thomas -f- Hopkins, Hugh Bewett, William -|- Hawkins." No great good could, in general, result from such agreements. The signers did not need them, as a re- straint upon themselves, and those who were inclin- ed to disturb the public tranquillity could scarcely be expected to give the pledge contained in them. But more than all, every individual was left, as before, not only to decide on his own, but on every other person's acts, whether the same were according to the letter or spirit of them. They might therefore afford new causes of disputes and difficulties and en- danger the peace and union they were intended to preserve. GENERAL HISTORY. 71 1648. — The General Assembly for Election, met this year in Providence. William Coddington, was elected President. Roger Williams, Assistant for Providence. William Baulstone, do. for Portsmouth. Jeremy Clark, do. for Newport. John Smith, do. for Warwick. Philip Sherman, General Recorder. Alexander Partridge, General Sergeant. Fmther provision was made relative to the Gene- ral Court of Commissioners. The Assembly requir- ed each town to choose " six men in whom the Gen- eral Court shall continue," and if any towns neglect- ed to choose, the General Court supplied the defi- ciency by electing commissioners. The first com- missioners were chosen by the inhabitants of each town then present in the General Assembly. Those from Providence were Thomas Olney, Hugh Bewett, Thomas Harris, Robert Williams, Wilham Wickenden, Gregory Dexter. The Assembly required each town to elect their town officers within ten days, and appointed a person in each town, except Providence, to call the town together, for that purpose. It is to be inferred that Providence had made their election, accordins to an order of the General Assembly passed the preceding year. The president elect was not present at this Assembly. Divers complaints had been made against him, the nature of which does not appear. The As- sistant from Newport was authorized to execute the duties of President, in case Mr. Coddington refused 72 GEPiTERAL HISTORY, to accept the office or these charges were establish- ed. Mr. Coddington did not act as President, but from which of these causes, cannot be ascertained. In September following, Mr. Coddington and Mr. Partridge applied to the commissioners of the United Colonies for the admission of the Island of Rhode- Island into that confederacy. Their petition was refused, except upon the condition that they would subject themselves to Plymouth. Mr. Coddington inclined to accede to these terms, as did also the town of Portsmouth. The opposition of the other towns in the colony frustrated the design. Whether these proceedings on the part of Mr. Coddington produced the complaints made against him, or wheth- er a suspicion of such an intention on his part was the foundation of the complaints, is left to conjecture.. 1649. — A special General Assembly was holden at Warwick, in March ; there is no record however of their proceedings. In a letter from Mr. Williams to Mr. John Winthrop, he refers to the proceedings of this court. It seems that he was not present, and that the colony elected him Deputy President, Mr. Coddington having sailed for England with his daughter, in January. The colony was thrown into great excitement, by the report of a discovery of a gold mine on the island. Mr. Williams sent some bags of the ore to Mr. Winthrop, and writes " it is certainly affirmed to be both gold and silver ore, up- on trial." The Assembly passed an act, taking pos- sission of the mine in the name of the State of En^- land, and issued a proclamation forbidding all persons to intermeddle with any of the ore. This was pub- GENERAL HISTORY 73 lished by William Dyre, appointed for that purpose, for want of a Herald at arms, and the arms of Eng- land, and of the Lord High Admiral, were set up at the mine. Fortunately, a more accurate exami- nation dissipated the golden dreams of the colonists by proving the report unfounded. At the same ses- sion the following charter was granted to the town of Providence. " Whereas, by virtue of a free and absolute charter of civil incorporation, granted to the free inhabitants of this colony of Providence, by the Right Honorable Robert, Earl of Warwick, Governor in chief with the rest of the Honorable Commoners, bearing date the 7th day of March Anno 1643, giving and grant- ing full power and authority unto the said inhabitants to govern themselves and such others as shall come among them, as also to make, constitute and ordain such laws, orders and constitutions, and to inflict such punishments and penalties as is conformable to the laws of England, so near as the nature and constitution of the place will admit, and which may best suit the estate and con- dition thereof, and whereas the said towns of Providence, Ports- mouth, Newport and Warwick are far remote each from other, whereby so often and free intercourse of help, in deciding of differences and trying of causes and the like, cannot easily and at all times be had and procured of that kind is requisite ; there- fore, upon the petition and humble request of the freemen of the Town of Providence, exhibited unto this present session of the General Assembly, wherein they desire freedom and liberty to incorporate themselves into a body politic, and we, the said As- sembly, having duly weighed and seriously considered the prem- ises, and being willing and ready to provide for the ease and lib- erty of the people, have thought fit, and by the authority afore- said, and by these presents, do give, grant and confirm unto the free inhabitants of the town of Providence, a free and absolute charter of civil incorporation and government to be known by the Incorporation of Providence Plantation in the Narragansett Bay, in New-England, together with full power and authority to 10 74 GENERAL HISTORY. o^vern and rule themselves, and such others as shall hereafter inhabit within any part of the said Plantation, by such a form of civil ffovernmeut, as by voluntary consent of all, or the greater part of them, shall be found most suitable unto their estate and condition ; and, to thatend,to make and ordain such civil orders and constitutions, to inflict such punishments upon transgressors, and for execution thereof, and of the common statute laws of the colony agreed unto, and the penalties and so many of them as are not annexed already unto the colony court of trials, so to place and displace officers of justice, as they or the greater part of them shall, by one consent, agree unto. Provided, neverthe- less, that the said laws, constitutions and punishments, for the civil government of the said plantation, be conformable to the laws of England, so far as the nature and constitution of the place will admit, yet, always reserving to the aforesaid General As- sembly power and authority so to dispose the general government of that plantation as it stands in reference to the rest of the plan- tations, as they shall conceive, from time to time, most condu- cing to the general good of the said plantations. And we the said Assembly, do further authorise the aforesaid inhabitants to elect and engage such aforesaid officers upon the first second day of June annually. And, moreover, we authorize the said inhabitants, for the better transacting of their public affairs, to make and use a public seal as the known seal of Providence Plantation, in the Narragansett Bay, in New-England, In testimony whereof, we the said General Assembly, have hereunto set our hands and seals the 14th of March, anno 1C48. JOHN WARNER, Clerk of the Assembly. This charter was intended to strengthen the mu- nicipal government of Providence. To have been more useful, it should have prescribed a form of gov- ernment to be adopted. There is no reference to this charter in the records of the town, neither a peti- tion for it, nor acceptance of it. There is a copy of it in the city clerk's office, engrossed on parchment, which is now almost illegible. A similar charter. GENERAL HISTORY T5 bearing date the same day, was granted to War- wick ; and, it is presumed, Portsmouth and New- port had hke charters. The General Assembly for Election was holden at Warwick. John Smith, of Warwick, was elected President. Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence. John Sandford, do, for Portsmouth. John Clark, do. for Newport. Samuel Gorton, do. for Warwick. Philip Sherman, General Recorder. John Clark, General Treasurer. The names of the Commissioners cannot be as- certained, as they are not entered in the record of their proceedings. Each town was required to build a prison within nine months. The town mag- istrates of the town in which the General Court of trials sat, were declared members of that court. The submission of the inhabitants of Pawtaxet to the Government of Massachusetts, having been brought before this Assembly, a letter was sent them in relation to it. The sale of wines and spirituous liquors to the natives was prohibited, under severe penalties. 1650. — The General Assembly for Election was holden this year at Newport. Some difficulty ex- isted in relation to the election, as among the first acts passed, is one declaring that the election shall " stand notwithstanding obstructions." In addition to the officers heretofore chosen, they, at this time, elected an Attorney General and a Solicitor General. The officers chosen were. 76 GENERAL HISTORY Nicholas Easton, President. William Field, Assistant for Providence. John Porter, do. for Portsmouth. John Clark, do. for Newport. John Wickes, do. for Warwick. Philip Sherman, General Recorder. Richard Knight, General Sergeant. John Clark, General Treasurer. William Dyre, General Attorney. Hugh Bewett, General Solicitor. The commissioners appointed for Providence^ were Richard Waterman, Arthur Fenner, Thomas Hopkins, Thomas Harris, Hugh Bewett, Gregory Dexter. The names are not entered in the record of their proceedings. In many instances after this time, where the names are entered in the record, they are not the same with the persons elected by the town. This is accounted for by an act passed this session, " that in case the committee shall fall short of six from each town, that then, they that appear from each town shall have liberty to choose and make up the number." And the whole body also declared, " that if upon complaint and due trial of any member of the General Assembly, he is not found a fit member, that the Assembly have power to suspend him and to choose another in his room." In this last act, the Court of Commissioners assume the title of General Assembly, which before had been applied only to a General Assembly of all the free inhabitants of the colony. Each town was required GENERAL HISTORY. 77 to have their guns prepared, and to keep a magazine of arms and ammunition. Providence was required to have in its magazine, one barrel of powder, five hundred pounds of lead, six pikes and six muskets fit for use — Portsmouth, double the quantity of pow- der, lead and pikes, and eighteen muskets — Newport three barrels of powder, one thousand pounds of lead, twelve pikes and twenty-four muskets, and Warwick the same as Providence. The regulation of the militia was left to each town. It seems that the towns had not comphed with the order made by the General Assembly in May 1647, for the payment of Mr. Williams, as a new one was made at this time, requiring the towns to make up and pay their seve- ral proportions within twenty days. In May the Town passed an ordinance requiring births to be recorded. This was no better observed in early times, than the State law on the same sub- ject, is at present. Mr. Backus states, that a citation was sent from Massachusetts, to some of the inhabi- tants of Providence, to appear and answer in their courts to some new complaints of William Arnold and William Carpenter. The citation bore date June 20. This explains an entry in the town rec- ords, of the appointment of Thomas Olney, Robert Williams and William Wickenden, "to be joined in commission with three chosen out of each town, viz : Portsmouth, Newport and Warwick, to give answer to the State of Massachusetts, about these summons that are sent into the colony, and also order all oth- er necessary occasions depending on that business." This committee was summoned by the President of 78 GENERAL HISTORY. the colony to meet at Portsmouth on the 20th of Ju- ly. One would suppose, that this would have been sufficient cause for calling a special court of com- missioners. What was done by this committee, no where appears. The oldest rate-bill extant, bears date the first of September of this year. The gross amount assessed was £56,5. The largest sum assessed on any indi- vidual was £5, on Benedict Arnold. The sum of £3,6,8, was assessed on Wilham Field, Richard Scott, William Harris, William Arnold and Wilham Car- penter. Roger Wilhams was assessed £1,13,4. — Among these, it will be seen, were some who had subjected themselves and lands to Massachusetts. Perhaps the town took their subjection into the ac- count to increase their taxes. A General court of commissioners was holden on the 26th day of October. The commissioners of Providence were Thomas Angell, Thomas Roberts, James Ashton, William Field, Nicholas Power, Hugh Bewett. There appears in their proceedings no special ob- ject for the meeting. By this court it was " ordered that the Representatives court, shall always consist of six discreet, able men, chosen out of each town, for the transacting of the affairs of the commonwealth." They were empowered to pass laws, which were to be sent to each town within six days, there to be considered and canvassed within three days. Those persons who disapproved of the proposed laws were to send their votes to the General Recorder within GENERAL HISTORY. 79 ten days, and unless it appeared that a majority of the freemen of the colony disapproved them, they re- mamedin force as enacted by the Representatives. This was a great improvement on the laws of 1647. At a town meeting on the 9th of November, it was ordered that for the future all persons received shall pay for their home share one shilling per acre, and sixpence per acre for the rest, not exceeding twLnty- five acres. 1651.— In February 1651, Mr, Williams, wrote to the town of Providence requesting "payment of the money due unto me, about the charter." It appears from this letter, that neither of the towns had paid the sums assessed for that purpose. In the same letter he also refers to a proposition that had been rnade to him, to be engaged in the erection of Iron Works, m the town, toward which he wrote that he had promised his help '' when the matter was ripe " At a town meeting in May following an order was parsed for paying "the £5 due to Roger Wilhams, out of the first money coming into the town stock '' There is no record of the election of any Commis- sioners for the General Assembly, in the town records. Nor IS there any record of any General Assembly, for election. It would seem that no election of col- ony officers took place. This was probably owin^ to the distracted state of the colony, and perhaps the object of Mr. Coddington's visit to England had trans- pired. This year is the first record of any choice of town officers. The date of the election is lost, but from Its place m the record, it was probably on the day 80 GENERAL HISTORY. prescribed in the Town charter. The officers were Gregory Dexter, Town Clerk. Robert Wilhams, } rp^ y^ Thomas Olney, \ T^""" Deputies. Thomas Harris, Wilham Wickenden, and Richard Waterman, to be added to the Assistant and two Deputies, to make up the Town Council ; Hugh Bewett, Town Sergeant ; Thomas Harris, Treasurer. It was also voted that Thomas Harris, Wilham Wick- enden and Richard Waterman " shall join in course with the three chief officers, in cases difficult dur- ing the year ensuing." " The three chief offi- cers," were probably, the Assistant and the two town deputies. The respective duties of these officers, where not implied in their titles, can be gathered only from other parts of the records. The " Town Deputies" it is supposed, composed the Town Court. They also had the power of laying out land to indi- vidual proprietors or purchasers. The Assistant, it will be recollected, was a colony officer, one of the judges of the General Court of trials. There being no choice of colony officers this year, was probably the reason why Thomas Harris, William Wickenden and Richard Waterman were appointed to join with the three chief officers in the execution of certain duties within the town, which duties, by the colony law, devolved on the General Court of trials. Mr. Coddington returned to this country, some- time in the summer of this year, bringing with him a commission, signed by John Bradshaw, constitut- ing him Governor of the Islands of Rhode-Island and Conanicutt during his life. This event completed GENERAL HISTORY. 81 the destruction of the colony government under the charter, and one would suppose that this would have entirely broken up the towns of Providence and War- wick, or driven them for protection under the Gov- ernment of Plymouth or Massachusetts. But the leading men in these towns were not dismayed or disheartened. These settlements having been com- menced under most discouraging circumstances, and having been obhged to sustain themselves against the traitorous designs of some of their own citizens and the open hostility of the neighboring colonies, were not now to be relinquished, though other diffi- culties, apparently insurmountable, were thrown in their way. A General Assembly of the two towns was called in October, at which Samuel Gorton was chosen President. William Field, Assistant for Providence. A court of commissioners was appointed to be hol- den in November, " to consult and determine on what may make for the public good of the colony." The commissioners from Providence were Robert Williams, William Wickenden, Thomas Harris, Thomas Olney, Hugh Bewett, Gregory Dexter. They passed the following resolution : " Whereas, it is evident and apparent, that Mr. Nicholas Eas- ton being formerly chosen President of the province of Providence Plantations, hath of late deserted his office, and he, together with the two towns upon Rhode-Island, viz. Portsmouth and Newport, have declined and fallen off from that established order of civil government and incorporation amongst us, by means of a com- mission presented upon the said island by Mr. William Codding- 11 82 GENERAL HISTORY. ton, We, the rest of the towns of the said jurisdiction, are there- upon constrained to declare ourselves, that we do profess our- selves unanimously to stand embodied and incorporated as be- fore, by virtue of our charter granted unto us by that Honorable State of Old' England, and, thereby do, according to our legal and settled order, choose and appoint our officers, institute laws, according to the constitution of the place and capacity of our present condition, prosecuting, acting and executing all matters and causes for the doing of justice, preservation of our peace, and maintaining of all civil rights between man and man, accord- ing to the honorable authority and true intent of our aforesaid charter granted unto us. The towns of Providence and Warwick appointed Mr. Williams their agent to go to England and so- licit a confirmation of their charter privileges. In the mean time, Plymouth and Massachusetts renew- ed their dispute before the commissioners of the Uni- ted Colonies about Warwick. In September, Plym- outh was advised to take possession of that plantation by force, unless the inhabitants would willingly submit themselves to their jurisdiction. This undoubtedly hastened the appointment of an agent to England. The proceedings of Mr. Coddington were not ap- proved by all the inhabitants of the islands over which he was appointed Governor. Forty-one of tlie inhabitants of Portsmouth, and sixty-five of the inhabitants of Newport, joined in requesting Dr. John Clark, of Newport, to proceed to England as their agent, and solicit a repeal of his commission. Mr. Williams and Mr. Clark sailed together from Boston, in November. The objects of their respective mis- sions were different. Mr. Clark was the sole agent of the island towns, to procure a repeal of Mr. Cod- dington's commission. Mr. Wilhams was the sole GENERj^L HISTORY 83 agent of Providence and Warwick, to procure a new charter for these two towns. It seems to have been admitted that the commission of Mr. Codding- ton had, in effect, vacated the previous charter. The following extract of a letter from William Ar- nold, to the governor of Massachusetts, will show the distracted state of things at that time in the towns on the main. From Pawtuxet, this 1st day of the 7th month, 1651. Much Honored. — I thought it my duty to give intelligence unto the much honored court, of that which I now understand is now working here in these parts ; so that if it be the will of God, an evil may be prevented, before it come to too great a head, viz. Whereas Mr. Coddington has gotten a charter of Rhode-Island and Conanicut Island to himself, he has thereby broken the force of their charter that went under the name of Providence, be- cause, he has gotten away the greater part of the colony. — Now this company of the Gortonists, that lived at Shawomet, and that company of Providence, are gathering of <£200 to send Mr. Roger Williams unto the Parliament, to get them a charter of these parts; they of Shawomet have given .£100 already, and there be some men of Providence that have given £10 and £20 a man to help it forward with speed." 1652. — On the arrival of these agents in England, they presented a joint petition to the Council of State, on the 8th of April, by whom it was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. On the 8th of September, Mr. Williams wrote to Mr. Gregory Dexter, at Providence, of his partial success in the objects of his mission. " It is God's mercy, his very great mercy, that we have obtained this interim en- couragement from the Council of State, that you may cheerfully go on in the name of a Colony until 84 GENERAL HISTORY. the controversy is determined. The determination of it, Sir, I fear, will be a work of time, for our ad- versaries threaten to make a last appeal to Parlia- ment, in case we get the day before the Council." Subsequently the Council issued an order, vacating the commission of Mr. Coddington and directing the towns to unite again under the charter. This was brought to Rhode-Island by Mr. William Dyre. The controversy alluded to by Mr. Williams undoubtedly related to the conflicting claims then set up to some parts of the Plantations incorporated under the char- ter. This was of much longer continuance than even Mr. WilHams supposed it would be. The General Assembly of the two main land towns was holden at Warwick. John Smith, was chosen President, Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence, Samuel Gorton, " for Warwick, John Greene, Junior, General Recorder, Randall Holden, Treasurer. The commissioners from Providence were Robert Wilhams, Wilham Wickenden, Gregory Dexter, Thomas Harris, Richard Waterman, Hugh Bewett. At a town meeting holden in July, a letter was sent to Warwick, proposing a meeting of Commis- sioners to prepare " letters of encouragement" in an- swer to the "divers loving letters from our agent, Mr. Roger Williams, wherein his careful proceedings are manifest." The answer from Warwick is cop- ied at length. GENERAL HISTORY. 85 " Neighbors and friends of the town of Providence. Our town having received a letter from your town, dated the 27th of this instant, and having taken into serious consideration the mo- tions therein contained, have thereupon accordingly ordered, that four commissioners, being now chosen by them, shall meet your commissioners at the place and time where Warwick As- sistant, supplying the place of President, shall appoint : Further- more, our town have ordered, that, in case you do the like, that their commissioners with yours, may have liberty, as they shall see cause, to treat, either by word or writing, with the Island, namely Portsmouth and Newport, to see, if there may be an unanimous agreement for the four towns to send over together as desiring the former charter to be renewed, which unanimous agreement may be a means to remove some obstacles ; for, first, it may take off a tie upon Mr. Williams, our agent's mind, who, at present, cannot so freely sue for the whole : secondly, it may be the means to take off some potent men in the Parliament that may obstruct ; as also, thirdly, we may the better bring in the Narragansett Bay, which Coweset men so strive for, which, if granted them, will be very prejudicial to us, being we can neither have free egress nor regress by sea. Thus in haste, de- siring your welfare, we cease further to trouble you. By the Town, JOHN GREENE, Jun., Scribe. Dated at Warwick, the 29th of July, '52. Agreeably lo the proposals in these letters, a meeting was called by the Deputy President on the 2d of August, but there is no record of its proceed- ings. A court of Commissioners met at Providence on the 28th of October. The Commissioners from Providence were Robert Williams, Thomas Hopkins, Richard Waterman, James Ashton, Gregory Dexter, Thomas Harris. A letter of thanks was sent to Mr. Williams, for 86 GENERAL HISTORY his care and diligence in their affairs, and intimating that if the charter should be renewed by his means, "that it might tend much to the weighing of men's minds and subjecting of persons who have been re- fractory, to yield themselves over as unto a settled government, if it might be the pleasure of that hon- orable state, to invest, appoint and empower your- self to come over as Governor of this colony, for the space of one year, and so the government to be honorably put upon this place, which might seem to add weight forever hereafter in the constant and successive derivation of the same." The intimation is a high compHment to Mr. Williams. We cannot but rejoice, however, that for any cause, the pro- position was not acceded to, as it might have been drawn in precedent, and taken from the colony the choice of its chief officer. A special court of Commissioners convened on the 20th of December. The Commissioners from Providence were Thomas Angell, Gregory Dexter, Henry Brown, Hugh Bewett, Wilham Wickenden, James Ashton. The object of this session was the trial of Hugh Bewett, who was accused by the President and As- sistant of Warwick, of " Treason, against the pow- er and authority of the State of England." The trial occupied four days and resulted in the acquittal of the prisoner. The General court of trials had found him guilty and this reversal of their judgment by the Court of Commissioners gave rise to further divisions in this distracted colony. GENERAL HISTORY. 87 At the election of Town officers in June Gregory Dexter was chosen Town clerk. Robert Wilhams, } rr^ t-» Thomas Harris, I T°«'" Deputies. Thomas Harris, Treasurer. Richard Waterman, Arthur Fenner, and John Field to make up a Town council. By an account on file in the city clerk's office, it appears that Hugh Bewett had been town Treasurer from 1649 to 1652. Among his disbursements on account of the Town, are the following. Paid to Owcapocamine, the Sachem of Coweset for his and all Indians' rights of land at Neotocon- conett, £15 Paid to Mr. Roger Williams, 18 Paid more to his wife since he went to En- gland, 5 Paid mending the bridge, highways beyond the bridge, mile-end cove, fence at Dickens and the pound these several years, 3 The whole amount of the disbursements was £74 1 . What bridge was so early erected, must be matter of conjecture. Probably it was a bridge over West river, so called, which is within the present hmits of the town of North-Providence. In Janua- ry of this year, in other proceedings of the town, reference is had to the new bridge on West river. When the bridge at Weybosset was first erected is very doubtful, probably not till some years after this. In early times there was a fording place across the main river at low water, near Steeple-street. 1653. — The letters of the Council of State recall- ing Mr. Coddington's commission arrived in this 88 GENERAL HISTORY. country early in this year. On the 18th February, Mr. Dyre, the bearer of them, addressed a letter to the free inhabitants of the town of Providence, in- forming them that " upon Tuesday come sevennight, at Portsmouth, on Rhode-Island, at Mr. Baulstone's house, I shall be there ready to attend the communi- cation of the trust committed to my care, unto all such free inhabitants as shall there make their per- sonal appearance." A letter of similar import was sent to Warwick, of an earlier date, for at a town Meeting in Providence on the 20th of February ref- erence is had to a letter from Warwick, dated the 15th containing a communication made to them by Mr. Dyre. In answer to the letter from Warwick the town of Providence appointed commissioners to meet commissioners from that town. They met on the 25th. The commissioners from Providence were Thomas Angell, Gregory Dexter, Henry Brown, Hugh Bewett, WiUiam Wickenden, Thomas Harris. A reply was drawn up to a letter received from some individuals of the island, evidently relating to a reunion of the colony, and two commissioners from each town were deputed to consult with the au- thors of it generally as to the welfare of the colony, and to call a special meeting of all the commission- ers to receive the report of their proceedings. They did not succeed in the objects of their mission. The following extracts from a letter sent by the town of Providence to Mr. Williams, elucidate some of the transactions of these times. GENERAL HISTORY 89 " Mr. Dyre's presence and behavior here, hath occasioned much disturbance amongst us, for Mr, Dyre, coming first to Rhode- Island and showing tlie superscription of the state's letter, to Baulstone, Sandford, Porter and Jeffries, they wrote to us to ap- point time and place to meet them of the Island, to receive and order about the state's letter ; but we apprehending that ourselves properly, who have sent you our agent, then did bear the name of Providence Plantations, we had much dispute with Mr. Dyre, who was then present in our meeting, about the matter : for Mr. Coddington, having a charter for Rhode-Island, we, upon the main only, remained the colony of Providence Planta- tions, and so, by order of a court of commissioners, sent your- self as our particular agent for the renewing of the grand Char- ter unto us, without any desire to evade or oppose Mr. Codding- ton's commission for governing Rhode-Island ; but wherein Mr. Clark went to England from the Island, was and is to us un- known, we having, as we ever had, only respect to yourself as our agent, although Dyre was pleased peremptorily to affirm, that you had joined with Mr. Clark, on whose shoulders and credit, together with himself, namely Dyre, the weight of our affairs was chiefly supported, and, therefore, the state's letters and orders, were by him left at Rhode-Island, for, it appeared to him the island was the major part of the colony, and, in that re- spect, more eminently interested in those letters and orders, where they are detained, even until this day, we having with no small difficulty and industry, obtained as yet, only copies of them under the town clerk's hand, of Newport. Indeed in our meeting, our agitations were many and somewhat fiery, for that, Dyre, together with Mr. Smith of Warwick, who was then pres- ent and president, William Field and Mr. Robert Williams, strove to persuade us upon the main, so to account ourselves as being in disorder, a confused rout, or as he acknowledged the Island was, and that all officers, places, orders of courts, law, and cases depending were all to be accounted null, and that we must all come to a popular meeting, as scattered stones, to lay a new foundation of government for the colony of Providence Planta- tions. " But we being still in the same order you left us, as also ob- 12 90 GENERAL HISTORY. servintr two great evils, such a course would bring upon us, first the hazard of involving all in the disorder and bloodshed which had been committed on Rhode-Island, since their separation from us ; secondly, the evading and frustating of justice in divers vveio-hty causes, then orderly depending in our court." " But Dyre perceiving that we were not willing so to be per- suaded, but finding ourselves in order and according to the di- rections in your letter, resolved to act as a colony in order, and so addressed ourselves by commissioners to meet with the Island about reuniting them unto us, whereupon this Dyre took upon himself the power of the whole colony, and sent forth manda- muses, commanding all the free inhabitants to meet him at Mr. Baulstone's house," &/C. &c. On the first of March, probably the day named in Mr.Dyre's letter to Providence, there was an assembly of the colony, so called, holden at Portsmouth. Here the orders and letters from England were read and a vote passed, that the officers, who were in place when Mr. Coddington's charter obstructed, should act in their several offices until the next election, which was directed to be on the day formerly ap- pointed. This assembly sent a letter to Providence containing distinct propositions for a reunion, and for the government of the colony till the next elec- tion. An answer was returned by Providence and Warwick, that they were willing to meet by Com- missioners to advise and order about general affairs. They did not assent to the propositions from the is- land, nor was any meeting of Commissioners holden as they proposed ; and the two towns on the main, and the two island towns, held separate Assemblies for General Election on the 1 7th day of May follow- ing. The Assembly of the main land towns, met at Providence. GENERAL HISTORY. 91 Gregory Dexter was elected President, John Sayles, Assistant for Providence, Stukely Westcott, " for Warwick, John Greene, jun. Recorder, Hugh Bewett, Gen- eral Sergeant and John Sayles, Treasurer. The same persons attended as Commissioners from Providence, as met in February preceding. A letter was sent to Portsmouth and Newport advising them of their proceedings, and alledging as a reason for the course they had taken, that they had received no answer to their previous letter. In accordance with the orders of the Council of State, to arm and defend themselves against the Dutch or enemies of the Commonwealth of England, and to act offensively against them so far as they could consistently with their own safety, they resolve, that no provisions shall be transported from the colony for the supply of the Dutch. Each Plantation was authorized to take such course as they should deem necessary for their own security, but no person was permitted to act of- fensively against the Dutch without the order and direction from a General Court of Commissioners. The Assembly of the island towns was holden at Newport. John Sanford was elected President, Nicholas Easton, Assistant for Newport, Richard Burden, " " Portsmouth, William Lytherland, General Recorder, Richard Knight, General Sergeant, John Coggeshall, Treas- urer, and John Easton, General Attorney. This As- sembly continued in session two days. On the rec- ord of the second day's meeting is the following entry, 92 GENERAL HISTORY. " Providence and Warwick men come in." After this, Thomas Olney was elected General Assistant for Providence, and Randall Holden, for Warwick. In regard to warlike proceedings against the Dutch, this Assembly acted with much more decision and energy than the one at Providence. They agreed to assist the English on Long-Island, to lend them arms and to allow them to enlist twenty volunteers. They erected an Admiralty Court for the trial of prize causes and granted commissions to three per- sons to cruise against the Dutch or any enemies of the commonwealth of England. Although it appears by the record that " Provi- dence and Warwick men came in," and probably joined in the election of general officers for these towns, only a part, and that a minority of each of those towns, was present. The difficulties still ex- isted. The two towns adhered to the general offi- cers that they had chosen. The steps taken by the Assembly of the island in regard to the Dutch, fur- nished fresh matter for disputes, or rather served as a pretence for the continuance of those previously commenced. It is a singular circumstance that the island towns, considering their more exposed situa- tion, should have been so much more ready to in- volve themselves in a war with the Dutch, than were the main land towns. Neither the one nor the other could have long supported themselves against a for- eign enemy, and they could hope for no assistance from the neighboring English colonies. In fact the united colonics did no more than they were obliged to do, to keep up appearances with the government GENERAL HISTORY. 93 at home. They evidently preferred a prosperous neutrahty, to the dangers and uncertainties of war. The main land towns held a general court of com- missioners at Providence, on the third day of June. The commissioners of Providence were, Gregory Dexter, William Wickenden, John Sayles, Thomas Angell, Arthur Fenner, James Ashton. They ordered that such of the inhabitants of the colony as owned the commissions which had been granted by the General Assembly of the island towns against the Dutch, should be disfranchised, and not allowed to act in the government till they gave sat- isfaction to the towns there represented. They is- sued a remonstrance against the proceedings of that Assembly, which as it contains their account of these proceedings is here inserted. " A brief remonstrance of the two towns of Providence Plan- tations, at present the colony of Providence Plantations. Whereas it pleased the honored council of State, to grant unto Mr. William Coddington, a commission to be Governor of Rhode- Island, whereby the towns of Portsmouth and Newport were dis- jointed from the colony of Providence Plantations, whereupon, we, the two towns of Providence and Warwick, having informa- tion thereof, assembled together and declared ourselves unani- mously to stand embodied and incorporated as before by virtue of our charter, and immediately prepared to send our agent un- to England for confirmation of our charter unto us, as more at large appeareth in the order made at Providence ; and whereas about the IGih of the 12th month '52, William Dyre brought un- to us, the two towns of Providence and Warwick, a letter sub- scribed by John Sanford, William Baulstone, John Porter and William Jeffries, of Rhode-Island, intimating that the said Wil- liam Dyrc had brought letters and orders for our directions, sent from the nuich honored, the council of slate, and that they would 94 GENERAL HISTORY. (rive US a meeting to hear the said letters at the time of our ap- pointment, whereupon we the said two towns respectively chose six commissioners and gave them full power and au- thority to give answer to the said letters and also to act for us, as if we were present, according unto the directions of the said council, whether it were for re-uniting of the said two towns of Portsmouth and Newport unto us, or otherwise do in all general affairs, except election, according to their wisdoms, as in our several town orders, more at large appeareth, therefore our said commissioners being orderly chosen and assembled at Pawtuxet, the 25th of February, '53, prepared an answer to the said letter, and sent it by the hand of four messengers, two chosen out of each town, that so, if possible, they might fully effect an orderly meeting, and therefore declared their resolutions in their said letters, to meet with the two towns of Portsmouth and Newport by commissioners, six chosen out of each town, at the time and place of their appointment, and reunite with the island, if the mind of the council of state's warrant was such, as more at large appeareth in their abovesaid letter ; but no reply could our said commissioners procure by their said messengers, nor hitherto have received any ; and at the return of the said four messengers, our said commissioners assembled at Pawtuxet aforesaid, the 9th of March '52, where the said messengers made their report, and declared that they could not procure the letters and orders, for our direction, sent from the honored council of state aforesaid, nor a copy thereof, although they were read before many people ; thereupon, our said commissioners sent to Mr. Easton, in whose hands the said orders were, for them or a copy thereof, and ano- ther letter to both towns of Portsmouth and Newport, on purpose by the hand of two messengers, intimating unto the said two towns that Providence and Warwick had empowered them as aforesaid, to transact for the said two towns in all general affairs, as if all the inhabitants of the said two towns were present, and therefore proposed to both the towns on the island, that if they were willing to reunite with us, then to choose six commission- ers out of each town, and appoint time and place where we should meet them to order according to the council of state's direction, as more at large appeareth in their said letter ; but they could GENERAL HISTORY 95 not procure any answer from neither of the said two towns ; and whereas, after a long space of time, the town of Newport sent unto us certain propositions by the hand of Benedict Arnold, in- timating their desires that we should meet them at Newport in May next, and choose six commissioners to prepare and so forth, which propositions were referred to our said commissioners to answer, and our said commissioners thus answered, that they were willing there to meet by commissioners, six chosen out of each town, and to reunite and order for the peace of the whole colony, et cetera, in all general affairs, except election, provided the said town of Newport would give ten days notice before hand that so they would meet by commissioners as more at laro-e ap- peareth in our said commissioners' answer ; but, forasmuch as neither our said commissioners, nor we the said two towns have received any answer from the said island by way of reply, we, therefore, the said two towns of Providence and Warwick, were necessitated to keep in the posture we were in, and proceeded to election of general officers according to law extant amongst us, the 17th of May, yet, notwithstanding all our aforesaid endeavors to reunite the said two towns of Portsmouth and Newport unto us, which is not yet effected, the inhabitants of the said two towns have, as we are informed, in the name or by the authority of the the colony of Providence Plantations, granted and criven unto John Underbill, Edward Hull and William Dyre, a commis- sion or commissions tending to war, which is like, for auo-ht we see, to set all New-England on fire, for the event of war is various and uncertain, and although the honored council of state's direc- tion to us is, videlicit, to offend the Dutch as we shall think necessary, yet we know not for what reason or for what cause the said inhabitants of the island have given forth the said commis- sion : Therefore, we are enforced thus to declare, that if the said island shall attempt to engage us with them in the said com- mission, or in any otherlike proceedings, and shall use any force or violence upon us upon that account, that we will then address ourselves immediately to England, to petition for their honors' fm-ther direction unto us, which they have pleased to intimate in their late honors' pleasure sent by the hand of William Dyre; 96 GENERAL HISTORY for we .are resolved, to use onr utmost endeavors to free ourselves from all illegal and unjust proceedings. By the Commissioners of the Colony, JOHN GREENE, Jr. General Recorder." The letter from Newport referred to in this re- monstrance is here given, to show in part their views on the subject. Beloved friends and neighbors : After our respects these are to inform you, of our desires to further the orders of our honored and well wishers, the honored council of State, and of your, together with our own safety, and peaceable well-being and that each may enjoy his own right in equity and that the face of authority may be established amongst us, the endeavoring whereof hath moved us to write unto you our propositions here underwritten, as also to send unto you a copy of the orders of the honored council of State, all which we have betrusted in the hands of our beloved messenger, Mr. Benedict Arnold, with the orders for the safe disposal of the forenamed copy and the delivery of these our motions. That the next General Assembly for election, which will be the first Tuesday after the 15th of May, be held at Newport. That the officers be chosen according to the accustomed rule in the laws established by authority of the charter confirmed by the honored council's order. That all orders made by the towns of this colony, either joint- ly or apart, by authority of the charter, be authorized to be in force, until by a General Assembly repealed. That all suits depending, that are by the law referred to the General Court of trials, may be issued at the next General Court, by such officers as shall be deputed at the time appointed by the former laws. That a committee of six men in each town, be chosen to con- sider and ripen all matters that respect the colony, which the major votes of the towns assenting to, shall be established and stand in force. That the General officers, that were deputed and engaged, GENERAL HISTORY. 97 when Mr. Coddington's commission obstructed, be authorized and invested with power to act in their several commissions, until new be chosen for the general, but if any town see cause, they may be authorized to appoint what general officer they judge meet in that town, who may by the town clerk be engaged, if not before engaged, and be authorized to act by the rule prescribed. That all the inhabitants that allow the propositions sent to each town, set to or subscribe their names for confirmation thereof; whose names being delivered to the several town clerks, shall be sealed up and sent to the President, Mr. Nicholas Easton, who with the council of that town shall open and shall signify the re- sult to the several towns, and this to be performed by the 10th April next. Further we thought good to insert what present course our town hath taken for our present security till a general order, namely : That whereas by the honored council's order, we are to de- pute one or more to see that forts be made and arms provided and other things done as ordered, and whereas by a law made amongst us, each town hath the power of the militia, that seven men in our town are appointed to see that order performed, four of them concurring it stands in force, until the colony otherwise order. The men appointed are William Dyre, &c. Newport, the 18th of March, 1652. Per me, WILLIAM LYTHERLAND, Town Clerk, In the behalf and by the order of the town of Newport." Another court of commissioners was holden on the 13th of August. The Commissioners of Provi- dence were the same as in June preceding. The record of the election of town officers this year is lost. That a town meeting was holden for the purpose of election appears, and that is all. The next record preserved is under date of September 10th, 1654. 1634. — At the General Assembly holden in May the following named persons were elected officers of the colony. 13 98 GENERAL HISTORY. Nicholas Easton, President. Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence. Richard Burden, " for Portsmouth. Edward Smith, " for Newport. Randall Holden, " for Warwick. Joseph Torrey, General Recorder, John Cogges- hall. Treasurer, Richard Knight, General Sergeant. Though assistants were chosen, for Providence and Warwick, the reunion of the colony was not per- fected. Those towns held no General Assemhly for election as in the preceding year, from which it may be inferred, that a majority of the inhabitants in each had assented to the re-establishment of the co- lonial government in the manner proposed by the island towns. But that there was still a minority, who adhered to an opposite opinion, may with cer- tainty be inferred from the proceedings of this As- sembly. A committee of two from each town was appointed " for the preparing a way or some course concerning our dissenting friends." It does not ap- pear what course was proposed, but it may be rea- sonably supposed that their efforts to restore union and peace to the colony, were greatly forwarded by Mr. Wilhams and by the letters he brought with him from England. He arrived early in the summer, and brought with him the following letter from Sir Henry Vane. " Loving and Christian Friends — I cannot refuse the bearer, Mr. Roger Williams, my kind friend and ancient acquaintance, to be accompanied with these few lines from myself to you upon his return to Providence colony, though perhaps my private and retired condition, which the Lord, m mercy, hath brought TxENERAL HISTORY 99 me into, might liave argued strongly enough for my silence. But indeed, something I hold myself hound to say to you, out of the christian love I hear you, and for His sake, whose name is called upon by you and engaged on your behalf How is it, that there are such divisions amongst you, such headiness, disorders, tu- mults, injustice, the noise whereof echoes unto the ears of all, as well friends as enemies, by every return of ships from those parts ? Is not the fear and awe of God amongst you to restrain ? Is not the love of Christ in you, to fill you with yearning bowels, one toward another, and constrain you to live not unto yourselves, but unto him that died for you, yea, and is risen again t Are there no wise men amongst you 1 No public self-denying spirits, that, at least upon the grounds of common safety, equity and prudence, can find out some way or means of union and reconcilement for you amongst yourselves, before you become a prey to common ene- mies, especially, since this state, by the last letter from the coun- cil of state, gave you your freedom, as supposing that a better use would have been made of it, than there hath been. Surely, when kindly and proper remedies are applied and are ineffectual, it speaks loudly and broadly the high and dangerous distemper of such a body, as if the wounds were incurable. But I hope better things from you, though I thus speak, and should be apt to think, that by commissioners agreed on and appointed on all parts, and on behalf of all interests, in a general meeting such a union and common satisfaction might ensue, as, through God's blessing, might put a stop to your growing breaches and dis- tractions, silence your enemies, encourage your friends, honor the name of God, which of late hath been much blasphemed, by reason of you, and in particular refresh and revive the sad heart of him who mourns over your present evils, as being your very affectionate friend, to serve you in the Lord. H. VANE. Belleau, the 8th of February, lA6S—i. This letter was followed by one from Mr. Willams himself, addressed to Gregory Dexter, who, it ap- pears from the handwriting of the records, was then Town Clerk of Providence. After referring to tlie sacrifices he had made, and the labors he had per- 100 GENERAL HISTORY. formed to establish the town and colony and the grand cause of truth and freedom of conscience, and painting in the glowing colors of truth the dan- gers that necessarily attend contention, and the cer- tain ruin that would follow an appeal by either party to the government of England, he urged them with great earnestness to remove the obstruction to union and peace which they themselves had created, and if they were unable by free debate and conference with their opponents to remove all causes of disun- ion and distrust, then to leave such matters to the determination of arbitrators, to be mutually chosen from among the inhabitants of the colony. He be- sought them to send these propositions to their op- ponents in writing, and concluded his letter with a form of a letter for that purpose. It would seem from this letter of Mr. Williams, that one great cause of their disunion was the vote passed by the Assem- bly of the main land towns disfranchising such per- sons as acknowledged the validity of the commis- sions against the Dutch, granted by the Assembly of the island towns in May. The reunion was perfec- ted by a Court of Commissioners in August. The following were the terms then agreed upon. Articles of agreement of the Commissioners of the four towns, upon the reuniting of the colony of Providence Plantations, as followeth, viz : Whereas there have been differences and obstructions amongst the four towns of this colony of Providence Plantations in New- England, namely, Providence, Portsmouth, Newport and War- wick, arising by Mr. Coddington's commission, we, the com- missioners of all the four towns do agree : First. That all transactions done by the authority of the in- CxENERAL HISTORY. 101 liabitants of the two towns of Rhode-Island, from the time of Mr. Coddington's commission's taking place there, until Mr. Dyre brought over farther orders from the Honorable Council of state, in the year 1652, shall remain on the account of the two towns of the above said island; and all the transactions of Prov- idence and Warwick in that space, to remain on their own ac- count. And further, that all the transactions of the aforesaid two towns on Rhode-Island, viz : Portsmouth and Newport, and a part of Warwick and Providence with them since Mr. Dyre's bringing the foresaid orders to this very time, shall remain on their own account ; and whatsoever transactions have been in the said time by the rest of the inhabitants of Warwick and Providence, professing themselves two towns, shall remain on their the said inhabitants' own account professing themselves two towns. Secondly. We the commissioners of the four towns abovesaid, do agree and arc willing to order this colony by the authority of the charter granted to us by the honored Parliament of the Com- monwealth of England, bearing date the 14th day of March, 1643. Thirdly. We agree that the General Court of this colony, or General Assembly to transact all affairs, except election, as ma- lting of laws, trial of general officers, &lc. shall be held by six commissioners chosen by each town of the colony. In confirmation hereof the commissioners above premised, have set our hands, namely : Providence. Portsmouth. Nf.wport. Warwick. Thomas Harris, Gregory Dexter, John Sayles, William Wickenden, John Brown, Henry Brown. William Baulstone, Thomas Cornell, Richard Burden, John Roome, Benedict Arnold, Richard Tew, John Coggeshall, John Green, Sen. Randall Holden, Ezekiel Holyman, John Briggs, William Hull. John Easton, William Lytherland, Thomas Gould. John Green, Jun. John Townsend, Henry Townsend. 102 GENERAL HISTORY. Thus was ended this most inauspicious state of affairs. With the hght that the scanty records of those times afford, it may be unjust to attribute to Mr. Coddington the whole blame of the first divis- ion of the colony. He has left no known memo- rial either of his acts or motives. The estimate of them must be formed, from the reports and pub- lic acts of his opponents. He who has scanned and duly weighed evidence derived from such sources, and compared it with the statements of the opposite party, may be prepared to make a proper allowance for party prejudice and the excitement of private interest. But the slightest reflection will convince any one, that imphcit confidence is not to be placed in it. As the case now stands, from those reports and pubhc acts, Mr. Coddington appears, upon some disafiection, the nature or extent of which is not dis- closed, to have sailed for England, without intimating to any one his ultimate intentions in relation to the colony. While there, he obtained from Parliament, a commission conferring extraordinary powers on himself. He was constituted Governor of the islands of Rhode-Island and Conanicutt for life. With him rested the nomination of his council. It was not strange that the people of these islands should revolt against his authority. By the charter, they had the power of electing their own officers and making their own laws. And though by their free votes they had conferred on Mr. Coddington the highest offices in the colony, it was natural that they should wish that he should hold such offices only by their elec- tion. As free born Englishmen, they could not con- GENERAL HISTORY. 103 sent to be ruled by a Governor selected for them by any power on earth. The main land towns of the colony must have received information of the so- Hciting and granting of this commission with min- gled emotions of surprise and indignation. They of Providence had been pioneers in the great cause of religious freedom. Through their sufferings, privations and labors it had been planted, fostered and established. A charter from the Parliament of England had conferred on them, with the other towns, a political existence with unequalled civil privileges. One of those who had twice felt the scourge of re- ligious persecution had raised his suicidal hand to destroy the glorious fabric which he had assisted to erect. He had perilled the cause for which he had suffered, and in the attempt had apparently reduced his companions to the very verge of ruin ; for it di- vided the colony, which, united, was scarcly able to preserve its existence against those who coveted the little spot of earth on which it was established, and who religiously hated the colonists for the principles which they advocated. The course taken by these towns was the only one they could have pursued. Mr. Coddington's commission did not in its terms affect their rights under the charter. It subjected the island towns to his government and there it stopped. They did well then, in clinging to the charter, and in seeking a confirmation of it from the English government. After the arrival of the orders of the council of state by Mr. Dyre, their course cannot be so easily de- fended. They richly deserved the rebukes which 104 GENERAL HISTORY, they received from Sir Henry Vane. Their own statement furnishes no satisfactory excuse for their conduct. The neglect and refusal of Mr. Dyre to deliver the papers to them, and his persisting in de- livering them to the old officers in the colonial gov- ernment, might have been a wrong, but not such a wrong as would justify them in their wilful inatten- tion to the best interests of the colony. Probaly the old officers, those that were in place at the arrival of Mr. Coddington's commission, claimed the right to them. In such an event, the course that he pro- posed, was the only one at which neither of the claimants could justly complain. And the refusal of the main land towns to attend the General Assembly of all the freemen of the colony, before whom the letters and orders were to be read, cannot be fully justified. There must have been some other cause not entered in their records, which influenced them. The granting of commissions, or letters of marque and reprisal, against the Dutch by the General As- sembly, one would suppose a measure of doubtful expediency. It might have endangered the exist- ence of the colony. But neither Providence or Warwick would have been the first or the most to be endangered or injured by it. They were agricultu- ral townships. Their attention was principally di- rected to the cultivation of the land. They were both situated at some distance from the sea. If the Dutch had attempted to retaliate, both the towns of Newport and Portsmouth lay in their way. A very small naval force could have levied contributions up- on them. It is probable that at that time they had GENERAL HISTORY 105 commenced improving the natural advantages of their situation, for trade and navigation. But aside from this, this act vs^as passed by a General Assem- bly of the whole colony. All the tow^ns had notice of it and could have attended. Some did attend from all the towns. If the majority of those present were in favor of the measure, it did not become the voluntary absentees to call them traitors and put them out of the protection of the law, or deprive them of their legal privileges. The dissentions in the mother country entered into and embittered the disputes which pre- vailed here. x4mong the colonists were some of all the parties that divided the English commonwealth. Their sufferings under the estabhshed religion of England, undoubtedly inclined the most of them in the outset against the King and the Hierarchy. There were some, and probably a majority at first, who de- sired rather to ameliorate than to overthrow the gov- ernment. These, however, like many of the i'nhab- itants of England, were led on, step by step, until nothing would content them but the entire demoli- tion of monarchy. The following certificate from the records of the colony, proves that the change in opinion was gradual. Unless the signers had held or expressed different opinions, there was no seem- ing necessity for their subscribing such a declaration. " Providence, the 7th of the 1st mo. '52. I do declare and promise that I will be true and faithful to the Commonwealth of England, as it is now established, without a king or house of lords. Thomas Harris, Arthur Fenner, William Wickenden, James Ashton, John Brown, Thomas -|- Angell, Samuel Bennett, Gregory Dexter, Henry Brown, Hugh Bewett, Thomas -f- Hopkins, Edward Inman. " 14 106 GENERAL HISTORY These signers were all Providence men. In the records of Warwick there was a more formal sub- mission signed by the freemen. Subsequently they attempted to destroy it; but the evidence of its exis- tence was perpetuated by the very means they used to destroy it. The following entry now stands in their records. " This leaf was torn out by order of the town, this 29th of June 1667, it being the submission to the State of England without the King's majesty, it be- ing the 13th page." It required but a small circumstance, as the fol- lowing paper shows, to arouse the feelings of some of the partizans of those days. " Presented unto the town of Providence by Robert Williams, the loyal subject of the Commonwealth of England, that, accord- ing unto his engagement, endeavors to vindicate the just rights of honorable authority in these parts. I do hereby signify unto this town, whom I honor as a town, in subjection unto said right honorable Commonwealth, that the sub- committee at Warwick, have declared disloyalty unto the Com- monwealth of England, for the said committee declare, then dated the 24th of December, 1652, against the letter of credence order- ed and sent unto our agent, Mr. Roger Williams, supplicating their honors' favor and pleasure in these parts. ROBERT V/ILLIAMS, Deputy of the town of Providence. A few days before the reunion of the colony was perfected, the following answer was prepared and sent to Sir Henry Vane. Providence, 27. 6. 54. Sir — Although we are grieved at your late retirement from the helm of public affairs, yet we rejoice to reap the sweet fruits of your rest in your pious and loving lines, most seasonably sent unto us. Thus the sun, when he retires his brightness from the GENERAL HISTORY 107 world, yet, from under the very clouds, we perceive his presence and enjoy some light and heat and sweet refreshing. Sir your letters were directed to all and every particular town of this JZ T' ^'^r- ^"'■''^' "^' ^"^""-^ ^h^ "-^-y providences of the Most High towards this town of Providence, and this Provi- dence colony, we cannot but see apparently his gracious hand providing your honorable self, for so noble and true a friend to an outcast and despised people. From the first beginning of this Providence colony, occasioned by the banishmeirt of some irom the Massachusetts, we say ever since, to this day, we have reaped the fruits of your constant loving kindness and favor towards us Oh, sir, whence then is it, that you have bent your bow, and shot your sharp and bitter arrows against us? whence IS It that you charge us with divisions, disorders, &c. ^ Sir we humbly pray, your gentle acceptance of our two-fold nnswer' First, we have been greatly disturbed and distracted by the ambition and covetousness of some amongst us. Sir, we were incomplete order, until Mr. Coddington, wanting that public self-denying spirit which you commend to us in your letter, pro- cured, by most untrue information, a monopoly of part of the colony, VIZ Rhode-Island, to himself, and so occasioned our .en- eral disturbance and distractions. "^ Secondly, Mr. Dyre, with no less want of public spirit, being ruined by party contentions with Mr. Coddington, and beina be- trusted to bring from England, the letters of the council of state for our reuniting, he hopes for a recruit to himself by other men s goods ; and, contrary to the state's intentions and expres- sions plungeth himself and some others in most unnecessary and unrighteous plundering both of Dutch, French and Encrlish also to our great grief, who protested against such abuse of our pow! er from England ; and the end of it is to the shame and reproach of himself and the very English name, as all these parts do wit- ness. ^ v^ vYii Sir, our second answer is, (that we may not lay all the load upon other men's backs) that possibly a sweet cup hath rendered many of us wanton and too active, for we have long drank of the cup of as great liberties as any people that we can hear of under the whole heaven. We have not only been long free (together 108 GENERAL HISTORV. with all New-England) from the iron yoke of wolfish bishops and their popish ceremonies, (against whose cruel oppressions, God raised up your noble spirit in Parliament) but we have sitten (luiet and dry from the streams of blood spilt by that war in our native country. We have not felt the new chains of the Pres- byterian tyrants,' nor, in this colony, have we been consum- ed with the over zealous fire of the (so called) godly christian magistrates. Sir, we have not known what an excise means ; we have almost forgotten what tythes are, yea, or taxes either, to church or commonwealth. We could name other special privi-- leges, ingredients of our sweet cup, which your great wisdom knows to be very powerful (except more than ordinary watchful- ness) to render the best men wanton and forgetful. But, blessed be your love and your loving heart and hand, awakening any of our sleepy spirits by your sweet alarm, and blessed be your noble family, root and branch, and all your pious and prudent engage- ments and retirements. We hope you shall no more compl^^nof the saddening of your loving heart, hy the men of Providence town or of Providence colony, but that when we are gone and rotten, our posterity and children after us, shall read in our town records your pious and favorable letters and loving kindness to us, and this our answer and real endeavor after peace and right- ousness ; and to be found, sir, your most obliged and most hum- ble servants. The Town of Providence, in Providence Colony in New-England, GREGORY DEXTER, Town Clerk. After signing the articles of reunion, the commis- sioners continued in session and made several orders and laws. All laws in force before the division of the colony, were declared to be in force until re- pealed, all trade with the Dutch was prohibited, the law against selHng liquor to the Indians was re-enac- ted, and a General Election ordered to take place on the 12th of September at Warwick. A court of commissioners met at Warwick on the day appointed for election. The commissioners from GENERAL HISTORY. 109 Providence were the same as those at the August session, except Henry Reddock, in the place of John Sayles. They direct that the General election in future shall be holden on the Tuesday after the 15th of May. Towns were directed to choose Commis- sioners on the first Tuesday of the same month. Let- ters of " Humble Thanksgiving" were sent to His Highness the Lord Protector, to Sir Henry Vane, and to Mr. John Clark. All legal process was or- dered to be issued in the name of " His Highness the Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of Ens- land, Scotland and Ireland, and the Dominions thereto belonging." The main land and island towns were authorized, together or apart, to establish courts. At this General Assembly the following persons were elected colony officers till the next May. Roger Williams, President, Thomas Harris, Assistant for Providence, John Roome, " for Portsmouth, Benedict Arnold, " for Newport, Randall Holden, " for Warwick, William Lytherland, General Recorder, Richard Knight, General Sergeant, Richard Burden, Treas- urer, and John Cranston, General Attorney. In this year is the first record of the election of military officers in Providence. The election was made on the 6th of November. Thomas Harris, was chosen Lieutenant. John Smith (the miller) " Ensign. Bemjamin Smith " Sergeant. At the same meeting it was resolved, that one 110 GENERAL HISTORY. man on every farm one mile from the town, might be left at home on training days. 1655. — The following persons were elected Gen- eral officers of the colony at the General Assembly holden at Providence. Roger Williams, President, Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence, John Roome, " for Portsmouth, Benedict Arnold " for Newport, Randall Holden, " for Warwick. Wilham Lytherland, General Recorder, George Parker, General Sergeant, John Sandford, General Treasurer, John Cranston, General Attorney, and John Greene, General Sohcitor. At the Court of Commissioners, the following were from Providence. Roger Willams, Arthur Fenner, Wilham Wickenden, Richard Waterman, Thomas Harris, John Sayles. All the inhabitants of the colony were required by this court, to sign a submission to his Highness the Protector and the Parhament ; if any refused, they were declared to be entitled, to "no benefit or priv- ilege in any law of the colony." The General Court of trials were to set once a year in each town. It seems from the record that Thomas Olney was then in arms against authority, but it could not have been a very serious rebellion, as he took his engage- ment as Assistant. Before this time there had been several laws passed to prevent the sale of strong liquors to the Indians, but as they had proved ineffic- GENERAL HISTORY 1 1 1 lent wholly to prevent that evil, the court of Com- missioners act again on this fruitful topic of legis- lation. They appointed two " Ordinary Keepers " in each town. These were the only persons author- ized to sell any sort of "strong drink" "either to Enghsh or Indian in a less quantity than a gallon." They were prohibited from selling " above a quarter of a pint of hquor or wine a day" to any Indian. In case an Indian was found drunk, he was to be fined, and " whipt or laid neck and heels" and " the ordinary keeper by whose means he is made drunk shall pay twenty shillings for each person's trans- gression." The price of liquor at retail was fixed at not over four shillings a quart. All liquor that was brought into the colony was directed to be re- corded, and an excise of five shillings paid for every anker of liquor and quarter cask of wine, for the use of the town where entered. These measures were undoubtedly dictated by a desire of self preser- vation, but while they effected the safety of the col- onists against the Indians, they must have greatly tended to the advantage of the Indians themselves. The ordinary keepers appointed for Providence were Roger Mowry and Richard Perry. Notwith- standing such appointments, the towns had a right to appoint others and remove those appointed by the Commissioners. Providence and Warwick were required to unite in the erection of a Prison at War- wick at the cost of £41, of which Providence was required to pay £6, and another prison at Provi- dence and a pair of stocks at the cost of £14. A special court of commissioners was holden at 112 GENERAI. HISTORY Portsmouth on the 28th of June. The commission- ers of Providence were Roger WiUiams, Wilham Dyre, Thomas Olney, James Barker, Wilham Field, Matthew West. The meeting was called in consequence of a let- ter received from His Highness. The following order made at this court, while it implies that the greatest decorum was not always preserved in that body, also proves that the majority of the commis- sioners were fully sensible of the importance of it. "It is ordered, that in case any man shall strike another person in the court, he shall either be fined £10, or be whipped, according as the court shall see meet." At the commencement of the records of the colony for this year is the roll of the freemen of the Colony. The number in Providence, was forty- two, in Portsmouth, fifty-two, in Newport, eighty- three, and in Warwick, thirty-eight. At a town meeting in June, the following officers were elected. Rhichard Waterman and Thomas Harris, Town Magistrates, John Sayles, Town Clerk. Roger Williams, Robert Williams and William Field, were appointed to make up the Town Coun- cil, and Samuel Bennett, Town Sergeant. The first entry in the record of the proceedings of the town on Election day probably alludes to the same facts, which constituted the charge made against Thomas Olney in the Court of Commissioners. It is as fol- lows. " Whereas there has been a great debate this day, about Thomas Olney, Robert Williams, John Field, William Harris GENERAL HISTORY. 113 and others, concerning the matter of a tumult and disturbance in the winter, under pretence of a voluntary training, it was at last concluded by vote, that for the Colony's sake, who have since chosen Thomas Olney an Assistant, and for the public union and peace's sake, it should be passed by, and no more mentioned." Happy would it have been for town and colony, if many of their previous complaints had been so dis- posed of The extent of the previous difficulties and disunion in the town may well be inferred from the following circumstance. Henry Fowler was complained of to the town for being married without due publication. The law of the town required that such publications should be by a magistrate's notifi- cation set on some tree in the town street for a fortnight. He pleaded, that "the divisions of the town were the cause of his so doing," and his fine was remitted. The town directed that there should be four military trainings each year. The follow- ing was the law regulating proceedings before the town courts, which was this year recorded in pursu- ance of the following order. "Ordered that the program of laws in use, that formerly were in a loose paper, be written in the Book, which are as followeth. THE PROGRESS IN LAW. First. All actions and cases shall be tried by six townsmen in the nature of a jury, yet, with the liberty of not being put on swearing; and these six men to be pricked down by the town, quarterly, and warned three days before the court, by the Ser- geant, to be ready at the day and hour appointed, under penal- ty of three shillings for their neglect. Second. All actions shall be tried by the town, let the sum be what it will be, which are between party and party." [Against this item there is the following entry in the margin.] " This or- 15 114 GENERAL HISTORY. der was and is much controverted, as interfering with the Gen- eral and the town council.'' Third. All writs shall go from the clerk, which shall be warrant sufficient ; and he to have for his writing, six pence ; but if the action be above £S, then, he shall have for his writ, one shilling. If the two parties do agree, then shall he have for withdrawing the action, four pence if £^ ; if above, then six pence ; but if the parties do agree and the plaintiff withdraw after the action be entered, then the suit shall go forward, until it come to an issue, and the plaintiff pay charge, both of jury warned and all others. Fourth. The sergeant shall serve the writ, which if it be acrainst a housekeeper, a warning to appear at the day and place of trial, shall be sufficient; but if it be not against a townsman, the sergeant shall keep him in safe custody, until bail or agree- ment ; and the bail shall be an housekeeper of our town or one known to be sufficient to discharge the debt or damage that may ensue ; and the sergeant shall have for his pains in serving the writ, if the debt be c£5, one shilling, if above <£5, eighteen pence, and after the rate of two shillings per day for waiting. If not bailed within two hours after the arrest, the sergeant shall give notice of the arrest to the clerk. Fifth. The plaintiff shall declare his case in writing within three days after the writ be served, and shall pay for filing his declaration, four pence ; which if the defendant will see, the clerk shall copy it out, and shall have for his pains, sixpence. If it exceed ten handsome lines, then he shall have one shilling, but if it be half a sheet of paper, then he shall have two shillings. Sixth. It shall be in the defendant's liberty, whether he will answer in writing or no. If he do, he shall put in his answer within three days after he hath received the declaration ; pro- vided, that he take a copy of the declaration within two days after that it be put in, that the trial be not hindered, and the de- fendant to pay to the clerk for filing his answer four pence. Seventh. The clerk, against the day of trial, shall draw up the declaration and answer, if there be any ; if none, then the declaration, and shall read them twice, and the plaintiff, if he will, may open his case more fully, either by himself or his GENERAL HISTORY. 115 attorney, and so, likewise, the defendant shall answer either by , himself or his attorney, when they shall have time sufficient to debate the cause between them, until the bench shall say it is enough, who shall be judges of the court and no other ; which judges shall engage the witnesses, or cause the clerk to read it to them, as also examine the witnesses, engage the six men, and if they see it good, counsel the six men, who are to go upon the case, to deal truly in it, knowing their engagements. Eighth. After the six men have heard the case pleaded, they shall go aside to consult about it, the sergeant attending, that none come to speak with them without the license of the court. After they are returned the clerk shall call them man by man, to see if they be all there, which, if they be, he shall ask them if they be agreed on their verdict. If answer be made by them yea, the clerk shall ask, who they find for, and according as they find, shall write it down. If they find for the plaintiff, he shall know of them what damages and costs, and, if the judge please, they may have twelve pence for each man of them before they speak, which the plaintiff shall pay them, and also twelve pence to the sergeant for attending the jury or triers. Ninth. If the case go against the defendant, he shall have ten days liberty before the execution be served, to remove his case, if he judge himself wronged, which, with a writ from any of the general assistants or president, he may. Provided that he pay the present charge of court, and put in sufficient bail to an- swer it in the colony court. Tenth. The execution shall go from the deputies, under their hands, and the sergeant shall have for serving it, two shillings and sixpence ; and what goods or chattels or whatever is taken shall be prized by two townsmen named by the sergeant, and if none will buy them, then shall be, so much as the debt and dam- age cometh to, delivered to the plaintiff If there be overplus delivered to him, he shall return it to the owners in any mer- chantable pay the plaintiff hath. In case he have not goods suf- ficient, the person must satisfy according to the general order. The sergeant shall have two shillings and sixpence the day paid him by the plaintiff for waiting on the execution, and the plain- tiff to reckon it to the whole sum." 116 GENERAL HISTORY. 1656. — At a court of Commissioners holden at Warwick, on the 11th day of March, the Commis- sioners from Providence were Roger Wilhams, Richard Waterman, Thomas Ohiey, Thomas Harris, Wilham Field, Thomas Roberts. William Coddington was one of the Commission- ers from Newport. His election gave dissatisfaction to the court and was the subject of a special investi- gation. He professed in the court, that he freely submitted "to the authority of His Highness in this colony as it is now united and that, with all his heart." This removed all dissatisfaction. His election to that office clearly evinces that nothing in his con- duct had shaken the confidence of his fellow colo- nists in his integrity. The court adjourned to the 17th, when the same Commissioners were present from Providence, except Benedict Arnold instead of Thomas Roberts. A law was passed, requiring pub- lication of marriage to be made either in a town meeting, or " on a training day at the head of the company" or by a writing under a magistrate's hand set in some pubhc place. The General Assembly for Election was holden at Portsmouth. Roger Wilhams was elected President. Thomas Olney, Assistant for Providence, Wilham Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, John Coggeshall, " for Newport, Randall Holden, " for Warwick, John Sanford, General Recorder, George Parker, General Sergeant, John Easton, General Attorney, GENERAL HISTORY. 117 John Sanford, Treasurer, and Richard Bulgar, Gen- eral Sohcitor. The Commissioners from Providence were Roger Williams, Thomas Harris, Thomas Olney, Richard Waterman, William Field, Thomas Roberts. At another court of Commissioners holden at Ports- mouth on the 10th of October, the Commissioners from Providence were Roger Williams, Thomas Harris, Thomas Olney, Hugh Bewett, Richard Waterman, John Tripp. At a town meeting in January, permission was given to such as pleased to erect a fort on " Stamp- ers' hill." It has been handed down by traditon, tliat soon after the settlement of Providence, a body of Indians approached the town in a hostile manner. Some of the townsmen by running and stamping on this hill, induced them to believe that there was a large number of men stationed there to oppose them, upon which they relinquished their design and retired. From this circumstance the hill was always called Stampers' hill, or more generally, the Stamp- ers. Stampers street passes along the brow of this Hill. At the same meeting another court was erect- ted having jurisdiction over all disputes not exceed- ing forty shillings in amount. The persons chosen for the judges of this court, were, Roger Wilhams, Thomas Olney, and Thomas Harris. At the town meeting in June, John Sayles was elected Town Clerk. Arthur Fenner and William Field, Town Deputies. 118 GENERAL HISTORY. Richard Waterman, Thomas Harris, with the Pres- ident, Assistant and Town Deputies, Town-Council, Thomas Harris, Town Treasurer, and Samuel Ben- nett, Town Sergeant. A town law passed at this meeting, declared all the inhabitants, though not admitted freemen, hable to be elected to office, and fineable for not serving, if elected. There would be but little use for such a law in modern times. 1657. — The General Court of Election was hold- en this year at Newport. Benedict Arnold, was chosen President. Arthur Fenner, Assistant for Providence. William Baulstone, " for Portsmouth. Richard Tew, " for Newport. Randall Holden, " for Warwick. John Sanford, General Recorder, Richard Knight, General Sergeant, John Greene, Jr. General Attor- ney, John Sanford, General Treasurer, James Rog- ers, General Solcitor. The Comissioners from Providence were Thomas Harris, Thomas Walling, John Sayles, Samuel Bennett, Henry Bull, Hugh Bewett. Mr. Williams entered a complaint at this court against William Harris, for high treason. All pro- ceedings on the complaints were postponed on ac- count of Mr. William's absence. The result of the investigation at a subsequent court, was the follow- ing vote. " Concerning William Harris his book and speeches upon it, was found therein delivered, as for doctrine, having much bovi^ed GENERAL HISTORY. 119 the scriptures to maintain it, that he that can say it is his con- science, ought not to yield subjection to any human order amongst men. Whereas the said Harris has be§n charo-ed for the said book and words with high treason, and inasmuch as we being so remote from England cannot be so well acquainted in the laws thereof in that behalf provided, as the state now stands, though we cannot but conclude his behavior therein to be both contentious and seditious, we thought best therefore, to send over his writing, with the charge and his reply to' Mr. John Clark, desiring him to commend the matter, in our and the Common- wealth's behalf, for further judgment as he shall see the cause re- quire, and in the meantime to bind the said Harris in good bonds to the good behavior until their sentence be known." The bond required was for £500. At the June Town meeting, John Sayles was cho- sen Town Clerk, Arthur Fenner and Henry Brown, Town Deputies, John Jones, Town Sergeant, and John Sayles, Town Treasurer. In August, Roger Wilhams, Thomas Olney, William Field, Arthur Fenner, Henry Brown and Thomas Harris were chosen Town Council. The number of freemen to make a Town meeting was reduced in October from ten to seven. 1658. — A Court of Commissioners met at Ports- mouth on the 10th day of March. The Commis- sioners from Providence were John Smith, William Carpenter, Thomas Olney, James Sweet, William Field, Edward Inman. In 1656, the Government of Masachusetts was again called upon to exert itself to protect the church- es against heresy and schism. Some of the people called Quakers arrived in Boston that year. Fail- ing to learn from experience the inefficincy of cor- 120 GENERAL HISTORY poral punishment to correct erroneous opinions, or produce unity in churches, the authorities of Massa- chusetts again inflicted it with the greatest severity. Fine, imprisonment, banishment, whipping and death were in this case successively resorted to. But all in vain, so long as these new sectaries found shelter in the colony of Providence Plantations. Aware of this, the Commissioners of the United Colonies, in September 1657, addressed a letter to the President of this city of refuge. They urged him to send away such Quakers as were then in the colony and prohibit others from entering it. He laid this letter before the court of Commissioners. In their answer they state their intention to enforce all the laws of the colony, and to oblige all of that class of people that had come or should come into the colo- ny to perform all duties required of other citizens. In case of refusal, they add they shall apply to the Government at home for further orders in respect to them, " so that where-withal there may be no dam- age or infringement of that chief principle in our charter, concerning freedom of conscience." They state further, that " freedom of different consciences to be protected from enforcement was the principal ground of our charter, both with respect to our humble suit for it, as also, to the true intent of the honorable and renowned Parliament of England in the granting of the same unto us, which freedom we still prize as the greatest happiness men can possess in this world." They did not violate it toward the Quakers. The colony always remained a refuge for them and all others who were oppressed or per- GENERAL HISTORY l2l secuted for conscience's sake. From the foregoing extracts, it is evident that the omission of every pro- vision in relation to rehgion in the charter was not matter of accident. The powers granted were in conformity with the petition of the inhabitants, Hm- ited to civil things. The omission and limitation were intended By Parliament and were supposed by the colony, to confer the utmost Uberty in rehgious concerns. At the General Election in May, Benedict Arnold was chosen President, William Field, Assistant for Providence, William Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, Joseph Clarke, " for Newport, Randall Holden, " for Warwick. John Sanford, General Recorder, Richard Knight, General Sergeant, John Sanford, Treasurer, John Greene, General Attorney, James Rogers, General Solicitor. The names of the Commissioners who attended the Court at this time are not entered in the record. Those chosen by Providence were Arthur Fenner, Daniel Field, Richard Waterman, Zachariah Rhodes, Henry Brown, Valentine Whitman. It seems that the orders formerly passed for the erection of prisons in the different towns had not been comphed with. They were at this court re- pealed, and the prison then being erected at New- port was adopted as a prison for the whole colony. Providence was required to pay to Newport £30 toward the erection of it. 16 122 ' GENERAL HISTORY. The court met again November 2d, when the com- missioners from Providence were Roger Williams, Richard Waterman, William Field, Roger Mowry, Thomas Olney, James Ashton. Further letters having passed between this colo- ny and the Commissioners of the United Colonies, in relation to the Quakers, this court addressed a letter to the Agent of the Colony in England on the subject from which the following extracts are made. " We have now a new occasion given us by an old spirit with respect to the colonies round about us, who seem to be offended with us, because a sort of people, called by the name of Quakers, Avho are come amongst us, who have raised up divers, who at present seem to be of their spirit, whereat the colonies about us seem to be offended with us, being the said people have their liberty with us, are entertained in our houses or any of our as- semblies : and for the present, we have found no just cause to charge them with the breach of the civil peace." After stating that " the offence our neighbors take against us is because we take not some course against the said people, either to expel them from amongst us, or take such courses against them as themselves do, who are in fear lest their religion should be cor- rupted by them," they added, " we fly as a refuge in all civil re- spects to his Highness and honorable council, as not being sub- ject to any other in matters of our civil state, so may it please you, to have an eye and ear open, in case our adversaries should Speak to undermine us in our privileges granted unto us, and plead our cause in such sort as that we may not be compelled to exercise any civil power over men's consciences, so long as hu- man orders in point of civility are not corrupted and violated' ' The court resolved that thereafter there should be but one Court of Commissioners in a year, and that to be holden at the time of the Election in May. The right of the freemen assembled in their town GENERAL HISTORY, 123 meetings to annul the laws made by their commis- sioners, was still reserved. Within ten days after the rising of the court a copy of every law passed was to be sent each town and within ten days after that, the freemen of each town were to debate it, and in case of disapproval, send their votes against It to the Recorder. If he found, on counting the votes so returned to him, that a majority of the free- men in each town disapproved the law, it was thence- forth annulled. The colony records show a meet- ing of a "General Council of the Colony" in October of this year. It was composed of the President, Assistants and deputies or magistrates of the several towns. There is no law establishing such a council, nor are their powers or duties to be ascertained, except from their acts. It does not ap- pear that it ever was in session but three times. At the first meeting no act is recorded as having been done, from which any inference can be drawn. The reason of calling the second meeting is stated by the President to be, that Pomham, an In- dian Sachem near Pawtuxet, " had made an insur- rection in the colony" about which he wished the advice of the council. The last time this council was in session was on the 11th day of March 1659. They then direct the proclamation concerning His Highness Richard, Lord Protector, to be published in the several towns on the Tuesday following, at the head of each trainband and in presence of "all well-affected people." At a town meeting on the 27th day of January, 1658, the town council made a report relating to 124 GENERAL HISTORY the estate of Nicholas Power, who had died intestate. They had endeavored, it would seem, to settle his estate, according to the provisions of the general law of the colony, but the widow would not consent to such settlement and the council had no power to compel her. The matter was referred by the town to the next court of commissioners, who do not ap- pear to have acted on the subject. About ten years after this, the estate being still unsettled, the council made a will for the said Nicholas, under their hands and seals. Where they obtained such power does not appear, but it was exercised repeatedly not only in Providence but in Warwick. Wills so made were not simply divisions and distribution of the intestates' estate among heirs, but in some instances specific bequests and devises were made, and estates for life, in tail and in fee created, as the council supposed the interests of all concerned required. In the pro- ceedings of the town in May, is the first resolution as to what qualified or constituted a freeman of the town. It was then resolved, that all those who en- joyed lands within the jurisdiction of the town, should be freemen of the town. There is no record of the election of the town officers this year. The latest records of the year, are in the hand writing of John Sayles. 1659. — At the general election which was holden at Providence, Benedict Arnold, was elected President, William Field, Assistant for Providence, Wilham Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, Joseph Clark, " for Newport, Randall Holden, " for Warwick. GENERAL HISTORY 125 John Sanford, General Recorder, James Rogers, General Sergeant, John Sanford, General Treasurer, John Greene, General Attorney, and James Rogers, General Solicitor. At the Court of Commissioners, the Commission- ers from Providence, were William Field, Arthur Fenner, Thomas Olney, Thomas Hopkins, John Sayles, James Ashton. At this court a letter was drawn up to be sent to " The most Serene and Illustrious, His Higness, the most renowned Richard, Lord Protector of the Com- monwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, and the dominions thereto belonging," on his accession to that dignity. A rate of £50 was ordered for Mr. Clark ; of this Providence and Warwick were each required to pay £9, Portsmouth £14, and Newport £1 8. Another meeting was called on the 23d day of August, at which William Field, Zachary Rhodes, Roger Williams, John Smith, William Carpenter, John Sayles, acted as commissioners from Providence. It is prob- able that this court was called in consequence of letters from Mr. Clark. A further rate of £50 was ordered for his use, of which Providence was requir- ed to pay £11, Portsmouth £10, Newport £20, and Warwick £9. All legal process was required to be issued in the name of the supreme authority of the Commonwealth of England. At the June town meeting for election of town offi cers, 126 GENERAL HISTORY Thomas Olney, Jiin., was elected Town Clerk. William Carpenter and Thomas Olney, Sen., Town Deputies. John Sayles, Town Treasurer, John Fenner, Town Sergeant. Roger Williams, Arthur Fenner and John Sayles, to make up the Town Council. No mention is made of any further proceedings against William Harris, on the charge of High Trea- son. The agent of the colony probably referred to it in his communications to the colony, and it was no further prosecuted at his suggestion. The charge however, laid the foundation of a long and violent feud between him and Mr. Williams. It divided the inhabitants into parties, which lasted many years. The biographer of Mr. Williams says that " Mr. W. so disliked Mr. Harris, that he would not write his name at length, but abbreviated it thus, W. Har." Though this was his usual way of writing Mr. Har- ris' name, it was not invariably so. In a letter of his to John Whipple, now in the Cabinet of the Rhode-Island Historical Society, dated August 24, 1669, he writes " W. Harris." This letter was not written after the frosts of age had quenched the an- gry feud between them. There are many passages in it, which show all the vigor of youthful passion. 1660. — The General Election was holden at Portsmouth. Wilham Brenton, was elected President, Wilham Field, Assistant for Providence, Wilham Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, Benedict Arnold. " for Newport, John Greene, " for Warwick. GENERAL HISTORY. 127 John Sanford, General Recorder and Treasurer, James Rogers, General Sergeant, John Easton, Gen- eral Attorney. The commissioners from Providence were William Brenton, Arthur Fenner, William Field, William Carpenter, Benedict Arnold, Thomas Hopkins. The law of November, 1658, with respect to an- nulling laws by the freemen, in their town meet- ings, was amended so as to permit the votes against the laws to be returned at any time within three months after the town meetings, and so that a major- ity of the freemen of the colony could annul any law. By the act of 1658, it required a majority of the free- men of each town. Here was a great step toward the consolidation of the towns and one that must have ad- ded much strength to the colony Government. A committee was appointed at this court, to consider of a way for making a bridge over the Pawtuxet river. Very soon after the death of Cromwell, the peo- ple of England perceived that his son and successor, Richard, was not capable of holding the reins of government. After a short and inglorious attempt to do so, he retired from pubhc life, and Charles the Second ascended the throne of his ancestors, with the almost unanimous good wishes of his subjects. He landed in England on the 24th day of May and entered London on the 8th day of June. Soon af- ter the news of these events arrived in this country, a Court of Commissioners met at Warwick. This was on the 18th day of October. The Commis- sioners from Providence were 128 GENERAL HISTORY. William Field, John Fenner, William Harris, Joseph Torrey, Arthur Fenner, Thomas Hopkins. A letter from Mr. Clark was read, and also King Charles' letters to the Parliament and House of Com- mons, and also his declaration and proclamation. They passed an act acknowledging him as their hege King and the following vote prescribing the time and form for " solemnizing his proclamation." " It is ordered, that on the next Wednesday, which will be the 24th of this instant month, each town in this colony shall, then, at the head of the company of each train band, solemnize the proclamation of the Royal Majesty, and that the captain of each town is hereby required and authorised to call the train band together to solemnize the said proclamation on the foresaid day, if the weather do permit, if not, then it is to be done on the next fair day ; and that all children and servants shall have their lib- erty on that day " A commission was ordered to be sent to Mr. Clark to procure a renewal of the charter from the King. At a town meeting holden on the 27tli day of Jan- uary, the town voted that every person who should kill a wolf in Providence, might demand, of every owner of cattle, a half-penny for every head of cattle he owned. The town preferred a petition to the court of com- missioners to be released from the payment of £30 toward the erection of a prison at Newport. They state that the prison would be completely useless to them, living so far distant, and that they had been obliged to make large disbursements amounting to £160 in the erection of a bridge. This was proba- bly at Weybosset. At the town meeting in June, GENERAL HISTORY. 129^ Thomas Olney, Jr. was chosen Town Clerk. Tho- mas Olney, sen. and WiUiam Carpenter, Town Dep- uties, Stephen Northup, Town Sergeant, Edward In- man, Thomas Hopkins and Thomas Walhng, to make up the Town Council, John Sayles, Town Treasurer. 1661. — WiUiam Brenton was elected President, this year. William Field, Assistant for Providence, Wilham Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, Benedict Arnold, '' for Newport, John Greene, " for Warwick. Joseph Torrey, General Recorder, James Rogers, General Sergeant, Caleb Carr, General Treasurer, John Easton, General Attorney, and Peter Tallman, General Solicitor. The Commissioners from Providence were William Field, Thomas Roberts, William Arnold, Zachary Rhodes, Thomas Harris, James Barker. It was proposed at the court of commissioners, to raise £200 in the several towns, to defray the expense of sending two agents to England. They appointed a committee to solicit subscriptions, and to select and instruct the agents. After some part of the sub- scription had been obtained, the project was aban- doned, probably on account of letters received from Mr. Clark. At a court of commissioners holden on the 27th day of August, the commissioners from Providence were Roger Wilhams, Joseph Torrey, William Field, Phihp Tabor, Thomas Olney, John Anthonv. 17 130 GENERAL HISTORY Upon consideration of Mr. Clark's letters, they re- solved to send him a letter of thanks for his care and diligence, and also his commission, as agent, which had been ordered the year before. It was also agreed to raise £200 by a tax for him, of which Providence was to pay £40, Portsmouth £40, New- port £85, and Warwick £35. At the town meeting in June, Thomas Olney was chosen Town Clerk, Thomas Harris, and Arthur Fenner, Town Deputies, John Sayles, Town Treas- urer. Thomas Olney, sen., Roger Williams, and Wil- liam Carpenter, to make up the Town Council. 1662. — At the General Election which was holden this year in Warwick, Benedict Arnold, was chosen President, William Field, Assistant for Providence, William Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, Richard Tew, " for Newport, John Greene, " for Warwick. Joseph Torrey, General Recorder, James Rogers, General Sergeant, John Easton, General Attorney, John Sanford, General Treasurer, and Richard Bul- gar. General Solicitor. The commissioners from Providence were Wilham Field, Thomas Harris, sen. Thomas Olney, William Harris, Arthur Fenner, William Carpenter. From an act passed at this court, it is apparent, that the law made in 1648 requiring conveyances of land to be in writing and to be recorded, had not been observed, and that in many instances, attempts had been made to transfer lands by parol. Justly GENERAL HISTORY. 131 fearful that these would produce great confusion in titles and might lead to litigation, this court enacted, that any person in posession of land, claiming the fee, might record his claim, which should stand for a title against even the real owner, unless a suit was brought for it within a short and limited time. Another court was holden on the 28th day of Oc- tober, the same commissioners attended from Prov- idence, except Zachary Rhodes, in place of Thom- as Olney. At the annual town meeting in June, Thomas Olney, jr. was chosen town Clerk. Thomas Olney, sen. and William Carpenter, Town Deputies, John Sayles, Town Treasurer. Roger Williams, Thomas Harris, jr. and John Brown, to make up the Town Council. At this meeting a bridge was ordered to be built over Mo- shassuck river, near Thomas Olney, jr's. dwelling- house. A committee was appointed to procure ma- terials and finish the work, before haying time. It is believed that Thomas Olney, jr. at that time lived in his house»under the Stampers. He disposed of a house at that place by his will, in which it is called his mansion house. Near the commencement of this year the purchasers began to hold meetings distinct from town meetings, for the transaction of business relating to the propri- ety, but they had the same clerk, and used the same record book till 1718. The purchasers in April made a grant of a full purchase right in their lands, to Mr. Clark, the agent of the colony. 132 GENERAL HISTORY. 1663. — The General Election this year was hol- den at Providence. Benedict Arnold was elected President, WilHam Field, Assistant for Providence, Wilham Baulstone, " for Portsmouth, Richard Tew, " for Newport, John Greene, " for Warwick. Joseph Torrey, General Recorder, James Rogers, General Sergeant, John Sanford, General Treasur- er, John Easton, General Attorney, Richard Bulgar, General Solicitor. The Commissioners from Providence were, William Field, Thomas Harris, Thomas Olney, Arthur Fenner, Wilham Carpenter, James Ashton. No business of a pubhc nature was transacted at this court. Another court was holden at Ports- mouth October 14. The following were Commissioners from Provi- dence : William Field, William Harris, Wilham Carpenter, Edward Thurston, Zachary Rhodes, Joseph .Torrey. Letters were received from Mr. Clarke, and measures taken at this court for a further supply of money to him. In April, George Sheppard, one of the received inhabitants of Providence, gave the town all his lands on the West of the seven-mile line, to be ap- propriated to the support of Weybosset Bridge. This was indeed a generous donation. But little is known of the donor — which may be accounted for, by perusing the following letter. GENERAL HISTORY. 133 To the Town of Providence : Loving friends and neighbors— I make bold to declare myself in way of satisfaction to those offended for my not acting in your town-meetings. 1.1 desire you to understand, that it is not in opposition unto civil government, for I own it, in a way of order, as an ordinance of GOD, unto which I am bound to submit, but, in regard of my unfitness of acting, considering the infirmities of my body, as also of capacity to undertake such weighty affairs ; therefore, shall rather submit unto your wholesome orders than be an unfit actor therein. 2. By your order, I understand, you have disvoted me, and shall submit unto your pleasure therein, not any way opposino-, conceiving your wisdom to order for the best, in such public affaiii 3. For what land you were pleased to bestow upon me, I am bound to thank you for your free love therein, but be pleased to know, that it was not for land that I came hither, but the enjoy- ing of my conscience ; therefore, if any be offended at the quanti- ty of that gift and also of my acceptation, being advised thereto by friends, I do most willingly surrender it unto you again, de- siring that you would be pleased, if it might be inoffensive, to bestow upon me a smaller quantity, according to your custom, for the which I shall acknowledge myself m'uch engaged unto' you; otherwise you will expose me to think upon a remwd where I may enjoy my freedom ; but I hope you will take my condition into your serious consideration, that I may partake of that liber- ty, which, out of yoifr tender care to consciences, you do hold forth, provided, as I desire not to be in any thing a disturber of your civil peace or order but a well wisher and submitter there- to- GEORGE SHEPPARD. There is no date to this letter, nor any further trace of the writer. But such sentiments, so un- usual in any age or place, should be preserved. At the annual election in June, Thomas Olney, jr. was chosen Town Clerk, Thomas Harris, sen. and John Brown, Town Deputies, Thomas Olney, sen. Treasurer. Roger Wilhams, Thomas Olney, 134 GENERAL HISTORY. sen. and Arthur Fenner, to make up the Town Council. In October, a rate of £36 was ordered to be as- sessed for Mr. Clark, which could be paid in wheat at four shillings and sixpence, in peas at three shil- lings and sixpence, per bushel, or in butter at six pence per pound. Among the papers on file in the city clerk's office, is an original warrant from the General Sergeant, addressed to the warden or deputy warden of Provi- dence, dated the fourteenth day of November, re- quiring him to call a town meeting, to elect commis- sioners, or send those already elected, to meet at Newport on the 24th of that month, " partly and chiefly to receive the charter which is certainly re- ported to be arrived." It seems that the chief ofiicer in the several towns had different titles. In this warrant he is styled, warden ; sometimes he is called the head officer. The general assistant was the officer intended. He issued the warrants for convening town meetings. The warrant from the general sergeant was followed by the following one from the president of the colony. " To the Captain, or other commission officers of the Town of Providence. You are, in his Majesty's name, required to warn and require all the freemen of your town to accompany your town commissioners, in their arms, on the 24th day of No- vember instant, being Tuesday, or as many as can come, to New- port, there to solemnize the receipt of the charter, according to advice of the colony's agent to the council. Hereof fail not. Given November 16th, 1663. By BEN. ARNOLD, President. For the Town of Providence." GENERAL HISTORY, 135 A town meeting was holden on the 16th day of November, and the following named persons were chosen commissioners on this occasion : Wilham Field, Zachary Rhodes, Roger WilHams, Wilham Harris, William Carpenter, Stephen Arnold. It appears that neither Mr. Williams nor Mr. Ar- nold attended this court, and as in other like cases, the commissioners filled the vacancies by electing other freemen of the colony. In this case, Richard Tew, and Joseph Torrey, were elected. The town dechned sending any soldiers on this occasion. The commissioners met on the day appointed. The box containing the charter was produced by Captain Baxter, the bearer of it, in what is called in the rec- ord, " a very great assembly of the people." " It was then resolved," so says the record, " that the box in which the king's gracious letters were en- closed, be opened, and the letters with the broad seal thereto affixed, be taken forth and read by Captain George Baxter, in the audience and view of all the people ; which was accordingly done, and the said letters, with his majesty's royal stamp and the broad seal, with much beseeming gravity, held up on high and presented to the perfect view of the people, and so returned into the box, and locked up by the Gov- ernor in order to the safe keeping." The most humble thanks of the colony were directed to be re- turned to his majesty " for the high and inestimable, yea incomparable grace and favor" — " to the Hon- orable Earl of Clarendon, Lord High Chancellor of England, for his exceeding great care and love unto 136 GENERAL HISTORY. the colony" — to Mr. Clark, with a gratuity of one hundred pounds — and also a gratuity to Captain Baxter, of twenty-five pounds. The court of com- missioners assembled again the next day, and after passing such resolutions and orders as were neces- sary to prevent the failure of justice, "dissolve and resign up the present government." The Governor and Assistants named in the char- ter assembled on the same day. They directed a General Assembly to be holden on the first Tues- day in March, and required that until then, all the officers in the colony, both civil and military, should proceed and execute their respective duties. Thus closed the government of the colony under the charter of 1644. When that charter was re- ceived, it was hailed with the most enthusiastic ex- pressions of joy, for it conferred on the inhabitants a political existence, and was a sure pledge of the protection of the mother country. It conferred un- equalled privileges and powers on the colonists, the very extent of which, rendered the government to be established under it, wanting in energy. In ef- fect, the four towns remained almost independent of each other, and the colonial government acted not so much upon the individuals who composed the colony, as upon the corporate towns of the confede- racy. We have traced the difficulties and dissen- tions that sprang up under this charter in all parts of the colony, and the legitimate conclusion seems to be, that nothing but the pressure of external dan- gers, could have held the colony together, so long, under it. Upon the restoration of the monarchy and GENERAL HISTORY. 137 the accession of Charles to the throne of his ances- tors, this colony had much to fear. The very accept- ance of their former charter, must have subjected them to great suspicions of disloyalty. The active part taken by their agent Mr. Williams, while in England in 1643, and 1648, his known and acknowl- edged intimacy with Cromwell and Sir Henry Vane, must have increased these suspicions. While, on the other hand, the high ground that the colony had ever taken and sustained in the cause not of rehgious toleration, but of perfect rehgious liberty, must have rendered it, in no small degree obnoxious to the cler- gy of the church of England, who, from being the persecuted, had now acquired the power of becom- ing the persecuting, party. They must have looked upon the inhabitants, of this colony as schismatics of no ordinary character, the very dregs of the Inde- pendent and Presbyterian faction, whose hand they had felt to be the " heavy, wrathful hand of an un- brotherly and unchristian persecutor." But the colony had long ere this adopted the an- chor for its seal, and " Hope" for its motto. It was not appalled by the number or malignancy of its op- ponents, and by the indefatigable exertions of its agent, Mr. Clark, surmounted all these obstacles, and received from the king the charter which was continued as the basis of the state government, until the adoption of the State Constitution in 1843. The provisions of this charter are believed to be so well known as to make it unnecessary here to recite them. In relation, however, to the great leading principle of the colony, religious hberty, it must be 18 138 GENERAL HISTORY. observed, that this charter does not entrench upon it in the least. The laws of England at that time, required uniformity in religious belief. They recog- nized a church establishment as a part of the govern- ment of the kingdom. This charter recites, that the address of the colony by their agent had declared the wish of the colonists to prove by their acts, " that a flourishing civil state may stand and best be main- tained, with full liberty in rehgious concernments." The grant, in the charter, is in effect, that no per- son shall be " called in question for any differences in opinion in matters of religion," any law of the realm to the contrary notwithstanding ; thus repeal- ing the general law of the kingdom, so far as the king had the power to do it, in respect to these petition- ers, or rather excepting them from the operation of these laws. This course left the colonists exactly where their original compact and the charter of 1644 left them, with no human laws regulating their reli- gious faith or practice, or conferring on them the right to think and act for themselves in religious con- cernments. In reviewing the history of Providence up to this period, the most casual observer must be struck with two remarkable circumstances that distinguish it from the neighboring colonies. They were all origi- nated by one common cause, religious intolerance ; they were all estabHshed for one common end, rehg- ious freedom. While Providence ever disclaimed all power, except in civil things, the other colonies as- serted and sometimes exercised an ecclesiastical juris- diction not warranted by reason or religion. Again, GENERAL HISTORY. 139 the first settlers of Providence recognised the Abo- riginal as the paramount title to the land on which they planted, and purchased it before they made any settlement. On the other hand, the other colonies claimed, possession of their plantations, in the first in- stance, by virtue of patents or grants from the Kino- of England, and fortified the right so acquired by sub*^ sequent purchases of the natives. CHAPTER THIRD. GENERAL HISTOP».Y. FROM THE ADOPTION OF THE COLONY CHARTER, OF 16G3, UNTIL 1763. The adoption, by the colony, of the new charter, seems to have been considered not only as a total abrogation of the one that preceded it, but as inval- idating, in some degree, the charters granted under it to the several towns. It may well be doubted, whether the colonial government possessed the pow- er of granting such charters. If they had tliat pow- er, the repeal of the colony charter could not affect them. Doubts however must have existed on this point, for the town of Providence at their town meet- ing in June 1664, ordered, that "the first Monday in June be the day of electing our town officers, and for that day to continue, yearly." Now this was the day appointed in the town's charter for the election of town officers. The General Assembly, at a ses- sion in March, passed an act prescribing what officers should be elected by each town. This power, by the town charters, was vested in the towns alone. The officers directed to be chosen, were, a town council, clerk, constable and sergeant. The council of each town was to consist of six persons of whom the assist- ants residing in each town, were ex-officio, mem- bers. It it difficult to conceive what advantage, ei- ther colony or town could derive from this arrange- GENERAL HISTORY. 141 ment. Of the Governor, deputy Governor and ten Assistants, five were to be chosen from Newport, three from Providence, two from Portsmouth and two from Warwick. The town of Providence had, therefore, the choice of only three of their town coun-^ cil, the other three being chosen by the freemen of the state. At the October session of the General Assembly a tax of £600 was ordered; of this Provi- dence was to pay £100, Newport £285, Portsmouth £80, Warwick £80, Pettiquamscutt £20, Block-Is- land £15. Colony taxes will be occasionally noti- ced hereafter, as affording some evidence of the comparative wealth of the different towns, at different times. In December a town tax of £130 was or- dered to be assessed to pay the town's proportion of this colony tax. This was made payable " in wheat at four shillings and six-pence per bushel, peas at three shilhngs and six-pence, pork at £3,10 per bar- rel, or horses or cattle equivalent." It seems that the bridge at Weybossett needed repairs in the begin- ning of 1665. A committee was appointed in Jan- uary to sohcit subscriptions for repairing it. In July 1665, all New-England was filled with fears and dismay by the arrival of the King's com- missioners. Col. Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, Knight, George Cartwright, Esq. and Samuel Mav- erick, Esq. They were empowered to hear and de- termine all complaints and appeals, in all causes, as well military, as civil and criminal, and to provide for and settle the peace and security of the country. Their commission was very ample and their powers extraordinary. They were not however called upon 142 GENERAL HISTORY, to exercise them, in any way affecting the town of Providence. It appears by the records that two meetings were holden on the first Monday in June, 1667, for the election of town officers, and two sets of officers chosen. The causes of this proceeding are not known. Probably it arose out of the disputes about the extent of the town bounds, the effect of deeds procured from the Natives in 1659 and 1662, and the dividing line between Providence and Pawtuxet proprieties, which at that time and for years before and after afforded copious matter for dissention. — These points, and also the disputes between Provi- dence, Warwick and Westquanoid will be particu- larly noticed in a subsequent chapter. It was the duty of one of the assistants to call town meetings, but of which one, does not appear. The assistants residing in Providence this year, were William Car- penter, William Harris and Arthur Fenner. One of these town meetings was called by Arthur Fenner, the other, probably, by Wilham Harris. After the two elections were completed, a complaint was made to the Governor against Mr. Fenner, which resulted in a special session of the General Assembly in July. At this session two sets of deputies were returned, chosen at two distinct town meetings. The depu- ties chosen at the town meeting called by Arthur Fenner, were admitted to their seats. At this ses- sion Mr. Harris preferred an indictment against Ar- thur Fenner and the deputies elected at his town meeting, for a rout. They were acquitted after a trial and the General Assembly proceeded and im- GEiNERAL HISTORY. 143 posed a fine of £50 on Mr. Harris, for procuring the assembly to be called without sufficient cause. He was deposed from his office of Assistant and another elected in his stead. The General Assem- bly afterwards, in October 1668, remitted the fine. At the annual town meeting, the town appointed a committee consisting of Arthur Fenner, John Throckmorton, Thomas Hopkins and Shadrach Manton to draw up a statement to be sent to the other towns. There is no copy of this statement on record, the following extracts are made from the copy sent to Warwick. It is entitled " The Fire- brand discovered, in a brief narrative or remon- strance to the three towns in this colony of Rhode- Island and Providence Plantations, viz : Newport, Portsmouth and Warwick, declaring both his name' nature, quahties and conditions, as appeareth by some of his former and later actions in this town and colony." After detaihng at some length and with no measured terms of dispraise, his conduct on certain occasions, they proceed to the following narrative of events that transpired on election day. " His actions amongst us the 3d of this instant June, being the day of this town's electing of town officers, maketh this Fire- brand further appear, who with his partner, William Carpenter, deprived a great number of freemen of liberty to vote for officers! Some of them had been townsmen twenty-six years, all above eighteen years of age, and landed men, and had given their en- gagement of fidelity to his majesty, according as is provided in the colony. The objection why they should not vote was, they had not given their engagements before the town ; then one steps forth and desireth to give his engagement, then, that, also they refused. Another objection, their names were not returned to the clerk, tlien the assistant tendered a list of those names to be 144 GENERAL HISTORY. recorded that had given their engagements ; that was also refus- ed so that this man, with his partner, would neither accept them that were engaged, nor let him engage that offered himself, be- fore them ; what they would have, we now begin to see. The people beholding their liberties and privileges, by these men, en- deavored to be violated and destroyed, being about two parts out of three resolved not to endure it; but moved Mr. Fenner, As- sistant, to stand with them to help maintain their privilege, and to work they went, to the business of the day, to choose their moderator in the same room, the town clerk and constable ; and when they were engaged, demanded the town books to be deliv- ered to the town clerk, chosen by the major part of the freemen of the town. This man with his associates, having got the table, denied the books. The said Arthur Fenner, moderator, in the name of the town demanded them, three distinct times, and one of them dared the company to touch the books. But we dared to do it, only we did know, it would but add fuel to the firebrand, which would do no good, neither to colony nor town ; remem- bering that our [illegible] is watched for roundabout us, and chose at present, another way, procured paper, recorded our act and officers, completing the business of the day (as in respect to the election) and chose four men to draw this remonstrance to the three towns, that, if be possible this firebrand may be quenched. Moreover, this man, whilst we were peaceably acting, his asso- ciates having left the room, came again and commanded the said moderator of the town, about ten times, in his majesty's name, to depart that house from the rout ; so that with us the case lieth thus, that when we meet together in peace to agree about our occasions, not warned by this man or his partner, we are called by him a rout, and when warned by them and do not, as this man would have us, we are then also termed a rout. What other fiery work this man will make, we watch to see, that we may quench it if it be possible. But by this time, we suppose, you will be ready to question as Ahasuerus did to the Queen Esther, who is he that durst presume in his heart to do so ; we answer, with Esther, the Adversary, the Enemy, the Firebrand is this wicked Harris, commonly called William Harris, this is his name." GENERAL HISTORY. 145 There was a degree of propriety in thus address- ing the other towns in the colony, if the facts stated were true, because Mr. Harris held his office of as- sistant by the votes of the freemen of all the towns, and in virtue of his office as assistant, he was em- powered to perform certain acts and duties in the town in which he resided. Although the instrument from which the foregoing extract is made, emanated under the authority of the town, and was, by their direction, disseminated through the colony, it ought to be classed among the effiisions of party. The language throughout, and even its very title, shows that it was written under such an excitement of feel- ings, as is always unfavorable even to a perception of exact truth Weybosset Bridge even in the infancy of its erec- tion, seems to have been the source of much trouble and the cause of great expenditure. Being out of repair, the town not succeeding in their attempts to collect sufficient money for its support by volun- tary contributions, the following proposition was made by Roger Wilhams in relation to it. Providence, 10th Feb. 1667-8. Loving friends and neighbors. — Unto this day it pleased the town to adjourn for the answering of the bill for the bridge and others. I have conferred with Shadrach Manton and Nathaniel Waterman about their proposal and their result is, that they can- not obtain such a number as will join with them to undertake the bridge upon the hope of meadow. I am, therefore, bold, af- ter so many anchors come home, and so much trouble and long debate and deliberations, to offer, that, if you please, I will, with GOD'S help, take this bridge unto my care and by that mode- rate toll of strangers of all sorts which hath been mentioned, will 19 146 GENERAL HISTORY. maintain it so long as it pleaseth GOD that I live in this town. 2. The town shall be free from all toll, only, I desire one day's work of one man in a year from every family, but from those that have teams and have much use of the bridge, one day's work of a man and team, and of those that have less use, half a day. 3. I shall join with any of the town, more or few, who will venture their labor with me for the gaining of meadow. 4. I promise, that if it please GOD that I gain meadow in equal value to the town's yearly help, I shall then release that. 5. I desire, if it please GOD to be with me to go through such charge and trouble as will be, to bring this to a settled way and then suddenly to take me from hence, I desire, that before another, my wife and children, if they desire it, may engage in my stead to these conditions. 6. If the town please to consent, I desire that one of your- selves be nominated, to join with the clerk to draw up the writ- ing. K- W. Upon receipt of this proposal the town voted, that Mr. WilHams " may receive toll of all strangers who pass over Wapwaysett Bridge and of townsmen what they are free to give, toward the support of said bridge." This does not appear like disinterested legislation on the subject. It remained a toll bridge till 1672, when the grant to Mr. Williams was re- pealed. The General Assembly, afterwards in vari- ous years, made large grants toward the reparation of this bridge. Notwithstanding the remonstrance which the town circulated in the summer of 1667, the same assistants for Providence were re-elected in May fol- lowing. This circumstance in connection with con- tinuing difficulties gave rise to the following remon- strance in August 1668. GENERAL HISTORY. 147 " To the honored Governor and council at Newport on Rhode Island. The humble remonstrance and petition of the town of Provi- dence, orderly assembled together, Humbly sheweth, That having been informed that William Harris, notwithstand- ing William Carpenter's offer, is resolved to pursue his charge of a riot against so many of our honest and innocent neighbors, we have thought it our duty, being orderly met according to law, for the honor of truth and the honor of his Majesty's loyal and peaceable subjects, now most unjustly and miserably oppressed, to present these few lines to your prudent consideration. First, as to the accusers. Second, as to the accusation and the accused. First as to the accusers. First. All of them jointly, William Carpenter, William and Thomas Harris, they pretend his Maj- esty's name and service, but it is but a mantle or cloak to private ends. For there are many evidences, some while since given in to our honored Assistant of this colony, of their treacherous profession, and we justly suspect, practices, of their treacherous minds, against his Majesty's gracious charter and authority in this colony and the government and liberties of it, all of which evidences, you may please to command the sight of Secondly. As to one of them and the incendiary of this and many other troubles in town and colony, William Harris, he now forceth us to remember, that it is about twenty four years since he was disfranchised and cast out of the assembly of his neigh- bors in town meeting for assaulting a neighbor and blood shed- ding in the King's highway, in the street and for the furious main- taining of such a practice. 'Tis true he hath thrust himself oft in- to our meetings, though some have protested against it, and so he did in our last year's trouble ; but, the truth is, he intruded and usurped, for he was never orderly received in again, since his disfranchisement upon record. Since that time he hath lived in the woods until the year 1656 or thereabout, and as some of his friends have often said, like another Nebuchadnezzar, not fit for the society of men ; where, while others spent themselves to up- hold town and colony, by means of a mare got for a meadow the town gave him, he got some horses, and he lay barking at and biting, as he could, both town and colony. But in that year aforesaid, he brake forth with an open flag of defiance under his 148 GENERAL HISTORY. hand writing to the four towns of the colony, against all civil aovernment, professing that it would shortly be, that people should cry out, " No Lords, No Masters," saying, " That the house of Saul, grew weaker and weaker," which he all along in his books, interprets to be civil governors and governments, " and the house of David" that is William Harris and his saints " strono-er and stronger." His book is yet extant and traitor- ously vomits out his filth against all governments and governors, of what rank soever, all lords and masters, against all laws and law-making assemblies, against all courts, all punishments, pris- ons, rules, all records, as thieves, robbers, hypocrites, satyrs, owls, courts of owls, dragons and devils and soldiers, legions of devils. What were the proceedings of this colony against all these his horrid practices, our records declare, he openly pro- testing before the country here at Newport, that he had nothing to lose, but an old coat for the hangman, and he would maintain his writings with his blood ; and for ought we have heard, the colony never discharged him from the charge exhibited against him. Since that time, upon hope of great lordship of land, he hath tacked about, licked up his vomit, adored like Saul, as some have told him, the witch at Endor, the laws and courts and charter which before, he damned and turned his former trai- torous practices into ten years vexatious plaguing and torment- ing both town and colony and the whole country, with law, law- suits and restless fires and flames of law contentions. We add to this, as some of our neighbors did in their character of him the last year, his tongue is as foul as his pen, with constant and loathsome revilings of all that cross him, fool, knave, rascal, jack- anapes, scoundrel, &lc. None escape his dirt of reproach and threatening, nor some his challenges to fight, yea, with pistol and rapier, yea, even then, when he protested against all courts and weapons. It is not forgotten, that the General Assembly of this colony, this last year, sensible of his practices, passed a sharp sentence upon him, notwithstanding though it be impendent on him, as if he would dare the execution he proceeds in his furious tormenting of his poor neighbors with most unjust and causeless vexations ; wherein as to the accusation. 1. The matter is about a spot of land, yeilding about three or four loads of hay, as the year is. GENERAL HISTORY. 149 2. The claim of this spot, was got for his son Andrew in a de- ceitful way, against the protests of Mr. Field, Mr. Olney, Mr. Carpenter, himself and the rest of the purchasers, he forcing in a company upon them to whom he would give land. His carriage then, was such, that Mr. Field was forced to charge the consta- ble to keep the peace. This spot was since laid out by the ma- jor consent of the purchasers to Resolved Waterman, who offer- ing in a legal way to try the title and peaceably cutting it off, he and his neighbors are now thus oppressed, as rebels against his Majesty. 3. Andrew Harris confessed to Mr. Greene, Assistant, that Resolved Waterman used no force, only he had cut his meadow, which amounts to no more in law, than common actional cases, and the warrant of William Harris, given to his extraordinary constable Thomas Harris, to apprehend Resolved Waterman for a Riot, we judge void in law, also he standing a delinquent many ways upon record, and therefore was most justly refused by our governor to be by him engaged or sworn to be a magistrate, to which it is true he had an inconsiderate vote from his unadvised party on the island, to the great grievance of the towns on the main, on whom the island party would force him 4. We herewith present you with a copy of the town's mind and request, prepared and ordered a month since, to be present- ed to the General Assembly, being a petition for redress against these oppressions, where, ordinary actional and petty matters, are by subtle quirks from old statutes, without reference to our laws and indulgence by his majesty's gracious charter to us, wound and screwed up to an high crime against his majesty, whose name is most abominably abused for private ends. 5. Mr. Greene, Assistant, solemnly sent for by themselves, after long debate declared, that he found no riot, nor any force in the whole carriage, nor no uncivil or unbecoming carriage in Providence men now thus unjustly charged. In consideration of the premises, we humbly pray, First. That you will please to stop such shameful abuse of his majesty's name and authority, and such shameful oppression of his majesty's loyal and peaceable subjects. Secondly. That your honored selves will please to assist our humble petition to the next General Assembly, that Mr, Carpen- 150 GENERAL HISTORY. ter, William and Thomas Harris, who have thus shamefully abused his majesty's name and oppressed his subjects, be ren- dered incapable to be chosen to any further public employment, until they have given public satisfaction and be orderly released from such a sentence. Thirdly. That the sentence of the General Assembly against William Harris, be no longer protracted, for all men see, that indulgence and lenity is but as oil poured upon his fiery, conten- tious spirit, which makes him flame the higher. Fourthly. We pray your countenance and assistance to the General Solicitor to proceed legally with William Carpenter, William and Thomas Harris for their treacherous speeches, and, we suspect, actions, against his majesty's gracious charter, and the liberties and government and privileges which it hath pleas- ed our God and the king, to the envy and astonishment of all our neighborhood, so wonderfully to bestow upon us. Your most humble servants and petitioners, SHADRACH MANTON, Town Clerk. in the name and at the appointment of the town of Providence. Providence, 31st of August, 1668. For some years after the granting of the charter of 1663, there existed a warm dispute between this colony and the colony of Connecticut in relation to the dividing Hne between them. In some stage of this dispute, which was finally settled by the king in council, William Harris acted as the agent or attor- ney of Connecticut. There is in the possession of the Rhode- Island Historical Society, the heads of an argument on this subject drawn up by Mr. Harris, and indorsed by him " This is the copy of that for which I was imprisoned and tried for my life." It was probably the part he took in this controversy that provoked the remarks in the first part of this re- monstrance. The circumstances that occasioned his disfranchisement in 1644, cannot be ascertained. GENERAL HISTORY. 151 The only evidence of the fact, exists in this remon- strance, and in the one sent the year before to the other towns in the colony. The records of the town at the period alluded to are lost. It is not known that he ever denied the fact, or that he left any expla- nation of the circumstance. The promulgation of certain opinions of his in 1656, subjected him to an indictment for high treason against the government of England. This it seems was not prosecuted. That Mr. Harris was elected an Assistant by the colony in 1668, after he had, the year before, been deposed from that office and fined for misconduct, affords reason to believe that all the blame was not on his side, and his subsequent re-election to the same office in 1669, proves thatamajority of the freemen of the colony still adhered to him. Party spirit, all history shows, will cover up a multitude of sins, 'but it is difficult to beheve that it would have been suffic- ient to sustain Mr. Harris, if all the charges against hun were true to their utmost extent. It is matter of deep regret that he left no statement in relation to these circumstances. In June 1667, the town treasurer reported, that he had neither received nor paid any thing for the town, the year preceding. The fact is noticed, sim- ply for Its smgularity. The like probably never oc- curred before, and if it has since, it certainly has not recently. Though the record shows no such pro- ceeding, it is presumed that the town in 1668 and 1669 elected two sets o ftown officers, as in 1667. At the October session of the General Assembly, 1669, two certificates from two town clerks were 152 GENERAL HISTORY. presented in relation to the election of deputies. One certified that there had been no election and the other contained the names of four persons who had been chosen to that office. This circumstance induced the Assembly to pass an act of which the following is the preamble. " The General Assembly, sadly resenting the grievous symp- toms that appear of the dangerous contests, distractions and divis- ions amongst our ancient, loving and honored neighbors, the freemen, inhabitants of the town of Providence, whereby the said town is rendered in an incapacity of transacting their own affairs in any measure of satisfactory order with peace and qui- etness, and, consequently, unable to help in the managing and ordering of public affairs by deputies that ought to be by them sent to the General Assembly, and jurymen to the courts of trials, whereby there is, or seems to be, a breach in the whole ; upon consideration whereof, and upon finding that the cause of the foresaid inconveniences, ariseth from disagreement and dissatis- faction about divisions and dispositions of lands, wherein, it is impossible either party can be clear from giving and taking oc- casion of offence, and that it is altogether unlikely they will compose the difference without some judicious men and uncon- cerned in the premised contest be helpful by their counsel and advice to that end," Therefore they appointed Messrs. John Easton, Joshua Coggeshall, John Coggeshall, William Vaughan and John Sanford, to proceed to Provi- dence, and meet the inhabitants in general meeting, " and endeavor to persuade them to a loving com- posure of their differences ;" also to call a meeting of freemen for the election of town officers and dep- uties. The assembly adjourned to the third Tues- day in February to ascertain the result of this inter- ference, and in the mean time stayed all proceed- GENERAL HISTORY. 153 ings in all indictments and actions that had grown out of those differences. This committee were un- successful in their attempts to restore peace and una- nimity. On the twenty-second day of March follow- ing the General Assembly were again called on to in- terfere in the premises, and they then passed the fol- lowing act : " It being so, that there have been great distractions amongst the inhabitants of the town of Providence, there being two par- ties accusing each other, that they have obstructed legal proceed- ings and that they have acted illegally, so that the General As- sembly of this colony has not been assisted by them with depu- ties, neither is this General Assembly, although there have been Imig endeavors by General Assemblies, that the inhabitants of Providence themselves might have issued their differences that have caused such obstructions, but it not taking place. Be it enacted by this General Assembly, that two men be chosen, and authorized and required, to take what intelligence they can, how many and who they are of the town of Providence that are free inhabitants of this colony, and have and do take the engagement to be true subjects to the king, and that all those which either party will not own to be freemen of the colo- ny and to have engaged allegiance to the king, except the two men above get intelligence any are free, although they be not so owned by the other party, they shall, at their peril to be taken as rioters, forbear to vote in the election of any to any office in civil government in this colony ; and the two men chose shall require whom they see cause to warn all of Providence that are such freemen of this colony as aforesaid to appear at time and place as the two men chosen shall appoint for those that so appear, by the major vote, to choose their moderator and town officers for the time being and until the day for their yearly choice accord- ing to their law, and that they also in the same meeting, choose their deputies for the next General Assembly, that is to set in May next, 1670. Mr. John Easton and Mr. Joshua Coggeshall are nominated and appointed to be the two men to put the aforesaid order in 20 154 GENERAL HISTORY. execution, and Ensign Lot Strange and Joseph Torrey are ad- ded nnto them for counsel and advice in the matter, and are all to repair to the town of Providence, with all convenient speed, after the court is dissolved." A town meeting was called by this committee on the second day of April, at which an election was made. The officers appear to have been selected from both parties. This year, Mr. Harris was not elected an assistant. The assistants for Providence were Wil- liam Carpenter, Roger WilHams and Thomas Olney. Of a colony tax of £oOO, £57 was assessed on Prov- idence. In ordering this tax, the distinction is made between New-England currency and sterhng. — Forty shilHngs New-England are declared equal to thirty shillings sterling. In assessing this tax on in- dividuals the proportion of William Harris was three pounds ten shillings, of Wilham Carpenter, two pounds ten shillings, of Roger Williams, ten shillings. In August 1672, Mr. WilHams had his famous pub- lic dispute with three Friends, John Stubbs, John Burnyeat and Wilham Edmonson. It continued through three days at Newport, and was then ad- journed to Providence, where it occupied another day. As on such occasions generally, neither party was convinced, both claimed the victory and both were more firmly fixed in their former opinions. The challenge went from Mr. Wilhams and was in^ tended particularly for George Fox, but he had left Rhode-Island before Mr. Williams' letter reached there. Before he left, he sent a curious communi- cation to Thomas Olney, jr. and John Whipple, jr. at Providence, in relation to the rights and liberties of GENERAL HISTORY. 155 the town and people. This was answered at great length by Mr. Olney, and with a degree of acrimony which the communication from George Fox does not seem to require. It appears from the answer of Mr. Olney, that the government of the colony was then in the hands of Friends. Deputies were not required, until October 1672, to take any oath, affirmation, or engagement, on en- tering on their duties. It was required at this ses- sion, to the great dissatisfaction of the good people of Providence, who protested against it. They said "it is contrary to the liberties granted to us in our charter, our charter not binding us to any such thing, and many persons scrupling such imposi- tions to be imposed on them" and they, therefore, declare against it for the " reasons showed and many more that may be." Perhaps it would have been well for the remonstrants to have set down some of the other "reasons" that they could have given against such a law. These might have rendered their remonstrance more conclusive than the reasons given. The law of 1647, vesting the probate of wills and the setthng of the estates of deceased persons in the head officer of each town, was repealed at this session and the same power conferred on the town councils. They have continued from that time to the present to exercise that jurisdiction. — The disadvantages and evils resulting from different modes of proceeding in different towns and from a real or seeming contrariety in the decisions of differ- ent tribunals are more than counterbalanced by the facility with which the lousiness is accomplished. 1.56 GENERAL HISTORY. We are now approaching a period in the history of New-England, which was fraught with danger and suffering. We allude to the war with the Na- tives, commonly called Phihp's War. It will be ne- cessary in order to understand the causes of this war, to recur to some earher portions of history. Soon after the settlement of Plymouth, Massasoiet, sachem of the Wampanoags, submitted himself and lands to the English, and concluded with them a treaty, of- fensive and defensive. It has before been suggested, that one of his objects might have been, to free him- self and tribe from the ascendancy which the Nar- ragansetts, in the time of the great sickness, acquir- ed over them. Before the sickness, the Wampano- ags were a very powerful nation. They were the constant rivals, and considered themselves the nat- ural enemies, of the Narragansetts. The treaty thus concluded, assured them the protection of the Eng- lish against the Narragansetts. For this reason it was inviolably observed by Massasoiet during his life. After his death, Alexander, the eldest of his sons, succeeded him. He with his brother Philip renewed the treaty with Plymouth, but it was soon suspected that he designed to shake off his subjec- tion to the Enghsh. Under the fostering wing of Plymouth, the Wampanoags had in part recovered their former strength, for during the life of Massa- soiet they were engaged in no war with any of the tribes around them. Alexander increased his power by an intermarriage with Weetamo, squaw sachem of the Pocassets, who is described as being "as potent a prince as any round about her." Dr. I. GENERAL HISTORY. 157 Mather says that " Alexander was not so faithful a friend to the English as his father had been." He had not tlie same inducement to be so. His tribe, with the confederate Pocassets, believed they were able to protect themselves against the Narragansetts, without foreign assistance, and probably they began to be jealous of the growing power and numbers of the Enghsh. Some of Boston informed Gov. Prence of Plymouth that "he was contriving mischief against the English and had solicited the Narragan- setts to engage with him in his designed rebellion." He denied the charge and promised to attend the next court at Plymouth for their satisfaction and his own vindication. The court passed and he did not appear, but went, as it would seem, to the Nar- ragansetts, of whom he had before spoken, as his enemies. He excused his neglect to appear at the court, by saying that he was waiting for the return of Captain Willet, who was then absent, in order to speak with him first. The excuse was not sat- isfactory, and an armed force was sent after him. He was taken prisoner and carried before some of the magistrates of Plymouth. Either while there or within a few days after he was permitted to return home, he was taken sick with a fever and died short- ly after. This is the statement of the Enghsh. Phil- ip and Weetamo always said that Alexander was poi- soned by the English. I have not been able to as- certain the time of his capture or death. It was not however long after the date of his deed to Providence, which will be given in a subsequent chapter. Nor are the writers of those days very explicit as to any 158 GENERAL HISTORY. overt acts clone by Alexander against his allies and fellow subjects. Were it not for the fatal catastrophe which followed and the foul imputation cast upon his captors by the Natives, it might be suspected that the execution of this very deed, was " the head and front of his offending." That deed might be construed as injuriously affecting the claims that " some of Boston" were then setting up to a part of the Narragansett country, which appears to have been claimed as belonging to the Wampanoags. The death of Alexander delayed the war, if any was intended. The circumstances under which his death took place according to the accounts of the English, would naturally tend to create distrust in his subjects. They looked on him as a sovereign prince. They construed his submission to the king of England, in the same light in which he probably viewed it, as a treaty merely, an agreement to main- tain peace and amity with the subjects of the king of England inhabiting his dominions with his consent. To see such a personage seized by an armed force, within his own territories and among his own sub- jects, and compelled to answer to vague suspicions, derogatory to him as a chieftain, before a court of a private corporation, might well awaken in their breasts the most violent emotions. If however they believed the story which they circulated, that their prince had fallen a victim to poison administered by his alhes and pretended friends, nothing could have restrained tliem from at once commencing a war of extermination but the hope of glutting their vengeance in a more signal manner on some future occasion. GENERAL HISTORV. 169 Their hope of revenge was smothered and conceal- ed for a season. Philip, who succeeded Alexander in the sachemdom, was as politic and sagacious as he was bold and intrepid. He had seen the Pequods exterminated, when they warred singly with the En- glish, and he undoubtedly supposed, such would be the fate of his own tribe, if they engaged singly in the unequal struggle. He sought therefore by gifts, mes- sengers and personal conference, to induce all the tribes near the English to join them, and by a gene- ral and simultaneous attack, to destroy all the plan- tations, at a single blow. He even went so far as to present the calumet to the Narragansetts, the ancient and natural enemies of his tribe, and to propose an union with them, the object of which should be to avenoe the murder of Miantonomi and Alexander. He sedulously concealed his designs and movements from the English, and as often as requested renewed his treaties of peace and amity with them. He had so nearly completed his arrangements, as to fix the time when the mask of friendship should be laid aside, and the war whoop should resound in every plantation of the English. The time fixed, was the spring of 1676, but circumstances compelled him in June 1675, to throw off the disguise. At first the Wampanoags appeared to be alone, and, by them, town after town in Plymouth colony was destroyed. Philip seemed every where, leading his men to daring and successful enterprizes. The Wampanoags at the commencement of hostilities sent their wives andchil- dren to the Narragansetts ; Canonchet, the chief sa- 160 GENERAL HISTORY. chem of the Narragansetts, was required to deliver them up to the English. "Not a Wampanoag, nor the paring of a Wampanoag's nail, shall be dehvered up," was his reply. The tributary tribes of the Wam- panoags and Narragansetts were aroused, but the En- ghsh suffered much less than they would have done, had not Philip's original design of a simultaneous at- tack been frustrated. The final result of such a contest could not be doubted. The savage, however brave, can never successfully contend with the civilized. At the first, it was thought that Plymouth alone could cope with the Indians. But when the Narragansetts and other nations joined Philip in open war, the whole power of the united colonies was called into action. This colony, which had been denied the advantages of that confederation in time of peace, was not bound to take an active part in any war with the natives which they might provoke. Their local situation was such as to render an Indian war any thing but desirable, for they were surrounded by the most powerful tribes in New-England. At first therefore they only took measures for defence, and their settlements were left undisturbed. The war raged with varied success through the summer and autumn of 1675. Many of the Enghsh settlements were entirely destroyed, and many In- dian warriors fell before the weapons of their ene- mies. Philip took up his winter quarters with the Narragansetts. They had constructed a fort in South-Kingstown, which they deemed impregnable. Thither they conveyed their winter's stock of pro vis- GENERAL HISTORY. 161 ion, their wives and their children. There the whole tribe was assembled. Preparations were made by the united colonies for a winter campaign against this fort. It was attacked on the 19th of December, and taken after a bloody fight in which a large pro- portion of its defenders were killed. Their winter provision was destroyed and the survivors left to find a scanty subsistence in the swamps, where they con- cealed themselves from the English. Instead of indul- ging in useless regrets or giving themselves up to des- pair, they planned new projects of revenge ; the recol- lection of their defeat and their present suflTe rings ad- ding tenfold vigor to their previous thirst for it. The troops of the united colonies rested after the battle at the trading and garrison house of Richard Smith, near Wickford, and their wounded men were transported to the island of Rhode-Island. On their march into the Narragansett country they passed through Providence, where probably some volun- teers were added to their numbers. Until a few days before the fight, the Indians had committed no acts of violence within the colony of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations. They then burnt Bull's garrison house, which was situated in South-Kingstown. On the other hand it does not appear that the English inhabitants of this colony, had taken an active part in offensive measures against the Indians, or even in defensive ones for their own protection. The result of that campaign ren- dered the situation of the main land towns preca- rious and alarming, in a high degree. Providence apphed to the governor of the colony for assistance. 21 162 GENERAL HISTORY. That they were urgent, to say the least of it, appears from the following letter from Governor Clark. It contains the only evidence that any application was made. Newport, this 2Sth day 12 mo. 1675—6. (Jan. 28, 1676.) Captain Fenner with the rest concerned, Friends, I thought to present you with my information of your evil sug- gestions concerning us in authority, especially myself, as if not worthy to live, and since opportunity suits, am willing to expos- tulate a little with you, being a man that desires the weal of this colony and of every individual person, as my own, and knows not that just occasion has been given on our parts, though dis- content in your spirits has risen, because your desires were not answered, as to supply of men ; which were our desires you should have had, and sufficient order Vv^as given to effect the premises, but by reason of the weather, and what happened, was obstructed or neglected, but not by us as will appear. But I am satisfied you have not been thereby damnified, by reason the harge of soldiers for wages, ammunition and diet would have eaten you and us quite up, and no advantage by it. We judg- ing yourselves in a capacity to secure your persons, and, for your out-houses, we never had hopes to secure. Besides, you have been exempted from rates and impositions which the island ex- pended, eight hundred pounds, partly for the end you might have relief, and, to deal plainly with you, we are not of ability to keep soldiers under pay, having not provision, as bread, neither are you. Therefore, what you can secure by your own people is best, and what you cannot secure is best to be transported hither for security, for we have no hopes, but sorrows will in- crease and time will wear you out, and if men lie upon you, their charge will be more than your profit, twice told. And further, my advice is unto you, seek not help from other colonies, lest it be your utter ruin by being made prey of, and what you have, eaten and made a prey of, and your concerns never the better, as witness their whole proceedings ; and not only so, but you hazard yourselves and estates, if any, to them that shall have power to question you, for it evidently appears, the confederate GENERAL HISTORY. 163 colonies cannot support themselves and friends. I can better bear what I hear, remembering the old proverb, that the losers should have leave to speak, but ought to be within the bounds of reason. I know your losses have been great and your exercises many, which do and may exasperate to passionate words, yet men should keep within the bounds of reason, lest what they threaten others with, fall upon themselves; and if reports are true, we have not deserved such reproach, and, I can truly say, I have done to the uttermost of my ability for your good, and do and shall do, yet we know the Lord's hand is against New-Eng- land, and no weapon formed will or shall prosper till the work be finished, by which the wheat is pulled up with the tares and the innocent suffer with the guilty. I should be heartily glad that any way for your good and safety did present or that you would propound some way effectual for your good. Farewell, WALTER CLARK. The matter was agitated before the General As- sembly in March and the following act passed. " Voted to the free inhabitants of Providence and Warwick there remaining greeting. Whereas, the present troubles with the Natives, are and hav6 been great, very hazardous and prejudicial to the Inhabitants of this colony, the sense of which, upon the hearts of the Governor and Council, hath occasioned the calling of this present Assem- bly, who have a true commiseration of your calamities, and re- ally sympathize your exercises and own ourselves so nearly re- lated to you and in duty bound for the good of his Majesty's in- terest, and it is our study how to do or act for your safety in all respects. We received a paper from you of Warwick, as we suppose, but no hand subscribed, the contents of which we take to be the substance of your minds, and favorably construe the omission, by reason of your hurries and exercises as aforesaid. And since this meeting convened the 1 3th inst. was and is on purpose to advise for the good and weal of this colony, as is above said, after our serious debate and well weighing your hazardous and present condition ; We declare, that we find this colony not of ability to maintain sufficient garrisons for the se- 1-64 GENERAL HISTORY. curity of our out plantations, therefore, think and judge it most safe for the inhabitants to repair to this island, which is most secure. Newport and Portsmouth inhabitants have taken such care, that those of the colony that come and cannot procure land to plant for themselves and families' relief, may be supplied with land by the towns, and each family so wanting ability, shall have a cow kept upon the commons. But, if any of you think yourselves of ability to keep your interests of houses and cattle and will adventure your lives, we shall not positively oppose you therein ; but this the Assembly declare, as their sense and real be- lief concerning the premises, that those that do so make them- selves a prey, and what they have, as goods, provisions, ammuni- tion, cattle &c. will be a relief to the enemy, except more than ordinary Providence prevent, therefore, cannot but judge them the wisest, that take the safest course to secure themselves and take occasion from the enemy." Neither Providence nor Warwick could have felt flattered by the care bestowed upon them by the General Assembly. They were, as parts of the col- ony, entitled to protection so far as the general means would afford it. The resolution that the col- ony was not of sufficient ability to protect "out plan- tations" would hardly reach the case. It was rather ungenerous thus to style the oldest town in the colony, even if a younger sister had outstripped her in pop- ulation and wealth. That however was more than atoned for by the kind offer made to the inhabitants of Providence and Warwick by the towns of New- port and Portsmouth. A large proportion of the inhabitants of Providence availed themselves of this offer and removed with their families and effects to to the island of Rhode-Island. A list of those "that stayed and went not away" is preserved in the rec- ord of a subsequent town meeting. They were, Roger Williams, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas GENERAL HISTORY. 165 Fenner, Henry Ashton, John Morey, Daniel Abbott, James Olney, Valentine Whitman, John Whipple, sen., John Angell, James Angell, Thomas Arnold, Richard Pray, John Pray, Ephraim Pray, Abraham Man, Joseph Woodward, Thomas Field, Zachari- ah Field, Edward Bennett, Thomas Clemence, Wil- liam Lancaster, WilHam Hopkins, William Hawkins, John Rhodes, Samuel Windsor, Thomas Waller. It is presumed that the name of Arthur Fenner should have been in the above list. If this really includes all those who did not go to Rhode-Island for safety, the town was in fact nearly forsaken. It is not probable that the families of many of these remain- ed with them. The language of the record is given above. There is nothing from which any tolerably correct estimate can be made of the number of in- habitants in Providence at the commencement of this war. If the number of polls between sixteen and sixty in 1686, only ten years after, amounted to nearly two hundred, it might be reasonable to sup- pose that Providence contained about the same number at this time, for it is well known that many who removed to the island never afterward return- ed to the main. The insular situation of Ports- mouth and Newport rendered them quite secure, and free from danger. In addition to this, the colony employed four row-boats to be constantly employed on the look out around the Island to prevent any sudden invasion from the main. This navy, though small, rendered essential service to the colony. The removal of so many of the inhabitants made Providence an easier prey to the Natives, while it in- 166 GENERAL HISTORY. vited them to attack it, and on the 30th of March 1676, they burned thirty houses. It has always been supposed, that these were generally situated near the North part of the Town. The location of only one of them is known, and that was the house of John Smith the miller, which was on the west side of Moshassuck river, near to where the first stone lock of the Blackstone Canal is now located. Mr. Smith was, at that time, town clerk, and the rec- ords of the town were then in his possession. They were thrown from his burning house into the mill pond to preserve them from the flames, and to the present day they bear plenary evidence of the two- fold dangers they escaped, and the two-fold injury they suffered. After they were rescued from the mill pond they were carried to Newport, and were not returned again to Providence until after the war was at an end. In 1677, a committee consisting of four persons who had held the office of town clerk, were appointed to examine them and ascertain what was lost. They reported that sixty-five leaves of the first book and twenty of the second, besides other pa- pers, were missing. At present many other parts of the books are illegible. The Town in 1796 ap- pointed a committee consisting of Jabez Bowen, Moses Brown, Zephaniah Andrews, Benjamin Rey- nolds and the town clerk, George Tillinghast, to procure a copy of them to be made. It was done, after some delay, by Amos Hopkins. It would have been more valuable, had the committee who super- intended the work, and the clerk who performed it, GENERAL HISTORY. 167 been a little more careful and a little less anxious to compress it in one volume. Soon after the town was burned, another apphca- tion was made to the Governor for assistance. Safe- ty from the Indians might be enjoyed on the island, but probably the inhabitants of Providence, as the season of planting was approaching, were anxious to improve their lands. Their application is not pre- served, but the following answer shows that it was an urgent one. Newport, this 12 of the 2 mo. 1676. (April 12, 1676.) Friends, — Your petition with your hands subscribed was re- ceived, and the court had knowledge thereof, but having multi- plicity of urgent occasions, and considering the general election drew so near, that we now concerned could not so safely deter- mine for the future, as those who may be the next helmsmen, only this for your present encouragement : we well approve your advice and willingness to maintain a garrison, and have agreed to bear the charge of ten men upon the colony's account, till the succeeding authority take further order, and that you may take four of our men to strengthen you, or if it be wholly by yourselves, we, as abovesaid, will bear the charge of ten of them, and after the election, if those concerned see cause, and the colony of ability to do it, I shall not obstruct, if it be contin- ued all the year. Be pleased to despatch our ketch. I have no more to you but my kind love and desire of your peace and safety as my own. WALTER CLARK. At the following May session, a committee was appointed to visit Providence with full power to act in this matter. The result was the estabhshment of a garrison consisting of a captain and seven men, which was called the King's garrison. Arthur Fen- ner was the captain. From the following paper from the files of the town, it seems probable that a tM GENERAL HISTORY. garrison was established some time before the king's garrison. There is no date to the paper. " I pray the town in the scenes of the late bloody practices of the natives to give leave to so many as can agree with William Field, to bestow some charge upon fortifying his house for a se- curity to Avomen and children. Also to give me leave and so many that shall agree, to put some defence on the hill between the mill and the highway for the like safety of the women and children in that part of the town. R. W." The author was Roger Wilhams, and the note is in his hand writing. He was at one time captain of the train band in Providence. The hill referred to is that over which Stampers-street now passes. Wil- ham Field's house was situated near where the Provi- dence Bank now is. The remains of the garrison house were still standing within the recollection of some persons living in 1 836. Canonchet, sachem of the Narragansetts, was ta- ken prisoner by the English on the 4th of April 1676. His demeanor after his capture, was such as to extort admiration, even from his enemies. His life was of- fered him on condition that he would procure or ad- vise the submission of his tribe. He repulsed the offer with disdain. When told that the English would put him to death, he replied, " that would not end the war." And when at last he was informed that he had been sentenced to be shot, " I like it well," said he, " I shall die before my heart is soft, and before I say any thing unworthy of myself" Had such sentiments been uttered by a civihzed man, his name would be embalmed in song and his mem- ory perpetuated in history. Shall the savage Ca- nonchet be forgotten ? GENERAL HISTORY. '69 ' The capture of Canonchet was a serious blow to Philip, for he had, in his short career, been almost as much feared by the English, as Phihp himself. But the race of Philip was almost run. After the swamp fight, he was actively engaged in endeavoring to in- cite other tribes to join him in the war and in urging his confederates to greater activity. In the summer following he returned to his own tribe, and a body of English and Indians under Captain Church, went immediately in pursuit of him. He was killed in a battle, on the 12th of August 1676, by a renegado Indian of his own tribe, in a swamp near the foot of Mount Hope. The death of these two sachems, followed as they were by successive defeats of the Indians, before the end of the year restored peace to this section of New-England. In the years 1675 and 6, as well as in several years both before and after, the government of the colony was in the hands of Friends. This may ac- count for the proceedings of the colony during the war, and the wonder should not be that they had not done more, but that they did so much. The annual town meeting in June, was holden " before Thomas Field's house, under a tree, by the water side." The tree referred to, was probably the old sycamore which formerly stood on the east side of South Main-street, nearly opposite Crawford- street. It was cut down by the side-walk commis- sioners about 1822. Thomas Field's house stood next to the William Field garrison house. Another town meeting was holden at the same place on the 14th of August. A committee was then appointed to 22 170 GENERAL HISTORY. determine in what manner certain Indian captives then in the town should be disposed of. They re- ported as follows : " We whose names are underwritten, being chosen by the town to set the disposal of the Indians now in town, we agree, that Roger Williams, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas Fenner, Henry Ashton, John Morey, Daniel Abbott, James Olney, Val- entine Whitman, John Whipple, sen. Ephraim Pray, John Pray, John Angell, James Angell, Thomas Arnold, Abraham Man, Thomas Field, Edward Bennett, Thomas Clemence, William Lancaster, William Hopkins, William Hawkins, William Har- ris, Zachariah Field, Samuel Winsor, and Captain Fenner, shall have each a whole share in the product. Joseph Woodward and Richard Pray, each three fourths of a share, John Smith, miller, and Edward Smith, Samuel Whipple, Nelle Whipple, and Tho- mas Walling, each, half a share. Inhabitants wanting, to have Indians, at the price they sell at Rhode-Island or elsewhere. All under five years to serve till thirty, above five and under ten, till twenty-eight, above ten to fifteen, till twenty-seven, above fifteen to twenty, till twenty-six, from twenty to thirty shall serve eight years, all above thirty, seven years. Roger Williams, Thomas Field, Thomas Harris, sen. John Whipple, jr. Thomas -)- Angell. August 14, 1676. In most instances, Indians who were taken pris- oners by the English, were sent out of the coun- try and sold for slaves for life. This was the course adopted, generally, in the other colonies. In the case of Philip's son, it was seriously agitated, wheth- er he ought not to be put to death. The civil au- thority doubted, and consulted four of the most eminent ministers, three of whom decided that, that punishment ought to be inflicted. He was not however so punished but was only sent to Ber- GENERAL HISTORY. 171 muda and there sold for a slave. The short times for which these captives of Providence men were disposed of, considering the general practice of New-England, are honorable to the men who proposed them. To gratify curiosity as to the price of Indians on those terms, the following extracts are made from an account of sales about this time. " To Anthony Low, five Indians, great and small, £8. To James Rogers, two, for twenty two bushels of Indian corn. To Philip Smith, two, in silver, ^4,10. To Daniel Allin, one, in silver, ^^2,10. To Caleb Carr, one, twelve bushels of Indian corn. To Elisha Smith, one, in wool, 100 lbs. To Elisha Smith, one, for three fat sheep." The account embraces the sale of thirty-six, of which the above appear to be about an average lot. The colony passed a law in March 1676, " that no Indian in this colony be a slave but only to pay their debts or for their bringing up, or custody they have received, or to perform covenant as if they had been countrymen and not taken in war." This was enlightened legislation for those times. The following circumstance is recorded under date of August 25. " One Chuff, an Indian, so called in time of peace, because of his surUness against the English, he could scarce come in, being wounded some days before by Providence men. His wounds were corrupted and stank ; and be- cause he had been a ring-leader, all the war, to most of the mischief to our houses and cattle, and what English he could, the inhabitants of the town, cried out for justice against him, threatening them- selves to kill him, if the authority did not. For 172 GENERAL HISTORY. which reason, Captain Roger Wilhams caused the drum to be beat, and the town council and council of war called. All called for justice and execution. The council of war gave sentence and he was shot to death, to the great satisfaction of the town." — The council of war consisted of the magistrates, commissioned military officers and town council. The Indian prisoners were all sent away on the 29th of August in a sloop belonging to Providence Wil- liams, son of Roger, who on the same day had brought up his mother from Newport. " The town books and records, saved by God's merciful providence from fire and water," were brought up from Newport in April 1677. The minutes of the town meeting proceedings just quo- ted were kept on a loose sheet of paper, in the hand writing of Mr. Wilhams. In October 1668, a colony tax of £300 was im- posed on the different towns and settlements, in the following proportions ; Providence £10, New- port £136, Portsmouth £68, Warwick £8, Westerly £2, New shoreham £29, Kingston £16, East Green- wich £2, Jamestown £29. This apportionment shows how severely the main land towns had suffer- ed by the Indians. In assessing a town tax in 1679, meadow land was valued at £4, and planting at £3, per acre. Oxen £4, cows £3, horses, four year old, £3, and sheep, four shillings, each. This year men- tion is made, for the first time, of any public passage- way over Seekonk river, below Pawtucket. Four acres of land were granted to Andrew Edmunds, at the narrow passage, he intending to keep a ferry GENERAL HISTORY. 173 there. This is where " Central Bridge" now stands. A proposition was also made for the erection of a town house. " To the Town met this 22d of December 1679. These are to pray the town now without much further delay before the boards and timber be most all sent out of the town- ship done to the particular propriety and advantage of only some few particular persons of the town, that they agree lovingly together, for the building them a town house, to keep their meetings at, and not yet to continue further troubles and bur- dens on some particular persons, without tendering any satisfac- tion for the privilege thereof, as hath appeared near this two years' space of time, unto your neighbor and friend, DANIEL ABBOTT. And that also they take some course to pay their other debts, to remove undeserved jealousy." Mr. Abbott was town clerk and probably spoke feelingly of the "burdens imposed on some particu- lar persons." It does not appear that the town took any notice of the petition. At the annual town meeting in June 1680, it was proposed to add two to the town council, so as to make that body as numerous as the councils of other towns. The proposition was agreed to, but it does not appear that any additional members were elected. At the next annual election (1681) the town again resolve that the town council shall consist, of the as- sistants for the town, three in number, and five other individuals, and an election was made accordingly. This election, however, seems not to have given sat- isfaction, for at a town meeting in October, it was resolved that one of the assistants should call a fu- ture meeting, at which a town council should be chosen, to consist of the assistants and six others, to 174 • GENERAL HISTORY, hold their offices till June 1682, and that after that, the council should consist of the same number of persons. Such a meeting was holden on the 14th December and six persons elected, five of whom were the same persons chosen the June preceding. In May 1680, a colony tax of £100 was ordered, of which the sum of £7 was to be paid by Provi- dence. In the rate bill of 1679, Joseph Jenckes was rated for a saw-mill. This was probably in Piawtucket. In 1680, William Carpenter and his two sons were also rated for one, this probably was at Pawtuxet, also Richard Arnold for one, which is af- terward referred to as at Woonsocket. There was yet another saw-mill described as " the saw-mill of our town," the location of which cannot be ascer- tained. Iron works of some kind were established by Joseph Jenckes, before 1684. He was then re- building them, and petitioned the town for leave to take bog ore from the commons. At the May Session of the General Assembly 1680, a committee reported the number of deaths that had occurred in the colony for the preceding seven years to be four hundred fifty-five. The ob- ject of this inquiry does not appear. In May 1681, riding on a gallop in Providence street between the houses of John Whipple and Par- don Tillinghast was prohibited. The house of the former was a little north of Star street, and the house of the latter not far from Transit street. ^ Very soon after the accession of James to the throne of England, the Enghsh colonies in America, began to experience that Monarch's love of arbitrary GENERAL HISTORY. 176 power. Process was issued against such of them as refused to comply with his requsitions, to surrender their charters. This colony did not wait for judgment on the writ quo warranto against them, but bending before the storm, surrendered their charter, and cast themselves on the mercy of his Majesty. They be- lieved the better part of valor to be discretion, and subsequent events proved, how httle regard was paid by that monarch and by the subservient courts that he established, to the rights of the subject. Sir Ed- mund Andross arrived in New-England in 1686, with a commission as General Governor of all the colo- nies. He was a suitable representative of his mas- ter. His commission empowered him to rule by and with the consent and advice of a council of his own selection. The colonists derived little advan- tage from a council holding their offices by such a tenure, nor was the Governor at all checked in his arbitrary designs by these minions of his power. Few of the records of the proceedings of this council are known to be in existence. Enough however re- mains, coupled with the statements of cotemporary writers, to prove, tha^^jti^main design of his gov- ernment was to vest in Mmself, all the rights of the people. He was carrying into {)r'acti€c in New- England, what his master was doing at hipme. This was the moet gloomy period in the history of New-England. la their wars witli the Indians,„ _-^ though encompassed with enemies on every hand, ^^ and at all tune^ ^|^osed to their attacks, they couM with confide^[|p rely on the mother country for ara and assistance, whenever they were insufficient to 176 GENERAL HISTORY. protect themselves. In their attempts to secure the rights of conscience against the Enghsh hierarchy, they had in the bosom of England itself, a large and respectable part of the community, who were aiding them with acts of kindness and fervent prayers. But at this period they were alone. From their fellow subjects in England they could look only for sympa- thy as from persons suffering equally and from the same cause, with themselves. There was a point beyond which even the Eng- lish subjects of James could not be oppressed with impunity. He doubted its existence, or miscalcu- lated its position, and passed it unawares ; and he who supposed he had attained despotic power over a nation, became in a day an outcast from that na- tion and a lone wanderer on the earth. The shout that welcomed the arrival of the Prince of Orange to the shores of England reached the colonies, and the General Governor of New-England became a prisoner to the populace of Boston. This was on the 10th day of April 1689. On the 21st, the fol- lowing communication was received at Providence from Newport. " Whereas we have seen a printed paper dated from Boston the 1 8th of April last, which signifieth that Sir Edmund An- dross, our late governor, with several others, are seized and con- fined, so that many of the free people of this place are bent to lay hold of their former privileges : Neighbors and Friends, we therefore, cannot omit to recom- mend unto you, our present grievance, to wit, that we are suf- ficiently informed, that our late government uuder which we were subservient, is now silenced and eclipsedj^ \Ve, under a sense of our deplorable and unsettled condition, do oifer to you, wheth- %t gi:neral history. 177 er it may not be expedient for the several towns of this late col- ony, the several principal persons therein, to make their person- al appearance at Newport, before the day of usual election by charter, which will be the first day of May next, there to consult and agree of some suitable way in this present juncture, and whether our ancient privileges and former methods may not be best to insist upon, which we leave to your judicious considera- tion, and that you may not say, you were ignorant, but had the most timeliest notice could be given at so little warning, is all at present from your real friends and neighbors. W. C. Newport, this 23d April, 1689. J. C. The paper from which the foregoing copy is made, appears to be the original, and is in the hand writing of Walter Clark The letter itself is very cautiously drawn, and there is no notice of its reception upon the town records. During the existence of Gov. Andross' adminstra- tion, little transpired in the concerns of Providence, that can now be gathered from the records. There appear to have been elections of some town officers in 1687 and 8, but none in 1689. In January 1687, a tax of a penny in a pound was assessed, another in July and another in September, and one for £12,3,3 in October. According to the warrant is- sued by John Usher, Treasurer, July 20th, there was a poll tax of one shilling and eight-pence on each male over sixteen years of age. This tax in Janua- ry, was assessed on one hundred twenty-seven polls, in July, on one hundred eighty-one, in September, on the same number. The October tax was paya- ble in corn at two shillings and rye at two shillings and eight-pence, per bushel, beef at one penny halfpenny, pork at two-pence, and butter at six- pence, per pound. 23 178 GENERAL HISTORY. It appears from the warrants issued for the assess- ment and collection of these taxes, that six men were appointed for assessing them called Selectmen, Townsmen and Overseers. Three of their number were to be changed each year ; what other duties these officers had to perform, does not appear. The warrants were directed to an officer, styled Commissioner. He was probably selected by the Governor and Council. The 29th day of April, 1688, was appointed by Sir Edmund, as a day of public thanksgiving and solemn praise, because of his Majesty's " apparent hopes and good assurance of having issue by his royal consort the Queen." There was a diversity of opinion then, whether there was any cause for thanksgiving. In 1693, a circumstance of unforeseen and extra- ordinary nature interrupted the peaceful progress of this town. At the June town meeting, a town ser- geant and constable were elected, as usual. The persons elected refused to serve. Another town meeting was subsequently holden, the record of which ends with this desponding language, that " the town having met now three days and endeav- oring to effect and accomplish the settling of the said officers, but those who are chosen, still refusing to serve, the town are constrained to cease further choice and leave the matter to issue as it may." The like has never occurred since. Probably they had heard of the decision of Knickerbocker's Dutch governor, requiring the constable to pay the costs in a suit where he served the process. That might GENERAL HISTORY. 179 satisfactorily account for the occurrence, but in civ- ilized society, there is generally little want of candi- dates for office, at least, it is so in modern times. In 1695, the General Assembly ordered a prison to be built in Providence. At a town meeting in February, the town agreed to erect it " near the water's side, next Gideon Crawford's warehouse." The prison was to be ten feet by twelve. Judging from the contentious spirit manifested in their town meetings, one cannot imagine that a prison of these dimensions, afforded very ample and roomy accom- modations for such a community. At the April town meeting, the town voted to change the loca- tion, but says the record, " whilst the matter was in propagating by the town, obstruction was made by Samuel Windsor, against the same, thereby raising such a tumult amongst the people, that the modera- tor was put upon to dissolve the meeting." No fur- ther proceedings appear in the matter till 1698. In that year a tax of £30 was ordered for the building of a prison. The building was finished as appears by a report of the building committee, before Janua- ry 1700, at the cost of £21.17, exclusive of the locks. This prison was destroyed by fire before February 1705. For some reasons not given in the record, the General Assembly of the colony, required Joseph Latham and John Scott to build a jail as good as the one which was burnt, or pay £33. At the February session 1705, they, having neglected to erect the building, were ordered to pay the £33, thirty of which were appropriated to the erection of a new one. The 180 GENERAL HISTORY, first jail, it will be recollected, was built at the ex- pense of the town. I have not been able to ascer- tain the precise location of either of these buildings; probably they both occupied the same lot of land. Upon a plat of part of the town made in 1718, "the prison lot" is marked out. This I suppose was the location of the prisons erected in 1698 and in 1705, and is the lot nearly opposite the First District School House, on the west side of Benefit-street. It is be- lieved that a part of the last prison is still standing on that lot, making part of the dwelling house there. This lot was abandoned by the state in 1733, and sold in 1738. The third prison was erected about 1733, on a lot purchased of Wilham Page, on the north side of the road leading to the ferry at nar- row passage. This gave to that road, the name of " Jail Lane," which it now sometimes bears, though it has been changed " by authority" to Meet- ing-street. It was not far from where Benefit-street now crosses Meeting-street. The fourth prison in Providence, was erected in 1753, on a lot of land granted to the state by the proprietors of Providence, adjoining the cove, and west of the lot on which the court house now stands. It was erected on the west part of this lot, standing partly over the water. This building ceased to be used as a prison in the sum- mer of 1799. In June 1794, the General Assembly appointed a committee to build a jail, to be three stories high, fifty-three by forty-two feet, on the ground, at an expense of £2000. The committee was afterwards in January following instructed to build such a jail as the representatives of the county GENERAL HISTORY. 181 of Providence should recommend, at an expense, not exceeding £2000. The labors of this committee were interrupted by a vote of the Assembly abolishing all capital and corporeal punishments, and substituting therefor, imprisonment at hard labor, and they were instructed to report a plan for a jail, Avhich should combine with it a state penitentiary. The plan was so far matured in June 1797, that the Assembly or- dered the committee to fill up the lot and lay a foun- dation for a county jail and state prison, according to the plan presented to them. They proceeded in their labors, but were again interrupted in January 1798, by a repeal of the vote for building a state prison, and they were directed to erect a county jail on the foundation, laid for the state prison. It was then completed, by contract for ;^8500, and contin- ued to be used as a jail until the erection of the state penitentiary in 1 838. It will long be remembered, in its latter days, as a disgrace to the state and a nui- sance to the town. It occupied the lot granted to the state by the proprietors of Providence. A number of freemen of the state, in January 1835, presented a petition to the General Assembly praying them to abolish corporeal punishments and adopt confinement at labor in a state prison in lieu of them. The matter being of grave moment, the Assembly referred it to the freemen at their meeting in April following to decide, whether a state prison should be built and the expense thereof defrayed by a tax on rateable property. At the May session it appeared that 4,433 freemen had voted in the af- firmative and 502 in the negative. Measures were \9!t GENERAL HISTORY. immediately taken to carry the will of the people into effect. At subsequent sessions, the Assembly adopted the Pennsylvania system of dicipline, sepa- rate confinement at labor with instruction, and deci- ded that the necessary buildings should be erected in Providence, on a lot of land owned by the city, at Great Point, so called, on the cove. The work was soon commenced and was prosecuted with rea- sonable despatch. Sometime after its commence- ment, the Assembly resolved to erect a new coun- ty jail near to and adjoining the state prison, in order to avail themselves of the conveniences of the former, and of the services of the warden, with- out additional expense to the state. The original plan of the state prison embraced, a keeper's house tvv^o stories high, forty-eight feet square fronting the cove ; adjoining this on the north, as mall connect- ing building, uniting it with the state prison, and the prison, forty-eight feet by ninety-three feet, two stories high. A corridor, ten and a half feet wide passes through the centre of the prison, on each side of which are cells for prisoners. These are forty in number, twenty in each story. Those on the lower floor are eight feet by fifteen, and nine feet high ; those on the second floor are eight feet by twelve, and nine feet high at the lowest part, extending to the roof. All the walls of the prison are of granite blocks, laid in courses, and secured by iron cramps. The keeper's house is of common stone, rough cast. A stone wall fifteen feet high, encloses on the west, north and east sides, a yard one hundred and twenty-two feet by two hundred and forty-one. GENERAL HISTORY. 18$ The county jail adjoins the keeper's house on the east. It is twenty-seven feet by sixty-six, two sto- ries high. It is divided into eighteen cells, seven feet by nine, and four rooms for the accommo- dation of two persons in each intended for the use of persons committed for debt. Unlike the cells in the state prison, the cells in the county jail are in the centre of the building, the corridor being between them and the walls of the building. The conse- quence is, that they are not by any means so well ventilated as the cells of the prison. The cells in each establishment are supplied with water from a cistern standing in the upper story of the connecting building, and are warmed by hot water pipes ex- tending through them. Those who have been committed to the care of the keeper in the state prison, have been unanimous in declaring the establishment to be as near impregna- ble from within, as any similar establishment which they have visited. It was first occupied on the 15th day of November 1 838. Since then thirty-six prison- ers have been committed to it, of which twenty-four are now its inmates, the rest having been discharged at the expiration of their sentences, except two, who were pardoned by the General Assembly. The county jail has gained for itself any thing but an enviable reputation. The pohcy of erecting it so near the state prison, may now be doubted, while the inexpediency of its mode of construction and its materials is proved beyond doubt. There does not appear to have been any order of the town appointing the meetings of the town coun- IS4 GENERAL HISTORY. cil, till 1695. They were then required to be holden monthly, on the Tuesday next before the full moon. In 1 696 the ferry at narrow passage was in the pos- session of Mary Edmonds, widow of Andrew Ed- monds. The " King's Post" was permitted to pass free of ferriage. This is the earliest mention that is made of a public post, and this is all that is said upon the subject. In June 1700, the lot lying "between Archibald Walker's southward to the brook that cometh out of Samuel Whipple's land, eastward with the highway, and westward and northwestward with Moshassuck river" was voted by the town to remain common, "for a training field, burying ground and other public uses." The burying place was to be run out by a committee appointed for that purpose. These bounds include not only what is now enclosed and known as the north burial ground, but a large tract lying to the southward and westward of that, which is now improved by variouus individuals. Previous to this, most of the old families had family burial grounds, which were generally on some part of their home or house lots. The establishment of this common bu- rial ground did not, in many instances, immediately supersede the use of the family burial grounds be- fore established. Perhaps there is no cicumstance that more strongly marks the rigid separation views of the first settlers of Providence, than this. The parish church-yard in England was generally adjoin- ing to or around the parish church. Though, after the reformation, they ceased to consecrate such pla- ces with the imposing rites and ceremonies of the GENERAL HISTORY. I 85 Romish church, there was still a kind of sanctity at- tached to them in the popular mind. They retained their locations near the church, thus by proximity of position drawing from it a portion of the sacred character it bore. The first settlers of New-Eng- land, influenced probably by their early associa- tions, selected similar locations for their burial grounds. But in Providence, as if to show their complete independency, and to testify even after death, their rigid separation, such early associations were disregarded, and every thing was made as un- like the church of England, and the semi-separatist churches of New-England, as possible. It is matter of regret that they had not, at an earlier period, set apart a common burial place for the town. An oc- casional walk through such a " city of silence" might have calmed the angry passions that so often dis- turbed the peace of their town, and would have ren- dered the task of some future Old Mortality who shall search for their resting places, far less difficult and laborious. Most of these private family burial grounds have long since been abandoned, and the mouldering remains of the tenants removed to the public burial ground, or to one of the places of sep- ulture more recently established by the different re- ligious societies. Of a colony tax of £400, ordered in 1701, the proportion of Providence was £65. From this it would seem, that this town, in the opinion of the General Assembly, had recovered the comparative standing in point of wealth, which it enjoyed before PhiHp's war. In 1703, the colony was first divided 24 186 GENERAL HISTORY. into counties. There were two, Providence Plan- tations, and Rhode-Island. The first embraced all the towns on the main land, and the other, the isl- and towns. Inferior courts were established, at the same time, to be holden in each county. That within the county of Providence Plantations, was holden twice in each year, and at Providence, War- wick, Kingstown and Westerly by turns. This was indeed bringing justice to every man's door, al- though the terms of the court would not secure a very speedy administration of it there. In 1729, the county of Providence was divided into two counties, and the town of Kingstown, which before that had been divided into North-Kingstown and South-Kingstown, and the town of Westerly were set off and made King's county. Subsequently, in 1750, the county of Providence was again divided and the towns of Warwick, East- Greenwich, West-Green- wich and Coventry, set off and made a county, under the name of Kent county. In 1705, Weybosset Bridge required rebuilding, and a committee appointed by the town were di- rected to call on every individual to solicit subscrip- tions for that purpose. The subscription paper is in the files of the city clerk's office. It contains only fourteen names. The highest sum subscrib- ed was £6, by Gideon Crawford, and the whole amount £21,9. The probabihty is that the com- mittee did not call on the inhabitants generally, or they would have obtained more signatures and col- lected a larger amount. In 1711, the General Assembly granted £200 out GENERAL HISTORY. 187 of the general treasury toward building bridges at Pawtucket, Weybosset and Pawtuxet. Similar appropriations of various amounts were subsequently made, not only for the repairs of these bridges and others which stood on the main road laid out by the General Assembly through the colony from Pawtuck- et to Pawcatuck, over which was the principal part of the travel from Massachusetts to New York, but also of other bridges throughout the colony. For instance, in 1736, £15 was granted toward erecting a bridge over the Wanasquatucket river at five acre wading place ; in 1739, £53 toward completing one at Woonsocket ; in 1740, £25 for erecting one over Muddy Bridge dock at Providence ; and in 1752, £50 more, for the same purpose. The last mentioned bridge was located in Weybosset-street in Providence, opposite the North end of Dorrance-street. It is said that spring tides formerly flowed across from Dorrance-street into the cove. When these appropri- ations for the support of bridges in the several towns ceased the towns were declared by the General As- sembly liable to repair the same at their own ex- pense. A colony tax of £1000 was ordered in 1705, pay- able in wheat at three shilhngs eight-pence, rye at two shillings six-pence, corn at two shillings, barley at one shilling eight-pence, oats at one shilling per bush, and wool at nine-pence per lb. In 1710, there were seven licenses granted for houses of pubhc entertain- ment and for retailing liquors. The highest sum paid for any one license was £2. The election of town coun- cil in 1 713 was made with a view to this subject. At 188 GENERAL HISTORY. the annual town meeting, six town council men were chosen as usual, but the moderator refused to engage them, because the majority of them were keepers of public houses or retailers of strong liquor. The freemen persisted in their choice, and the meeting was adjourned to another day without bringing the election to a close. At the adjourned meeting a council was elected. The council first chosen, en- tered a protest against their election, but it seems they held their seats. They differed in opinion not upon the question whether any licenses should be granted, but upon the amount that each licensed person should be required to pay into the town treas- ury. There really existed a seeming impropriety in having those first chosen, act on this question ; but that was the business of the freemen who elect- ted them. Now it would rightly be deemed a high- handed act, for a magistrate to refuse to administer the oath of office to an individual, duly elected, be- cause he disliked his principles. In 1710, the colony agreed to raise two hundred men, to go in the expedition against Port Royal. Each town was required to send a certain proportion and the quota of Providence was forty, and eight In- dians. Of the one hundred and seventy-nine men raised in 171 1 for the Canada expedition. Providence was required to raise thirty-five. At the May session of the General Assembly 1710, a law was passed authorizing the emission of paper money. This was the first paper money issued in this state. The measure had been resorted to in Massachusetts some years previously, and it owes its GENERAL HISTORY 189 origin in all the colonies to the expenses incurred in their several expeditions against the French posses- sions in America, in the wars between England and France. During this and the succeeding year, this colony issued between thirteen and fourteen thou- sand pounds in bills of public credit. In 1712 no further emissions were made, but, it seems that it was proposed to resort again to this measure in the fol- lowing year. The subject was agitated in a meet- ing of the freemen of Providence, and a protest against it was drawn up, signed by the town clerk, and sent to the General Assembly. There is no copy of this paper in the files of the Secretary of State, nor was it entered in the records of the town; it is impossible, therefore, to ascertain upon what grounds their opposition to further issues of bills of credit, was placed. The records of the State do not show that the subject was brought before the General Assembly that year. No more bills were is- sued that year, nor till 1715. From that year till 1786, the colony continued the emission of paper money, as the exigences of the times, and private in- terest under the cloak of the public weal, demanded. The town was visited by the small pox in 1716, but to what extent does not appear ; enough how- ever to obtain a place in the records. The atten- tion of the town was called, in 1717, to their debt which had been accumulating for several years. — The town tax had rarely exceeded sixty pounds a year, but this year a tax of £150 was ordered. The greater part of the debt accrued in the support of the poor and in laying out highways. A tax of the 190 GENERAL HISTORY. same amount was ordered in 1720. The necessity of this, arose in part from the different bounties offer- ed for the destruction of certain animals. In 1 7 1 6 the bounty on wolves was twenty shillings, and on grey squirrels twopence. Some estimate of the numbers of the latter may be formed from the fact that in 1720 the town owed sixteen pounds for bounties on grey squirrels. The bounty was repealed in July 1723, but renewed in October and increased to threepence. In the following year rats were rated at the same price. The bounty on wildcats was five shillings ; in 1729, it was raised to ten. There seems to have been a failure of the grain crop in 1724. The General Assembly passed an act preventing the exportation of corn till the common price should be five shillings per bushel, and directed the General Treasurer to purchase two thousand bushels, to be disposed of to the inhabitants in small quantities. At the general election in the spring of 1727, Jo- seph Jenckes, of Providence, was elected Governor of the colony. All his predecessors in that office under the charter of 1663, belonged to Newport, and the General Assembly deemed it expedient for Governor Jenckes to reside there, with his family. They made him a grant of one hundred pounds from the General Treasury to defray the charges of re- moving his family. Sanmel Cranston, his immediate predecessor in the office of Governor, died in April. He had been elected to the office twenty-nine years in succession ; a longer term it is believed, than any GENERAL HISTORY. 191 other individual ever held a, similar office in New- England. At a session of the Assembly holden in August, measures were adopted for proclaiming the acces- sion of George the second to the throne of Great Britain. The proclamation at Newport, was on the 24th of August, and at Providence, on the 25th. The General Assembly appropriated ten pounds to be expended on the occasion at Providence. Ac- cording to tradition, the proclamation in Providence was first read from a balcony in the second story on the west end of the Manufacturers' Hotel, in Market- Square. George the third was proclaimed king from the same balcony, and afterwards the Declara- tion of Independence, in 1776, the restoration of peace, in 1783, and the adoption of the Constitution of the United States by this State, in 1790, were published Irom the same place. The balcony had become ruinous and was taken down a few years since. At the division of the county of Providence Plan- tations, in 1729, a county house was ordered to be erected, at the expense of the colony, in each of the three counties which then composed the colony. At the October session of the General Assembly, a committee reported in favor of a location on land of Wilham Page, the same lot now occupied by the city school house on Meeting-street. The report was adopted, but at the session in February following, the matter was reconsidered, and it was left to the freemen of Providence in town meeting to determine whether it should be erected on that lot or on land 192 GENERAL HISTORY. of James Olney, on or near what is now Olney- street. In March the freemen selected the Page lot. In January preceding, the town voted to assist in the erection of the house, if they could have the use of it for their town meetings, and the direction as to its site, prescribing also that the building should be forty feet by thirty on the ground, and eighteen feet posts, with a chimney from the chamber floor. This accounts for the act of the Assembly passed in January. The committee for building the house were William Smith and James Brown, jr. Their accounts were audited in October 1731 ; the amount was six hundred and sixty-four pounds nine shilhngs. It was probably finished that year, but not until after April town meeting, as that appears by the record to have been holden in the Friends' meeting-house. This building was destroyed by fire on the eve- ning of the 24th of December 1758. Permission had been given to an association of persons, after- wards incorporated as the Providence Library Com- pany, to use one of the chambers for a library. By avaihng themselves of this grant, they lost their whole collection of books. In February following a committee consisting of Joseph Brownell, Obadiah Brown, Wilham Read, Thomas Arnold, Joshua Babcock and Joseph Russell, was appointed to inquire in what part of Providence it would be expedient to erect a new court-house, and what kind of a building should be built. At the ensu- ing May session the General Assembly resolved to erect the court house on the lot where the former one stood or upon the lot next north of it, provided GENERAL HISTORY. 193 that could be obtained without expense to the colo- ny. Allen Brown, William Smith and David Har- ris were appointed the building committee. At the June session, a lottery was granted to raise ^2000, one half for building the court house and the other for replacing the Library. In February, another lottery grant was given, to raise ^1200 for the Provi- dence Library Company, and one to raise ^1000 to purchase the court-house lot. In May, the General Assembly had recourse to bills of credit towards building the court-house, and £1000 lawful money was issued for that purpose. A further issue of £15,000 old tenor, for the same object, was made in February, 1761. The cost of the building, so far as completed in 1762, was reported by a committee, to be £51,556,0,11 old tenor. The tradition is, that the building committee decided upon the erection of a much smaller edifice and that the architect, bet- ter understanding or appreciating the wants of the colony, erected the present one, without consulting them, and that the difference was not discovered until it had so far g-dvanced, that it would cost less to finish it than to pull down and begin anew. If so, the conduct of the architect may rightly be called a pious fraud. This may have occasioned the great delay in com- pleting it. It is a brick building, about forty feet by seventy, two stories high, of fair proportions and prepossessing appearance. At the time of its erec- tion, it might well bo esteemed large and commo- dious, for the purposes for which it was erected. The legislature and the courts of law still hold their se?;- 25 194 GENERAL HISTORV. sions in the upper story. Recently, that story has been fitted up anew, and rendered more conven- ient and showy than originally. The lower, story within a few years, has been occupied by the Secre- tary of State and the clerks of the courts. A census of the inhabitants was taken in 1730, in pursuance of an order from the King. The population of the colony was then. Whites, 15,302 ; Negroes, 1,648; Indians, 985; total, 16,935. Of Providence, Whites, 3,707 ; Negroes, 128 ; Indians, 81 ; total 3,916. Of Newport, Whites, 3,843 ; Ne- groes, 649 ; Indians, 248 ; total, 4,640. The cen- sus was taken before any division had been made of the town and probably included those who lived on " the Gore," since called Cumberland, as that was declared to be within Providence by the General Assembly at their session in May. The militia of the colony were then divided into five regiments. There were five companies of militia in Providence. It was contemplated in 1738, to establish a county work house, for the poor in the county of Provi- dence. The town appointed William Hopkins to represent them in a meeting called to consider the matter. It is not perhaps necessary to add, that the design was not carried into execution. The project was renewed by the towns of Provi- dence, Smithfield, Scituate, Glocester and Cumber- land, before the General Assembly, at their February session, 1753. Those towns were authorised to erect such a house, and to appoint one individual from each town, to have the oversight and man- agement of it. Any town in the counties of Bristol GENERAL HISTORY, 195 and Kent, had a right to join in the undertaking. The expense of the building was to be apportioned as the colony tax, but each town was to pay for the sup- port of its own paupers, who should become inmates of the institution. If this was ever estabhshed, it continued as a joint concern but a very short time. Out of it in all probability arose the " Old work house," which formerly stood on the corner of Smith and Charles streets. A long, low brick building that was, which promised httle to the poor unfortunate beings who were compelled to inhabit it. To those who recollect it, it can be associated with no feehngs of pride, for the provision there made for the poor, nor with any fear that it would increase the evils of pauperism. Some of the paupers of Providence continued to exist in it, until the erection of the Dex- ter Asylum in 1828. Long before that, it had be- come a place rather of punishment than relief. In the rear of it, in 1796, the town erected their Bride- well. This was a small stone building, thirty-two feet by fourteen, ten feet high, intended for the de- tention and punishment of the lowest order of petty criminals. Neither of these estabHshments are re- ferred to out of choice. They have existed, and there- fore they are referred to. Whatever of good resulted from them, if any did, must have been in their early days, before they fell within the author's knowledge In 1 803, the attention of the town was again call- ed to their expenditures for the support of the poor. By a report, made by a committee appointed on the subject, it appears that forty-one persons, of whom twenty-six were children, were then wholly depen- 196 GENERAL HISTORY, dent on the town. The most of the&e were boarded out. The support of these persons, with the supphes furnished to other persons, partially dependent, cost the town the year ending June, 1803, j^3660. The committee recommended, that until an alms house for the poor, and a house of labor for the idle, the in- temperate and the disorderly, should be erected, the overseers should continue the ordinary course of providing for the poor. They were directed to purchase a lot for a workhouse. This was done, and the " Sessions lot," so called, near the north end of the town, was purchased for that purpose. No al- teration was made in the mode of supporting the poor, until long after this. A few were consigned to the old work house, the greater part were boarded out. Up to 1739, the only public means of crossing the Seekonk river where it bounded Providence, were the bridge at Pawtucket, and the ferry, at narrow pas- sage. A private ferry had been kept for some time near where Washington Bridge now stands. A pe- tition was preferred to the General Assembly, at May session, by Josiah Fuller and Ehsha Tillinghast, to establish a public ferry at this place. The project was delayed by another petition subsequently pre- ferred by Daniel Abbott to have one established at a different place, probably further down the river. The matter was referred to a committee and does not again appear in the colony records. Subsequently, a ferry was established at the place suggested in the first petition. The ferriage was regulated by the General Assembly in 1746. GENERAL HISTORY. 197 The town had, almost from its first settlement, held, quarter-yearly meetings on the 27th days of April, July, October, and January. This year, the days of meeting were changed to the second Mondays of the same months. In 1744, the meetings in April and October were appointed to be on the third Wednes- days in those months. Among the papers in the cabinet of the Histori- cal Society is a printed broadside, entitled, " A jour- nal of a survey of Narragansett Bay made in May and June 1741 by order of royal commissioners, by one of the surveyors. W. C." Providence is thus described in it. " This pleasant town doth border on the flood, Here's neighboring orchards, and more back the woods, Here's full supply to cheer our hungry souls. Sir Richard, strong, as well as wine, in bowls. Here men may soon any religion find, Which quickly brought brave Holland to my mind, For here, like there, one, with the greatest ease, May suit himself, or quit all if he please." The commissioners here referred to, were those who settled the eastern line of the colony. They sat at Providence in June 1741. The province of Massachusetts appealed from their decision, to the King in council, where it was confirmed, after a hearing, in 1746. In 1744 commenced the lottery system in this colony, out of which so much good and so much evil have arisen. The first grant of a lottery, by the General Assembly, was at the October session, to build a bridge at Weybosset. The amount of the scheme was £15,000, out of which £3,000 was to 198 GENERAL HISTORY. go toward erecting the bridge. The managers of the lottery were, Wilham Rice, of Warwick, Dan- iel Jenckes, George Brown, Stephen Hopkins, and Daniel Smith, of Providence, and Job Randall, of Scituate. To encourage the lottery, or rather to encourage the citizens to adventure in it, the town, in July following, purchased four hundred tickets. They did not meet however with the rapid sale they anticipated; or some misunderstanding arose between the managers and building committee of the town, for the latter, in October 1745, were directed not to proceed to build till further orders. The General Assembly in February following, at the request of the town, directed the £3,000 to be lodged in the town treasury and to be laid out under the direction of the town. The bridge to be built was eighteen feet in width. The eastern abutment was carried out thirty feet^ and the western four, of the same breadth. It rested on a stone pillar in the middle. While the bridge was building, the General Assembly appointed a ferry to be kept there. Amaziah Wa- terman was chosen ferryman on the east side, and Job Sweeting on the west. The bridge had been rebuilt, about 1719. Before that, it was carried away by a freshet. It is difficult to imagine a time, when a bridge, only eighteen feet wide, would be sufficient to accommodate the public at that place. The population of the colony in 1748 amounted to 4,128. Douglas says, the number of freemen who vo- ted in Providence, this year, was 96, the number of rep- resentatives, 4, of justices of the peace, 13, of compa- nies of militia, 4. The whole number of Whites, 3, 1 77, GENERAL HISTORY. 199 Negroes, 225, Indians, 50. The records show no defic- iency of Hcensed tavern-keepers. In 1749, there were 31 ; in 1750, thirty. The highest sums paid were by Joseph Angell, Wilham Pearce, and Jonathan Olney, eight pounds each. Of a colony tax of £5,000, or- dered in 1748, Providence paid £550, and Newport £825. The debit side of the town treasurer's ac- count, the same year, amounted to £1,165,5,5. A town tax of £1,600 was ordered in 1749. Up to the year 1754, there does not appear to have been any measures taken, by the govern- ment of the colony, or town, to protect property from the ravages of fire. This year, the inhabitants of the compact part of Providence petitioned for power to purchase a " large water engine." Oba- diah Brown and James Angell were appointed a committee to " rate the housing and all other things in the compact part of the town of Providence which are hable to be destroyed by fire," a sum suflicient to purchase the engine petitioned for. A law was also passed by the colony requiring each housekeep- er to be provided with two fire buckets. It is proba- ble they waited to have their attention called to this matter, by some devastating fire, either here or in some neighboring place. The destruction of the courthouse by fire in 1758, seems to have called the attention of the town again to the subject. In Feb- ruary following an act of the Assembly was passed, giving the town power to appoint presidents of fire- wards and firewards. The rate for their enmne, though assessed, was not paid till April 1759. It appears that the engine was purchased some time 200 GENERAL HISTORY. before. In December 1760, the same persons were authorized, at a meeting of the compact part of the town, to purchase another engine, in Boston. En- gine men were first appointed by the town, in June 1763. This, it is apprehended, is the commencement of the fire department, in Providence. From this small beginning, it has gradually and steadily increased, in proportion to the increase of the town. In 1842, it consisted of three presidents of firewards, eighteen firewards, and six hundred firemen, attached to three hydraulions, nine suction engines, two hook and lad- der carriages, eight hose carriages, seventeen forcing stationary engines, having eight thousand feet of hose, and eighteen reservoirs. The department will not suffer, by comparison with that of any other city in the Union. Of a colony tax assessed in 1755, of £70,000, New- port was required to pay £14,000, South Kingstown, £5200, Providence £4900. The town tax the next year was £2600, and in 1757, £3000. The number of tavern keepers' licenses vary in several years, but are generally, from twenty to thirty. The highest amount paid by any individual was £12. The town council generally met at the house of some one of these licensed tavern keepers, and dined there, at the expense of the town. It does not appear that they received any compensation for their services. In an account on file, in the city clerk's office, Luke Thurston charges the council with " dinners, &c." — " dinners and hquor" — " dinners, punch and wine." The constituted authorities then deemed it proper to GENERAL HISTORY. 201 patronize the houses tliey Hcensed, and there does ^ not appear any great disproportion, between the amounts charged for dinners and for the hquor that followed them. For instance, April 3, 1757, six dinners are charged at £5,8, punch £2. May 28, seven dinners at £6,6, punch, £2. In March and April, 1758, nearly two thousand of the king's troops were quartered in Providence, for a short time. They were destined against the French possessions in America. At a town meeting in April, David Buckhn present- ed a petition to the town for permission to erect a market house, on the lot at the east end of Weybosset Bridge, belonging to the town, for his sole benefit ; which was granted. He did not carry his plan into execution, probably owing to the dissatisfaction that the grant created among the inhabitants. In June following, Daniel Abbott, Ephraim Bowen and Daniel Jenckes were appointed by the town to build a public market house at the same place, provided it could be done without expense to the town. The condition imposed frustrated the plan. It does not appear to have been revived until 1769, when an anonymous writer in the Provi- dence Gazette, called the attention of the town to the subject. Although he enforced the importance of the matter, with many cogent reasons, no steps were taken to carry it into execution, until August, 1771, when the town resolved to erect a market house near " the bridge." The location seems not to have been generally approved, for at the same 26 202 GENERAL HISTORY. iiieetiii"', some of the inhabitants on the west side of the river, presented a petition for leave to build a market house on Muddy Bridge dock, now known as Oorrance-street, which was granted; another por- tion presented a similar petition to build one on the town's land east of Mill bridge, which was also grant- ed. The grant of a lottery was obtained from the General Assembly, to build the town market house. The directors were Stephen Hopkins and Joseph Brown, to whom the town entrusted the erection of the building. The work was commenced on the 24th day of May 1773. Nicholas Brown, laid the first stone on the 11th day of June following. It was a brick structure, eighty feet by forty, and two stories high. The lower story was used as a market, and the second divided into offices, and oc- cupied partly by the officers of the town, and partly by tenants. In 1797, the town granted to St. John's Lodge of free and accepted masons, the right to add a third story to the market house, to be used by them as a hall, until the town should see proper to pur- chase it, they keeping the roof in repair. A base- ment story was subsequently formed by the town, and also used for a market. In April, 1819, the town directed a fish market to be erected, near to the north east corner of Weybos- set bridge, and partly over the river. A hght, com- modious wooden building, twelve feet by sixty, was accordingly erected there, the following summer. After the erection of the new bridge, just north of Weybosset bridge, in 1828, the fish market was re- moved to the northward of that bridge. The town (GENERAL HISTORY. 203 never purchased more advantages, at the same cost, than this market has afforded them. In 1755, the commissioners of trade and plantations directed an account to be taken of the number of inhabitants in the colony, and the quantity of arms and ammunition in the hands of private persons. A document pre- pared and sent by Gov. Hopkins, dated December 24th, 1755, shows the result. The whole population of the colony is reported to be 35,939 Whites, and 4697 Blacks— 9177 men, 8944 women— 8783 boys— 9035 girls. The men able to bear arms, amounted to 2997 — the enlisted soldiers, to 5265. There were, in the colony, 5032 small arms, 2418 swords, 624 pistols, 3286 lbs. of powder, 64,689 balls. By the same return. Providence is stated to contain 747 men, 741 women, 665 boys, 754 girls, and 262 Blacks — 275 men able to bear arms, 406 enlisted soldiers — 349 small arms, 181 swords, 56 pistols, 762 lbs. of powder, 3871 balls. This statement shows a very rapid increase of population in the colony. The following paper is inserted, as showing the readiness with which some of the principal citizens of Providence enlisted, to serve his majesty, against the French in America. The original is among tlie pa- pers of the late Moses Brown, a copy of which was deposited by him in the cabinet of the Historical So- ciety. Whereas the British colonies in America are invaded by a large army of French and Indian enemies, who have already possessed themselves of Fort William Henry, and are now on their march to penetrate further into the country, and from whom we have nothing to expect, should they succeed in their enter- prise, but death and devastation; and a^ hi,'5 m^jes'fy's pr'ncipal 204 GENERAL HISTORY. officers, in the part invaded, have, in the most pressing and niov- intr manner, called on all his majesty's faithful subjects for as- sistance, to defend the country, therefore, we, whose names are underwritten, thinking it our duty to do every thing in our pow- er, for the defence of our liberties, families and properties, are willincr and have agreed, to enter voluntarily into the service of our country, and go in a warlike manner against the common enemy, and hereby call upon and invite all our neighbors who have families and properties to defend, to join with us in this undertaking, promising to march, as soon as we are two hun- dred and fi!ty in number, recommending ourselves and our cause to the favorable protection of Almighty God. Providence, August 15, 1757. Stephen Hopkins, Nicholas Brown, Obadiah Brown, Joseph Brown, Nicholas Cooke, William Wheaton, Barzillai Richmond, William Smith, Joseph Bucklin, Jonathan Clark, John Randall, Jonathan Ballou, John Cole, James Thurber, Gideon Manchester, Amos Kinnicut, Ephraim Bowen, surgeon, Nathaniel Olney, John Waterman, Joseph Lawrence, Joseph Arnold, Theophilus Williams, John Bass, chaplain, John Power, John Thomas, jr. Benjamin Olney, Allen Brown, George Hopkins, Benoni Pearce, Edward Smith, Barnard Eddy, Joseph Winsor, Benjamin Doubleday, Joseph Cole. The foregoing names, and many others, were prepared, in- tending to march the next day ; the militia, under Col. John An- drews,had marched ; but an express arriving with the intelligence, that the French and Indian army had gone back, the volunteers herein named did not march, but the militia had got to the widow of Resolved Waterman's in Smithfield, where I was sent with orders for their return, in consequence, of the return of the French and Indian army ; which as a historical fact, I thought well to preserve. " MOSES BROWN." In 1761 and 1762, and 1763, grants of lotteries were very frequent. Several were made to the town GENERAL HISTORY. 205 to raise £21,300, for paving streets, one was made to the Church of England, to repair their church and build a steeple, one to the Congregational Society, to purchase parsonage, &c. At the October session, 1761, of the General As- sembly, the deputies of Providence represented, that on the 24th of October, 1761, there was " a hard gale of wind which brought the highest tide into the harbor of Providence that hath been known in the memory of man, and carried away the Great or Weybosset bridge." £1000, old tenor, was grant- ed from the general treasury, toward rebuilding it. The whole cost, at this time of rebuilding it, was £4357,10,1. A lottery was subsequently granted, to build a draw in this bridge. From this circumstance, it is probable that none of the preceding bridges had draws in them. This would seem improbable, from the fact, that much ship-building was carried on above the bridge ; unless the planking of the bridge could be removed, so as to enable vessels to pass. After this, vessels from the West Indies, with full car- goes, went up as far as the foot of Bowen-street. The tradition is, that the first square rigged vessel that ever sailed from the port, sailed from a wharf as high up as the canal market. That great and im- portant changes have taken place, not only in the depth, but in the course of the channel of the river, is frequently demonstrated, by excavations made at a great distance from the present channel. He who should examine a plat in the proprietors' office, made in 1718, would hardly recognize the places there de- signated. 20G GENERAL HISTORY. Of a colony tax of £16,000, ordered in 1761, £972 was assessed on Providence, and £3200 on Newport. A new estimate of the taxable property of the colo- ny was ordered this year, and completed in the fol- lowing one, the effect of which was to increase the taxes of Providence. In a colony tax of £8000, ordered in September, 1762, £500 was assessed on Providence, and £1560 on Newport. This estimate caused much trouble, both to town and colony ; the town refused to assess any tax, until a new estimate was ordered. WilHam Goddard set up the first printing office in Providence, in the year 1762. Among the earli- est inhabitants was a printer, Gregory Dexter, but he never followed his trade, here. The articles first printed in Providence, were a hand-bill headed "Mo- ro Castle taken by storm," and a play bill. In a let- ter written afterwards by Mr. Goddard to Isaiah Thomas, then at Worcester, he says he thinks this was in June. He adds in the same letter, " much com- pany from Boston, &c., attended the theatre and were highly gratified. The theatrical campaign was short. Party politics occasioned the suppression of plays." Mr. Thomas states, in his second volume of the His- tory of Printing, that the "first play, publicly per- formed, in New-England, was by Douglas and his company, at Providence, in 1762." David Douglas, the manager, was a Scotchman ; he brought with him the first company of players that ever perform- ed in North- America. This was about 1758. The place of performance, in Providence, was on Meet- ing-street, east of Benefit-street. The suggestion GENERAL HISTORY, 207 that party politics caused the suppression of plays, is probably incorrect. The subject was debated by the town in July, and the deputies of the town in- structed to procure the passage of an act prohibiting them. Such an act was passed in August following. Party politics may have influenced the General As- sembly, but it is quite improbable that the town were moved, by the same cause. After the passage of the act, the tradition is, that the sheriff of the county, Paul Tew, brought a copy of the act from New- port, and attended the theatre with it in his pocket. The direction in the act was, that it should be pub- lished forthwith, and after the performance was fin- ished, he discharged this duty, by reading the act. The law remained in force for some time. After its repeal, theatrical exhibitions continued, at intervals, in different parts of the town. Plays were so much in vogue, at one time, that they were exhibited in the court house ; at another time, about 1 794, in a build- ing long since removed, which stood in the rear of the old coffee house, so called, between North Main street and the cove, near Weybosset bridge. Af- terwards, in 1795, the theatre, at the corner of West- minster and Mathewson streets was erected by a com- pany of proprietors. It was opened, under the man- agement of Mr. Harper, in September, 1795; the first evening's performance being " the Child of Na- ture," and " Rosina or the Reapers." The celebra- ted tragedian, George Frederick Cooke, finished his professional career in this house. This continued to be occupied, with varied success, until 1832, when it was disposed of, and converted into an Episcopal 208 GENERAL HISTORY. church. From the sale of this house, up to 1839, there existed no theatre in Providence. Some en- terprising individuals associated themselves together, in the last named year, and erected the large and commodious theatre on Dorrance street. This building is of stone, 120 feet by 60, and cost about ;^20,000. It has not, probably, yielded that pecuni- ary advantage to the proprietors which they antici- pated. No notice has been taken of the progress of the two wars which England waged with France and Spain, between 1739 and 1763. The English col- onies engaged in them, with their whole soul ; but neither the town of Providence, nor the colony of Rhode-Island, was distinguished from the other col- onies, either by sufferings or exertions. CHAPTER FOURTH. GENERAL HISTORY. FROM THE PEACE OF ]7G3, TO THE PEACE OF 1783. The period embraced in this chapter, is one of the most important and interesting in American his- tory. The war which ended in 1763, disclosed the mihtary strength of the British colonies, and inured them to the toils and privations of the camp. They acquired military skill, and became accustomed to military discipline, under the experienced command- ers which were sent here by the mother country. Instead of being exhausted, they were enriched by this war. Many valuable prizes, the product nei- ther of their industry nor care, were taken from the enemy and brought into their ports. The mother country paid them large sums for their personal ser- vices, and much of the money expended on her own troops in the service, centred here. All that Great Britain gained, were splendid victories, a vast ac- cumulation to her national debt, and jurisdiction over provinces, which all experience since, has shown to be more costly than valuable to her. These circumstances, with others, induced the British government to attempt raising a revenue from her colonies, by enforcing her navigation acts, which had always been a dead letter, and by impos- ing stamp and other duties. The colonists had riot- 27 210 GENERAL HISTORY. ed too long in the full enjoyment of liberty, to sub- mit tamely to these burdens. They insisted that they were entitled to all the rights of native born Englishmen ; among which, and, by no means the least valuable, was the right of taxing themselves. However the colonies differed in their origin, or in their political or religious constitutions, they all agreed in this, that the right of imposing taxes resi- ded in the colonial legislatures and not in the British parhament. The stamp duty was felt by every indi- vidual, in the common and ordinary transactions of life, and thus it aroused the whole mass at once, to resistance. Long before the stamped paper arrived the people had determined that it should not be used. Those appointed to distribute it, were generally compelled to resign their offices. In some places, they suftered personal indignities, and in others, their houses and property were destroyed, by the popu- lace. No open act of violence occurred in Provi- dence. A special town meeting convened on the 7th day of August, 1765, to consider what steps were necessary to be taken. They appointed Stephen Hopkins, Nicholas Cooke, Samuel Nightingale, jr. John Brown, Silas Downer and James Angell, a committee to draft instructions to their representa- tives in the General Assembly. At an adjourned meeting on the 13th of the same month, they report- ed the following instructions which were adopted unanimously. " As a full and free enjoyment of British liberty and of our particular rights, as colonists, long since precisely known and ascertained by uninterrupted practice and usage from the first GENERAL HISTORY. 211 settlement of this country down to this time, is of unspeakable value, and strenuously to be contended for, by the dutiful sub- jects of the best frame of government in the world, any attempts to deprive them thereof, must be very alarming and ought to be op- ^ posed, although in a decent manner, yet with the utmost firmness. \ We conceive that some late resolutions of the Parliament of Great Britian, for taxing us without our consent, have a tenden- cy to divest us of our most valuable privileges as Englishmen ; and that the measures adopted by the ministry and the Parlia- ment, in this behalf, if carried into execution, will be a manifest infraction of our inherent rights as members of the British gov- ernment and unspeakably injurious in the present distressed and involved state of the colony. The ministry, in justification of this encroachment upon the incontestible rights of his Majesty's liege subjects in these parts of the world, have pretended that the colonies are represented in Parliament by the British members ; the contrary is so evident, that a bare denial is sufficient to refute it. The refusal of Parliament to hear the humble petitions of the colonies against the Stamp-Act, the enlargement of the admiralty jurisdiction and the burdening of trade, we look upon as a great grievance, and directly against our rights, as subjects. With the utmost concern and dread, we consider the exten- sion of the powers of the court of admiralty, and must freely de- clare to the whole world, that we look upon our natural rights to be diminished in the same proportion, as the powers of that court are extended ; and in this particular, we are unhappily distinguished from our fellow subjects in Great Britian. We think it needful in this critical conjuncture, to give unto you who are our deputies, some instructions to be by you ob- served in your representation of us in the General Assembly. In the -first place, we recommend it to you, in the most ex- press manner, to use your utmost endeavors that commissioners be appointed by the Assembly to meet with the commissioners from the other colonies on the continent, at New-York on the first day of October next, agreeably to the proposals and request of the province of the Massachusetts Bay, signified to this col- ony, in order to unite in a petition to the King, for relief from the Stamp-Act and other grievances. 212 GENERAL HISTORY, In the choice of these commissioners, we are assured from our knowledge of your virtue, that you will pay more attention to merit, skill in public business and zeal for the welfare of the colonies, than to any other consideration. We likewise request you to do all in your power, consistent with our relation to Great Britian, toward postponing the intro- duction of the Stamp-Act into this colony until the colonies may have opportunity to be heard in defence of such just rights as they will be deprived of by an execution of it. And to this end that you endeavor to procure our essential rights and privileges to be asserted in General Assembly, by votes or resolves to the following effect, to wit. I. That the first adventurers, settlers of this his Majesty's col- onyand dominion of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, brought with them and transmitted to their posterity, and all other his Majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this his Majesty's colo- ny, all the privileges and immunities, that have, at any time, been held, enjoyed and possessed by the people of Great Britian. II. That by a charter granted by King Charles the second, in the 15th year of his reign, it is declared and granted unto the Governor and company of this colony and their successors, that all and every subject of his said Majesty, his heirs and suc- cessors, which were then planted within the said colony, or which should thereafter go to inhabit within the said colony, and all and every of their children, which had been born there, or which should afterwards be born there, or on the sea, going thither, or returning from thence, should have and enjoy all the liberties and immunities of free and natural subjects within any of the dominions of his said Majesty, his heirs or successors, to all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever, as if they and every of them were born within the realm of England. III. That his Majesty's liege people of this colony- have en- joyed the right of being governed by their own Assembly in the article of taxes and internal police ; and that the same hath nev- er been forfeited, or in any other way yielded up, but hath been constantly recognized by the King and people of Britian. IV. That therefore, his Majesty or his substitutes, together with the General Assembly of this colony, have in their repre- sentative character, the only exclusive right to lay taxes and GENERAL HISTORY. 213 imposts upon the inhabitants of this colony ; and that every at- tempt to vest such power in any person or persons whatever, other than the General Assembly aforesaid, is unconstitutional, and hath a manifest tendency to destroy British, as well as Amer- ican, liberty. V. That his Majesty's liege people, the inhabitants of this col- ony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law or ordinance designed to impose any internal taxation whatsoever upon them, other than the laws and ordinances of the General Assembly afore- said. And inasmuch as it hath lately been drawn into question, how far the people of this his Majesty's dominion of Rhode-Island, have the right of being tried by juries, we earnestly recommend it to you, to procure an act to be passed, if it may be done, de- claring that the courts of common law only, and not any court of admiralty, have and ought to have jurisdiction, in all causes, growing or arising in this colony on account of levying or col- lecting any internal taxes, or of any matters relating thereto. — And that such process and way of trial, shall hereafter be had and used in such matters, as have been usual and accustomed, time out of mind ; and further, that no decree of any court of ad- miralty, respecting these matters, shall be executed in thiscolony. We think that an address of thanks ought to be voted by the General Assembly to those gentlemen who distinguished them- selves at the last session of Parliament, in defence of liberty and the colonies ; in particular to General Conway and Colonel Isaac Barre. As to other matters, not of such general concernment as the foregoing, we leave their management to your prudence and judgment, in w'hich we put the greatest confidence." The first four of these resolutions are couched in nearly the same language with those passed by the house of Burgesses in Virginia. They were intro- duced there by the celebrated Patrick Henry, and were adopted with some slight amendments. He also offered there the fifth, which was rejected. They were introduced into the General Assembly of this 214 GENERAL HISTORY. colony, at their session in September following, and adopted by them with the addition of a sixth, declaring " that the officers in this colony, appointed by the au- thority thereof, be and they are hereby directed to pro- ceed in the execution of their respective offices, in the same manner as usual ; and that this Assembly will in- demnify and save harmless all the said officers on ac- count of their conduct, agreeable to this resolution." The Assembly struck out from the fourth resolution the words " his Majesty or his substitutes," thus de- claring themselves to be the only body having right to impose taxes on the inhabitants of the colony. These resolutions fall little short of a declaration of entire independency of the British government. They go as far, if not farther, than any legislative proceed- ings of the same date in the country. They were soon followed, however, throughout the country, by votes of a similar character ; and such was the unan- imity of the inhabitants, and so great the opposition to these taxes, here as well as at home, that they pro- duced the repeal of the Stamp-Act in March 1766. This repeal might have restored peace to the colo- nies, had it not contained a clause declaratory of the right of Parliament to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. — If the right existed, this clause in the act was unnecessary ; and if it did not, the act could not create it. The repeal, clogged as it was, was hailed with great joy throughout the colonies. The following notice of the first celebration of this event, is taken from the Providence Gazette. " To show our loyalty to our most gracious sovereign, as well as to express our love of liberty, the anniversary of his Majesty GENERAL HISTORY. 215 birth-day was fixed upon for a day of public rejoicing. Accord- ingly the auspicious morn was ushered in by the ringing of bells and a discharge of several cannon from a battery planted on the parade. The court house, a most elegant structure, was beautifully ornamented with colors, and the shipping in the har- bor, hove out theirs, at a signal given. Joy and gladness shone in every countenance ; and nothing was to be heard but mutual congratulations, until 11 o'clock, when, according to the order of the day, there was a general gathering of the people on the parade. From thence they marched in order with drums beat- ing, trumpets sounding, and colors displayed, to the Presbyterian meeting house, where thanks were given to the Supreme Ruler of the universe, for his kindness to his people, in releasing them from the heavy burdens which were imposed on them, and for con- tinuing their liberties. There was an animated and well adapted discourse delivered by the Rev. Mr. Rowland, from Psalm cxxvi, 3, and the religious exercises were concluded with a beautiful an- them performed by a company of musicians. The assembly re- turned in like good order as they came to the court house, where his Majesty's health was drank by many hundreds under a royal salute of twenty-one cannon, when the company adjourned to four o'clock. Upon their re-assembling, they drank thirty-two of the most loyal, patriotic and constitutional toasts, under a discharge of seven, five and three cannon, accompanied with the sound of drums, trumpets and the loudest huzzas of the loyal multitude, who were liberally treated by the gentlemen of the town. In the evening 108 sky-rockets, with a bee-hive containing 106 serpents, was played ofi" before the court house, (which was most beautifully illuminated,) with divers other kinds of fire- works. At nine o'clock, there was an elegant boiled collation served up to the company, and at eleven, when every heart was full fraught with joy and loyalty, the company retired. And that the daughters of liberty might not be wholly excluded from rejoicing in a way agreeable to them, the evening after, there was a grand ball given by the gentlemen of the town, at which there was the most brilliant appearance of ladies this town ever saw. The whole was carried on to general satisfaction and with- out hurtful accident." 216 GENERAL HISTORY. The following year, 1767, the event was celebra- ted on its anniversary, the eighteenth of March. The Gazette of the Saturday following states, that " the morning was ushered in by the ringing of bells and beating of drums." "In the evening a grand ball was given by the young gentlemen of the town, at which there was a very grand appearance of la- dies." The day continued to be observed for seve- ral years, with demonstrations of joy. In recaUing to mind, on this anniversary, the evils and burdens they had escaped, the sons of liberty throughout the colonies, kept alive the spirit of freedom, and pre- pared a way for that event, which their descendants, in more modern times, deem it their highest duty and pleasure to celebrate on each returning fourth of July. The parhament of Great Britain, at the repeal of the stamp act, having so wisely resolved that they possessed the power to tax the colonies, in May fol- lowing resolved to exercise it, by laying a duty on paper, glass, paints, tea, &c. imported into the colo- nies. Thisact went into operation, November 20th, 1767, and it met with a most determined opposition from the colonists. Yet it did not require that open opposition which in case of the Stamp-Act, reached almost to treason. The duty was imposed only on imports. The Act did not make it imperative on the colonies to import, and combinations were readily formed, against importations ; thus rendering the act nugatory, as related to revenue. The subject was acted upon in a town meeting in Providence, on the 25th day of November. They GENERAL HISTORY. 217 raised a committee to consider and report the most effectual means of promoting the interest of the col- onies and of avoiding the payment of these taxes. The committee reported in favor of obtaining sub- scriptions of the citizens, to an agreement not to im- port or use certain enumerated articles, after the first day of January then next, but to discountenance the excessive use of certain other articles which could be manufactured in America, and the use of mourn- ing apparel, and encourage home manufactures and the raising of wool and flax. The town unanimously accepted the report, directed the form of subscription to be printed, and appointed the town council a committee to procure signatures to it. The original report is in the files of the city clerk, in the hand writing of the late venerable Moses Brown. The subscription papers are not to be found. The fol- lowing notice of them was inserted in the Provi- dence Gazette of December 12th. " The subscription rolls for suppressing the unnecessary and destructive importation of European goods and foreign superflu- ities, and for the encouragement of industry and economy and manufactures, are now tilling up very fast, and there is not the least doubt but that they will be unanimously signed." The agreement went into effect on the first day of January, 1768. On the 13th of February, the following advertisement appeared in the Gazette. " The following tradesmen are wanted in the northern colo- nies in America, and from the universal spirit which now pre- vails, for extending our manufactures, there cannot be any doubt but that suitable encouragement would be given them, if they should transport themselves from Great Britain or Ireland, into these delightful regions, quite removed out of the reach of the 28 218 GENERAL HISTORY. paw of oppression ; that is to say : All sorts of tradesmen in the linen and woollen manufacture, stocking weavers, steel makers, nailers, locksmiths, gunsmiths, saw makers, cutlers, file makers, and in general all sorts of workers in the iron way ; clock and watch makers, paper makers, paper stainers, glass makers, ma- kers of blue and white and other sorts of earthen and stone ware, pipe makers, needle and pin makers, wire drawers, work- ers in brass and copper, buckle makers, button makers, manu- facturers of horn, makers of wool cards, brush makers, glue ma- kers, makers of painters' colors, glovers and engravers." The advertisement then states, that the chmate is very salubrious, enumerates many advantages which the tradesmen would enjoy, and annexes a price cur- rent of many of the necessaries of life. Wheat is stated at two shillings nine pence sterling, rye, two shillings two pence, Indian corn, one shilling six pence, per bushel ; beef, veal and mutton, a penny half-penny, pork, a penny three farthings, butter, five pence, and cheese, three pence, per pound ; salt, one shilling six pence, per bushel ; sugar, twenty seven shillings, per cwt. and firewood, in the cities, eight shilhngs per cord. The list of tradesmen included several arts in which considerable progress had al- ready been made. The design, so far as regarded these, was to induce more finished workmen, and in greater numbers, to enrich the country with their skill and knowledge ; and the result aimed at, was to ren- der the colonies independent of the mother country for any of the necessaries, or even conveniences or luxuries of social fife. No writer perhaps did more to arouse his country- men to a sense of impending dangers, than John Dickinson, in a series of letters, published at first in GENERAL HISTORY. 219 a Pennsylvania newspaper, over the signature of " A Farmer." They were repubhshed in the Providence Gazette, and in almost every newspaper in the coun- try. The following letter from the freemen of Prov- idence to the author, shows the estimation in which they held his writings. It is inserted here as mark- ing their views, not only of the writer, but of the subjects of his disquisitions. " Sir — In your retirement, 'near the banks of the river Dela- ware,' where you are completing, in a rational way, the number of days allotted to you by divine goodness, the consciousness of having employed those talents which God hath bestowed upon you, for the support of our rights, must afford you a satisfaction, vastly exceeding that which is derived to you from the universal approbation of your letters. However, amidst the general ac- clamations of your praise, the moderator and freemen of the an- cient town of Providence cannot be silent ; although we would not offend your delicacy or incur the imputation of flattery in expressing our gratitude to you. Your benevolence to mankind, fully discoverable from your writings, doubtless caused you to address your countrymen, whom you tenderly call " dear and beloved," in a series of let- ters, wherein you have, with great judgment and in the most spirited and forcible manner, explained their rights and privile- ges, and vindicated them against such as would reduce these ex- tensive dominions of his majesty to poverty, misery and sla- very. This your patriotic exertioii in our cause and indeed in the cause of the human race, in some degree, hath rendered you very dear to us, although we know not your person. We deplore the frailty of human nature, in that it is necessa- ry, that we should be frequently awakened into attention to our duty in matters very plain and incontrovertible, if we would suf- fer ourselves to consider them. From this inattention to things, evidently the duty and interest of the world, we suppose despot- ic rule to have originated, and all the train of miseries consequent thereupon. 220 GENERAL HISTORY. The virtuous and good man who rouses an injured country from their lethargy and animates them into active and success- ful endeavors, for casting off the burdens imposed on them and effecting a full enjoyment of the rights of man, which no human creature ought to violate, will merit the warmest expressions of gratitude from his countrymen, for his instrumentality in sav- ing them and their posterity. As the very design of instituting civil government in the world, was to secure to individuals a quiet enjoyment of their native rights, wherever there is a departure from this great and only end, impious force succeeds. The blessings of a just gov- ernment and the horrors of brutal violence, are both inexpressi- ble. As the latter is generally brought upon us by degrees, it will be their duty to watch against every, the smallest attempt to inovate an iota in their privileges. With hearts truly loyal to the King, we feel the greatest con- cern at divers acts of the British Parliament relative to these colonies. We are clear and unanimous in sentiment, that they are subversive of our liberties and derogatory to the power and dignity of the several legislatures established in America. Permit us. Sir, to assure you, that we feel ineffable grati- tude to you for your letters, at a time when the exercise of great abilities was necessary. We sincerely wish, that you may see the fruit of your labors. We, on our part, shall be ready at all times to evince to the world, that we will not surrender our privileges to any of our fel- low subjects, but will earnestly contend for them, hoping that the Almighty will look upon our righteous contest with gracious approbation. We hope, that the conduct of the colonies on this occasion will be peacable, prudent, firm and joint, such as will show their loyalty to the best of sovereigns, and that they know what they owe to themselves, as well as to Great Britian. Town meeting, June 20, 1768. Signed by order, JAMES ANGELL, Town clerk. To the author of a series of letters signed A Farmer." GENERAL HISTORY. 221 To this he returned the following answer : " To the Moderator and Freemen of the Town of Providence, in New-England. Gentlemen — Words can but very faintly express the Senti- ments of Respect and Gratitude with which I receive the Kind- ness and Honor of your late Address to Me. " The consciousness of having employed" myself " in the Support of our Rights," through a dutiful Devotion to my Country, " affords" me indeed a great " Satisfaction ;" Yet it would be an unpardonable Affectation in Me to pretend, that such " Praises" as You have bestowed, by such Persons bestow- ed, did not give me a very sincere Delight ; For to be esteem- ed and commended by those, who themselves deserve to be es- teemed and commended, is one of the invaluable Rewards of well-meant Actions. So highly I prize the approbation of the Moderator and Freemen of" the ancient town of Providence," that I shall con- stantly and zealously endeavor to merit its continuance ; and so much I interest Myself in your Prosperity, that I most heartily wish, your generous Resolution " not to surrender your privile- ges to any of your Fellow Subjects," may meet with a success equal to such Virtue. May You, Gentlemen, as I doubt not but you will, by your wise and spirited Conduct, exhibit a noble Example, demonstra- ting, that these Colonies may, at the same Time, " shew their Loyalty to the best of Sovereigns, and that they know what they owe to themselves, as well as to Great Britain. July 7th, 1768. A FARMER." (Direction on envelope.) "To the Moderator and Freemen of the Town of Providence, in New-England." In July, 1768, the sons of liberty were called upon to attend the dedication of the tree of liberty. Al- most every town then had either its liberty tree or its liberty pole. The liberty tree of Providence was a httle north of the north side of Olney street, in front of a public house kept there by Capt. Joseph 222 GENERAL HISTORY. Olney. Samuel Thurber, in a note kindly commu- nicated to me when in his 81st year, says : " He" Captain Olney " had a large, old fashioned, two story, low studded house, in the form of an L, with a large yard in front. In this yard stood the largest elm tree that I ever saw. A flight of steps was erected, leading perhaps twenty feet up to where three or four limbs set out. There, a convenient seat was fixed for, say, ten or twelve people to sit in and enjoy them- selves in the shade." The dedication of this tree took place on the 25th day of July. A large concourse of people assem- bled. An animated discourse was dehvered, from the seat or summer house on the tree, by Silas Dow- ner. After which the people in the summer house, laying their hands on the tree, the gentleman who gave the discourse pronounced these words aloud. " We do, in the name and behalf of all the true sons of liberty in America, Great Britian, Ireland, Corsica, or wheresoever they may be dispersed throughout the world, dedicate and solemnly devote this tree to be a tree of liberty. May all our councils and deliberations, under its venerable branches, be guided by wisdom, and directed for the support and maintainance of that liberty, which our renowned forefathers sought out and found under trees and in the wilderness. May it long flourish, and may the sons of liberty often repair hither, to confirm and strengthen each other ; when they look toward this sacred elm, may they be penetrated with a sense of their duty to themselves and their posterity ; and may they, like the house of David, grow stronger and stronger, while their enemies, like the house of Saul, shall grow weaker and weaker. Amen." This discourse was afterwards published in a pam- phlet, a copy of which is in the possession of the Historical Society. The liberty tree of Providence was long since cut down, but the principles that in- GENERAL HISTORY. duced its dedication have survived. They led to the subsequent independence of the colonies and all the blessings which have resulted from it. The ruth- less hand of time can destroy the monuments which man erects or consecrates, but it possesses no power over the principles which hallow such monuments. They will exist, and flourish, and increase, when the ruins of the monuments themselves, shall cover the graves of those who erected or consecrated them. It seems that further measures were deemed ne- cessary to counteract the measures of the British government, imposing duties on goods imported into the colonies. " The merchants, traders, farmers and mechanics, and in general, all the sons of liber- ty, in this and the neighboring towns," were desired to meet at the liberty tree, on the 25th of July 1769, to consult and agree upon effectual measures, to dis- courage the importation and consumption of Europe- an goods. What was done at this meeting, does not appear. Another meeting was holden, on the 17th of October following. The occasion of this meeting was the expected arrival of a vessel from England, with British goods, imported contrary to the agree- ment of December 2d, 1767. On the 24th of Octo- ber, a town meeting was called on the subject, and it was then resolved, " That they would not, directly nor indirectly, from that time until the act imposing duties upon glass, paper, &c. shall be re- pealed, give any orders for importing, by land or water, into this colony, either for sale, or for their own or families' use, or pur- chase of any other person importing, any of the articles enume- rated in an agreement, entered into and signed by a number of the inhabitants of this town, on the 2d day of December 1767, 224 GENERAL HISTORY. similar to one entered into, about the same time, by the town of Boston ; and that they would strictly adhere to the measures thereby adopted, by endeavoring, most effectually, to discounte- nance luxury and extravagance, in the use of British and foreign manufactures and superfluities, and by exerting their utmost en- deavors to promote and encourage, by all laudable methods, our own manufactures, more especially the articles of wool and flax, the natural produce and staple of this colony. And, whereas, several merchants of this town have given or- ders for, and daily expect from England, in the Snow Tristram, David Shand, master, divers parcels of goods, among which are many of the articles enumerated in the aforementioned agree- ment not to be imported, they did then, in the presence of the town meeting, cheerfully agree and engage to deliver up, all such enumerated articles, which they shall import, in said Snow, or by any other way whatever, to a committee of three gentle- men appointed by said meeting, for that purpose, who are to re- ceive and store the same, till the aforesaid act, imposing duties, &-C. shall be repealed." Measures of this character, were pursued in most parts of the colonies. Their effects were so sensi- bly felt by the manufacturers and merchants in Eng- land, as to induce a repeal of some parts of the ob- noxious acts of Parliament. The ministry consent- ed to this, hoping, thereby, to satisfy their own citi- zens at home, and to distract the proceedings of the colonists, by exciting jealousies among them. At all times, in every colony, there were some individ- uals, who were ready to sacrifice, even the hberty of the country, to their own avarice. These were constantly evading the non-importation agreements, and proposing alterations in them. The partial re- peal of the obnoxious acts, furnished them with a pretence for selling the prohibited articles. In a communication of the Providence Gazette of Janu- GENERAL HISTORY. 225 ary 20th 1770, some of the Boston Merchants are accused of breaking the non-importation agreement. Such reports, induced a meeting of merchants there, when it was agreed still to adhere to it. It seems that some of the merchants of Provi- dence came to a different conclusion. This led to a special town meeting, on the 31st of May, which resolved, " That no general importation of European and India goods, from Great Britian, take place in this town, until a oreneral im- portation take place in the neighboring colonies. It appearing, that at the late meeting of a number of the mer- chants of this town, when the non-importation agreement was va- cated, by a majority of those present, they were unacquainted with the sentiments of the neighboring colonies respecting that matter, and as it appears, the proposed alteration of said agreement, to the exclusion of tea only, is not satisfactory to the inhabitants of this town, nor to the neighboring colonies, nor will it have the desired effect, it is the opinion of this meeting, that the vacation of the said agreement was too precipitate, and as such, we apprehend, would not have been done by them, had the matter been postpon- ed to this time. Voted, that it is the unanimous opinion of this meeting, that no goods, excepting such as are allowed by said agreement, ought, by any means, to be imported into this town, until the duty on tea be repealed, or the other governments, gen- erally, import; and that a committee be appointed to wait on the three houses of merchants who are for importing and who have sent for their goods, and use every argument to induce them to countermand their orders, and report their doings at the an- nual town meeting, to be holden on Monday next ; and to pre- vent any disagreeable sentiments arising in the minds of our neighbors, against the inhabitants of this town, on account of the said late resolution, the proceedings of this meeting are hereby ordered to be published in the next Gazette, that the public may be assured we shall harmonize in the united endeavors of this continent, in this and every other measure so salutary to the general welfare. 29 226 GENERAL HISTORY. Voted, that Stephen Hopkins, Darius Sessions, Ephraim Bow- en, John Jenckes, Nicholas Brown, Nicholas Cooke and Job Sweeting, be and are hereby appointed a committee for the afore- said purposes." The following vote was also passed at the same meeting. " Whereas there are some persons in the towns of Boston and Newport, who have imported goods, contrary to the general agree- ments of the colonies, it is voted and resolved, that if any person or persons shall purchase, directly or indirectly, any such goods so imported, from thence or elsewhere, and bring them into this town, either for sale or their own use, their names be published in the Gazette, that they may, thereby, receive the displeasure and discouragement of their injured neighbors and country ; and that Jabez Bowen jr., John Brown, John Jenckes, Joseph Bucklin and Benjamin Gushing jr. be, and are hereby appoint- ed a committee of inspection for that purpose." The committee appointed to wait on the mer- chants, reported, at an adjourned town meeting, on the 6th day of June, that the merchants had agreed to countermand all goods, except those enumerated in a list then produced. " The said list not being satisfactory, a dispute arose and a vote was called in the following manner, viz : Whether the importers should be permitted to import agreeable to the new list exhibited by the committee, or continue under the restric- tions of their former agreement of October 1769? Upon a di- vision there appeared for the new list, only 19, and for the old list 39." Importers were however permitted to give orders for any articles not included in the old list, which the merchants of Boston, New-York, or Philadel- phia, imported, in consequence ot their agreements. The record concludes, " it therefore fully appears to be the sense of the town in general, that we har- GENERAL HISTORY. 227 monize with the other colonies in their united agree- ments." Notwithstanding these proceedings, reports inju- rious to the town were widely circulated. The fol- lowing vote, passed at the regular town meeting on the last Tuesday in August, shows the extent of these reports, and how ill founded they were. " Whereas the committee of trade for this town, laid before this meeting, a letter, from the committee of trade in Boston, desiring the directions of this meeting, in giving an answer to the same, the town, having considered thereon, do vote, that the committee of this town, inform them, that, as a corporate body, we have constantly and strictly adhered to our votes respecting the non-importation agreement, and that the treatment of this town by the Southern and Western colonies, in refusing to trade with us, is unjust and without any foundation ; and in particular, the Philadelphians paying no regard to the letter from the merchants of this town, is injurious and highly reflecting upon the sincerity and veracity of the merchants here ; and that this town, notwith- standing the hard usage they have met with from the Southern and Western colonies, will yet adhere to their former resolutions, and will exert themselves in taking all prudent methods, in storing goods, if any shall come to this town ; and they do expect the said colonies will acknowledge their mistake and open a free trade with them as heretofore, and that they will not themselves b^eak the agreement by importing and selling goods." This vote being communicated to the commit- tee of trade in Boston, was laid before a meeting of merchants and others concerned in trade, on the 5th day of September, when the following vote was pass- ed by that meeting. " Voted, that it appears to this body that the town of Provi. dence hath faithfully adhered to the non-importation agreement, and that all reports to the contrary are without foundation." A copy of this vote was forwarded to the commit- 228 GENERAL HISTORY. tee of merchants at Providence. This agreement continued in force until October following, when it was rescinded, apparently by common consent. In March 1772, the superior court of the colony in the county of Providence, were engaged in the trial of a most interesting cause, involving the legali- ty of the non-importation agreements. The commit- tee of inspection in the city of New-York, finding one David Hills, of Wrentham, Massachusetts, vend- ing goods embraced in the non-importation agree- ments, induced him to deposit them in the hands of a merchant whom they named, to be re-dehvered to him on the repeal of the acts of Parliament. The evening after they were so deposited, they were tak- en from the hands of the depositary by the populace, and burnt in the streets. Hills commenced an ac- tion for the value of the goods, against some of the committee, whose property he found in Rhode-Isl- and, alledging that he was compelled by threats to part with them. The most able counsel in the col- ony were employed on both sides. The claim of the plaintiff, was one not entitled to popular favor. The business in which he was engaged, was one which the whole community, with one accord, had decided to be unfavorable to the cause of liberty. — The judges of both courts before which the cause was tried, held their offices by annual appointment. The jurors in each court, were returned from the several towns in the county, and did not receive any charge from the court ; yet the plaintiff recovered in both courts, by the verdict of the juries. Under such circumstances, such a decision, of such a cause, GENERAL HISTORY. 229 was very honorable to both court and jury. The reverence that they paid to law and justice, was such as to lead them to a conclusion against their own practices, and prejudices, and in favor of a stranger, whose conduct they condemned, as injurious to the best interests of the whole country. In the spring of 1772, the armed schooner Gas- pee, commanded by Lieutenant William Dudding- ston, arrived in Narragansett Bay, to aid in enforc- ing the revenue laws. These laws had never been much respected in this colony ; of course, the visit of this vessel, on such an errand, was far from being acceptable to the inhabitants, especially as her com- mander seemed inclined strictly to discharge his duty. Difficulties soon arose between the governor of the colony and Lieutenant Duddingston, in relation to their several duties ; the effect of which, was, to make the latter still more punctihous and energetic in relation to the revenue laws. He would not al- low even the river packets to pass up to Providence, without bringing them to ; and, in some instances, he disregarded the very laws he came to execute. On the 8th of June, the sloop Hannah, Captain Ben- jamin Lindsey, touched at Newport, on her way from New-York to Providence, and reported her cargo to the custom house, then the only one in the colony. On the day following, she started on her way up the river. The Gaspee followed her. Cap- tain Lindsey crowded sail to escape, and knowing well the channel, crossed Namquit Point, where there was water enough for the Hannah, but not enough for the Gaspee. The Gaspee followed him 230 GENERAL HISTORY. and ran aground on the point. The Hannah pur- sued her course to Providence, and on her arrival, Capt. Lindsey gave notice of the situation in which he left the Gaspee. Narnquit is about six miles be- low Providence, on the west shore. In the evening of the same day, eight long boats, filled with ship masters and merchants, citizens of Providence, of high respectability, boarded the Gaspee, took out her crew and landed them at Pawtuxet, and set the vessel on fire. On approaching the Gaspee, the Lieutenant discharged his pistols at them, and, in return, was wounded by a musket ball, in the left groin. The vessel was wholly destroyed. The boats returned to Providence before morning. As soon as Gov. Wanton became informed of this transaction, he issued his proclamation, offering a reward of £100, for the discovery of any person en- gaged in it. After taking affidavits in relation to it, he transmitted an account of the whole aflfair, and of the measures he had pursued in relation to it, to the British government. They issued a proclamation, offering a reward of £500, for the discovery of any person engaged in it, and £500, additional, for the discovery of the " captain" of the enterprize, or " the sheriff" of the county of Kent," which last title was assumed on the occasion, by one of the most active among the assailants. Subsequently, they ap- pointed a special court of commissioners to inquire into the matter. They met at Newport. But nei- ther rewards nor judicial investigation, led to any discovery of the perpetators of the deed. Notwith- standing so many were personally engaged in the GENERAL HISTORY. 231 transaction, that they were called together by beat of drum through the streets, that they met at Sabin's tavern, then one of the public houses more frequent- ed than any other in the town, that they embarked in their boats early in the evening, and without dis- guise of any kind, no person could be found base enough to betray them. John Brown, well known as one of the most enterprising and wealthy mer- chants in New-England, took an active part in this affair, if he did not originate it. Abraham Whipple, afterward a captain in the continental navy, had the command of the squadron. The last survivor of the company was Ephraim Bowen. He died in 1840. Here was the first open and armed opposition to the forces of his majesty, and here the first blood shed in the revolutionary struggle. A Providence man fired the first gun, and at a company of Providence men was the first ball discharged in that contest. The omnipotence of the British Parliament had long been exerted in vain, to compel the colonists to pay taxes imposed without their consent. The taxes were evaded, by the non-importation agree- ments. No power could compel them to import goods subject to the obnoxious duties. When com- pelled to retrace their steps, in 1770, and to repeal the duties on all articles, except tea, they still found it impossible to compel the colonies to use tliat arti- cle. They would not even drink tea, on compulsion. In 1 773, resort was had to the extraordinary measure of permitting the East India Company to export their teas to America, with a drawback of all the duties paid in England. Aware as the friends of liberty GENERAL HISTORY. were, that it would be impossible to stop the sale of the article, if once introduced, they came at once to the conclusion, that it should not be landed in the country. This they were unable to effect in Bos- ton, the consignees being friends of the government. They then came to the decision of destroying it ; and on the evening of the 16th December 1773, they emptied 342 chests of it into Boston harbor. The inhabitants of Providence were not called upon to act so decisively, in relation to the importa- tion of tea, as were those of Boston. No teas were shipped to this port. Soon after the Boston tea party, to wit, on the 19th of January 1774, a town meeting was called, at which the following resolu- tions were passed. " Inasmuch as the British parliament have undertaken to raise a revenue in the American Colonies by a duty upon tea; We, the freemen of the Town of Providence, legally assembled in town meeting, cannot be silent on so interesting an occasion. Should we, in this case, omit to assert and express the firmest resolutions to vindicate our rights, it might be construed as a cession of them into the hands of those who have wantonly in- vaded them in this instance. We do therefore, in justice to ourselves, our posterity and the sister colonies, openly and publicly make the following declara- tion ; hoping, that by a vigorous exertion in conformity thereto, we may, in some measure, contribute towards escaping the dreadful train of evils, which must be the consequence of a tame submission to any invasion of American freedom. We lament any seeming acquiesence which hath, at any time heretofore, been made in these colonies, under parliamentary usurpations of our liberties; but as any such concessions were made through fear, inattention, or without a due consideration of our rights, we strongly protest against any precedent being made thereby, to our disadvantage. When we consider, that many of our ances- GENERAL HISTORY. 233 tors removed from Britain and planted themselves here ; that the religion, language and customs of the two countries are mostly similar, and that there hath been a long intercourse of trade and commerce between them, we are willing and ever desirous of a continuance of connexion between the Colonies and Britain, if it may be had upon terms, in any measure, equal. Upon full consideration of the matter upon which we have met, we do re- solve, 1. That the disposal of their own property, is the inherent right of freemen ; that there can be no property in that which another can, of right, take from us, without our consent ; that the claim of Parliament to tax America, is, in other words, a claim of right to levy contributions on us at pleasure. 2. That the duty imposed by Parliament on tea, landed in America, is a tax on the Americnns, oc levying contributions on them without their consent. 3. That the express purpose for which the tax is levied on the Americans, namely, for the support of government, administra- tion of justice and defence of his Majesty's dominions in America, has a direct tendency to render assemblies useless, and to intro- duce arbitrary government and slavery. 4. That a virtuous and steady opposition to this ministerial plan of governing America, is absolutely necessary, to preserve even the shadow of liberty, and is a duty which every freeman in America owes to his country, to himself, and to his posterity. 5. That the resolution lately entered into by the East India Company to send out their tea to America, subject to the pay- ment of duties, on its being landed here, is an open attempt to enforce this ministerial plan, and a violent attack upon the lib- erties of America. 6. That it is the duty of every American to oppose this at- tempt. 7. That whoever shall, directly or indirectly, countenance this attempt, or in any wise aid or abet in unloading, receiving or vending the tea sent, or to be sent out by the East India Com- pany, while it remains subject to the payment of a duty here, is an enemy to his country. 8. That no tea belonging to the East India Company, or any 30 234 GENERAL HISTORY. other person subject to a duty, or dutied tea, shall be unladed here, or brought by land. 9. That this town will co-operate with the other towns in this colony, and with all the other colonies, in a resolute stand, as well against every other unconstitutional measure, as the tea act in particular. 10. That Samuel Nightingale, Esq., Jahez Bowen, Esq., and Messrs. John Brown, John Updike, John Jenckes, John Mat- thewson and Daniel Gaboon, or the major part of them, be a com- mittee to correspond with the towns in this and the neighboring governments, on all such matters as shall be thought to affect the liberties of America. Voted, that this town highly approve of the proceedings of their brethren of Boston, Philadelphia and New-York, in their spirited and resolute opposition made to the introduction of tea, while subject to a duty laid by Parliament ; and that our thanks be given them for the same. Voted, that the committee wait on all the importers of English goods, in this town, and inform them of the resolutions which the town have entered into respecting tea while subject to a The Bruno- nian," edited by students of Brown University. It was published monthly, in octavo form, for one year, commencing in July. " The Original," was the title of a monthly maga- zine edited by Frances H. Whipple and printed by Marshall and Hammond, in 1829. Two numbers, only, were published. " The OUa Podrida" was made up principally of original matter, and published occasionally by John Bisbee, afterward a distinguished Universalist cler- gyman. Not more than three or four numbers were ever published. Some periodicals remain, which could not prop- erly be classed with the preceding, but which de- serve to be noticed as part of the periodical litera- ture of Providence. They are. Almanacs, Direc- tories, Registers and Tax books. The first Almanac published in Providence, and " calculated for its meridian," was by Benjamin West, in 1 763. From that year up to the present 660 NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. time, (1843) there always has been at least one print- ed each year. Dr. West calculated and pubhshed one yearly, with little if any omission, until 1783. In 1769, Abraham Weatherwise published one, and in 1790, and in several successive years, Bennett Wheeler pubhshed his " North American Calendar." The venerable Isaac BickerstafF commenced here his labors in almanac-making, as early as 1781. Each succeeding year since, has added one to his literary progeny. Notwithstanding the increase of rival publications addressed to the religious and po- litical partialities, and to the various prejudices of the prevailing ism of the year, whatever it is, the works of Mr. BickerstafF are sought after with avidity. His omission recently, to publish prognos- tications in relation to the weather, have diminished, in some degree, his popularity ; but no other alma- nac-maker could have sustained himself, after such a departure from long estabhshed usage. The pubhcation of " The Rhode-Island Register and United States Calendar," commenced in 1819, by Hugh H. Brown. This was continued annually until 1832, by him, and by the firm of Brown & Dan- forth. The first " Directory" of Providence, was pub- hshed by Brown & Danforth, in 1824. Since that time a Directory has generally been published once in two or three years. The publication of the " Tax Book," commenced in 1827, and has generally been followed up every year since. Though written principally in Arabic characters and abounding in figurative language, it xNEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 561 is a work much conned over. That part of it which points out what each individual is bound to pay toward the public burdens, is, in most instances, read with a sigh, by the persons interested, while that part which contains the reasons for the apportion- ment, the valuation of each, is perused with pleas- urable sensations. Many a man is not aware of his wealth, till he finds it in this book, while others enjoy a secret pleasure in its perusal, arising from the success of their endeavors to conceal their pros- perity. Upon the whole, it is rather a taking work. 71 CHAPTER TENTH. PURCHASES OF THE NATIVES, AND DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. It was the misfortune of most of the Enghsh col- onies in America, to be early and deeply involved in disputes with one another in relation to their respect- ive jurisdictions and boundaries. These arose partly from the conflicting and contradictory patents grant- ed by the English sovereigns, and the boundaries prescribed in successive charters. No one can pe- ruse these instruments without being struck with the utter ignorance of the geography of the country, and with the utter recklessness of consequences, which they evince. It is scarcely possible to conceive that the vast tracts of land which they convey could ever have been esteemed so valueless as these cir- cumstances prove that they were ; and yet, nothing but their small value at that time, could have pre- vented such innumerable and endless quarrels as would ruin any country, however valuable. Anoth- er fruitful source of disputes, was the ambiguity, vagueness and uncertainty, which pervaded most of the grants that the colonies received from the natives. These arose, in some instances, probably from de- sign, and in others, from the difficulty of communi- cation between the parties. Hence in part origina- INDIAN PURCHASES, &c. 563 ted the distrust and jealousy of the natives, which continually filled the colonists with fears, and occa- sionally overwhelmed them in blood ; and hence, also, private bickerings and disputes between ad- joining colonies as to title, which frequently disturb- ed the peace of these infant settlements. As the disputes first alluded to, related principally to juris- diction, and grew out of the grants from the com- mon sovereign of them all, they were definitely set- tled by appealing to that sovereign. But the latter were more lasting, because no such effectual and speedy method existed for their settlement; and more acrimonious, as they involved individual inter- est and private feeling. The colony of Providence was happily exempted from disputes of the first class ; not that the causes that produced them elsewhere, were not also in ac- tive operation here, producing the like results, but as the colonists of Providence had neither patent nor charter from England, except as united with the other colonies within the state, all those colonies so united, were the party in these disputes, and they be- long to the history of the state, rather than to the history of the town. Difficulties enough, however, arose from the other cause, to retard the growth and mar the tranquillity of the town, during almost the whole of the first century of its existence. The deed of the sachems to Mr. Williams, which is given on page 26, is, in an especial manner, liable to the charge of ambiguity and vagueness. The bounds established and confirmed by it, " from the river and fields of Pawtucket, the great hill of Neotacon- 664 INDIAN PURCHASES AND kanitt, on the northwest, and the town of Masha^ paug on the west," are more exact and certain than those of most deeds of the same kind, executed at the same period. " The great hill of Neotoconka- nitt" still retains its location and its name. It is about three miles westerly from where Weybosset bridge now stands. "The town of Mashapaug" was near the pond that now bears the same name about two miles south of Neotaconkanitt. " The river and fields of Pawtucket," have given their name to the village of North Providence, which now probably occupies the place of the " fields." Had the description ended here, or added as a southern bound the Pawtuxet river, there would have been little difficulty or doubt about the matter. But it does not ; the deed goes on, for a new considera- tion, to grant " all that land from those rivers" (that is, the Moshassuck and Wanasquatucket,) " reach- ing to Pawtuxet river ; as also the grass and mead- ows upon the said Pawtuxet river." This clause is apparently inconsistent with the preceding part of the deed, and the meaning of the whole instrument is rendered by it, vague and uncer- tain. The extent of the grant is made tenfold more uncertain, by the confirmation, as it was called, which was appended to it in 1639. Miantonomi, one of the original grantors, then confirmed the deed and " acknowledged this his act and hand up the streams of Pawtucket and Pawtuxet, without limits, we might have for our use of cattle." — Such was the indefinite extent of the first purchase of Providence. With such bounds, if bounds thev DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 665 may be called, it must have required the greatest prudence on the part of the settlers, to prevent diffi- culties between them and the ignorant and jealous Narragansetts. They succeeded, however, in main- taining peaceable relations with them, while strife and contention between themselves divided them into parties, and weakened and almost destroyed the system of government which they had established. This deed was understood to convey little more than the right of jurisdiction over the land it describ- ed. The general right that the sachem possessed in the soil, passed under it, but such Indians as had built wigwams, or planted upon it, were also to be satisfied. In some instances, individuals among the purchasers, bought off the natives residing on their lands, and in others the whole body of purchasers join- ed, and, from their common stock, paid them for their right in the soil, and it was not uncommon that a succession of such claimants would appear, and re- ceive satisfaction. The sums paid to these individ- uals, generally far exceeded the amount paid to the sachems. In 1646, Massasoit, sachem of the Wampanoags, laid claim to the sovereignty of part of the purchase, or of land adjoining it. It is generally supposed that his jurisdiction never extended beyond the Nar- ragansett bay and the Seekonk river. Yet, in those times, it was deemed expedient to quiet their pos- session by purchase of every claimant, however friv- olous or unfounded his claim might be, rather than to expose themselves to the imputation of denying the right of the natives to the soil on which they 566 INDIAN PURCHASES AND dwelt. In this case, an agreement was made with Massasoit, for a conveyance of his pretended right. The terms were settled and the deed drawn, but when it was presented to him for his signature he refused to execute it. The circumstances are detailed at length in the following " testimony" copied from the state records. Wapewasik, over against Portsmouth 10. 7. 46 so called. — We, Gregory Dexter, Thomas Olney, Roger Williams and Robert Williams, in a word of truth and faithfulness declare, that being requested by the town of Providence, in our name and in their behalf, to buy the right which Ousamequin pretend- eth to a parcel of land, which lies between our bounds at Paw- tuckqut and an Indian plantation northwest from thence called Loquassuck, and knowing that our town had right to the feed- ing and grazing of cattle upon the said parcel of land, by our grant of the Nanhygganset purchase before such times as they since released him of his subjection, as also, that it was upland, from the water and most of it barren and rocky, without meadow ; so making a journey to Ousamequin's house, offered him but fifteen fathom of white wampum (it being a time when white wampum only was current, and which we knew he would accept) but he desired to have commodities and wampum, and, at last, we agreed upon ten fathom of white wampum, four coats of En- glish cloth, six of the best English hoes, and English axes, and twelve great knives, which wampum and commodities, he desir- ing speedy payment, we went, all of us, over to Portsmouth, to procure the said wampum and commodities, he furnishing us with a canoe and a native, where some of us performed good service for him, in some controversies between the English and him. We brought him the wampum, which he accepted of, the coats also, which he accepted of, and received the cloth, choos- ing out of two parcels, but of twelve knives he ch;:se eight, out of six hoes, he chose one, we promising to procure him the rest of the hoes and hatchets and knives to his liking, which lie was fully content. Afterward going to sleep, he begged two coats of us, which we promised to give him : yet in the morning some DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 567 of us refusing to sell him shot, as also all refusing to give him four coats more, he took forth ouf money and goods again to us, which we refused, not being willing to countenance such deal- ing in the barbarians, and having before, in their payments and a coat to his chancellor which he desired, and other small gifts unto them, laid out the value of about forty fathom of wampum, we were not willing to wrong our own country in granting his desire of four coats, and so unreasonably to raise the price of such parcels of land in this barbarous wilderness, and, therefore, we declare, that the said land, according to a fair and righteous bargain, belongs to the town of Providence, the town paying to Ousamequin, as aforesaid. Roger Williams, Robert Williams, Gregory Dexter, Thomas Olney. In 1658, a committee was appointed to treat with the Indians who claim Loisquisset, and clear it for the town. There is no report of their proceedings. The Court of Commissioners, in May 1659, au- thorised the town to buy off the Indians within their bounds, and to add not exceeding three thousand acres to their jurisdiction, by purchase of the sachems. They soon availed themselves of the liberty first granted. At the same time they also took deeds from the sachems, successors of Conanicus and Miantonomi. In these, the western bounds of the colony are more clearly defined. By one of the two parties that then divided the town, these were called deeds of mere confirmation ; the other party considered them as new purchases. " Providence, the 3d month, ^Oth day, 1659. This be known to all that it may concern, in all ages to come, that I Caujaniquaunte, sachem of the Narragansetts, ratify and confirm to the men of Providence, and to the men of Pawtux- cette, their lands and deed, that my brother Meantonomeah made over and disposed to them, namely, all the lands between 568 INDIAN PURCHASES AND Pawtucket river and Pawtuxet river, up the streams without limit for their use of cattle ; and I also do for summer and win- ter feeding of their cattle and ploughing and all other necessary improvements, as for farms and all manner of plantations what- soever : This land, I say, above said, I confirm to the aforesaid men at this present, twenty full miles, beginning to measure from a hill, called Fox's hill, upon a straight line, running up into the country between Pawtuckette and Pawtuxcette river. This land and these appurtenances I hereby confirm to them and their heirs and assigns forever, and that my heirs and assigns shall not molest them nor their assigns forever in any of the lands above said ; and that I am always ready to defend their ti- tle from the claim of any Indians whatsoever. In witness where- of I hereto set my hand. The mark of ^^* — |***-^ CAUJANIQUAUNTE. The witnesses, AWAUSHOWES, his f mark. Mattackcees, called Newcom, his V\ mark. We also witnesses : Nathaniel Waterman, Andrew Harris. I, Aiaquaomit, own this my father his act and deed, which is above written, and do acknowledge, that I have received full satisfaction for all the right and claim which could be laid by me unto any of those lands which my brother hath sold unto the men of Providence and the men of Pawtuxett. Witness my hand this 28 of April in the year 1660. ^ The mark V.— fr"*--' of AIAQUAOMIT. W The mark of Mattackcees, alias Newcom. Thomas Olney Junior. For Pawtuxette and Providence, the 6 mo, 13 day, 1659. This be known to all ages upon any just occasion, that we Cussuckquanth and Nenekealah chief sachems over the Indians in these parts of the country, ratify and confirm to the men of Providence and the men of Pawtuxette, their lands according to DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 569 their joint agreements, which our brother Meantenomeah pos- sessed them with, that is, all the lands between Pawtuck- ette and Pawtuckcett, between the streams of these rivers, and up these streams without limits, or as far as they shall think fit. These lands and the appurtenances, we confirm to them, in and for good considerations, to them, their heirs and assigns forever, Nevertheless, it shall not be lawful for the aforesaid men to re- move the Indians that are up in the country, except they shall satisfy those Indians, and so cause them to depart willingly, neither shall any of those Indians sell any part of their said lands to any man whatsoever, only it shall be lawful for those Indians to re- ceive some recompence for their removing off, if they see cause, of the aforesaid Englishmen of Providence or Pawtuxette ac- cording to their joint agreement. Also we bind our heirs and assigns forever not to molest, the aforesaid men nor their heirs nor assigns upon any of the aforesaid lands forever. Witness our hands CUSSUCKaUANTH his mark :— > NENEKEALAH his mark * * AwATHowEs his mark *- Richard Ssiith, James Smith. These bear witness to all ages to come, to such as are con- cerned herein. That w«, Scuttape and Q,uequaganewet, son to Meakeaw, son to Q,uanuanone, called by the English Qun- nounicus uncle to Meantonomeah, who made a peace with the English in the Massachusetts, for all the Indians in these parts, in the time of the Pequote war with the English. This our grand- father and cousin, chief sachems, granted to Roger Williams, agent for the men of Providence and the men of Pawtuxcett, a tract of land, reaching from Pawtucket river to Pawtuxcett riv- er, all the lands between the streams of those rivers, and up those streams without limits for their use of cattle, did they grant to the men abovesaid, the men of Providence and the men of Pawtuxcett to whom we establish the lands aforesaid up the streams of those rivers, and confirm without limits, or as far as the men abovesaid of Providence and Pawtuxcett shall judge convenient for their use of cattle, as feeding, ploughing, plant- 72 570 INDIAN PURCHASES AND ing all manner of plantations whatsoever ; we say, all the lands, according to the limits abovesaid, we establish and confirm to the men of Providence and the men of Pawtuxcett, accordincr to their joint agreement, in the most absolute tenure of fee sim- ple, to them, their heirs and assigns forever, and hereby bind ourselves, our heirs and assigns, not to molest or trouble the men abovesaid in the full enjoyment of the land abovesaid. Never- theless, it shall not be lawful for the men abovesaid to remove the Indians, that are up in the country from their fields, without the Indians' consent and content, nor shall it be lawful for any of those Indians to sell any of the lands abovesaid to any, only it shall be lawful for them, to take of the men of Providence and the men of Pawtuxcett, according to their joint agreement, satis^ faction for their removing. And we have established to the men abovesaid the land and deed granted by our grandfather and cousin, so do we also confirm the grants of confirmation by our cousins Cussuckquanth, Caujaniquanutte and Nenekealah. The mark of SCUTTAPE, J Dated this first of December 1659 — Signed and delivered in presence of us Manatash, q his mark, Indian interpreter, Nantomoroawe, I his mark, Richard Smith, Richard Smith jr. James Smith, William Dvre. The mark of aUEaUAGANEWET. In February following, a grant of thirty shillings was made to Aioquomitt, in consideration of his deed. A committee, consisting of Thomas WalHng, Henry Brown, WiUiam Harris, WiUiam Wickenden, John Fenner and Daniel Brown, was appointed " to set the bounds of the plantation twenty miles from Fox's hill westward, up in the country," in pursuance of the deeds last copied. DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 571 That Mr. Williams was dissatisfied with these pro- ceedings, is evident from the following correspon- dence, between him and the town, in October of this year: " Loving Friends and Neighbors — Divers of yourselves have so cried out of the contentions of your late meetings, that (study- ing my quietness) I thought fit to present you these few lines. Two words, I pray you to consider. First, as to this plantation of Providence ; then, as to some new plantation, if it shall please the same God of mercies, who provided this, to provide another, in mercy for us. First, as to this town. Although I have been called out of late to declare my understanding as to the bounds of Providence and Pawtuxet, and although divers have land and meadows in possession, beyond these bounds, yet I [illegible] that none of you think me so senseless as to put any barbarian to molest an Englishman or to demand a farthing of any of you. Second. If any do, (as formerly some have done and di- vers have given gratuities, as Mr. Field, about Neotoconkanitt, and others) I promise, that as I have been assistant to satisfy and pacify the natives round about us, so I hope I shall, still while I live, be helpful to any of you, that may have occasion to use me. Now as to some new plantations, I desire to propose that which may quench contention, may accommodate such who want, and may also return monies unto such as have of late disbursed. To this purpose, I desire, that we be patient and not torment ourselves and the natives, sachem and people, put- ting them upon mischievous remedies, with the great noise of twenty miles new, or old purchases. Let us consider if Miswosaket and Wayunkeke, and the land thereabout, may not afford a new and comfortable plantation, which we may go through with all effectual endeavors, for true public good. To this end, I pray you consider, that the inhabit- ants of these parts with most of the Cowesets and Nipmucks, have long since forsaken the Narragansett sachems, and sub- jected themselves to the Massachusetts ; and yet, they are free 672 INDIAN PURCHASES AND to sell their lands to any whom the Massachusetts shall not pro- test acrainst. To this end, observing their often flights, and to stop their running to the Massachusetts, I have parlied with them, and find that about thirty pounds will cause them to leave those parts and yield peaceable possession, I suppose then that the town may do well to give leave to about twenty of the inhab- itants (of which I offer to be one, and know others willing) to lay down thirty shillings a man toward the purchase. Let every one of this number have liberty to remove himself or to place a child or friend there. Let every person who shall afterward be re- ceived into the purchase lay down thirty shillings, as hath been done in Providence, which may be paid, by some order agreed on, to such as have lately disbursed monies. Unto the effecting of this, I offer, gratis, my time and services, in hopes, that such as want may have a comfortable supply amongst us, and others made room for, who may be glad of a shelter also. Yours, to serve you, 27, 8, 60, so called. ROGER WILLIAMS." The following answer, drawn up by Thomas OI- ney, sen. William Harris and Arthur Fenner, was returned by the town : " We received your letter, and it being read in the ears of the town, they considered this answer : 1. That from these words in our evidence taken by you which are these, " the lands upon Moshassuck and Wanasquatucket," which lands, comprehend Masswasacutt, it appears ours already, and when we plant there, we will arrree with the Indians either to remove or fence. 3. When as you say, the Indians have subjected to the Bay, we say, they were subject to the Narragansett sachems when you bought the land which we now have, and yourself propose yet to buy. And we know, that if we let go our true hold already at- tained, we shall, if not ourselves, yet our posterity, smart for it, and we conceive herein, that we do truly understand what your- self doth not. And if your apprehension take place, as we hope it never will, in these your proposals, we haply may see, what, we conceive you desire not, the ruin of what you have given name to, viz. poor Providence. As for the natives complaining, we DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 573 have not yet wronged them any further than satisfaction, that we know of, nor shall not. What their wrongs to us are, we have hitherto rather smothered, than complained, yet we must tell you, that we shall not be averse to any fair gratuity, either to take them off their fields or otherwise, always having respect un- to the act of the sachems, whom you have formerly so much honored. And herein, if you can accomplish, we shall be ready to assist with further pay, upon our former grounds, otherwise we shall not meddle, and forbid any so to do. Thus in love, though in brief return, we rest your neighbors. The Town of Providence, Per me, THOMAS OLNEY, jr. Oct. 29, 1660. Clerk in the behalf of the town. To Mr. Roger Williams, these." I suppose "Miswosaket" and " Masswasacutt," in these letters, to refer to the same place. It was probably situate near what is now called " Mesh- wansecut" pond, in the northeast corner of the present town of Scituate. " Wayunkeke " is in Smithfield, between the Wanasquatucket and Paw- tucket rivers. At a town meeting in January 1661, a number of townsmen were permitted to purchase Aquidneset, reserving a right to all the others to become jointly interested with them, by paying a proportion of the purchase money, by the first of March. The town annex to this permission, a provision that it shall not affect the rights of the town acquired from the Nar- ragansett sachems. In May, the town borrowed £20 to pay for clear- ing off certain Indian titles. Probably it was ex- pended in procuring the following deeds : "Providence, 10, 3, 1661, so called. This certifieth that I, Wettiaskant, sachem, formerly living at Wachimoqut, now at 674 INDIAN PURCHASES AND Kaukanchavvanshad, do give up and resign to Thomas Olney, sen. John Brown and Roger Williams of Providence, for the use of the said town, all my interest and claim to a certain tract or lordship of land lying west northwest or thereabouts, from Providence, called Wayunkeke; the bounds of the said lands from the Indian fields at Wayunkeke are eastward to a ridge of hills called Pamechipsk, westward to a river called Toyasqut, which runs down to Pawtucket, southward to a way in the midst of a plain ground between Wayunkeke and Misho- nosakit pond, northward to a place called Quttonikanit. The said lordship, with all the rights and privileges, fields, meadows, rivers, fishings, trees, stones, and whatever else I formerly en- joyed there, as mine own inheritance from my father, and long by me enjoyed, I now for good consideration, in hand received and agreed upon, with my heart resign as aforesaid. Witness my hand. Witness, The mark of WUTTIASKANT, + The mark of George, called Machichacou, or Pigseyes, □ The mark of Pompmuanit, O William Hake. Providence, 27, 10, 61, so called. Be it known unto all men, that I, Maugin, called Tom of Wauchimoqut, do freely give up all my claim of right to any lands about Notacunckanet, and so forward to Sakesakit and Paugatchat, and so from thence for- ward to Mishosakit, unto the town of Providence, and promise to help the men of Providence to clear the Indians from their fields at the places aforesaid. This writing I make to Thomas Olney, sen. John Brown, Valentine Whitman and Roger Wil- liams, appointed by the town to clear off Indians, for the town's use. In witness whereof, I set my mark. The mark of H MAUGIN, Witness, called Tom of Wauchimoqut. Daniel Williams. Providence, 12, 1, 1661. Be it known unto all men by these presents, that I, Waumsittou, or Sepauqut, chief sachem of Pau- kanawqut, do, by these presents, for the consideration of one hundred fathom of wampum, and other gifts received, make and pass over unto Thomas Olney, sen. John Sayles, John DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 575 Brown, Valentine Whitman and Roger Williams, all my right and interest, claim and challenge, unto any lands, grounds and meadows lying and being on the west side of Seecunk or Paw- tuckqut river, for the use of the town of Providence, excepting a tract of land, about four or five miles, which I gave leave to Wil- liam, or Quashawaunamut of Massachuset, to dispose of, which said land begins at the old field of Wasquadomisk ; and whereas, I have no interest in any land beyond that tract assigned to Wil- liam aforesaid, only some subjects of mine lay claim to the next tract of land beyond that of William, his tract, called Mashack- qunt, I do promise to deal with my said subjects to treat and agree with Providence men, if they please, before any other English. In witness of the premises, I set to mine hand and seal, The mark A of ALEXANDER. alias Waumsittou, or Sepaugut. In the presence of Daniel Williams, John Sausaman, The mark H of Tom Waciiamoket. Providence 24, 4mo, 1662, so called. This witnesseth that I, Wesauomog sachem, inhabitant of Mishpashit, do by these presents, for good considerations in hand received, with which I acknowledge myself fully satisfied, I wive and surrender up all my right, interest and claim unto the land aforesaid, unto Thomas Olney, sen. John Brown, Valentine Whitman and Roger Williams, in the name and for the use of the men of Providence and their heirs and assigns forever ; and do promise to keep a league of friendship and love with them and to endeavor that all the natives of Mashousakit, shall so do, and that the English may freely cut the meadows, build houses, feed cattle, and plant the ground, in peace and safety. The bounds of this land he saith, is southward from the pond of Mishousakit about three miles to a pond called Nanipsick,. northward joining to Wayunakege, eastward, near Sakesakit^ and westward about seven miles. In witness of the premises, I subscribe my mark, Witness, The mark of WESAUOMOG,, O The mark of George, called Pigseyes, □ Obadiah Hullmes, Marke Luccar. 576 INDIAN PURCHASES AND These are all the conveyances made by the na- tives to the town that can now be found in the files or records. There is a reference to another deed from Wuttation. The land that it conveyed, hes either in Smithfield or in Burrillville, but neither the extent, bounds, or location of it, can be ascertained. Purchases were also made from the natives by indi- viduals, some of which embraced large tracts. — Among the most considerable of these was the West- quanoid purchase, which lies between the north branch of the Pawtuxet river, and the dividing line between the present counties of Providence and Kent. The Westquanoid purchasers, belonged principally to Rhode-Island. It is impossible to locate the lands conveyed by these deeds, with exactness. About the same time that Mr. Williams executed his first deed to his twelve companions in exile, the following arrangement was entered into between them, for a division of the lands : "An agreement made between the several inhabitants of the town of Providence, the 8th of the 8 month 1638. It is agreed, this day abovesaid, that all the meadow ground at Pawtuxet, bounding upon the fresh river upon both sides, is to be impro- priated unto these thirteen persons, being now incorporate in- to our town of Providence, viz. Ezekiel Holyman, Francis Weston, Richard Waterman, Thomas Olney, Robert Coles, William Carpenter, William Harris, John Throckmorton, Roger Williams, John Greene, Thomas James, William Arnold, Stuke- ly Westcott, and to be equally divided among them, and every man to pay an equal proportion to raise up the sum of twenty pounds for the same, and if it shall come to pass, that some or any one of these thirteen persons abovesaid do not pay or give satisfaction for his or their equal proportion of the abovesaid DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN, 577 sum of twenty pounds, by this day eight weeks, which will be the seventeenth day of the tenth month next ensuing, that they or he, shall leave their or his proportion of meadow o-round unto the rest of those thirteen persons, to be at their disposing who shall make up the whole sum of twenty pounds, which is to be paid unto Roger Williams. Memorandum. On the third day of the tenth month, 1638, so called, according to former agreement, I received of the neigh- bors abovesaid the full sum of ,£18. 11. 8, per me, ROGER WILLIAMS." The date of the foregoing agreement, as stated in the copy from which the foregoing was copied, is the same with the date of the " Initial deed" of Mr. Wilhams ; but it is evident there is either a mistake in the date or in the body, of the instrument. From the eighth of October, eight weeks woukl not be the seventeenth but the third day of December, the date of the memorandum of payment. The object of the agreement, undoubtedly was to secure to the first settlers and purchasers of Provi- dence, a portion of the purchase for their own use. The natural meadows on the banks of the Pavvtux- et were selected as being of the greatest immediate value. There existed no necessity of precision in the bounds of the part so set off, at first, nor while the proprietors of both purchases were the same in- dividuals. Nor was it then contemplated, that any change of circumstances, would render it more diffi- cult to state the precise bounds at some future pe- riod. But as soon as the proprietors of Providence were increased by the admission of other persons, to the "same fellowship of vote" with the original purchasers, the want of certainty in the description 73 578 INDIAN PURCHASES AND and boundaries of the portion appropriated to them- selves exclusively, was felt as a great evil. It gave rise to mistrust and jealousy among the inhabitants of Providence, and divided them into parties. An attempt was made as early as 1640, to settle the line between the two proprieties. The difficulty had then so far progressed, that the parties were obliged to call upon some individuals to act as arbitrators between them. Their report is given in page 40. They decided, that the dividing line should " Run upon a straight line from a fresh spring, being in the cruUy at the head of the cove, running by the point of land call- ed SaxefFrax, unto the town of Mashapaug, to an oak tree stand- ing near the cornfield, being at this time the nearest cornfield unto Pawtuxet, the oak tree having four marks vv^ith an axe, till some other landmark be set for a certain bound. Also, we agree, that if any meadow ground lying adjoining to that mea- dow that borders upon the river of Pawtuxet, come within the aforesaid line, which will not come within a straight line from the long cove to the marked tree, then, for that meadow to be- long to Pawtuxet ; and so, beyond the town of Mashapaug, from the oak-tree, between the two fresh rivers Pawtuxet and Wanas- quatucket of an even distance." This report was signed by the greater part of the proprietors of both purchasers. It does not appear that the hues then agreed upon were run out. In fact, the indefinite nature of the bound set to the purchase, precluded the possibility of their ever being run out. The line from the spring to Masha- paug, was definitely settled, but the line " between the two fresh rivers, Pawtuxet and Wanasquatucket, could not be, until the parties agreed " what land and meadows" upon the Wanasquatucket they pos- sessed, and what was granted them in 1639^ when DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 679 Miantonomi acknowledged his prior deed and added, " up the streams of Pawtucket and Paw- tuxet, witliout hmits, they might have for their use of cattle." There remained then ample matter for dispute, and as the parties grew warm, it is to be feared, that there was on both sides a departure from the principles with which both started. The ex- istence of these two parties may be easily traced in the language used in the subsequent deeds from the sachems. Those first procured, were intended to operate as deeds of confirmation of the previous grant to Mr. Williams, estabhshing a western bound- ary to it. The party that was not active in pro- curing them, insisted that they were a fraud upon the natives, as deeds of confirmation, and affected to consider them deeds of new purchases, the con- sequence of which would be to vest the whole in the proprietors of Providence. A majority of the town, however, accepted them as deeds of confirmation. Pawtuxet purchasers accordingly paid one fourth of the expense of procuring them. In accordance with the extent of land conveyed by these deeds, the town, in March 1660, agreed that their western bounds should be set twenty miles west of Fox's Hill. A committee was appointed to run the west- ern fine. At the same time, they also agreed that the dividing line between Providence and Pawtuxet, should be " midway between Wanasquatucket and Pawtuxet, twenty miles." A committee was ap- pointed in April 1661, consisting of Arthur Fenner, William Wickenden and Thomas Hopkins, " to meet three of Pawtuxet men and run the line " " up into 580 INDIAN PURCHASES AND the country, beginning at the tree at Mashapaiig.'' They did not execute their commission till several years afterwards. The next proceeding on the sub- ject was in March 1666, when it was mutually agreed, that " the line of difference shall be run be- tween Providence and Pawtuxet from the end of the hne already set near unto Pawchaset river, and from thence upon a straight hne to Hypse's rock, if said rock is midway between Pawtuxet and Wanas- quatucket, if not, then opposite it, at midway." A committee was appointed, the same day, to run out this hne. There is no evidence of any proceedings by them, nor is it to be wondered at, when the agreement did not more exactly define the course to be run. The committee appointed in 1661, report- ed in January 1668, that they had run the hne agreed on from the spring to the marked tree at Mashapaug, and thence " northward to a centre be- twixt the two rivers upon an equal distance, near unto a great rock, and from thence westerly upon a straight hne near unto Pawchasit river." Their re- port was accepted by the town in February following. These lines, it will at once be perceived, extend only part of the way between the two proprieties, as Paw- tuxet purchasers claimed them to extend. In 1675, another committee was appointed by the town to con- fer with Pawtuxet men about the dividing hne. The result of the conference does not appear in any report, but it did not result in any settlement of the matter in controversy. Recourse was, in the mean time, in many in- stances, had to legal process. Suits were institu- DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 58l ted in various courts and jurisdictions, for alledged trespasses. These served to arouse private feelings and to enlist them in the disputes, without, in any de- gree, settling the question out of which they arose. The tribunals in this colony were not so constituted as to be impartial in relation to the matter. It could scarcely happen, that some of the Assistants who composed the highest judicial tribunal then known, would not be interested in the question under de- bate, though they might not be in the issue on trial. At any rate, the losing party would always have it in his power to shake the confidence in such tribu- nals, on such matters, where whole communities Were, in fact, parties in feeling. In 1630, recourse was had to the courts of Massachusetts. After the subjection of some of the Pawtuxet purchasers, with their lands, to that government, two of them, Wil- ham Carpenter and Robert Coles, commenced a suit in the county court at Boston, against William Har- ris, for trespass on Pawtuxet lands. The court en- tertained jurisdiction over the cause, and gave judg- ment for the defendant. No one, it is presumed, will now suppose that the courts of that Province ever could have obtained any jurisdiction over the matter in dispute or the defendant in the action, both being many miles beyond their charter fines. Nor was it possible for them to execute their judg- ments on the land, as their right to the jurisdiction was disputed by this colony. In June 1677, the difficulties had increased to such a degree, that William Harris one of the Paw- tuxet proprietors, undertook a voyage to England 582 INDIAN PURCHASES AND to petition the king for the appointment of special commissioners to hear and determine them. In his petition he gives a summary of the difficulties and dangers that surrounded the Pawtuxet purchase. — He states that he and his twelve partners had pur- chased the land about forty years before, that their purchase or parts of it, were claimed by the town of Providence, the town of Warwick, the colony of New-Plymouth and two parties of ^the province of Massachusetts Bay ; that they were intruded upon by these claimants, and that although they had sued some of them, they could obtain no redress for their wrongs. The prayer of the petition, was, that the governors of New-Plymouth, Massachusetts, Rhode- Island and Connecticut might be required to hear their complaints themselves, or to appoint such as were just and able men to hear them, and with the aid of a jury equally chosen out of the respective govern- ments to determine all differences concerning the lands at Pawtuxet. All these various claims de- pended on the extent of the original purchase of Providence. Neither Warwick, New-Plymouth, nor the parties from Massachusetts could maintain their claim against the rightful bounds of Providence, as they were founded on conveyances from the na- tives subsequent to the purchase by Mr. Williams, and were either included within or were bounded upon, his grant. It has been before stated, that the question between Providence and Pawtuxet de- pended on the extent of Providence westerly, and the course that the dividing line should run, beyond Mashapaug. The prayer of this petition was grant- DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 683 ed, and a commission sent to the four governors. — They appointed commissioners to hear the matters in dispute. These were Thomas Hinckley and James Cudworth, of Plymouth, Simon Lynde and Daniel Henchman, of Massachusetts, George Den- nison and Daniel Wetherell, of Connecticut, and John Coggeshall and Peleg Sanford, of Rhode-Isl- and. They met at Boston on the third day of Oc- tober 1677, and empannelled a jury, four of whom belonged to Massachusetts, two to Plymouth, three to Connecticut, and three to Rhode-Island. They then adjourned to Providence, where they met on the 17th day of November. Five cases were then entered and tried before the jury. William Harris, Thomas Field and Nathaniel Waterman were the plaintiffs. The defendents were, John Tours, of Hingham, the town of Warwick, John Harrod and partners, Edmund Calverly, Gregory Dexter, Arthur Fenner and the town of Providence. A paper call- ed the declaration of the plaintiffs in the last nam- ed case contains, near the close of it, what was the issue between the parties in that cause ; " Whether the said town of Providence should not, with us, run the line agreed on by us for partition between the said riv- ers Wanasquatucket river and Pawtuxet river, at an equal and even distance, and equally upward into the country, as high as the place or pond, called Punhangansett, the most westerly bound, which is about twelve miles from the most easterly bound set at Providence : and who hath the best right and truest title to the lands on the southward side of the said line." On the 21st of November the jury returned a ver- dict for the plaintiffs for two pounds, damages, and " Also that the said defendents run the aforesaid line, equally 584 INDIAN PURCHASES AND between Pawtuxet river and Wanasquatucket river, till they meet a thwart line from the head of Wanasquatucket river, di- rectly running to Pawtuxet river/' The court accepted the verdict and issued three warrants to carry it into effect, one to the Assistants of Providence, requiring them to summon the free- men of Providence to meet and choose a commit- tee to run the Hnes described in the verdict — one to the town sergeant of Providence, requiring him to give the plaintiffs possession, after the above Hnes were run, and the third to the Assistants, requiring them to see that the town sergeant dehvered pos- session according to their warrant to him. The court then adjourned to meet at Boston on the 23d of May 1679, "to consult with their respective gov- ernors whether they had power to grant execution for the cost of court, &c." and to prepare a report of their proceedings to the king. The commission- ers from Connecticut being absent, the court ad- journed to the 18th of June, then to meet at Prov- idence. The verdict, as accepted by the court, was far from determining the controversy between the parties. Something was to be done by the defend- ants ; they were to run the very lines which were the foundation of the dispute, and the language of the verdict was so loose and indefinite, as to their length and courses, that there was little probability that they would be run in a manner satisfactory to the plaintiffs. This was the fact. In April the plaintiffs proposed to the town of Providence to appoint sur- veyors to run the Hnes. The proposition was not acceded to. At the adjournment on the 18th of DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 585 June, the defendants produced a plan showing a Une which they affirmed was according to the verdict. It extended from what they supposed to be the head of Wanasquatucket river, to a point in Pawtuxet river where the Pawchasit river empties into it. Providence contended that the line so run was " a thwart hue" in the language of the verdict " from the head of Wanasquatucket river directly running to Pawtuxet river." The plaintiffs objected to this line, and refused to accept it as the line the jury in- tended, as this line made an acute angle and not a direct thwart line or right angle, as they construed the language of the jury to require. The court then " thought it might be most satisfactory to have the former jury themselves, explain their own meaning in their verdict," and adjourned to the first day of October, at which time the jurors were summoned again to appear. At the time of the adjournment only five of the commissioners were present ; the next day, the two from Rhode-Island appeared, but one being still absent (Wetherell, of Connecticut,) they withdrew themselves, on the ground that no proceedings could be had unless all the commission- ers were present. The remaining five commission- ers, taking a different view of their powers, contin- ued in session. All the jurors except the three from Rhode- Island, appeared on the first day of meeting. They did not appear till the second, and then " re- fused to do any thing as to the explanation of what they intended in their former verdict," alledging that they had previously explained it in writing. The remaining nine jurors explained their meaning 74 686 INDIAN PURCHASES AND to be as the court had previously declared it and as the plaintiff claimed, and also, on oath, declared to the court, that the jurors from Rhode-Island had concurred with them in this explanation. The commissioners' report is dated the 5th of October 1678. Mr. Harris made another voyage to England in 1679, and presented a petition to the king, complain- ing that the judgment remained unexecuted, and that the plaintiffs were still kept out of possession. The magistrates of Rhode-Island were required, by letter dated July 9, 1679, to cause the judgment to be carried into immediate effect. This letter was pre- sented to the governor and assistants in general council, on the 30th of September. They issued an execution on the judgment, reciting the verdict in the words used by the jury, and appointed John Smith, of Newport, the marshal, to execute the same. He made his return to the general council on the 10th day of December, that he had not de- livered possession of the lands described in the exe- cution, that he had applied to the plaintiffs for them to point out the lands, but that they had neglected to do so. It seems he spent several days in Provi- dence and Pawtuxet, endeavoring to discharge his duty. It is probable, from his detail of circumstan- ces, that the plaintiffs were determined not to accept possession, except according to their construction of the verdict, and they would not point out the land unless he would run the lines described in the ver- dict, which he refused to do, because the verdict made that the duty of the defendants. Not disheart- DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 587 ened by these rebuffs, in January following, Mr. Harris again embarked for England, with a design of preferring another petition to the king for redress. On his passage he was taken a prisoner, by a Barba- ry corsair, and carried to Algiers. He remained there more than a year, and was finally ransomed, at the cost of about ;$fl200. He travelled through Spain and France, reached London, and died a few days after his arrival there. During the whole of this controversy, Mr. Harris had acted as the attor- ney of the Pawtuxet purchasers, he being also one of them. There existed between him and Mr. Wil- liams, a personal, or what became a personal, con- troversy, for many years before his death. The origin of it is not known nor whether it grew out of the dispute between the proprieties, or whether that dispute did not owe to it much of its violence. So far as proceedings were had before courts and juries, Mr. Harris generally succeeded, while Mr. Williams seems to have gained and kept an ascendancy in the affairs of the town. Little is known of the early life of Mr. Harris. He first landed in Boston, and the tradition is that he came in the same ship with Mr. Wilhams. He left Salem with Mr. Williams, and was one of the first six that crossed the Seekonk. The records do not show that he ever took a leading part in the affairs of the town, or was often called by his fellow townsmen to hold offices. He held the office of Assistant for Providence, for several years, during some of which there was a large num- ber, if not a majority, of the freemen of the town op- posed to him. His influence lay in other parts of 588 INDIAN PURCHASES AND the colony. The proceedings commenced against him in the colony, and the complaints urged against him by the town, have heretofore been given in preceding chapters. In defending what he supposed were the rights of Pawtuxet purchasers, he was in- defatigable. They were prosecuted with a zeal and industry, and at an expense, which the matter in dispute would hardly seem to justify. The argu- ments or pleas he made before the commissioners, in 1677 and 1678, are preserved. They exhibit deep thought, and much of the scholastic reasoning, pecul- iar to that age, but are deficient in that general and classical knowledge which distinguished the learned men of his day. Although he acted throughout the controversy as an attorney for the purchasers, no one, from reading his arguments, would hesitate a moment in determining that he was never educated a lawyer. While they show an intimate acquaintance with the statutes of England, they, at the same time, show that his knowledge of law extended no further than to them. His knowledge of the principles of the com- mon law, so far as it extended, was not derived from books, but from deep reflection and the innate strength of his own mental powers. His perception of them was quick, and his conclusions from them just, wherever he did not permit his prejudices and prepossessions to influence him. He appears to have possessed an ardent temperament, combined with such an uncommon degree of firmness as amounted almost to obstinacy. From the proceed- ings in the Pawtuxet controversy, it may be doubted DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 589 whether this latter principle may not have delayed its termination. At the time of the third and last voyage to Eng- land, and probably before, Mr. Harris was engaged as the agent of Connecticut in urging the claims of that colony to the jurisdiction over the Narragan- sett country. While this circumstance evinces the respect which that colony had for his talents and in- tegrity, it may account for some of the prejudices against him in Rhode-Island. It does not appear that any steps were taken, after the death of Mr. Harris, in relation to the settle- ment of this controversy, until 1682. In November of that year, the town of Providence appointed " five trustees," with full power " to end the differ- ence " with Pawtuxet, and " agree upon the line to be run." They apphed themselves to the task, and in January they executed an agreement with the Pawtuxet proprietors, establishing the future line of division between them and Providence. They re- ported their proceedings to the town in April, and were then instructed to run out the line. Thus far they had perfected nothing. The dividing line had been settled in 1640, by the "combination" signed by the parties. A vote of the town, in 1660, had fixed the course of the line, and finally the jury be- fore the commissioners, in 1677, had directed how the line should run. These trustees had therefore done no more than had been repeatedly done be- fore. They stopped at the very point where the difiiculty commenced. It is worthy of remark, however, that the line now agreed upon contract- o90 INDIAN PURCHASES AND ed the limits of the Pawtuxet purchase, far more than either of the preceding ones. By this, it was to extend no farther west than the seven-mile Hne. The north Hne was to be run from the spring in the gully at SaxefFrax cove, to Mashapaug, and from thence to a point in the seven-mile line midway between the south bounds of the purchase, and the point where the seven-mile hne crossed the Wanas- quatucket river. These hnes were not run out by the trustees. In fact, they could not be, for the south boundary of the purchase was then in dispute, and the seven-mile line no where crosses the Wanas- quatucket. There is no reason, notwithstanding this, to doubt the sincerity of the contracting par- ties. The same trustees were empowered, at the time of their appointment, to settle the difficulties with Warwick. They probably expected then soon to accomplish this. It is no great imputation on them to believe, that the seven-mile hne had not been run its whole length northward, nor that the whole course of the Wanasquatucket had not been explored. The dividing line between Providence and War- wick, so far as related to jurisdiction, was settled by the General Assembly, in October 1696. They de- cided that the north side of the Pawtuxet river, from the junction of its northern and southern branches, to its mouth, should separate the jurisdiction of the two towns. In 1707, a new claimant appeared for part of the lands supposed to be within the purchase of Provi- dence. This was the Westquanoid Company. DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN, 691 They claimed all the land lying south of the north branch of the Pawtuxet, under a deed from the na- tives. This dispute was, however, of short duration* In October 1708, it was agreed between them, that a line should be run due south from the centre of Punhangansett pond, to Warwick north line, and that the dividing line between Providence and West- quanoid, should cross this line at right angles, mid- way between its extremes. No further difficulty appears to have existed in relation to this line. Like the Pawtuxet controversy, this related solely to title to lands* The jurisdiction of Providence over it was never questioned. The dividing hue between Providence and Paw- tuxet had not been run out in 1708. A petition was presented to the purchasers of Providence this year, by one of their number, praying that it might be. In the following year a committee of Pawtuxet pur- chasers was directed by that body to run it out. It does not appear that either of these attempts went so far as even to agree upon the dividing hue, much less to run it out. It slumbered till February 11, 1712, when another agreement was made between a com- mittee of Providence and a committee of Pawtuxet. It recites that the dividing line " was agreed upon in 1682-3j but no bounds set, which left the matter in dispute," and then follows the line at that time agreed upon, varying from all preceding ones, and still further reducing the extent of Pawtuxet pur- chase, beginning at Mashapaug, and to run west fourteen degrees north, to the seven-mile line, and then due south to Warwick line. The committee 692 INDIAN PURCHASES AND who executed this agreement, in the May following run out the line agreed on, and set up bounds, and this ended the controversy. Although the proprietors of Providence had oc- casionally for years previous to 1718, held meet- ings apart from the town, for the transaction of busi- ness relating solely to the lands of the purchase, yet the bodies had but one clerk and one set of records. And in many instances, orders which concern only the propriety, were passed by the town. Little care was taken to keep the line of separation distinct in the records, and hitherto little attention has been paid to it in this and the preceding chapters. It was impossible to do it, without conjecturing from the contents of certain orders and proceedings by which body they were passed. Less ambiguity, it was thought, would arise from this course, than from pursuing the contrary one, and marking out the dis- tinction as the work progresssed. In 1713, a dis- pute arose between the purchasers and town, as to the records, and in the beginning of 1718, the pur- chasers removed it, by choosing a clerk for their own body and opening a new set of records. Since that time, the records have been kept distinct. The records of the proprietors are divided into two sets, one relating to land to the east, or within the seven- mile line, the other relating to land to the west, or without the same line. This line was first established in 1660. It runs due north and south, seven miles westward of Fox's hill, or Fox point, as it is now called. It is the dividing line between the present towns of Smithfield, Cranston and Johnston on the DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 593 east, and Scituate, Gloucester and Burrillville on the west. It originally marked the extent of the early divisions of the lands, westward. The disputes and difficulties which have heretofore been traced from their rise to their final determina- tion and settlement, related solely to rights of prop- erty and soil. The right of jurisdiction over all the land lying between Warwick on the south, Connec- ticut on the west, Massachusetts on the north, and Pawtucket or Seekonk river on the east, was always admitted to be in Providence. It was all called the township of Providence. Jurisdiction was also claimed over the land which constitutes the present town of Cumberland. This was denied by Plymouth, and afterwards by Massachusetts, and was a matter of contention between the colonies, until 1746, when it was settled by the king in council, and the juris- diction given to the colony of Rhode-Island. As settlements increased towards the borders of the township, the inhabitants began to experience the great disadvantages growing out of such extended limits. The meetings of the freemen were holden in the village which was, then, generally styled the town of Providence. Inhabitants living at the extremities of the township were obliged to travel twenty miles or more, to attend them. Municipal regulations, highly neccessary for the village, were totally inapplicable to the other parts of the town. The different pursuits too, of the inhabitants, those in the village part being principally traders, mechan- ics or merchants, and the rest, generally, husband- men, also required for each, different regulations. 75 594 INDIAN PURCHASES AND The first, from their situation, would need frequent town-meetings, to make rules and by-laws for their government, and would require expenditures from the public treasury, in which the other would feel and have but little interest. These circumstan- ces naturally produced a desire for a division of the town into separate municipal corporations. In April 1730, a petition was presented to the freemen of the town, in town meeting, praying that the town might be divided into three or more towns. It was assented to at once, and the General Assembly of the colony, at a session in February following, passed an act dividing the town into Providence, Smith- field, Scituate and Gloucester. The bounds of Prov- idence were declared to extend south to Warwick, west to the seven-mile line, on which it measured eight and a half miles, and northward to a line drawn from the weir on Pawtucket river about half a mile north of Pawtucket falls, to the north end of its western boundary on the seven-mile hne. In 1754, upon the petition of some of the inhabi- tants of Providence, the town of Cranston was set off from the southwesterly part of Providence. By this act the southerly line of Providence was declar- ed to be a straight line from Hawkins' Cove on Providence bay or river, to a bend in Pochasset riv- er, near Charles Dyer's, then to follow the river up to the Plainfield road, then by that road to the seven- mile line. The town of Cranston takes its name from Samuel Cranston, who for many years was governor of the colony. The petition states there were, at this time, 600 freemen in Providence, DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 595 In 1759, the township of Johnston was erected, out of the westerly part of Providence. The divid- ing Hne begins on the southern bank of Wanas- quatucket river, due north from the easternmost part of Solitary Hill, and runs thence due south to the northern hne of Cranston. From the place of beginning, the hne north, is the Wanasquatucket riv- er. This town was named after Augustus Johnston, at that time attorney general of the colony. The township of Providence still consisted of a large area of land and contained a large number of inhabitants. The compact part had been empow- ered for some years to meet and assess themselves for the purchase of fire engines, which the proximity and materials of their dwellings made necessary. In 1763, engine men were elected as town officers. — In 1764, a town watch was agreed upon. Several grants of lotteries for the paving of the streets had been obtained. In all these improvements, those inhabitants who were without the compact parts of the town had little interest. They felt it, therefore, an unnecessary burden to contribute towards them, and even the attendance upon the town meetings necessarily and frequently called in relation to such improvements was no small tax upon them. Induc- ed by these or some other reasons, one hundred and fifteen of the inhabitants in the northerly part of the township preferred a petition to the General Assem- bly at their February session, 1765, to be set oflf into a town by the name of Wenscutt. They pro- posed that the dividing line between Providence and Wenscutt should run from the southernmost point 696 INDIAN PURCHASES AND where the hne of Johnston meets the Wanasqua- tucket river, by that river to the northwest corner of the town's land east of Forestack meadow, thence to the middle of Mill Bridge, and thence due east to Seekonk river. In their petition they stated the number of freemen in Providence to be upwards of four hundred, and that about one hundred and sixty of them resided in the part proposed to be set off. — This petition was continued till the next session and a citation ordered to the town of Providence. At the same February session, a counter petition, signed by twenty-nine of the " inhabitants of the northern part of Providence," was also presented. This pe- tition charges, " that divers persons, inhabitants of the same part of the town of Providence in which we dwell, have been instigated and set on by crafty and designing men to desire of this Assembly that the said town of Providence may be again divided into two towns, in such a manner and by such boun- daries as are directly calculated to serve the inter- ested views and purposes of such instigators," and prays to be heard against that petition. The char- ges in this petition may probably be traced to the high spirit of party which characterised the Ward and Hopkins era in the colony. The first signer of the petition for dividing the town was Elisha Brown, one of the most active and influential partisans of Gov. Ward in the north part of the colony. The signers of that petition were probably mostly Ward men, and the signers of the other, Hopkins men. The Hne proposed for a dividing line, evidently shows that some ulterior object was sought after in the di- DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 597 vision, for it passed though the compact part of the town. It was not so drawn as to separate the agri- cultural from the mercantile part of the communi- ty, but it is fair to conjecture, that as it embraced the residence of Ehsha Brown, it set off with him, as the town of Wenscutt, so many other partizans of Gov. Ward as would secure the election of repre- sentatives to the General Assembly favorable to Gov. Ward. He had that year, 1765, succeeded against Gov. Hopkins, and this seems to have been resorted to as a means of perpetuating his power in the colony, and perhaps of rewarding some of his faithful adherents, by the multiplication of offices. — There is no evidence that any citation ever issued to the town of Providence on this petition ; on the contrary, it is expressly stated in a protest signed by the deputies of Providence, that none had been issued or served. The petition however was grant- ed, at the June session 1765, and the dividing hue established as prayed for, but the name of the new town was changed from Wenscutt to North Provi- dence. At a town meeting in August, a com- mittee was appointed by the town of Providence to remonstrate against the division, and in November the deputies were instructed to procure a re-union. All efforts proved ineffectual, while Gov. Ward's par- ty prevailed in the colony. In April 1767, Gov. Hopkins secured the ascendancy, and in June follow- ing the southern bounds of North Providence were established as they now exist, commencing at the same point, following Wanasquatucket river to the southerlv end of Forestack meadow, thence to the 598 INDIAN PURCHASES AND northwest corner of the burying ground, thence easterly and southerly by said burying ground to Harrington's lane, thence easterly by the north side of that lane to the southwest corner of Joseph Olney's land, thence south across the said lane, thence easterly by the south side of that lane to the dividing line between land of Wilham and Phineas Brown, and by that dividing hne to Seekonk river. This is the last town that was severed from the original lands of Providence. The interests of the compact and agricultural parts of the township required the divisions which had been made. The original town, under any circumstancse, was alto- gether too extensive to be embraced in one munici- pal corporation. Some of the towns so severed from Providence have been since divided into other towns. Thus the original town of Scituate, so named by the first settlers of it, from the town of Scituate in Massachusetts, from which many of them came, has been divided into Scituate and Fos- ter, the last town taking its name from Theodore Foster, formerly one of the senators from this state in the Congress of the United States. The town of Gloucester, so called from the Duke of Gloucester, has been divided into Gloucester and Burrillville. — The latter town derives its name from James Burrill, jun., formerly attorney general and afterwards chief justice of the state, and senator in Congress. The town of Cumberland, which was annexed to the county of Providence by decision of the king in council in 1746, was so called in comphment to Prince Wilham, Duke of Cumberland. DIVISIONS OF THE TOWN. 599 The several divisions of Providence have rather accelerated than diminished her prosperity. While the younger branches of the family have been rapid- ly increasing in population and wealth, the parent stock retains all the freshness and vigor of youth. As she parted with a large proportion of her outlands as portions for her several daughters, her attention has been gradually and necessarily turned from ag- riculture to commerce and manufactures. The same enterprising spirit which enabled the first set- tlers successfully to combat all the difficulties of their wilderness situation, and to force from a com- paratively lean and unproductive soil, both suste- nance and comfort, when directed in succeeding times to commerce, led the way to China and the East Indies, and whitened every sea with her canvass. The area of Providence is about six square miles. Its form is irregular, and its surface diversified with hills and dales. The two rivers, Moshassuck and Wanasquatucket, unite in the town and form Provi- dence harbor or river, into which the Pawtucket empties itself, at Fox Point. The land on the west of the Moshassuck, is generally hght and sandy ; the highest part of it, Jefferson plains, is seventy-six feet above tide-water. East of the Moshassuck, the soil is a heavy loam, underlaid with slate and grey wacke. The highest point of it is two hundred and four feet above tide-water. This is just north of Olney street, in the range of the Dexter Asylum and the Friends' school. • CHAPTER ELEVENTH. MISCELLANEOUS. In this chapter it is designed to embody various facts and traditions connected with the town of Providence, which could not easily be embraced in either of the foregoing chapters. In answer to a circular, craving information, the author received a long and very interesting letter from Samuel Thurber, one of our oldest and most respectable citizens, since deceased. As this is the only answer he received, although the circular was sent to many persons, such parts of it will here be given, as have not already been embodied in this work. Sir — -Your request for information concerning circumstances and things appertaining to this town, I cannot answer agreeable to my desire, by reason of having been permitted to outlive my memory or recollection, in a very considerable degree, being now in my 81st year. I will endeavor, however, to recollect, then must take things as they occur, therefore you must not expect accuracy or uniformity. Should I happen to state any thing worth your notice, make such use of it as you think may be beneficial. Changes in the face of the soil, in this town, are hardly visi- ble, excepting near the streets, where the improvement or change is o-reat. The time is within my recollection when there were not more than six or eight buildings on Benefit street, and no street over the hill excepting that called Jail-lane. The old jail, standing on the north oide of it, was one of the buildings. MISCELLANEOUS, 601 All carriages going to or from the east part of the town, passed through Olney's lane, or through a street quite at the south part of the town. At that time I think I had some knowledge of nearly every family in town. As respects the river, I doubt whether the tide covers half the ground it did seventy years since ; wharves first built, then Water streets beyond the wharves, acres filled or raised south of Weybosset and Broad streets. Where Westminster street is, and all north of it, the tide flowed. I am told that there was a knoll, or small round hill, near the head of what is now called the Long wharf, which at that time was an island. Old people have often told me of having picked ber- ries on it. An old man long since told me that while there was difficulty with the Indians, several of them got slily upon that hill and fired at a small company of white young men who were playing at nine pins, Viear where the court house now stands, and hit one of their pins. I am told that the first vessel which sailed from this town for the West Indies, was loaded at a wharf that was then a little to the westward of the canal market. I once saw a vessel of about thirty or forty tons, a fisherman, un- loading at a wharf then adjoining to what is now called Smith street. Many vessels of large burthen have been built on the west side of what is called the canal basin, and at other places north of the great bridge, which bridge I believe was fifty or sixty feet longer than it now is. There was a draw in it, for the purpose of letting vessels through. The channel, I think, is now covered by Water street. As respects schools, previous to about the year 1770, they were but little thought of; there were in my neighborhood, three small schools, perhaps about a dozen schol- ars in each. Their books were, the bible, spelling book and primer. One kept by John Foster, Esq. in his office ; one by Dr. Benjamin West. Their fees were seven shillings and sixpence per quarter. One kept by George Taylor, Esq. for the church scholars. He, it was said, received a small compensation from England. Besides these, there were two or three women schools. When one had learned to read, write, and do a sum in the rule of three, he was fit for business. About this time, Dr. Jonathan Arnold made a move for building a proprietors' school house; by his exertions he obtained enough to build one at the norther- 76 602 MISCELLANEOUS. ly end of Benefit street, which was called Whipple Hall, in con- sequence of Mr. Joseph Whipple giving the lot for two shares. George Taylor, jr. was the first master. The town, a few years since, bought the proprietors out. At a time many years since, I fell in with an old gentleman standing viewing what was called the old Turpin house. He says to me, I am taking a view of the old house where the Gen- eral Assembly used to sit: I have been there and should like to go in to see whether it looks as it did formerly, I went in with him ; after looking round, he says, it is much as it was. This house then was standing on the west side of North Main street, nearly opposite to the Fourth Baptist meeting house. It ap- pears that in the days of Turpin, the original owner, this was a very sightly place, and a place of considerable business. He had a large yard with an elm tree in it, a fine garden, handsomely fenced in, through which there ran a small brook, which came from a small swamp, laying a little to the eastward of where the meeting-house now is. The Rev. John Graves, the church priest, from England, was T believe a very pious man. As he was sent over imder the pay of that government, his piety obliged him to attend to his en- gagement, consequently his hearers left him and employed an- other. After the king had acknowledged our independence, he considered himself discharged from that quarter, then offered, as I was told to officiate as an American, but could not be re-instated. He died soon after. The Rev. Joseph Snow, was a truly wor- thy man, one it is said, who had done much for his society, and who, after becoming old, was slipped aside. The old gentleman died with grief. The Rev. Samuel Winsor was a worthy, plain Baptist preacher, and was a very useful man. The Rev. James Manning did great things in the way of enlightening and inform- incr the people. Schools revived by means of his advice and as- sistance. Previous to him it was not uncommon to meet with those who could not write their names. Doctors Joseph Hewes, Ephraim Bowen, and Jonathan Ar- nold, all at the same time, were our most eminent physicians. Arnold, at the commencement of the revolutionary war, took charge of the hospital, and there continued until the peace in MISCELLANEOUS 603 1783. He afterwards went as a member to Congress. He final- ly made a settlement in Vermont, and there died. As for lawyers, I never had much to do with them, as I ever had a contemptible opinion of their trade. I however will relate from information, an instance. There was a man who I recol- lect of once seeing, by the name of John Aplin. It is said that he was a man of learning and of a good address, a poor English- man. He found friends who put him forward. He soon became popular, and acquired a handsome estate. He, like some others of the trade, became very avaricious. A very important case presented, both sides wanted him, he so engaged, and received a fee from each. This was discovered ; he consequently, between two days, up keleg and scud for Connecticut. I doubt whether he was ever in Rhode-Island afterwards. He had six sons; one of them, by the name of Joseph, was educated to the same trade. He was a tory, and went off to the British. I dont know that either of them is now living, or that there is an inch of their property in the name. Manners and fashions were very plain. The dress in general was meant to be durable. Men mostly with wash-leather breeches ; cloth for most purposes, generally manufactured in their families ; laborers of almost every description with leather aprons ; the best dress of the most opulent, was of Eno-lish manufacture, in a plain style. Some who were a little flashy, would wear a cocked hat, a wig, or a powdered head, their hair clubbed or queued ; sometimes would buy or borrow some for the purpose of giving the club or queue the better appearance. Women of the same neighborhood would visit each other with a clean checked apron, a striped loose gown, a handkerchief over the shoulders, and a sun bonnet ; then pleasantly sit down and divert themselves over a dish of bohea tea and a piece of bread and butter. A few who considered themselves somewhat supe- rior, would wear a silk or calico gown, with long ruffle cuffs, a lawn apron, a little roll over the head, resembling a crupper to a saddle, with the hair smoothly combed over it, a flat chip hat, with a crown about one inch deep, all covered with a thin silk, some black, some white, others red, green, &c. 6lc. Young men would at times amuse themselves in the lots, at ball, shooting 604 MISCELLANEOUS. at poultry or at a mark, now and then at wrestling or jumping ; at times muster in small parties with young women, then have a dance ; at harvest time, would go miles to a husking, as the far- mers generally would at that time make merry. At the season for pigeons, there was too much diversion in destroying them. There were many stands set up around our cove, by means of which thousands were annually destroyed by shooting. In the country they were mostly taken in nets, and brought to market by horse loads, in panniers. A man told me that he at a time carried a load in that way to Boston, that they were so plenty that he could not sell them, neither give them away ; he thought that there might be those who had rather steal than to have it thought they were beggars, so set his panniers down by the side of a street, there left them for awhile; .when he returned, he found many more than he had left. Captain Jabez Whipple, who lately died in his one hundredth year, told me, that when a young man, he, with several others, kept a pack of hounds, with which they would at times divert themselves in a fox chase ; that at a time they followed one, most of the day, at evening they holed him, then made a fire at the hole in order to keep him in during the night; they came with tools for digging, went to work, and soon found him, suffocated, as they supposed, took him out, handed him from one to the other, with every appearance of being dead, so threw him on the ground, when he instantly took to his toes, and so gave them another day's chase. As for particular places of resort, I can hardly say that I know of any ; the great bridge was a considerable of a place for it, at a pleasant time. Captain Joseph Olney kept the principal pub- lic house. As the town increased, it settled the fastest nearer the tide water. Col. Knight Dexter, opened a public house where the people could be more conveniently accommodated ; this and other houses being opened for the same purpose, drew the custom from the old place, so that it became abandoned. Elisha Brown, at a time was doing a very considerable business to the northward of Capt. Olney's, near Joseph Turpin's. To him there was great electioneering resorting. For several seasons party ran high between Samuel Ward, of Newport, and Stephen MISCELLANEOUS. 606 Hopkins, of this town. No one more zealously engaged in the cause than Brown, for Ward, and for himself as Deputy Govern- or. His zeal, I believe, was rather expensive, as he left to his family near nothing, of a good estate. The first coach that I ever saw, and I do not know but the first one that was ever in this town, was owned by a Mr. Merritt, an Englishman, who came and purchased the farm and built the house where the venerable Moses Brown lately died, in his 99th year. This coach would once in a while come into the street by way of Olney's lane, then there would be a running of the chil- dren, and a looking from the windows, to see the new wonderful thing. About this time, there would be, now and then, a person who wanted a passage to Boston. Col. William Brown, who lived quite at the north east corner of the town, on a farm, kept what was called a curricle, drawn by two horses ; he would be their carrier. It would take him about three days to go and re- turn. After awhile, Thomas Sabin, I think, was the first that set up a stage ; he generally went once a week. After him, Robert Currey, then Samuel Whipple ; when they got through by day light, they thought to have done well. The mail was carried by a Mr. Mumford, on horseback, once a week, between this and New-London, and so back. May, 1776, 1 went to Pomfret, thir- ty-six miles, in a chaise ; the road was so stony and rough, that I could not ride out of a slow walk, but very little of the way ; I was near two days in going, such was the general state of our roads at that time. Eminent men, I can refer to whom they were, the world knows them, a Washington, a Franklin, a Lafayette, together with all who composed our first Congress, then will add seven eighths at least of New-England men. The object and design of the great majority at that time was the same. They were ready and wil- ling to make any and every sacrifice that should benefit the great whole. But very few such at this time ; now the most eminent men are those who sacrifice the general good to the interest of selected individuals. The arch deceiver did not in former days receive such polite addresses as they now do. The fair, plain, honest man, although in moderate circumstances, was then the most eminent. 606 MISCELLANEOUS. At a time, I saw an old lady walking over the great bridge with a cane in her hand. I asked a bystander who she was. He said old Mrs. Eddy, that she is now more than one hundred years old. After which, I heard that she died, at about one hundred and five. A Mr. Miller died about the same time, at about the same age. I was at Newport not long since, there I saw a man who said he was one hundred years and one month old that day ; he was very intelligent, and has since died. John Sayles is said to have lived more than one hundred years. Mr. Richard Brown, who lived in the north east corner of this town, and died some twenty years since, on his century day was so cheery that his family presented him with a violin, which in his young days he had been somewhat attached to ; he had not lost the use of it ; he died before the year expired. September, 1828, I visited the asylum in New-York, with one of their aldermen; there I saw many old people; among them one who it was said would be one hundred and eight years of age, should he live until the December following. From his appearance, I thought him to be the youngest of those who it was said were over seventy. As I doubted, I questioned him. He was so intelligent and correct in all his answers, that I more doubted, and said to the keeper that it was impossible. He said that he, with their chaplain, who was an aged Englishman, had been of my opinion, which had occasioned a close interrogation, after which they were obliged to believe he was correct. I af- terwards saw the same alderman, and enquired concerning the old man. He told me, that in the spring following, he desired to go to his son who lived in or near to Canada, that if they would set him on as far as Albany, he would then find his way to his son's. He was set on, as requested. I think that you will be able to collect more particular infor- mation on war affairs from others than I can give, still should you think that I can give particular information on that subject, I will do what I can, though you must not expect any thing of consequence, from me. With respect sir, yours, S. THURBER. On a review I must scribble out a little more. — Business and occupation was similar to what it now is, except machine manu- MISCELLANEOUS. 607 facturing. Furniture in general was very plain, mahogany was but little known. Almost every article cf wood was straight, without much paint or polish. But little crockery, and that of a coarse kind. Pewter and wood were the principal table furnit- ure. Two would be often eating out of the same dish, and per- haps a dozen drinking out of the same pewter quart pot or earth- en mug. In my youngest days there were but few carriages besides carts, consequently when women wanted to go abroad it was very common for them to go on horseback, sitting on a pillion behind a man. Women would often be at market on horseback, with a pair of panniers, selling butter, cheese, eggs, &lc. The time hath been when an abundance of bass and perch, particularly bass, were taken through the ice on Seekonk river, in the night season. About fifty years since, I was there with perhaps a dozen or twenty others. That night there were several tons taken, the most that was ever known to be taken in one night. Since then some would be taken every winter, until lately, that business seems to be about done. It is supposed that the filth washing from the abundance of cotton mills, pre- vents their coming into the river. S. T. The rising generation will not have so good times as the lat- ter have had. What wars and trouble we have had, have been but a trifle to what are to be." It is seldom one can meet with such a man as was Mr. Thurber. He expresses doubts as to the accu- racy of some of his statements, and he is the only- man who will. His uniform correctness had by no means forsaken him, at the time of writing the fore- going letter. Few men could remember so well as he has, and few had the extent of local knowledge he possessed. In 1768, the house kept by Joseph Olney, was one of the most fashionable houses of the time. The neighborhood was the seat of business. Not only the General Assembly, but the courts, were holden 608 MISCELLANEOUS at the old Turpin house. The house of Mr. ApHn is still standing, a little north of this house, on the other side of the street. The lower story of the "long brick house," on the east side of North Main street, was formerly occupied for Enghsh and West India goods stores. The house of Gov. Brown is still standing, on the same side of the street, a little east of the street, just north of the long brick house. After the Joseph Olney tavern was given up, the Montgomery tavern was erected, between North Main and Stampers street, at the top of Constitu- tion hill. It took its name from the likeness of Gen- eral Montgomery, which hung conspicuous on the sign. After the revolution, it was kept by Major Simeon Thayer, an officer of the revolution, who deserved more than he obtained, for his services to his country at Mud-fort. x41exander Thorp and Isaac Cushno petitioned the General Assembly, at their October session, 1736, for the exclusive right to run a stage to the Massachusetts. The record does not show the pre- cise points to and from which it was to run. The petition was granted, the right to continue for seven years. A committee of the assembly was appoint- ed to prescribe the terms. Then it was probably looked upon as a great undertaking, equal to that of constructing a rail-road or a canal in modern times. Probably this stage, if it ever run, went from New- port to Boston. The first stage coach from Provi- dence to Boston, is referred to by Mr. Thurber, in his letter. That was before the establishment of a newspaper at Providence. MISCELLANEOUS. 609 In July 1767, we meet with the first advertisement of a regular stage coach running between Provi- dence and Boston. At that date, Thomas Sabin advertises, that " one starts every Tuesday morning from the house of Richard Olney, inn-holder, to carry travellers to Boston, on the most expeditious and cheap rate." The coach returned on Thurs- day mornings. Richard Olney's house was nearly opposite the court house parade, on North Main street. The notice does not state whether the coach went through in a day, or stopped the first night at Wrentham, as it did, according to tradition, in ear- lier times. In those times, it is said that the owner of a stage coach occasionally gave notice a week or ten days before-hand, that on a given day, he would start for Boston, if sufficient encouragement offered, taking care to give notice so that his passengers could settle all their worldly affairs and make their wills, before commencing such an arduous and dan- gerous journey. Previous to this, in 1763, Joshua Hacker and Benjamin Lindsey advertised a line of two boats to ply between Providence and Newport, twice a week, and oftener, if possible, with freight and passengers. In 1783, the stage to Boston run twice a week. Then, it had ceased to be a seven- days wonder to see a man who had been to New- York. The line of packets, which soon after phed between Providence and New- York, excited the ad- miration of passengers. In speed and accommo- dations, they were said to be equal to any in the world. These continued almost to engross the travel between New-York and Providence, Boston 77 610 MISCELLANEOUS. and the other towns east, until the erection of the New-London turnpike, in about 1820. Travellers found it quite refreshing to their aching limbs, after being shook in the stage coaches of those days, to get into the luxurious cabin of a Providence and New-York packet. This, it should be borne in mind, was before stage coaches were the easy vehicles they subsequently became. Strength and durability were then the pervading ideas of their builders and owners. Although the roads had lost their original corduroy character, they had not acquired that level smoothness which invited sleep. An occasional rock or stump would try the strength of the car- riage and the patience of the traveller. Connected with the stage coaches over the New-London turn- pike, was a line of steamboats from New-London to New-York. The more ample accommodation of these over the packets, but above all, the certain- ty that attends their movements, gave this mode a decided preference over the preceding one, and the splendid packets soon became mere freight vessels. About the same time. Captain Elihu S. Bunker, in the steamboat Connecticut, came from New-York to Providence, around Point Judith. Thus, it was ascertained by actual experiment, that a steamer could pass that fearful Point. Before that event, it was deemed impossible. Still, some time elapsed before the travelling public could be induced to patronize the steamers round the Point. Several successful voyages destroyed their doubts, and in turn the New-London turnpike and the New-Lon- don steamers were abandoned. The Point Judith MISCELLANEOUS. 6H steamers were supposed to possess unequalled facil- ities for the traveller. Speed, certainty, safety and ease, combined to render them the favorites of the public. The facts just stated, show how fickle that pub- lic is, and how successive improvements have drawn attention and patronage from the modes of convey- ance which preceded them. So it was with steam- ers. On the completion of the New- York, Provi- dence and Boston railroad, leading from Providence to Stonington, a portion of public favor was with- drawn from the steamers. The great thoroughfare between Boston and New- York, has always been through Providence. In early times, the traveller passed on horse-back from Providence through East-Greenwich, Wickford, over Tower Hill, and through Westerly into Connecticut. This was the regular route to New-York. It also was the only direct road from Providence to Connect- icut, for many years after the settlement of Provi- dence. It is said that the first team from Connect- icut, by any road further north, arrived in Providence on the 29th September 1722, and was driven by Gov- ernor Sessions. U ntil about that period, the usual road to that state was through the towns first named. So late as 1776, little could be said in favor of the road leading from Providence to Pomfret. Mr. Thurber, in his letter, states that in May of that year, he was nearly two days in going only thirty-six miles. As some may be curious to know the expense of travelling in early times, I annex the following charge, extracted from the account book of Rich- ard Brown : 612 ^MISCELLANEOUS. " Oct. the 25, 1737, Mary Tillinghast Dr. For the use of my mare, the three days last past, a journey to East Greenwich, and carrying double on said mare, £0,12,0." On the first of the first month 1746, the town " agreed that John Smith should have the valley where his house stands, in case he set up a mill, as also excepting, sufficient highways." This valley comprehended all the land between the west bank of the Moshassuck river and the hill to the east of Jefferson plains, from Smith street on the south to Orms street on the north. Charles street, now passes along this valley. The grantee, after this, generally had the title of " miller" appended to his name to distinguish him from other purchasers. — Even in those early times and in this small commu- nity, the name of " John Smith" seemed not to desig- nate any particular individual. Four out of the one hundred and one original proprietors of Providence had equal title to it. One was called John Smith the miller, and sometimes John Smith senior, one John Smith the mason, one John Smith Jamaica, and the other John Smith Junior. Soon after this grant, he set up a grist mill in the valley, near where the first stone lock of the Blackstone canal now is. The property of the water privilege is still in the de- scendants of the first grantee. They continued to improve it for a grist-mill until the erection of the Blackstone canal. Some years after this, the town commenced a suit at law against them, on the ground that the original grant, and some subsequent acts of the town, and "the miller," obliged them not MISCELLANEOUS. 613 only to "set up," but to keep in repair, a grist-mill through all time. The heirs succeeded in repelling this claim, after a long and expensive litigation. — The surplus water at this privilege has been used for various purposes, during this time. A carding machine, clothier's works, oil works, a cotton facto- ry, a machine shop, a furnace, a fulling mill, and a machine for making blankets, have, at different times within the memory of the author, been operated by it. Under date of the 4th of the third month (May) 1651, is a record of a coroner's inquest holden on the body of Margaret Goodwin, wife of Adam Good- win. The jury consisted of twelve, and their ver- was that "either the terribleness of the crack of thunder, or the coldness of the night, being she was naked, did kill her." She had been insane, as ap- pears by a previous record. On the 28th of July, of the same year, the town meeting determined that all common highways should be four rods wide. We have great reason to regret that this act had not been rigidly enforced. In January 1662, a Mr. Hackleton apphed to the town for liberty to burn lime and to take stone and wood from the commons for that purpose. This is the earliest notice of the manufacture of that import- ant article. By "the commons," is to be under- stood, all lands lying within the purchase, not ap- propriated by any particular person. The request was granted for a limited time. In 1665, the atten- tion of the town was again called to the lime-rock within their limits. In October, they ordered "that those lime rocks about Hackleton's lime kiln shall 514 MISCELLANEOUS. perpetually be common and that no land shall be laid out on the north-east or south-east of said kiln, within six poles, nor upon the other sides or parts of the said kiln, within sixty poles; this said kiln being at or near a place called Scoakequanoisett." In the following year the town ordered that lime- rock, should continue common whenever any sur- veyor should discover it in any quantity, but like many similar orders passed in those days and since, it was soon disregarded, and Kme-rock land divided, like all other. There can be little doubt, that the interests of the public have been as well, if not bet- ter served, than if these rocks had remained undi- vided. No trace can be found of the first establishment of a Post Office in Providence. In 1758, reference is made to Samuel Chase, as the then Postmaster. This is the first mention of the matter in any of the records. Letters Patent were granted by William and Mary, in 1691, to Thomas Neal, to erect and estabhsh "an office or offices, for the receiving and dispatching letters and pacquets" in America, for twenty one years. The rates of postage were to be settled by the colonies. As early as 1793, the prov- ince of Massachusetts, on the petition of Andrew Hamilton, the deputy of Thomas Neal, established rates of postage. From Boston to Rhode-Island it was fixed at six-pence for every single letter. No corresponding act was ever passed by the legisla- ture of the colony of Rhode-Island, nor any act from which the existence of a public post can be in- ferred, except only a provision that the King's post MISCELLANEOUS. 615 shall pass all ferries free of ferriage. The amount of postage was regulated by act of parliament, in 1711. William Goddard succeeded Mr, Chace as Postmaster. He subsequently resigned in 1 769, and was succeeded by John Cole, and he by John Car- ter in 1772. Mr. Carter held the office until after the adoption of the constitution of the United States, in 1790. WilUam Wilkinson was appointed soon after that event, and removed in 1802, during President Jeffi3rson's administration. Dr. Benjamin West suc- ceeded Mr. Wilkinson, and held the office till his death, in 1813, when the office was given to his son- in-law, Gabriel Allen, who also held it until his death in 1824. Bennett H. Wheeler was his successor. — He was removed in 1831, by President Jackson, and was succeded by the present incumbent, Edward J. Mallett. In May 1774, a plan was laid before the Ameri- can public in the newspapers, for establishing a new American Post Office. It stated that the previous establishment had been set up by a private gentle- man in the Southern States, that in the 9th year of Queen Anne, the Government of Great Britain took it into their hands, and that the income of the es- tablishment in 1774, was £3,000. It proposed the formation of a joint stock company, to establish and maintain a Post Office. The subscribers, in each colony, to appoint seven from among themselves, who should have power to appoint postmasters and regulate mails and postage. These committees were to be authorised to appoint a postmaster general who should adjust the accounts of all postmasters, 616 MISCELLANEOUS. divide surplus of receipts over expenses, and assess deficiencies, on the committee of each colony, in proportion to the amount of subscriptions. Mr. Goddard w^as very active in favor of this project, if not the author of it. It was never carried into effect. In June 1775, the General Assembly established post riders and Post Offices in Providence, Newport, Bristol, Warren, Tower Hill, South Kingstown and Westerly. A committee of that body were entrust- ed with the general oversight and care of the Post Office establishment. Rates of postage for single letters, were, for not over 60 miles, 5f pence, for 60 and not over 100, 8 pence, for 100 and not over 200, 10 pence, for 200 and not over 300, 14 pence. In August following, a mail started from Provi- dence for New London on every Tuesday afternoon to return as soon as may be. John Lassell was the post rider at the rate of ^85 per year. Benja- min Mumford rode from Newport to Cambridge, starting every Monday, at five in the afternoon. This arrangement continued but a short time. A Continental Post Office was soon established. Mr. Mumford then succeeded Mr. Lassell. He received his appointment from William Goddard, Surveyor of Post Offices. The following notice is copied from the Gazette of August 15, 1767 : " Yesterday, a few gentlemen in this town made a great feast for the poor. There was a general invitation of all the objects of this liberality, besides a special invitation to many. A hog of 120 lbs. was provided, half a sheep, and a lamb, and other provisions, at Carpenter's Point." It was a pic nic on a large scale, and unique, as MISCELLANEOUS. 617 it respects guests. The place has seen many par- ties since, but probably none more replete with pleasure than this. The same paper, in December following, announ- ces as a fact, that " three young ladies, daughters of a gentleman of fortune, in the neighborhood of this town, have lately clothed themselves in garments of their own spinning." The spinning wheel was not so old fashioned then, as now. A short time after this, it is also recorded, in the same paper, " that a number of young ladies, daughters of hberty and industry, assembled at the Rev. Mr. Rowland's, with their spinning wheels, and at night presented him with 1,020 knots of thread." If these things really took place as stated, there has been a great change in some matters and things. Since the erection of cotton mills and the introduction of spinning ma- chines, young ladies are not seen carrying their spinning wheels to their minister's house, and din- ning his ears with their hum-drum noise. There were some golden dreams, however, in those days ; all was not dry matter-of-fact bone labor. The project pourtrayed in the following petition, has haunted the imaginations of many since, and it will probably be the means of as much anticipated pleasure and wealth to future generations, as it has been to those that are past. To the Honorable General Assembly, to be held at East- Greenwich on the last Monday of February, 1768. The petition of Samuel Jackson Cooper, Richard Jackson, John Updike, Merchants, all of Providence, in the county of Providence, humbly sheweth : That they are about to dig after pitcoal, commonly called sea- 78 618 MISCELLANEOUS. coal, in the town of Providence, and make an effectual trial if there be any coals there or not ; that they are induced to make this experiment from the many natural appearances and marks of coal which have occurred to such as are skilled in coal mines, and after the most deliberate view of their undertaking, they find some encouragement in their proceeding, although the ex- periment will be attended with great expense. If any large quantity should be discovered, it would certainly be of great benefit to the colony, as fire wood grows scarce and consequent- ly dear, and no seacoal, as yet discovered, in these parts. The place where the bed of coal is supposed to lie, is in the hill at the back of the town, from whence it might be put on board of ves- sels, with great ease and advantage. It might become a great staple, and bring immense sums of money into the colony, which would be distributed primarily amongst a multitude of laborers, who must necessarily be employed in carrying on the business, and from their hands, be circulated through the government. It might be the means of bringing into the government, a num- ber of vessels from the neighboring colonies, with such neces- sary articles, to trade off for coal, as at present we are obliged to send after, and can procure no other way, than by a consid- erable loss in trade. The petitioners humbly conceive, that if they had a monopoly of the whole business, they could not de- rive any more advantage to themselves, than a moderate com- pensation for their trouble in managing the business and direct- ing the operations of the laborers, but the principal advantages arising from the business would accrue to the public, and be equally distributed. The petitioners are confident, that the leg- islature of the colony will constantly attend to and countenance every species of business or manufacture, that will have a ten- dency to bring the balance of trade into our favor, or that will in any way be to the emolument of the colony. With these ideas, they humbly pray the Assembly to grant unto them, their heirs and assigns, a patent under the great seal of the colony, for the sole vending, disposing and exporting all seacoal or pit- coal or by whatsoever other name the same may be called,, which may be found by them in the town of Providence, and that no other person or persons be permitted to sell or export any coal found in said town of Providence for the term of fourteen MISCELLANEOUS 619 years after the petitioners shall discover coal ; or grant them some other encouragement for their undertaking a business of so great expense, and which in event may prove of universal bene- fit, as your honors may see fit. The petitioners being ready to give sufficient security that they will make an effectual ex- periment within three years, and that, if coals should be found in sufficient quantities, they will supply the markets at a much cheaper rate, than can be imported from abroad, or surrender up their patent. And they will ever pray &c. The prayer of this petition was granted, and a patent ordered to be issued under the seal of the colony. Whether they commenced operations or not, I have not been able to ascertain. The hill referred to, shows that some persons, at some time, have sought for wealth beneath its surface. The transit of Venus, on the third day of June 1769, was observed at Providence, by Benjamin West and Joseph Brown, assisted by Stephen Hop- kins, Moses Brown, Jabez Bowen, Joseph Nash and John Burrough. This phenomenon occurs but twice in a century. It affords conclusive data for determining some of the most intricate and impor- tant questions in astronomy. The transit of this planet, in 1761, had been observed in all parts of the civilized world. It was desirable that the same event, occurring in 1769, should also be observed by many persons, in different parts of the earth, and with great exactness. In prospect of its near ap- proach, all the necessary instruments were obtained. No expense was spared in procuring them, or in making the necessary arrangements. Dr. West states, in an account of the proceedings which he afterwards published, that Mr. Brown expended 620 MISCELLANEOUS. more than £100 sterling, in making these prepara-> tions. A temporary observatory was erected in the street, since then, and from this circumstance called Transit street, about one hundred feet east of Benefit street. Here, on the morning of the third of June, were collected not only the gentlemen before named, but many others ; some attracted by curiosity mere- ly, and some by their love of science. The day proved calm and serene. Not a cloud intervened to obstruct their observation, but every circumstance contributed to facilitate it. The account published by Dr. West, bore ample testimony to his science as an astronomer. Compared with other observa- tions, even with those made under the patronage of crowned heads in Europe, it maintains a high place for its accuracy. Notwithstanding the political dangers and diffi- culties with which the colonies were surrounded in 1772, the inhabitants of Providence found leisure to form and perfect plans for their present comfort, and for the future well-being of the town. That part of the town since called Eddy's Point, was for- merly an island, and was connected with the main land by an artificial embankment. It had been found a very convenient place for business, excepting only a want of fresh water for the supply of the inhabi- tants. In that year they formed a company for the purpose of supplying themselves with this necessary article, by an aqueduct from the main land, and ob- tained a charter of incorporation from the General Assembly. Capt. John Field, the owner of land ad- joining, upon which there was a large and perma- MISCELLANEOUS 621 nent spring of good water, generously gave one half of it to the company for nine hundred and ninety- nine years. Operations were immediately com- menced by Joseph Buckhn and Nicholas Clark, and in four months they completed the undertaking, carrying the water nearly three-fourths of a mile, in logs. The aqueduct was supposed capable of supplying one hundred gallons per minute. In a letter of thanks addressed to Captain Field on the 26th of August, after the work was completed, they say, "we are supplied with fresh water in a more convenient manner than any of the inhabitants of the colony : and, to use the language of scripturCj our situation wasj before, pleasant, though our wa- ters were nought ; but, now, through your bounty and beneficence, we have at command a spring shut up, or fountain, opened at pleasure." In October following the "Rawson's Fountain Society," was incorporated. The fountain of this corporation was dug in land of the heirs of the late Stephen Rawson. It was thirty feet in length, thirteen and a half feet wide, and about ten feet deep. The main pipe was four inches bore and about four hundred rods in length. The undertakers of this work, were Amos Atwell and Jonathan Ellis. The logs were bored by machinery invented by them. Since that period, two other fountains have been built on the west side of the river. The one belong- ing to the Providence Aqueduct Company, is located near the junction of Stewart and Conduit streets. — - The water is conveyed from it in a double range of four inch iron pipes, a part of which was laid at 622 MISCELLANEOUS. great expense, the excavation for the same, varying from four to thirty-one feet in depth. The pipes from this fountain were extended at first across the river, and under its bed. They were broken while erecting the bridge, and have not since been replaced. The other fountain is located between Fountain and Cottage streets, a httle to the east of Dean street. The main pipe at the fountain is five inches in diameter. The head is sufficient to dehver water in the third story of the Union buildings, next the bridge. These four fountains, supply a greater part of the inhabitants on the west side of the river, whose dwel- ings are near the salt water, with pure and whole- some water. They are owned by different compa- nies, and the right to use the water is granted to families, at the cost of about ten dollars per year. About the year 1803, Col. Jeremiah Olney dug a fountain in the northeasterly part of the town on his own land, for the purpose of supplying the inhab- itants on the east side of the river, with water. Logs were laid to the west end of Olney street, but he met with little encouragement, the inhabitants preferring to dig and own wells, as the land in that vicinity yields a great supply of good water at no very great depth. A larger quantity of flour was brought to market in Providence, from the surrounding country, in 1774. than in any preceding year. It was in fact so great, as to form the subject of a newspaper para- graph. Mr. Carter, the editor of the Providence Gazette, a man not given to speculation, remarked, that there appeared a probability that flour would, in MISCELLANEOirS. 623 time, become " a very considerable article of ex- portation." That time has not yet arrived, and probably never will, the industry of the people being turned to other objects. The winter of 1779-80, was one of extreme se- verity. It continues to be referred to, up to the present day, as " the cold winter." At the time, it was said to be more severe than any that had prece- ded it for many years. The harbor of Providence was closed by ice in November, and continued so for nearly two months. The ice extended from New- port harbor to " the Dumplings." The island of Rhode-Island lost its insular character. Beaten paths were made over the ice from Newport to Wickford, East Greenwich and Providence. Load- ed teams passed repeatedly across Narragansett Bay. The ground was covered with snow during the whole time, but not so deep as to obstruct the communi- cation between different towns. The intensity of the cold, and its long continuance, caused great dis- tress among the poor. " The dark day," in May 1780, is often referred to by those who remember it. For several days previous to the 19th of that month, the atmosphere appeared to be charged with a dry, smoky vapor, so that the sun could be viewed with the naked eye. At 10 o'clock, on the 19th, the darkness had increas- ed to such a degree, as to impede the regular trans- action of business. Between half past twelve and one, it arrived at its height. Ordinary business was wholly suspended. That which was necessary to be done, was done by candle-light, though at noon-day. 624 MISCELLANEOUS. Fowls sought their roosts, cattle retired, as at night, and men stood appalled at the dread appearances. The busy hum of life was stilled, and all nature seemed to wait in dismay for further demonstrations of her approaching dissolution. About one o'clock, the wind, which had been at southeast, changed to the southwest, the darkness began gradually to di- minish, and at two o'clock, man and beast and fowl, were in the enjoyment of an apparent cloudy morn- ing. A very httle rain fell in the morning, while the wind was at southeast. During the whole time, the air had a sooty, smoky smell, which was also communicated to the rain water which was saved. This circumstance remembered, led afterward to the conclusion, that the strange appearances were caused by vast fires, known then to be raging in the forests in some parts of the country. The darkness was not peculiar to Providence. It extended over the greater part of New-England, some parts of the middle and southern states, and even to the Canadas. Soon after the peace of 1783, the inhabitants of the state of Rhode-Island turned their attention to manufactures. The first company in the state, for the manufacture of cotton, was formed in Provi- dence, in 1787. Their object was to make home- spun cloth, by hand. At first, they built a jenny, of twenty-eight spindles, and after that, a spinning frame, having eight heads of four spindles each. They obtained the models of these machines from Massachusetts. They had also a carding machine. The jenny was first operated in one of the chambers of the market-house. In the following year, two Scotch- MISCELLANEOUS. 625 men came to Providence, who knew how to use the fly-shuttle. A loom was constructed for one of them, and set up in the same place. The spinning- frame was afterwards removed to North Providence, to be worked by water, but it was found quite too imperfect for use. Samuel Slater, the acknowledg- ed father of American cotton manufactures, arrived, at the same place, in January 1790. Before the end of the year, he had started three cards, one drawing frame, and seventy-two spindles, by water. From this small beginning, have arisen the cotton manufactures in this country. The first cotton thread spun by machinery, in Rhode-Island, was spun in the chambers of the market-house, in Provi- dence. The first cotton thread spun by water, in the United States, was spun in North Providence. About 1788, John Fullem worked a stocking loom in Providence, and in March 1790, a calendering machine was put in operation in the same place, moved by horse-power. In 1794, Messrs. Schaub, Tissot and Dubosque, were engaged in printing calicoes. In 1797, Peter Schaub and Robert New- ell were engaged in the same business. They used cotton cloth imported from the East Indies, and wooden blocks to impart the desired figures and col- ors. Previous to this, by several years, calico printing in the same manner, was carried on at East Green- wich. This, it is supposed, was the first printing done in America. The Rhode-Island Historical Society have, in their cabinet at Providence, some of the calico first printed, and some of the blocks used. In August 1765, a large and complete paper mill 79 626 MISCELLANEOUS. was first finished and put in operation near Provi- dence, probably at Olneyville. This is the earhest of which I have obtained any information. From the peace of 1783, down to the present time, (1842) there has been a gradual increase of attention to manufactures, and a gradual introduc- tion of new manufactures. All the water power in Providence, is fully occupied, and besides this, there were in operation, in April 1842, thirty-four steam engines, in the whole exceeding nine hundred and twenty-five horse power. The latter were em- ployed in grinding grain, sawing and polishing mar- ble, printing cloths, bleaching, calendering and dye- ing, sawing and planing lumber, for driving a pump in a distillery, and bellows in furnaces and foundries, in engraving cylinders for printing goods, and in manufacturing machinery, India rubber shoes, small wares, furniture, screws, reeds, power-loom pickers, carriages, and cotton and woollen goods. In 1789, the mechanics and manufacturers of Providence formed themselves into an association for mutual aid, and obtained a charter of incorpora- tion from the state. This institution has been of the greatest advan- tage to its members and to the community. By an- nual assessment, they have become possessed of a handsome fund, devoted to charitable purposes, and are owners of a large and commodious hall on Mar- ket square. Some years since, they estabhshed a li- brary, which, in 1842, contained nearly 2,000 vol- umes. Individually and collectively, the mechanics MISCELLANEOUS. 627 and manufacturers of Providence have always wil- lingly lent a ready hand for every good work. Commerce was a favorite pursuit with the citizens of Providence, at an early period of its history. — What was the amount of duties on merchandise re- ceived before 1790, cannot be now ascertained. — The following is a statement of the amount of duties on merchandise which accrued in the district of Providence from the year 1790 to the year 1831, every dollar of which was paid. 1790 $23,647 1811 $216,975 1791 82,268 1812 184,624 1792 63,387 1813 146,249 1793 125,511 1814 85,016 1794 113,326 1815 100,390 1795^ 279,938 1816 269,660 1796 223,259 1817 210,359 1797 251,558 1818 210,163 1798 135,726 1819 404,850 1799 194,850 1820 118,439 1800 283,366 1821 99,626 1801 294,906 1822 485,067 1802 269,941 1823 250,717 1803 368,552 1824 247,510 1804 422,413 1825 103,350 1805 341,597 1826 304,492 1806 375,820 1827 203,620 1807 284,980 1828 195,172 1808 173,637 1829 132,738 1809 131,578 1830 100,585 1810 338,173 1831 284,094 Since 1 831 , there has been a great falling off in the amount of duties in this district. This was probably owing, partly, to the fact that enterprise and capital have since then been seeking more lucrative em- ployment in manufactures, and partly, to the great growth and increased commercial importance of New-York and Boston. As those cities increase, the 628 MISCELLANEOUS. foreign commerce of intervening and neighboring ports must decrease, and the coasting trade engross their attention. At the August town-meeting, 1795, an attempt was made to diminish the danger of destructive fires, from the practice of smoking in the pubhc streets. Since then the attempts by legislation have been multiphed, but public feeling has shown itself in this matter, stronger than positive law. The town act of 1795, had a peculiar exception attached to it, to preserve which it is here inserted. " Whereas great danger of fire in this town arises from a very improper practice of smoking pipes and segars in the public streets, it is therefore recommended, by the freemen of the town, in town-meeting assembled, that the citizens wholly refrain from that practice ; nevertheless, it is not understood by these recommendations, to prevent any among us, the young men or others, who may be under the necessity on account of any griev- ous malady from using the same by way of medicine." If only those smoke in the streets now, who are laboring under "grievous maladies," we should have a very unfavorable opinion of the salubrity of the climate of Providence. At any rate, it would seem that some "young men and others" are very sohcitous of recovering their health by their constant use of this medicine. Within a few years past, much has been done by individuals toward beautifying the streets of Provi- dence by planting ornamental trees on their bor- ders. Since the labors of the side walk commis- sioners made the rough places smooth in the side walks, and permanently fixed the level and grade of the streets, there has been an increased attention to MISCELLANEOUS. 629 this matter, and citizens and strangers are beginning to feel and appreciate the value of such trees. A like spirit pervaded the citizens in 1798. Just before that time, the Lombardy poplar was introduced here. — The tall and graceful appearance of the young trees with their bright glossy leaves, in connexion with their foreign origin, gained them many ardent friends and admirers. Nurseries of young plants were as- siduously cultivated by individuals for sale. The town embarked in the speculation and ordered a nursery to be set out on the Hospital land. The mania raged some years, but not to an equal degree with the mo- rus multicaulis mania of later times, nor with such ruinous effects on individuals. But it was soon as- certained that the Lombardy poplar would not bear the rigor of our climate, that its bright glossy foliage had a very disagreeable smell, and furnished food for a very loathsome and poisonous worm, that its form was so graceful that it afforded no shade, and that its wood yielded neither fuel nor timber. Its foreign origin could not support it, under all these disadvantages, and it was generally voted to agree with an old minister in an adjoining state, who de- clared that he had rather have two pear trees than one poplar. But a few remain to the present day. In 1803, Daniel Anthony, a surveyor of great ac- curacy and skill, made the first map of Providence. It was drawn on a scale of fifty rods to the inch, and engraved by William Hamlin. Mr. Anthony pubhshed a second map, in 1824, on a large sheet. A glance at these two maps will do much toward 630 MISCELLANEOUS. convincing any one of the rapid increase of Provi- dence between those two dates. In 1835, Benoni Lockwood and Samuel B. Gush- ing, published a map embracing Providence and North Providence. This was on a smaller scale than Mr. Anthony's, but more useful, because em- bracing the two towns, and other particulars not con- tained in the former. At the June session of the General Assembly, 1799, John Smith, one of the Representatives of Providence, proposed in the lower House, the call- ing of a convention, for the formation of a state constitution, to consist of one delegate for every one thousand inhabitants. The motion was carried in that house, forty-four voting in the affirmative. It was probably lost in the Senate, as it does not ap- pear in the schedules of the proceedings of the Gen- eral Assembly. In 1830, James Hammond resigned the office of Town Sergeant, which he had held, by annual elec- tion, twenty-one successive years. He had literally grown old in the service of the public. To dis- charge the duties of any office well, the incumbent must feel honored by the office. If he feel that he honors the office, the public service will suffer, by his official conduct. Though the office of Town Sergeant is not generally considered a high office, Deacon Hammond, as he was familiarly called, felt himself honored by it. This appeared in his every action. By virtue of this office, he officiated as crier to the courts in the county of Providence. On these occasions, he seemed conscious of the MISCELLANEOUS. 631 dignity of the office he held. His look, his man- ner, his tone, every movement of the w^hole man, showed that w^hile he admitted the office of presi- ding judge to be superior to that of Town Sergeant of the town of Providence, he doubted if any other was its equal. This did not appear in haughty, overbearing, arrogant conduct, on his part; that could never proceed from his humble heart. The man would acknowledge his inferiority to all around him. The sergeant claimed their deference and respect. His enunciation, clear, loud and distinct, was well suited to the vocation of crier. The for- mal prayer, at the end of the usual proclamations, which in other hands were as words of course, sig- nifying nothing, accompanied as they always were with the uplifted hand and eye of Deacon Ham- mond, seemed indeed a prayer. Who that ever heard him read aloud the town-clerk's warrant for calling a town meeting, can forget his manner. He then moved, and looked, and spoke, as though the freemen of the town could not assemble in town- meeting without his aid. Old age and infirmities forced him to resign. And though the town gave him a vote of thanks for his services, and testified their gratitude in the weightier way of a gratuity, the man could not long survive the sargeant. He died on the 18th day of February 1831, in the 81st year of his age, leaving behind few that could equal, and none who would exceed him, as an honest, upright man. Had he hved and been blessed with strength to warn town meetings, the old way of warning them, by beat of drum and proclamation, would not 632 MISCELLANEOUS. have been dispensed with, and perhaps the Town form of government would not have been overturned. None of the first built dwelling houses are now in existence. A part of the " Manufacturers' Hotel," on Market square, is beheved to be as old as any building now standing. The part alluded to, is near the south east corner of the present building. The house which was removed in the summer of 1842, from the corner of north Main and Church street, is also a very old building. The house formerly oc- cupied by Gabriel Bernon, a French Hugenot, and in which tradition states that the common prayer book of the church of England was first used in pub- lic worship, now stands between North Main and Canal streets, in the rear of No. 49 North Main street. It formerly stood on North Main street. — The style of the oldest houses- now standing, does not indicate that the owners abounded in wealth, or that the architects of those times possessed a superabun- dance of talent or taste. Comfort and convenience, were much more regarded than mere appearance. Utility was seldom sacrificed to looks. The oldest public building is " the old Town House," a venera- ble rehc of this class of structures, proving as far as one item can prove a general proposition that the same considerations governed the inhabitants in the erection of their public and private buildings. The buildings of the next class, both pubhc and private, show more wealth and taste. The reign of taste was soon followed again by that of utility and con- venience, and it is not until a comparatively few years past, that utility, convenience, and taste, have MISCELLANEOUS. 633 been united. Even within that time some attempts liave been made to excel the works of the old Gre- cian and Roman architects, by the erection of build- ings unique and singular. These attempts have been partially successful, and splendid monuments of monstrosity have been the result. Reference has been made in a previous chapter to several of the meeting-houses as fine specimens of architecture. — All that are so, were not then named, and the Ar- cade deserves also to be named in this connection. This was erected in 1827 and 1828. It is buih of granite, fronting on two streets, Westminster on the north, and Weybosset on the south. It is seventy- four feet on each street and two hundred and six- teen feet in length. It forms a transept or cross of one hundred and ninety-four feet by forty-two. The two fronts are ornamented with recess porti- cos fifteen feet deep ; each of which is composed of six Ionic columns, three feet in diameter, and two square antes, and is crowned with an entablature and cornice, forming a pediment. The whole height of the front collonade is forty feet from the base to the pediment. The roof over the entrance-hall, is cov- ered with glass thirty-two feet in width and one hundred and eighty-eight feet in length ; the rest of the roof is covered with tin. The entrance to each portico is by a flight of four steps, running, with the corner hutments, the entire length of the colonade. The entrance hall runs from street to street and is thirteen feet wide. The building is three stories high, having twenty six stores in each story. Two flights of steps under each portico lead to the 80 634 MISCELLANEOUS. stores in the second and third story. The coridors, forming the floors of these stories, are protected by a strong cast-iron balustrade, running entirely round the interior of the building. The whole cost of the building was estimated at ^145,000. It belongs, the east half to Cyrus Butler, and the west half to the Arcade corporation. The architect was Russell Warren. The investment has not been so profita- ble as the proprietors might have wished. To eke out the profits, they are entitled to the proud reflec- tion, that they have erected the most beautiful build- ins in Providence, and one that exceeds all others in the United States devoted to the same objects. The public debt of Providence in 1831, amounted to ^108,814,97. In 1842 is was ^222,331,17.— Many great and permanent improvements have been made since the adoption of the city charter, in which the next generation will participate. This view of the matter has induced the city government to charge that generation also with a part of the expenses. Until within a few years, no regular bill of mor- tality has been kept in Providence. By reference to them, since kept, it appears that the deaths in 1840, were 552, in 1841, 677, and in 1842, 702.— The population by the census of 1840, was 23,172. APPENDIX. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, FROM ADOPTION OF CITY CHARTER TO 1843. I had intended to close the ecclesiastical history at the adoption of the city charter in 1832. It was found impossible, from the materials in my possession, to give the true religious statistics of the town at that time. This induced me to bring down the sketches given in Chap. II. to 1842, and to add sketches of such societies as has been formed since the adop- tion of the city charter. The Power Street Methodist Church, was constituted in 1833, and consisted of about fifty persons, who were dismissed from the Chest- nut Street Church for the purpose of forming a new church. In 1842, their numbers exceeded three hundred and fifty. Their pastors have been Charles K. True, David Patten, jr. Hiram H. White, Asa W. Swineton, Abel Stevens, Daniel Fillmore, Charles McReding. The present in- cumbent is Ephraim Stickney. Their meeting house is of brick, seventy- five by fifty feet. It is at the corner of South Main and Power streets, was dedicated January 1, 1834, and cost about |il.5, 000 jvhich was raised by sale of pews. The church is attached to the Methodist Episcopal church in the United States. The High Street Congregational Church, consisted at first of forty members. Their present number (1842) is 221. It was organised December 18, 1834. They erected their present meeting-house in the same year. It is of wood, eighty feet by fifty, with a cupola steeple. — The cost of its erection was defrayed by lease of the pews for five hun- dred years, subject to an annual rent not exceeding eight per cent on their valuation. The house belongs to the High street Congregational society, incorporated in 1833. William B. Lewis, Nathaniel S. Folsom, and Leon- ard S. Parker, have successively been pastors of this church and soci- ety. — Mr. Parker is their present pastor. New Jerusalem Church. A small society of this denomination has been gathered in Providence, and now holds its meetings for worship, in Union Hall, near the Universalist meeting-house. It is not known that there were any receivers of the doctrines of this church here, prior to the year 1824. Some volumes of the writings of Emanuel Swedenborg had, at an earlier period, been placed by Mr. Artemas Stebbins, of Swanzey, 636 APPENDIX. in a circulating library, but few read them, and none are known to have believed what they teach. In the year 1824, Waldo Ames, and George B. Holmes, came to reside in this place. Mr. Ames was a believer in the doctrines of the New Je- rusalem. He went to England in 1826, and procured the writings of Swedenborg, and others, written in illustration and defence of these doc- trines. Mr. Holmes was associated in business with Mr. Ames, and he and Mrs. Holmes, became receivers of these doctrines. In 1834, James Scott, of North-Providence, and Anson Potter, of Cran- ston, became interested in the writings of Swedenborg. The former had been educated among the Quakers, and was deeply imbued with their principles. He is the son of the late Job Scott, a distinguished teacher of Quakerism. Mr. Potter had lived a professed Deist, but previously to his acquaintance with the doctrines of the New Jerusalem, had professed a belief in Christianity, and had received an idea, that there was a some- thing of Divinity in the Lord Jesus Christ. Both of these gentlemen soon became convinced, that the New Jerusalem is indeed, a New Church, which the Lord is, at this day, establishing on earth. In 1835, John F. Street, a member of the New Jerusalem church, in Manchester, England, came to reside in Seekonk, and made known the doctrines of the New Church to some persons at Pawtucket. He asso- ciated himself with the receivers already named, and they then began to hold meetings at each others' houses, on the Sabbath. These were so- cial meetings, at which they read the word, the writings of Swedenborg, and sermons from the New Jerusalem Magazine, and from manuscripts, supplied by Samuel Worcester, of Bridge water, Mass. Mr. Ames had al- ready become a member of the New Church in Bridgewater, his native town. Mr. Scott and Mr. Potter went thither in about 1835, and receiv- ed baptism, and were soon after joined to that church. Public worship was now established. Sermons were furnished by Mr. Worcester, and Mr. Scott was appointed the reader, and Mr. Ames filled the same office, in the absence of Mr. Scott. This little society was es- tablished as a branch of the Bridgewater society, that it might be under the same pastoral care. This connexion was dissolved about the year 1640, and this society was organized as a distinct church, according to the usages and forms of the body of Christians to which it is attached. Still to the present time their number is so small that they have had no settled pastor over them, although their meetings are regularly kept up. The first public meeting for worship wae held April 19, 1835, and it is believed, to be the first ever held in this city for the worship of the Lord Jesus Christ, as the only GOD. During this year, John Prentice embraced the doctrines of the New Je- rusalem, and with his children, received baptism. He had been a preacher of the Congregational order, but was never settled as a pastor. He joined the New Church in Bridgewater, January 3, 1836. In the same year, Mrs. APPENDIX. 637 George B. Holmes, Mrs. James Scott and Simon Henry Greene were also received into the same church. At the first public meeting of this socie- ty, twenty-five persons, including children, were present. The average number at this time may be about fifty. The number of church mem- bers now residing within this city is about twenty. Besides these, seve- ral adults and children have received introduction by baptism into the New Church. The doctrines professed by this church, are called the Heavenly Doc- trines of the New Jerusalem. They are not formed by the several socie- ties which adopt them, but are taken from the writings of Emanuel Swe- denborg. All the societies of the New Jerusalem Church in this coun- try and in others, embrace all the doctrines which are taught in those writings. An abstract of their articles of faith is contained in their Book of Worship. These are sanctioned by the New Church Confer- ence in England, and the General Convention of the New Church in the United States. The reader is referred to their Book of Worship for particulars. It is necessary to remark, in order to guard against mistakes, that the New Church do not regard the writings of Swedenborg, as containing any truth, except what is derived from the sacred scriptures. They believe, what he declares, that his spiritual sight was opened by the Lord, so that he saw spiritual beings and spiritual things, as spirits do, and that he was thus made acquainted with the same senses or meanings of the sacred scriptures, which are known and received in the heavens. The truths of the word revealed to him, while in this open intercourse with both good and evil spirits, are what are contained in his writings. He was thus en- lightened by the Lord, that he might teach to the world, the true doc- trines of the word, as they are known in heaven, in order that a church might be formed on earth, in agreement and conjunction with the church above. Swedenborg is therefore considered as an expositor enlightened and commissioned by the Lord, to make known the true doctrines of the word, and many arcana of heavenly wisdom concerning the spiritual world. But his writings have no claim to a comparison with the word ; for the word, or sacred scriptures, is divine truth, and the writings of Swedenborg contain only common measures of wisdom which ano-els possess, and which men may receive. They are not the word, but are given to teach men the true meaning of the word. The church which is to be formed by believing these doctrines, and living according to them, is called in the Revelation, the New Jerusalem, and because its doctrines are revealed from heaven, they are called the Heavenly doctrines of the New Jerusalem. In the society of which we are speaking, no prayer is used except the Lord's prayer ; and nothing but the literal words of scripture is used in chanting or singing. Their public worship consists of chanting or singing portions of the word, the Lord's prayer, and reading from the word, and a sermon. 638 APPENDIX. No full system of ecclesiastical government has yet been adopted in the New Church. The general laws of order are contained in the wri- tings of Swedenborg ; and different societies adopt different rules for their organization and government. In the United States, the ministers of the New Church derive their offices from the Convention, and are sub- ject to the authority of that body. Churches are instituted, by ministers duly authorised by the Convention. These churches are understood to have the rio-ht and duty of choosing their pastors, but not of settling them without an act of the Convention, nor without their being ordained by ministers appointed by the Convention. From what has been already stated, it will appear, that the society of the New Church in Providence, was at first so much connected with that of Bridgewater, as not to possess the full organization and order of a church of the New Jerusalem. Con- sidering that the doctrines of the New Jerusalem are essentially opposed to those in which all men at this day have been educated, and that they require a life opposed to all that is selfish and worldly, it is obvious, few will receive them, and that even that few, will be slow in their reception. The little flock here collected believe, that a true reception of these doc- trines, also requires a far greater degree of rational knowledge of spiritual truths, than has been possessed for many ages. This knowledge may however, be obtained by those whom the world regard as the most sim- ple, provided they deny themselves, take up their cross and follow the Lord. It is not regarded as desirable, but even as dangerous, to persuade men to assent to these doctrines, faster than they can truly forsake all that they have ; and for this reason, the common modes of proselyting are not adopted. The doctrines are publicly taught, the books contain- ing them are exposed for sale, and are freely loaned, and private instruc tion is gladly given to those who seek to know the truth, that they may do it. And though the progress of this church is slow, its members see, that old things are passing away, and they know, that all things will be- come new. The greater part of the foregoing sketch of this church was kindly communicated to the author by James Scott. He is mistaken in believ- ing that " the first public meeting for worship was holden April 19, 1835 ;" the author well recollects of attending a public meeting at " the old town house" more than twenty years since. This society propose erecting a house for public worship in the course of the present year. Saint Stephen's Church. Previous to 1833, a number of Episcopal- ians opened a Sunday school in the southerly part of the town. Meeting with unexpected success, in that year they purchased a building erected for an infant school room, removed it to Thayer street, and fitted it up for a place of public worship. At Easter 1839, they invited Francis Vinton to be their rector. The following year they erected their present house at the corner of Benefit and Transit streets. It is a rough stone struct- ure, covered with cement, containing eighty-two pews on the ground APPENDIX 639 floor, the whole cost of which, with the organ, was about $13,000. Mr. Vinton was temporarily succeeded in the rectorship by John H. Rouse. George Leeds succeeded Mr. Rouse. The present rector is Henry Wa- terman, and the number of communicants, upwards of seventy. The parish was incorporated in October 1839. The West Baptist Church, was first recognised as a distinct church in October 1840. The members who composed it at first, were dismissed at their request, from the other Baptist churches in the city, for the pur- pose of uniting in a new church of the same faith and order which should hold forth a clearer and more decided testimony against slavery in all its forms. They first met for worship in a private house on Pine street, but soon hired the Green street school house, at the corner of Washington and Green streets, in which their meetings are still holden. Archibald Kenyon is their pastor. The number of communicants is one hundred and eight. The Wesleyan Methodist Society, was formed in 1841 by a num- ber of persons who had been members of the Chestnut street Methodist Episcopal Society. Their first place of meeting was at a school house on Pond Street. They were incorporated in January 1842, and in the same year they erected a house for public worship on Fountain street. It is a plain wooden structure, sixty-five feet by forty-six, and cost $6,000. On the 25th of December 1842, this society, by a formal vote, dissolved all connexion with the Methodist Episcopal Church, and became the First Wesleyan Society formed in New-England. The Wesleyan Con- nexion has since extended to various parts of the country. The alleged reasons for their withdrawal were, the friendly relation the Methodist Episcopal Church sustained to slavery, and its ecclesiastical economy. Jotliam Horton was their first pastor. His connexion with this church ceased in January 1843, at his own request. He was succeeded by Lu- cius C. Matlack. The church members are one hundred in number. Saint Patrick's Church. The increase of the Catholic population in Providence and vicinity, had, in the year 1841, become so great, as to render their church too small for their accommodation. To remedy this, a meeting, composed chiefly of persons residing in the north part of the city, was holden on the 1.5th day of March, in Washington Hall. At a subsequent meeting holden in Franklin Hall, in April, they organized their society and adopted measures for the speedy erection of a church, on a lot which they had purchased, situate on Smith's Hill so called, and fronting on State street. The location was well selected, being one of the most sightly and pleasant in the north part of the city. The corner stone of the church was laid, with religious ceremonies, on the 13th of June following. While their house was in progress of construction, they held meetings for public worship in Franklin Hall and Masonic Hall, un- der the ministration of William Fennelly, pastor of the Catholic church 640 APPENDIX. at North Providence. The house being in a condition to be occupied for divine service, the congregation assembled therein, for the first time, on the 25th of December of the same year. Dennis Ryan officiated on this occasion. The church being completed was solemnly consecrated to the service of Almighty God, under the name and invocation of Saint Pat- rick, apostle of the Irish nation, on the 3d day of July 1842, by Benedict Fenwick, Catholic Bishop of New-England, assisted by several Catholic clercpymen of the city and neighboring places. William Wiley was the first pastor of this society. He commenced his spiritual charge, January 16th 1842 and has retained it to the present time (January 1S43.) The church is a neat, substantial building, of the castellated Gothic order of architecture, constructed of slate stone and covered with cement. It is seventy-five feet in length, exclusive of the tower, by fifty-five in breadth. It is capable of seating about eight hundred persons, with no other gal- lery than the one in front, which is mostly taken up by the choir and or- gan. It has an organ of superior tone, and a fine bell weighing two thou- sand pounds ; the latter being mostly the gift of a liberal protestant gen- tleman of the city. The church, including the furniture and land, cost about $17,000, for the payment of which reliance is placed, mainly, on funds derived or to be derived, from the contributions of the congrega- tion and their fellow catholics in the city and yicinity, and from the in- come of pews in the church. The congregation, consisting of between eight and nine hundred adults, have already generously contributed for this purpose, but being, as the catholics here generally are, poor and de- pendent on their daily labor for subsistence, it will be readily and truly conjectured, that the building is still encumbered with a large debt. The society, from the want of a basement under the church, have as yet, no school provided ; but the children are assembled every Lord's Day, one hour before each of the services, for catechetical and other religious in- struction given by the pastor and subordinate teachers. The number of children in attendance, varies from one hundred to one hundred and fifty. The members of this society, as well as the catholic population of the city and vicinity, are principally natives of Ireland (with the excep- tion of some English and a few Americans) who have emigrated to this free coutry, with a view of enjoying that liberty of conscience and those civil rio-hts and privileges which are denied to them in the oppressed and persecuted land of their fathers. Seamen's Bethel. In August 1841, a number of persons who felt an interest in the seamen visiting this port, united themselves into a society with the design of erecting a meeting-house for their accommodation. — Their number did not exceed forty, and though not abounding in riches, they immediately commenced the erection of a house forty-five by seven- ty feet. It is not yet completed, although public worship has been hold- en in it, since the autumn of 1841. The society have expended about $,5,.500, on it and it will require about $1,500 to complete it. Benjamin APrENDIX. 641 Taylor, preaches in this church. A collection is taken up at every meet- ing for the support of public worship. The seats are free, those in the body of the house being exclusively appropriated to seamen. Such an institution would seem entitled to a full share of christian munificence. The Second Universalist Society, meet for worship in the "Old Town House." It was formed in 1841, by a secession of some of the members of the First Society, made for want of sufficient accommodations in their meeting house. They are under the pastoral care of James Gallager. J. N. Parker and William Jackson preceded him in office. The Second Freewill Baptist Church was organized in Septem- ber 1835, under John W. Lewis as their pastor. Their number then was ten. They met for worship in the African Union meeting and school house until November 1840. They then hired a hall on Middle street and since, in 1841, they erected a house for public worship on Pond street. It is a small wooden building, thirty feet by forty. The society was in- corporated in January 1842. After Mr. Lewis, Luke Waldron their pres- ent pastor was called to preside over this church and societ}^ The church now consists of upwards of sixty members. The African Methodist Episcopal Church was gathered in 1837. It belongs to the Wesleyan Methodist Episcopal church. The annual conference of this body of professing christians meets at New-York. — The pastors of this church and society are appointed by the conference. They have been Jehial C. Beman, William Serrington, and Nathan Blunt. Levin Smith is their present pastor. The church in 1840 consisted of fifty members, now (1842) there are nearly one hundred members. They at first hired a small building in which to hold their meetings. — They now own a small house and lot on Back street. The society was incorporated in January 1838. The Second African Methodist Episcopal Church, consisting of fifteen persons, first met as a distinct body in September 1833. The same year they built their meeting house, on Meeting steeet, east of Pros- pect street. It is thirty -five feet by twenty-five. The church is attached to the African Methodist Episcopal church, in the United States, which was incorporated in Pennsylvania in 1816. Their preachers are appointed by the annual conference of that church. The first was N. C. W. Can- non. He was succeeded by Jabez P. Campbell. The number of church members exceeds eighty. The society was incorporated in 1839. Christ Church. The society incorporated, in March 1842, under this name, first met together for worship, in 1839, in a school house on Washington street. They have since erected a church on Union street. It is a small, neat, wooden building, thirty -eight b}' fifty-two feet. S. G. Degrasse officiated as minister for tiiis society during the summer and autumn of 1840. Alexander Crummell, lay-reader, succeeded him. This church is part of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States, and conforms to it, in rites and usages, government and doctrines. 81 642 APPENDIX. PERIODICALS COMMENCED SINCE 1832. From the organization of the city government in 1832, up to Decem- ber 1842, several periodicals, political, sectarian and literary, have been commenced. I have endeavored to annex a brief sketch of each of them. " The Evening Star," was the first daily penny paper in the state, and the third, it is believed, in the country. It was published in 1834, by Charles Haswell. After printing a few numbers, he relinquished the un- dertaking to Nathan Hall and Cornelius S. Jones. They continued the paper under the title of "The Daily News," from April 1834, to Decem- ber following. After this it was published by Jones & Haswell until August 1836. "The Daily City Gazette" commenced Feb. 2, 1833, and was pub- lished about nine montlis, after which " the City Gazette" was published as a weekly paper for a short time. Sylvester S. Southworth and Ste- phen G. Holroyd, were the publishers. "The Commercial Advertiser," a daily evening paper, commenced about the first of June 1834, and continued about three months. " The New-England Family Visitor," was a weekly paper made up from the Advertiser, and published during the same time. Knowles & Bur- roughs were the publishers. Samuel S. Wilson commenced the publication of the first penny paper in the state, January 1, 1835, under the title of" The Penny Post." After si.x months tlie title was changed to " The Weekly Visitor," under which title, Mr. Wilson published it for about three months, when he transferred it to Cyril A. Carpenter, who discontinued it after about one month. " The Light" was assumed as the name for a paper ostensibly engaged in the cause of moral reform, published simultaneously in New-York and Providence, by Joseph A. Whitmarsh, in 1835. It gave rise, in Provi- dence, to another paper, entitled " More Light," edited by Jacob Frieze. They both were short lived. "The Morning Courier" commenced in June 1836. It was published both daily and semi-weekly by William G. Earned. This paper assumed a neutral ground in politics, and, of course, was not patronised extensive- ly. In January 1840, the establishment was transferred to " The Journal." "The Gaspee Torch Light"" was published at the "Journal Office," for about three months preceding the presidential election in 1840, edited by William R. Watson. This gave rise to "The Extinguisher," which was published during the same time, at "The Herald" office, edited by Jacob Frieze. The first advocated and the other opposed the election of General Harrison to the presidency. " The Evening Chronicle" is a daily penny paper, edited and published by Joseph M. Church. The first number issued on the evening of the 30th day of March 1842. " The Narraganset Chief," is a weekly paper made up from the Chronicle, and published on Saturdays. "The Plain Speaker," is a paper published at Providence, though printed at North Providence. The character of tliis paper is well describ- APPENDIX. 643 ed by its title. It is published occasionally, circulated gratuitously, and supported by voluntary donations. Christopher A. Greene is the editor. During the year 1834, Silas Weston published and edited a semi- monthly paper under the title of "The Pupil's Monitor. The title de- scribes the work. " The Cradle of Liberty," was chiefly made up of selections from " The Liberator." It was published monthly for one year, (1839,) and devoted to the cause of anti-slavery . In 1834, a few numbers of a paper entitled " The Constitutionalist" were published; the object of which was, to advocate the adoption of a written constitution for the state. It expired for want of support. To further the same object and an extension of the right of suffrage, " Tlie New Age," a weekly paper, commenced February 19, 1841. The first number was printed by Benjamin T. Albro. The publishers were " the Rhode-Island Suffrage Association." Subsequently, it was publish- ed by Millard (Samuel M.) & Brown (John A.) and at a later period by Millard, Low (Samuel) & Miller (William J.) On the 18th day of March, 1842, they commenced the publication of a daily paper, devoted, to the same objects, under the title of" The Daily Express." Both of these pa- pers were discontinued during a part of the summer of 1842, but were re- vived in the autumn of the same year. " The Suffrage Examiner," was the title of a single paper published in 1841 by the executive committee of the Rhode-Island Anti-Slavery soci- ety, to oppose the adoption of any constitution for the state which made any distinction in the political rights of the white and colored population. The following papers have been devoted to the cause of temperance. " The Rhode-Island Temperance Herald," commenced Oct. 13th, 1838, was continued one year. It was edited by an association of gentlemen, and published weekly, on Saturdays, at No. 15, Market Square. On the 30th of October 1839, it appeared in an enlarged form under the title of " The Olive Leaf and Rhode-Island Temperance Herald." At first it was edited by Charles Jewett and Lorenzo D. Johnson, and afterwards by Abel Stevens. In May 1840 it was united to the " New- York Week- ly Messenger," and published simultaneously in New-York, Providence and Boston, under the name of " The Olive Leaf and New- York Weekly Messenger." Mr. Johnson resumed the editorship after the union. " The Cold Water Gazette" began March 21st 1840. It was edited by Wyllis Ames and published at No. 14^ Westminster street. The main object of this publication was to further the election of a temperance tick- et of general officers for the state. Only a few numbers were ever pub- lished. " The Samaritan" continues to be an unwavering champion of total abstinence from all that intoxicates. It commenced November 10th, 1841, and is published weekly. Samuel S. Ashley and Thomas Tew were joint editors at first. After some time, the establishment was transferred to Mr. Tew, and is now published semi-monthly. 644 APPENDIX. " The Rhode-Island Temperance Advocate" was the title of a paper proposed to be published semi-monthly by Joseph A. Whitmarsh under the direction of the executive committee of the Providence young men's temperance society. The first number is dated in May 1833, and no oth- er one ever was published. " The Gospel Messenger, devoted to theoretical and practical religion and morality," commenced November 28, 1840. It was printed weekly on a demi sheet, and edited by Zephaniah Baker. In January 1842, it was enlarged, when S. P. Landers was associated with Mr. Baker in the edi- torship. In January 1843, A. A. Davis becarrte sole proprietor and associated Hervy Bacon and D. B. Harris ,with himself in the editor- ship. It is published at Providence and Boston simultaneously, but prin- ted at the office of B. F. Moore in Providence. It is devoted to the cause of Universalism, but its columns are open to free discussion of all the great moral principles of the age. "John the Baptist," is the title of a work devoted to the interests of the Six Principle Baptists. John Tillinghast is the editor. It commen- ced in 1840. The first volume was published by Benjamin T. Albro. It is now printed in Pawtuckct. " The Christian Soldier" is a semi-monthly publication belonging to the Freewill Baptists. It was commenced February 18th 1S42. J. Whit- temore and T. H. Bacheller are the editors. Some of the first numbers were issued from the printing office of Hugh H. Brown. Afterwards it was printed in Pawtucket. But one literary paper has been started since the adoption of the city charter. Notwithstanding the talents and abilities of the editor and the industry of the publishers it continued in existence only one year. It commenced in June 1832. It was called " The Literary Journal and Weekly Register of Science and the arts." It was a quarto of eight pa- ges, published weekly. Albert G. Greene was the editor, and Knowles & Vose the publishers. After two months it was published by J. Knowles & Company. In the preceding pages, the author has aimed to be correct in his facts, and just in his conclusions. Yet with all his care and labor, he doubts not many errors may have escaped hira. Two have been pointed out to him, which he takes pleasure in correcting. One relates to the Dexter Asylum. The architect of the building gave hira the information to be found on pages 399 and 393. Since those pages were printed, the same gentleman informed him that it is not entirely correct. The chapel is forty-seven feet by forty. The basement under the east wing, on the south side of the coridor, is divided into an eating-room, awash-room, and two cells. On the north side, is a fuel and furnace room, a work-room and a cellar. The basement of the west wing, on the south of the coridor, has also an eating-room and a store-room ; on the nortli, is a fuel and furnace room, two cellars and a stair-case. On page 262^ it is stated that the French army spent the winter of 1782 in Providence. This information was derived from Dr. Stephen Randall, since deceased. In 1782, he had the agency of the land on which they encamped. A few days after that page was struck off, Dr. Rrandall called on the author, to correct his statements, having, in the meantime, referred to documents to enable him to do so. The first division of the army arrived November 10, 1782, and pitched their tents on Mathewson's Hill. The second division arrived soon after. They removed in a few days from Mathewson's Hill to the place named on page 262. Before December 7th, they inarched for Boston, to em- bark for Europe, I APPENDIX. 645 List of persons who have held certain offices in Providence. REPRESENTATIVES IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 1G64. First Session. Arthur Fenner, Zachary Rhodes, Thomas Harris, sen. John Brown. Ma7j. William Carpenter, William Wickenden, Arthur Fenner, Stephen Arnold. October. Gregory Dexter, John Throckmorton, William Carpenter, Zachary Rhodes. 1665. February. William Harris, Thomas Arnold, Thomas Hopkins, Stephen Arnold. May. William Carpenter, Zachary Rhodes, James Ashton, Henry Brown. October. Thomas Olney, sen. John Throckmorton, Thomas Hopkins, Edward Smith. 1666. March. Richard Scott, Thomas Borden, John Smith, (miller) Thomas Clemence. May. John Throckmorton, William Harris, Thomas Harris, Edward Inman. September. Same as May, except John Whipple in place of William Harris. October. Thomas Arnold, William Wickenden, Gregory Dexter, Epenetus Olney. 1667. May. Roger Williams, Thomas Olney, John Throrkmorton, Stephen Arnold, July. Two sets returned. Thomas Harris, Thomas Olney, Thomas Field, Thomas Olney, jr. John Throckmorton, Antliony Evcrden, Thomas Hopkins, Shadrach Mantoii. 1667 October. John Throckmorton, Edward Inman, Lawrence Wilkinson, Resolved Waterman. 1668. John Throckmorton, Edward Inman, Samuel Bennett, Nathaniel Waterman. October. Henry Brown, Anthony Everden, Edward Smith, Shadrach Manton. 166!). May. John Sayles, John Whipple, jr. Andrew Harris, Shadrach Manton. Oct. — Not known. 1670. May. John Throckmorton, Thomas Harris, Arthur Fenner, Andrew Harris. June. Thomas Olney, Thomas Field, Stephen Arnold, Thomas Roberts. June, 2d sessio7i. Thomas Arnold, John Throckmorton, John Sayles, John Whipple, jr. Oct. — Two sessions John Sayles, Thomas Harris, Shadrach Manton, Thomas Borden. 1771. May. Thomas Olney, John Sayles, " Shadrach Manton, Ephraim Carpenter. Septeinher. John Throckmorton, Anthony Everden, Thomas Arnold, Henry Brown. October. Stephen Arnold, John Sayles, Thomas Harris, Richard Arnold. 1772. March 3. Stephen Arnold, John Throckmorton, Thomas Clemence, Thomas Roberts 1672. March 15. Henry Brown, Anthony Everden. Henry Fowler, John Smith, (miller) Jlpril 2. Stephen Arnold, Thomas Olney, jr. Ephraim Carpenter, John Whipple. J3pril 3U. Arthur Fenner, Thomas Arnold, Edward Inman, Thomas Hopkins. October. William Harris, Samuel Reife, Pardon Tillinghast,_ Thomas Borden, x. 1673. May. ^ John Throckmorton, William Harris, Lawrence Wilkinson, Anthony Everden. October. John Lapham, William Ashton, Thomas Harris, Toleration Harris, 1674. John Whipple, John Sayles, 646 APPENDIX. Stephen Arnold, Edward Inman October. Samuel Bennett, Samuel Winsor, William Hopkins, Leonard Smith. 1675. May. Toleration Harris, Edward Smith, William Ashton, Valentine Whitman. October. William Carpenter, Stephen Arnold, John Throckmorton, William Ashton. 1676. March. John Whipple, Edward Inman, Richard Arnold, John Field. May. William Carpenter, Stephen Arnold' Thomas Olney.jr. Edward Smith- October. John Sayles, Edward Inman, Andrew Harris, Epenetus Olney. 1677. May. Thomas Olney, jr. William Hopkins, Stephen Arnold, John Whipple, jr. October. John Sayles, Edward Inman, Samuel Bennett, William Hawkins. 1678. May. Sdward Inman, Eamuel Bennett, Thomas Arnold, William Hawkins. October. Arthur Fenner, John Sayles, Nathaniel Waterman, William Hawkins. 1679. May. Joseph Jenckes, Arthur Fenner, William Carpenter, Richard Arnold. October. Valentine Whitman, Thomas Harris, jr. (The others illegible.) 1680. March. Thomas Olney, jr. Joseph Jenckes, William Hopkins, John Dexter. May. Richard Arnold, Thomas Harris, jr. Nathaniel Waterman, Edward Smith. October. John Thornton, Pardon Tillinghast, James Mathews6n, Edward Smith. 1681. May. John Whipple, jr. Richard Arnold, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas Harris, jr. 1682. May. Valentine Whitman, Nathaniel Waterman, William Hopkins, John Whipple, jr. 1682. Maij. Thomas Harris, jr. Edward Smith, Thomas Arnold, John Whipple, jr. September and October Thomas Olney, William Hopkins, Nathaniel Waterman, Edward Smith. 1683. March and May Thomas Field, Thomas Arnold, Thomas Fenner, Alexander Balcom. Jiugust and October. Thomas Olney, Nathaniel Waterman, Joseph Williams, Edward Smith. 1684. May. Stephen Arnold, John Whipple, jr. Henry Brown, Epenetus Olney. October. John Whipple, jr. Joseph Williams, John Dexter, Thomas Arnold. 1685. May. Stephen Arnold, Thomas Field, Valentine Whitman, Thomas Harris, jr. October. Thomas Harris, Thomas Olney, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas Field. 1686. May. Valentine Whitman, John Whipple, jr. Epenetus Olney, John Angell. October. Thomas Olney, William Hopkins, Eleazer Arnold, John Dexter. 1687-88-89. None. 1690. May. Stephen Arnold, Pardon Tillinghast, John Dexter, Gideon Crawford. October. Gideon Crawford, Thomas Olney, John Whipple, Nathaniel Waterman. . 1691. March. Thomas Harris, Samuel Whipple, Thomas Fenner, Joseph Jenckes. October. James Blackmore, Thomas Arnold, Benjamin Carpenter, Thomas Fenner. 1692. May Not known. October. Thomas Olney, Arthur Fenner, William Crawford, Thomas Field 1693. May. William Hopkins, Joseph Williams, Eleazer Whipple, Samuel Wilkinson. APPENDIX. 647 October. Not known. 1694. Maij. Thomas Harris, John Dexter, Gideon Crawford, James Angell, October. Pardon Tillinghast, Gideon Crawford, John Sayles, Daniel Abbott. 1695. May and October. Thomas Field, Win. Hopkins, Thomas Fenner, Jonathan Sprague. 1696. May. Thomas Olney, Richard Arnold, Jonathan Sprague, John Dexter. October. Richard Arnold, Joseph Williams, John Dexter, Thomas Olney. 1697. January. Pardon Tillinghast, John Dexter, Thomas Harris, Samuel Wilkinson. May. Nathaniel Waterman, William Hopkins, Gideon Crawford, Benjamin Carpenter. October. William Hopkins, Joseph Williams, Gideon Crawford, Thomas Fenner. 1698. January. Richard Arnold, John Dexter, Gideon Crawford, Jonathan Sprague. May. Joseph Williams, Richard Arnold, James Angell, Joseph Whipple. October. Joseph Jenckes, Samnel Wilkinson, James Angell, Joseph Whipple. 1699. February. Samuel Wilkinson, James Angell, Joseph Jenckes, Joseph Whipple. Maij. William Hopkins, Thomas Fenner, James Brown, Samuel Comstock. October. Arthur Fenner, Nathaniel Waterman, Benjamin Carpenter, Gideon Crawford. 1700. February. Pardon Tillinghast, John Dexter, Eleazer Arnold, Jonathan Sprague. May. Jonathan Sprague, John Wilkinson, Elisha Arnold, Peleg Rhodes. October. Arthur Fenner, Richard Arnold, John Dexter, Joseph Jenckes. 1701. March. John Dexter, Richard Arnold, Samuel Wilkinson, Joseph Jenckes. May. Gideon Crawford, William Randall, Eleazer Whipple, Eleazer Arnold. October. John Dexter, Richard Arnold, Gideon Crawford, Joseph Jenckes. 1702. March. John Dexter, Gideon Crawford, Joseph Whipple, Samuel Comstock. May. Nathaniel Waterman, Gideon Crawford, Joseph Whipple, Samuel Comstock. September. Jonathan Sprague, John Sheldon, Thomas Harris, James Brown. October. Richard Arnold, John Dexter, Jonathan Sprague, Joseph Jenckes. 1703. January and May. John Dexter, Jonathan Sprague, Eleazer Arnold, Joseph Whipple. October. John Dexter, Joseph Jenckes, Gideon Crawford, William Hawkins. 1704. January. Jonathan Sprague, Samuel Wilkinson, Gideon Crawford, Nicholas Power. May. Joseph Whipple, Jonathan Knight, James Angell, Stephen Arnold. October. John Dexter, Joseph Jenckes, Thomas Fenner, Gideon Crawford. 1705. May. John Dexter, Joseph Jenckes, Gideon Crawford, Joseph Whipple. June. John Dexter, Richard Arnold, Thomas Fenner, Andrew Harris. August. Jonathan Sprague, Joseph Jencks, Joseph Whipple, James Brown. October. John Dexter, Samuel Wilkinson, Joseph Jenckes, Wm. Hawkins. 1706. March. John Wilkinson, William Hawkins, Stephen Arnold, 648 APPENDIX Elisha Arnold. May. Thomas Harris, Thomas Field, Gideon Crawford, John Sayles, July. Eleazer Arnold, Jonathan Sprague, Joseph Wliipple, John Wilkinson. October. Joseph Jenckes, Samuel Wilkinson, Jonathan Sprague, Thomas Olney. 1707. February. Jonathan Sprague, Joseph Jenckes, Samuel Wilkinson, Joseph Whipple. May. Joseph Jenckes, Jonathan Sprague, Samuel Comstock, Thomas Olney. 1707. May. Eleazer Arnold, Thomas Olney jr. Thomas Harris, Andrew Harris. October. Richard Arnold, Samuel Wilkinson, Philip Tillinghast, Arthur Fenner. 1708. February. Jonathan Sprague. Joseph Whipple, Thomas Harris, Nicholas Power. May. Jonathan Sprague. Joseph Jenckes, Philip Tillinghast, Samuel Comstock. October. Thomas Olney, Jonathan Sprague, Joseph Whipple, Philip Tillinghast. 1700. May. Jonathan Sprague, Sylvanus Scott, Philip Tillinghast, James Brown. September and Octo- ber. Jonathan Sprao-ue, Philip Tillinghast, Nathaniel Jenckes, Richard Brown. 1710. May. Jonathan Sprague, Joseph Whipple, Andrew Harris, William Hopkins. October. Nathaniel Jenckes, Philip Tillinghast. Arthur Fenner, Thomas Harris. 1711. May. Peleg Rhodes, James Dexter, William Crawford, Jonathan Sprague. July and October. Joseph Whipple, James Brown, John Smith, Thomas Olney. JVovcmber. Samuel Comstock, Eleazer Arnold, Thomas Arnold jr. William Wilkinson. 1712. May. Richard Waterman, Philip Tillinghast, Richard Brown, Samuel Wilkinson. May. Jonathan Sprague, Joseph Whipple, William Hopkins, James Brown. 1712. October. William Hopkins, Jonathan Sprague, William Smith, William Crawford. 171.3. May. Nathaniel Jenckes, Philip Tillinghast, William Crawford, Daniel Abbott. October. William Hopkins, Joseph Williams, Joseph Whipple, James Dexter. 1714. May. William Hopkins^ Joseph Whipple, William Harris, Jonathan Sprague. October. William Hopkins, William Smith. Jonathan Sprague, Joseph Mowry. 1715. May. Andrew Harris, Resolved Waterman, Thomas Steere, Eleazer Arnold. October. William Hopkins, Philip Tillinghast, Eleazer Arnold, Andrew Harris. 1716. May. John Arnold, John Burton, Edward Smith, Daniel Abbott. October. Joseph Whipple, Edward Smith, Samuel Wilkinson, William Smith. 1717. May. Joseph Whipple, William Crawford, Edward Smith, Daniel Abbott. October. William Harris, James Dexter, Andrew Harris, Sylvanus Scott. 1718. May. Jonathan Sprague, jr. Thomas Harris, Daniel Abbott, Joseph Brown. October. Richard Waterman, William Crawford, William Harris, John Jenckes. 1719. May. William Crawford, Elisha Knowlton, William Harris, Richard Waterman APPENDIX. 649 October. Valentine Whitman, .Stephen Arnold, Jficob Clark, Hope Angell. 1720. May. William Smith, Hope Angell, William Harris, Jonathan Sprague, jr. October. Arthur Fenner, William Smith, William Harris, Daniel Abbott. 1721. Mmj. William Smith, Daniel Abbott, Ebenezer Sprague, Jonathan Sprague, jr. October. William Smith, James Olney, Elisha Knowlton, Andrew Harris. 1722. May. Joseph Whipple, Nicholas Power, Thomas Olney, William Turpin. October. Joseph Whipple, Philip Tillinghast, Nicholas Power, Thomas Olney, 1723. May. Joseph Whipple, Philip Tillinghast, Nicholas Power, William Turpin. October. Samuel Wilkinson, Richard Brown, Thomas Arnold, Henry Harris. Novcmhcr. Richard Waterman, William Sniith, Daniel Abbott, John Angell. 1724. May. Richard Waterman, William Smith, Daniel Abbott, Jonathan Sprague. October. Richard Waterman, Elisha Knowlton, William Smith, William Edmonds. 172.5. May. Richard Waterman, Joseph Mowry, Jonathan Sprague, jr. Thomas Olney. October. Richard Waterman, Jonathan Sprague, jr. Thomas Olney, Joseph Whipple. 1726. May. Richard Waterman, Jonathan Sprague, jr. Elisha Knowlton, James Arnold. October. Richard Waterman, William Smith, Philip Tillinghast, Daniel Cooke. i:27. May. Richard Waterman, William Smith, William Jenckes, Philip Tillinghast. October. Joseph Whipple, Philip Tillinghast, William Porter, Stephen Dexter. 1728. May. Thomas Olney, William Smith, Elisha Knowlton, Daniel Abbott. October. William Smith, William Jenckes, Joseph Whipple, Ezekiel Warner. 1729. May. William Smith, Elisha Knowlton, Ezekiel Warner, Daniel Abbott. October. Ezekiel Warner, William Jenckes, Joseph Mowry, William Turpin. 1730. May. Ezekiel Warner, Daniel Abbott, Jonathan Sprague, jr. James Brown, jr. October. Nicholas Power, Thomas Olney, Richard Sayles, John Potter, jr. 1731. May. John Potter, jr. Jabez Bowen, John Thornton, William Rhodes. October. Philip Tillinghast, John Potter, jr. John Angell, Richard Thornton. 1732. May. Richard Waterman, John Potter, jr. John Thornton, Jabez Bowen. October. John Angell, Thomas Olney, Richard Waterman, James Congdon. 1733. May. Richard Waterman, Jabez Bowen, Joseph Fenner, Richard Thornton. October. Ezekiel Warner, Daniel Abbott, Robert Gibbs, Richard Fenner. 1734. May. Ezekiel Warner, Thomas Olney, Daniel Abbott, Richard Fenner. October. John Thornton, Robert Gibbs, William Hopkins, Jonathan Randall. 1735. May. Jabez Bowen, Richard Fenner, William Rhodes, Jonathan Randall. October. Daniel Abbott, Charles Tillinghast, Richard Thornton, William Burton. 1736. May. Jabez Bowen, RicJiard Fenner, 650 APPENDIX. William Hopkins, Robert Knight. October. Daniel Abbott, William Hopkins, Richard Thornton, Zuriel Waterman. 1737. Mmj. John Potter, James Brown, William Rhodes, William Hopkins. October. Daniel Abbott, Jabez Bowen, Richard Fenner, Peter Burlingame. 1738. May. Charles Tillinghast, John Potter, Jabez Bowen, Richard Thornton. October. William Jenks, John Thornton, William Hopkins, Charles Tillinghast. 1739. May and July Richard Fenner, Peter Burlingame, James Williams, jr. Robert Gibbs. October. John Potter, Jabez Bowen, Richard Thornton, Jonathan Randall. 1740. May. Peter Burlingame, Richard Thornton, Jonathan Randall, William Hopkins. October. Daniel Abbott, Charles Tillinghast, John Thornton, George Brown. 1741. May. John Potter, Jabez Bowen, Jonathan Randall, Robert Gibbs. October. John Hopkins, George Brown, Nathaniel Jenckes, Richard Thornton. 1742. May. Daniel Abbott, William Burton, jr. Jabez Bowen, Jonathan Randall. October. Charles Tillinghast, Thomas Field, Stephen Hopkins, Henry Harris. 1743. May. John Potter, Jabez Bowen, Jonathan Randall, Christopher Harris. October. Robert Gibbs, Edward Arnold, George Brown, Benjamin Potter. 1744. May. Jabez Bowen, John Burton, jr. Stephen Hopkins, Joseph Borden. October. William Rhodes, George Brown, Henry Harris, John Potter, jr. 1745. May. William Smith, George Brown, Joseph Borden, Ezekiel Warner. October. John Angell, Christopher Lippitt, Benjamin Potter, Joseph Olney. 1746. May. George Brown, Joseph Sheldon, Stephen Hopkins, Henry Harris. October. George Brown, Stephen Hopkins, Benjamin Potter, jr. Jonathan Randall. 1747. May. George Brown, Stephen Hopkins, Elisha Brown, Ezekiel Warner. October. Daniel Jenckes, William Hopkins, John Potter, jun. Peleg Williams, jun. 1748. May. Daniel Jenckes, John Angell, Henry Harris, John Potter, jr. October. George Brown, Daniel Jenckes, Jonathan Randall, Stephen Hopkins. 1749. May and Oct. Jonathan Randall, Stephen Hopkins, Elisha Brown, Daniel Jenckes, 1750. May. Jonathan Randall, Elisha Brown, Christopher Harris, John Andrews. October. Jonathan Randall, Elisha Brown, John Dexter, Daniel Jenckes. 1751. May. Stephen Hopkins, Elisha Brown, Joseph Wanton, Christopher Harris. October. Stephen Hopkins, Elisha Brown, Jonathan Randall, Arthur Fenner. 1752. May. Stephen Hopkins, Elisha Brown, Jonathan Randall, George Brown. October. Stephen Hopkins, Jonathan Randall, Elisha Brown, Ephraim Bowen. 1753. May and Oc- tober. Jonathan Randall, Elisha Brown, Daniel Jenckes, George Brown. 1754. May. Jonathan Randall, Daniel Jenckes, Thomas Olney, John Potter, jr. APPENDIX. 651 Octoher. Daniel Jenckes, Thomas Olney, Nicholas Brown, Richard Waterman. 1755. May. Daniel Jenckes, Nicliolas Brown, George Brown, Henry Harris. October. Elisha Brown, Nicholas Brown, George Brown, Daniel Jenckes. 1756. Marj and Oct. Elisha Brown, Nicholas Brown, Henry Harris, George Brown. 1757. May. William Smith, Christopher Harris, Daniel Jenckes, James Olney. Octoher. Stephen Hopkins, Elisha Brown, Daniel Jenckes, John Andrews. 1758. May. Obadiah Brown, Charles Olney, William Smith, Barzillai Richmond. Octoher. Obadiah Brown, Charles Olney, Christopher Harris, Barzillai Richmond. 1759. May. Isaiah Hawkins, Daniel Jenckes, Obadiah Brown, John Bass. Octoher. Joseph Turpin, Daniel Jenckes, Gideon Comstock, Isaiah Hawkins. 1760. May. Daniel Jenckes, Joseph Turpin, Isaiah Hawkins, Stephen Rawson. October. Daniel Jenckes, Abraham Smith, Isaiah Hawkins, Stephen Rawson. 1761. May and Oct. Daniel Jenckes, George Jackson, Samuel Chace, Charles Olney. Vice, Abraham Smith rejected by the Assem- bly. 1762. May. Daniel Jenckes, Joseph Nash, Joseph Olney, jr. George Jackson. October. Daniel Jenckes, George Jackson, James Angell, Esek Hopkins. 1763. May. Same as October prece- ding. October. Daniel Jenckes, James Angell, Benjamin Man, Esek. Hopkins. 1764. May. Daniel Jenckes, Moses Brown, Jacob Whitman, Esek Hopkins. October. Daniel Jenckes, Moses Brown, Jacob Whitman, John Cole. 1765. May. Daniel Jenckes, Moses Brown, Jacob Whitman, Charles Olney. October. Daniel Jenckes, Moses Brown, John Cole, Samuel Nightingale. 1766. May. Daniel Jenckes, Moses Brown, John Cole, George Jackson. Octoher. Daniel Jenckes, Moses Brown, John Cole, Samuel Nightingale. 1767. May. Daniel Jenckes, Moses Brown, John Cole, Thomas Greene. October. Daniel Jenckes, Moses Brown, Thomas Greene, James Angell. 1768. May. Daniel Jenckes, Moses Brown, George Jackson, Charles Keene. October. Thomas Greene, Moses Brown, George Jackson, Charles Keene. 1769. May. Daniel Jenckes, Moses Brown, Benoni Pearce, Job Smith. October. Daniel Jenckes, Moses Brown, Benjamin Man, Job Smith. 1770. May aiv^ Oct. Daniel Jenckes, Moses Brown, Benjamin Man, Stephen Hopkins. 1771. May. Same as 1770. October. Stephen Hopkins, Moses Brown, Benjamin Man, John Jenckes. 1772. May and Oct. Stephen Hopkins, Thomas Greene, Benjamin Man, John Jenckes. 1773. May. StepJien Hopkins, Benjamin Man, John Jenckes, John Smith. October. Stephen Hopkins, John Jenckes, John Smitli, Jolin Mathewsou. 652 APPENDIX 1774. Majj. Same as October 1773. October. Stephen Hopkins, John Jenckes, John Smith, John Mathewson. 1775. May and October Same as October 1774. 1776. May. Jonathan Arnold, John Brown, John Smith, Amos Atwell. October. Jonathan Arnold, Jolin Brown, John Smith, John Mathewson. 1777. May. Jonathan Arnold, John Brown, John Smith, William Pthodes. October. Stephen Hopkins, John Updike, Jabez Bowen, Theodore Foster. 1778. May. John Updike, Elihiifkobinson, Theodore Foster, VsA\ Allen. / October. John Brown, Theodore Foster, Welcome Arnold, Thomas Greene. 1779. May. John Brown, Theodore Foster, Welcome Arnold, David Howell. October. Theodore Foster, Welcome Arnold, David Howell, John I. Clarke. ] 780. May. Welcome Arnold, David Howell, Darius Sessions, Benoni Pearce. October. Welcome Arnold, Charles Keene, Joseph Brown, Theodore Foster. 1781. May and October. Same as October 1780. 1782. May. Welcome Arnold, John Smith, John Brown, William Barton. October. Welcome Arnold, John Smith, John Brown, Paul Allen. 1783. May. John Smith, John Brown, Paul Allen, Thomas Jenkins. October. John Smith, John Brown, Paul Allen, Ebenezer Thompson. 1784. May. Joseph Nightingale, Paul Allen, Ebenezer Thompson, John Jenckes. October. Joseph Nightingale, John Jenckes, Paul Allen, Charles Keene. 1785. May and October. John Jenckes, Paul Allen,' Charles Keene, Jeremiah Olney. 1786. May. John Jenckes, John Brown, Charles Keene, Thomas Truman. October. John Jenckes, Jolm Brown, Charles Keene, Benjamin Bourne. 1787. May. John Brown, Welcome Arnold, Benjamin Bourne, Joseph Nightingale. October. Welcome Arnold, Benjamin Bourne, Joseph Nightingale, Nathaniel Wheaton. 1788. May and October. John Jenckes, Jabez Bowen, William Barton, Amos Throop. 1789. May and October. John Jenckes, Jabez Bowen, Benjamin Bourne, Amasa Gray. 1790. May. Jabez Bowen, Benjamin Bourne, Amasa Gray, Welcome Arnold. October. Welcome Arnold, Amos Atwell, Robert Newell, Sylvanus Martin. 1791. Ma,y. Welcome Arnold, Amos Atwell, Samuel Nightingale, Sylvanus Martin. October. Welcome Arnold, Amos Atwell, Robert Newell, David Howell. 1792. May and October. Welcome Arnold, Charles Lippitt, Robert Newell, Nicholas Easton. 1793. May. Welcome Arnold, Charles Lippitt, John Whipple, Nicholas Easton. October. Welcome Arnold, Charles Lippitt, John Smith, Nicholas Easton. 1794. May and October. Same as October 1793. 1795. May. Same as October 1793. 1795. October. Welcome Arnold, Charles Lippitt, John Smith, Richard Jackson, jr. 1796. May and. October. Same as October 1795. 1797. May. Welcome Arnold, APPENDIX. 653 John Smith, Thomas P. Ives, James Burrill, jr. October. Welcome Arnold, John Smith, Thomas P. Ives, William Rhodes. 17il8. May. Welcome Arnold, John Smith, William Rhode?, Richard Jackson, jr. October. • John Smith, William Rhodes, Richard Jackson, jr. Moses Lippitt. 1799. May. John Smith, William Rhodes, Richard Jackson, jr. Thomas P. Ives. October. John Smith, William Rhodes, Thomas P. Ives, David L. Barnes. 1800. May and October Same as October 1799. 1801. May. Same as October 1799. October. Charles Lippitt, John Dorrance, Ephraim Bowen, jr. John Carlile. 1802. May. Same as October 1801. October. John Dorrance, Ephraim Bowen, jr. John Carlile, George R. Burrill. 1803. May. Same as October 1802. October. John Dorrance, William Larned, Benjamin Hoppin, George R. Burrill. 1804. May. Same as October 1803. October. Amos Throop, George R. Burrill, James B. Mason, Peter Grinnell. 1805. May and October. Same as October 1804. 1806. May and October. Same as October 1804. 1807. May. Same as October 1804. October. William Jones, James B. Mason, Richard Jackson, jr. Samuel W. Bridgham. 1808. May. Same as October 1807. October. William Jones, James B. Mason, Nicholas Brown, Samuel W. Bridgham. 1809. May and October. Same as October 1808. 1810. May and October. Same as October 1808. 1811. May and October. James B. Mason, Samuel W. Bridgham, Tristam Burges, Benjamin Hoppin. 1812. May and October. James B. Mason, Samuel W. Bridgham, Benjamin Hoppin, Peter Grinnell. 1813. May. Same as October 1812. October. James B. Mason, James Burrill, jr. Benjamin Hoppin, William Wilkinson. 1815. May and October. James Burrill, jr. William Wilkinson, Nathaniel Searle, jr Ephraim Talbot. 1815. May. Same as October 1814. October. James Burrill, jr. William Wilkinson, Nathaniel Searle, jr. Samuel G. Arnold. 1816. May. Same as October 1815. October. William Wilkinson, Nathaniel Searle, jr. Samuel G. Arnold, Stephen Waterman. 1817. May and October. Same as October 1816. 1818. May. Same as October 1816. October. Nicholas Brown, Nathaniel Searle, jr. Samuel G. Arnold, Stephen Waterman. 1819. May. Same as October 1818. 1819. October. Nicholas Brown, Nathaniel Searle, jr. Stephen Waterman, Philip Allen. 1820. May and Oct. Same as October, 1819. 1821. May and Oct. Nicholas Brown, Nathaniel Searle, jr. Philip Allen, Samuel Dexter. 1822. May and Oct. Nicholas Brown, Nathaniel Searle, jr. Stanford Newell, Samuel Dexter. 1823. May. Edward Carrington, Samuel W. Bridghtim, Stanford Newell, Samuel Dexter. October. Edward Carrington, Samuel W. Bridgham, Stanford Newell, Thomas Burgess. 1824. May. Same as October 1823. October. Edward Carrington, Samuel W. Bridgham, Stanford Newell, Elisha Dyer. 1825. May and Oct. Same as October 1824. 1826. May. Edward Carrington, Samuel W Bridgham, Stanford Newell, Lemuel H. Arnold. October. Caleb Earle, Jose])h L. Tillinghast, Stanford Newell, Lemuel II. Arnold. 654 APPENDIX. 1827. May. Same as October 1826. October. Edward Carrington, Joseph L. Tillinghast, Zachariah Allen, Lemuel H. Arnold. 1828. May and Oct Edward Carrington, Joseph L. Tillinghast, Zachariah Allen, John Andrews. Thomas Olney, jr. Shadrach Manton, John Whipple, Jolin Smith, Roger Williams, John Whipple, Daniel Abbott, John Whipple, Thomas Olney, Richard Waterman, Henry Brown, Zachary Rhodes, Henry Brown, Thomas Clemence, John Whipple, Thomas Olney, Arthur Fenner, Thomas Field, John Throckmorton, William Hopkins, John Whipple, Henry Brown, Pardon Tillinghast, 1664. Arthur Fenner, Thomas Harris, sen. John Brown. 1665. Thomas Olney, sen. Zachary Rhodes, Thomas Harris, sen. 1666. Thomas Olney, sen. Richard Waterman, Thomas Harris, sen. 1667. John Throckmorton, Anthony Everden, 1829. May and Oc- tober. Edward Carrington, Joseph L. Tillinghast, Peter Pratt, Lemuel H. Arnold. 1830. May and Oc- tober. Joseph L. Tillinghast, Peter Pratt, Lemuel H. Arnold, William Church. 1831. May. Same as 1830. October. Joseph L. Tillinghast,. Peter Pratt, William Pabodie, William Church. 1832. May. Joseph L. Tillinghast, Peter Pratt, William Pabodie, George Curtis. TOWN CLERKS. Richard Waterman, Nicholas Tillinghast, James Angel!, Theodore Foster, Daniel Cooke, 1664 to 1667 1667 to 1670 1670 to 1672 1672 to 1675 1675 to 1676 1676 to 1677 1677 to 1681 1681 to 1683 1683 to 1715 1715 to Aug. 1744 TOWN TREASURERS. George Tillinghast, Nathan W. Jackson, Richard M. Field, 1744 to 17.55 to 1758 to 1775 to 1787 to Nov. 1793 to 1799 to Dec. 15, 1755 1758 1775 1787 1793 1799 1829 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1672 1674 1677 1682 1683 1687 1707 James Dexter, James Brown, William Harris, James Brown, William Harris, Thomas Olney, William Turpin, Charles Tillinghast, William Turpin, Joseph Sheldon, James Arnold, Samuel Nightingale, George Olney, John Howland. 1711 1714 1717 1718 1720 1722 1737 1743 to April 1744 1771 to Aug. 1797 to Aug. 1814 1818 TOWN COUNCILS. Thomas Hopkins, sen. 1668. Not on records. 1669. Thomas Olney, sen. Thomas Harris, sen. John Whipple, sen. 1670. Thomas Olney, William Harris, John Sayles. 1671. Thomas Olney, sen. John Sayles, Thomas Olney, jr. 1672. Thomas Arnold, Anthony Everden, Thomas Hopkins, sen. 1673. William Carpenter, Arthur Fenner, Thomas Olney, jr. 1674. Thomas Olney, sen. Thomas Olney, jr. John Whipple, jr. 1675. Not on records 1676. Thomas Arnold, APPENDIX. 655 Nathaniel Waterman, Roo-er Williams. 1G77. Thomas Olney, Arthur Fenner, William Harris. 1678. Roger Williams, Arthur Fenner, Edward Smith. 1679. Roger Williams, Henry Brown, Edward Smith. 1680. Roger Williams, Henry Brown, Thomas Arnold. 1681. Thomas Olney, William Hopkins, John Whipple, Edward Smith, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas Field. 1682. Thomas Olney, jr. William Hopkins, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas Field, Edward Smith, John Whipple. 1683. Thomas Olney, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas Field, William Hopkins, Edward Smith, Thomas Arnold. 1684. Thomas Olney, Thomas Arnold, Edward Smith, Joseph Williams, Thomas Harris, jr. Eleazer Arnold. 168.5. Thomas Olney, Edward Smith, Joseph Williams, Thomas Harris, jr. Thomas Arnold, Eleazer Arnold. 1686. Thomas Olney, Edward Smith, Joseph Williams, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas Harris, Eleazer Arnold. 1687. Selectmen. John Whipple, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas Field, William Hopkins, Joseph Williams. 1688. Selectmen. Pardon Tillinghast, Edward Smith, John Dexter, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas Field, Joseph Williams. 1689. Not on records. 1690. Not on records. 1691 and 1693. Thomas Olney, Pardon Tillinghast, William Hopkins, Nathaniel Waterman, Joseph Williams, Benjamin Carpenter. 1693. Pardon Tillinghast, Nathaniel Waterman, Joseph Williams, Thomas Olney. 1694. Pardon Tillinghast, Nathaniel Waterman, Joseph Williams, William Hopkins, Benjamin Carpenter, Thomas Olney. 1695. Pardon Tillinghast, Nathaniel Waterman, William Hopkins, Epenetus Olney. 1696 and 1697. Pardon Tillinghast, Nathaniel Waterman, Epenetus Olney, William Hopkins, Benjamin Carpenter, Thomas Olney. 1698. Thomas Olney, Pardon Tillinghast, William Hopkins, Benjamin Carpenter, Roger Burlingame, Thomas Fenner. 1699. William Hopkins, Pardon Tillinghast, John Dexter, Benjamin Carpenter, Thomas Fenner, Thomas Olney. 1700 and 1701. Pardon Tillinghast, Richard Arnold, John Dexter, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas Fenner, Thomas 01ne3^ 1702. Thomas Olney, Pardon Tillinghast, Thomas Field, Nathaniel Waterman, Samuel Wilkinson, Thomas Fenner. 1703 and 1704. Thomas Olney, Pardon Tillinghast, Nathaniel Waterman, Thomas Field, Thomas Fenner, Joseph Whipple. 1705 and 1706. Pardon Tillinghast, Thomas Fenner, Nathaniel Waterman, Jonathan Sprague, James Brown, Thomas Olney. 1707. Pardon Tillinghast, William Hopkins, Nathaniel Waterman, Jonathan Sprague, James Brown, Thomas Olney. 1708-1709-171 0& 1711. Thomas Olney, Jonathan Sprague, Nathaniel Waterman, William Hopkins, James Brown, Richard Brown. 1712. Thomas Olney, Jonathan Sprague, William Hopkins, James Brown, Richard Brown, 656 APPENDIX. John Smitli. 1713. Thomas Olney, Sylvanus Scott, William Olney, William Harris, Daniel Abbott, Also, Thomas Olney, Joseph Williams, William Hopkins, Joseph Jenckes, James Brown, Nicholas Power. 1714. Thomas Olney, Joseph Williams, William Hopkins, Sylvanus Scott, William Harris, Edward Smith. 1715. Joseph Williams, William Hopkins, Joseph Whipple, William Harris, Sylvanus Scott, Edward Smith. 1716 and 1717. Joseph Whipple, Arthur Fenner, Thomas Harris, Sylvanus Scott, William Harris, Edward Smith. 1718. Joseph Whipple, Thomas Harris, Sylvanus Scott, Edward Smith, William Crawford, William Harris. 1719 and 1720. Joseph Whipple, Thomas Harris, Edward Smith, Nathaniel Jenckes, James Brown, Philip Tillinghast. 1721. Joseph Whipple, James Olney, Nicholas Power, Philip Tillinghast, Nathaniel Jenckes, Thomas Harris. 1722 and 1723. Joseph Wliipple, Arthur Fenner, Nathaniel Jenckes, William Smith, James Olney, Thomas Harris. 1724. William Smith, Thomas Harris, James Olney, Philip Tillinghast, Peleg Rhodes, James Dexter. 1725. Joseph Whipple, Philip Tillinghast, James Brown, James Olney, James Dexter, Thomas Olney. 1726. Joseph Whipple, Philip Tillinghast, James Olney, James Dexter, Thomas Olney, John Angell. 1727. Joseph Whipple, Philip Tillinghast, William Turpin, James Olney, Stephen Dexter, James Williams. 1728. Joseph Whipple, Philip Tillinghast, William Smith, John Angell, John Potter, jr. James Olney. 1729. Joseph Whipple, Philip Tillinghast, Nicholas Power, James Olney, Stephen Dexter, John Potter, jr. 1730. Philip Tillinghast, Nicholas Power, John Potter, Benjamin Smith, Thomas Field, Richard Fenner. 1731. Philip Tillinghast, Richard Waterman, Stephen Dexter, James Congdon, John Thornton, Nathaniel Jenckes. 1732. James Congdon, John Thornton, Stephen Dexter, Edward Fenner, Nathaniel Jenck^, Thomas Burlingame. 1733. James Congdon, John Thornton, Stephen Dexter, Edward Fenner, Thomas Burlingame, Hope Angell. 1734. Richard Waterman, Stephen Dexter, James Congdon, Hope Angell, John Thornton, Benjamin Carpenter. 1735 and 1736. Stephen Dexter, Hope Angell, John Thornton, Benjamin Carpenter, Zuriel Waterman, Charles Tillinghast. 1737 and 1738. William Hopkins, Hope Angell, John Thornton, Benjamin Carpenter, Zuriel Waterman, Charles Tillinghast. 1739. William Hopkins, Hope Angell, Richard Fenner, Benjamin Carpenter, Zuriel Waterman, Charles Tillinghast. 1740. Daniel Smith, Hope Angell, William Burton, Charles Tillinghast, Thomas Harris, jr. Zuriel Waterman. 1741. William Burton, John Whipple, Daniel Smith, f INDEX. 665 Hawkins George F., 483. Hamlin William, 629. Hammond James, 630. Herenden Benjamin, 61. Hewes Joseph, 602. Henry Patrick, 213. Heath General, in Providence, 280. Halsey Thomas L., 363. Herald, 553. Higginson John, 12. Hills David, 228. Hitchcock Enos, 328, 354, 363, 369, 510, 441. High Street Congregational Church 615. Holyman Ezekiel, 101, 404, 410, 23, 33, 576. Home or house lots, 34. Hopkins Thomas, 35, 39, 43, 70, 76, 85, 105, 125, 127, 128, 129, 143, 579. Holden Randall, 84, 92, 98, 101, 109, 110, 116, 118, 121, 124, 135. Holmes Dr., 59. Hopkins William, 165, 494, 170. Hopkins Stephen, 210, 619, 268, 291, 197, 226. Hopkins Esek, 250, 266, 268, 270, 495. Hopkins Rufus, 267. Howell David, 273, 278, 279, 305, 312 322 354 Howland John, 379, 510, 506, 509. Howell Jeremiah B., 283. Holder Christopher, 421. Howland Thomas, 426. Hoyle Dr., 438. Honeyman, Mr. 443, 445. Horton Jotham, 464, 639. Hopkinsian Magazine, 556. Hutchinson Ann, 49. Hull William, 121, 95. Inman Edward, 61, 105, 119, 129. Indians price of, 171. Inspection, committee of, appointed, 242, 246. Independent companies, 248. Independence of Rhode-Island de- clared, 252. Instructions to Representatives of Providence in General Assembly, 273, 306, 312, 337. Instructions to delegates in conven- tion, 347. Ives Thomas P. 363, 383, 507. Ives Moses H. 367. Instructors of Public Schools in 1600, 510. Independent Inquirer, 352. Investigator, 552, Indian deeds, 568, 569, 573, 574, 575. James Thomas, 35, 23, 27, 404, 33, 576. Jails, 179. Jackson George, 379. Jackson Samuel, 617. Jackson Richard jr. 383, 509. Jackson Henry, 490, Jameson Thorndike C. 469, Jackson William, 641. Jenckes Joseph Governor, 190, 411. Jenckes John, 246. Jenckes Stephen, 249. Jenkins Jeremiah F. 373. Jeffries William, 93. Jenckes Ebenezer, 406. Jewett Paul, 4-58. Jenks John, 496, 226, Jenckes Daniel, .519, 521, 201, 197. Jones John, 71, 119. Jones John Paul, 269. Jones Gorsham, 348. Jones William, 510. Johnson Isaac, 364. Johnson L. D. 487. Johnston incorporated, 595. John the Baptist 644. Juvenile Gazette, 553. Kenyon Archibald, 639. Kent Asa, 464. Keene Charles, 496. Kibby Erastus, 462. Kilburn David, 464. Kingman Abner, 460. Knight Richard, 76, 91, 98, 109, 118, 121. Knowlton Thomas, 450. • Lancaster William, 165, 170. Lawrence David, 242. Laws, power to make, given to the town, 357. Lamed William, 363. Lamps first established, 386. Lafayette, in Providence, 387. Lapham Thomas, jr. 537. Ladies' Magazine, 558. Ladies' Museum, 558. Leavitt Jonathan, 460. Lee Jesse, 461. Leeds George, 639 84 666 INDEX. Lewis Daniel, 465. Lewis Jolin P., 641. Leonard Ezra, 520. Lee Asa, 481. Lijipit John, 35, 43, 61. List of those who retnained in town in Philip's war, 165. Liberty tree dedicated, 221. Lindsey Benjamin, 220, 609. Lippitt Charles, 363. Library Providence established, 534. Literary Cadet, 532. Little Genius, 553. Literary Subaltern, 553. Limerock, regulations of, 613. Light, 642. Literary Journal, 644. Lockwood Benoni, 630. Lottery system commenced, 197. Lothrop Dr. 441. Low Anthony, 171. Lord Willis, 460._ Ludlow Peter, 465. Lynch Mr. 481. Lytherland William, 91. 97, 101, 109, 110. Massasoit sachem of Wampanoags, 18, agreement with, 566. Man William, 35, 43. Manton Edward, 35, 43. Maverick Samuel, 141. Manton Shadrach, 143, 150. Man Abraham, 165, 170. Market house, 201 ; built, 292 ; fish do., 292; Canal, 375 ; Broad street, 375. Man Benjamin, 242. Mason Aaron, 242. Mathewson John, 246. Manning James, 328, 406, 519, 529. Mails, 358. Mallett Edward J., 615. Maxcy 'Jonathan, 363,407,510,529. Mathewson Noah, 364. Matlack Lucius C, 639. Macomber Ebenezer, 373. Mason Cyrus, 453. Maginnis J. S., 466. Mace Fayette, 477. Manchester William C , 484. Mawney John, 495. Manufacturers' Journal, 550. Maps of the town, 629. McSparran Dr., 445. Methodist church, 461. Merritt Timothy, 463. Merrill Abraham D., 464 McNamee Mr., 481. McKenzie James A., 487. Meeting street church, 489. Metcalf Joel, 509, McReding, 635. Messer Asa, 529. Mechanic Association incorporated, 626 ; petition for public schools, 506. Miantonomi, 18 ; deed of, 27, 30 ; murdered, 52. Military officers, 109. Mills Mr., 481. Microcosm, 552. Mills, grant from town for erecting, 612. Mile-end cove, 34. Morey Roger, 122, 111. Morey John, 165, 170. Mowry Daniel, 365. Monroe President, in Providence, 383. Moody Samuel, 440. Morton William, 510. Moyes Dr.,first lecturer in the town, 537. Mortality bills of, 634, 376. More Light, 642. Morning-Courier, 642. Murray Mr., 451, 475. Mudge Enoch, 464. Narragansetts powerful tribe of In- dians, 17 ; sell the location of Providence to the first settlers, 20. Namquit Point, 229. Navy of Rhode-Island, 265. Nash Joseph, 619. Narragansett Chief, 642. Navy American, commencement of, 265. Neponsit Indians subject to the Wampanoags, 18. Newell Robert, 625. Newspaper first established in the town, 206. New Jerusalem church, 635. New Age, 643. Nichols Richard, 141. Nightingale Samuel, jr. 210, 246, 496. Nightingale Joseph, 267, 305, 348. Northup Stephen, 61, 129. Non-importation agreements, 217, 223, 225, 226, 227, 228. Noyes Moses, 510. North Providence incorporated, 595. INDEX. 667 Officers under Gov. Andross, 178. Olney Thomas, first treasurer, 22, 30, 33, 35, 43, 71, 75, 77, 80, 84, 61, 92, 98, 23, 576, 572, 110, 112, 116, 117, 119, 122, 125, 126, 129, 130, 132, 154. Olney Epenetus, 61. Olney Thomas jr. 126, 129, 130, 134, 405, 410. Olney James, 165, 170. Olney Jonathan, 199. Olney Joseph 221, 495, 604, 607. Olney Jeremiah, 348, 373, 622. Olney Richard, 609. Olney Christopher, 373. Olney Stephen, 388. Oliver Thomas F. 447. Olla Podrida, .559. Old houses, 632. Olive Leaf, 643. Ormsbee Caleb, 439. Osborne John, 426, 530. Osborn Van Renselaer, 462. Osgood Samuel 483. Othman Bartholomew, 463. Ousamiquin, subject to the Narra- gansetts, 18. Owsapocamine, Sachem of Coweset, 87. Ox roast, 329. Page William, 180. Page Ambrose, 242. Painter Thomas, 35. Partridge Alexander, 71. Parker George, 110, 116. Paper money. The first in Rhode- Island issued in 1710, 188. Prov- idence protests against it in 1713, 189, scales of depreciation of, 288, memorial against, 297, issued in 1786, 303, convention to aid cir- culation of, 305. Palmer Gideon, 394. Patteson Robert E. 408. Paine John, 450. Park Calvin, 458. Parker I. N. 641. Patten David, 80, 464, 635. Parker Leonard S. 635. Patriot, 458. Pawtuxet purchase, deed of, 576, difficulties about, 577. Packets to Newport line of, 609. Pearce William, 199. Pequod Indians, enemies of the Nar- raganseffs, 18. I Perry Richmond, 111. Peace, of 1783 proclaimed, 262, of 1815, 378. Peck Lewis 278. Peck Isaac 468. Periodicals and Newspapers, 538, 642. Penny Post, 642. Phenix, 548. Philip King, son of Massasoiet, 1.56, war, 158, death of, 169. Phipps William, 469. Pike Robert 61. Pigot galley taken, 257. Pitman John, 387. Pigot George, 446. Pickering George, 462. Pine street Baptist church, 464. Pickering David, 477. Pic nic for the poor, 616. Plain Speaker, 642, Power Nicholas, .35, 43, 70, 122, will made by town council 124, 242. Porter John, 76, 93. Potter Robert, 61. Porkers in town in 1789, 353. Potter Elisha R. 364. Pollock Thomas, 440. Potter Joseph, 495. Potter Anson, 636. Post office and postmasters, 614 . Power street Methodist church, 635. Providence, letter from to J. Verin, 25 ; to Roger Williams, 89 ; burnt, 166 ; south line of settled, 590 ; divided into three towns, 592 ; area of, 599 ; purchasers of, 60 ; letter from George Sheppard to, Progress in Law, 173. Pray Richard, 165, 170. Pray John, 165, 170. Pray Ephraim, 165, 170. Prices of grain, &c., 187, 218 ; of goods, &c. stated, 246, 271, 291. Printing press set up, 206. Providence frigate built, 267. Pratt Peter, 399. Providence Free Press, 554. Providence Monthly Meeting, 427. Providence Journal, 549. Proprietors' school house bought, 509. Preston Willard, 459. Primary schools established, 572. Providence School Society, .515. Pupils' Monitor, 642. Purchases of the Natives, .562. 668 INDEX. Rats, bounty on, 190. Randall William, 448. Randall .lob, 198. Reynolds William, 22, 35, 39, 43. Reeve Widow, 35. Reddock Henry, 61 . Reception of second charter to Col- ony, 136. Remonstrance against William Har- ris, 147. Records of town copied, 166 ; burnt, 166 ; separated from proprietors, 592. Read William, 192. Representation of towns, report on, 312. Religious Intelligencer, 535. Religious Messenger, 556. Rhode-Island purchased of the Na- tives, 49; taken by the British, 253. Rhodes Zachariah, 121, 125, 129, 131, 132, 135. Rhodes John, 165. Rhodes William, 273, 279, 305, 507. Rhode-Island Farmer, 549. " " American, 549. " " Intelligencer, 5-55. " " Baptist, 555. " " Journal, 557. " " Literary Repository ,-558. " " Register, 560. Rice William, 197. Rickard George, 35, 39. Riot in East-Greenwich, 239. Richmond William, 363. Richmond William E., 387. Richmond Barzillai, 450, 495. Richmond Street Congregational Society, 454. Ripley Thomas B., 473. Riot in Providence, 397. Roberts Thomas, 78, 116, 117, 129. Roome John, 101, 109, 110. Rogers James, 118, 121, 125, 127, 129, 130, 132, 171. Roger Williams Baptist church, 484. Rowland David S., 441, 617. Rouse John H., 639. Russell Joseph, 242, 267, 193. Russell William, 267. Ryan Dennis, 640. Sassacus, a sachem of the Pequods, 18. Sayles John 34, 125, 61, 91,92, 101, 110 119,117,118, 126, 129, 130, 131, 93. Sayer Widow, 35, 43. Sanford John, 75, 91, 110, 116, 117, 118, 121, 125, 127, 130, 152, 93. Sampson Samuel 321. Saint John's church, 443. Sanderman Robert, 451. Sampson Elizabeth, 457. Sargent A. D. 461, 464. Sanborn Jacob, 464. Saint Stephen's church, 638. Saint Patrick's church, 637. Samaritan, 643. Settlers first in Providence, 20. Seaman James N. 465. Sessions Darius, 226, 476. Seamen's Bethel, 640. Scourge, 554. Scott Richard, 35, 39, 43, 78, 409, 429. Scott James, 636. Schools — land given for, 492, first committe, 495, first master, 495, act of 1800, 505, act of 1828, 511, masters of the public schools, 510, committee under act of 1800, 510, number of in 1823, 511, number of in 1842, 513, number of in 1821 and 1831, 515, Sunday, 532. Scituate incorporated, 594. Shawmut Indians subject to the Wampanoags, 18. Sherman Philip, 71, 75, 76. Serrington William, 641, Sheppard John, 61. Sheppard George, 133. Sheldon Christopher, 250. Shii> General Washington voyage to China, 351, Shipping in Providence in 1790, 352. Six acre lots, 34, Simpson John, 238. Simonson Peter, 473. Slavery remonstrances about, 237. Slater Samuel, 533. Smith John, 20, 35, 70, 71, 75, 84, 61, 109, 119, 125, 170,612. Smith Benjamin, 61, 109. Smith Edward, 61, 98, 165, 170. Smith Elisha, 171. Smith Richard, 161. Smith Plilip, 171. Small Po.x, 199. Smith John, 267, 273. Smith Job, 329. Smith Stephen H. 367. Smith Henry, 373. Smith Levin, 641. Smith Thomas, 426. Smithfield monthly meeting, 427 INDEX. 669 ■Smith Francis, 473. Smithfield incorporated, 594. Smoking in the streets prohbited, 628. Snow Joseph Jr. 328, 450. Snow Rebecca, 558. Snclling Joseph, 462. Spencer's expedition on Rhode-Is- land, 255. Spurr John, 373. Sprague Jonathan, 438, Sprague Nehemiah, 495. Squirrels bounty on, 190. Steere John, 61. Stampers' Hill, 117. Stibbs John, 154, 422. State prison, 161. Stamp-act resolutions about, 210, celebration of repeal of, 214. Stanford John, 328, 404, 407. Stanton Joseph jr. 364. Stevens Abel, 635. Storm Great, 379. Story Thomas, 426. Stiles Dr. 440,521. Stickney Ephraim, 635. Streeter Adam, 476. State Gazette, 547. Street John F. 636. Stages from Providence, 609, patent granted for, 608. Steam engines in Providence, 626. Sucklin Thomas, 61. Sullivan's expedition on Rhode-Is- land, 256, address to, 258. Sunday schools, 532. Sunday School Herald, 557. Suffrage Examiner, 643, Sweet Mary, 22. Sweet John, 35 Sweet James, 119. Swamp fight with the Indians, 141. Sweeting Job, 242. Swineton Asa W.,635. Taxes under Gov. Andross, 177. Talbut Silas, 257. Tallman Benjamin, 268. Taxes, dispute about between state and town, 277. Taylor Robert, 373. Taylor George, 601. Taylor John, 440, 489. Taylor Benjamin, 488. Taft Gravener, 510. Tax book, 560. Tabor Philip, 129. Tew Richard,101, 118, 130, 132, 135. Tea, resolutions about, 232 ; burnt, 244. Temperance movement, beginning of, 395. Tefft Peter, 450. ^ Temperance Herald, 643. Temperance Advocate, 644. Throckmorton John, 30, 35, 43, 143, 23, 576. Thurston Edward, 132. Thanksgiving, appointed by Gov- ernor Andross, 178 ; in 1789, 352. Theatre erected, 206. Thatcher Peter, 434. Thurber Samuel, 496 ; letter from, 600. Tiler "Widow, 35, 43. Tillinghast Daniel, 267. Tillinghast Pardon, 61, 405, 411, 412, 413. Town, street, 34 ; officers, two setts of, 151 ; meeting of under a tree, 169 ; Sergeant, difficulty about electing one, 178 ; Treasurer sued by state, 285 ; house bought, 380. Torrey Joseph, 98, 128, 129, 130, 132,1.35. Townsend John, 101. Townsend Richard, 101. Toll bridge at Weybosset, 146. Tobey Zalmon, 473. Toilet, 559. Tree of liberty dedicated, 221. Tripp Diadama, 462. Tripp John, 117. True Charles K., 635. Tucker Mark, 454. Turner Charles T., 460. Turpin William, 493, 608, 602. Twenty-five acre purchasers, 60.-- Unthank Christopher, 35, 43. Uncas, Sachem of the Mohegans, 51 ; murders Miantonomi, 52. Usher John, 177. Universalist Society, first, 475 Union Conference Magazine, 557. Universalist Society, second, 641. Underbill John, 95. Updike John, 617. Vane Henry, letter from, 99. Vaughan William, 152. Venus transit of, 619. Verin Joshua, 21 ; disfranchised, 23; letter from, 25. Vessels cleared in Colony in 1763, . 264. 670 INDEX. Vinton Alexander H., 483. Vinton Francis, 639. Wampanoags submitted to the Nar- ragansetts, 18. Waterman Richard, 23, 30, 33, 3.5, 43, 76, 80, 87, 84,85, 61, 110, 112, 116, 117, 118, 121, 122, 576. Warner John, 35, 39, 40, 43, 74. Waller Matthew, 35, 43. Walwin Thomas, 61, 119, 129, 170, 570. Walker Archibald, 184. Way George, 61. Waterman Nathaniel, 164, 170, 583. Waller Thomas, 165. Warner Samuel, 250. Washington George, address to and reply of, in 1780, 261, in 1790, 354, funeral solemnities of, 373. Warren Frigate built at Providence, 267. Ward Henry, 354. War, resolutions relating to, 377. Walton John, 412, 413. Waterman Thomas T., 460. Warre Joseph A., 469. Wayland Francis, jr. 529. Waldron Luke, 641. Waterhouse Benjamin, 537. Waterman Henry, 639. Weston Francis, 23, 35, 33, 576. Westcott Stukely, 23, 35, 43, 91, 30, 576. West Robert, 35, 43. 'West Mathew, 112. Weetamo, wife of Alexander, 156, 157. - West William, 329. Westminster Congregational Socie- ty, 482. Westminster School Society, 575. Westquanoid purchase, 591. -West Benjamin, 619,601,615. Wesleyan Methodist Society, 639. Weekly Visitor, 641. Wheelwright John, 49. Whipple Samuel, 184. Whitman Valentine, 121, 165, 170. Wheeler Bennett H., 615. Whipple Samuel, 170. Whipple Nelle, 170. Whipple John, 126, 165, 615, 493, 170. Whipple Abraham, 231, 265, 266. Wheaton Nathaniel, 242. Whipple John, 373. Wheaton Willi^, 278. Whipple John, 399. Whipple Joseph, 444, 602. Whipple Jabez, 604. Whitefield George, 451. White Hiram H., 615. Whipple Hall built, 503. Williams Roger, arrived in New- England, 11, called by the Salem church, 14, admitted a freeman in Mass. 13, assistant pastor of Ply- mouth, 13, banished from Mas- sachusetts, 15, removed to Provi- dence, 17, purchase of Provi- dence, 26, deed to the settlers, 28, second deed to same, 30, third deed to same, 33, house lot of 35, signer of combination, 1640, 43, 55, 70, 71, 78, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 61, 109 110, 112, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, 125, 126, 131, 170, 134, 135, tax of, 154, dispute with Qua- kers, 154, 165, 404, 405, 407, 421, 471, 576. AVilliams Mary, wife of Roger, 32. Williams Robert, 35, 43, 70, 71, 77, 80, 81, 87, 84, 85, 61, 105, 112. Wickenden William, 30 35, 39, 43, 70, 71, 77, 80, 81, 84, 86, 88, 61, 101, 105, 110, 405, 410, 412, 413, 93, 570, 579. Winsor Joshua, 35, 39, 43. Wickes Francis, 21, 35, 39, 43. Winthrop John, 47. Wickes John, 76. Wilkinson Laurence, 61. Wilkinson William, 615. Winsor Samuel, 165, 405, 406, 412, 190. Wild cats, bounty on, 190. Wilson James, 363, 452. Williams Caleb, 399. Williams Thomas, 455. Winchester Elnathai1^476. Winter of 1779-80, 624. Wiley William, 640. Woodward Joseph, 165, 170. Work-house, 194. Woodley Robert D. 480. Yellow Fever in town, 267. Young Daniel, 510. V RD -2.3 LB8VH 0^ e-^:j: « o if- ' - ^