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 THE REQUIRED LITERATURE FOR 1894-5. 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation (illus- 
 trated). Katharine Coman and Elizabeth Kendall, 
 Professors of History in Wellesley College . . $1.00 
 
 Europe in the Nineteenth Century (illus- 
 trated). H. P. Judson, Professor of Political Sci- 
 ence, University of Chicago 1.00 
 
 From Chaucer to Tennyson (with portraits). 
 Henrv A. Beers, Professor of English Literature, 
 Yale University 1.00 
 
 Renaissance and Modern Art (illustrated). W. 
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 The Chautauquan (12 numbers, illustrated) . 2.00 
 
PHYSIOGRAPHICAL MAP 
 
 OF THE 
 
 BRITISH ISLES 
 
dbautauqua IRea&tng Circle Xtterature 
 
 THE GROWTH 
 
 OF THE 
 
 English Nation 
 
 BY 
 
 KATHARINE COMAN 
 h 
 
 Professor of History and Economics in IVellesley College 
 
 AND 
 
 ELIZABETH KENDALL 
 
 Associate Professor of History in IVellesley College 
 
 
 22 
 
 ?7>6J -^- 
 
 FLOOD AND VINCENT 
 £bt (3M)autauqua--<Stenturp tyxz0 
 
 MEADVILLE PENNA 
 150 FIFTH AVE. NEW YORK 
 1894 
 
THE LIBRARY 
 OF CONGRESS 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 Copyright, 1894, 
 By Flood & Vincent. 
 
 Q(X31 
 .C 
 
 The Chautauqua- Century Press, Meadville, Pa., U.S.A. 
 Electrotyped, Printed, and Bound by Flood & Vincent. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 This little treatise traces the growth of the English 
 nation from its beginnings in a weak and struggling island 
 community to its present attainment of maritime suprem- 
 acy and world-wide empire. Such a study must concern 
 itself, primarily, with social, economic, and political con- 
 ditions, since national achievement is the outcome of 
 national character — the resultant of all the forces operating 
 upon a people. Industrial prosperity, intellectual develop- 
 ment, the evolution of methods of self-government, the 
 victory of the moral and spiritual over the brute elements 
 in race temperament — these, and not war nor dynastic 
 intrigue, are the determining factors in national progress. 
 We shall, then, since our space is limited, pay slight heed 
 to the deeds of kings and potentates, that we may give 
 more attention to the deeper influences at work. We shall 
 endeavor to understand the people and those popular 
 movements that shape the statesman's policy. 
 
 The treatment must, necessarily, be of the briefest. 
 Readers desiring a fuller narrative are referred to Gardi- 
 ner's " Student's History of England," Bright's "History 
 of England," and Green's "History of the English Peo- 
 ple." In the attempt to recreate the life of the past, the 
 historical novel and the historical play lend welcome aid. 
 It is hoped that the illustrative readings indicated in con- 
 nection with the several chapters will add much to the 
 pleasure of the student's work. Yet a word of caution is 
 necessary. It must be remembered that in any imagina- 
 
iv Preface. 
 
 tive representation, justice and accuracy are often sacrificed 
 for the sake of dramatic interest. One must test the im- 
 pressions of the artist by the conclusions of scientific his- 
 tory. 
 
 Katharine Coman. 
 
 Wellesley, Mass., June 6, 1S9U. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER. PAGE. 
 
 I. The Island Home of the English . 9 
 
 II. Race Elements of the English Nation 21 
 
 III. Norman England . . . .47 
 
 IV. Fusion of Races . . . .71 
 V. Struggle for the Charter . . 88 
 
 VI. Rise of the Commons . . . 109 
 VII. Struggle for the Crown . . . 146 
 VIII. The Tudors and the Reformation . 166 
 IX. The Stuarts and Puritanism . . 196 
 X. Parties and Party Government . . 224 
 XI. Growth of Democracy . . . 289 
 XII. Industrial Progress During the Eigh- 
 teenth and Nineteenth Centuries . 266 
 XIII. The Expansion of England . . 284 
 Table of British Colonial Possessions. 
 
The required books of the C. L. S. C. are recommended by a 
 Council of six. It must, however, be understood that 
 recommendation does not involve an approval by the 
 Council, or by any member of it, of every principle or 
 doctrine contained in the book recommended. 
 
LIST OF MAPS. 
 
 Physiographical Map of the British 
 Isles ..... 
 
 Frontispiece. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 England ....... 8 
 
 Outline Map of England . . . .15 
 
 Outline Map of Wales . . . .17 
 
 Outline Map of Scotland . . . .18 
 
 Outline Map of Ireland . . . .19 
 
 Roman Britain . . . Facing page 25 
 
 Britain in 597 . . . . " " 31 
 
 The English Empire in the Tenth and Elev- 
 enth Centuries . . . Facing page 41 
 England and the French Possessions of Wil- 
 liam I., 1087 .... Facing page 50 
 
 Dominions of the House of Anjou " " 73 
 
 England and Wales in 1643 . " "207 
 
 The British Isles in 1881 .... 275 
 
 Map of World, Showing British Possessions 
 
 and Protectorates . . Facing page 284 
 
MAP OF 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 Scale ofMilea 
 
 V Jt> -J »J w So 60 
 
 O Jt H H 
 
 ^[Scarborough 
 
 •ytlanihoTough. TId. 
 
 ^Ylizard lid. 
 
 Longitude West 
 
 from Greenwich 
 
THE 
 GROWTH OF THE ENGLISH NATION. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Island Home of the English. 
 
 The life-story of a nation, like that of an individual, is 
 in good part determined by inheritance and environment. 
 The national traits inherited from ancestral races and the 
 tendencies impressed by the physical features of the 
 country give to a people its peculiar character. A nation's 
 history, the sum of its achievements, is the essential ex- 
 pression of its individuality. Circumstances may modify 
 its development. Propitious events may further, or hostile 
 interference may thwart, the accomplishment of its des- 
 tiny, but at no time in the history of a nation is the effect 
 of physical environment and race inheritance wholly ob- 
 scured. 
 
 The home of the English people is a group of islands, 
 5,000 in number, lying off the west coast of Europe. They 
 look on the map like icebergs floating away from a huge 
 old glacier. Most of them are mere ledges of rock lifting 
 a few acres of grass land beyond reach of the waves. 
 Some are so bare that they only serve as homes for the 
 sea-birds. Many are picturesque and romantic— Staffa and 
 Iona, Holy Isle and the Isle of Wight, have furnished 
 refuge to persecuted saints and kings — but Great Britain 
 and Ireland alone are of sufficient size to have considerable 
 influence on the national character. The area of the 
 
 9 
 
10 
 
 The Groivth of the English Nation. 
 
 Area. 
 
 Physical 
 make-up. 
 
 Advantage of 
 
 insular 
 
 position. 
 
 British Isles is 121,481 square miles, about one four hun- 
 dred and thirtieth part of the land surface of the globe. 
 In extent they are somewhat larger than New England, 
 somewhat less than Japan. This seems too small a country 
 to cut any very striking figure in the world's history, and 
 yet the English government controls to-day one fourth of 
 the land area of the globe. The population of the British 
 Empire is ten times that of the British Isles. Nineteenth 
 century Englishmen boast, and with good reason, that the 
 sun never sets on Her Majesty's dominions. 
 
 How can we account for this extraordinary national 
 development ? Much is doubtless due to certain inherent 
 qualities in the English people, but much is the result of 
 physical environment. We need to find out first of all, 
 what in the physical make-up of the British Isles has 
 contributed to the success of the English race. The most 
 apparent fact regarding these islands is that they lie within 
 easy reach of Europe. The Straits of Dover are but twenty 
 miles across. The water is nowhere of great depth, 300 
 feet in the English Channel and 70 feet in the North Sea. 
 The British Isles, in fact, were originally part of the Con- 
 tinent. What is now the bed of the North Sea was once 
 low-lying plain over which animals now extinct and, it 
 may be, prehistoric men made their way. At no time has 
 communication been impossible, but it has always been 
 attended by hazard. The rudest boat can cross the Chan- 
 nel in calm weather without harm, but these are tempestu- 
 ous seas and such storms may rise as put a man-of-war 
 in peril. Several times in English history this natural 
 isolation has been an effective defense against attack. The 
 great Spanish Armada was dashed in pieces on the Irish 
 coast in Elizabeth's reign, and three centuries later the 
 all-conquering Napoleon shrank from the risk involved in 
 an invasion of England. In the early centuries of its 
 
The Island Home of the English. 11 
 
 history, Great Britain was frequently overrun and subju- 
 gated by her continental neighbors, but the Norman con- 
 querors may be said to have announced England's Monroe 
 doctrine. Thenceforward the British Isles were not open 
 to colonization. From the twelfth century, the inhabitants 
 of these islands have repelled all invaders and stoutly 
 maintained their national integrity. Accessible from the 
 Continent yet easily independent of it, the English people 
 have enjoyed the rare privilege of a free and natural race 
 development. Unhampered by foreign interference, they 
 have dealt with the several problems of political, social, and 
 religious life under conditions comparatively simple, and 
 have arrived at results which, though not perhaps perfect 
 in themselves or of universal application, are at least ad- 
 mirably suited to the national character. On the other 
 hand, this isolation has not been such as to prevent Eng- 
 land from sharing in every vital impulse that has stirred 
 the Continent. The Crusades, the Renaissance, the Refor- 
 mation, the Revolution, each in turn has deeply influenced 
 English life and roused the English race to nobler achieve- 
 ment. 
 
 A no less important consequence of its insular situation _ mm . 
 is the maritime greatness of the English nation. An advantages. 
 island people are of necessity seafarers. They must ven- 
 ture across the water in search of what their narrow realm 
 does not provide. Great Britain, as we shall see, is pe- 
 culiarly fitted to foster a race of mariners. Her firths, 
 estuaries, and river mouths form natural harbors, and her 
 situation is most favorable. Lying over against France, 
 Holland, and the Baltic, is a series of seaports in direct 
 communication with these rich and populous regions of 
 the Continent. The western harbors formed by the Clyde, 
 the Mersey, and the Severn, look toward Ireland and 
 America. During the Middle Ages, Venice was the busi- 
 
Climate. 
 
 12 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 ness center of the Occident, and London but a remote 
 trading post lying near the edge of the world ; but the 
 discovery of America has opened industrial opportunities 
 hitherto undreamed of, and altered commercial relations. 
 London proves to be at the center of the land surface of the 
 globe, and England lies in the direct highway of modern 
 trade. These are great natural advantages, but England's 
 maritime supremacy has not been won without a struggle. 
 Spain, Holland, and France were before her in the field 
 and must be driven out. Only by dint of a long series of 
 commercial wars has England secured her haughty title of 
 Mistress of the Seas. The people's pride in this hard-won 
 victory is voiced in the national song, 
 
 " Rule Britannia ! Britannia rules the waves." 
 
 These commercial advantages are rendered more valuable 
 by the unusual facilities for internal communication. No 
 part of the country is more than one hundred miles from 
 the coast, and water ways, natural and artificial, give access 
 to the remotest regions. England boasts five navigable 
 rivers, the Yorkshire Ouse, the Trent, the Mersey, the 
 Thames, and the Severn. These reach far into the heart of 
 the country and their head waters are connected by a 
 system of canals. Ships may pass across Scotland from the 
 North to the Irish Sea by the Forth and Clyde canal. 
 Ireland's principal river, the Shannon, is navigable nearly 
 to its source, and is connected by canal with Belfast, 
 Dublin, and Waterford. To-day the railroad has almost 
 superseded water traffic, but the rivers of Britain, these 
 "roads that run," have served an important part in pro- 
 moting her commercial greatness. 
 
 This wave-washed realm is further blessed by a most for- 
 tunate climate. An island climate is usually moist and 
 equable, but the British Isles are peculiarly favored 
 in that they lie directly in the path of the Gulf Stream. 
 
The Island Some of the English. 13 
 
 This great ocean current is a veritable godsend to Britain. 
 Bearing upon its bosom the atmosphere of a subtropical sea, 
 it beats against the western coasts, bringing to a country of 
 the latitude of Labrador the climate of Virginia. Dublin has 
 the mean temperature of Savannah, though two thousand 
 miles farther from the equator. The Gulf Stream brings to 
 this lucky land not merely heat but moisture. The warm 
 west winds break on the mountainous coasts of Ireland, 
 Wales, and Scotland, and discharge abundant supplies of 
 rain. Here the average annual rainfall amounts, in certain 
 districts, to seven feet. The rainfall of England is, however, 
 not half so heavy. The influence of this warm, moist cli- 
 mate not only upon the occupations but upon the habit and 
 thought of the people, can hardly be overestimated. The 
 humidity is a great advantage in certain textile industries 
 — notably cotton-spinning. The winters are rarely so severe 
 as to interfere with field-works or transportation, while the 
 wholesome, bracing atmosphere actually stimulates to ex- 
 ertion. 
 
 In natural resources the English race is well endowed. 
 The mineral deposits of the British Isles are not only rich resources. 
 and of great variety, but so placed as to be readily accessi- 
 ble. Long before the English came to Britain, tin and 
 copper were extracted in some rude fashion from the rocks 
 of Cornwall. To-day, not only tin and copper, but coal and 
 iron, lead and zinc, are mined with such success that 
 notwithstanding the more extensive mineral regions of . 
 
 America, Africa, and Australia, Britain is still one of the area amounts 
 
 ' ' ' to 75 per cent 
 
 most productive mining countries in the world. Rarely of total area in 
 
 1 ° England, 
 
 does a countrv combine such mineral wealth with so fertile 60 per cent of 
 
 ^ total area in 
 
 a soil as that of the British Isles. Wales and Scotland, to Wales. 
 
 25 per cent of 
 
 be sure, can boast but scanty agricultural resources, but total area in 
 
 ' Jo > Scotland, 
 
 there are nowhere more fruitful regions than the pasture 75 per cent of 
 
 total area in 
 
 lands of Ireland and the gardens and wheat fields of eastern Ireland. 
 
14 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 37,888,153 in 
 1891. 
 
 Political 
 divisions. 
 
 England. 
 
 and southern England. Throughout the Middle Ages the 
 soil of Britain not merely fed her own people, but fur- 
 nished considerable quantities of grain, cattle, and wool to 
 foreign lands. To-day, however, her population has out- 
 stripped the food-bearing capacity of her fields, and Britain 
 is obliged to look to Australia and America for supplies. 
 Nineteenth century Britain is the richest country in the Old 
 World. Her present wealth is estimated at $49,000,000,000, 
 or $1,235 for every man, woman, and child in the United 
 Kingdom. The wealth of the United States is reckoned at 
 $64,120,000,000, but our population is so much larger that 
 our average per capita wealth is only $1,050. The wealth- 
 producing facilities of Britain enable her to support a 
 dense population. This surpassing prosperity has a double 
 source. It would be difficult to say which of two co5pera- 
 ting causes has been more influential — Britain's exceptional 
 advantages of situation, soil, and mineral wealth or the 
 pronounced industrial genius of her people. 
 
 The four political divisions of the United Kingdom were 
 originally independent and though they have been under 
 one government for centuries, each still preserves a marked 
 individuality. We can account for this dissimilarity in some 
 measure by race inheritance, since the English are Teutons 
 by origin, while the Irish, Welsh, and Scotch are Celts ; 
 but even more is due to the modifying influence of physical 
 conditions. Ireland, Wales, and Scotland have been but 
 shabbily dealt with by Dame Nature, while England has 
 fallen heir to her richest bounties. For example, England 
 has the advantage of situation as regards Europe. The 
 mountains of Great Britain are piled up in the north and 
 west. Scotland, Westmoreland, Wales, and Cornwall are 
 mere masses of rock and moor. From these inhospitable 
 heights the rich plains of England slope eastward to the 
 Channel and the North Sea. Her water courses cross the 
 
The Island Home of the English. 
 
 15 
 
 country from west to east, forming natural highways for 
 commerce. Four of her navigable rivers, the Tyne, the 
 Tees, the Trent, and the Thames, give direct access to the 
 Channel trade. Their harbors stand like so many open 
 doors, inviting 
 the products, the 
 men, the ideas of 
 Europe. Eng- 
 land may be said 
 to turn her back 
 on Ireland and 
 to face the Conti- 
 nent. She is in- 
 deed the favored 
 sister. The west 
 winds come to 
 her with warmth 
 and moisture, 
 but not till ex- 
 cess of rain has 
 been precipitated on the rugged heights of the Welsh 
 mountains. The Channel fogs, it is true, invade the low 
 districts of the eastern coast, but they have this virtue, at 
 least, that they insure England's harvest against drought. 
 Industrially, England is divided into two distinct parts. 
 A line drawn from the estuary of the Humber to the 
 mouth of the Severn would approximately represent the 
 division. Southeast of this line lies agricultural Eng- 
 land. The rich lime soil and the gentle rivers of this 
 region make it one of the most productive in the world. 
 No more fertile fields gladden the heart of man than those 
 of the Fen country and the Thames valley, while the 
 pasture lands of the Chiltern Hills, the North and South 
 Downs, and the Cots wold Hills nourish famous breeds of 
 
 # 
 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 
 : '"to^- ' 
 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 ■\i> 
 
 i k hm'^/M, 
 
 
 
 tri£~S*3L 
 
 
 
 
 J~&-s 
 
 
 
 Outline Map of England. 
 
16 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 sheep. Northwest of our imaginary line is the mineral 
 wealth of England. Here lie the great coal fields of North- 
 umberland, Durham, Yorkshire, Derby, Stafford, Leicester, 
 Warwick, and Lancashire. They are 1,650 square miles in 
 extent and constitute the mainspring of England's manufac- 
 turing industries. In the midst of this immense coal area 
 rises the Pennine chain, a range of mountain and moorland 
 which thrusts itself like a great wedge 200 miles into the 
 heart of England. It is an axis of carboniferous rock and 
 along its barren slopes lie rich mineral deposits, iron, zinc, 
 and lead. This remarkable combination of fuel with min- 
 popuiation in eral resources has attracted to the region the capital and 
 
 agricultural , , „ -_.,,_ ,, .. 
 
 county, e. g., labor force of England. Here are the mining districts of 
 
 sq. m. ;' with Northumberland and Durham. Here lie the great ruanu- 
 
 oounty, e. g., facturing towns of Leeds, Nottingham, Sheffield, Birming- 
 
 to sq. m. ; ' or ham, and Manchester. The centers of wealth and popula- 
 that of manu- , . . . „ . ,, ,, , . _ ., 
 
 facturing tion were originally in the agricultural regions of the 
 
 Lancashire, " south, but the opening of the coal measures has reversed 
 conditions and the most populous districts of England to- 
 day lie north of the Trent. The Pennine district does not, 
 however, monopolize the mineral wealth of England. The 
 rocky promontory of Cornwall supports a large mining 
 population. These barren hills bear rich veins of copper, 
 lead, and tin. Many lesser resources have contributed their 
 quota to England's prosperity. In Cheshire, along the 
 valley of the Weaver, lie rich deposits of salt. They have 
 been known for 1,800 years, but have only in modern times 
 been extensively worked. In addition to its coal measures, 
 Staffordshire boasts a fine clay soil admirably adapted to 
 the manufacture of earthenware. Here Wedgwood and 
 many lesser craftsmen have practiced the potter's art. The 
 remarkable success of the industry has won for this district 
 tbe name of " the Potteries." 
 
 Wales. If now we turn from merry England to the little prin- 
 
The Island Home of the English. 
 
 17 
 
 cipality of Wales, we shall find a marked contrast. This is 
 a rugged, mountainous country, picturesque and romantic 
 enough, beloved of the tourist, but scantily endowed with 
 industrial resources. These massive peaks, enveloped in 
 mist and rain, afford meager opportunity for pasture or 
 tillage. A circumscribed agricultural district lies along the 
 north coast in the valleys of the Conway and the Clwyd, 
 but the best industrial opportunity of Wales is in the slate 
 quarries of the Cambrian range 
 and the coal mines of the south. 
 The coal fields of Wales are 
 nearly equal in extent to those 
 of England. That of the Black 
 Mountains is 900 square miles 
 in area and 10,000 feet in depth. 
 This has become the center of 
 the smelting industry. A dense 
 population is gathered in a 
 series of smoky towns, Swansea, Outline Map of Wales. 
 
 Cardiff, Merthyr-Tydfil, and Ystradyfodwg. From Corn- 
 wall, from France, from North and South America, from 
 Australia, large quantities of metal are brought to the 
 foundries of South Wales. But this prosperity is offset 
 by the poverty of vast mountain wastes. Wales as a whole 
 supports but a sparse population. Her area is one seventh 
 that of England while her population is but one eighteenth 
 as large. 
 
 Scotland in physical make-up is quite comparable to 
 Wales. It looks but a jagged mass of rock from which 
 broken bits, the Shetlands, the Orkneys, the Hebrides, 
 Skye, Mull, Arran, are crumbling off into the sea. The 
 country is naturally divided into three districts distin- 
 guished from one another by marked physical features. 
 First of these is the picturesque northern section, the 
 
 Scotland . 
 
18 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Highlands, the land of shootings and salmon rivers. It 
 contains two thirds of Scotland's territory, but very little 
 of her material wealth. Fishing and sheep raising are the 
 principal employments. The Lowland Plain is a long nar- 
 row valley, which may once have been an isthmus, run- 
 ning across the coun- 
 try from east to west, 
 from the Firth of 
 Forth to the Firth of 
 Clyde. This region 
 contains the mineral 
 wealth of Scotland. 
 Here are rich deposits 
 of coal and iron which 
 sustain flourishing 
 manufactures. Here, 
 too, are Scotland's 
 harbors and hence her 
 commercial opportu- 
 nity. The population 
 of this favored region 
 is more than half that 
 of all Scotland. The 
 third natural division 
 is that of the Lowland 
 Hills, Scotland's nat- 
 ural barrier against in- 
 vasion from England, 
 Outline Map of Scotland. ^q "border" of the 
 
 ballads and historical romance. These hills are mo- 
 notonous moorlands. They lack the picturesque beauty 
 of the Highlands and the mineral wealth of the Plain. 
 They are good for little but sheep pasture. The 
 Tweed valley is a more prosperous region ; verging on 
 
The Island Home of the English. 
 
 19 
 
 the coal districts of -England, it shares their prosperity. 
 
 Of the physical sources of national well-being, Ireland Ireland, 
 has but a niggardly portion. The island is shaped like 
 a saucer. Along the coasts, north, west, and south, runs a 
 series of low mountain ranges. In the east alone are there 
 considerable stretches of sandy shore and even here the 
 coast line is broken by two mountain masses, the Mourne 
 and the Wicklow hills. The interior is an undulating 
 plain with hardly suf- 
 ficient slope to afford 
 watershed to its slug- 
 gish rivers. It has a 
 limestone foundation 
 and the soil is as fer- 
 tile as that of England, 
 but it is too wet for 
 successful agriculture 
 and is given over, in 
 great part, to cattle 
 pasture. Numerous 
 lakes and tracts of bog 
 
 land lie across the Outline Map of Ireland, 
 
 heart of the country and reduce its tillable area. Ire- 
 land gets the first effect of the warm winds from the 
 Atlantic and the rainfall is excessive. The number of 
 rainy days in a year averages 208. The climate is in con- 
 sequence warm, damp, and debilitating. Moreover the 
 mineral resources of the country are scant. The immense 
 coal measures that originally covered its surface were carried 
 away ages ago by glacial action. Isolated fragments of the 
 once abundant store are found in the hills, but the output 
 of the mines is quite inadequate to the industrial needs 
 of the country. Ireland possesses rich deposits of iron, but 
 they cannot be worked to advantage because fuel is lack- 
 
 Make-up of 
 
 Ireland : 
 75 per cent 
 arable land. 
 9 per cent bog 
 and marsh. 
 11 per cent bar- 
 ren mountain. 
 4 per cent 
 water. 
 1 per cen t 
 woods. 
 
20 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Q,ueenstown. 
 
 Cf . density of 
 population: 
 Scotland, 132 
 to sq. m. 
 Ireland, 144 to 
 sq. m. 
 
 Wales, 206 to 
 sq. m. 
 
 England, 540 to 
 sq. m. 
 
 Belgium, 540 
 to sq. m. 
 Saxony, 598 
 to sq. m. 
 
 ing. The mountains contain other minerals, copper, gold, 
 silver, and lead, and these have been mined at different 
 epochs in Irish history ; but the ores are nowhere so rich as 
 those of the Pennine and Cornish districts and the mining 
 industries are to-day actually declining. The fates seem to 
 have conspired against Ireland. Her rivers rarely afford 
 water power sufficient for manufactures. Her natural har- 
 bors lie to the west and north where they are of little use. 
 One first-rate harbor lies on the south coast and has become 
 important since the steamship lines running from Liver- 
 pool to America have made it a calling station. England 
 stands between Ireland and the Continent. She can con- 
 trol and has thus far stifled the commercial ventures of the 
 weaker country. Deprived of commercial and industrial 
 opportunities, the Irish people are restricted to agriculture. 
 The population is distributed over the land in villages and 
 scattered hamlets. There are but six towns of more than 
 20,000 inhabitants, Dublin, Belfast, Cork, Limerick, Lon- 
 donderry, and Waterford. These it will be noticed are all 
 on the seacoast and owe their importance to some commer- 
 cial advantage. In northern Ireland conditions are more 
 favorable. The climate is bracing, the juxtaposition of two 
 such harbors as Belfast and Glasgow is a spur to commerce, 
 while ready access to the Scotch coal district renders tex- 
 tile manufactures profitable. The poverty of Ireland may 
 be partly accounted for by misgovernment and race weak- 
 ness, but it is mainly due to the lack of material resources. 
 The comparative prosperity of the political divisions of 
 Britain is clearly indicated by the movement of popula- 
 tion. Scotland has always been sparsely settled. The 
 population of Ireland is actually decreasing while that of 
 England and Wales has rapidly increased since the opening 
 up of their mineral resources. Saxony alone of European 
 countries supports a denser population than England. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Race Elements of the English Nation. 
 
 Illustrative Readings. 449 A. D. Landing of the Jutes. 
 
 597. Augustine's Mission. 
 House of the Wolflngs ; Morris. m Union under Egbert . 
 Ekkehard > Schefftel. 871 _ 901< Reign of A]fred- 
 
 Alfred the Great ; Hughes. g78< Treaty of W edmore. 
 
 Beowulf. 955> Union un der Edgar. 
 
 1016. Conquest by Cnut. 
 Important Dates. 10 42. Saxon Restoration. 
 
 55 B. C. Invasion of the Romans. 1066. Death of Edward. 
 
 THE BRITONS AND ROME. 
 
 The most ancient descriptions of the island now known 
 as Great Britain show that it must once have been very 
 like northern Russia of to-day, a land of dense forest, 
 barren moor, and desolate fen. The southern coast was 
 lined with forests stretching with scarcely a break from 
 Kent into Devon. Another great woodland bordered the 
 Severn on both sides. The center of the island was cov- 
 ered by forest and thicket. From the Peak to the Tyne 
 rolled almost unbroken woodland and moor, and beyond, 
 impassable forests covered the lowlands between the Ger- 
 man Ocean and the hills of Strathclyde. Around the 
 Wash the great fens stretched inland as far as modern 
 Cambridge, cutting off the coast from the interior. To the 
 north and west were barren waste and rugged, inaccessible 
 mountain wilds. 
 
 We do not know by what race this desolate land was first 
 inhabited. Traces have been found of a primitive people, 
 cave dwellers, but they have passed away, leaving no clue 
 as to their condition except here and there an etching on 
 a rock, or the engraved tooth of a cave lion. At the 
 
 21 
 
 Inhabitants. 
 
22 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 The Celts. 
 
 55 B. C. 
 
 Race charac- 
 teristics of 
 the Britons. 
 
 earliest time concerning which we have information the 
 country was occupied by two distinct races, the Iberian 
 and the Celt. The Iberians were few in number and were 
 dark-haired and of small stature, a type still surviving 
 perhaps in the swarthy Irish of the west. At one time 
 they held the whole island, but they were driven into the 
 remoter districts or absorbed by the successive waves of 
 Celts that a little later swept over the country. 
 
 The bulk of the population was composed of Celts of the 
 Aryan group, a group which includes Teutons, Slavs, Greeks, 
 and some of the ancient races of India and Persia. They 
 were the first Aryans to enter Europe, and, driven onward 
 by the Teutons who came later, are now found chiefly in 
 the more remote parts of the Continent and the adjoining 
 islands, as Brittany, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland. Those 
 who crossed over from the mainland were of two branches, 
 the Gaels, represented now by the Irish and the High- 
 landers of Scotland, and the Britons who gave the island 
 its name and who were the ancestors of the modern Welsh 
 and Cornishmen. They all spoke the Celtic tongue, and it 
 is still the common speech of Wales and the Scotch High- 
 lands. 
 
 Although the island was visited by men from southern 
 Europe by the fourth century B. C, we nevertheless know 
 almost nothing of its early history. Csesar relates in his 
 Commentaries that, when he was planning his invasion of 
 Britain, he found it impossible to gain any precise knowl- 
 edge of the country. " Having, therefore, called together the 
 merchants from all parts of Gaul, they could neither inform 
 him of the largeness of the island, nor what or how powerful 
 were the nations that inhabited it, nor of their customs, or 
 arts of war." Apparently at the beginning of our era the 
 Britons had not passed beyond the tribal stage, and the basis 
 of society was the clan or patriarchal family, those of the 
 
Race Elements of the English Nation. 
 
 23 
 
 same blood and having the same totem holding together and 
 shutting out all others. The chief occupation of the tribes 
 of the north was hunting, but they were great fishermen, 
 although they apparently never ventured far out at sea. 
 Cattle constituted their wealth, and with them they wan- 
 dered from place to place, having no settled home. The 
 Britons of the south were more highly civilized than those 
 of the north. Agriculture was carried on with some skill, 
 the tin mines of Cornwall and Devon were worked, and 
 there was a limited commerce with the Continent. The 
 remains of temples and monuments to the dead, such as 
 Stonehenge in Salisbury Plain, prove that the principles of 
 mechanics were understood. 
 
 The religion of the Celts on both sides the Channel was 
 the same. They worshiped many gods, and held sacred 
 certain objects in na- 
 ture, as the oak and 
 mistletoe. Their priests, 
 called Druids, took an 
 influential part in the 
 government. C se s a r , 
 writing of Gaul, says of 
 them : " The Druids 
 have charge of all matters of religion ; they conduct the 
 public and private sacrifices and interpret the omens. 
 They are held in great honor, and many young men come 
 to them for instruction. They decide almost all contro- 
 versies, public and private. ... If anyone does not 
 submit to their decision he is made an outlaw. . . . 
 The Druids do not go to war, nor pay tribute with the rest. 
 . . . The leading tenet of the Druids is that the soul 
 does not perish, but passes after death into the body of 
 another person. Thus they incite men to valor by remov- 
 ing the fear of death." In appearance the Celts were tall 
 
 Druidical Ornaments. 
 
 Totem, a rude 
 picture, as of a 
 bird, beast, or 
 the like; used 
 as a symbolic 
 name or desig- 
 nation of a 
 family. 
 
 Religion. 
 
24 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 and fair. Ptolemy, a Latin writer of the second century, 
 
 describes them as "impatient of restraint, and fond of 
 
 liberty ; warlike, laborious, fierce and imperious, ingenious 
 
 and high-spirited." 
 
 About the middle of the first century B. C, the Britons 
 Roman 
 Conquest. came into contact with the power of Rome. Csesar 
 
 having completed the conquest of Gaul, " resolved to pass 
 over into Britain, as he had certain intelligence that in 
 all his wars with the Gauls the enemies of the common- 
 wealth had ever received assistance from thence." We 
 have a description in Caesar's own words of his attempted 
 landing. " He weighed anchor about one in the morning, 
 and about ten o'clock reached the coast of Britain where 
 he saw all the cliffs " (the white cliffs of Dover) " covered 
 with the enemy's forces. The nature of the place was 
 such that, the sea being bounded by steep mountains, the 
 enemy might easily launch their javelins on us from 
 above." Csesar's first attempt to overcome the Britons 
 was a failure, but in the following year he came again. He 
 met with a stubborn resistance ; in a critical moment, 
 however, tribal jealousy broke the strength of the defense, 
 and the Romans won a complete victory. Thereupon they 
 withdrew, having gained their end of putting a check on 
 British interference in Gaul, and for almost a century 
 longer the island was left to itself. 
 
 About a hundred years later Rome renewed the at- 
 tack. Perhaps the Britons opened the way to this by 
 ravaging the neighboring coasts of Gaul. In 43 A. D., a 
 Roman army invaded the island, and by taking ad- 
 vantage of the rivalries of different tribes soon conquered 
 the southern half of the country, including the much 
 coveted tin mines and the most fertile lands. Constant 
 fighting, however, was necessary to secure these conquests. 
 In 58 A. D. Suetonius Paulinus was made governor of 
 
Race Elements of the English Nation. 25 
 
 Roman Britain. He at once led an attack on the island 
 of Mona (Anglesey), the stronghold of the Druids and 
 the center of the British resistance. Suetonius was com- 
 pletely successful, but the force of his victory was almost 
 lost through the misgovernment of his subordinates. Op- 
 pressed and insulted, the Britons of the south rose against 
 their conquerors and a terrible massacre of the Romans 
 followed. More troops were sent from Gaul, stern ven- 
 geance was taken upon the Britons, and at last Roman 
 authority was restored. Agricola, who governed the island 
 during the latter part of the century, pushed the Roman 
 conquests far into the north. To secure what was already 
 held, he felt it necessary to subdue the whole island. He 
 failed in this but he conquered the country as far as the 
 Solway and the Tyne. To protect his conquests he built 
 a line of forts between the Forth and the Clyde, and estab- 
 lished a strong garrison at Eboracum (York). Early in the 
 second century the Emperor Hadrian visited the island 
 and strengthened the defenses in the north by building 
 a dyke or earthwall between the Solway and the Tyne, and 
 a few years later a wall of a similar character, known 
 as the Wall of Antoninus, was constructed along the line 
 of Agricola' s forts. A final attempt to conquer the wild 
 tribes of the north, the Picts and Scots, was made by 
 Emperor Severus in the beginning of the fourth century. 
 He failed, however, as those before him had done, and 
 he was obliged to content himself with securing the lands 
 south of the Tyne by erecting a wall of stone not far 
 from Hadrian's earth dyke. Parts of these walls remain 
 unto this day. 
 
 Throughout the Roman period the Picts and Scots of the 
 
 Britain under 
 north remained unsubdued; south of the firths, however, the Romans. 
 
 the island rapidly became a Roman province. The con- 
 quered tribes learned to . appreciate the benefits of the 
 
26 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 rule of Rome as well as to fear her arms. Peace and 
 good order were maintained. The Romans were great 
 builders and engineers, and they soon covered Britain with 
 a network of fine roads connecting the outlying posts, such 
 as York or Chester, with London and the south coast. 
 Along these roads all the traffic of the country was carried 
 on for centuries, and a comparison of a map of England 
 with a map of Roman Britain shows that even now 
 many of the railways follow the line of the Roman roads. 
 Towns and cities sprang into existence, often about some 
 military station, as is shown by the frequent termination 
 "Chester " (Latin castra, camp). Along the line of the high- 
 ways the forests were cleared off and the marshes drained, 
 and in the south much land was brought under culti- 
 vation. Agriculture flourished and so much corn was pro- 
 duced that Britain became known as the "Granary of the 
 North." As a result of the closer connection, a brisk trade 
 sprang up with the Continent. The Roman colonists who 
 settled in the country introduced new modes of living. 
 Nowhere within the empire are the remains of villas and 
 town houses more numerous and more splendid. The 
 southern coast was dotted with residences provided with 
 every contrivance for diminishing the unaccustomed rigor 
 of the climate, of which the colonists wrote that it was 
 "rather rainy than snowy, and when it is fine there is a 
 fog." Bath became a popular resort, and the ruins recently 
 uncovered there testify to the luxury of the Roman col- 
 onists. Latin was the official language and was spoken 
 at least by those Britons who dwelt in the towns. Roman 
 law, the most perfect legal system the world has seen, 
 was the law of the land both for conqueror and conquered. 
 Druidism was attacked by the Romans because of the de- 
 termined hostility of the priests to the new rule, and its 
 rites were no longer practiced — at least openly. Under the 
 
Race Elements of the English Nation. 27 
 
 rule of Constantine in the fourth century Britain became 
 nominally Christian, and the natives to some extent ac- 
 cepted the new religion. 
 
 Nevertheless, as a whole, the civilization of Rome 
 did not take a strong hold upon Britain. Even south of 
 the Firth of Forth there must have been large tracts of 
 country untouched by Roman influence, and outside of the 
 towns the bulk of the population probably clung to the old 
 customs, the old language, and the old faith. It is easy to 
 understand why it was so. Remote from Rome, Britain 
 was not readily brought under the influence of Latin civili- 
 zation. Probably few from southern Europe came to the 
 island. The climate was forbidding and commerce and 
 trade offered but few attractions. To the last Britain must 
 have remained a military colony, a kind of Roman Algeria, 
 the Romans a mere handful among an alien, subject people. 
 But the chief reason for the superficial character of the 
 civilization of the Britons was the short duration of the 
 Roman rule. Britain was the last of Rome's conquests 
 in the west, and was the first to be given up. The efforts 
 to secure Roman Britain against the Picts and Scots had 
 been only in part successful. The walled towns, the large 
 number of troops stationed in the island, show how the 
 tribes of the north were dreaded. 
 
 In the fourth century a new danger appeared in the 
 band of pirates that ravaged the eastern coast. The shores 
 of the Continent from the north of the peninsula of Jut- 
 land to the mouth of the Ems were occupied by men of 
 the Low German branch of the Teutonic race. Those 
 living in Jutland were called Jutes ; in Schleswig and 
 Holstein were the Angles ; about the mouth of the Elbe 
 were the Saxons. All these took part in the conquest of 
 Britain, and probably there were Jutes and Angles among 
 the bands that laid waste the eastern coast at this time, 
 
28 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 though the records speak only of the Saxons. To meet this 
 danger a line of forts was built stretching south from the 
 Wash to Southampton Water, and a special officer, the 
 Count of the Saxon shore, was appointed to take charge 
 of the defenses of the coast. But resistance was vain. 
 The raids of the Saxon pirates were but part of a great 
 westward movement of the Teutons in the fourth century. 
 For centuries Rome had waged an unequal contest with 
 the barbarians ; now her foes closed in on her from all 
 slides. The protection of Britain was impossible, and in 
 410 the Emperor Honorius withdrew the Roman troops and 
 bade the Britons sore-beset look to their own defense. 
 
 The English 
 Conquest. 
 
 The coming of 
 the Jutes. 
 
 THE TEUTONIC INVASIONS. 
 
 For the next forty years the Britons carried on single- 
 handed a desperate struggle with the Picts and Scots on 
 the north and the Saxon pirates on the east. In an appeal 
 to Rome for aid they wrote : " The barbarians drive us to 
 the sea ; the sea drives us back to the barbarians ; between 
 them we are exposed to two sorts of death ; we are either 
 slain or drowned." Contact with the Romans had not 
 increased the power of the Britons to resist their foes. 
 Tribal differences to be sure had disappeared, but the people 
 had not become a nation. Moreover, they had lost the 
 habit of self-government and of self-defense under the 
 paternal rule of Rome. Yet they resisted long and 
 stubbornly. Finally in 449 Vortigern, the ruler of the 
 British, following the example of Rome, tried to play 
 off one foe against another. He used with success the 
 help of a band of Jutish pirates against the Picts, but he 
 then found that he could not so easily get rid of his new 
 allies. They established themselves in the Isle of Thanet 
 and within a few years had overrun the whole of the 
 adjoining mainland as far as Romney Marsh, in Kent. 
 
Race Elements of the English Nation. 29 
 
 The Jutes were soon followed by other bands of sea The Saxons and 
 rovers. Saxons from the Elbe landed to the west and ^s^ 8 
 starved out the strong fortress of Anderida. Still others 
 north of the Thames forced their way inland until brought 
 to a halt by the marshes of the Lea and the fortress 
 of London. Another band of the same great people land- 
 ing at Southampton pushed through the forest belt, but Welsh legends 
 they were met and defeated by the Britons at Mt. Badon Pf^rthur^f n 
 in 520. While the Saxon was thus conquering the south- ** ie Table 
 em coast, men of another race, the Angles, coming like period, 
 the Saxons in small, independent bands, were seizing the 
 land along the eastern shore from Essex, the northern- 
 most Saxon settlement, as far as the Roman wall, and by 
 the early part of the sixth century the whole coast from 
 the Tyne to Southampton Water was held by the Teuton 
 invaders. As yet, however, their settlements were a mere 
 fringe along the shore, and for almost fifty years longer 
 they were held at bay by the desperate resistance of the 
 Britons, aided by the Roman fortresses and the natural 
 defenses of forest and fen. 
 
 About the middle of the century there was an advance 
 all along the line. Although the Anglians south of the 
 Wash were still checked by the Great Fen, others making 
 their way up the rivers settled along the Trent. These are 
 known as Mercians, or men of the mark, for their settle- 
 ment formed a kind of borderland between Britons and 
 Teutons. The records are silent as to how it was done, 
 but sometime before the close of the century the great 
 northern province was conquered by other Angles who 
 established the two strong kingdoms of Bernicia and 
 Deira, together known as Northumberland. In the south, 
 the Saxons pressed forward into the interior taking London 
 and occupying the valleys of the Thames and the Severn. 
 Finally, in 577 the Saxons of the west met the Britons at 
 
30 
 
 Tlie Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Britain 
 
 becomes 
 
 England. 
 
 The Heptarchy. 
 
 Deorhani and won a victory which broke the backbone of 
 British resistance. 
 
 Step by step the invader had advanced and by the begin- 
 ning of the seventh century the work of conquest was 
 practically done. The Celts still held their own in the 
 remoter parts of the island, in the north, in Strathclyde 
 and Cumberland, in Wales and Cornwall, but the richest, 
 the most fertile portion of Britain had become Teuton and 
 pagan. For the conquest of Britain was unlike all other 
 Teutonic conquests. Elsewhere the conquerors gradually 
 adopted the language } the religion, the customs of the con- 
 quered. But in Britain the invaders held to their old 
 gods, and everywhere they settled the English language 
 and the English customs prevailed. 
 
 The reasons for the difference are not far to seek. On the 
 Continent the Teutons came as a united host under one 
 leader, here they came in small, independent bands. On 
 the Continent the natives, weakened by Roman rule, made 
 only a feeble stand, but in the end con- 
 quered their conquerors through superior 
 civilization. The half-civilized Celts of 
 Britain, less completely Romanized and 
 aided by their natural defenses, resisted 
 long and stubbornly. The land was won 
 from them only by dint of hard fighting 
 and it took almost one hundred and fifty 
 years to complete the conquest. As a re- 
 sult of the long fierce struggle, a large 
 part of the native population was exterminated, and all 
 traces of Roman civilization being swept away, the land 
 lay bare for the planting of a new nation with its own 
 speech, its own customs, its own institutions. 
 
 The contest between the Teuton and the Celt for posses- 
 sion of Britain had come to an end ; only on the western 
 
 Saxon Warrior. 
 
BRITAIN 
 
 IN 597 
 
 Pral» of Miles 
 
 Q so in 60 80 
 
 Boundary of the English PosaeSBlona 
 
 BiiOWU tiiUi ^-^- -_ 
 
Race Elements of the English Nation. 31 
 
 border did the war linger on for a time longer. Peace, how- 
 ever, was not gained. Secure from the Britons, the in- 
 vaders now turned their arms against one another, and the 
 history of the next two centuries is rilled with their strife. 
 Of the many independent Teutonic settlements, seven 
 have a fairly continuous history. Three of these, North- 
 umberland, Mercia, and Wessex, having conquered their 
 weaker neighbors, waged war for supremacy in England. 
 Northumberland under Edwin was the first to rise to 
 power, and early in the seventh century succeeded in con- 
 quering all the rest of England except Kent, but it was too 
 weak to maintain its hold. Mercia revolted and under 
 Penda rose rapidly to the foremost place. But the fall of 
 Mercia was as rapid as its rise ; it was too exposed, too 
 divided internally to hope to unite England permanently 
 under its rule. That it achieved what it did was due 
 mainly to its great kings, Penda and Offa. 
 In the eighth century Wessex contested the 
 supremacy of the south with Mercia, while 
 Northumberland stood somewhat aloof. For 
 a time Mercia was successful and conquered 
 Essex, Kent, and East Anglia, but early in 
 the ninth century the tide changed, and by 
 829 the West Saxons under Egbert were 
 masters of the whole country. The king- 
 doms of the south were directly under the 
 rule of Wessex, while Mercia, East Anglia, 
 and Northumberland retained their own 
 kings ; but all alike owned the overlordship Anglo-Saxon 
 of Egbert, and for the moment there was a Man-at-arms, 
 united England. In looking back over these years of in- 
 ternecine war, it seems a period of much confusion, of 
 apparently meaningless strife, well characterized by Milton 
 as the "battle of kites and crows." The scanty records 
 
32 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 show, however, that it was also a time of social and political 
 growth, and that underneath all the turmoil and disorder 
 the English nation was being formed. 
 
 THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 
 
 The bands of warriors that conquered Britain were but 
 the forerunners of the migration of a people. Wives, chil- 
 dren, slaves, cattle even, were brought across the water, 
 and in their island home the Teutonic conquerors repro- 
 duced the life they were wont to lead on the banks of the 
 Elbe. They held to the old speech, the old faith, the old 
 laws, the old customs and institutions, and Britain be- 
 came England, the land of the Angles. 
 
 The three tribes that took part in the conquest were 
 much alike. They were heathen, worshiping many gods, 
 some of whose names have come down to us in the days of 
 the week. Their chief delight was in war, and they were 
 equally at home on land and on sea. There were two 
 classes among them, the earls or noblemen, and the simple 
 freemen. Besides these were the people conquered in war 
 and reduced to slavery, who did much of the work of till- 
 ing the soil. After the conquest there was a great increase 
 in the number of the unfree, both English and Britons. 
 The leaders were called ealdormen and were marked out 
 from the rest by their wealth or their greater wisdom or 
 prowess. Around each earl gathered his war band. These 
 comrades or gesiths, as they were called, were young men 
 whose business in life was war. They lived with their 
 chosen leader and followed him wherever he went, esteem- 
 ing it their greatest glory to give their lives for him. They 
 probably bore the brunt of the attack on Britain, and after 
 the conquest we find a change in their position. They no 
 longer lived in the house of their leader, but had lands of 
 their own and were called "thegns." 
 
Race Elements Of the English Nation. 33 
 
 The life of the Teutons centered in the village. Here The villa g e . 
 families united by the tie of kinship lived together, and 
 each "ham" or "tun" bore the name of the kin that 
 dwelt in it. Thus the town of the Irvings was Irvington. 
 Each village lay isolated by a border of waste or woodland 
 called the mark, a name often applied to the village itself. 
 Every freeman had his own house and strip of plowland, 
 but the woodland and pasture-land surrounding the village 
 were used in common. It is a still unsettled question 
 whether the village lands were owned by the freemen 
 or whether they belonged to some lord to 
 whom the cultivators paid service in re- 
 turn for the use of the land. Each village, 
 whether dependent or free, had its town- 
 moot. Here the freemen met together 
 under a reeve or headman and settled the 
 petty disputes of the neighborhood, just 
 as do the peasants of the Russian village 
 community to-day. Superior to the town- 
 moot was the hundred-moot, the court Gesith. 
 of a district settled originally perhaps by a hundred fam- 
 ilies of the same kin. Here the reeve and four best men 
 from each village within the hundred met together to dis- 
 cuss questions arising between township and township, 
 and to give judgment in cases of grave offense and crime. 
 
 Among the Teutons as among other primitive peoples, j us ti C e. 
 
 justice and order were at first associated with the idea of 
 
 the family. Each kinsman was his kinsman's keeper, . , 
 
 J ^ ' In the tenth 
 
 bound to avenge his wrongs, to suffer for his misdeeds, century a 
 
 ° king s blood- 
 
 " Life for life" and "eye for eye" ran the hard code of money was 
 J J about four 
 
 the day. It was a great step in advance when compensa- times that of 
 
 * an ealdorman, 
 
 tion for wrong done might be made at a fixed price, and and more than 
 
 x- j one h unareQ 
 
 when the injured man no longer took vengeance into his times that of 
 
 an ordinary 
 own hand, but brought his complaint before his neighbors freeman. 
 
34 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 in town or hundred-moot. Yet there was nothing like 
 the trial of to-day. If the accused denied the charge he 
 was bound to summon twelve men of the neighborhood, 
 compurgators, who would swear to the worth of his oath. 
 When none would do this, he might appeal to the ordeal or 
 judgment of the gods, and if he could stand the test of 
 walking on hot plowshares or of plunging his arm into 
 boiling water, he was held innocent of the charge against 
 him. Probably but few stood the ordeal, and thus practi- 
 cally judgment depended upon the good or bad repute of a 
 man among his neighbors. 
 The Tribe Twice a year the men of the tribe came together in a 
 
 great folk-moot. Here justice was done between hundred 
 and hundred, and important matters, such as peace and 
 war, were discussed, and the leader of the host was chosen. 
 
 One of the ealdormen presided 
 over the moot, the wise men of 
 the tribe spoke, and the freemen 
 standing about shouted "Aye" 
 or " Nay " to what was proposed, 
 or shook their spears and clashed 
 their shields by way of applause. 
 They came prepared to fight as 
 well as to take counsel. Each 
 man had his place in the national 
 force, and just as the folk-moot 
 was the people in council so the 
 host was the people in arms. 
 Kingship among these people 
 was perhaps a result of the con- 
 quest. At least we find no earlier 
 traces of it, and within a short time after their coming each 
 settlement had its king. The long, fierce resistance of the 
 Britons forced the invaders to unite under some chief to 
 
 Saxon Archer. 
 
Race Elements of the English Nation. 
 
 35 
 
 whom all could look, and to make him something more 
 than a temporary leader. The choice usually fell on the 
 best man of the royal line, bixt he was still the freely 
 elected leader, bound by the advice of his wise men and 
 the customs of the people. 
 
 The seventh century was marked by an event only less The conversion 
 important than the conquest itself, the conversion of the to Christianity. 
 English to Christianity. 
 The defeat of the Britons 
 by the Teutons meant the 
 triumph of the faith of 
 Woden over the faith of 
 Christ. The Teutons were 
 not intolerant, however, 
 and when in 597 Roman 
 missionaries landed in 
 Thanet, they met with a 
 patient hearing from Eth- 
 elbert, the Kentish king, 
 and he allowed no one to 
 molest them, although he 
 refused to accept the new 
 
 St. 
 
 Augustin, Archbishop of 
 Canterbury. 
 
 faith, saying, "Your words are fair, but they are of new 
 and doubtful meaning." Within a few years, however, 
 both king and people accepted the new religion. The royal 
 city of Canterbury became the center of English Chris- 
 tianity, and Augustine, leader of the missionary band, 
 the first English archbishop. The time was favorable to 
 the spread of the new teaching, for under Ethelbert, Kent 
 had established a kind of over-lordship over the surround- 
 ing tribes and they accepted the faith of their new rulers. 
 
 The supremacy of Kent ended with the death of Ethel- 
 bert, and many of the surrounding states in regaining their 
 independence fell away. from the new religion, but Chris- 
 
36 
 
 The Growth of the English JVation. 
 
 tianity had already begun to make its way in the north 
 through the marriage of a Kentish princess with Edwin 
 the great Northumbrian king. Moved by the entreaties of 
 his wife and the preaching of the chaplain Paulinus, Edwin 
 promised to renounce the faith of Woden if he were suc- 
 cessful in war. Returning home victorious, he called upon 
 his people to accept Christianity. His wise men were 
 nothing loath. "So runs the life of man," said one, "as 
 a sparrow's flight through the hall when a man is sitting 
 at meat in winter-tide with the warm fire lighted on the 
 hearth but the chill rain-storm without. The sparrow flies 
 in at one door and tarries for a moment in the light and 
 heat of the hearth-fire, and then flying forth from the other 
 vanishes into the wintry darkness from whence it came. 
 So tarries for a moment the life of man in our sight, but 
 what is before it, what after it, we know not. If this 
 new teaching tell us aught certainly of these, let us follow 
 it." In this spirit the Northumbrian leaders accepted the 
 new faith, and the unthinking crowd followed their ex- 
 ample with easy indifference ; the old gods had not served 
 them well, the new could at least do no worse. 
 
 But the victory was not yet won. Penda, king of 
 Mercia, came forward as a defender of paganism. He 
 rallied the people of the south around him in a contest 
 which was as much for political freedom as for the ances- 
 tral gods. For a quarter of a century the struggle raged. 
 Kingdom after kingdom was torn from the grasp of North- 
 umberland. For a time Penda stood supreme in England 
 and the old gods were restored. But at last, in 655, the great 
 king was defeated and slain by Oswiu, the Northumbrian 
 ruler, at the river Winwaed near the present Leeds. With 
 Penda ended the contest between Christianity and heathen- 
 ism. The Mercians accepted the religion of the conquerors, 
 Wessex quietly became Christian again, and finally the 
 
Race Elements of the English Nation. 37 
 
 South Saxons, the last to yield, renounced the faith of 
 
 Woden and Thor. 
 
 One more danger was to be met. During the fierce „ , . 
 
 ° Synod of 
 
 struggle with Penda, Northumberland, cut off from Rome, Whitby, 
 had come under the influence of the Irish Church. At the 
 call of the king, missionaries from the famous monastery of 
 Columba in Iona had come iuto the country to complete 
 the work of Paulinus. Led by Aidan, who founded the 
 monastery of Lindisfarne, they wandered forth among the 
 hills and dales of Northumberland, winning the rough 
 peasantry to the faith of Christ. For the moment it 
 seemed as though the north would be won by the Irish 
 Church and the separation from Rome would be perma- 
 nent. Fortunately, in the great synod held at Whitby 
 in 664, to decide the ecclesiastical allegiance of Northum- 
 berland, the voice of Oswiu the king was in favor of Rome. 
 The points of difference were slight, but. had England held 
 to the Irish Church she would have been spiritually 
 isolated, cut off from all the civilization that centered at 
 Rome. 
 
 The century that followed was the golden age of the 
 early English Church. Its wealth and influence grew Church, 
 steadily. It was organized into bishoprics and parishes 
 corresponding roughly with the subkingdoms and town- 
 ships. Throughout the north and on the eastern coast rose 
 stately abbeys and monasteries, the homes of learning as 
 well as religion. Baeda, " the venerable Bede," greatest of 
 
 6 ' ' & Baeda, 673-735. 
 
 early English scholars, and first of English historians, "Ecclesiastical 
 
 was a monk of Jarrow on the Tyne, and it was at Whitby the English 
 
 Nation." 
 that Caedmon, the inspired cowherd, first learned the gift of 
 
 song. While the monasteries became the centers of intel- 
 lectual life, bishops took their place in the councils of the 
 king, and parish priests moving among the people set the 
 example of purer, gentler living. But it was not simply 
 
38 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 through its direct teachings or through the closer connec- 
 tion with the civilization of the Continent brought about 
 by its influence, that the Church became a force in the 
 growth of the English nation. It was the organization of 
 the Church that furnished the model for organization of the 
 State. A united Church under one head, the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, prepared men for a united State under one 
 king. Ecclesiastical unity was the forerunner of national 
 unity. 
 
 ENGLAND AND THE DANES. 
 
 The union of England under Egbert might have passed 
 away as did that established by Penda had it not been for a 
 common danger that bound together the warring states in 
 
 Saxon Hawking. Ninth Century. 
 
 the ninth century ; the completion of Egbert's work was 
 the unwitting achievement of the Northmen. 
 
 It is like reading the history of the Anglo-Saxon invasion 
 over again to read of the coming of the Danes. They were 
 Scandinavians and closely akin to the Angles and Saxons. 
 Their faith was the faith of Woden, the sea was their 
 home, and their delight was in war and plunder. Sweep- 
 ing down from the north they ravaged the eastern coast 
 of England, sacking the towns and plundering the rich 
 monasteries of the fen country. Their object at first was 
 booty, but by the middle of the ninth century the character 
 of the attack changed, they came no longer simply to 
 plunder but to conquer and settle. Within a few years the 
 
Race Elements of the English Nation. 
 
 39 
 
 work of Egbert was undone, only the lands south of the 
 Thames remained subject to the Saxon king, and in 871 the 
 turn of the West Saxons came. The task of saving Wessex, 
 and with it England and the national faith, fell upon 
 Alfred, the young king. For seven years he waged a des- 
 perate struggle against the Danes. In 878 all seemed lost. 
 Wessex was overrun, and Alfred with a few followers took 
 refuge in the Isle of Athelney among the marshes of the 
 Parret. But with the spring he came forth, and calling 
 out the men of Somerset and Wilts, he won a complete 
 victory over the Danes at Ethandun, and wrung from 
 them the Treaty of Wedmore. By this they bound them- 
 selves to resign to Alfred the lands south of Watling Street. 
 The north and east they kept, and it was henceforth 
 known as the Danelaw, or land of the Danish law. 
 
 For the moment it seemed as though all hope of a united Alfred 
 England was gone, for Alfred had lost more than half the 8 7i-9oi. 
 territory held by his grandfather Egbert. But within 
 what was left, his rule was far more real and substantial. 
 He at once turned his attention to the upbuilding of his 
 realm. He strengthened the defenses by creating a fleet, 
 
 Swine Hunting. Ninth Century. 
 
 the first English navy, and by reorganizing the fyrd, one ^ rd the 
 half the men of each shire to be always ready for war. nu^ievied 1 
 With the aid of his wise men the laws were codified and by SQires< 
 amended, and the courts of justice were revived. His ef- 
 
40 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Conquest of the 
 Danelaw. 
 
 forts for the well-being of his realm did not end here. The 
 long wars had resulted in the moral and intellectual degra- 
 dation of the people, the Church was demoralized, learn- 
 ing had disappeared. "When I began to 
 reign," said Alfred, " I cannot remember one 
 priest south of the Thames who could render 
 his service-book into English." To remedy 
 these evils he rebuilt and founded churches and 
 schools, and brought priests and teachers from 
 the Continent. To meet the need of books 
 in the English language, he himself trans- 
 lated and explained the works of Orosius, 
 A Noble Sax- _ . , . , _ , T , . , . , . , , . 
 
 on Youth. Boethius, and Baeda. It is to his desire that 
 
 his subjects should know their own past that we owe 
 the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the earliest history possessed 
 by any Teutonic people in its own tongue. Everywhere he 
 strove with untiring zeal and true wisdom to further the 
 national welfare. "A hero of romance, 
 but to whose character romance has done 
 no more than justice," excelling as war- 
 rior, as ruler, as scholar, Alfred stands 
 out as perhaps the most perfect character 
 in history. 
 
 Alfred's task was to reorganize and con- 
 solidate the lands south of Watling Street. 
 To extend the rule of Wessex into the 
 north, where the Danes had established 
 several independent states, was the work 
 of his son and grandsons. Step by step 
 they reconquered the country, bringing 
 Mercia and Northumbria under their Kin s Edgar. 
 direct rule, reducing the Celts of Wales and Strathclyde 
 to submission, and obliging the Scots to render them some 
 kind of allegiance. When Edgar ascended the throne in 
 
V^^Orkney 
 
Race Elements of the English Nation. 41 
 
 959, he had only to hold what those before him had won 
 by dint of hard fighting, and he spent his peaceful reign in 
 organizing his kingdom and reforming the Church. He 
 had an able coadjutor in Dunstan, Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, the first of England's long line of ecclesiastical states- 
 men. 
 
 The work of reconquest was done ; the Dane had accepted England in the 
 rule of the Saxon, and the fusion of races already begun en h centur y' 
 was soon complete. But the effect of the fierce struggle 
 was plain in state and society long after the two peoples 
 had become one. The old 
 provincial jealousies had 
 disappeai*ed before the 
 Dane. Common danger 
 welded the people to- 
 gether, common interest 
 replaced the union of the 
 
 sword. The new union st - Dunstan. 
 
 was symbolized in the king. The strengthening of his 
 authority was a natural result of the war. To him men 
 had looked in their need, their safety was his merit. His 
 thegns leading their dependents to battle had borne the 
 brunt of the fight far more than the unwieldy national 
 force. With enlarged domains his power grew. From afar 
 men looked with increased awe on the Lord's Anointed, 
 the ruler of kings. But the power of the king was still 
 personal, still dependent upon himself. If the king was 
 strong, the crown was strong, but if he was weak, the old 
 provincial jealousies strengthened by new tendencies toward 
 separation at once showed themselves. 
 
 The long strife had left its mark on the churl as well 
 as on the king. To protect himself against the Dane he be- 
 came the dependent of some lord who gave him aid. He 
 followed his lord to battle., tilled his fields, and sought 
 
42 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Witen a gemot — 
 meeting of 
 wise men ; an 
 assembly com- 
 posed of the 
 bishops and 
 greater thegns. 
 
 justice in his courts. He ceased to be free, but yet he was 
 not a slave. He could not leave the land, but on the other 
 hand he could not be sold from the land, nor could it be 
 taken from him. He had also lost whatever political in- 
 fluence he may have had, for the folk- 
 moot had either disappeared altogether, 
 or had become a mere local court, the 
 shire-moot. 
 
 This same drift toward dependence, 
 toward feudal subordination, showed it- 
 self throughout society. Just as the 
 freeman bound himself to his lord, so his 
 lord in turn attached himself to some 
 greater thegn, or to one of the ealdor- 
 men who ruled the subject kingdoms. 
 Here lay the great danger to the new 
 union. These ealdormen were like petty 
 kings in their own districts. Athelstan 
 of East Anglia was so powerful that he 
 was called the Half-King. They re- 
 sented royal interference, and under a 
 weak ruler each went his way, looking 
 rather to his own interest than to the 
 interest of the whole people. They formed 
 also the strongest element in the Wit- 
 enagemot which had replaced the folk- 
 moots of the subkingdoms, and which 
 now elected the king and made the laws 
 and granted land. Unless the king was 
 a strong man he was a mere tool in 
 their hands. This struggle between the 
 English king and his ealdormen was but 
 a part of the great contest of the century between mon- 
 archy and feudalism. In France and on the Continent 
 
 Anglo-Saxon Glee- 
 man. Tenth 
 Century. 
 
 A Princess of East 
 Anglia. 
 
Race Elements of the English Nation. 43 
 
 generally, feudalism had triumphed ; it was only in Eng- 
 land that the crown still held its own. But however the 
 issue might turn, the basis of English society was changed, 
 the bulk of the population consisted no longer of freemen 
 owning the land, holding their own courts, forming the 
 backbone of the national forces, but of serfs bound to the 
 soil, tilling the land of another, and doing his work. 
 
 The tenth century was for England a brief breathing Danish Con- 
 space between the first and second com- J^| ^ ques " 
 ing of the Danes. While the descendants 
 of Alfred were gradually bringing under 
 their rule the lands north of Watling 
 Street, the Northmen were spending 
 their energies in making conquests on 
 the Continent. Toward the close of the 
 
 ,. , . ,, , Anglo-Saxon Har- 
 
 century they appeared again on the coast per and Hop- 
 
 of England, coming not in small maraud- Tenth Century. 
 ing bands, but as a national host prepared to conquer and 
 to hold. 
 
 The throne of England was occupied at this time by Etheiredii., 
 Edgar's son Ethelred, the only one of the West-Saxon line 979 " 1016 - 
 lacking in every kingly quality. " Redeless " his genera- 
 tion called him because of his unwillingness to take 
 " rede," or counsel. Not content with his father's position 
 he purposed to make his rule real and direct over all 
 England, but he showed neither force nor judgment in his 
 attempts to carry out his policy. The years of Ethelred's 
 reign were shameful and miserable. On every side was 
 incapacity, treachery. The king feared his subjects more 
 than the Danes, the ealdormen thought only of their own 
 interests, leader of the people there was none. "And forces 
 were often gathered against the Danes, but as soon as they chronicle, 
 should have joined battle, then was there ever through 
 some cause flight begun." " And when they went to their 
 
44 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Cnut, 1016-1035. 
 
 ships, then ought the fyrd to have gone out against them 
 until they should land ; but then the fyrd went home ; and 
 when they went eastward, then was the fyrd kept west- 
 ward. Then all the Witan were bidden to the king that 
 they might counsel how this land should be guarded. 
 But though they counseled something, it did not stand 
 even one month. And next, there was no man that would 
 gather the fyrd, but each fled as he best might ; and next, 
 no shire would even help another." 
 
 That Englishmen could still fight when well led was 
 proved, however, by the success of Edmund Ironsides who 
 succeeded his father Ethelred in 
 1016. In seven months he fought 
 six battles and in four the Danes 
 were defeated ; but death cut short 
 his career, leaving Cnut, the young 
 Danish king, without a rival. The 
 English quietly accepted him as 
 ruler, and once upon the throne he 
 spared no effort to efface the mem- 
 ory of the way in which he had 
 gained it. He strove to rule as an 
 English king, putting Englishmen 
 in high office and reestablishing the 
 law of Edgar. He sent home his 
 Danish army retaining simply his 
 house-carls, a small standing force, 
 but he disarmed the ealdormen by 
 placing over the four larger king- 
 doms men whom he could trust. 
 The greatest of these earls, as they were called, was an 
 Englishman, Godwin of Wessex, henceforth the chosen 
 minister of the king. Cnut gave to England peace 
 and good order, but there was nothing permanent in 
 
 Anglo-Saxon Men-at- 
 arms. 
 
Race Elements of the English Nation. 
 
 45 
 
 his work and with his death his empire fell to pieces. 
 For some years his sons reigned in England, but their 
 rule was one of bloodshed and violence, and when in 
 1042 the Danish line came to an unworthy end men turned 
 with longing to the son of Ethelred living in exile 
 
 at the Norman court, and "all folk chose Edward to 
 
 Edward the 
 
 king." But it was as a Norman rather than as an English- Confessor. 
 
 1042-1066. 
 
 man that Edward came back, and under him far more 
 
 Oiut and his Queen. 
 
 than during Cnut's reign did England learn the meaning 
 of foreign rule. His piety and gentleness won for him the 
 name of "Confessor," and in after years men recalled 
 with longing the "good laws of Edward " ; but he was 
 more monk than king, and the real rulers of England 
 during this reign were Godwin of Wessex and his greater 
 son Harold. It was a time of division and discord, local 
 jealousies broke forth again, the great earls strove with 
 
46 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 each other, the two parties, national and foreign, which 
 divided the court appeared also in the Church. So long as 
 Edward lived outward peace was maintained, but his 
 death gave the signal for a struggle over the succession 
 which laid bare all the elements of weakness in the nation. 
 
 Seal of Edward the Confessor. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 Norman England. 
 
 Illustrative Readings. Important Dates. 
 
 _. „ . _ T ^ Reign of William I., 1066-1087. 
 
 The Normans in Europe ; John- ° . „, . ' . . 
 
 * ' 1070, Conquest complete. 
 
 _, ' .. ., ~ . _. 1085, Domesday Survey. 
 
 The Little Duke; Yonge. ,... ' ... _ .. " 
 
 „ . .. T ' .?. _, 1086, Salisbury Oath. 
 
 Hereward, the Last of the Eng- „ . -ttt-h- ™ * mo-r n™ 
 
 ' ° Reign of William Rufus, 1087-1100. 
 
 hsn; Kingsley. 1096-1100, Normandy held in 
 
 Harold ; Tennyson. . . 
 
 Harold, the Last of the Saxon „ . . „ ' , lin ~ ,, or 
 
 Reign of Henry 1., 1100-1135. 
 
 Kings ; Bulwer. 
 The White Ship ; Rossetti. 
 
 1106, Conquest of Normandy. 
 Reign of Stephen, 1135-1.154. 
 1153, Treaty of Wallingford. 
 
 The Norman Line. 
 
 Rollo, the Ganger, 912-927 (?). 
 
 William Longsword, (927(?)-943. 
 
 Richard I., the Fearless, 943-996 . 
 
 Richard II., the Good, 996-1026. Emma m. Ethelred, the Unready. 
 
 Richard III., 1026-1028. Robert, 1028-1035. * Edward the Confessor. 
 
 ♦William I., 1035-1087. 
 
 King of England, 1086-1087. 
 
 Robert, 1087-1106. * William II. * Henry I. Adela m. Stephen of Blois. 
 Duke of Normandy. 1087-1100. 1100-1135. | 
 
 | * Stephen 1135-1154. 
 
 Matilda m. Geoffrey Plantagenet, 
 
 Count of Anjou. 
 "H enry II., 1154-1189. 
 
 ♦Richard, 1189-1199. *John, 1199-1216. 
 *The English kings are starred. 
 
 THE CONQUEST. 
 
 As in England, so on the Continent, the tierce persist- 
 ence of the Norse invaders Anally prevailed against the 
 more civilized and peace-loving nations with whom they 
 strove, and they secured a firm footing in France, in Sicily, 
 and in Russia. In 912, Charles the Simple, the degenerate 
 
 47 
 
48 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 descendant of Charlemagne and King of the West Franks, 
 
 granted to Rollo the Ganger the province lying along the 
 
 coast on either side the Seine, called from its new masters, 
 
 The Normans Normandy. Hollo thus became a vassal of the Frankish 
 in Normandy. 
 
 king, but in those turbulent times it was not easy to assert 
 
 the rights of overlordship, and the Norman dukes gave 
 little heed to their nominal sovereign. The land was ap- 
 portioned to their followers as booty of war, while the 
 natives, being regarded as a conquered race, were reduced 
 to serfdom. The Norse vikings despised these Romanized 
 and degenerate Franks. Absorbed in hunting and feast- 
 ing, in making war upon a neighboring lord to extend a 
 boundary, or upon the duke to resist a claim, they con- 
 temptuously declined to concern themselves with such 
 slave's business as agriculture and the arts. Yet gradually 
 the superior civilization gained influence among them. 
 They married Frankish women ; they began to speak the 
 
 Franco-Latin lan- 
 guage, which, rude 
 as it was, ran 
 ^smoother than 
 their wild mother 
 
 William I. and two Normans. From the Bayeux ton S ue 5 tne y en " 
 Tapestry, illustrating the Norman fashion tere( j the awe-in- 
 of shaving the hack of the head. 
 
 spiring Christian 
 
 churches and forgot the fierce gods of their ancestors ; they 
 
 came under the sway of the clergy and received at their 
 
 hands not merely a purer religion, a higher morality, but 
 
 the conceptions of right and order preserved in the Roman 
 
 law, the traditions of learning and civilization treasured in 
 
 the monasteries. So it came about that within the 150 
 
 years from Rollo the Ganger to William the Norman the 
 
 rude Norse pirates had become essentially Frenchmen. 
 
 Losing nothing of their old-time fire and vigor, they had 
 
Norman England. 49 
 
 yet adopted the best elements in the civilization of the 
 conquered race. In the tenth century, the Normans were 
 barbarians ; in the eleventh, they were the most progressive 
 people in Europe. 
 
 During this same 150 years, the English, as we have seen, contemporary 
 were retrograding. William of Malmesbury, an eleventh The Anglo- 
 century chronicler of mingled English and Norman blood, \^^ n 
 compares the character of the Normans with that of the Worcester. 
 English to the great disadvantage of the latter. He asserts Malmesbury. 
 that the " desire after literature and religion had decayed au quotations 
 in England," that the English clergy, " contented with a Lot othSS 
 very slight degree of learning, could hardly stammer out taken* fromthe 
 the words of the sacraments ; and a person who under- chronicle? " 
 stood grammar was an object of wonder and astonish- 
 ment." The nobility were given up to luxury and de- 
 bauch. Gluttony and drunkenness were national vices. 
 The common people, unprotected by the degenerate kings, 
 " became a prey to the most powerful, who amassed for- 
 tunes by either seizing on their property or by selling their 
 persons into foreign countries." Yet the wealth so won 
 was spent in wasteful revel. " They consumed their whole 
 substance in mean and despicable houses ; unlike the Nor- 
 mans and French who in noble and splendid mansions 
 lived with frugality." "The Normans," says our chron- 
 icler, "are proudly appareled, delicate in their food, but 
 not excessive. They are a race inured to war, and can 
 hardly live without it ; fierce in rushing against the 
 enemy ; and, where strength fails of success, ready to use 
 strategem or to corrupt by bribery." 
 
 A worthy descendant of Rollo was William the Bastard, 
 son of Duke Robert and the pretty daughter of a tanner of 
 Falaise. Flouted by his vassals, William had much diffi- 
 culty in making good his claim to his father's duchy, since 
 the restless Norman barons seized the opportunity to assert 
 
50 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 their independence, but the young duke soon proved 
 
 himself equal to the situation. He not only reduced his 
 
 turbulent subjects to submission, but he added to his 
 
 domains the county of Maine. The vigor and wisdom 
 
 thus manifested won for him the title of "the Great." 
 
 „,,. , , . However, Normandy and Maine together formed but a 
 
 William's claim ' J ° 
 
 to the English narrow realm. With the genius for conquest strong within 
 crown. ° -i o 
 
 him, William turned his eyes to England. On the death 
 of Edward the Confessor, the Witan had passed by Edgar 
 the Atheling and elected Harold king. The son of God- 
 win was hardly crowned when William protested the 
 validity of the sacred rite and announced himself as the 
 true successor. The Norman duke brought forward a 
 triple claim to the English crown. Edward had promised 
 to make William his heir ; Harold, wrecked on the Nor- 
 man coast and delivered into the hands of his rival, had 
 sworn on sacred relics to surrender 
 his rights to the throne ; finally the 
 pope, offended by English disregard 
 of ecclesiastical law and persuaded 
 that William was a faithful son of 
 the Church, had sanctioned his 
 succession and sent a consecrated 
 banner to further the invasion of 
 England. Yet William's right, as 
 justified by the event, was not Ed- 
 ward's promise, nor Harold's oath, 
 nor yet the papal blessing, but the 
 ability to govern with a strong hand 
 this kingdom torn by civil dissension. Harold was brave 
 and patriotic, but he could never have welded the warring 
 earldoms into national unity. As earl of Wessex, he was 
 but first of the four great ealdormen. His fellow earls 
 were jealous of his ascendancy and his own brother Tostig 
 
 Harold II. From the 
 Bayeux Tapestry. 
 
? 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 AND THE J 
 
 NCH POSSESSK 
 
 of WILLIAM |l. 
 
 1087 
 
 Possessions of William I. 
 
Norman England. 
 
 51 
 
 was in open rebellion. The Battle of Hastings gave the Batt i e of 
 destinies of England into the hands of William. In the Hastings, 1066. 
 wild rout of Senlac Hill, Harold was slain and his forces 
 scattered. 
 
 Not yet, however, was the kingdom won. The Witan The Conquest, 
 met at London and elected Edgar Atheling king. Ignor- 
 ing this action, William marched through Kent and Sus- 
 sex, ravaging the lands of those who opposed him, up to 
 the very gates of London. He hesitated to lay siege to the 
 city for he wished to present himself not as a conqueror, 
 but as rightful successor to the crown. 
 His forbearance was soon justified. The 
 citizens of London, seeing that the great 
 northern earls made no movement in 
 their behalf, opened their gates to Har- 
 old's triumphant rival, and went through 
 the form of electing him king. William 
 was crowned on Christmas day, 1066, in 
 the beautiful abbey built by the Confessor 
 at Westminster. He took oath to ' 'govern 
 the English people as well as any king 
 before him had best done, if they would 
 be faithful to him." The Anglo-Saxon 
 Chronicle, usually so dry and barren of 
 personal details, waxes ardent in the 
 
 description of William the Conqueror. 
 
 William I. From the 
 This King William was a very wise man Bayeux Tapestry. 
 
 and very powerful, more dignified and strong than any 
 
 of his predecessors. He was mild to the good men who 
 
 loved God and over all measure severe to the men who 
 
 gainsayed his will So also was he a very 
 
 rigid and cruel man so that no one durst do anything 
 
 against his will. He had earls in his bonds who had acted 
 
 against his will ; bishops he cast from their bishoprics, and 
 
52 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 The New Forest 
 near Winches- 
 ter. The dis- 
 trict was 
 cleared of its 
 inhabitants, 
 whole villages 
 being laid 
 waste to make 
 place for the 
 deer. 
 
 abbots from tbeir abbacies, and thanes into prison. . . . 
 Among other things is not to be forgotten the good peace 
 that he made in this land ; so that a man who had any 
 confidence in himself might go through the realm, with his 
 bosom full of gold, unhurt. . . . Certainly in his time 
 men had great hardship and very many injuries. Castles 
 he caused to be made and poor men to be greatly oppressed. 
 He had fallen into covetousness and altogether loved 
 greediness. He planted a great preserve for deer, and he 
 laid down laws therewith, that whosoever should slay hart 
 or hind should be blinded. He forbade the harts and also 
 the boars to be killed. As greatly did he love the tall deer 
 as if he were their father. He also ordained concerning the 
 hares that they should go free. His great men bewailed it 
 and the poor men murmured thereat ; but he was so ob- 
 durate that he recked not of the hatred of them all, but 
 they must wholly follow the king's will if they would 
 live or have land or property or even 
 his peace." Such was the man who 
 had won the crown of England — stern 
 and masterful, indifferent to the suf- 
 fering wrought in the execution of his 
 purpose ; but an able administrator, 
 bent on so governing his realm that 
 none but the king could oppress the 
 people. 
 
 When William was crowned at West- 
 minster only the southeastern counties 
 acknowledged his right to reign. The 
 west and north held out for Edgar. 
 The subjugation of the rebellious dis- 
 tricts occupied the years from 1067 to 1070. Mercia and 
 Northumbria were reduced to submission, and the un- 
 happy Edgar took refuge in Scotland, where his sister 
 
 A Saxon Warrior. 
 
Norman England. 53 
 
 Margaret was queen. The king handled with merciless 
 severity the miserable lesser folk who had but blindly fol- 
 lowed the lead of their Saxon lords. Determined to render 
 another rising impossible, William gave orders that the 
 land should be laid waste. Cities and villages were re- 
 duced to ashes and the crops destroyed. The helpless in- 
 habitants were slaughtered or left to die of starvation. 
 " He made a desert and called it peace." 
 
 The fame of Norman cruelty and Norman prowess pre- 
 ceded the king even to the frontiers of his terrified king- 
 dom. Chester and the Welsh border submitted without 
 resistance, and Malcolm, king of Scotland, acknowledged 
 William as his overlord. The last stronghold of the Eng- 
 lish resistance was the Isle of Ely, lying inaccessible in the 
 heart of the Fens. Here the Saxon malcontents rallied 
 under the leadership of Hereward the Wake, who defended 
 his island fortress with desperate but unavailing courage. 
 
 THE FOREIGN KINGS. 
 
 The people so conquered must now be held in subjection. 
 In the task of governing his newly acquired kingdom, the 1066-1087. 
 Norman duke proved himself preeminent in statecraft 
 as he had hitherto been in war. He was most desirous of 
 ruling as an English king, but the chaotic condition of the 
 country necessitated a method of government hardly 
 to be distinguished from a military occupation. The 
 estates of the rebellious Saxon thanes were confiscated and 
 made over to his Norman followers, whose interests were 
 identified with the interest of the king, and who could be 
 relied upon to crush any incipient revolt on the part of the 
 English. William further guaranteed his authority against 
 Saxon and Norman alike by building in all the principal 
 towns castles which he garrisoned with his own men. 
 Many ©f these are still standing, notably the strong Tower 
 of London. 
 
54 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 The Conqueror meant that the royal authority should be 
 supreme through the length and breadth of the land. 
 England had known no such kingship, not even in the 
 days of Edgar. The great thanes, assembled in the Witan, 
 had been accustomed to make laws for the nation, having 
 power to elect and even to depose the king, but William 
 and his successors rejected the Anglo-Saxon conception of 
 monarchy. In their interpretation the king was not the 
 elected leader and representative of his people, but lord of 
 the land and master of its inhabitants. Succession to the 
 throne was henceforth by inheritance as to a private 
 estate. 
 
 With such conceptions of the royal office, the form of 
 
 election must soon lapse. William could not allow to any 
 
 subject such power as had been wielded by Godwin and 
 
 Harold. He therefore abolished the great earldoms. To 
 
 a favored few were granted large estates, but these were 
 
 scattered piecemeal in different parts of the country so 
 Apportionment r 
 
 of land. The that there should be no concentration of power. The king 
 king held 1422 
 
 manors; Earl reserved to himself the lion's share of the confiscated 
 of Moretaine, 
 
 793; Earl of territories, and never relinquished his prerogative as origi- 
 Bretagne, 442 ; 
 
 Bishop of nal proprietor. In granting lands to his vassals William 
 Bayeux, 439; ^ r & & 
 
 Bishop of Con- made the most of his opportunity to impose more stringent 
 stance, 280. vr J r 
 
 Eleven propri- conditions than had been customary in England or even in 
 
 etors held 4,242 
 
 of the 9,250 Normandy. Every vassal must pay an annual rent, not 
 
 manors in 
 
 England. however, in money, but in military service. The specific 
 
 terms of his tenure depended upon his rank and the extent 
 
 S'on e terml of his flef - If the tenant failed in his duty, the grant 
 
 tenure al might be recalled. In this way every great lord was 
 
 bound to send his contingent to the king's army. The 
 feudal relation— by which we are to understand the recip- 
 
 Feudaiism. roca i obligations of lord and vassal, the lord granting land 
 and protection, the vassal giving a stipulated service — pre- 
 •vailed throughout the Middle Ages both in England and on 
 
Norman England. 55 
 
 the Continent. It was the characteristic social tie not 
 only between sovereign and tenant-in-chief, but between 
 the king's vassals and their subtenants, between the sub- 
 tenants and their dependents. King William did not 
 introduce feudalism into England (we have seen that the 
 relation already existed between the landowners and the 
 cultivators of the soil, between the king and his thanes), 
 but he put upon it a new interpretation. Feudalism be- 
 came, under his vigorous administration, a political system 
 that brought the wealth and fighting force of every land- 
 owner in the country under the king's control. He obliged 
 "all the landowners that were of account over all Eng- 
 land " to take the oath of personal fealty to him. Every 
 man knelt before him and placing his hands between those _. „ .. 
 
 The Scilis- 
 
 of the king swore "to be faithful to the king before all ^ o r 7 0ath - 
 
 1086. 
 
 other men." So did the astute Norman check the ten- 
 dency to disintegration that was the bane of continental 
 feudalism. While the Salisbury oath was observed, no 
 powerful vassal could gather his dependents to make war 
 against his sovereign. All tenants-in-chief were sum- 
 moned to meet the king in a great council three times a 
 
 year, at Christmas, at Easter, and at Whitsuntide. This The Great 
 
 Council, 
 was apparently a continuation of the Witenagemot and 
 
 indeed the old name was for some time retained. It was, 
 
 however, no longer a meeting of wise men, the counselors 
 
 of the king, but of principal landowners who came in feudal 
 
 array not to advise their sovereign but to render homage. Curia Regis, 
 
 tt ,, . .. /. ,. ,. ,, ■■ , standing com- 
 
 Upon this change of function followed a loss of power, mitteeofthe 
 
 rx,, , . . , .. - . great council 
 
 The administration of government was in the hands of the made up of 
 
 king's officers and the powers of the Witenagemot were ministers. 
 
 absorbed by the Curia Regis. 
 
 In order that he might be fully informed as to the value 
 
 of his new domain, the king had a rent-roll compiled Survey. CS ay 
 
 — the so-called Domesday Survey. This concern for accu- 
 
56 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 rate knowledge of his realm is a mark of the highest 
 statesmanship ; the Survey was at one and the same time 
 a census, a land register, and a basis of taxation, and re- 
 mains of the highest value to historians ; but the inquiry 
 was deeply resented by the contemporary chronicler. 
 "After this the king had a great council and very deep 
 speech with his Witan about this land, how it was peo- 
 pled, or by what men ; then sent he his men over all Eng- 
 land into every shire, and caused to be ascertained how 
 many hundred hides were in the shire, or what land the 
 king himself had, and cattle within the land, or what dues 
 he ought to have, every twelve months from the shire. 
 Also he caused to be written how much land his arch- 
 bishops had, and his suffragan bishops and his abbots and 
 his earls ; and — tho' I may narrate somewhat prolixly 
 — what or how much each man had who was a holder of 
 land in England, in land or in cattle, and how much 
 money it might be worth. So very narrowly he caused it 
 to be traced out, that there was not one single hide, nor 
 one yard of land, nor even — it is a shame to tell, tho' 
 it seemed to him no shame to do — an ox, nor a cow, nor a 
 swine was left that was not set down in his writ." 
 
 In the Salisbury oath and the Domesday Survey, the 
 Conqueror's work in England reached its climax. He had 
 succeeded, for the time being, in bringing men of all ranks 
 and races to acknowledge the duty of primary allegiance to 
 the king. The next year he was engaged in war with his 
 own overlord, Philip of France. At the siege of Mantes, 
 he received an injury from which he soon after died. 
 "Alas!" says the pious chronicler, "how false, how un- 
 stable, is the good of this world. He who had been a power- 
 ful king and the lord of many territories, possessed not 
 then, of all his lands, more than seven feet of ground." 
 
 In accordance with the Conqueror's will, his eldest son 
 
Norman England. 
 
 57 
 
 Robert succeeded him in Normandy, William, the second 
 son, became king of England, while to Henry Beauclerc, 
 the scholar of the family, was left a sum of £5,000 and some 
 private estates. 
 
 William II. had inherited the worst traits of his father 
 with none of the good. His greed was restrained by no 
 sense of justice, his im- 
 petuous will was guided 
 by no statesmanlike 
 fore-sight. He regarded 
 his kingship only as an 
 opportunity for indulg- 
 ing to the full his fierce 
 and unbridled passions. 
 Ranulf, the justiciar, 
 was his able accomplice. 
 This man, nicknamed 
 Flambard, "the fire- 
 brand," had won the William Rufus. 
 favor of his royal patron by his ingenuity in devising new 
 pretexts for wringing money from the reluctant purses of 
 the vassals. In accordance with the continental version 
 of the relations between lord and vassal, the king had 
 control of the estates of a minor and might pocket the in- 
 come. On coming of age the heir must pay a large sum 
 of money (relief) for the privilege of entering upon his 
 inheritance. If the heir were a woman, the king could 
 marry her to whomsoever he would. Choice of a husband 
 was only conceded to the woman or her relatives on pay- 
 ment of a heavy fine. If there were no heirs or in case a 
 vassal were convicted of felony, the estate lapsed (escheated) 
 to the crown. Certain extraordinary " aids " might be de- 
 manded on the marriage of the king's eldest daughter or the 
 knighting of his eldest son or, in case he was taken captive, 
 
 \S 
 
 William Rufus. 
 1087-1100. 
 
 Justiciar, 
 vice-gerent 
 or prime 
 minister. 
 
 Feudal 
 exactions. 
 
58 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Revolt of 
 the Barons. 
 
 for his ransom. All these services may be justified as medi- 
 eval forms of rent, and they were in turn required by the 
 king's vassals of their subtenants. Under a just adminis- 
 tration they were not exorbitant, but the Red King and 
 Ranulf, ignoring all right and precedent, set no bounds to 
 their merciless greed. Of the second William, the Chronicle 
 says: " He was very rigorous and stern over his land and 
 his men and towards all his neighbors, and very formidable; 
 and thro' the counsels of evil men, that were always grate- 
 ful to him, and through his 
 own covetousness, be was ever 
 tormenting this nation with 
 an army and with unjust ex- 
 actions ; because in his days 
 every right fell and every 
 wrong in the sight of God and 
 of the world rose up." These 
 exactions were felt most 
 heavily, of course, by the 
 Norman barons, and were 
 promptly resented. Under 
 the lead of Odo, Bishop of 
 Bayeux, they revolted and de- 
 clared for Robert, Duke of 
 Female Costume of the reign of 
 
 Rufus and Henry I. Normandy, the elder brother. 
 
 The king in his extremity turned to his English subjects. 
 " He then sent after Englishmen and told to them his need 
 and desired their support and promised them the best laws 
 that ever were before in this land, and every unjust im- 
 post he forbade and granted to men their woods and liberty 
 of the ehase ; but," adds the chronicler dejectedly, "it 
 stood no while." The revolt once suppressed, the king re- 
 newed his cruel practices. 
 In 1100 William Rufus was killed while hunting in the 
 
Norman England. 59 
 
 New Forest and Henry was chosen king. This wise Henry i. 
 
 prince had shown himself an able ruler in his little Nor- °°" 1135 ' 
 
 man province, and his accession brought a much needed 
 
 peace to England. The king desired, first of all, to be on 
 
 good terms with his English subjects. With this in view 
 
 he married Edgyth, the niece of Edgar the Atheling, "of 
 
 the right royal race of England." Her name, which was 
 
 impossible to a French tongue, was changed to Matilda. 
 
 The Norman courtiers gave to the Saxon princess but a 
 
 grudging welcome ; they mocked the popular sympathies of 
 
 the king and queen by giving them the homely English 
 
 names, Goodrich and Godiva. But King Henry recked 
 
 nothing of their merriment. He had " promised God and 
 
 all the people to put down all the injustices that were in his granted at his 
 
 r * accession was 
 
 brother's time, and to maintain the best laws that stood in the model for 
 
 all subsequent 
 
 any king's day before him." The Red King's justiciar guarantees of 
 
 J ° J & J goodgovern- 
 
 Ranulf was thrown into the Tower of London and such ment. 
 
 officers were appointed as would rightly administer the gov- 
 ernment. The king's agents made regular circuits through 
 the shires executing justice and collecting the royal reve- 
 nues. Law and order were so far maintained that King 
 Henry was called the Lion of Justice. Yet the imposts 
 levied in the name of the king fell heavily upon the people, 
 and the Chronicle bitterly complains of the sore oppression 
 of the land. The malcontent nobles leagued against him. 
 Flambard, escaped from the Tower, and Robert of Belleme the Barons. 
 concerted with Robert of Normandy an attack on England, 
 purposing to place Duke Robert on the throne. Rallying to 
 his aid the English and the lesser vassals, Henry worsted 
 his foes. In the decisive battle of Tinchebrai, the two 
 Roberts were taken prisoners and Normandy came into the Normandy 
 possession of the English king. Duke Robert lingered out 
 his days a captive in Cardiff Castle, and the Norman nobles, 
 deprived of pretext for revolt, never again lifted hand 
 
60 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 against Henry. In 1135 this good king died. " Then there 
 was tribulation soon in the land, for every man that could, 
 forthwith robbed another. ... A good man he was 
 and there was great awe of him. No man durst misdo 
 against another in his time. He made peace for man and 
 beast." 
 
 The barons had promised the dying king to place his 
 daughter Matilda on the throne ; but the kingdom was a 
 
 Vision of Henry I. An ancient Drawing, showing the 
 Costume of the Clergy. 
 
 Stephen. 
 1135-1154. 
 
 turbulent one to be ruled by a woman. There was a rival 
 claimant, Stephen of Blois, son of the Conqueror's daugh- 
 ter Adela. His cause was championed by the citizens of 
 London, who hoped that he would maintain the peace and 
 good order so essential to commercial prosperity. The sup- 
 port of the city of London has again and again in Eng- 
 lish history determined a doubtful contest. Stephen was 
 chosen king by the barons and was soon after crowned 
 at Winchester. But the hope of the Londoners was 
 doomed to disappointment. Matilda urged her claims. 
 Her cause was supported by divers of the great nobles who 
 
Norman England. 61 
 
 were, however, less concerned to maintain her right than 
 to defy the royal authority. The weak, unstable character 
 of Stephen gave them favorable opportunity to assert their 
 independence. " When the traitors perceived that he was 
 a mild man and soft and good and did no justice, then did 
 they all wonder. . . . Every powerful man built him- 
 self castles and held them against the king and they filled 
 the land full of castles. They cruelly oppressed the 
 wretched men of the land with castle-works. When the 
 castles were made they filled them with devils and evil 
 men. Then took they those men that they imagined had 
 any property, both by night and by day, peasant men 
 and women, and put them in prison for their gold and 
 their silver, and tortured them with unutterable torture. 
 . . . Many thousands they killed with hunger ; and 
 that lasted the nineteen years while Stephen was king, 
 and ever it was worse and worse. They laid imposts on 
 the towns continually and called it ' censerie ' ; when the 
 wretched men had no more to give, they robbed and 
 burned all the towns, so that thou mightest well go all a 
 day's journey and thou shouldst never find a man sitting 
 in a town or the land tilled. . . . Men said openly 
 that Christ and his saints slept." Better than such an- 
 archy was the harsh rule of the Conqueror. 
 
 Stephen did not seek the support of the English as 
 
 r ** ° Civil War. 
 
 Henry had done. He foolishly spent his treasure in 
 
 hiring foreign mercenaries, who were even more cruel than 
 
 the barons and alienated the people from their once-loved 
 
 king. Still Matilda could not win the kingdom. In the 
 
 battle of Lincoln, Stephen was taken prisoner and for a 1141. 
 
 few months Matilda reigned ; but she proved to be a harsh 
 
 and vengeful mistress. London revolted and the great 
 
 barons renewed their allegiance to Stephen. The Angevin 
 
 cause seemed lost when it was taken up and brought to a 
 
62 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 triumphant issue by Matilda's son, the young Henry. 
 Though but nineteen years of age, this prince was already 
 lord of Normandy, Maine, Anjou, and Aquitaine, and 
 ruled these restless provinces with a strong hand. He 
 arrived in England in 1153 and, rallying Matilda's adher- 
 ents about him, made such headway that Stephen was 
 fain to treat for peace. A compromise was negotiated by 
 the Archbishop of Canterbury. The king had just lost his 
 Treaty of only son, Eustace. He agreed, on condition that he might 
 
 U53 lliD g ' retain the crown during his life, to recognize Henry as his 
 son and heir. So the long strife came to an end. When 
 Stephen died in the next year, Henry was beyond sea ; 
 " but no man durst do other than good for the great awe of 
 him." On his return he was crowned king and entered 
 into undisputed possession of his inheritance. 
 
 RESULTS OF THE CONQUEST. 
 
 During the eighty-eight years since the Norman invasion, 
 the aspect of England had undergone great changes. The 
 Norman race had succeeded in establishing itself in posses- 
 sion not only of the crown but of every post of power and 
 profit throughout the kingdom. No English names are 
 to be found among the tenants-in-chief until a century 
 after the Conquest. Latin was the language of the Church 
 and the law, French that of the court. The separation 
 between the two races, the conquering and the conquered, 
 was wide and deep. Contempt and tyranny on the one 
 hand, fear and hate on the other, prolonged the antago- 
 nism to which the harsh methods of the Conquest had 
 given rise. Yet Saxon and Norman were originally of the 
 same stock. The case was not that of the English in India 
 or the French in Algiers. It was evident that the two 
 races must eventually come together and fuse into one. 
 
 The immediate effects of the Norman rule were pregnant 
 
Norman England. 63 
 
 with result. First of all England was brought into close Renewed inter . 
 relations with the Continent. The Conqueror ruled Nor- continent* the 
 mandy and England as one kingdom. His great barons 
 held estates on both sides the Channel and much journey- 
 ing between the French and English territories became 
 necessary. Under William Rums, Normandy and England 
 were independent realms, but Tinchebrai gave Normandy to 
 Henry I., and the duchy and the kingdom remained united 
 for a hundred years thereafter. This political connection 
 brought about such relations with the Continent as had 
 not existed since Britain was a Roman colony. Com- 
 merce revived ; merchants ventured to undertake a Euro- 
 pean trade, carrying to France, Flanders, and Germany 
 the agricultural products of England, wool and grain, fish 
 and cattle. In exchange they brought back the fine cloths, 
 furs, wines, and other luxuries required by the Norman 
 gallants. Lead and tin were also exported, while the in- 
 dispensable iron, not yet discovered in the barren North- 
 umbrian hills, was fetched from the Baltic coast. The 
 precious metals, too, especially silver, were imported in 
 considerable quantity. Commercial enterprise carried 
 Englishmen far abroad, to Paris, to Marseilles, to Venice, 
 and the Orient. The high-priced dainties they brought 
 back in their brave ships were not their most valuable 
 cargo. Strange tales of foreign lands and customs, mar- 
 velous stories of romance and adventure, wisdom won by 
 contact with a superior civilization, these were the imports 
 that affected most deeply the life of the English people. 
 
 Furthermore the Conquest brought England into touch intellectual 
 with the learning of the Continent. From the Universities im P ulse - 
 of Bologna and Paris, from the renowned Abbey of Bee, 
 came Lanfranc and Anselm and many less famous scholars 
 and ecclesiastics, who introduced the Latin tongue and 
 the continental authors and inspired the English Church 
 
64 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 with a new zeal for letters. Out of obscure beginnings 
 rose the great University of Oxford " where the clergy 
 in England chiefly flourished and excelled in clerkly lore." 
 Thousands of English youths crowded its cloisters, taking 
 upon themselves the monk's vows, not in religious de- 
 votion, but because the monastery afforded the only op- 
 portunity for the scholar's life. The intellectual labors of 
 these devotees of learning were confined to the transcription 
 of Latin manuscripts, ecclesiastical and classical, and the 
 embellishment of the national annals. The wordly-minded 
 ecclesiastic found at the court a more congenial employ- 
 ment. Since the clerics were the only learned men of the 
 day, they were almost exclusively employed by the Nor- 
 man kings in the administration of the government. 
 Hence resulted a notable modification of political theory. 
 The monastic training had instilled into the thought of 
 these cowled chancellors those conceptions of law and gov- 
 ernment which were handed down by the Church as part of 
 her heritage from imperial Rome. Doctrines of the king's 
 Exaltation of supremacy and the subject's duty of obedience are not 
 
 the king's 
 
 authority. of English origin, but derived from the Continent. They 
 
 were imported into England by Norman priests. More- 
 over the greedy misrule of the barons tended to foster 
 respect for the king's authority. The supremacy of the 
 king came to be regarded as the safeguard of the subject 
 against political anarchy such as devastated England under 
 Edward the Confessor and the feeble Stephen. From the 
 king's officers might be expected a more uniform justice 
 than was meted out in the local courts, and men were will- 
 ing to pay dear for such protection. Neither the stern 
 cruelty of William nor the heavy taxes imposed by the 
 Henries could obliterate the remembrance of "the good 
 peace they had made in the land." Throughout these cen- 
 turies king and barons were engaged in a well-matched 
 
Norman England. 65 
 
 contest for mastery. The ambitious vassals maintained 
 
 a prolonged resistance against the royal authority. Again 
 
 and again the strife broke out, — in the revolt of Hereford 
 
 and Norfolk against the Conqueror, in the opposition of 
 
 the barons to the exactions of William Rufus, in the rising 
 
 against Henry I., led by Flambard, in the contemptuous 
 
 misrule of the great lords under Stephen. It was a 
 
 veritable tug of war, and the kings were forced to fall 
 
 back on the English who, having their own grievances 
 
 against the arrogant Norman lords, were ready to lend aid 
 
 to the royal cause. 
 
 In the long struggle between king and barons, the clergy 
 
 & 6& & ) &j Relations of 
 
 as a rule cast their weight on the side of royalty, and yet, Church and 
 
 influenced by the mounting ambition of the popes, the 
 Church asserted privileges which not infrequently brought 
 her into antagonism with the throne. Rome had hoped 
 from William's invasion of England a revival of the old- 
 time relations between the papal see and the English 
 Church, and these anticipations were in some degree 
 realized. There followed close upon the Conquest a revival, Ecclesiastical 
 if not of Christianity, at least of ecclesiasticism. The Nor- estabUshed 
 man clergy introduced into England the stricter discipline dStion over" 
 imposed upon the continental Church by Gregory VII. offlr^es^f 
 Celibacy was enforced among the superior clergy, although i a f[yf ancl 
 the parish priests were contemptously left to keep their 
 wives if they would. Monasticism received a new impulse 
 with the incoming of the Cistercians, whose voluntary 
 poverty and severe asceticism attracted the admiration and 
 devotion of the people. William's attitude toward the 
 Church was that of the able ruler who sees that the clergy 
 may serve an important function in maintaining order and 
 in rallying the people to the support of the king. He de- 
 posed the English prelates and appointed Normans in their 
 stead, thus securing his own influence in all the superior 
 
66 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Relations of 
 king and pope. 
 
 Gregory VII., 
 1073-1085. 
 Aimed to es- 
 tablish celib- 
 acy, to repress 
 simony, to 
 free Church 
 from control 
 of State. 
 
 offices ; but the clerics so appointed were selected with an 
 eye to their churchmanship as well as to their loyalty. 
 Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 was one of the most learned and able 
 ecclesiastics of his day. William fur- 
 ther converted the Church hierarchy 
 to his purpose by requiring from each, 
 bishop and abbot the oath of homage 
 and such feudal service as would be 
 due from a lay lord holding the same 
 lands. The Church was thus feudal- 
 ized, and every acre of monastery land 
 and every parish glebe was made to 
 render its quota to the royal treasury. 
 The Conqueror was a faithful son of 
 the Church, and yet the pretensions of 
 Gregory VII. to supreme authority in 
 ecclesiastical affairs were met by un- 
 compromising denial. The wise and 
 wary king won from the pope, whose 
 will no other European monarch had 
 been able to withstand, most important concessions. No 
 excommunication was to be declared in England without 
 the king's leave. No papal bull could be received or exe- 
 cuted without his consent. Legislation in church synod 
 was subject to his veto. Appointments to ecclesiastical 
 office were to be made by the secular power. The questions 
 thus settled by the friendly mediation of Lanfranc were, 
 however, destined to be opened again and again, and to vex 
 statesmen for centuries to come. For example, the right of 
 appointment to ecclesiastical office, which had been readily 
 conceded to the great William, was challenged in the reign 
 of Henry I. Anselm, the saintly successor of Lanfranc, 
 refused to consecrate the bishops who had received in- 
 
 A Bishop of the close 
 
 of the Eleventh 
 
 Century. 
 
Norman England. 67 
 
 vestiture from the king. The conflicting claims of king Right of inves- 
 and pope were again compromised. Prelates were to be pointing c to 1 a! 
 elected by the clergy, but in the king's presence. The ring Ice" "claimed 
 and the crozier, symbols of the spiritual function, were to incumbent 1106 
 be bestowed by the pope, while the newly elected bishop or by the pope* 1 ' 
 abbot was to render homage to the king for his estates. benTwaTan" 
 
 Upon the life of the common people the effect of the ecclesiastic - 
 Conquest is not easily ascertained. The early chroniclers, ... . .. 
 
 like later historians, are so fully occupied in recounting P e °P le - 
 the deeds of rich and powerful personages, that they 
 tell little of the aspirations, the achievements, the failures 
 of the humble men and women who till the fields and 
 weave the cloth, and perform the thousand tasks, without 
 which the projects of king and statesman would avail 
 nothing for the welfare of the land. This people, whose 
 deeds no chronicler records, no poet sings, and concerning 
 whose life we can gather only the scantiest information, was 
 the major part of the nation. The population of England 
 in the eleventh century was about 1,500,000. Judging from 
 
 data afforded by the Domesday Survey only three per cent 
 
 J j j f Censug of adult 
 
 belonged to the feudal nobility. The remaining ninety-seven males. 
 
 Vassals of the 
 
 per cent were small landed proprietors, serfs, and slaves, crown, 600 ; 
 
 subtenants, 
 
 The feudal lords in the eleventh century were almost 7,871 ; ecclesi- 
 astics, 994 ; free 
 
 without exception Norman, while the lower orders were proprietors, 
 
 33,169 ; serfs, 
 
 wholly English. Speaking the Saxon tongue, ministered 195,580; slaves, 
 
 25,156; bur- 
 
 to by Saxon priests, observing the social and political cus- gesses, 7,968. 
 toms of their ancestors, they lived a life apart and were 
 little affected by the change of masters. The principal 
 Saxon landholders were, as has been seen, degraded by the 
 Conquest, but the tillers of the soil were left in undisturbed 
 possession. They lived on in the ancient rural communi- 
 ties (called manors in the Norman speech), and cultivated 
 the land they had inherited from their fathers, rendering 
 to the new lord the labor, money, or product service re- 
 
68 
 
 The Growth of the -English Nation. 
 
 Rectitudines 
 singula rum 
 personarum. 
 
 Serf (villein), 
 agricultural 
 laborer, bound 
 to the soil, but 
 personally 
 free. 
 
 Feast of St. 
 Michael, 
 September 11. 
 
 Feast of 
 St. Martin, 
 November 11. 
 
 quired by local usage. A quaint document of the tenth 
 century gives us detailed information as to the duties and 
 privileges of the serf. His services are "various, in some 
 places heavy, in others moderate." He is required to work 
 on his lord's land two days a week throughout the year 
 and three days a week through the spring plowing and 
 planting and during harvest. Other special services (boon- 
 work) must be rendered upon demand. " From Martinmas 
 to Easter he shall lie at his lord's fold as often as he is 
 bid." He may be asked to fetch and carry, but "if he do 
 carrying he is not to work while his horse is out." The re- 
 maining time he is free to use on his own land. On the 
 great church festivals, the characteristic marks of time in 
 the medieval calendar, each villein must bring to the 
 manor house a stipulated contribution in money or pro- 
 duce. On Michaelmasday, he pays tenpence rent ; on 
 Martinmasday, thirty-three sesters of barley and two hens; 
 at Easter, a young sheep or twopence. It is the duty of 
 the serfs to feed the lord's hounds and provide for the vil- 
 lage swineherd to whom each man gives six loaves " when 
 he goes to mast." The lord, for his part, provides his serf 
 with thirty acres of land and an "outfit ", *. e., two oxen, 
 one cow, and six sheep, tools for his work, and utensils for 
 his house. " Then when he dies his lord takes back what 
 he leaves." " This land law holds on some lands, but here 
 and there, as I have said, it is heavier or lighter, for all 
 land services are not alike. On some lands the serf shall 
 pay a tax in honey, on some in meat, on some in ale. Let 
 him who is over the district take care that he knows what 
 the old land customs are and what are the customs of the 
 people." To secure the fulfillment of these numerous and 
 complicated services required sedulous attention, and for 
 this purpose the lord of the manor, often an absentee, em- 
 ployed a steward or bailiff. His was a hateful task and 
 
Norman England. 69 
 
 medieval literature abounds in sarcastic allusions to his 
 greed and cunning. Serf labor seems to us a cumbersome 
 method of getting work done, but it was the form of 
 service most convenient in a feudal society because it did 
 not require direct supervision. It was to every man's 
 interest to cultivate his own plot of land to the best of his 
 
 knowledge and ability. On the demesne land he gave but 
 
 Demesne, that 
 
 a grudging service. The Domesday Survey reports only part of the es- 
 tate which the 
 
 twenty-five thousand slaves, and after the eleventh century lord held in 
 
 exclusive pos- 
 
 the number rapidly decreased. This was in part a conse- session, it 
 
 was cultivated 
 
 quence of the edict against the slave-trade issued by the by serfor slave 
 
 or (later) hired 
 
 Conqueror, but was due even more to the prevalence of the labor. 
 
 feudal relation with which property in human beings was 
 inconsistent. The free proprietors formed only twelve per 
 cent of the population, and they were to be found for the 
 most part in the north among the recent Danish settlements. 
 In the south, the feudal tenure was well-nigh universal. 
 
 Life within the manor was rude and simple in the ex- 
 treme. Communication with the outside world, even with 
 the neighboring villages, was of rare occurrence. Each 
 community was self-sustaining. Iron implements, mill- 
 stones, salt, and spices must be brought from a distance, 
 but food, shelter, and clothing were amply provided by 
 local industries. The methods of agriculture were primitive 
 and much of the land lay unreclaimed and waste. Per- 
 haps not more than one fifth of the cultivable area of Eng- 
 land was in use. The people naturally sought the fertile 
 fields of the southeast, while the less hospitable regions 
 of the west and north were but sparsely settled. 
 
 Fully three fourths of the population of medieval Eng- 
 land was agricultural, the proportion between urban and 
 rural inhabitants being about what it is in Ireland to-day. 
 Mention is made in the Domesday Survey of eighty towns, 
 but only six of these were other than large villages. As in 
 
70 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Ireland, the most prosperous towns were seaports. London 
 
 and Southampton controlled the trade between southern 
 
 England and the Continent. Norwich brought the prod- 
 Serfs escaping 
 
 to a town and ucts of the eastern counties within reach of the sea, while 
 remaining un- 
 claimed a year the western districts found an outlet at Bristol. York, 
 and a day 
 
 acquired free- Lincoln, Winchester, and Oxford were ancient fortified 
 
 dom. Consid- 
 erable ad- places of great strategic importance. The Conquest tended 
 ditions were 
 
 thus made to to foster the growth of towns since it not only opened new 
 the town pop- 
 ulation, commercial opportunities on the Continent, but, by bring- 
 ing the warring sections of England under one strong 
 administration, facilitated internal trade. There ensued a 
 period of marked prosperity. Increasing by rapid strides in 
 wealth, numbers, and influence, the townsmen were soon 
 in position to buy from the king or their over-lord charters 
 of liberty that secured to them, in return for an annual 
 tax, freedom from further imposts and practical self-govern- 
 ment. The affairs of the burgesses were apparently held 
 quite beneath the notice of the royal court and its chroni- 
 clers. The towns were thought of only as a source of 
 revenue. Yet in the silent, unheeded growth of these trad- 
 ing communities there was preparing a power destined 
 to play a notable part in the nation's history. 
 
CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 Fusion of Races. 
 
 Illustrative Readings. Important Dates. 
 
 „ , L m Reign of Henry II., 1154-1189. 
 
 Becket; Tennyson. nfH Constitutions of clarendon. 
 
 Henry the Second ; Green. im Death of Archbish ThomftS . 
 
 Ivanhoe ; Scott im R . g Qf ^ Barong 
 
 The Talisman ; Scott. Reign Qf Rlchard Lj ^^ 
 
 1194. Richard's return from the 
 Crusade. 
 
 HENRY II. 
 
 Henry of Anjou was only twenty-one when he came to 
 the throne but already men had learned " to bear him 
 great love and fear." Born of two remarkable races, he 
 inherited the strong qualities of each. His instinct of gov- 
 ernment, his laborious industry, and his practical wisdom 
 were Norman, but he was Angevin in his patience, his 
 tenacity, and his craftiness. The contrasts of his character 
 were as marked as its power. In his passions he was half 
 a savage ; the results of long patient scheming were often 
 marred by a moment's ungovernable rage, and his irrever- 
 ence was only equaled by his superstition ; he scoffed at 
 God one instant, and groveled at the feet of a priest the 
 next. All Henry's force and power and untiring activity 
 were needed for the task before him. Order was to be re- England, 
 stored, a rebellious baronage, grown more unruly during 
 the disorder of Stephen's reign, was to be curbed, and the 
 Church, dangerously strong and conscious of its strength, 
 was to be brought within bounds. There were, moreover, 
 new problems to be faced. Beneath the anarchy of the pre- 
 ceding years, the forces of modern civilization were at 
 work, and in spite of misrule England shared in the great 
 
 71 
 
72 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 enry 
 le Co 
 
 the Continent. 
 
 industrial and intellectual movement of the twelfth cen- 
 tury. While rulers and barons were contending for the 
 mastery, towns were growing in size and 
 importance, new enterprises were started, 
 and trade and commerce received a strong 
 impetus. Outside the towns, Benedictine 
 and Cistercian monks, the great farmers 
 of the age, were at work changing the 
 face of the country ; they drained swamps, 
 built roads, and reclaimed new soil, they 
 were even accused in their greed of en- 
 croaching on the churchyards. Under 
 their influence England was fast becom- 
 ing the chief wool-growing center of the 
 world. It was an age of eager living, of 
 breathless activity, an age that outgrew 
 rapidly the forms and systems of the past, 
 that pressed forward to the new order of 
 the future. 
 
 Henry's first work was to carry out the provisions of the 
 Treaty of Wallingford. The Flemish mercenaries were 
 sent home, the adulterine castles were destroyed, the courts 
 of justice reestablished. In rapid journeyings north and 
 west he brought the rebellious border chieftains to terms, 
 and wrung submission from the Welsh and Scots. By 1158 
 outward order was restored, and he could turn his atten- 
 tion to his possessions on the Continent. It is a mistake 
 to look upon Henry's interests as bounded by England ; 
 he was a European ruler before he was an English king, 
 and almost to the last he subordinated England to the 
 interests of his continental domains. The ruling note in 
 the policy of the early part of his reign was his desire to 
 found a great Anglo-Angevin empire, but his position in 
 France as well as in England was full of difficulties. To 
 
 Henry II. 
 
Fusion of Races. 
 
 73 
 
 the lands, inherited from his father and mother, he had 
 added the duchy of Aquitaine, the dowry of Queen 
 Eleanor, and his rule extended from the Orkneys to the 
 Pyrenees ; but his vast possessions were held together by 
 no common interest, no common tie except that of sub- 
 jection to himself, and in each his title was disputed. 
 Moreover, he stood between two foes ; on the one hand 
 were his vassals, jealous of the interference of one who 
 was to them almost a foreigner, on the other was his 
 suzerain lord, the king of France, eagerly watching for a 
 chance to stir up revolt against him. 
 For the time being, however, he 
 was able through force and diplo- 
 macy to secure himself against all 
 danger. 
 
 Henry II. saw plainly how much 
 assistance England might be in 
 carrying out his policy, and it was 
 to strengthen his hold on the people 
 as well as to increase the royal rev- 
 enue that he began the reorgan- 
 ization of the administrative ma- 
 chinery. The need for reform was 
 crying. Five or six different legal 
 systems were administered in as 
 many different courts. The men that gave judgment 
 spoke a language unknown to the judged. Old cumber- 
 some forms of procedure, handed down from a time 
 when society was stationary, were still retained and 
 the result of a trial was more often injustice than 
 justice. To remedy these evils men were wont to look to 
 the king ; he was the fountain of justice, his will was law. 
 It was Henry's great merit that he replaced the personal, 
 irregular interference of the crown by a well understood 
 
 A Friar. 
 
 Legal reforms. 
 
74 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 and uniform system of administration. He reorganized 
 the central courts of justice, the Exchequer and Curia 
 Regis, and to make their great powers more effectual, he 
 sent itinerant justices from these courts into each shire to 
 try all important civil and criminal cases. At the same time, 
 by the decrees of the Grand Assize and the Assize of Claren- 
 don, the Norman principle of recognition or inquest on 
 oath was applied to all suits. If it were a question of the 
 title to land, twelve sworn men of the district chosen indi- 
 rectly by the sheriff were to decide the matter on their 
 own knowledge or on information obtained from others. 
 If they could not agree in their judgment, 
 other men were added until twelve were 
 found of one mind. A similar method was 
 used in criminal cases. Jurors, sworn men 
 of the hundred, were to accuse before the 
 shire court all whom they thought guilty of 
 crime. They were sworn to speak the truth, 
 hence their accusation was called a verdict 
 {ver& dicta), and there was no appeal from it 
 except to the ordeal. Even if a man stood 
 that test, he was bound to abjure the realm 
 as one of evil repute. It is from these juries 
 of recognition and presentment that by a 
 long series of changes our modern jury 
 system has been evolved. The results of 
 Henry's reforms were of far-reaching im- 
 Queen Eleanor. p 0r ^ ance> The royal exchequer was enriched 
 and the royal authority strengthened by the increased 
 business of the king's courts ; at the same time the hold of 
 the barons on their vassals was weakened, for the revival 
 of the shire courts was at the expense of the private juris- 
 dictions. Moreover through their enforced activity on the 
 local juries, Englishmen received a training in public work 
 
Fusion of Races. 75 
 
 The Church. 
 
 that fitted them as nothing else could have done for the 
 part they were to play at a later day in the government of 
 the nation. 
 
 It was but as a part of his scheme for the ordering of his 
 realm that Henry on his return to England in 1163 took up 
 the question of the relations of State and Church. His 
 aim was to establish one law for all, but a great body of 
 his subjects stood wholly outside the secular law, beyond 
 the reach of the royal courts. The clerical order, which at 
 this time included all of the educated and professional 
 classes, had, by a wide interpretation of the Conqueror's 
 plan of separate ecclesiastical courts, freed itself entirely 
 from the secular jurisdiction. But the Church could not 
 inflict bodily punishment, hence no matter how serious 
 his offense, a clerk convicted of crime needed to fear noth- 
 ing worse than fine or imprisonment. As a result, holy 
 orders had become a refuge for the lawless, and crime and 
 disorder were on the increase. Henry had already pre- 
 pared for his work of reform by forcing the primacy, Archbishop 
 made vacant by the death of Theobald, upon his friend 
 and chancellor, Thomas Becket. Although an ecclesiastic, 
 Thomas had shown himself so zealous a servant of the 
 crown in the work of restoring order and administering 
 the realm, that men had mocked at the haste with which 
 he "put off the deacon" ; but now he hung back declar- 
 ing he could not "serve two masters." Henry insisted, 
 however, and the election took place, but Thomas at 
 once resigned the chancellorship, and it was plain that 
 a breach between the two would not long be deferred. 
 
 It was over the trial of a clerk accused of murder that 
 
 The Consti- 
 
 they first crossed swords. Henry would have the offender tutions of 
 
 Clarendon. 
 
 brought before the royal courts, but Thomas declared that 
 
 the case belonged to the Church. Both appealed to the 
 "customs" of the realm,. and to settle what those customs 
 
76 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 were a great council was held at Clarendon in 1164. There 
 the ancient usages, collected and written down by some of 
 the older nobles, were read before the assembled bishops 
 and baronage. They were in the main the provisions es- 
 tablished by the Conqueror and Henry I., and these passed 
 unchallenged, but over the clauses relating to the jurisdic- 
 tion of the ecclesiastical courts dispute arose. The Church 
 was allowed to retain its control of all questions relating to 
 marriages or wills or involving an oath, but in case of 
 doubt the Curia Regis was to decide where the suit be- 
 longed. A clerk accused of crime was to be tried in the 
 secular courts, and if convicted the Church should not in- 
 terfere to protect him. Moreover all appeal to Rome with- 
 out the consent of the king was forbidden. Thomas pas- 
 sionately refused to sign the Constitutions, as they were 
 called, and withdrew from the council. A little later, fear- 
 ing for his life, he fled to France. 
 
 For ten years the struggle continued between the two 
 men, once friends, now bitter foes. Henry was contending 
 for the supremacy of the State, Thomas for the indepen- 
 dence of the Church. Each was sincere in his purpose, 
 even though the king had an eye to his own authority as 
 well as the good of the realm, and the archbishop never 
 forgot personal ambition in the interests of his order. The 
 king was perhaps in advance of his time, the priest did not 
 realize that certain privileges of the Church were no longer 
 necessary to her usefulnesss. 
 
 All attempts at compromise between the two were ren- 
 dered vain by the king's unreasoning violence and by the 
 stubbornness with which Thomas held to the limiting 
 clause "Saving the honor of my order." Excommunica- 
 tion of the churchmen who supported the king was 
 answered by outlawry of all the archbishop's relatives, and 
 when the pope threatened to lay the kingdom under an in- 
 
Fusion of Races. 77 
 
 terdict, Henry decreed that anyone bringing the interdict to 
 England should be punished as a traitor. At last, in 1170, a 
 half reconciliation was brought about, and both men agreed 
 to let the past go, but no sooner had the archbishop re- 
 turned to England than he renewed the attack on the king 
 by excommunicating those bishops who had taken part 
 in the recent coronation of the king's eldest son. Henry, 
 beside himself with rage at the news, uttered the hasty 
 wish that he were freed from his stubborn foe. A few days 
 later the archbishop was struck down in his own cathedral 
 of Canterbury by four knights, roused to the bloody deed 
 by the king's wrathful words. Thomas had won the crown 
 of martyrdom to which he had so long aspired, and Henry 
 was called to face the indignant horror of all Christendom. 
 In vain he disowned the act and promised to punish the 
 murderers ; threatened with excommunication, he with- 
 drew hastily to Ireland, hoping to appease the papal wrath 
 by carrying out the long mooted conquest of that country. 
 Henry's work in Ireland was still incomplete when he 
 was recalled by the rebellious attitude of his son Henry, the Baronage. 
 whom he had caused to be crowned king that the succes- 
 sion might be secured, and who now wished to set his 
 father aside. The danger from the young king was the 
 greater because to him the discontented on both sides the 
 Channel looked as a leader; Philip of France was always on 
 the alert to stir up revolt, and, as a writer of that day says, 
 "there were few barons in England not wavering in their 
 allegiance to the king and ready to desert him at any 
 time." From the beginning of his reign Henry had borne 
 with heavy hand upon the strong feudal barons. He 
 destroyed their castles, sent his justices into their courts, 
 and forbade private coinage. In the Great Council, he 
 diminished their importance by compelling the attendance 
 of the lesser tenants-in-chief, and in 1170 he struck a blow 
 
78 The Groivth of the English Nation 
 
 at their political power by withdrawing the office of 
 sheriff from them, giving it to men of lesser rank trained 
 in his courts and more dependent upon his will. More- 
 over, Henry's plan of taking scutage or shield money in 
 lieu of service in the field, although apparently in 
 the interest of the baronage, told against their military 
 superiority, for it took from their bodies of armed retainers 
 the chance of acquiring skill in war, while it enabled the 
 king to hire foreign mercenaries upon whom he could 
 rely. These acts were viewed with alarm by the nobles, 
 and the outbreak on the Continent brought matters to a 
 crisis. In July, 1173, Normandy took up arms for the 
 young king, and in a few months half England was in 
 revolt. Ireland had risen against the English rule, and 
 the king of Scotland at the head of an army was advancing 
 into the northern counties. Henry was in Normandy 
 when the news of the rising reached him, but he at 
 once hastened home ; he had learned the worth of his 
 English possessions, and "he preferred that his lands be- 
 yond the sea should be in peril rather than his own realm 
 of England." By a series of hard-won victories he suc- 
 ceeded in breaking down all resistance both in England 
 and on the Continent, and in a few months the revolt was 
 crushed and his foes were suing for mercy. 
 
 During the next few years Henry's power was at its 
 height ; by a compromise with the papal legate he secured 
 the points at issue in his quarrel with Thomas, and with 
 the aid of his able officials he worked out an administra- 
 tive system through which he could make his will felt 
 from one end of the kingdom to the other. 
 Henry's Death. The c ^ ose OI * hi s reign was disturbed by the rebellion of 
 his sons whom he loved and trusted in spite of repeated 
 treachery. The young king was dead, but Richard, the 
 heir apparent, fearing the favor with which Henry re- 
 
Fusion of Races. 
 
 79 
 
 garded his youngest child, John, allied himself with Philip 
 of France and rose against his father. Defeated on all 
 sides and ill of a mortal disease, Henry submitted to the 
 hard terms forced upon him and turned to Chinon to die. 
 They brought him from Philip a list of those who had 
 conspired against him, and first on the list stood the name 
 of his favorite son John. Turning his face to the wall 
 he said, "Now let things go as they will — I care no more 
 for myself or for the world." A little later he died, mur- 
 muring, "Shame, shame on a conquered king." 
 Of an alien race, speaking a foreign tongue, and spend- 
 
 Results 01 
 
 ing but thirteen of the thirty-five years of his reign in Henry's reign. 
 England, Henry of Anjou has nevertheless left an indeli- 
 ble mark on English history. His ambition to figure as a 
 continental ruler was a mistake, his Anglo-Angevin em- 
 pire hardly outlived the century, but his policy deter- 
 mined England's for- 
 eign relations for cen- 
 turies to come. The 
 effect can be felt still 
 in the traditional hos- 
 tility between the En- 
 glish and the French 
 people. It was chiefly, 
 however, through his 
 work at home that he 
 impressed his person- 
 ality on the national Seal of Henry II. 
 life. He destroyed feudalism as a system of government, 
 brought the Church under the control of the State, and 
 established a strong centralized administrative system. In 
 doing this he raised the power of the crown to a dangerous 
 height, but at the same time, in nationalizing the Church, 
 in destroying the feudal traditions of the baronage, and in 
 
80 The Groivth of the English Nation. 
 
 reviving the activity of the local courts, he nourished the 
 forces which in the next century were to bring that power 
 within bounds. 
 
 RICHARD I. 
 
 In 1189 Richard, the third son of Henry II., succeeded 
 his father on the throne. There is little likeness between 
 Richard, the brilliant knight-errant, and Henry, the hard- 
 working man of business, but in the elements of consti- 
 tutional progress and national 
 growth one reign is but the con- 
 tinuation of the other. Abroad, 
 Henry's policy was followed by 
 his son, and at home the admin- 
 istrative system was developed 
 along lines already laid down. 
 
 Though born in England, 
 Richard was even more truly 
 
 than his father a foreign king. 
 Richard I. CceurdeLion. Bufc twice during ^ rdgn q{ 
 
 ten years did he spend a few months in England, and 
 he touched the national life only through his demands for 
 money. Soon after taking possession of his English king- 
 dom he started on a crusade to the Holy Land, leaving the 
 realm in the hands of his justiciar, William Longchamp. 
 Called back in 1192 by news of trouble at home, he fell into 
 the power of his enemy, the emperor of Germany, and for 
 two years was held a prisoner. Released at last on the 
 promise of paying a heavy ransom, he made his way to 
 England only to find his brother John in open revolt. 
 But John was far too unpopular to be dangerous, and 
 order was soon restored. There were greater dangers to 
 be met elsewhere, however, and the rest of his reign was 
 spent in the effort to secure Normandy against the attacks 
 of the French king. In 1199 his short troubled career came 
 
Fusion of Haces. 
 
 81 
 
 to a close ; he was struck down by a shot from, a castle he 
 was besieging in Limousin, and he lived only long enough 
 to declare John his heir, and to cause the barons to take the 
 oath of allegiance. 
 
 Richard's share in the constitutional 
 achievements of his reign was only indirect. 
 Known in history and romance as the Lion- 
 Hearted, the chivalrous soldier, the valiant 
 crusader, to his English subjects he must 
 have appeared a needy and rather greedy 
 ruler who never thought of England except 
 when in want of money. Probably, how- 
 ever, he conferred on the country the greatest 
 benefit in his power by absenting himself on 
 
 foreign wars. Richard 
 
 was a warrior, not a 
 
 statesman ; he could not 
 
 have understood his 
 
 f a t h e r ' s methods, and 
 
 had he remained in England he would 
 
 only have interfered in the development 
 
 of the political system so carefully elab- Richard's 
 r " J ministers. 
 
 orated in the previous reign. In his 
 absence the government was in the 
 hands of such men as Longchamp and 
 the Archbishop Hubert Walter, men 
 trained under the eye of the late king 
 and governed by the traditions of his 
 reign. They were loyal servants of the 
 crown, but their task was a difficult one, 
 for the nation was becoming restive un- 
 der the increasingly heavy burden of taxation, and John, as 
 faithless to his brother as he was to his father, was at hand 
 to take advantage of any discontent. To meet the demand 
 
 Richard I. 
 
 A Crusader. 
 
82 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Richard's 
 Ransom. Aid 
 on the 
 knights' 
 fee. Tallage 
 on towns. 
 Hideage and 
 carucage on 
 land taking 
 place of Dane- 
 geld. A quar- 
 ter of the 
 movables of 
 every person 
 in the realm. 
 
 State of the 
 country. 
 
 Literature. 
 
 of the king for money, the ministers were obliged to resort 
 to every expedient. Personal property, taxed for the first 
 time in the reign of Henry the Second, was now regularly 
 assessed, and in 1194, when the nation was called upon to 
 pay the king's ransom, old forms of taxes were revived 
 and new ones were invented ; no class of persons, no kind 
 of property, was allowed to escape. It was in part because 
 of the difficulty of assessing personal property, and partly 
 from a wish to conciliate the people that the assessment of 
 taxes was placed in the hands of juries elected by the free- 
 holders of the shire. To the same body was intrusted at 
 about this time the election of the juries of presentment. 
 Thus the principles of election and representation were 
 making their way in the administrative system, and at the 
 same time the nation was receiving in matters of finance 
 and justice a training in self-government — the necessary 
 preparation for parliamentary rule. 
 
 SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 The England which Richard passed on to his worthless 
 brother John was not the England of Norman time. Dur- 
 ing the half century that had elapsed since the Treaty 
 of Wallingford a new nation had sprung into existence, 
 a nation conscious of itself, having its own literature, 
 knowing its common interest. Under the rule of the 
 Angevin the differences between Norman and English- 
 man had well-nigh disappeared. The Great Charter, 
 granted in the next reign, takes no note of race distinc- 
 tions. The court still used French, but the Norman nobles 
 had begun to learn the language of the subject race, and 
 by the beginning of the thirteenth century English was 
 the generally spoken tongue. Robert of Gloucester, writing 
 at a later time, voices the prevailing sentiment in favor of 
 the native language, in his indignant protest against the 
 practices of the previous period : 
 
Fusion of Races. 83 
 
 " And thus could the Normans speak but their own speech, 
 They spake French, as at home, and their children so did teach. 
 So that the high men of this land, who wear the Norman look, 
 Hold all to that speech, that they from their fathers took. 
 For save a man know French, small store by him men set. 
 But low men hold to English, and to their own speech yet. 
 I ween in all the world that there be countries none, 
 That hold not to their own speech, save England alone." 
 
 The new impulses which were stirring the life of the 
 people found, expression in the fresh, vigorous literary- 
 outburst that marked the close of the century. The grow- 
 ing national feeling was reflected in the work of Henry of 
 Huntington and William of Malmesbury, who brought 
 together the ballads and war songs embodying the tradi- 
 tions of early English history. In their writings the fire 
 and color lent by Norman influence transformed the meager 
 records of the Saxon chroniclers into a full and entertaining 
 narrative. Even more marked was the secular tone of the 
 new literature. It smacks of the court rather than of the 
 cloister, both in freedom of treatment and greater fullness 
 of information. Gerald de Barri, writing the history 
 of Wales and Ireland, proposed to tell "the doings 
 of the common people," and in half scornful apology 
 for his disregard of old forms adds, " new times re- 
 quire new fashions ; it is better to be dumb than not to 
 be understood." There is something more than revolt 
 against narrow ecclesiastical tradition in the attitude of 
 Geoffrey of Monmouth who, in his " History of the 
 Britons," the basis of the legend of the Table Round, sets 
 before the world an ideal of manhood far removed from 
 the clerical type. Walter de Map goes a step further in 
 hostility to priestly dominion when, in the " Confessions 
 of Bishop Goliath," he holds up the medieval church to 
 the scorn of his age. 
 
 But even more truly than the literature did the uni- 
 versities represent the stirring, vigorous spirit of the 
 
84 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 The Universi- 
 ties, Oxford 
 and Cam- 
 bridge. 
 
 It is stated 
 that the stu- 
 dents at Ox- 
 ford num- 
 bered 30.000. 
 
 The Towns. 
 
 time. Oxford, emancipated from the narrow traditions of 
 the cloister, was now a school of European fame. The 
 dark lecture rooms were crowded with students who 
 flocked hither from all corners of the kingdom. Here 
 every movement that stirred the political and ecclesiastical 
 world first found expression, and in the narrow streets 
 were fought out the questions of the day. " When Oxford 
 draws knife, England's soon at strife," ran a popular say- 
 ing. It was Oxford that 
 led in the revolt against 
 the intellectual tyranny 
 and the spiritual corrupt- 
 ness of the Church. That 
 wider sympathy, which 
 overleaped the bounds set 
 by narrow provincial jeal- 
 ousy, and included the 
 whole world in its view, 
 was the outgrowth of this 
 intercourse between men of 
 all classes and all nations ; 
 and it was in the atmosphere of the schools, where intellect, 
 not birth, was the measure of each man's position, that a 
 free democratic spirit first manifested itself. 
 
 Town and university were widely separated in ideals 
 and interests, but the one no less than the other furthered 
 the growth of a spirit of freedom and of sturdy self- 
 dependence. Throughout the twelfth century the towns 
 were moving steadily toward municipal freedom, Lon- 
 don always in the lead, and the lesser towns making 
 the rights which it had secured the goal of their efforts. 
 By the close of the century the struggle for self-govern- 
 ment was practically complete. Most of the towns had 
 gained charters which gave them their own courts of 
 
 Seal of Richard I. 
 
Fusion of Races. 85 
 
 justice, and the right of controlling local trade. They 
 were also permitted to pay their taxes in a lump sum into, 
 the royal treasury, assessing and collecting their dues 
 themselves. The larger towns, moreover, were beginning 
 to acquire the right of choosing their own chief officer, 
 the mayor or reeve, until now nominated by the crown. 
 The commercial privileges granted were usually very ex- 
 tensive. By the ordinary form of charter, trade was to be 
 "quit and free from all tolls, dues, and customs at fairs 
 or otherwise, in all harbors throughout all my dominions, 
 both by the hither side and the further side of the sea, by 
 land and by strand." 
 
 In their efforts to gain the privilege of self-government, 
 the towns were aided by the 
 necessities of the king and 
 nobles, who were often in sore 
 straits to meet the expense of 
 their crusading enterprises, 
 and were glad to yield some 
 liberty or exemption in return 
 for ready money. Each right 
 gained was a matter of bar- 
 gain. Rye and Winchelsey A Mounted Knight, 
 secured their charters from Richard by supplying him with 
 two ships for one of his expeditions, and, a little later, 
 Portsmouth obtained the same much-coveted possession by 
 paying part of the royal ransom. 
 
 A more important factor in the emancipation of the 
 
 The Merchant 
 towns than the Crusades was the influence of the merchant Gild - 
 
 gilds. With the development of commerce and industry un- 
 der Henry and Richard, trade had become the ruling inter- 
 est in the towns, and the merchant classes the most power- 
 ful element in the life of the community. Their associations 
 were originally formed merely to control the trade of the 
 
86 The Groivth of the English Nation. 
 
 place or to secure purely commercial privileges, such as the 
 right of holding a fair or exemption from paying toll, but, 
 including as they did the influential men of the com- 
 munity, and strong through effective organization, they 
 naturally took the lead in wringing from the crown judicial 
 immunity or political power. Almost every town and even 
 village possessed a gild, and it was here that the stir- 
 ring, vigorous life of the community centered. Each gild 
 had its hall where meetings were held to make rules by 
 which honest trade might be secured, and non-gildsmen 
 kept from sharing in the traffic of the place. Moreover the 
 gild was in truth a brotherhood, concerning itself with the 
 whole life of its members, caring for those who were sick, 
 and admonishing those who had fallen on evil ways. 
 
 As yet there was little freedom of commercial inter- 
 course, protection and monopoly were the watchwords of 
 the merchant world of the Middle Ages, and trade was 
 shackled by many fetters. Business honor forbade meth- 
 ods now looked upon as entirely legitimate, for example, 
 forestalling, or buying up at a distance in order to sell at a 
 higher price in the home market, and engrossing, or buy- 
 ing at a season of plenty to hold over until a time when 
 the goods were dear. 
 
 The great event in the life of the town was the yearly 
 
 The Fairs ° . 
 
 granted by f a i r au( j the right of holding it was dearly prized. The 
 great fair of Stourbridge, a few miles from Cambridge, was 
 known throughout Europe. It was held in September and, 
 for days before it opened, the roads were blocked by wagons 
 laden with wares from every part of the world. In the 
 crowded ways of the improvised market, merchants from 
 Genoa, bringing rich silks and jewelry, jostled the Flemish 
 manufacturers with their treasures of holland and fine 
 linen, and the home traders displayed with pride their 
 stores of wool, side by side with the fur and amber from 
 
Fusion of Races. 87 
 
 the Hanse towns of the Baltic. The narrow ways were 
 thronged with men of all classes and every clime, trades- 
 man and noble, soldier and priest, each intent on displaying 
 his wares or laying in his winter stores. For three weeks 
 the fair went on, and daily the mayor sat at his court "of 
 the dusty feet " to give justice between disputing wayfarers, 
 and on Sunday some monk from the neighboring priory 
 said mass in the chapel that still stands near the spot where 
 the fair was held. Between the chaffering, men discussed 
 the questions of the hour, gave voice to the prevailing 
 discontent, and laid plans which sometimes ripened into 
 revolutionary action. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 Struggle for the Charter. 
 
 Illustrative Readings. Reign of Henry III., 1216-1272. 
 King John; Shakespeare. 1232, Personal Rule of Henry. 
 
 Stephen Langton ; Maurice. 1258, Provisions of Oxford. 
 
 Simon de Montfort; Pauli. 1265, Battle of Evesham. 
 
 Edward the First ; Tout. Rejgn Qf Edward L| 1272 _ 1307 
 
 Important Dates. 1282, Conquest of Wales. 
 
 Reign of John, 1199-1216. 1295, The Model Parliament. 
 
 1204, Loss of Normandy. 1297, Confirmation of the Char- 
 1206, Election of Stephen Lang- ters. 
 
 ton. 1305, Temporary Submission of 
 1215, The Great Charter. Scotland. 
 
 JOHN. 
 
 " Foul as it is, hell itself is defiled by the fouler presence 
 of John." This was the judgment of his own time on the 
 disloyal youngest son of Henry II. Faithless to every 
 trust, stained with every crime, John stands out as the 
 most vicious and worthless of all the English kings. 
 From first to last his life offers not one redeeming trait, not 
 one saving act. And yet he had much of the ability of 
 his house, together with an extraordinary power of win- 
 ning the love of men. But he used his power over others 
 only to their undoing, and the achievements of his un- 
 doubted force and talent were rendered vain by the base- 
 ness of his nature. 
 
 The reign of John falls naturally into three periods, each 
 ending in crushing defeat and humiliation ; in the first, 
 interest centered in the wars with Philip of France ; during 
 the second, the king was carrying on his unequal contest 
 with Rome, and the last was occupied with the events that 
 turned upon the granting of Magna Charta. 
 
Struggle for the Charter. 
 
 John's claim to succeed his brother met with no opposi- LossofNor- 
 tion in England, but on tbe Continent he was confronted 
 with a dangerous rival in his nephew Arthur of Brittany, 
 who found a ready supporter in the French king. How- 
 ever, Philip and Arthur soon quarreled. In Eleanor, his 
 mother, John had a wise and experienced counselor, and 
 within a few months he was master of all his continental 
 possessions. But he misused his good fortune. Accused, 
 and probably with justice, of the murder of his nephew 
 Arthur, he gave Philip a chance to interfere, 
 and Normandy was invaded by a French 
 army. The barons, outraged and insulted by 
 John, refused to rise in his behalf ; town after 
 town opened its doors to Philip, and by 1203 
 he was in possession of the province. A year 
 later John's rule was limited to the lands 
 south of the Garonne. That the work of 
 Henry II. on the Continent was so soon un- 
 done was due largely to John's utter worth- 
 lessness, but the ease with which Normandy 
 and Maine became a part of France showed 
 how impossible was the idea of an Anglo- 
 Angevin empire. To England the loss of 
 the French provinces was an event of far- King John, 
 reaching importance. The barons were compelled to choose Normandy 
 between Normandy and England, and in choosing England To^rai'n^and 
 they became for the first time wholly English in sympathy p$tou° f 
 and in interest. For the first time, too, since the Conquest, 
 king and people were brought face to face. It was well 
 perhaps for English freedom that just at the hour when the 
 power of the crown was becoming dangerous, the throne 
 should be occupied by a man whose crimes would make 
 that power hateful to the people. 
 
 The death of Queen Eleanor, John's wise and shrewd 
 
90 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 counselor, was followed by defeat in France, and when 
 in 1205 the king lost in Hubert Walter, Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, his most faithful and fearless servant, he 
 at once plunged into a quarrel with Rome, which ended 
 in complete humiliation. The difficulty arose out of the 
 question of choosing Walter's successor, both king and 
 chapter claiming it as their privilege. John was probably 
 in the right, the power of the crown to nominate to the see 
 of Canterbury had been conceded even by Anselm, but he 
 spoilt his cause by his unreasoning violence. Unable to 
 come to an agreement among themselves, all parties at 
 length concluded to carry the matter before the Roman 
 Curia. Pope Innocent decided the question by rejecting 
 both candidates and causing his own man to be chosen. 
 In this he probably thought chiefly of advancing the inter- 
 ests of Rome, but, by nominating Stephen Langton, he gave 
 to England an able and disinterested leader in the coming 
 struggle for freedom. The pope's decision was resisted by 
 John, and he refused to admit the new archbishop to his 
 see. Threat he met by counter threat ; if Innocent should 
 lay the realm under an interdict, he would banish the clergy 
 and seize their goods. But Innocent did not draw back, 
 and in 1208 the interdict fell. " All worship save that of a 
 few privileged orders, all administration of sacraments save 
 that of baptism, ceased over the length and breadth of the 
 country ; the church bells were silent, the dead lay un- 
 buried on the ground, many of the bishops fled from the 
 country." Still John did not yield, but made good his 
 threats by subjecting the clergy to every outrage. In 1209, 
 the pope struck at the king personally by excommuni- 
 cating him, but John met the excommunication with 
 scorn. He feared only men, and, hated as he was, he 
 was still too strong to be openly defied. There was but one 
 weapon left the pope, and the time was come to use it, un- 
 
Struggle for the Charter. 91 
 
 less he was to confess himself beaten. In 1212, he issued a 
 bull deposing the king, absolving his subjects from their 
 allegiance and calling upon the French king to ex- 
 ecute the decree. Even yet, John might have proved a 
 match for the greatest of the popes had he not suddenly 
 found himself confronted by a more formidable danger 
 close at hand. 
 
 Throughout his reign John had defied and oppressed the submission 
 baronage. He had seized their castles and held their to Rome - 
 children as hostages. Illegal and burdensome enactions 
 had been followed by repeated demands for service and 
 scutage. Moreover, there was scarcely one among them 
 but had some personal grounds for complaint. Their 
 long endurance of John's tyranny bears witness to the 
 strength which Henry's reforms had given the crown, but 
 in secret the barons were united against the king, and it 
 was the discovery of their conspiracies with Philip at this 
 juncture that forced him to yield. His decision was yr ; 
 cpuickly made. His present position was hopeless, but 
 with the pope as an ally he could defy the rest of his 
 foes. On the 15th of May he knelt before the papal legate 
 at Ewell, and, surrendering his realm to the pope, received 
 it back to hold as a vassal of the see of Eome. 
 
 John and the pope were friends, but the English Church Risineof 
 still stood aloof, and, for the first time since the Conquest, the Baronage, 
 the crown was without the support of the clergy. The mo- 
 ment was critical, for the ecclesiastical quarrel was followed 
 at once by an outbreak of the barons. The smouldering 
 resentment had at last burst into open revolt. To the 
 accumulation of long-standing grievances was added a new 
 one in John's demand that his vassals should follow him 
 in the expedition he was planning for the recovery of 
 France. On all sides he met with determined opposition. 
 They would serve him within the four seas, they said, but 
 
92 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 they would not cross the Channel. The baronage had 
 hitherto lacked a leader, but the pope had unwittingly 
 given them one in Stephen Langton who, ever since his 
 arrival in England, had been untiring in his efforts to re- 
 strain the king from despotic measures. Now, with true 
 statesmanship, he came forward to give the nation the 
 necessary basis for action. In a meeting 
 of the barons, held at St. Paul's, he dis- 
 played the half forgotten charter of Henry 
 I., and proposed that it should be presented 
 to the king as expressing the terms which 
 he had promised to keep. John met the 
 claim with delay. He was about to start 
 on the expedition to France, from which 
 he hoped much. During the next few 
 months the fate of England trembled in 
 the balance ; had John returned victorious 
 the rebellious barons would have had no 
 chance ; his overwhelming defeat at Bou- 
 vines gave the signal for the triumph of 
 English freedom. Matters at once came to 
 a crisis at home. The northern barons 
 Military Costume, took the lead in resistance, but one by 
 one the others deserted the losing cause of the crown, 
 until when they appeared before him in January, 1215, to 
 present their demands, only his ministers and a few princes 
 of royal blood still remained faithful to John. Neverthe- 
 less he met their demand for the old liberties with obsti- 
 nate refusal. " Why do they not ask me for my kingdom?" 
 he cried. " I will never grant such liberties as will make 
 me a slave," and he strove to divide opposition by detach- 
 ing the Church from the constitutional party with offers of 
 privilege and freedom. But in vain ; the nation stood 
 firm and John was forced to bow to necessity. On June 
 
Struggle for the Charter. 93 
 
 15, 1215, he met his outraged vassals at Runnymede by 
 the Thames, and made full submission in setting his seal to 
 the charter of liberties which they laid before him. 
 The first step in the struggle for popular liberty was won. The Great 
 
 Charter 
 
 " The maintenance of the charter becomes henceforth the For text of 
 ,„_,,.,„ , ,,-r,. .i. i Charter see 
 
 watchword of English freedom." In form it is a royal old South 
 
 grant ; in reality it is a formal statement of liberties wrung general 'series, 
 from the king by his bishops and barons. It contains little 
 that is absolutely new, but it expresses with exactness what 
 before was undefined. Thoroughly English in spirit, there 
 is no statement of abstract rights ; everything is thrown 
 into a concrete, practical form. Some of the provisions 
 limit the power of the king over his vassals, others protect 
 the villein against his lord. To the Church are secured its 
 ancient liberties ; to the towns, their newly bought privi- 
 leges. The care with which the interests of the merchants 
 are protected shows the increasing importance of trade. 
 In words which underlie our whole judicial system the 
 right of justice is secured. "We will not go against any 
 man, nor send against him save by the legal judgment of 
 his peers, or by the law of the land. To none will we sell 
 or deny or delay right or justice." Among the most im- 
 portant articles are the two which limit the power of the 
 king in matters of taxation. "No scutage or aid shall be 
 imposed in our kingdom unless by the general council of 
 our kingdom," and just below, "For the holding the 
 general council of the kingdom we shall cause to be sum- 
 moned the bishops and greater barons, singly, and all 
 others who hold of us in chief by our sheriffs generally." 
 No interest, no class, was overlooked. In terms, the pro- 
 visions by which freedom was to be secured were ample, 
 but how ensure their fulfillment, how control a king 
 whom no oath could bind ? By the charter itself it was 
 decreed that a council of twenty-five barons should be 
 
94 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 chosen to enforce its provisions. "They have given rne 
 five-and-twenty over-kings," cried John in rage, and he 
 at once turned to seek a way of evasion. 
 The Pone an- The nex ^ f° ur months were a period of anarchy. The 
 
 mils the Char- p p e w ith little comprehension of the question at issue ab- 
 solved John from his oath, and recalled Langton to Rome. 
 The barons again took up arms. Without a leader and divi- 
 ded among themselves, they could do little, and for a time 
 John swept all before him. But Philip's opportunity had 
 come. He renewed his intrigues with the English barons 
 and finally at their request sent his son at the head of an 
 army into the country. At once the tide turned, the 
 French mercenaries refused to fight against their king, and 
 John's cause was already lost when he died suddenly, worn 
 out in mind and body. 
 
 HENRY III. 
 
 The death of John changed the whole aspect of affairs. 
 A large part of the country was in the hands of the in- 
 surgents, but the one bond of union among them was 
 their common hatred of John ; John dead, differences of 
 opinion became manifest, national pride reasserted itself, 
 and the coalition showed signs of breaking up. Neverthe- 
 less England might yet have passed under the rule of the 
 foreigner had it not been for the patriotic action of the Earl 
 of Pembroke, the greatest of the barons. Aided by Gualo, 
 the papal legate, who rightly appreciated the situation, he 
 caused Henry, the young son of John, to be crowned king, 
 reissued the charter, thus detaching many of the barons 
 from the French party, and by his vigorous efforts suc- 
 ceeded in obliging Louis to withdraw his forces. 
 . The following years were occupied in reestablishing the 
 
 of Henry. government. In the minority of the young king, Pem- 
 
 broke acted as regent until his death in 1219, when he was 
 succeeded by the justiciar, Hubert de Burgh, who continued 
 
Struggle for the Charter. 95 
 
 bis work, carrying on the administration according to the 
 principles of the Charter. De Burgh's efforts to give to 
 England sound government were complicated by the pres- 
 ence of foreigners, the former supporters of John, and 
 by the reappearance of the old feudal spirit of lawless- 
 ness among the barons, and also by one or two attempts 
 of Rome to interfere. But the justiciar succeeded in ex- 
 pelling the foreigners, and, by reoccupying the royal castles, 
 put a check on the barons, and Langton crowned his ser- 
 vices to the cause of constitutional freedom by obtaining 
 the papal promise that during his lifetime ho Roman legate 
 should be sent to England. These years of Henry's minor- 
 ity were a period of quiet national growth, of awakening 
 political consciousness, of spiritual and moral regeneration; 
 to priest and layman alike it was a time of training for the 
 work to come. 
 
 In the thirteenth century the political power of the The Church, 
 papacy was boundless, but secular interests had been se- 
 cured at the expense of spiritual influence, and men were 
 turning away from a Church controlled by worldly am- 
 bitions and considerations of material advantage. In 
 England resistance to the authority of a political Church 
 was strengthened by the national hostility to papal inter- 
 ference. "The pope has no part in secular matters," 
 was the defiant answer of London to the interdict of 
 Honorius. Nor was the condition of the English clergy 
 more satisfactory. Despite the part they had taken in 
 the struggle with John, they no longer commanded the 
 respect of the people ; political activity could not make 
 amends for the lack of spirituality which marked both 
 monk and priest. 
 
 To recall the clergy to its work, to bring men again into The Friars. 
 the fold of the Church, was the aim of the two great orders 
 that suddenly sprang into existence at about the beginning 
 
96 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 of the century. Inspired with fiery zeal and tireless en- 
 thusiasm, the followers of the fierce Castilian Dominic and 
 the saintly Francis d'Assisi wandered through Europe, 
 attacking the corruptness of the clergy, combating the 
 heresies of the age, seeking to reclaim the poor and out- 
 cast. They turned to the towns, neglected by the older 
 orders, and there in the thick of the crowd, in market 
 place and fair, they preached the way of life in words that 
 the common people could understand, driving home each 
 truth with apt anecdote and illustration drawn from the 
 world of nature or from the daily lives 
 of those to whom they spoke. The 
 Black Friars, as the disciples of Dom- 
 inic were called, reached England in 
 1221, and a few years later they were 
 followed by the Gray Friars, or Fran- 
 ciscans. Their coming worked a revo- 
 lution in the life of the nation. The 
 indifference of the laity and the hostility of the clergy 
 were not proof against their ardor and devotion ; they 
 aroused the Church to a new sense of its duties, and stirred 
 the hearts of the people to a higher, more vigorous life. 
 Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, writing of the friars to 
 Pope Gregory, said : " O that your holiness could see how 
 devoutly the people run to confess their sins, how much 
 profit the clergy and monks take from imitation of them." 
 
 Less satisfactory were the results of their influence upon 
 The Friars and 
 
 the Univer- the intellectual life that centered in the universities. At 
 sities . 
 
 first, with rigid interpretation of their vow of poverty, 
 
 they denied themselves all books. " I am your breviary, I 
 
 am your breviary," was the answer of Francis to a request 
 
 for a psalter. But the tremendous interest aroused by their 
 
 popular, dramatic preaching forced them to the study of 
 
 theology, and within a short time they were firmly estab- 
 
Struggle for the Charter. 
 
 97 
 
 lished at Oxford. Under the inspiration of their presence 
 the schools were crowded with eager thousands, but the 
 free spirit of the last century no longer ruled, the interest 
 in science and literature died out before the irresistible bent 
 of the time toward scholastic theology. Roger Bacon, first 
 of English scientists, and last and greatest representative of 
 the wider culture of the preceding century, bears witness in 
 his writings to the changed temper of his University of Ox- 
 ford. For forty years he labored to arouse men to an inter- 
 est in the wide world of knowledge outside the narrow 
 scholastic bounds, and in the end he was, as he himself 
 wrote, "unheard, forgotten, buried." 
 
 Under the influence of the schoolmen, the intellectual Their political 
 life of the nation became narrow and unproductive, but teaclun g 3 - 
 the effect of their teachings on the political thought of 
 the time was strong and invigorating. Their sympathies 
 were with the people, and in lecture and open air sermon 
 they developed a 
 theory of govern- 
 ment which made 
 short work with 
 the claims of the 
 king to the un- 
 questioning obe- 
 dience of his sub- 
 jects. "All things 
 are lawful to the 
 
 king for the government of his realm, but nothing is law- 
 ful to him for its destruction." " Let the community of 
 the realm advise, and let it be known what the generality 
 to whom their laws are best known, think on the matter." 
 " It concerns the community to see what sort of men 
 ought justly to be chosen for the weal of the realm." 
 With such words as these they roused their hearers to a 
 
 Ancient Wrestling. 
 
98 The Groivth of the English Nation. 
 
 just sense of the duties of the king and the rights of the 
 nation, and under their inspiration town and university 
 stood firm in support of the cause of freedom in the com- 
 ing struggle with the crown. The contest with royal mis- 
 rule, which filled the later years of Henry's reign, is called 
 the Barons' War, but it was the consciousness that behind 
 them stood a nation that nerved the barons to rise against 
 the king. 
 
 In 1227, Henry declared himself of age, and from this 
 time his character tells upon the events of the period. 
 Deeply religious, moral, refined, he had few of the vices of 
 his father, but, on the other hand, he had little of the 
 force and political capacity that had marked his house 
 heretofore. Vacillating and weak, he showed himself 
 throughout his reign incapable of either fulfilling the 
 wishes of his subjects or carrying out a vigorous policy of 
 his own. His rule was characterized by misgovernment 
 at home and inefficiency abroad. To restore the absolute 
 power of the crown he turned his ministers out of office, 
 filling their places with clerks or men dependent upon 
 himself. Again the nation groaned under the rule of 
 foreigners, relatives or favorites of the king. In their 
 hands were placed the royal castles and the high offices, 
 the defense and administration of the realm, on them 
 
 Bowling. Thirteenth Century. 
 
Struggle for the Charter. 
 
 99 
 
 was squandered one sixth the royal revenue. Extravagant 
 and wasteful, the king was ever in need and ever demand- 
 ing supplies, and his debts amounted to more than four 
 times his annual income. Every expedient to fill the 
 treasury was now used. Offices were sold, loans were 
 wrung from the great nobles, clergy and laity alike were 
 called upon for new and burdensome supplies. The weight 
 of taxation was increased by the king's foreign expeditions. 
 An attempt to recover Poitou ended only in failure and 
 disgrace, and renewed demands for aid. The national 
 pride was outraged, the national purse depleted. 
 
 But not by the king alone was the unhappy realm plun- The Pope 
 dered and pillaged. Ever since the time of John, the pope and En 8 land - 
 had looked upon England as a vassal 
 kingdom bound to supply the needs of 
 the papal see. Large sums were ex- 
 acted from the clergy, and many of the 
 best livings of the Church were be- 
 stowed on Italians. In 1252, Grosseteste 
 declared that the pope's nominees drew 
 from the realm revenues three times as 
 great as the royal income. Clergy and 
 laity alike resisted the spoliations of 
 Rome, and appealed to the king for 
 protection, but in vain ; both devout- 
 ness and personal gratitude bound 
 Henry to the pope. Self-interest, too, 
 led him to connive at the papal ex- 
 actions in return for papal support in 
 his dealings with his subjects. 
 
 Throughout the whole trying time 
 the murmuring grew louder ; the de- 
 mand for supplies was sometimes met Henry Hi. 
 by angry expostulations. On one occasion the council de- 
 
100 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Discontent of 
 the nation. 
 
 Simon de 
 Montfort. 
 
 clared in words that sum up the long list of grievances "that 
 it would be unworthy of them and injurious, to allow a king 
 who was so easily led astray, who had never repulsed nor 
 frightened even the least of the enemies of his kingdom, 
 who had never extended the borders of his realm, but had 
 contracted it and brought it under the rule of foreigners, to 
 so often extort so much money from them, his natural sub- 
 jects, as though they were slaves of the lowest degree." 
 Over and over again they attempted to bind the king 
 through renewals of the Charter purchased at a heavy 
 price, but in vain. " The king breaks everything, the laws, 
 his good faith, and his promises," wrote Matthew Paris, last 
 of the monastic historians. The council, now beginning 
 to be known as Parliament, acting in the spirit of the 
 Charter, endeavored to put a check on royal exactions, and 
 on one occasion refused the request for a subsidy. In 1244 
 an attempt was made to secure the appointment of officials 
 to be held responsible to Parliament, and to act in all ad- 
 ministrative matters. The innovation was too great to find 
 ready acceptance, but it indicated the advance the nation 
 was making in the conception of self-government. Still 
 more important was the appearance in the great council 
 in 1254 of knights of the shire, representative men, sum- 
 moned to report on the amount of aid which the shires 
 were willing to give. Little apparently was achieved, and 
 yet throughout these dreary years, marked only by greed 
 unsatisfied, by wrongs unredressed, the form and spirit 
 of constitutional rule were taking shape. Slowly men were 
 learning the identity of national interest, still more slowly 
 the need of united national action. That action was so 
 long delayed, was due in part to a certain apathy in the 
 nation, but still more to lack of a leader. 
 
 Among the swarm of hated foreigners was a man 
 who was soon to stand forth as the chief opponent of 
 
Struggle for the Charter. 101 
 
 ^ _ — 
 
 Henry and his misrule. Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leices- 
 ter and brother-in-law of the king, was Norman by birth 
 and training. At first he was scarcely distinguishable 
 among the foreign favorites at the court, but by 1244 he had 
 ranged himself definitely on the side of the baronial party. 
 During the years that followed he was much abroad on 
 public business. In 1253 he returned to England and at 
 once placed himself at the head of the English baronage. 
 It is not easy to understand the true character of Simon de 
 Montfort, nor to mark the steps by which the foreign favor- 
 ite was transformed into the English patriot. Even to the 
 men of his own time his character and career seemed full of 
 contradictions. Generous and high-spirited, he was also 
 overbearing and impatient of opposition. Firm and constan t 
 in his purpose and loyalty, it is yet difficult to free him from 
 the reproach of ambition. But whatever his faults, he gave 
 England the guidance and inspiration she needed, and ad- 
 vanced her far on the road toward constitutional freedom. 
 
 In 1258 matters came to a crisis. Misled by foolish 
 
 The Provisions 
 ambition, Henry had consented to become the tool of the 0I Oxford. 
 
 pope in his quarrels with the House of Hohenstaufen, and 
 had pledged England to repay the sums necessary for 
 carrying on the war. The patience of the country was at 
 last exhausted, and the king's demands for aid were met 
 by open revolt. Under the lead of Leicester, the barons 
 appeared in arms before the king and demanded the ap- 
 pointment of a committee to carry out a work of reform. 
 Unable to resist, Henry conceded all that was asked, and 
 with his son Edward swore to observe the articles drawn 
 up by the barons in the Parliament of Oxford. By the 
 new scheme the government was taken out of the hands of 
 the king and given to three committees made up of barons. 
 It was an awkward and cumbersome device, sure to break 
 down of its own weight. 
 
102 
 
 The Groivth of the English Nation. 
 
 For seven years longer the contest continued. A breach 
 soon appeared between Leicester and the majority of the 
 barons. They feared his ambition and he accused them 
 of treachery, "With such feeble and faithless men I 
 care not to have aught to do ! " Henry was not slow 
 to take advantage of the dissensions among his assailants, 
 and in 1261 he induced the pope to absolve him from his 
 oath. His defiance of their control at once led the barons 
 to put aside their differences, and against their united 
 front the king could make no stand. But with success 
 the old distrust of Simon revived, and at last, in utter 
 weariness, all agreed to refer the question to St. Louis 
 of France. Just and wise as he was, Louis was yet a king 
 and human, and his decision given in 1264 was entirely in 
 favor of the crown. The barons at once rose in resistance, 
 the towns and universities came to their aid, and the clergy 
 were on their side. At Lewes the two forces met, Henry 
 and Edward were taken prisoners, and the royalists were 
 completely defeated. During the next year Leicester ruled 
 in the king's name, but his path was beset with difficulties, 
 since there were few among the baronage on whom he 
 could rely. To strengthen his position he took the step 
 that has brought lasting honor upon his name. Turning to 
 the people, he summoned two knights of every shire and 
 with them two burgesses from every borough. Knights 
 and burgesses had long met in the county court to consider 
 their common interests ; now for the first time they sat side 
 by side with barons and bishops in the national council. 
 It was the last despairing effort of the great earl. Already 
 his government was giving way ; the hostility of the pope, 
 the jealousy of the baronage, the loyalty of the nation, had 
 united to undermine his power. Within a few weeks the 
 country was again at war. At Evesham on the Welsh 
 border the rival forces met. Simon watched the advance of 
 
Struggle for the Charter. 
 
 103 
 
 the loyalists under the lead of Prince Edward. "By the 
 arm of St. James they come on cunningly. Yet have they 
 not taught themselves that order of battle, but have learnt 
 it of me." The end was not slow to come ; one by one the 
 comrades of the great earl were shot down. " If he died 
 they had no will to live." At last he, too, fell, fighting 
 bravely. For a moment it seemed as though the cause 
 of freedom was lost, as though all that Simon de Montfort 
 had struggled for was of no avail. But another stood 
 ready to carry on his work. Something more than the art 
 of war Simon had taught to the man who conquered him 
 at Evesham. What he had failed to do, another, acting 
 from the vantage point of the throne, was to carry through 
 to a glorious fulfillment. 
 
 EDWARD I. 
 
 With the death of Henry III. ended the days of foreign 
 kingship. English in name and English at heart, Edward 
 I. stands out as a truly 
 national king. A man of 
 action, thoroughly in ear- 
 nest, and convinced of the 
 righteousness of his pur- 
 pose, he was often high- 
 handed and impatient of 
 opposition, but he was 
 generous and conscien- 
 tious, and not without 
 reason were the words 
 "Keep troth" inscribed 
 upon his tomb. 
 
 Coronation of Edward I. From an 
 Initial Letter. 
 
 Edward, like Henry II., came to the throne with a clear 
 
 Newiegis- 
 understanding of the task before him. Creative work was lation. 
 
 accomplished, the time for definition had begun. Edward 
 
 originated little that was new, but he worked out and 
 
104 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 adapted the materials that lay ready at hand. It was an 
 age of lawyers and law-making, and Edward in this typi- 
 fied his time. He developed the judicial system along the 
 lines laid down by Henry II., dividing the Court of the 
 King's Bench into three separate tribunals, each with its 
 own judges. By the Statute of Winchester he revived and 
 reorganized the old institutions of national police and 
 national defense. Every man was forced to hold himself 
 ready to serve the king at home, and every district was 
 made responsible for crimes committed within its bounds. 
 " If any will not obey the arrest," so runs the statute, 
 41 the officers shall levy the hue and cry upon them, and 
 such as keep the watch shall follow with hue and cry with 
 all the town and the towns near and so hue and cry shall 
 
 Sword Play. Thirteenth Century. 
 
 be made from town to town until that they be taken and 
 delivered to the sheriff." Another provision throws light 
 on the state of the country : " And further it is com- 
 manded that highways leading from one market town to 
 another shall be enlarged so that there be neither dyke, 
 tree, nor bush whereby a man may lurk to do hurt within 
 two hundred foot of the one side and two hundred foot on 
 the other side of the way." 
 
 From his congenial task of legislation Edward was 
 drawn by the revolt of Wales in 1282. Into the mountain 
 fastnesses of the Welsh country, English arms and Eng- 
 lish influence had never penetrated. Divided into clans, 
 
Struggle for the Charter. 
 
 105 
 
 Heralds. 
 
 the national spirit appeared only in resistance to the Eng- 
 lish rule, the love of freedom showed itself only in hatred 
 of law and order. Lawless and unsubdued, the Welsh 
 were a constant men- 
 ace to the peace of 
 England. Every out- 
 break was sure of 
 their assistance, 
 every rebel found a 
 refuge among them. 
 It was plain there 
 could be no hope of 
 tranquillity until the 
 country was subdued 
 and incorporated 
 with England. The 
 conquest was a national act, and Edward accomplished it 
 in a national way, appealing to the people for support in 
 two provincial councils called at York and Northampton. 
 The war was successful, Llewellyn, the Celtic leader, fell 
 on the banks of the Wye and with him ended Welsh in- 
 dependence. 
 
 Less defensible was Edward's action with regard to 
 another question to which he now turned his attention. 
 For centuries the relations between England and Scotland 
 had been a subject of dispute. Relying on some vague 
 tradition of the tenth century, the southern kingdom had 
 always asserted its claim to overlordship, but the northern 
 kingdom had as steadily denied it. Since the time of 
 Henry I. the question had dropped out of sight, but in 
 1290 the matter was revived by the death of the Maid of 
 Norway, the last of the direct royal line. At once a horde 
 of claimants appeared. Perplexed, the Scotch barons 
 turned to Edward for advice, but he refused to act unless 
 
 The Scotch 
 succession. 
 
106 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 The Model 
 Parliament. 
 
 Two knights 
 from each of 
 37 shires ; two 
 burgesses from 
 each of 162 
 chartered 
 boroughs. 
 
 The lower 
 clergy soon 
 ceased to send 
 representa- 
 tives. 
 
 his overlordship was recognized. To this the barons finally 
 agreed, though the Scotch commons refused their assent. 
 His claims once accepted, Edward acted with fairness and 
 wisdom, giving his decision finally in favor of John Balliol. 
 In 1293, Edward's greatness was at its height, his su- 
 premacy was acknowledged throughout the island, the 
 country was at peace at home and abroad. Nowhere was 
 there a sign that the crisis of his reign was impending. 
 And yet within a few years the people had risen against 
 the king, Wales and Scotland were in open revolt, and 
 Gascony, the last of Henry the Second's continental pos- 
 sessions, was in the hands of the French. Philip of 
 France, on the alert to seize any advantage, saw in the 
 smouldering disaffection of the Scotch the chance of em- 
 barrassing Edward. By assurances of aid he precipitated 
 the inevitable outbreak in the northern kingdom. Edward 
 at once prepared to defend his rights and turned to the 
 nation for aid. Anxious to avoid the arbitrary measures of 
 his father's rule, he had repeatedly consulted his subjects 
 in time of need, and now in his distress he called to- 
 gether men of every class, recognizing their right to act 
 in words drawn from the Roman law, " What touches all 
 must be agreed to by all." Bishops and barons were sum- 
 moned to meet with representatives of the people, knights 
 from the shires, and burgesses from the boroughs; the lower 
 clergy also were represented. The calling of the Parliament 
 of 1295 marks a turning-point in English history. From that 
 day to this the form of the national council has remained 
 practically unchanged, its place in the government scarcely 
 questioned. " It was the greatest work of Edward's life to 
 make a permanent and ordinary part of the machinery 
 of the English government what in his father's time had 
 been but the temporary expedient of a needy tax-gatherer, 
 or the last despairing effort of a revolutionary partisan." 
 
Struggle for the Charter. 
 
 107 
 
 the Charters. 
 
 The next two years were full of difficulties that tested to 
 the utmost the constancy of the king and the forbearance 
 of his subjects. Across the Channel the French were gain- 
 ing ground, and at home discontent was rife. The 
 burden of taxation was great, Edward's measures bore 
 heavily on the barons, even his efforts to enforce order met 
 with opposition. The Church especially had suffered from 
 his exactions. "The royal officers spared neither monk 
 nor priest : they broke open every money-chest : they 
 even ransacked the towers and belfries of the churches." 
 In 1296 the Church relying on papal support refused an confirmation of 
 aid demanded by the king. In retaliation, Edward at 
 once outlawed the clergy, and soon brought them to 
 terms ; but the delay had led him to a step which at once 
 put him in the wrong. On more than one occasion the 
 king had evaded the demands 
 of the barons by making terms 
 with the merchants. Now in 
 his need he raised the export 
 duty on wool to six times its 
 former amount. The barons 
 at once prepared to resist, and 
 occasion was given them in 
 Edward's demand that they 
 should lead the force to Flan- 
 ders. This they refused to do. 
 "By God, Sir Earl," stormed 
 Edward to one of the leaders, 
 
 "you shall either go or hang." "By that same oath, Sir 
 King, I will neither go nor hang," was the defiant answer. 
 The meeting broke up in disorder, and Edward found that he 
 had gone too far ; townsfolk and barons, laity and clergy, 
 were united against him, and with what grace he could mus- 
 ter he yielded to the demand of the barons that he should 
 
 Civil Costume of the Reign of 
 Edward I. 
 
108 
 
 The Groivth of the English Nation. 
 
 sign the Charter with additional articles limiting still more 
 the royal power of taxation. By this act the king bound 
 himself never again to take " aids, tasks, and prizes, but by 
 the common assent of the realm," nor to impose on wool a 
 heavy custom or "maletot" without the same consent. 
 The confirmation of the Charter stands as a landmark 
 in constitutional history ; in Edward's concessions was 
 summed up all that had been gained since the time of John. 
 The remaining years of Edward's reign were filled with 
 the struggle with Scotland. Under the inspiration of Wal- 
 lace, an outlaw knight, 
 national feeling found ex- 
 pression in open revolt. In 
 1304 Wallace was captured 
 and put to death, and for 
 the moment it seemed as 
 though Scotland was to 
 share the fortune of Wales; 
 but though defeated, the Scotch were yet unconquered, and 
 under the lead of Robert Bruce again took up arms. The 
 issue was still unsettled when in 1307 Edward died near 
 Carlisle on his way northward. For a few years longer the 
 struggle went on, but where Edward I. had failed, little 
 could be hoped from his son ; step by step the English lost 
 ground, and at last, in 1314, in the hard-fought battle of 
 Bannockburn, the invading army met with complete de- 
 feat, and Scotch independence was achieved. 
 
 Slings of Warfare. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Rise op the Commons. 
 
 Illustrative Readings. 
 The Boy's Froissart. 
 John Wyclif; Sergeant. Heroes 
 
 of the Nation Series. 
 Canterbury Tales ; Chaucer. 
 Dream of John Ball ; Morris. 
 Edward II. ; Marlowe. 
 Richard II.; Shakespeare. 
 The King's Tragedy; Rossetti. 
 The Fair Maid of Perth ; Scott. 
 Important Dates. 
 Reign of Edward II., 1307-1327. 
 1311, The Ordinances. 
 1314, Battle of Bannockburn. 
 
 Loss of Scotland. 
 1322, Downfall of Lancaster. 
 
 Genealogical Table. 
 
 1327, Deposition of Edward II. 
 Reign of Edward III., 1327-1377. 
 
 1336, Outbreak of the Hundred 
 Years' War, 1336-1347; 1354- 
 1360; 1368-1375; 1378-1389. 
 
 1349, The Black Death. 
 
 1351, The first Statute of Labor- 
 ers. 
 
 1376, The Good Parliament. 
 Reign of Richard II., 1377-1399. 
 
 1381, The Peasant Revolt. 
 
 1384, Death of Wyclif. 
 
 1386, The Commission of Re- 
 form. 
 
 1397, The King's coup d'etat. 
 
 1399, Deposition of Richard II. 
 
 HENRY III. 
 
 Edward I., 1274-1307. 
 Edward II., 1307-1327. 
 
 Edward III., 1327-1377. 
 
 I 
 
 Edmund, 
 
 | Earl of Lancaster. 
 Thomas, 
 
 Earl of Lancaster, 
 beheaded 1322. 
 
 I 
 Edward, 
 the Black Prince. 
 
 I 
 
 Lionel John of Gaunt, 
 Duke of Duke of 
 Clarence. Lancaster. 
 
 I 
 
 Edmund, Thomas, 
 Duke of Duke of 
 
 York. Gloucester. 
 
 Richard II., Phihppa Henry IV., 
 
 1377-1399. | 1399-1413. 
 
 Roger Mortimer, 
 
 Earl of March. 
 
 During the course of the fourteenth century, great and 
 momentous changes were wrought out in the character 
 and constitution of the English nation. The elements of 
 progress which were gathering force during the thirteenth 
 century reached a climax of development in the fourteenth. 
 A marked invigoration of the national character, in which 
 
 109 
 
110 The Oroivth of the English Nation. 
 
 the whole people, high and low, rich and poor, had part, 
 distinguishes the period. Roused to a consciousness of 
 opportunity, the nation sought to attain a larger and 
 freer life. The cruelties of the Conquest, the miseries 
 of civil war, were forgotten in that glad sense of re- 
 newed strength which makes the fourteenth century seem 
 the springtime of the English race. The buoyant aspira- 
 tion of the people found expression in diverse ways. 
 Thought and language responded to its call and a national 
 literature arose. The religious instinct was awakened and a 
 purer faith rejected the authority of a degenerate Church. 
 Restless under restraint, men strove to cast aside the bur- 
 dens imposed by lord and king, seeking to win industrial 
 advancement and political freedom. In comparison with 
 these mighty aspirations of the people, the enterprises of 
 kings, whether in war or in court intrigue, seem but petty 
 affairs and of slight consequence ; nevertheless, the sov- 
 ereign was an influential personage. His arbitrary will 
 might do much to further or hinder the welfare of the 
 nation. 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL PROGRESS. 
 
 The remarkable progress toward constitutional govern- 
 ment during this period is a direct consequence of the 
 financial necessities of the crown. Military expenses con- 
 stituted the most serious item in the royal debit account. 
 The French wars dragged their weary length through the 
 century and the burden imposed upon the nation became 
 well-nigh unendurable. The cost of the several expeditions 
 to France was defrayed by grants voted in Parliament with 
 little grumbling, for the people were ready to pay taxes 
 where the glory of the English name was at stake ; but the 
 expenses of the royal household were not so cheerfully 
 met. Men argued that the king should " live of his own," 
 that his court should be maintained out of the revenue 
 
Rise of the Commons. Ill 
 
 from the royal demesnes. Now the royal estates had been 
 considerably reduced by sale and gift since the Conqueror's 
 day, so that the private revenue of the crown had fallen off 
 at the same time that the habits of the sovereign had waxed 
 more luxurious. The ordinary income of the king, that 
 from the royal demesnes and legitimate aids and customs, 
 was probably at this time about £65,000. Of this sum, until the six- 
 from £10,000 to £15,000 was spent upon the royal house- alf monly tUO ' 
 hold, the rest being devoted to the maintenance of the be multiplied 
 king's castles, the army, the navy, and the civil service. Hiate n the eStl " 
 Fifteen thousand pounds was perhaps not an extravagant money 1 *? 1 m 
 sum to allow for keeping up an establishment that must to " da >- 
 compare favorably with the courts of continental mon- 
 archs, but the people fretted under the burden, and a 
 number of clumsy efforts were made to control tbe royal 
 expenditure. The Charter confirmed in 1297 bound the 
 king to levy no extraordinary taxes " without the common 
 consent of the realm and to the common profit thereof." 
 Edward I. loyally observed the limitations so imposed, but 
 his successors were less scrupulous. The king's lawyers 
 were not slow to find means of evading the Charter, and 
 the Parliamentary records of the period abound in protests 
 against illegal taxation. Exorbitant sums were exacted 
 from the royal demesnes, where the people, being imme- 
 diate dependents of the crown, could make no effective 
 resistance ; new customs duties were imposed by special 
 arrangement with the merchants (export duties on wool 
 and import duties on wine and other luxuries) ; but the 
 favorite device of a needy monarch was to borrow the 
 money he could not raise by taxation. There was no lack 
 of opportunity. The Jewish money-lenders, the never- 
 failing resource of preceding kings, had been banished from 
 England in 1290 ; but there were Italian bankers and 
 Flemish merchants who might always be relied on to 
 
112 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 accommodate a royal spendthrift, and the pope himself 
 was not averse to loaning money on good security. These 
 debts were of course a charge on future revenue and must 
 eventually be paid by the nation. Money was not unfre- 
 quently extorted from wealthy English prelates and the 
 prosperous towns of the realm, on the pretense of repay- 
 ment, but subjects gave with a bad grace since the royal 
 creditor had a poor memory for such obligations and could 
 not safely be pressed. The most vexatious resource, and 
 that which roused deepest animosity among the people, 
 was the so-called right of purveyance. On the magnificent 
 royal progresses through the realm, the king's officers pro- 
 vided for the needs of his household at the expense of the 
 inhabitants. Food and shelter were demanded at the 
 lowest prices and with no security for payment. The 
 carts and horses, even the personal services of the peasants, 
 were called into requisition, not merely for the king's use, 
 but at the convenience of any one of the 
 royal officers who dared ask them in the 
 king's name. This abuse of power was fre- 
 quently protested, and reform was no less 
 frequently promised, but it was a privilege 
 dear to the heart of royalty and was not 
 readily relinquished. The practice was well 
 calculated to bring home to the understand- 
 ing of the common people the inconveniences 
 of tyranny. 
 
 These questionable prerogatives of the 
 crown were enlarged to dangerous pro- 
 portions by the foolish and incompetent 
 son of the great Edward. Edward II. was not so much 
 despotic as self-willed and indulgent. He looked upon 
 his realm as a fair pasture wherein he and his friends 
 might fatten at their will. The prime favorite was Piers 
 
Hise of the Commons. 
 
 113 
 
 Gaveston, a needy French courtier, brilliant arid lovable 
 even at this distance of time and space, a loyal friend but a 
 dangerous adviser. For this petted gallant, great estates 
 were carved from the royal demesne. He was made Earl 
 of Cornwall, and when the king went over sea to bring 
 home his French bride, Gaveston was appointed regent of 
 the realm. The gay Gascon waxed fat and kicked. He 
 flung jibes at the great English lords, reck- 
 less of their sullen wrath. In 1310 a con- 
 vention of the barons, under the lead of 
 Thomas of Lancaster, the king's cousin, pre- 
 sented a solemn protest. They complained 
 that the people were burdened by heavy 
 and illegal taxes, while the kingdom lay 
 undefended, the money that should have 
 been devoted to the Scotch war being wasted 
 on unworthy favorites. Tbe government 
 was placed in commission for a year, twenty- FemaieCostume. 
 one Lords Ordainers being appointed to act ward II. 
 for the king, and a series of ordinances was drawn up which The Lords 
 Edward was forced to confirm. Gaveston- was banished 1310. 
 from the realm, together with the Italian bankers who had 
 lent their aid to the royal extravagance. The king was 
 forbidden to alienate the royal demesne and was told that 
 he must hereafter "live of his own." No unusual taxes 
 were to be levied, nor could the king raise an army, go to ^\ ng was^ut 
 war, or quit the realm without consent of the barons. 
 Parliament was to be convened at least once a year to con- 
 sider such requests from the king. The Ordinances gave 
 the barons effective control of the government, but the 
 untrammeled rule of the great lords proved to be no less 
 despotic than that of the crown. When, a few years later, 
 the king, under the guidance of his new favorites, the 
 Dispensers, was able to accomplish the ruin of Lan- 
 
 on an allow- 
 ance of £10 
 a day. 
 
114 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 caster, England rejoiced at his fall. The Dispensers had 
 the good sense to see that the king's best security against 
 any future effort of the barons was the support of the 
 people. The Parliament of 1322, which repealed the Or- 
 dinances, decreed that all matters concerning the king and 
 the realm must be enacted in full Parliament with the 
 consent of the " prelates, earls, and barons, and the com- 
 monalty of the realm." 
 
 Such a declaration, if accepted in its full import by the 
 king, might have furnished the basis of a successful reign ; 
 but Edward's foolish fondness for his favorites had raised 
 up foes in his own household. His Queen, Isabel, resolving 
 to avenge the slights put upon her, fled with her paramour, 
 Roger Mortimer, to France. Prince Edward joined her 
 there, and the three concerted rebellion. Landing on the 
 English coast in 1326, they were joined by the leading 
 barons. London declared for the prince, the Dispensers 
 were hanged, and a full Parliament was convened at West- 
 minster where the helpless king was 
 forced to abdicate, young Edward being 
 proclaimed king in his stead. The prin- 
 cipal actors in this poor tragedy were, it 
 is true, inspired by selfish and unworthy 
 motives, and hardly deserved the success 
 they achieved ; but they wrought better 
 than they knew. In summoning the 
 nation to their aid, in appealing to Par- 
 liament to displace an unworthy king, 
 they acknowledged in the national as- 
 sembly an authority superior to mon- 
 archy. From this time Parliament was 
 recognized as the dominant power in the realm. Without 
 the consent of the assembled estates, no tax could be levied, 
 no law passed. Kings and courtiers might terrify or cajole 
 
 Female Costume 
 Time of Ed- 
 ward II. 
 
Rise of the Commons. 115 
 
 the people's representatives into compliance with their 
 will, but they must secure at least the show of popular 
 sanction. 
 Coming to the throne under such conditions, Edward III. Edward m. 
 
 1327-1377 
 
 could not consistently dispute the authority of the national 
 Parliament. Indeed he was not the man to enter into a 
 constitutional contest. The third Edward was by instinct 
 a general, not a statesman, and his energies were absorbed 
 in the long war with France. So long as Parliament sanc- 
 tioned his military enterprises and voted supplies for his 
 army, he was ready to make any concessions required of 
 him. Of the continental dominions of Henry II., Aquitaine 
 only remained, and this fair province was wavering in her 
 allegiance and inclined to admit the suzerainty of the 
 French king. Edward III. was ambitious to restore the 
 military prestige of his race and entered thoughtlessly into 
 the project of conquest which ultimately cost England 
 dear. Grounds of quarrel were not lacking. The aggres- 
 sions of Philip VI. in Aquitaine, his interference in Scot- TheFrench 
 land, his demand that Edward should make good the wars - 
 damage done to French merchants by English sailors in 
 the Channel — all these were serious grievances, but they did 
 not justify Edward's pretensions to the French crown. His 
 claim* was based on the fact that he was, through his 
 
 * Claim of Edward III. to the French crown. 
 
 
 Philip III., the Bold, 
 
 1 
 
 1270-1285. 
 
 Philip IV., the Fair, 1285-1314. 
 
 1 
 
 Charles of Valois. 
 
 Louis X., 
 1314-1316. 
 
 John I., 
 1316. 
 
 Philip V., Charles IV. 
 the Long, the Fair, 
 1316-1322. 1322-1328. 
 
 , Isabel, Philip VI., 
 m. Ed. II. 1328-1350. 
 * of England. 
 
 
 Edward III. John II., 
 the Good, 
 1350-1364. 
 
 
 
 Charles V. 
 
116 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 mother, Isabel, the only surviving grandchild of Philip the 
 Fair, while Philip VI. was but the son of a younger 
 branch. The French court repudiated the claim, citing the 
 Salic law to prove that the succession could not be claimed 
 through a woman. But this was a mere quibble of the 
 lawyers. The essential right of Philip, and that which 
 Joan of Arc urged for his successor one hundred years later, 
 was that the French people should be ruled by a French 
 king. In contrast to this fundamental right of a nation to 
 its own, the arguments of jurists, pro and con, are mere 
 "sound and fury, signifying nothing." 
 Victory was at first on the side of England. Edward 
 commanded a loyal army be- 
 cause he had a united people 
 and a well-filled treasury at his 
 back. Philip VI., on the other 
 hand, was but feudal lord of 
 France. His force was made 
 up of mounted knights, the un- 
 ruly retainers of his great vas- 
 sals. Discipline, generalship, was out of the question. 
 The battlefield of Crecy bears witness to the weakness 
 of a feudal force when brought face to face with national 
 troops. The bulk of the English army was made up of 
 foot-soldiers, stout yeoman archers, who steadily stood 
 their ground, while the bad management and disorder 
 of the French were indescribable. The hero of the French 
 wars was the eldest son of King Edward, "the, Black 
 Prince." Nothing more clearly indicates how distorted 
 were the moral ideals of the age than this universal 
 admiration of Prince Edward. That he was a brilliant 
 and daring warrior was abundantly proved at Crecy and 
 Poitiers ; but personal courage was offset by a cruelty and 
 greed that rendered him the prince of plunderers. Rich 
 
Rise of the Commons. 117 
 
 booty was wrung from the unhappy people only to be 
 spent in wasteful revel. The fairest districts of France 
 were devastated to no military end, and the country re- 
 duced to a state of anarchy. It was the vice of the times. 
 Medieval chivalry imposed a high code of honor upon its 
 devotees, but their superfine courtesy did not extend be- 
 yond their own class. Peasants and burghers were thought 
 creatures of another clay. Froissart lauds the generosity 
 of the Black Prince when, after Poitiers, he rewards the 
 
 Cannon used at Crecy. 
 
 valiant knight who led the fray, with a pension of six 
 hundred marks, and serves the captured King John at a 
 sumptuous supper, standing by his side with deferential 
 solicitude. The princely chronicler ignores the fact that 
 the treasure dispensed in such royal fashion was wrested 
 from starving peasants. 
 
 After years of this wasteful and inhuman warfare, Prince 
 Edward returned home laden with booty, but broken in 
 body and spirit. The best blood of England had been 
 spilled on the fields of France, but the country was no 
 nearer submission than when the war began. By the 
 Peace of Bretigny, the king surrendered his claim to the 
 French crown, and, in 1375, a truce was agreed upon which 
 left the English in possession of no French territory but 
 the seaports Calais, Cherbourg, Brest, Bordeaux, and Bay- 
 onne. 
 
 The long and costly war was not merely fruitless ; it was 
 demoralizing. It is true that bravery and knightly honor 
 
118 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 were fostered by these years of desperate adventure, but the 
 same conditions bred brutality and avarice. Princes and 
 barons returned to England to spend in reckless extrava- 
 gance the wealth amassed in the French campaigns. 
 Constitutional Disastrous as were the French wars, they yet served one 
 French wars. ^ useful purpose. They furnished the 
 
 opportunity for constitutional progress. 
 Great armies could not be maintained 
 without frequent appeals for money, 
 and the Parliaments of this period 
 were not slow to utilize such occasions 
 for extorting concessions from the 
 king. Grants were only voted in return 
 A Mounted Knight. for redress of grievances, and the king 
 
 was forced to surrender, one after another, the most cher- 
 ished prerogatives of the crown. Exclusive right of taxation 
 was accorded to Parliament, together with the power to 
 specify the object to which the supply should be devoted. 
 The royal accounts were examined by auditors appointed by 
 Parliament, and the king's ministers were held responsible 
 to the representatives of the people. These were great. and 
 important concessions. They secured to the Parliament of 
 the fourteenth century authority almost coextensive with 
 that exercised by the House of Commons to-day. 
 Organization of Forty-eight Parliaments were convened in the fifty years 
 of Edward III.'s reign, and the mass of business consid- 
 ered rendered effective organization necessary. The 
 methods of procedure then determined upon are still ob- 
 served, curious and antiquated though many of them 
 seem. By 1343 the representatives of the several estates 
 had established the custom of meeting in two distinct 
 assemblies, the House of Lords and the House of Com- 
 mons. In the House of Lords, the lineal descendant of 
 the Great Council, sat some fifty barons and as many great 
 
Rise of the Commons. 119 
 
 ecclesiastics who together represented the interests of a 
 small fraction of the English nation, the privileged orders. 
 Knights and burgesses originally sat apart as representing 
 distinct estates and separate interests, but they gradually 
 learned how much might be gained by alliance. The 
 knight spoke for his shire, and the burgess for his borough, 
 but both stood for the interests of the middle classes as 
 opposed to those of the barons and clergy. Their union 
 in the House of Commons was a gain to the cause of con- 
 
 Archery. Fourteenth Century. 
 
 stitutional development. Jointly they gathered courage 
 to undertake reforms that neither estate would have ven- 
 tured alone. 
 
 The reign of Edward III., held to be so brilliant by con- 
 temporary annalists, drew to a close in grief and gloom. 
 The last expedition to France had been a pitiful failure, 
 and England was forced to sue for peace. The Prince of 
 Wales, his splendid energy exhausted, had come home to 
 die. The old king was in his dotage. Ruled by his 
 greedy, unscrupulous mistress, Alice Perrers, he weakly 
 yielded to the clamors of the cunning parasites who fat- 
 tened on the life-blood of the nation. Bribery, peculation, 
 fraud, every form of corruption, was rife at court. The 
 ostentatious extravagance of the upper classes showed in 
 startling contrast to the misery of the people. Moreover, 
 the Black Death, a mysterious pestilence that visited fhe'Bla.ck 
 England in 1348 to return again and again before the close Death - 
 
120 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 The Good Par- 
 liament. 1376. 
 
 Effigy of Ed 
 
 ward III. in 
 
 Westminster 
 
 Abbey. 
 
 of the century, had swept away half the population and 
 left the nation terrified and spent. The government had 
 fallen into the hands of John of Gaunt, a 
 younger son of Edward III., and the ablest 
 of his house. He made but selfish use of his 
 great power. Allying himself in political 
 trickery with Alice Perrers, he winked at the 
 malpractices of the court. When Parliament 
 at last set about the work of reform, the great 
 Duke of Lancaster was recognized as a most 
 dangerous opponent. The grievances of the 
 people were voiced by the House of Commons. 
 Encouraged by the support of Prince Edward, 
 they presented a remonstrance, boldly com- 
 plaining of the extravagance and corruption 
 of the court and denouncing the king's min- 
 isters as evil counselors. At first the reformers carried 
 everything before them. Lyons and Latimer, officers of 
 the king, were accused of gigantic financial frauds, and 
 solemnly impeached. Heavy fines were im- 
 posed on Alice Perrers and others convicted 
 of receiving bribes. A Council of Govern- 
 ment was chosen, composed of men who could 
 be trusted to regard the interests of the nation. 
 Petitions were presented, 140 in number, pro- 
 testing against the maladministration of the 
 government. They enumerated the griev- 
 ances that had been accumulating since the 
 beginning of the reign. The old king bent 
 his head before this storm of indignation and 
 granted all that was asked of him, but Lan- Female Cos- 
 
 6 tume. Time 
 
 caster bided his time. The death of Prince of Edward in. 
 Edward that same year struck the ground from under the 
 feet of the reform party. His son Richard was but a child 
 
Rise of the Commons. 121 
 
 of ten years and John of Gaunt was next in succession. 
 Hardly was the Good Parliament dissolved when its acts 
 were arbitrarily revoked ; Alice Perrers, Latimer, and 
 Lyons were recalled, and the Parliamentary leaders pun- 
 ished. Lancaster convened a Parliament the following 
 spring, having first looked well to it that the representa- 
 tives sent to the House of Commons should be such as 
 would serve his purpose. From an assembly so packed, no 
 resistance was to be feared, and the necessary supplies were 
 granted without remonstrance. So the work of the .Good 
 Parliament was undone because there was not in the Lower 
 House sufficient staying power for persistent opposition. 
 
 Throughout the reign of Richard II., the Commons R i Chard H 
 played but a minor part in the government. A council of 1377_1399 - 
 regency was immediately appointed with John of Gaunt 
 at its head. His administration was far from brilliant. The 
 war with France was renewed, but carried on with so little 
 energy that Ghent and Flanders passed into French control, 
 and the Flemish trade, a rich source of profit, was lost to 
 England. The French grew so bold as to undertake inva- 
 sion in their turn. A force was landed in the Isle of Wight 
 and with difficulty repulsed. The formidable insurrection 
 of the people, which broke out in 1381, was in its political 
 aspects a protest against the misgovernment of Lancaster. 
 
 The inconstant Gaunt withdrew in 1386, to follow a wild 
 goose chase in pursuit of the Spanish crown, and the gov- 
 ernment came into the hands of the youngest of the king's 
 uncles, the Duke of Gloucester. Hitherto Richard had 
 been allowed to choose his own ministers and waste the 
 royal revenues unmolested. Inquiry was now made into 
 the abuses of the court, and a council of reform was intrust- 
 ed with the government. The king's effort to free himself 
 was successfully withstood by the Lords Appellant, and the 
 "Merciless Parliament," acting at the instance of Glouces- 
 
122 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 The Lords 
 Apellant, 
 the five great 
 nobles who 
 brought accu- 
 sation of trea- 
 son against 
 the king's 
 counselors. 
 
 ter, impeached the friends and ministers of Richard and 
 condemned them to death. Thus far the young king had 
 seemed a submissive tool in the hands of the party in 
 power ; but, in 1389, he suddenly shook off the restraint of 
 the Council, announced himself of age, and took posses- 
 sion of the government. For eight years Richard reigned 
 in accordance with constitutional forms, but, in 1397, 
 this policy was sharply reversed. Having secured a long 
 truce with France by his marriage with the daughter 
 of Charles VI., the king, relieved of the embarrassment of 
 foreign war, found his hands free to strike the long delayed 
 blow at the Lords Appellant. One after another they were 
 seized and thrown into prison. A packed Parliament voted 
 their condemnation, declared the acts of the Merciless Par- 
 liament void, and vested the legislative power in a perma- 
 nent committee made up of twelve peers and six common- 
 ers. Richard now seemed absolute. Taxes were levied 
 without regard to right or usage. Men were even com- 
 pelled to put their seals to blank promises to pay, which 
 the king could fill up with any sum he pleased. Richard's 
 enemies were thrown into prison or sent into exile without 
 show of right. But the work of two centuries could not be 
 so easily undone. The party of resistance found a leader 
 in Henry, Duke of Hereford, son and heir of John of Gaunt. 
 This prince, exiled by arbitrary decree of the king, returned 
 in 1399 to claim not only his confiscated ancestral estates, 
 but the crown itself. All elements of the opposition flocked 
 to his standard — outraged nobles no less than rebellious 
 commons. Richard, betrayed into the hands of his foes, 
 was forced to resign the throne. " Your people, my Lord," 
 said Lancaster, "complain that for the space of twenty 
 years you have ruled them harshly ; however, if it please 
 God, I will help you to rule them better." "Fair cousin," 
 responded the helpless Richard, "since it pleases you, it 
 
Rise of the Commons. 
 
 \% 
 
 Parliament assembled for the Deposition of 
 
 Richard II. From an Illustration in 
 
 the Harleian MS., No. 1319. 
 
 pleases me well." The king was tried in full Parliament 
 and declared to be " useless, incompetent, and altogether 
 insufficient and unworthy." The grounds for deposition 
 were faithlessness toward divers of the great lords, trans- 
 gression of the con- 
 stitutional rights of 
 the nation, and the 
 assertion of absolute 
 sovereignty. It was 
 the tragic failure of 
 Edward II. repeated, 
 but with a deeper 
 significa nee. "We 
 may see a Piers Gav- 
 eston in Robert de 
 Vere and a Thomas of Lancaster in the Duke of Gloucester ; 
 but Richard was a stronger man than Edward II. It is 
 difficult to discern his real character and purposes in the 
 partisan report given us by the friends of the rival dynasty. 
 It is, however, evident that he definitely projected an 
 absolute sovereignty. The victory of Lancaster may thus 
 be justly regarded as the triumph of constitutional govern- 
 ment. 
 
 INTELLECTUAL REVIVAL. 
 
 In the realm of thought even more than in that of action, 
 the rein vigo ration of national life made itself felt. The bar- 
 ren controversies of the scholastics were cast aside. Men 
 turned from the contemplation of abstruse problems of 
 theology to the more vital questions of social and political 
 life. Human passions, human needs, the effort to realize 
 happiness in this present life — these were the absorbing inter- 
 ests of literature and polemic. Under the influence of this 
 new humanism, writers for the first time gave adequate 
 expression to the play of thought and feeling in the world 
 
 Deposition of 
 Richard II. 
 
 1399. 
 
124 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 about them, and there appears for the first time in England 
 a literature to which we return with something more than 
 curiosity — with a vivid interest in the men and women 
 portrayed. 
 
 It is most natural that this sympathetic literary impulse 
 should express itself in the speech of the people. The four- 
 teenth century, indeed, witnessed the final triumph of the 
 English language. Though Latin continued for some time 
 yet to be spoken in the universities, English was by the 
 reign of Richard II. commonly used in the lower schools. 
 In the latter part of the century, the English speech was 
 adopted in Parliament and in the Courts of Law. French 
 was still affected by the aristocracy ; but Chaucer and 
 Langland and Wyclif, the great writers of the age, made 
 noble use of the native tongue. In Chaucer, the day-star of 
 English poets, the effect of Norman blood and continental 
 culture makes itself felt by a lightness and grace, foreign to 
 the Saxon genius ; but in a certain simplicity and sincerity 
 of expression, in the frank realism of his thought, in a 
 wholesome aversion to the transcendental, he is wholly 
 English. Chaucer's life was spent at court and in the king's 
 service at home and abroad. Scholar, courtier, soldier, 
 ambassador, and man of business — his was a many-sided 
 experience, and his knowledge of men was wide and varied. 
 That catholic sympathy which was an inherent quality of 
 his genius was never chilled by the pride of worldly suc- 
 cess nor embittered by disappointment. And yet the pic- 
 ture Chaucer gives us of the England that he knew is 
 colored by the "gracious worldliness" of the prosperous 
 man of affairs who finds life much to his liking. His Can- 
 terbury pilgrims ride gayly through blooming lanes to the 
 music of song and bagpipe, shortening the way with merry 
 tales. All is vivid light and color, buoyant mirth and 
 badinage, with never a somber touch. The characteristic 
 
Rise of the Commons. 
 
 125 
 
 figures of medieval English society ride in this picturesque 
 cavalcade. First of the merry company appears the cour- 
 teous knight who has proved his valor on many an oriental 
 battlefield. Well he loves " truth and honor, freedom and 
 courtesy." He and the blithe young squire who holds 
 pace at his side, " a lover and a lusty bachelor," represent 
 the best fruit of medieval chivalry. The attendant yeoman, 
 "clad in coat and hood of green," bearing in hand a 
 "mighty bow," may well be one of those who fought at 
 Crecy and Poitiers. Worthy to ride among 
 the gentry, in his own estimation at least, is the 
 merchant with forked beard and foreign dress, 
 " boasting always the increase of his winning." 
 Of the gentry, too, are the sergeant of law, 
 "wary and wise," a consequential body who 
 ever " seemed busier than he was," and the doc- 
 tor of physic who has grown rich on the Pesti- 
 lence and is dressed in scarlet and sky-blue silk 
 like a great gentleman. The penniless clerk of 
 Oxenford bestrides a horse as lean "as is a A Yo i 
 rake." Hollow-eyed and sober, clad in thread- Noble Birth, 
 bare coat, it is clear at a glance that like his great prede- 
 cessor, Roger Bacon, he has spent all he could beg or bor- 
 row "on books and on learning." Neither office nor 
 preferment awaits his unworldly service, but his eagerness 
 to find and to teach the truth is better than a patent of 
 nobility. A very different character is the fresh and ruddy 
 franklin (free-holder) of excellent appetite, in whose hos- 
 pitable hall it " snowed of meat and drink." The worthy 
 vassal of a king's thane, he has many times represented his 
 shire in Parliament and has even served as sheriff of the 
 county court. Several holy personages adorn this worship- 
 ful company, the fat monk with bald head "that shines 
 as any glass," an unlettered prelate, who delights in hunt- 
 
126 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 ing and a good table and rejects his order's discipline as 
 out of date. 
 
 " Full many a dainty horse had he in stable, 
 And when he rode, men might his bridle hear 
 Jingling in a whistling wind as clear, 
 And eke as loud as doth the chapel bell." 
 
 No less worldly is the prioress with her simpering smile 
 and affected airs and graces, the sentimental Madame 
 Eglantine, who wears a love-motto on her brooch and 
 manages to give a hint of coquetry to the severe black garb 
 of her order. A more arrant hypocrite than either of these 
 is the friar, "wanton and merry," who sells absolution to 
 his well-to-do patrons, holding that genuine penitence is 
 evinced less by tears and prayers than by "giving silver 
 to the poor friars." Humbler characters join in this Can- 
 tei'bury pilgrimage ; several craftsmen dressed each in the 
 spruce livery of his fraternity, thriving fellows these, good 
 
 gild-brethren and honest 
 burgesses ; a pirate with 
 sunbrowned visage and 
 viking beard, who sits his 
 nag with a sailor's awk- 
 wardness — a hard drinker 
 Practicing with the Crossbow. and a hard fighter he ; a 
 reeve (bailiff), "a slender colerik man," shrewd and 
 thrifty, the dread of the tenants, who fear him as they fear 
 the Pestilence ; and his fellow extortioner, the miller, a 
 short, stout rascal with cunning, brutal face, from whose 
 foul mouth, " as wide as is a great furnace," low jests and 
 obscene tales reek forth. Their jovial peer in ribaldry is 
 the good wife of Bath, a buxom dame of florid countenance, 
 who ambles easily along in broad hat and scarlet hose, gar- 
 rulous and grotesque. Among these lesser folk rides the 
 "good man of religion," a parish priest, lowly but learned, 
 and " rich in holy thought and work." He is a true shep- 
 
Rise of the Commons. 127 
 
 herd, stinting himself that he may give to the needy, and 
 sparing no pains or labor in the tending of his flock. 
 
 " This noble example to his sheep he gave, 
 That first he wrought and afterwards he taught." 
 
 His brother, the plowman, is a "peasant saint " who does 
 
 his whole duty by God and his neighbor. 
 
 " An honest workman and a good was he, 
 Living in peace and perfect charity." 
 
 It is a marvelously vivid picture, a panorama of medieval 
 society, which teaches more of actual conditions than many 
 a learned volume ; but it is after all a superficial view that 
 Chaucer gives us. He does not 
 adequately represent the forces at 
 work in fourteenth century Eng- 
 land. His is the eye of an artist, 
 delighting in the play of light and 
 shade, and overlooking the deeper 
 aspects of life, the strife, the aspi- 
 ration, the defeat, that make up 
 the tragedy of human existence. 
 He does not trouble himself with ^ dy in Huntin S Garb - 
 the why and the wherefore of folly and sin, with the prob- 
 lems of evil and loss, but laughs at human foibles and 
 takes pleasure in human graces with the delicate discrimi- 
 nation of the connoisseur. 
 
 Not so Langland ; the rugged inartistic lines of this poor William Lang- 
 village priest bear witness to the grim life battle waged by 1332(?)-1399(?). 
 the men of humble birth. The world was to him no gay Piers Plow- 
 show where a man might look on at the play, a disinterest- "Piers the 
 ed spectator. Life was a stern reality where the powers of crede." 
 evil well-nigh overmastered the power that makes for Wei, Do-bet, 
 righteousness. Chaucer could jest at the corruption of the 
 clergy, the venality of the courts, the arrogance of the upper 
 classes, the servile vices of the poor ; for, well-fed gentleman 
 
128 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 that he was, his individual happiness and that of his social 
 order was not at stake, but to Langland, born and bred 
 among the people, making their struggle and sorrow his 
 own, the misery of a world out of joint was a matter of 
 galling personal experience. 
 
 In the Vision of Piers Plowman, we are shown, not a 
 jocund cavalcade riding through April sunshine, but a pan- 
 orama of busy toil. Wandering on Malvern Hills, bathing a 
 troubled spirit in the beauty of a May morning, the poet 
 sinks down in weariness by a brookside and falls asleep. He 
 dreams that the world lies before him, " a fair field full of 
 folk." Toward the east, standing out clear against the sun- 
 light, rises a tower, which is the habitation of Truth, the 
 Father and Redeemer of men. On the other hand the ground 
 sinks to a deep vale where lies a dungeon, "the castle of 
 care.'' Wrong dwells therein, the Father of Falsehood, the 
 Tempter. In the plain between, all manner of men, the 
 mean and the rich, are "working and wandering as the 
 world asketh," unconscious of the influences that play upon 
 them, moving them for evil or for good. Serfs toil at the 
 plow, with rare intervals for pastime, painfully winning 
 what their glutton lords will soon waste in revelry. Mer- 
 chants buy and sell, making snug fortunes in thriving trade. 
 Barons are here, and their bondsmen, burgesses and city rab- 
 ble, side by side. All manner of artisans, men and women, 
 ply their trades, bakers and brewers and butchers, tailors 
 and tinkers and weavers of woolen and linen cloth. These 
 are hardy craftsmen and well able to earn their own living; 
 but one sees others, lazy louts, good for nothing but spading 
 and ditching, who while away the tedium of the day's labor 
 with ribald songs. Some there are who manage to live with- 
 out work. These wander through the land singing gay glees 
 in rich men's halls, or, feigning folly, earn many a good 
 penny by tumbling and jesting. Stout beggars, too, with 
 
Rise of the Commons. 129 
 
 whining lies, entreat the alms that will be spent in drunken 
 riot. Here and there in the motley throng run cooks and 
 their serving boys crying " Hot pies, hot ! Nice roast pigs 
 and geese ! Come and dine, come ! " while taverners stand 
 at the inn-door calling out the merits of their choice drinks, 
 the red wine of Gascony and the white wine of Alsace. 
 Some, turning their backs upon such fleshly delights, give 
 themselves to prayer and penance, hoping to "win heaven's 
 bliss." A hundred or more sly fellows are hanging about, 
 law sergeants, " who plead a case but for pence and pounds, 
 never for love of our Lord." "Thou mightest easier meas- 
 ure the mist on Malvern Hills than get a mumble from their 
 mouths till they see the glint of silver." This picture of 
 the world, as it looked to an honest priest, would be incom- 
 plete without the pious rout of monks and friars, pilgrims 
 and palmers, that go to Rome, to do honor to the saints, and 
 return with "leave to lie all their life after " ; wanton her- 
 mits, long-legged lubbers, who, being too lazy to work, 
 wear the celibate's habit and live at their ease ; friars in 
 plenty — all the four orders — preaching to the people for 
 their own profit, interpreting the Scriptures to suit their 
 own purposes. In the midst stands a pardoner, armed 
 with a papal bull, and professing to have power to absolve 
 men from falsehoods and broken vows. The ignorant peo- 
 ple believe him and throng to his feet, bringing rings and 
 brooches and hard-earned pennies to pay for the pope's 
 indulgence. Langland pours out the vials of his wrath 
 upon the monks and friars. Toward the secular clergy he 
 is somewhat less severe, but he says that the parish priests 
 complain that their people are too poor to support them 
 " since the Pestilence time," and depicts them begging leave 
 to go up to London, where they may win silver by singing 
 masses for the rich in sculptured chantries. The superior 
 clergy, too, desert their rural charges and flock to London 
 
130 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 with the rest, hoping for some fat office in the king's em- 
 ploy. 
 
 The Vision of Piers Plowman was one of the most popular 
 books of its day. Written in the rough A^ernacular, its allit- 
 erative verse caught the ear of the people and fixed itself in 
 peasant memory. Reading was still a rare accomplish- 
 ment, but this poet of democracy had disciples and interpre- 
 
 Balloou Ball. Fourteenth Century. 
 
 ters who carried his message far and wide. Gathered about 
 a tavern table or lounging on the village green, the group 
 of rustics listened with short, gruff laugh while some gaunt 
 clerk of Oxenford read the story of the humble Plowman, 
 the Christ returned to earth, who so gently teaches knight 
 and cleric their duty, guiding wandering pilgrims to the 
 well-nigh forgotten shrine of Truth. The seed so sown 
 bore fruit in the Lollard movement and the Peasaut Revolt. 
 
 WICLIF AND THE REFORM IN RELIGION. 
 
 This is the degenerate period of the English Church. 
 Wealth and power had so far contaminated the upper 
 ranks of the hierarchy that the superior clergy regarded 
 themselves rather as privileged recipients of the contribu- 
 tions of the faithful, than as the servants of the Church of 
 Christ. The ambitious and the lazy both found holy orders 
 much to their liking, and crowded into the Church and the 
 monastic establishments, until they far outnumbered the 
 religious requirements of the nation. There were some 
 20,000 ecclesiastics in a population of 2,000,000. The Church 
 
Rise of the Commons. 131 
 
 held fully one third of the landed property in England, 
 while the income from the offerings of the people amounted 
 to twice the royal revenue. 
 
 The regular clergy were even more corrupt than the 
 seculars. Contemporary literature gives abundant evidence and monas- 
 that they were held in less reverence by the people. The 
 friars, so zealous for reform on their first coming into 
 England, had degenerated in their turn and become mere 
 servile bigots and shameless mendicants. The popes, to 
 whom the friars were immediately responsible, far from 
 calling them to account for breach of their vows, set them 
 a demoralizing example. When the spiritual Franciscans, 
 endeavoring to reform their order, taught that the posses- 
 sion of wealth was inconsistent with Apostolic Chris- 
 tianity, they were denounced by John XXII. as heretics. 
 
 The influence of the Church over the minds and hearts of 
 the people was not strong enough to enable her to hold her 
 own against the protest raised by the wakened thought of 
 England. Chaucer's polished sarcasm and Langland's 
 fierce denunciation were echoed by many lesser observers. 
 Jests and jibes against the clergy found ready listeners in 
 the hut of the peasant and at the court of the king. Yet 
 the spirit of religion was not dead in England. Men knew 
 and loved righteousness and pure devotion. "When all 
 treasures are tested, Truth is the best," says Langland in 
 the person of Holy Church, and Chaucer reverences the 
 good priest who practiced even better than he preached. 
 
 Protest against the pretensions of the Church found ex- 
 pression in deed as well as in word. A series of Parliamen- 
 tary enactments undertook to restrain the power of the 
 pope and to check the worldly ambitions of the English 
 clergy. The Statute of Praemunire forbade the reception statutes of 
 or execution of bulls from the pope, together with any ap- nsff^n^Pro 
 peal to the papal court. The Statute of Provisors forced vis0rs (1351). 
 
132 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Twenty thou- 
 sand marks a 
 year were sent 
 to the papal 
 treasury. 
 
 1305-1378. 
 
 1378-1439. 
 
 the pope to surrender the practice of appointing foreigners 
 to English benefices. In 1366, the tribute of 1,000 marks, 
 which John had promised to the Holy See, but which had 
 not been paid for thirty years, was refused once for all. 
 The Good Parliament protested against other papal exac- 
 tions. " The pope's revenue from England alone is larger 
 than that of any prince in Christendom. God gave his 
 sheep to be pastured, not to be shaven and shorn." The 
 Parliament of 1377 mooted the question whether, in view 
 of the impoverished state of the country, Peter's pence 
 might not properly be withheld. Such bold defiance of 
 the Holy See was justified in the minds of contemporary 
 Englishmen by the degenerate state of the papacy. These 
 are the years of the "Babylonish captivity." The popes 
 dwelt in exile at Avignon, an isolated bit of papal 
 domain which lay so near the territories of the king of 
 France that it could hardly escape his influence. The 
 English people scoffed at "the French pope" and sus- 
 pected him of being but a puppet in the hands of their foe. 
 In 1378 came the Great Schism ; and for fifty years the 
 rival popes of Rome and Avignon contested the powers and 
 privileges of the Holy See. This "uncouth dissension" 
 further alienated the loyalty of all thinking men till it be- 
 came evident that the reform could not long be delayed. 
 The attack on the English clergy was led by John of 
 Gaunt. The political honors of the great churchmen were 
 intolerable to this ambitious prince, and he set about curb- 
 ing their pretensions. A statute passed in 1371 declared the 
 clergy unfit to hold office, and a tax was levied on church 
 lands acquired since 1292. 
 
 On the part of Lancaster and the lords, this assault 
 on the power and wealth of the Church was not disinter- 
 ested, but they found a champion whose single-hearted 
 zeal for reform cannot be called in question. John Wiclif, 
 
Rise of the Commons. 133 
 
 the first great Protestant, was a learned doctor of Oxford, j ohn Wiclif 
 whose fame had secured him the honorable post of chap- 132 °- 1384 - 
 lain to the king. His views on the relation of Church and 
 State had attracted the attention of John of Gaunt, and 
 that crafty politician had conferred upon him the doubtful 
 favor of his patronage. Wiclif had ably seconded the 
 endeavor of Parliament to restrict the privileges of the 
 pope and the English clergy, arguing that such power and 
 wealth were inconsistent with the teachings of Christ. The 
 essential feature of Wiclif's reform was the endeavor to 
 recall the Church to Apostolic Christianity. Since God 
 had revealed himself as the Redeemer of men, each human 
 soul might have access to the divine life and was respon- 
 sible to God alone. The mediation of the priest was 
 unnecessary, and the ecclesiastical hierarchy with its pride 
 and its greed for power was a fungous growth upon the 
 Church of Christ. The claim of a sinful pope to act as 
 vicegerent of Christ was blasphemous. No authority 
 could be legitimate that was not sanctioned by God. Ruler 
 and priest alike held of him. Obedience need not be ren- 
 dered nor tribute paid to an unrighteous lord, though he 
 were the king himself. 
 
 Such doctrines cmickly called down upon Wiclif the opposition of 
 condemnation of the ecclesiastical authorities. The Friars the Friars * 
 raised the first cry of alarm. Tbeir hypocrisy and im- 
 morality had excited the indignation of Wiclif, and they 
 had writhed under many a scathing denunciation at his 
 hands. Now his bold utterances against the papal suprem- 
 acy gave them opportunity for revenge. Courtenay, 
 Bishop of London, the champion of clerical privilege and 
 sworn foe of John of Gaunt, summoned Wiclif to defend 
 himself against the charge of heresy. Lancaster main- 
 tained his cause, and the citizens of London made a 
 demonstration in his behalf; but the attack was renewed 
 
134 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 and he was finally condemned by a synod of the clergy. 
 The last eight years of Wiclif s life were overshadowed 
 by persecution so persistent, so formidable, that a feebler 
 spirit would have quailed before it, but he maintained 
 undaunted confidence in God and in the truth as he 
 saw it. The faith he defended grew clearer while he 
 argued. Pardons, indulgences, pilgrimages, were one after 
 another declared of no avail. The climax was reached 
 when he boldly denied the doctrine of transubstantiation, 
 the corner stone of priestly authority. At this his friends 
 wavered. John of Gaunt protested and withdrew his sup- 
 port. The Peasant Revolt, which broke out at this in- 
 opportune moment, was attributed to Wiclif s subversive 
 doctrines. The condemnation of the synod was at last ac- 
 cepted by the university, and the great teacher was obliged 
 to withdraw to his parish church at Lutterworth. Here, as 
 if despairing to accomplish reform by the aid of princes 
 and learned men, he devoted his energies to translating the 
 Bible into the speech of the people and training disciples — 
 his "poor priests" — who should perpetuate his message. 
 In 1384 he was summoned to Rome to defend his doctrines 
 before the pope, but a stroke of paralysis rendered the 
 journey a physical impossibility. He sent a written state- 
 ment of his faith, saying, " I joyfully admit myself bound 
 to tell to all true men the belief that I hold, and especially 
 to the pope ; for I suppose that if my faith be rightful and 
 given of God, the pope will gladly confirm it, and if my 
 faith be error, the pope will wisely amend it." These were 
 bold words to address to the tribunal where heresy was 
 more hateful than sin. The Vicar of Christ immediately 
 recognized in the advocate of poverty and righteousness an 
 arch-enemy of the Church of God. Wiclif died before the 
 pope's anathema could reach him, but the sentence was ex- 
 ecuted without delay. His doctrine was denounced as 
 
Rise of the Commons. 136 
 
 heresy, his writings were condemned, and his poor body,* 
 exhumed from Lutterworth churchyard, was burned by 1415. 
 the common hangman. 
 
 Not so, however, was the work of the great reformer un- 
 done. The students of Oxford cherished his memory and 
 the people secretly revered the valiant advocate of the 
 rights of man against iniquitous privilege. His " poor 
 priests" became most zealous evangelists. They are 
 
 described in a contemporary statute as " going from county Statute against 
 
 preachers of 
 
 to county and from town to town, in certain habits, under heresy (1382) 
 
 never as- 
 
 dissimulation of great holiness, preaching daily not only in sented to by 
 
 House of 
 
 churches and churchyards, but also in markets, fairs, and Commons. 
 
 other open places where a great congregation of people is." 
 The writings burned in accordance with papal decree were 
 reproduced with marvelous rapidity and copies of Wiclif's 
 Bible f were furtively read in the houses of the nobility, in 
 the court of the king. Knighton says, doubtless with some 
 exaggeration, that every second man one met was a Wiclif- 
 ite. 
 
 PROGRESS OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 A reform movement of even greater significance tban 
 that of Wiclif and the Lollards was agitating the people 
 during this vital century. The laboring population — the 
 ignored nine tenths of the nation — were waking to self-con- 
 sciousness and were striving to free themselves from the 
 fetters of feudal dependence and to better their lot in life. 
 This upward movement had its origin in the industrial 
 prosperity of the period. England was sufficiently removed 
 
 ♦Tradition says that the ashes were scattered in a stream near by, 
 a branch of the Avon. Hence the popular rhyme. 
 " The Avon to the Severn runs, 
 The Severn to the sea ; 
 And Wiclif s dust shall spread abroad, 
 Wide as the waters be." 
 t Anne of Bohemia, first queen of Richard II., possessed a copy of 
 Wiclif's Bible. Through her the works of the English reformer found 
 their way to Bohemia, and there inspired the ill-fated protest of Hubs 
 and Jerome. 
 
136 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 from the imbroglios of the Continent to escape the devas- 
 tating wars that checked productive enterprise. The quar- 
 rels in which the country was involved by the ambitious 
 projects of her kings, were fought out on foreign soil. They 
 did not directly interfere with England's industrial devel- 
 opment. In the reign of Edward III., an effort was made 
 to advance the commercial interests, and, hence, the tax- 
 paying power of the kingdom. Foreign merchants were 
 admitted to full trade privileges within the realm, and 
 when they encountered the jealous opposition of the 
 English traders, were taken under the special protection of 
 the king. Manufacturers, moreover, were systematically 
 encouraged. England had been, hitherto, an agricultural 
 country, and the wool cut from the backs of English sheep 
 had been sent to Flanders to be woven and dyed. Only the 
 coarsest cloths were manufactured at home, for skill and 
 implements were still of the rudest. With a view to devel- 
 oping this "infant industry," Edward III. offered the 
 king's protection to Flemish artisans, who, driven from 
 their own land by civil strife, gladly availed themselves 
 of the royal favor. They settled in London, Norwich, and 
 the eastern counties, and gradually taught English work- 
 men better methods of manufacture. The same policy was 
 carried out in this and later centuries by heavy duties 
 imposed on the importation of foreign cloths and the ex- 
 portation of wool. By 1600 woolen cloth had become one 
 of the most important articles of export. 
 
 This development of the woolen industry was accom- 
 panied by a marked increase in the numbers, wealth, and 
 influence of the artisan class. The medieval workman 
 occupied a very different position from that of the modern 
 factory operative. Machinery had not yet superseded skill, 
 and labor, not capital, was the sine qua non of industry. The 
 artisan was trained for his craft by several years' appren- 
 
Rise of the Commons. 
 
 137 
 
 Bandy Ball. Fourteenth 
 Century. 
 
 ticeship, and might spend several years more in the trade 
 as a journeyman laborer before his education was regarded 
 as complete. The fully accredited workman who had saved 
 enough money to buy an outfit and hire a shop could set 
 up for himself as a master crafts- 
 man. As such, he bought his 
 raw material, and made it up 
 with as much excellence and 
 beauty as his skill allowed. The 
 finished article was frequently 
 displayed in his shop -window for sale. With the accumu- 
 lation of means, he added to the number of his looms, and 
 hired journeymen or took on apprentices as they were 
 needed. He was capitalist, employer, and workman com- 
 bined. The artisans of any particular town who followed c ft _ .., 
 one craft soon saw the advantage of uniting for the further- 
 ance of their common interests. Artisan associations arose 
 spontaneously wherever there was a considerable body of 
 men engaged in the same trade, and were called "craft- 
 gilds" or "fellowships." Several such gilds trace their 
 
 origin back to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, but e -^-> the , .„ 
 ° ' weavers' gild 
 
 the political and economic conditions of the period under ?X ) o J ° ndon- 
 consideration were especially favorable to the extension of 
 A the system. By the close of the four- 
 
 teenth century there was hardly a 
 trade or occupation that was not so 
 organized.* A monopoly of its partic- 
 ular industry was accorded to the gild, 
 and it was held responsible by the 
 town authorities for the honest con- 
 Fraudulent sales, dishonest or bungling 
 
 Shuttlecock. Four- 
 teenth Century. 
 
 duct of that trade. 
 
 ♦There were some eighty chartered craft-gilds in London. Twelve of 
 these still exist, viz. : Mercers, Grocers, Drapers, Fishmongers, Gold- 
 smiths, Skinners, Merchant Tailors, Haberdashers, Salters, Iron- 
 mongers, Vintners, and Cloth-makers. 
 
138 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 workmanship, were punished by fine or withdrawal of the 
 gild privileges. Unruly members were tried by the officers 
 of the gild and then handed over to the town authorities 
 for punishment. The craft, no less than the merchant gild, 
 undertook the relief of sick or disabled members. Hospitals 
 were provided and charitable funds, from which accidental 
 losses might be made good, and widows and orphans pen- 
 sioned. These artisan associations acquired wealth and in- 
 fluence hardly inferior to that of the older trade gilds. 
 They had a co-ordinate part in the town government and 
 in the election of the two burgesses who represented the 
 interests of the municipality in Parliament. During this 
 and the succeeding century, the burgess members of the 
 House of Commons probably played but a shamefaced part 
 in the presence of the knights and court lawyers who con- 
 stituted the aristocratic element in that composite assem- 
 bly ; but they were gaining confidence with experience, and 
 bade fair to become in time the bold and progressive party. 
 In manor as well as in town, new forces were coming 
 into action, and the restricted conditions of medieval life 
 were giving way before the augmenting vitality of the peo- 
 ple. The serf population, ignored and despised by lord and 
 townsman alike, with no voice in the local or national 
 government and no recourse against oppression, was wak- 
 ing to a sense of its wrongs, making ready to assert its 
 right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Here, 
 as in the town community, economic influences were at 
 work that, by bettering the material condition of the peo- 
 ple, inspired them with courage to demand freedom. 
 Throughout the fourteenth century there was a general and 
 increasing tendency to commute labor for money service. 
 Just as the king had been ready to convert military service 
 into scutage, so the lord found it convenient to receive a 
 payment of silver in lieu of the labor hitherto extorted 
 
Rise of the Commons. 139 
 
 with so much difficulty from the reluctant cultivators of 
 bis manor lands. Wherever this was accomplished, the 
 demesne was henceforth tilled by hired laborers, and the 
 serfs were left free to care for their own holdings, for which 
 they still paid rent in money and produce. The thrifty 
 serf was now in a fair way to become a small peasant pro- 
 prietor, while his less industrious or less fortunate fellow 
 might lose his claim to the land and drift into the class 
 of free laborers. In any case a long stride was taken 
 toward complete emancipation when a man rid himself of 
 the old degrading services. 
 
 From the two great disasters of the century, the famine 
 (1313 and '15) and the Black Death, the working classes 
 reaped an incidental advantage. The great falling off in 
 the number of laborers, especially after the Black Death, 
 occasioned a rise of wages which was sufficient distinctly to 
 advance the material well-being of the surviving popula- 
 tion. Langland grumbles at the preposterous demands of 
 the aspiring hind : 
 
 " Laborers that have no land to live on but their hands 
 Deign not to dine to-day on yesterday's victuals. 
 No penny ale will pay them nor yet a piece of bacon 
 Unless it be fresh flesh or fish fried or baked ; 
 
 And it must be " hot and still hotter " lest their stomachs be chilled 
 And unless he be well-paid, he will chide at fate 
 And bewail the time that he was born a workman." 
 
 Alarmed by the exorbitant demands of their former statute of 
 bondmen, the landlords appealed to the king, who, with- 
 out waiting to convene Parliament, issued an ordinance de- 
 creeing that the former rates of wages should be enforced. 
 1 ' Because a great part of the people and especially of the 
 workmen have lately died of the Pestilence, many, seeing 
 the necessity of masters and the great scarcity of servants, 
 will not serve unless they may receive excessive wages," 
 and considering the " grievous incommodities " which from 
 
140 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 the lack especially of plowmen and such, laborers may 
 hereafter come "the king ordains that every man and 
 woman of whatsoever condition he be, bond or free, able in 
 body and within the age of three-score years, not living in 
 merchandise, not exercising any craft, nor having property 
 of his own whereof he may live, nor land of his own to 
 till," shall be bound to serve the lord who shall require his 
 labor and to take only such wages as were customarily 
 paid in his parish before the Pestilence. Laborers refusing 
 to work on these terms were liable to imprisonment, and 
 masters offering more than the legal rate of wages should 
 forfeit double the sum so paid. The artificers and work- 
 men of the towns were made subject to like restrictions 
 and penalties. Ten statutes to the same import were en- 
 acted within the next fifty years, each imposing heavier 
 penalties than the last, but in vain. Wages rose steadily* 
 
 from an average of 
 threepence a day, in the 
 beginning of the cen- 
 tury, to sixpence at its 
 close. The several Stat- 
 utes of Laborers were so 
 The Unearthing of a Fox. many attempts to dam 
 
 an incoming tide. The workmen had the vantage-ground, 
 and were able to enforce their claims. There is evidence 
 that they combined to resist any return to the old rates, 
 and formed organizations quite comparable to the modern 
 trades unions. Violent outbreaks were not infrequent. 
 The employing class took alarm, and, being all-influential 
 in Parliament, passed, in 1360, the statute against "covin 
 and conspiracy," which declared alliances of workmen 
 against their masters illegal. 
 
 * From three pence in 1300 to four pence in 1330 ; five pence in 1370, and 
 six pence in 1400. 
 
Rise of the Commons. 141 
 
 Legislation could not, however, prevent combination ThePeasant 
 among men who suffered the same wrongs and hoped R evolt. 1381. 
 for a common remedy. Secret associations were formed, 
 with recognized leaders and passwords. It is altogether 
 probable that the more radical of the Lollard priests aided 
 the movement and served as messengers between the differ- 
 ent sections of the country. Wiclifs saying, that obedience 
 was not due to an unrighteous lord, was interpreted to 
 give license for revolt. Matters came to a crisis in 1381 
 when the people rose in insurrection. Adequate cause for 
 the revolt may be found in the discontent of the laborers 
 and the protests of the villeins against the ignoble services 
 still exacted by their lords; but the immediate occasion 
 was the imposition of a poll tax in 1380. An attempt had 
 been made to distribute the burden according to wealth 
 and station ; the rich merchant or landowner was to pay 
 sixty groats, the poorest workman no less than one. 
 
 A trroRt — Id 
 For every child above fifteen years the tax was exacted. or4s. in money 
 
 To the aggrieved peasant, the tax was exorbitant, and its 
 ruthless collection seemed the last unendurable straw. The 
 revolt broke out simultaneously in Kent, Essex, and Hert- 
 fordshire, and spread with marvelous rapidity into all the 
 southeastern counties. There were similar risings in dis- 
 tricts as remote as York and Lancashire and Devon. All 
 accounts of the insurrection are written from the land- 
 owner's point of view. Froissart's account sounds like the 
 report of a labor riot given by the " capitalist press " of 
 to-day. " There happened in England great commotions 
 among the lower ranks of the people, by which England 
 was near ruined without resource. Never was a country 
 in such jeopardy as this was at that period, and all through 
 the too great comfort of the commonalty. It is marvelous 
 from what a trifle this pestilence arose. . . . It is cus- 
 tomary in England, as well as in several other countries, 
 
 of to-day. 
 
142 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 for the nobility to have great privileges over the common- 
 alty whom they keep in bondage ; that is to say, they are 
 bound by law and custom to plow the lands of gentlemen, 
 to harvest the grain, to carry it home to the barn, to thresh 
 and winnow it ; they are also bound to harvest the hay and 
 carry it home. ... In the counties of Kent, Essex, 
 Sussex, and Bedford, these services are more oppressive 
 than in all the rest of the kingdom. The evil-disposed in 
 these districts began to rise, saying that they were too 
 severely oppressed. . . . This they would no longer 
 bear, but had determined to be free ; and if they labored or 
 did any other works for their lords, they would be paid for 
 it. A crazy priest in the county of Kent, called John Ball, 
 who, for his absurd preaching, had been thrice confined in 
 the prison of the Archbishop of Canterbury, was greatly 
 instrumental in inflaming them with those ideas. He was 
 accustomed every Sunday after mass, as the people were 
 coming out of the church, to preach to them in the market- 
 place, and assemble a crowd around him to whom he 
 would say : ' My good friends, things cannot go on well in 
 England, nor ever will, until everything shall be in com- 
 mon ; when there shall be neither vassal nor lord, and all 
 distinctions leveled ; when the lords shall be no more 
 
 masters than ourselves. How 
 ill they have used us ! And for 
 what reason do they thus hold 
 us in bondage ? Are we not all 
 descended from the same pa- 
 Century. rents> A dam and Eve ? . . . 
 They are clothed in velvets and rich stuffs, ornamented 
 with ermine and other furs, while we are forced to wear 
 poor cloth ; they have wine, spices, and fine bread, when 
 we have only the refuse of straw, and, if we drink, it 
 must be water ; they have handsome seats and manors, 
 
Rise of the Commons. 143 
 
 when we must brave the wind and rain in our labors in the 
 field ; but it is from our labor they have wherewith to sup- 
 port their pomp. We are called slaves, and if we do not 
 perform our services we are beaten ; and we have not an 
 overlord to whom we can complain, or who wishes to hear 
 us and do us justice. Let us go to the king, who is young, 
 and remonstrate with him on our servitude ; telling him 
 that we must have it otherwise, or that we shall find 
 a remedy for it ourselves.'" The insurgents first at- 
 tacked the manor houses, and committed considerable vio- 
 lence, being bent on destroying the court-rolls which re- 
 corded their ancient servile dues. Then 
 they set out for London, marching in 
 scattered detachments, village by vil- 
 lage. Their leader, Wat Tyler, whom 
 Froissart describes as " a bad man and 
 a great enemy to the nobility," had 
 learned something of generalship in the 
 
 French wars. Arrived at London, a rabble of some 100,000 
 men, not one in twenty armed, they found the gates closed 
 and the government prepared for resistance. The common 
 people of London, however, sympathized with the revolt. 
 In response to their protests, the gates were opened and the 
 insurgents entered the city. Some violence was inevitable. 
 Savoy Palace, the residence of John of Gaunt, was burned. 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury, who, as king's chancellor, 
 had proposed the poll tax, was beheaded, together with many 
 lawyers and some unfortunate Flemings and Lombards. 
 Meanwhile, the king and his counselors, safely ensconced 
 in the Tower, debated what might be done. Should they 
 gather the nobles and their retainers, and, falling upon the 
 rebels in the night, kill them " like flies " ? This they dared 
 not do for fear of the sympathetic populace. "Sir," said 
 the king's counselors, "if you can appease them by fair 
 
 Wat Tyler. 
 
144 
 
 The Groivth of the English Nation. 
 
 words, it will be so much the better, and good humoredly 
 grant them what they ask ; for should we begin what we 
 cannot go through, we shall never be able to recover it ; it 
 will be all over with us and our heirs, and England will be 
 a desert." It was determined to treat with the enemy, and 
 the king sent orders that they should retire to "a hand- 
 some meadow at Mile-end, where, in the summer, people 
 go to amuse themselves." Arrived at the place, the young 
 king rode forward bravely enough, saying : " My good peo- 
 ple, I am your king and your lord ; what is it that you want, 
 and what do you wish to say to me?" Those who heard 
 him answered : " We wish thou wouldst make us free 
 forever, us, our heirs, and our lands, and that we should be 
 no longer called slaves nor held in bondage." The king 
 replied: "I grant your wish; now, therefore, return to 
 your homes, leaving two or three men from each village 
 . . . to whom I will order letters to be given, sealed with 
 my seal . . . with every demand you have made fully 
 granted." Thirty secretaries were immediately set to work 
 to draw up the charters of manumission, and the greater 
 part of the people departed for their homes, saying : " It is 
 well said ; we do not wish for more." Then the king's 
 party threw off the mask of courtesy and good humor. 
 Wat Tyler was foully murdered. Jack Straw, John Ball, 
 and other ringleaders were seized and executed without 
 form of trial. Many serfs suffered death at the hands 
 of their outraged masters. The villeins had no resource, 
 since the landowners were all-influential in both Houses of 
 Parliament. The charters of manumission were revoked 
 on the ground that they were granted by "compulsion, du- 
 ress, and menace," and an act of pardon was passed, exemp- 
 ting from blame and penalty any lords and gentlemen who, 
 in the emergency, had taken the law into their own hands 
 and inflicted bodily injury on their bondmen. 
 
Rise of the Commons. 
 
 145 
 
 So were the people outwitted and the insurrection crushed 
 in blood. The dominant classes were, as yet, too strong to 
 be withstood. It is quite probable that fear of another 
 rising induced many a lord to abate his claims somewhat, 
 but he would still enforce what he could, and there is 
 abundant evidence that certain forms of serf-labor persisted £" e ^» ^}f^_ 
 into the sixteenth century. The eventual emancipation of bondmetfon 
 the serfs was due, not to insurrection or legislation, but to ♦o^ !'!;!. 6 *' 
 
 the gradual operation of economic forces. 
 
 A Lady Hunting. Fourteenth Century. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Struggle for the Crown. 
 
 Illustrative Readings. 
 Henry IV.; Shakespeare. 
 Henry V.; " 
 
 Henry VI.; " 
 
 Richard III.; " 
 The Last of the Barons; Lord 
 
 Lytton. 
 Warwick ; C. W. Oman. 
 
 Important Dates. 
 Reign of Henry IV.. 1399-1413. 
 1401, Statute for the burning of 
 
 Heretics 
 1400, Revolt of Wales ; 1403, of 
 the Percies; 1405, of Archbishop 
 Scrope. 
 
 Reign of Henry V., 1413-1422. 
 
 1414, Lollard conspiracy. 
 
 1415, Battle of Agincourt. 
 1417, Conquest of Normandy. 
 1420, Treaty of Troyes. 
 
 Reign of Henry VI., 1422-1461. 
 1429, Siege of Orleans. 
 
 1450, Cade's insurrection. 
 
 1451, Loss of Normandy and Gul- 
 enne. 
 
 1455, Battle of St. Albans. 
 
 1461, Battle of Towton. 
 
 1471, Battle of Barnet. 
 Reign of Edward V., 1483. 
 Reign of Richard III., 1483-1485. 
 
 1485, Battle of Bosworth Field. 
 
 Genealogical table. 
 
 The rival dynasties. 
 
 EDWARD III. 
 
 Clarence. 
 
 Gaunt. 
 
 York. 
 
 By Blanche of Lancaster, By Katherine Swynford Richard, 
 
 (illegitimate). Earl of Cambridge 
 
 Henry IV., 
 
 1399-1413. 
 
 Henry V., 
 
 1413-1422. 
 
 Henry VI., 
 1422-1471. 
 
 Edward, 
 
 slai n at 
 
 Tewkesbury, 
 
 1471. 
 
 John Beaufort, 
 Earl of Somerset. 
 
 John Beaufort, 
 Duke of Somerset. 
 
 L 
 
 Margaret Beaufort, 
 m. Edmund Tudor, 
 Earl of Richmond. 
 
 Henry VlL, 
 
 1485-1409. 
 
 m.Anne Mortimer, 
 beheaded 1415. 
 
 Richard, 
 Duke of York, 
 
 slain at 
 Wakefield, 1460. 
 
 Mc 
 
 Edmund Mortimer, 
 
 Earl of March, 
 
 died 1424. 
 
 Anne Mortimer. 
 
 Edward IV., 
 1461-1483. 
 
 Elizabeth, Edward V., Richard, 
 m. Henry VII. murdered, 
 1483, 
 
 George, 
 
 Duke of Clarence, 
 
 murdered 1478. 
 
 Edward, 
 Earl of Warwick, 
 beheaded 1499. 
 
 146 
 
 Margaret, 
 
 beheaded 
 
 1541. 
 
 Richard III., 
 
 1483-1485, 
 
 slain at 
 
 Tewkesbury, 
 
 1485. 
 
 Edward, 
 died 
 
 1484. 
 
Struggle for the Crown. 147 
 
 The brilliant promise of the fourteenth century was 
 destined to fail of fulfilment. The hopes and aspirations 
 awakened in the good times of Edward I. were undone by 
 the great calamities which fell upon the land in the reign 
 of his successors. War, pestilence, and famine wrought 
 their hideous work, sapping the energies that should have 
 gone into progress and expansion. The forward movement 
 toward political, religious, and industrial freedom proved 
 premature and abortive. In the succeeding age all the 
 achievements of the fourteenth century were rendered void. 
 Degeneration and decay characterized every aspect of the 
 national life. Politics dwindled into mere strife of faction, 
 worship passed into formalism, the literary impulse ebbed, 
 and social relations became demoralized even to brutality. 
 
 THE DYNASTIC WARS. 
 
 Henry IV., like Edward III., came to the throne pledged 
 to respect the constitutional rights of the nation. His 1399-1413.' 
 usurpation was a protest against the misgovernment of 
 Richard II., and success was achieved by the support of 
 the Lords Appellant. At his coronation, he confirmed the 
 ancient laws and charters, and promised to govern not ac- 
 cording to his own arbitrary pleasure, but by advice of the 
 estates assembled in Parliament, and loyally did the king 
 keep his word. Constitutional forms were scrupulously 
 observed. Taxes and legislation were determined by the 
 will of the people. " Never before and never again for two 
 hundred years were the Commons so strong as they were 
 under Henry IV." But the first Lancastrian came to the 
 throne under obligation to the great lords and prelates who 
 had combined to depose Richard. Their zeal was rewarded 
 by rich booty in titles and estates. Arundel was made Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, while the Percies and the Nevilles 
 were given ample assurance of the king's favor. The 
 obligation to the Church was redeemed by prompt legisla- 
 
148 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Statute against * iou against Lollardry. All previous measures had been 
 heretics. 1401. ineffective. The doctrine of Wiclif was preached through 
 the length and breadth of the land, and the reformed faith 
 was being accepted not only by peasants and artisans, but 
 by learned doctors and court nobility. The clergy, in 
 alarm, appealed to the king to reinforce ecclesiastical sen- 
 tence by civil penalty. Henry 
 had inherited nothing of his 
 father's quarrel with the Church, 
 and looked upon the Lollards as 
 dangerous adherents of Richard. 
 He readily lent his influence to 
 the petition which resulted in 
 the first act against heretics in- 
 scribed among English statutes. 
 The confirmed heretic was to be 
 burned to ashes in some high 
 place before the eyes of the peo- 
 ple, in order to strike fear to the 
 hearts of any who might be wavering in the approved 
 creed. When the commons petitioned that the wealth of 
 the clergy should be confiscated to the uses of the State, 
 the king sent answer that "from thenceforth they should 
 not presume to study about any such matters." 
 
 Such efforts to reinforce his position could not guard the 
 new-made king against rebellion. Richard's friends soon 
 gathered courage to assert his right to the throne. The 
 unhappy prince was secretly murdered the year after his 
 deposition, but his partisans did not despair. Rumors that 
 Richard was alive, that he had been seen in Scotland, that 
 he was rallying his forces at Chester, were rife in the land, 
 and stirred the latent discontent of the people. Henry was 
 deep in debt and the heavy requisitions he made upon the 
 nation's wealth soon quenched the loyalty called forth by 
 
 Effigy of Henry IV. and his 
 Queen, Joan of Navarre. 
 
Struggle for the Grown. 149 
 
 his regard for constitutional forms. Divers plots were un- 
 dertaken against the king's life. Wales revolted and the 
 Percies, whose allegiance Henry had thought secure, 
 joined the Welsh in proclaiming the young Earl of March 
 rightful heir to the throne. Northumberland rose at their 
 call, and the insurrection was with difficulty suppressed. 
 The king of France, whose daughter was Richard's queen, 
 protested against the usurpation and sent aid to the Welsh 
 insurgents. The Gascon cities that had remained loyal to 
 the English mistrusted the new dynasty and lent ear to 
 the overtures of France. One by one all obstacles were over- 
 come, all enemies were outwitted, reconciled, or destroyed, 
 and the people won over to the House of Lancaster. But 
 the task wore out the king's life. Haunted by secret doubts 
 as to his right to the crown, weighed down by a disease 
 which his superstitious contemporaries believed to be the 
 judgment of God, he grew jealous and suspicious, fearing 
 to be displaced in his turn by the popular heir-apparent. 
 "He reigned thirteen years," says Holinshed, " with great 
 perplexity and little pleasure," but he left a well-founded 
 inheritance to his successors. 
 
 Henry V. was a man of different temper; able, upright, HenryV 
 and generous, a brilliant warrior and a wise ruler, he was 1413 " 1422 - 
 the best product of his age. Prince Hal, the gay and mis- 
 chievous youth whom Shakespeare depicts as FalstafTs 
 boon companion, was suddenly sobered by the responsi- 
 bility of kingship. " He was changed into another man," 
 says Walsingham, "studying to be honest, grave, and 
 modest." Disturbing questions as to dynastic right died 
 
 into silence before the popularity of the brave, self-confident The execution 
 
 1 r * ' of Cambridge 
 
 young king. The Earl of March was received into royal ( 141 . 5 ) oc- 
 
 c&sioncci t iic 
 
 favor, and the conspiracy undertaken in his name by the blood-feud be- 
 
 ' * J J tween the 
 
 Earl of Cambridge was readily brought to naught. The houses of Lan- 
 
 6 j a n caster and 
 
 king's championship of orthodoxy doubtless added greatly York. 
 
150 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Obscure Lol- 
 lard rising 
 under Jack 
 Sharp crushed 
 1431. 
 
 to the security of his administration. The statute against 
 heretics was reinforced in 1414, and a formidable Lollard 
 rising under Sir John Oldcastle was quashed by Henry's 
 prompt interference. The leaders were put to death, and 
 the movement so discredited, that Lollardry never again 
 figured as a menace to the established order. Religious 
 discontent smoldered in secret until the Reformation. 
 
 The renewal of the French wars was another popular 
 measure. Henry's claim to the French throne was slighter 
 than that of Edward III. and had even less chance of suc- 
 cess ; but its assertion was eagerly applauded by English- 
 men of the day. The war with France had become an 
 
 ancestral feud that must be pros- 
 ecuted without regard to conse- 
 quences. The barons welcomed 
 the opportunity to win fame and 
 plunder, while the clergy were 
 glad to divert attention from a 
 second proposal to confiscate 
 ecclesiastical revenues, by voting 
 taxes for the French campaigns. 
 Military Costume of the Reign The war, so cordially under- 
 taken, was carried to a brilliant 
 conclusion. The battle of Agincourt was a repetition of 
 Crecy. Once again English yeomen overthrew French 
 knights with well-directed shots from skilful long-bows, 
 and once again the English army, invincible in battle, was 
 destroyed by famine and disease. Good fortune, rather than 
 valor, gave Henry the ultimate victory. France was de- 
 moralized by civil strife. The king, Charles VI., was imbe- 
 cile, and the kingdom was divided between hostile factions. 
 The Burgundians held the north and west, while the parti- 
 sans of the Dauphin were in control south of the Loire. 
 The country lay waste and desolate ; the cities were reduced 
 
Struggle for the Crown. 
 
 151 
 
 to anarchic misrule. A land so distraught was not difficult 
 to conquer. The assassination of the Duke of Burgundy 
 ruined the cause of the Dauphin. A treaty of peace was T . f 
 concluded, the hand of the Princess Catherine being given ?^o yes- 
 in pledge of fulfilment. The rights of the Dauphin were 
 set aside, and it was agreed that Henry was to succeed to 
 the throne on the death of Charles VI. In 1421 Henry 
 returned to England, accom- 
 panied by his fair French bride. 
 He was joyfully greeted by a peo- 
 ple intoxicated with triumph, 
 but a sinister fate awaited the 
 warrior king. Returning to 
 France to pursue the conquest of 
 the south, "he fell sick of the 
 great heat," and died only two 
 
 months before the mad monarch Female Costume of the Reign of 
 
 Henry V. From the MS. 
 whom he had expected to sue- Royal, 15, D. 3. 
 
 ceed. Henry V. had dreamed of reducing France, not 
 merely to submission, but to order and renewed prosperity 
 —of carrying the terror of the English name to the far east 
 — of conquering the Turks and restoring the Holy Sepul- 
 cher to Christian keeping ; but all these great projects came 
 to nothing, for the king was cut off in the first flush of 
 success before his initial conquests could be secured. 
 
 England was undone by his death. The Prince of Wales 
 was but nine months old, and the realm was exposed to all 
 the difficulties and dangers of a long minority. Parliament 
 vested sovereign authority in a council of regency, ap- 
 pointing the late king's brothers, the Dukes of Bedford and 
 Gloucester, to the government of France and England 
 respectively. Gloucester was a vain, ambitious prince who 
 did not hesitate to sacrifice the peace of the country to his 
 own advancement. He was soon engaged in a fierce quar- 
 
 Henry VI. 
 1422-1471. 
 
152 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 rel with Bishop Beaufort, his rival in the government. 
 The feud, ceasing only with the death of the principals, 
 continued through the first twenty-five years of this un- 
 happy reign, and involved the council, the court, and 
 ultimately the dynasty in its fatal toils. 
 
 In the meantime, Bedford was spending his splendid 
 energy and sorely needed wisdom in the vain endeavor to 
 retain the French conquests. The fortunes of France had 
 touched lowest ebb in the Treaty of Troyes. With the death 
 French victo- °f * ne mac * king, courage revived, and loyal Frenchmen 
 Joan of Arc. turned to the Dauphin as the hope of the nation. Awak- 
 ened patriotism found expression in the self-forgetting 
 zeal of Joan of Arc, the marvelous peasant girl of Domremi, 
 who inspired the dejected forces of the Dauphin with such 
 enthusiasm as enabled them once more to win victories 
 from the English. A besieging force was driven back from 
 Orleans, the strong city of the loyal south ; the Dauphin 
 was carried to Rheims, and there triumphantly crowned in 
 the heart of the enemy's country, while one after another 
 the fortified cities were recovered from the English garrisons. 
 Not even the capture and barbarous execution of the Maid 
 of Orleans could daunt the renewed courage of the French, 
 but the death of the Duke of Bedford removed the single 
 element of strength in the English resistance. In 1436 
 Paris was lost and England's possessions rapidly narrowed 
 down to the limits attained by Henry II. 
 
 At home, meanwhile, matters were going badly. The 
 little king, a delicate but precocious child, was being care- 
 fully educated, and he showed himself an apt and submis- 
 sive pupil. In happier times he might have become a good, 
 even a great sovereign ; but the storm and stress of civil 
 strife forced upon him responsibilities far beyond his 
 strength. He was crowned king of England when only 
 seven years of age, and king of France at ten. Again and 
 
Struggle for the Crown. 
 
 153 
 
 again, while still a mere child, he was called upon to medi- 
 ate between the great barons of the council. The death of 
 Bedford bereft him of his only wise and disinterested min- 
 ister. The fragile body and overwrought brain of the boy 
 king broke under the strain. He was still a young man 
 when the curse of his house fell upon him and he became a 
 helpless imbecile. The condition of England was pitiable. 
 The people groaned under the burden of taxes imposed for 
 the prosecution of the French war. The heavy drafts 
 required to fill up the ranks of the depleted army, coupled 
 with frequent recurrences of the plague, had sensibly re- 
 duced the population. The strength of the nation was 
 nearly exhausted, and yet Par- 
 liament was unwilling to treat 
 for peace. Race pride revolted 
 against a humiliating conclusion 
 to the war so brilliantly inaug- 
 urated. The counselors of the 
 king, however, seeing that fail- 
 ure was inevitable, negotiated a 
 truce. A marriage was arranged 
 between the young king and 
 Margaret of Anjou, Maine and 
 Aujou being ceded as the price 
 of peace. Normandy was lost in 
 1450, and the coast cities, Bor- 
 deaux and Bayonne, in 1451. The remnant of Guienne 
 
 Loss of French 
 thus passed into the hands of the French king, and Calais territories. 
 
 alone remained to England. 
 
 With the close of the war, a crowd of disappointed knights 
 and ragged soldiers returned from over-seas, seeking to bet- 
 ter their desperate fortunes. They found the country well- 
 nigh ruined, the king impotent, the queen generally hated 
 because of the humiliating marriage treaty, and the princes 
 
 John Talbot, Earl of Shrews- 
 bury, in the Habit of the Or- 
 der of the Garter, presenting 
 a Book to King Henry VI. 
 and his Queen, Margaret. 
 From an illustration in the 
 volume so presented, marked 
 Royal, 15, E. 6. 
 
154 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 of the blood-royal engaged in a life and death struggle for 
 control of the government. Edmund Beaufort, Duke of 
 Somerset, head of the illegitimate branch of the Lancas- 
 trian House, had the confidence of the court and the queen ; 
 but he was unpopular with the people, and was charged 
 with every disaster at home and abroad. His rival, Richard 
 of York, had, on the contrary, proved himself an able ruler, 
 both in France and in Ireland. He was not only heir- 
 apparent to the childless king, but, being descended through 
 his mother, Anne Mortimer, from Lionel, Duke of Clar- 
 ence, elder brother to John of 
 Gaunt, he might advance a better 
 claim to the throne than the reign- 
 ing dynasty. Distrusted by the 
 queen's party and driven from 
 court, his name was caught up by 
 the malcontents as the guarantee 
 of efficient government. Jack 
 Cade, who incited the fruitless 
 peasant insurrection in 1451 , assumed the name of Mortimer. 
 The "Complaint of the Commons of Kent" protested 
 against the misgovernment of unworthy favorites, and de- 
 manded that the king recall to court " that high and 
 mighty prince, the Duke of York." The Kentish rising, far 
 from inducing the king to summon York to his council, 
 only heightened the antagonism between that great lord 
 and the court party. 
 
 In 1453, Henry fell into a state of imbecility which en- 
 dured, with brief intervals of sanity, through the remaining 
 eighteen years of his life. The birth of Prince Edward in 
 the same year gave at last an heir to the House of Lan- 
 caster. Relying on the support of powerful barons, 
 notably the Earl of Warwick, York laid claim to the 
 protectorate, and did not hesitate to maintain his right by 
 
 Civil Costume of the Reign 
 of Henry VI. 
 
Struggle for the Crown. 155 
 
 force. Somerset was slain at St. Albans, and Queen 1445 
 Margaret was left alone to defend the interests of her 
 feeble husband and infant son. The queen was justly 
 unpopular, since there was reason to believe that she was 
 soliciting the aid of France and Scotland against her Eng- 
 lish foes. Nevertheless she could count on the loyalty of 
 the north and west. The Yorkist cause, on the other hand, 
 was maintained in London and the rich and populous 
 southeastern counties whose commercial and industrial in- 
 terests were dependent on efficient government. Richard of 
 York, as well as his successors, courted the alliance of the 
 people. In 1459, the quarrel so long smoldering broke 
 into flame. Parliament, acting under the influence of the 
 queen, attainted York and his principal supporters. They 
 armed in self-defense and the land was given over to civil 
 
 war. Victory was at first with the Duke of York. At the 
 
 J Wars of the 
 
 battle of Northampton, Henry VI. was taken prisoner and Roses. 
 
 Lancastrians 
 York laid claim to the crown. A compromise was effected wore the red 
 
 rose, Yorkists, 
 by the advocates of peace ; Richard was to succeed Henry the white. 
 
 VI., the claim of Prince Edward being set aside. Queen 
 
 Margaret, however, rejected the arrangement and fought 
 
 like a lioness for the rights of her son. Richard fell at 
 
 Wakefield, but his heir, young Edward of York, proved as 
 
 strong a leader. Getting possession of London, he was 
 
 proclaimed king by the citizens and crowned, before the 
 
 Coronation of 
 sanction of Parliament was obtained, by a group of parti- Edward iv. 
 
 1461. 
 
 san lords. The bloody battle of Towton Field wrecked the 
 hopes of the Lancastrians. The leading men of the party 
 were slain, and the fierce queen "was forced to flee to Scot- 
 land, carrying with her the husband and son for whom she 
 waged this desperate contest. Thus was the work of 1399 
 undone, and the act of deposition reversed. The coronation 
 of Edward IV. was a reassertion of hereditary right. 
 The cause of the White Rose had been staunchly main- 
 
156 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 tained by Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, near kinsman 
 to the house of York, and the most powerful lord in 
 England. He held great estates in the midland counties 
 and could gather an army of trusty vassals under his ban- 
 ner, the ragged staff. He was further so connected by 
 blood and marriage with other great families that he could 
 count on the support of the major part of the English 
 nobility. It was said that " half England would rise at his 
 word." An able politician, a man of genial manners and 
 wide sympathies, he won the steadfast confidence of the 
 people. " He ever had the good voice of the people," says 
 the chronicler, " because he gave them fair words, showing 
 himself easy and familiar." He, far more than the Duke of 
 York, fought in the interest of good government, and the 
 victory of the White Rose was due in great part to his 
 valiant service. After the crown was won and Edward 
 IV. established at Westminster, Warwick was sent to guard 
 the north country against the raids undertaken by Marga- 
 ret and the Scots. It was no easy task ; the indomitable 
 queen stirred the discontented of Northumberland to re- 
 volt, and rising after rising was attempted, tasking the 
 skill of Warwick to the utmost. 
 
 Meanwhile King Edward at London was pursuing his 
 own pleasure as gayly as if his tenure of the throne was 
 indefeasible. In 1464 he married Lady Grey, rejecting the 
 high-born brides proposed by Warwick, and proceeded to 
 bestow titles and offices upon her numerous relatives, the 
 Woodvilles, with slight regard to the advice of his former 
 councilors. The people murmured that Lancastrian feeble- 
 ness " was no worse than the reckless misrule of a York." 
 The rebellious commons of Yorkshire, led by Robin of 
 Redesdale, protested against burdensome taxation, the 
 alienation of the royal estates to upstart favorites, and the 
 exclusion from the king's council of the princes of the 
 
Struggle for the Crown. 
 
 157 
 
 blood. Warwick began to repent him of his work and to 
 plot resistance. It required but the weight of his influence 
 on the Lancastrian side to turn the tables. A sharp rever- 
 sal of fortune drove the over-confident Edward beyond seas 
 and restored Henry VI. to the throne. For five months o/Henryvi. 
 the frail old man held the scepter in his feeble grasp. He 
 was but a shadow king, the real sovereign was the great 
 Earl of Warwick. In the 
 spring of 1471, Edward re- 
 turned to England, protest- 
 ing that he had come in all 
 loyalty to King Henrj', to 
 recover but his ancestral 
 estates. Encountering no 
 resistance from the apa- 
 thetic people, he gathered 
 courage and reclaimed the 
 throne. In the struggle that 
 ensued, Warwick was slain, 
 together with Prince Ed- 
 ward, the hope of the Lan- 
 castrians; Margaret was 
 taken prisoner, and the old 
 king, consigned to the 
 Tower, died on the night of 
 Edward's triumphant re- 
 turn to London. The House of Lancaster fell, overborne by 
 force. Twenty years of civil strife had resulted in the fhe Lancas* ° 
 triumph of a rival dynasty. It was not a constitutional ^t^im.**' 
 struggle like that led by Simon de Montfort, by Thomas of 
 Lancaster, by the Lords Appellant. Henry IV. and his 
 successors had been most scrupulously observant of every 
 constitutional form. They had neither attempted arbitrary 
 rule nor sought to enrich themselves and their favorites at 
 
 Female Costume of the Reign of 
 Edward IV. 
 
158 
 
 The Oroivth of the English Nation. 
 
 the expense of the commonweal. Their failure was in 
 "want of governance. " The dynasty had failed to strike 
 deep root in the loyalty of the nation, because it had fur- 
 nished no able administrator. England needed above all 
 things a strong and efficient government which should pro- 
 tect the weak and restore order to the disorganized State. 
 The House of York did not meet this need. The gov- 
 ernment of Edward IV. was arbitrary rather than strong. 
 Since John, no king had sat on the English throne 
 so abandoned to vicious pleasure, so lacking in the 
 sense of responsibility for his people. Edward had "a 
 conspicuous talent for extortion." Money was wrung 
 from his helpless subjects by new 
 and ingenious devices. Heavy fines 
 were imposed for fictitious offenses 
 and "benevolences" were demanded 
 on such terms as made this form of 
 contribution to the king's neces- 
 sities even more vexatious than the 
 forced loans of Richard II. No 
 class escaped the royal exactions. 
 "The rich," says a contemporary, 
 "were hanged by the purse and the poor by the neck." 
 Parliament was summoned at rare intervals, and its prin- 
 cipal business was the voting of forfeitures and bills of 
 attainder against the Lancastrian lords. No reform legis- 
 lation was attempted. 
 
 Edward's sudden death left the succession ill-defended. 
 His son, Prince Edward, was but thirteen years of age. The 
 young king's uncle, Richard, Duke of Gloucester, deformed 
 of body, brilliant of intellect, and of all the House of York 
 most cruel and selfish, the man to whom tradition has 
 attributed the worst crimes of this brutal age, had enjoyed 
 the full trust of the late kinsc. No sooner was Edward dead 
 
 Civil Costume of the Iteign 
 of Edward IV. 
 
Struggle for the Croivn. 159 
 
 than Richard began his bloody march toward the throne. 
 The Woodvilles were driven from court, some into exile, 
 some to the block, and Gloucester was elected protector of 
 the realm. The wily duke took the oath of allegiance to 
 his young nephew ; but before Edward could be crowned, v 
 his royal right was set aside and Richard was invited by a 
 partisan gathering of lords and clergy, acting in the name 
 of the three estates, to assume the crown. The boy king 
 and his little brother were murdered in the Tower. 
 Richard III. was a man of sinister genius — the worst prod- Richard m. 
 
 , , . m , i t> i- 1483-1485. 
 
 uct of his age. The single Parlia- 
 ment of his reign passed a series of 
 remedial statutes, and these are 
 sometimes cited as evidence that 
 the last York was maligned by his 
 successors — that the real man might 
 have become a great sovereign. 
 Since, however, the king did not 
 hesitate to set at naught the only 
 statute of importance— that declar- F Kard°ni. m FYSV f 
 ing benevolences illegal — he can mum. Royal MS. 
 hardly be regarded as the author of the reform movement. 
 The two years of his reign were spent in the vain endeavor 
 
 to defeat the rival claimant to the succession, Henry Tudor, 
 
 ^ ' Overthrow of 
 
 Duke of Richmond, the last surviving heir of the House of the Yorkists 
 
 at Bosworth 
 Lancaster. At the decisive battle of Bosworth Field, Rich- Field. 1485. 
 
 ard was slain, and Henry was proclaimed king. 
 
 THE STATE OF THE COUNTRY. 
 
 The misery of the people during these years of civil strife 
 
 was such as England had not known since the evil days of 
 
 Stephen. The land was laid waste by rival armies in pur- 
 Devastation 
 suit of plunder or revenge. Crops were destroyed and caused by 
 
 cattle driven off, the very huts of the peasants were torn 
 
 down, and their owners left to naked beggary. Villages 
 
 the wars. 
 
160 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 and towns were sacked and burned to the ground, and the 
 countryside reduced to smoking ruins. More men died 
 of want than were slain in battle. Famine and pestilence, 
 the attendants of war, added their horror to the general 
 distress. The fields lay untilled in many parts of the coun- 
 try. The price of wheat fluctuated with every harvest, but 
 again and again during the century, it rose to famine rates. 
 Pestilence followed close upon famine. The chroniclers 
 record some twenty outbreaks of " the Death," with hardly 
 a space of five years free. Not only was the growth of pop- 
 ulation checked, but the number of souls actually fell below 
 what it was in the thirteenth century. Suffering and the 
 failure of accustomed restraints demoralized the nation. 
 Loyalty, honor, all sense of obligation, weakened in this 
 age of social disintegration. Treachery, breach of vows, 
 barbarous cruelty, characterized the party leaders. Their 
 followers, not slow to imitate the evil example, robbed and 
 murdered in their turn. 
 
 „ The Church had well-nigh lost its influence for good. 
 
 . ff., George ° ° 
 
 * e Z ille ' t ^ rch ' Dogma once rendered secure by the suppression of the Lol- 
 r ork, sur- lards, little concern was felt for the well-being of the people. 
 
 endered Lon- ' ° r x 
 
 ,on to King The superior clergy, younger sons of baronial families, took 
 
 irice of safety. an active part in the civil strife, and proved themselves a 
 
 shade more faithless than their non-tonsured allies. 
 
 The baronage was decimated in the course of the dynastic 
 
 struggle.* Many old houses were extinguished, the men of 
 
 the family having fallen in battle. Many more were 
 
 impoverished. The wasteful expenses entailed in 120 years 
 
 of public and private war, and the cost of maintaining the 
 
 splendid establishments required by the fashion of the 
 
 times, were a heavy charge, while the returns from landed 
 
 * The loss of life was heaviest amoDg the nobility. At the battle of 
 Northampton, Warwick gave orders that none should slay the com- 
 mons, but only the lords, with whom lay the responsibility for the war. 
 But twenty-nine barons were summoned to the first Parliament of 
 Henry VII. 
 
Struggle for the Crown. 
 
 161 
 
 property were diminishing. Wealth and influence were 
 centered in a few great families. There were half a dozen 
 peers whose power rivaled that of royalty itself. The Earl 
 of Warwick boasted so large a following that six oxen were 
 daily slaughtered to provide his breakfast table. The Duke 
 of Buckingham's rental was estimated at £180,000 in 
 money of to-day, while in his great hall of Thornbury 200 
 guests partook of his bounty. The Earl of Berkeley was 
 accompanied on his journeys by a retinue of 150 retainers, 
 dressed in his livery. A baron's strength was measured by 
 the number of followers he could maintain. Such attend- Liveried re- 
 ants were fed and clothed, armed and mounted by their » a Li very " 
 lord, and were entitled to a share in the booty of war. In [^g^ny thT 
 return for such " livery," the man bound himself to espouse a 1 ll ?h i r i nce *d 
 his lord's quarrels, to answer his summons, and follow him provisions, 
 to battle at home or abroad. It was just such a relation of 
 mutual service and protection as existed between the Saxon 
 earl and his thane. There was, in fact, in the disorgan- 
 ized state of society, a reversion to feudalism. Backed by 
 their armed retainers, 
 powerful nobles made 
 war upon each other, 
 in pursuit of personal 
 ends. Fierce feuds 
 and private wars, such 
 as disgraced the reign 
 of Stephen, were of fre- 
 quent occurrence. There was no authority strong enough 
 to cope with the turbulent gentry. The kings were but their 
 creatures and the courts of justice could not withstand 
 their influence. A powerful nobleman had only to appear 
 before the justice with several thousand henchmen at his 
 back to secure the reversal of a hostile sentence. The 
 Parliamentary records of the period abound in complaints 
 
 Preparing for a Joust. 
 
162 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 of "the outrageous oppressions and maintenances made 
 to the damage of the people in divers parts of the realm." 
 From Edward III. to Henry VII. this was a growing evil. 
 No less than twelve statutes were enacted against the 
 giving of liveries and the maintaining of false quarrels ; 
 but legislation could effect nothing when there was no 
 strong central authority to put the law into execution. In 
 the ignoble strife for possession of the crown, the royal 
 authority was discredited. The institutions of government, 
 local as well as central, were demoralized, and the kingdom 
 lapsed into anarchy. Parliament, formerly the staunch 
 defender of the people's liberties, had degenerated into 
 the servile tool of dynastic faction. By neglecting to sum- 
 mon the hostile lords and by skilfully manipulating county 
 elections, the party in power could at any time convene an 
 assembly that would ratify its measures of attainder and 
 restitution. 
 
 Bad as were the political and social conditions of the age, 
 there was still room for considerable industrial progress. 
 The citizens of the towns and the lesser folk of the coun- 
 try had little to do with the civil wars. Yeomen and 
 all below the rank of squire were forbidden by law to don a 
 livery or to follow a lord to battle, wnile participation 
 in the county elections was limited to persons possessed 
 of land worth forty shillings a year.* The process of com- 
 muting personal for money service was virtually accom- 
 plished in the course of the fifteenth century and the 
 former serfs became copyhold tenants. The demesne 
 lands were rented on easy terms by their necessitous 
 owners to thrifty yeomen who knew how to lay up money 
 in spite of the turbulent times. Such a man is described in 
 
 *Statute of 1430, enacted in consequence of tumults made in the county 
 courts " by great attendance of people of small substance and no value, 
 whereof every one of them pretended a voice equivalent, as to such 
 elections, with the most worthy knights and squires resident." 
 
Struggle for the Croivn. 
 
 163 
 
 Latimer's sermon before Edward VI. " My father was a 
 yeoman and had no lands of his own, only he had a farm of 
 three or four hundred pounds (rent) by year at the utter- 
 most, and hereupon he tilled so much as kept half a dozen 
 men. He had walk for a hundred sheep, and my mother 
 milked thirty kine. . . . He kept me to school, or else I 
 had not been able to preach before the king's majesty 
 now. He married my sisters with five pounds apiece. . . 
 He kept hospitality for his poor neighbors and some alms 
 he gave to the poor, and all this he did of the same farm." 
 Such a man, too, was Clement Paston, the ancestor of the 
 Pastons of Norfolk, whose son became a prominent judge 
 and whose grandson married the heiress of a good county 
 family. 
 
 The fifteenth century has been called " the golden age of Misery of 
 English labor," and it is true that the period is marked by the P 60 ? 1 ^ 
 a steady rise of wages ; but 
 prices rose no less steadily 
 and the irregularity of em- 
 ployment (all labor was sus- 
 pended on the frequent 
 Church holidays) reduced 
 the earning power of the 
 workman to the mere cost 
 of subsistence. The oft- 
 enacted statutes of laborers 
 empowered justices of the 
 
 peace to fix the rate of wages and forbade the laborers 
 to move about in search of better pay. Lamenting the 
 degraded lot of the farm servants, Sir Thomas More says : 
 " The state and condition of the laboring beasts may 
 seem much better and wealthier ; for they be not put to 
 so continual labor, nor their living is not much worse, 
 yea to them much pleasanter, taking no thought in the 
 
 Lord Rivers and Caxton, his 
 
 Printer, presenting a Book 
 
 to Edward IV. 
 
164 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 mean season for the time to come. But these seely poor 
 wretches be presently tormented with barren and unfruit- 
 ful labor, and the remembrance of their poor, indigent, and 
 beggarly old age killeth them up. For their daily wages is 
 so little that it will not suffice for the same day, much less 
 it yieldeth any surplus that may daily be laid up for the re- 
 lief of old age." The food and shelter that might be 
 procured with such meager earnings was so poor and 
 unwholesome that the laboring classes fell an easy prey 
 to the pestilence. Leprosy, typhoid, and other filth dis- 
 eases ran riot. 
 
 The citizens of the towns were far more prosperous. It 
 was the policy of the burgesses to shirk all responsibility 
 for the dynastic strife. Neither White Rose nor lied was 
 worth the cost of a siege and the city gates flew open to the 
 first comer. The wars, foreign and domestic, were a seri- 
 ous interference to commerce. Pirates infested the seas and 
 the ports were not infrequently burned by French fleets 
 that scoured the coasts. The victory of York, however, fur- 
 nished opportunity for the revival of industrial prosperity. 
 Edward IV., who earned the title of "Merchant Prince" 
 by his successful trade speculations, did much to restore 
 security to commerce. A typical burgher of the day was 
 Sir Richard Whittington, a prosperous member of the wor- 
 shipful Mercers Company, who built hospitals and colleges, 
 loaned money to the king, and four times fulfilled the 
 prophecy rung in his boyish ears by Loudon's bells — 
 "Turn again, Whittington, Lord Mayor of London." 
 
 The fifteenth century produced no statesmen and no 
 poets. It was a brutal age, in which the ideas that had re- 
 deemed medieval society — patriotism, religion, chivalry — 
 languished, overborne by selfish materialism. The litei*- 
 ary impulse of the fourteenth century was prematurely 
 checked. The ill-fated Henry VI. founded the grammar 
 
Struggle for the Ci^own. 
 
 165 
 
 school of Eton and built King's College Chapel, Caxton 
 set up his printing press at Westminster in the reign of 
 Edward IV., but with such rare exceptions, the age seemed 
 intellectually dead. There was a dearth of poetry and 
 romance. Even the chroniclers give evidence of the gen- 
 eral mental apathy. Their meager records rival the Anglo- 
 Saxon in dullness. Yet though the times admitted of no 
 individual eminence in culture or in art, the people at 
 large had their heart-stirring ballads, their quaint religious 
 dramas, played in the city streets on holy days, and faith- 
 ful craftsmen wrought new beauty into church and gild- 
 hall and market-cross. 
 
 Mummers. Fourteenth Century. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 The Tudors and the Keformation. 
 
 Illustrative Readings. 
 Henry VIII.; Shakespeare. 
 Wolsey; Creighton. 
 Queen Mary; Tennyson. 
 Kenilworth ; Scott. 
 Elizabeth ; Beesley. 
 Westward Ho ! Kingsley. 
 
 Important Dates. 
 
 Reign of Henry VII., 1485-1509. 
 
 1503, Alliance with Scotland. 
 Reign of Henry VIII., 1509-1.547. 
 
 1512-1514, War with France. 
 
 1529, Fall of Wolsey. 
 
 1529, Reformation Parliament. 
 
 1533, Marriage of Anne Boleyn. 
 
 1534, Separation from Rome. 
 
 1539, The Six Articles. 
 Reign of Edward VI., 1547-1553. 
 
 1547-1548, Scotch war. 
 Reign of Mary, 1553-1558. 
 
 1554, Marriage with Philip. 
 
 1555, Beginning of persecution. 
 
 1558, Loss of Calais. 
 Reign of Elizabeth, 1558-1603. 
 
 1559, Acts of Supremacy and Uni- 
 formity. 
 
 1568, Overthrow of Mary. 
 
 1570, Papal Bull against Elizabeth. 
 
 1580, Arrival of Jesuits. 
 
 1587, Execution of Mary. 
 
 1588, Defeat of Armada. 
 
 Genealogical Table. The Tudor dynasty. 
 
 HENRY VII., 1485-1509, 
 m. Elizabeth, of York. 
 
 Arthur, Prince of Wales, 
 m. Catherine of Aragon, 
 
 m. Henry VIII., 1509-1547. 
 m. (2) Anne Boleyn. 
 m. (3) Jane Seymour 
 
 Margaret, 
 m. James IV., 
 King of 
 Scotland. 
 Edward VI., 1547-1553. 
 Elizabeth, 1558-1603. 
 Mary I., 1553-1558. 
 
 CHURCH AND STATE. 
 
 The sixteenth century marks the change from medieval- 
 ism to modern society. It was a time of transition, old 
 landmarks were passing away to be replaced by a new 
 world with different ideals, organized on a different basis. 
 The temper of the times was favorable to experiments, 
 eager for reforms. Rapid movement and restless activity 
 characterized an age fruitful in large ideas and in epoch- 
 
 166 
 
The Tudors and the Reformation. 167 
 
 making events. The old conception of Christendom as a 
 great commonwealth ruled by pope and emperor disap- 
 peared with the fifteenth century, and for the next hundred 
 years the fortunes of Europe were in the hands of the two 
 strong centralized states of France and Spain. The six- 
 teenth century saw the break-up of ecclesiastical unity 
 with the revolt of half the Christian world against the 
 spiritual dominion of the pope. Outside the realm of pol- 
 itics and religion, even vaster changes were taking place. 
 To the material world of the fifteenth century a whole 
 continent had been added, and the Atlantic, formerly a 
 boundary, was now the highway between the Old World 
 and the New. The deadened intelligence of Europe was 
 stirred by the wonders suddenly revealed, the chains of 
 medieval thought were thrown off, and the intellectual 
 life of the age thrilled in response to the new vigor of 
 the world of action. 
 
 England could not remain unaffected by the changes that 
 were taking place. She had her Renaissance, her Reforma- 
 tion, and her future was linked more closely perhaps than 
 any other to the newly discovered world beyond the 
 seas. But at first she stood somewhat aloof, content to de- 
 velop along the old well-trodden lines. Henry VII., the „ 
 
 r ° J ' Henry VII. 
 
 first of the Tudor line, was scarcely thirty when he 1485-1509. 
 ascended the throne. His tastes were literary and artistic, 
 and he sympathized ardently with the intellectual revival 
 of his time, but his reign was one continuous struggle to 
 make secure the throne which treachery and a successful 
 battle had given him. He had no claim to the crown upon 
 which he could rely, even the Lancastrians were not united 
 in his support. His security lay in the lack of any power- 
 ful rival and in the political exhaustion of the country. 
 The nobility, diminished in number and still more in 
 wealth and influence, was not strong enough to be formid- 
 
168 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Court of the 
 Star Chamber. 
 
 In 1496 a 
 commercial 
 treaty, the 
 Great Inter- 
 course, was 
 concluded 
 with the 
 Netherlands. 
 
 able alone, and the Church, alarmed by attacks upon its 
 doctrine and its property, clung to the throne for support, 
 while the people, weary of bloodshed, turned eagerly from 
 war to trade and commerce, and were ready to give their 
 allegiance to any ruler who would establish order and main- 
 tain peace. In many ways Henry's reign may be looked 
 upon as a continuation of that of Edward IV. To establish 
 his rule and to make himself independent of Parliament, 
 was the object of his policy. He bore heavily upon the no- 
 bility, exacting benevolences and reviving forgotten feudal 
 dues. The statutes of maintenance and livery were 
 rigorously enforced. To remedy the weakness of the ordi- 
 nary courts in dealing with great offenders, 
 he formed a new tribunal which could be 
 neither bribed nor bullied. While thus hold- 
 ing the nobility in check, Henry courted the 
 favor of the industrial classes by sparing 
 their pockets, and by encouraging trade and 
 commerce. To this end he furthered com- 
 mercial intercourse with the Continent, but 
 he carefully kept out of political compli- 
 cations. Peace at any price was his policy, 
 and he strove to gain his ends by diplomacy 
 and by judicious marriage alliances. He 
 disarmed Scotland by marrying his oldest 
 daughter Margaret to the Scotch king, and 
 he strengthened the connection with Spain by obtaining as 
 a bride for his son Prince Arthur, Catherine, the daughter 
 of Ferdinand and Isabella. His work was crowned with 
 success. The spirit of opposition was thoroughly cowed, 
 and two risings in support of pretenders to the throne were 
 easily quelled. Constitutional aspirations were checked, 
 few. Parliaments were called, and the personal rule of the 
 king replaced the old limited monarchy. As a result of his 
 
 A Knight of 
 the Reign of 
 Henry VII. 
 
The Tudors and the Reformation. 169 
 
 cautious if inglorious policy, Henry left to his son and heir 
 a secure throne, a full treasury, and a prosperous people. 
 
 The accession of Henry VIII. marks an epoch in Eng- Henry vm. 
 lish history. Young, vigorous, conscious of power, and 
 filled with ambition, he could not be content to play the 
 unaggressive waiting part so well suited to his father's 
 temper. The home and foreign policy of his reign was, 
 however, not so much the conception of the king as of his wolsey's 
 great minister, Thomas Wolsey, who for a number of years po icy * 
 held supreme power in Church and State, uniting in him- 
 self the functions of Chancellor and Cardinal. Wolsey's 
 aim was to make the king absolute in England, England 
 first in Europe. He felt that the 
 royal authority was the only 
 means of holding the country to- 
 gether, and that the time had 
 come for England to take part in 
 continental affairs if sbe would 
 maintain her place among 
 nations. Peace was his policy, 
 
 however, and diplomacy his Female Costume of the Reign 
 
 _ .. , . . of Henry VII. 
 
 weapon. England was to make 
 
 her influence felt not through conquest, but by holding the 
 balance between the rival states of France and Spain now 
 contending for mastery in Europe. For a time he was 
 successful. Henry was popular among his subjects, and 
 Parliament was usually subservient to his will, although on 
 two occasions it offered a vigorous resistance to the royal 
 demand for money. Abroad, English influence was slowly 
 making itself felt even if her "threats were more effi- 
 cacious than her performances," for her army and navy 
 were ill-equipped, and her population was small as com- 
 pared with other states. 
 Wolsey, however, was not destined to complete his un- 
 
170 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 dertaking. Forces were at work which were to transform 
 England and undo much that he had accomplished. 
 On the Continent, the fierce passions of religious revolu- 
 tion were stirring. Men had long been ready for revolt 
 against the misused authority of the papacy, and the 
 attacks of Martin Luther, a Saxon friar, on the teachings 
 and practices of the Church found a quick response. Eng- 
 land was not slow to feel the impulse of the new move- 
 ment. Lollardry had accustomed men to criticize the 
 Church. The bold, vigorous, intellectual spirit of the age 
 was impatient of the superstition and ignorance of the 
 clergy. The very greatness of the resources of the Church 
 made its misuse of them the more flagrant. Books and 
 pamphlets from Germany flooded the country, Cambridge 
 became a hotbed of heresy, associations were formed for 
 the study and circulation of the Bible recently translated 
 by Tyndale, and rendered accessible through the printing 
 press. It was plain that the seeming strength and power 
 of the Church was a mere shadow, wholly dependent upon 
 royal support. As yet, Henry was unwavering in his loy- 
 alty, but his temper was too selfish, his love of popularity 
 too great to afford any security for the future. 
 
 The immediate occasion for the crisis was, however, in 
 appearance insignificant and far removed. In the beginning 
 of his reign Henry, having first obtained the necessary 
 papal dispensation, had married Catherine, the widow of 
 his brother Arthur. For almost twenty years they had 
 lived together, and she had borne him several children, 
 of whom, however, only one, the Princess Mary, survived. 
 At length the king's scruples were awakened as to the 
 validity of the marriage. He began to doubt the pope's 
 power to grant the dispensation. Henry was skilful in 
 finding conscientious reasons for gratifying his selfish 
 desires. It is probable that it was the bright eyes and 
 
The Tudors and the Reformation. 
 
 171 
 
 merry wit of Anne Boleyn, one of Catherine's ladies-in- 
 waiting, that aroused him to the sinfulness of his condition. 
 Moreover, he realized the danger to the peace of the country 
 in the lack of a male heir. As Catherine proudly spurned 
 the suggestion that she should quietly submit to being 
 set aside, Henry was forced to appeal to the pope for a 
 divorce. But Clement was not free to act, for he was 
 practically in the power of the emperor, Catherine's 
 nephew. He agreed, however, to let the case be tried by 
 a legatine commission in England. Cited before the court, 
 the outraged queen pleaded her 
 cause to the king in pathetic 
 words: "Sir," she said, "I be- 
 seech you for all the loves that 
 have been between us, and for 
 the love of God, let me have jus- 
 tice and right, take of me some 
 pity and compassion, for I am 
 a poor woman and a stranger 
 born out of your dominion, I 
 have here no assured friend, aud 
 much less indifferent counsel ; I flee to you as to the head of 
 justice within this realm. Alas ! Sir, wherein have I 
 offended you? ... I take God and all the world to 
 witness, that I have been to you a true, humble, and 
 obedient wife, ever conformable to your will and pleasure." 
 Popular sympathy was with the queen, but Henry was un- 
 moved. Nevertheless he could not gain his purpose, for 
 the pope dared not annul the marriage, and the trial 
 before the legates ended in nothing. The king's dis- 
 appointment, however, led at once to the overthrow of 
 Wolsey, on whom he most unreasonably threw the blame 
 of defeat. With untiring zeal and personal devotion the 
 Cardinal had labored in the interest of the king and for the 
 
 Henry VIII. From his 
 Great Seal. 
 
172 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 good of England. To Henry he had given the credit of 
 every success. The odium of all unpopular measures he had 
 taken upon himself. He had made the king absolute at 
 home, and had raised England from a third rate power 
 to the rank of a great state. But no memory of past 
 services could impose a check on Henry's selfishness. 
 Wolsey had failed to procure the divorce that he wished, 
 and with royal ingratitude he threw the minister aside. 
 
 Wolsey's fall prepared the way for momentous changes in 
 Church and State. The aim of Thomas Cromwell, his suc- 
 cessor in Henry's confidence, was, like Wolsey's, the con- 
 centration of all power in the hands of the king, but the 
 methods used were different. Rapidity and boldness were 
 the watchwords of his policy. During the next ten years 
 every constitutional safeguard was swept away, every limi- 
 tation on the royal will was removed, and the government 
 became a despotism pure and simple. No man was too 
 high, no interest too powerful to lead him to stay his hand. 
 It was at his advice that Henry by the assertion of the 
 royal supremacy freed himself from Catherine. Where 
 Wolsey strove to rule without Parliament, Cromwell made 
 it his tool. The first indication of the change from the 
 conservative action of the Cardinal was shown in the work 
 of the Parliament that met in 1529 and sat for seven years. 
 
 Henry was willing to acknowledge the power of the 
 pope so long as that power was used to further his will, but 
 he now began to doubt the usefulness of an institution that 
 stood in his way. The Church in England also had 
 aroused his hostility by espousing the cause of Catherine, 
 and he was ready to respond to the national demand for re- 
 form. The beginning once made, the advance was rapid ; 
 one abuse after another was attacked. The clergy were 
 deprived of their privileges, the Church was made more 
 dependent on the crown, and the connection with Rome 
 
The Tudor s and the Reformation. 173 
 
 was weakened by a statute forbidding all appeal. Finally 
 in 1534 the last step was taken by the passing of the Act of 
 Supremacy by which the king became " the only supreme 
 head on earth of the Church of England." 
 
 As a whole the attack on the abuses of the Church and Attitude of the 
 the changes in the ecclesiastical system met with popular 
 approval. A few, among them Sir Thomas More, foremost 
 of English scholars, refused to acknowledge the royal 
 supremacy, and were put to death, but the majority of 
 the nation went with Henry in his breach with the papacy. 
 Even when Convocation at the instance of the king drew 
 up the Ten Articles, a statement of doctrine_which showed a 
 decided advance toward Lutheranism, there was little oppo- 
 sition. Nevertheless the national temper was conservative, 
 and the ancient Church still held men's hearts if not 
 their minds. The excesses of some of those who had em- 
 braced the reformed doctrines, their attacks on shrines and 
 holy relics, gave deep offense. Popular dissatisfaction was 
 increased by the dissolution of the monasteries. This action 
 had long been impending, the age of monasticism had 
 passed, and as a rule the religious establishments had 
 become mere landowning corporations, chiefly interested in 
 
 adding to their own wealth. Henry and Cromwell, led bv 
 
 & J J J In 1536 the 
 
 a desire to get at the revenues, caused Parliament to pass smaller mon- 
 asteries were 
 
 measures suppressing all monasteries and confiscating their dissolved. All 
 
 others were 
 
 property to the crown. Part of the wealth was used for, suppressed in 
 
 1539. 
 
 national purposes, but the greater portion was squandered 
 upon the nobles and courtiers about the king. That these 
 measures were opposed by the people was shown by a 
 rising in the north in 1536. Many of the gentry and 
 nobility and the country people led by the parish priests 
 joined the Pilgrimage of Grace, as the movement was 
 called, and demanded the restoration of the monasteries, 
 the extirpation of heresy, and the overthrow of Cromwell. 
 
174 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 In the main, Henry was at one with the people. He 
 would have been content with separation from Rome. At 
 heart he was opposed to doctrinal change, and with the 
 extravagances of the Protestants he had no sympathy 
 whatever. He was ready to unite with a majority of the 
 nation, and set a limit to the incoming flood of religious 
 innovation. Parliament, as usual completely subservient 
 to his will, passed in 1539 an act for " abolishing diversity of 
 opinion in certain articles concerning Christian religion." 
 The six articles* of the act contained the fundamental 
 Catholic doctrines and closed the way to even moderate 
 reform. Under the " whip with six strings," persecution of 
 the Protestants followed, and many suffered for conscience' 
 sake. Nevertheless, Henry abated nothing of his preten- 
 sions, and "at the very moment that heretics were suffer- 
 ing for denial of the mass, others were suffering by their 
 side for denial of the supremacy." Throughout the re- 
 maining years of his reign he succeeded in maintaining an 
 uncertain balance between the old and the new order, but 
 it was plain that a tide of feeling was rising which would 
 soon sweep away all compromises. 
 
 Political considerations strengthened Henry's natural 
 conservatism. Cromwell's foreign policy was based on a 
 union with the Protestant princes of North Germany, and 
 it was in the interest of this plan that the king for a time 
 connived at the progress of the Reformation in England. 
 A marriage between Henry, who was now a widower for 
 the third time, and a German princess was a part of Crom- 
 well's scheme. But the grand alliance against the emperor 
 came to naught in 1539, and the minister's doom was sealed 
 by his failure to give the king a wife according to his taste. 
 
 * The Act of Six Articles asserted : (1) The truth of transubstantiation ; 
 (2) the sufficiency of communion in one kind; (3) clerical celibacy; 
 (4) the obligation of vows of chastity ; (5) the necessity of private 
 masses ; (6) that auricular confession should be retained. 
 
The Tiidors and the Reformation. 
 
 175 
 
 Henry VIII. 
 
 Nothing could save Cromwell from the usual fate of Fail of Crom- 
 well 1540 
 Henry's instruments when no longer needed. Charged with 
 
 treason, he was sent to the scaf- 
 fold by bill of attainder without 
 being heard in his own defense. 
 Cromwell's overthrow was but 
 the natural result of the system 
 which he had built up. All 
 power was concentrated in the 
 hands of the king, the Church 
 lay at his feet, Parliament simply 
 registered his will. Neverthe- 
 less, Henry did not lose touch 
 with the nation ; he understood 
 the temper of his subjects, and, 
 unscrupulous and self-seeking though he was, he still won 
 popular approval even while treading popular liberty under 
 foot. 
 Edward VI. was a mere boy when he ascended the „, „ . _ 
 
 ^ Edward VI. 
 
 throne, and during his reign the government was in the 1547-1553. 
 hands of his ministers, chief of whom was his uncle, the 
 Duke of Somerset. Personal feeling as well as self-interest 
 led Somerset to oppose the old ecclesiastical order. In his 
 policy he was supported by the young king, who was a 
 Protestant by conviction, and who, with all the conceit of a 
 precocious boy, was determined to force his views upon the 
 country. The short reign was a period of religious revo- 
 lution. By law or royal injunction, changes were intro- 
 duced with bewildering rapidity. The sacred images were 
 removed from the churches, the beautiful stained glass was 
 broken, and the pictures painted on the walls were covered 
 with whitewash. Of more permanent importance was the 
 substitution of the vernacular for Latin in the church 
 ritual. The mass was replaced by the communion service in 
 
176 The Groivth of the English Nation. 
 
 English, and a book of common prayer, still in use almost 
 unchanged, was substituted for the Latin missal and 
 tomincat£ e breviary. Upon the authority of the king, forty-two 
 indbrevfary. art icles smacking strongly of Calvinism were promul- 
 gated as the national standard of faith. The confiscation 
 of church property was carried to a length unthought of 
 by Henry. Somerset leaned for support upon the "new 
 men," the nobility enriched by the plunder of the monas- 
 teries, and it was necessary to satisfy his rapacious follow- 
 ing. The chantries were despoiled. Gild property devoted 
 to religious uses was appropriated, and the revenues of 
 some of the bishoprics were seized. These revolutionary 
 measures were hurried through with every aggravation of 
 insult, and with small regard to popular feeling. A writer 
 of the time says : "Also this same time was moche spek- 
 ing agayne the sacrament of the auter, that some callyd it 
 Jacke of the Boxe, with divers other shamfulle names . . . 
 and at this time was moche preching agayne the masse and 
 the sacrament of the auter pullyd downe in divers placys." 
 It soon became plain that the nation was not ready for 
 such extreme action. The feeling of discontent was gen- 
 eral. All opposition was, however, put down with a high 
 hand. The opposing clergy were bridled by decrees that 
 there should be no preaching except by a few licensed 
 preachers ; and some of the bishops who clung to the 
 older doctrines were thrown into prison. 
 
 The political policy of the government was as ill-judged 
 as its ecclesiastical reforms. The country was involved in 
 causeless wars with Scotland and France, and the bur- 
 den of taxation was heavy. At length the prevailing dis- 
 content found expression in a rising in Devon and Corn- 
 wall, followed by another in Norfolk. The only result was 
 the overthrow of Somerset. He was succeeded by the Earl 
 of Warwick who proved no wiser nor better. Nevertheless 
 
The Tudors and the Reformation. Ill 
 
 the country remained quiet, looking to the time when the Warwick pur- 
 young king would come of age and set things right. Had Sn S the throne 6 
 Edward lived, his fanatical temper would probably have Q^ey erand- 
 brought matters to a crisis, but in 1553 he died, and, in spite you!2er r s?s f te 
 of a conspiracy headed by Warwick to set her aside, Mary °f Henry vill. 
 obtained the crown without striking a blow. 
 
 The religious system which Edward and his advisers had 
 built up rested solely on the will of the king, and at the ac- Jfi^vWcQ 
 cession of Mary a reaction at once set in. Without the 
 interference of the government, mass was restored and the 
 forms and practices of the reign of Henry VIII. were 
 reestablished. Mary, however, was not content with a 
 return to the system of her father ; she wished to restore 
 the ancient order in all its completeness, to set up the 
 monasteries again, to renew the connection with Rome. It 
 was in part to further her religious scheme that she de- 
 sired to marry her cousin Philip of Spain. At first 
 Parliament showed itself, as usual, obedient to the royal 
 will, but it soon became evident that there was a limit to 
 its complaisance, and that in its opposition it was sup- 
 ported by the country. It was certain that reconciliation 
 with Rome could never be brought about if it meant the 
 restoration of the abbey lands in which forty thousand fam- 
 ilies were interested. Moreover, national feeling was 
 aroused at the idea of the Spanish marriage which might 
 bring not simply ecclesiastical subjection to Rome, but polit- 
 ical dependence upon Spain. Parliament, however, was at 
 length brought to the point of acknowledging the spiritual 
 leadership of the pope, on condition that the monastic 
 lands should be left undisturbed, and the Spanish marriage 
 was finally consummated in spite of the opposition at home 
 and abroad, and the lukewarmness of the bridegroom who, 
 much as he prized the crown of England, cared little for 
 its wearer. 
 
178 The Growth of the -English Nation. 
 
 Mary was not content, however ; she believed that "she 
 had been preserved by God in the succession of the crown 
 'ersecutibn. for no other end save that He might make use of her above 
 all else in the bringing back of the realm to the Catholic 
 faith." In forcing her views upon the nation she showed 
 all the self-will of the Tudors, united to the intemperate 
 zeal of the fanatic. Her advisers hesitated ; even Philip 
 counseled moderation, but nothing could deter the queen 
 from the work upon which she had set her heart. She 
 forced from Parliament a renewal of Henry's laws against 
 heresy, and at once pressed on their execution. From 1555 
 to 1558 persecution raged. Neither high nor low were 
 spared. The Martyrs' Memorial at Oxford marks the place 
 where Ridley, the deprived bishop of London, and Lati- 
 mer, Henry the Eighth's favorite preacher, were burned 
 side by side. " Play the man, Master Ridley," were Lati- 
 mer's last words, " we shall this day light up such a candle 
 by God's grace in England as I trust sball never be put 
 out." Foremost of the martyrs stood Cranmer, primate 
 )ls S hop r ofCan- of the Church. Of great learning, but of cautious temper, 
 •eive thepaii ne had slowly come to take an advanced stand in oppo- 
 sition to the papal pretensions ; but though his conviction 
 was strong his heart was weak, and he shrank before the 
 final test. Six successive times he recanted in the hope of 
 purchasing pardon, but pardon was out of the question ; 
 he stood as a representative of English Protestantism, and, 
 moreover, Mary was personally hostile to him as an active 
 agent in her mother's divorce. When once his final doom 
 was pronounced he regained his courage. " I have written 
 many things untrue," he said, "and forasmuch as my 
 hand offended in writing contrary to my heart, my hand 
 therefore shall be the first burnt." Nearly three hundred, 
 in all, suffered for the right of individual conscience — most 
 of them in the towns and thickly settled districts, for there 
 
 rom Rome. 
 
1558. 
 
 The Tudor s and the Reformation. 179 
 
 new opinions found more ready acceptance than in the 
 country. 
 
 Darkened by bitter disappointment, the life of the un- 
 happy queen drew to a close. A loving wife, she was 
 forced to see that Philip had sought in her merely the 
 instrument of his political schemes. Through the Spanish 
 connection, England was involved in a useless war with 
 France which had resulted in the loss of Calais. This was 
 a heavy blow to the nation, and Mary was too much a 
 Tudor not to feel the popular disapproval visited upon 
 her. Moreover, all her efforts had brought England no 
 nearer the old faith, nay, had rather frustrated her purpose. 
 Men looked askance at a church that could maintain itself 
 only through persecution. 
 
 " It is the Lord's doing, and it is marvelous in our eyes," 
 was Elizabeth's exclamation when informed of her peaceful Elizabeth. 
 
 1558-1603. 
 
 accession to the throne. The task before her was one to 
 daunt a heart less strong. England stood almost alone in 
 Europe, at war with France, the treasury empty, without 
 army or navy. Her only security lay in the rivalry be- 
 tween France and Spain. The internal condition of the 
 country was even more critical. Religious strife had 
 passed beyond the point of reconciliation. The bulk of the 
 nation longed for peace and might have agreed to a return 
 to the system of Henry VIII., but that was impossible, for 
 the Catholic party was bent on maintaining the connection 
 with Rome, while persecution had made more fierce and 
 uncompromising the temper of the Protestants. Elizabeth 
 had little sympathy with either extreme. The Protestant 
 contempt for authority and tradition was distasteful to 
 her. Subjection to Rome was out of the question, for the 
 pope refused to recognize her claim to the throne. But 
 she approached all religious questions in the temper of the 
 politician. She was not blind to the fact that the Protes- 
 
180 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 tants were her surest support, that her cause was theirs. 
 But, on the other hand, she knew that severe measures 
 against the Catholics would open the way to foreign 
 intrigue. To establish national unity in Church and State 
 was the aim of her home policy, and to this end a religious 
 settlement was to be devised which would win the support 
 
 of the moderates and 
 drive no one to ex- 
 tremes. In religious 
 matters, Elizabeth 
 was content to move 
 slowly. The suprem- 
 a c y was restored, 
 mass was abolished, 
 and an Act of Uni- 
 formity decreed the 
 use of King Ed- 
 ward's Prayer Book. 
 But although the 
 oath of supremacy 
 was rigorously ex- 
 acted from the bish- 
 ops, all but one pre- 
 ferring deprivation to 
 compliance, the ma- 
 jority of the clergy 
 were left unmolested. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 Nor was the Act of Uniformity very severely enforced. The 
 queen feared above all things the renewal of strife ; she dis- 
 couraged preaching, and she would gladly have abated the 
 interest of her subjects in religious questions. There was 
 no revolution ; the changes were scarcely noticed, and yet, 
 within a year after Elizabeth's accession, England had 
 ranged herself once for all on the side of Protestantism. 
 
The Tudors and the Reformation. 181 
 
 The condition of affairs beyond the border was at this England and 
 
 time a serious menace to Elizabeth's throne, and made ry 
 
 religious contest more than ever to be feared. In 1558 the 
 
 long-standing friendship between France and Scotland was 
 
 cemented by the marriage of Mary, the young Scotch 
 
 queen, to the Dauphin of France. Denying the right of 
 
 * ' r J & & Mary Stuart, 
 
 Elizabeth on the ground of illegitimacy, Mary assumed the daughter of 
 
 title and style of Queen of England. The danger of her Scotland, and 
 
 granddaugh- 
 
 claim lay in the certain support of France and the English ter of Marga- 
 ret, elder sis- 
 
 Catholics. Left a widow by the sudden death of her ter of Henry 
 
 J VIII. 
 
 husband, Mary returned home to find her kingdom rent by 
 civil strife and religious dissension. She was a mere girl 
 of nineteen, but in her were combined womanly beauty 
 and grace with masculine vigor of body and mind. For a 
 moment discord was silenced by her skilful diplomacy and 
 personal fascination. She united the warring nobles in 
 her support, and settled the religious question by acknowl- 
 edging the Calvinist establishment. These measures were 
 but the first steps toward the attainment of the real end 
 of her policy, a Catholic combination which would place 
 her on the English throne. Unfortunately for Mary's suc- 
 cess, the achievements of her diplomacy were speedily 
 undone by the ungoverned passion of her nature. In 1565 
 she made a political marriage with her cousin Lord 
 Darnley. He was a miserable creature, ill-fitted for such a 
 wife. Mary's contempt for her weakling husband was soon 
 turned to hate by his cruel murder of her friend and secre- 
 tary, Rizzio. " No more tears," she exclaimed at the news 
 of the deed, " I will think upon revenge." A few months 
 later Darnley was assassinated at Kirk o' Field, a lonely 
 house near Edinburgh. Mary's part in the affair is 
 doubtful, but at any rate she did not scruple to marry 
 within three months the man generally held to be chiefly 
 instrumental in the deed. Brutal and self-seeking as he 
 
182 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 was, the Earl of Bothwell had succeeded in winning Mary's 
 passionate devotion, and for his sake she threw away 
 crown and reputation. Her subjects were filled with horror 
 at her act, and within a month Bothwell had gone into 
 exile, and the queen was a prisoner in Edinburgh. Before 
 another year was past she had abdicated in favor of her son 
 James, born of her marriage with Darnley, and had fled to 
 England to throw herself on the mercy of Elizabeth. It 
 was not an easy question for the English government to 
 face. To replace Mary by force upon the Scotch throne was 
 out of the question, nor did it seem wise to let her go free 
 to stir up trouble among the Catholics. The difficulty was 
 met by holding her virtually a prisoner in England. 
 
 During the following years, the country, under Eliza- 
 beth's cautious guidance, was quietly preparing for the crisis 
 of the reign. Religious war raged on the Continent, but 
 by skilfully balancing one party against another, while 
 committing herself to none, Elizabeth kept England at 
 peace. An ever present danger was the Catholic party. 
 The hostile spirit of the pope and a rising of the Catholic 
 nobility of the north in favor of Mary, led the government 
 to severer measures of repression, and freedom of thought 
 The Thirty- was interfered with as well as freedom of worship. The 
 ?56?f Articles , acce ptance of thirty-nine of the Articles of Edward was 
 demanded of the clergy, and by the Test Act, the first in 
 passed C in 1562 a l° n S series °f penal statutes against the Catholics, the 
 Generally oath of abnegation was exacted from all officeholders, 
 
 enforced. p or ^e p resen t > the adherents of Rome remained quiet, 
 
 disheartened by the defeat of the Scotch intrigue and the 
 inactivity of the Catholic rulers of the Continent. In 
 the growing dissatisfaction of some of the Protestants 
 The Puritans there was a hint, however, of coming trouble. Many 
 among the nation felt that the queen had not gone far 
 enough in the settlement of the religious question. They 
 
The Tudors and the Reformation. 
 
 183 
 
 had no thought of separating from the Church as estab- 
 lished, and they did not wish the abolition of Episcopacy, 
 but they contended for greater purity of worship, for the 
 rejection of certain practices and rites that suggested 
 Rome. These Puritans, as they were called, scarcely rep- 
 resented the nation as a whole, but they were active and 
 intelligent, and constituted a strong element in the House 
 of Commons. More than once their independence and 
 bold speech brought them into conflict with the queen, 
 who had little patience with 
 their religious aspirations or po- 
 litical views. They were desirous 
 that England should commit 
 herself to a decided Protestant 
 policy by taking sides with the 
 French Huguenots and the re- 
 volted Netherlands. Moreover, 
 they felt that the safety of the 
 nation depended upon the 
 queen's marriage with a Protes- 
 tant and the settlement of the 
 succession. Both requests Elizabeth steadily refused. She 
 felt that decided measures would drive the Catholics to ex- 
 tremes. Moreover, a diplomatic steering between two 
 courses was a policy well suited to her temper, for she found 
 nothing so difficult as making up her mind. 
 
 However, events were soon to compel England to take an 
 active part in the great struggle between the opposing 
 forces of Calvinism and Rome. The pope had at length 
 learned that the Protestants must be met with their own 
 weapons, that revolution could be arrested only by reform. 
 The chief instrument of the purified papacy in the task 
 of winning back Christendom to the pale of the Romish 
 Church was the Society of Jesus. Unquestioning obedi- 
 
 Costumes of the Reign of 
 Elizabeth, about 1588. 
 
184 
 
 The Growth of the -English Nation. 
 
 ence and untiring devotion were shown by the Jesuits in 
 their work of combating heresy and heathenism, and 
 under their inspiration the broken ranks of the Catholics 
 were slowly closing up. In 1570 the pope issued a bull of 
 excommunication against Elizabeth, and absolved her sub- 
 jects from their allegiance. This was but preliminary to a 
 well-organized plan for the reconquest of England. Jesuits 
 from Douay wandered about the country in various dis- 
 guises, striving to revive the zeal of the Catholic party. 
 Their success was marked, and there seemed danger that 
 they might undo all that had been gained by Elizabeth's 
 policy of compromise. The Protestants and the govern- 
 ment in their fear magnified the danger, and strove to meet 
 it by a revival of persecution. The priests were driven 
 from the country, liberty of opinion was crushed, and a 
 policy of suspicion and repression adopted toward all 
 Catholics, which but served to increase their devotion to 
 the ancient Church. 
 
 The fear of an impending religious crisis was intensified 
 by the shadow of political danger. The power of Spain 
 was steadily growing ; in wealth and military strength she 
 held the foremost place, and her great resources were 
 controlled by one man whom national feeling as well as 
 ardor in the cause of Rome made the implacable foe of 
 England. Not only had Elizabeth interfered in Philip's 
 political and religious schemes, but her subjects were 
 waging a destructive if desultory war against Spanish 
 commerce all over the world. The time was favorable for 
 action. France was under the control of the Guises, in 
 close alliance with Spain, and in the Netherlands Parma 
 was gaining ground against the revolted Protestants. 
 Everywhere the temper of the Catholics was rising. Eng- 
 land was not slow to realize the situation, and the first 
 result of her sense of danger was the death sentence of 
 
The Tudor & and the Reformation. 185 
 
 Mary Stuart. For eighteen years the Scotch queen, the Ridoiflpiot, 
 
 1572 
 
 center of Catholic intrigue, had remained a prisoner on 
 English soil. Plans for the assassination of Elizabeth had Babington 
 been more than once discovered, and it was now felt that 1586.' 
 there was but one way of saving her life, and that was by 
 taking the life of the woman whose existence alone gave 
 rise to such plans. 
 
 Mary's death left England free to meet Spanish hostility 
 as a national question and forced Philip to conduct his e rma a * 
 attack in open day. An invasion of England had long 
 been planned. In 1588 the preparations were complete and 
 the " Invincible Armada," a fleet of over one hundred and 
 twenty vessels, set sail for the English coast. With her 
 usual parsimony and dilatoriness the queen had delayed 
 taking measures for defense. The navy contained but 
 thirty-eight ships all told, most of them small and ill- 
 equipped. But private enterprise made good the royal 
 shortcomings, and the merchants of every port sent their 
 best ships well-manned to take a share in the national 
 defense. Moreover, the English were fired with enthu- 
 siasm ; they longed " to have a good, severe, open war with 
 Spain, as the only road to an honorable settlement." But 
 English seamanship united to English courage might have 
 failed to win the day had the winds not done their part. 
 A terrible storm arose, rendering unmanageable the un- 
 wieldy Spanish vessels. The enterprise ended in failure ; 
 of the great fleet but fifty-four ships returned to Spain. 
 
 The defeat of the Armada marked the crisis of Eliza- close of the 
 beth's reign. One by one her difficulties had cleared Elizabeth, 
 away. There was no fear of a second attack from Spain ; 
 France was now ruled by Henry of Navarre, leader of 
 the Huguenot party. All internal troubles had been van- 
 quished by her moderation. At the time of the Armada, 
 national feeling triumphed and the Catholics had re- 
 
186 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 mained quiet, taking no advantage of the difficulties of the 
 government. By the close of the century many of them 
 had found their way into the Anglican Church. The 
 Puritan spirit was growing stronger, and a few persons 
 declaring for independence had established a separate sect. 
 But as a whole men were united in support of the national 
 Church. In political matters there was a good understand- 
 ing between the queen and her subjects. The administra- 
 tion had been economical, and 
 as a rule Parliament had 
 cheerfully granted the royal 
 demands. A spirit of inde- 
 pendence was becoming more 
 manifest, but the queen never 
 mistook the popular temper. 
 She might " rate her Commons 
 |((*lf| like school-boys, ' ' but she could 
 'V yield gracefully. The welfare 
 
 of the nation was ever her chief 
 Elizabeth. concern. With masculine in- 
 
 tellect and womanly devotion she had labored in its service, 
 sacrificing personal happiness and ambitions in its inter- 
 est, and she spoke from the heart in her last words to the 
 Commons, "Though you have had, and may have many 
 princes, more mighty and wise, sitting in this seat, yet you 
 never had, or ever shall have, any that will be more careful 
 and loving." 
 
 THE ENGLAND OF THE TUDORS. 
 
 The England of to-day, a great maritime, commercial, 
 and industrial power, began to take shape in the sixteenth 
 century. Economic and social conditions were changing. 
 The old medieval industrial system was breaking up, and 
 trade and commerce, animated by a keener, bolder spirit, 
 were seeking out new channels of enterprise. At the 
 
The Tudors and the Reformation. 187 
 
 opening of the century England, was still an agricultural 
 country ; wheat and wool were her staple crops, and she 
 bore to Flanders the relation that Australia now bears to 
 the mother country. At its close, wool was no longer sent 
 abroad, but was woven and spun at home. When the first 
 Tudor ascended the throne, England was without a navy, 
 and much of her carrying trade was in the hands of 
 foreigners. The defeat of the Armada a hundred years 
 later pointed to the transference of the sovereignty of the 
 seas from Spain to her conqueror, England. 
 
 Foremost among the causes for these changes was the 
 discovery of the New World. Trade with America had 
 become of importance, and England's position gave her 
 at once a superiority over all rivals. The religious con- 
 flicts of the Continent, resulting as they did in the disturb- 
 ance of trade and industry, redounded also to England's 
 advantage. It was the destruction of Antwerp by Alva 
 that made possible the development of London into the 
 leading mart of Europe. Nor should the policy of the rulers 
 be overlooked. The Tudor rule was despotic, but at least it 
 was paternal, and the statute books of the century bear 
 proof to the unwearying interest of tbe government in the 
 welfare of the people and the development of national 
 wealth. Not one detail of life and industry was over- 
 looked. Exports and imports were regulated, prices were 
 
 fixed, the time of sale was set, and the quality and char- 
 
 Statute of ap- 
 acter of goods to be manufactured decided ; wages were prentices, 1562, 
 
 .,,.,, ,,,, „ . , ,-,-, regulated con- 
 
 estabhshed and the length of service decreed. Everywhere ditions of ser- 
 the State interfered, and, on the whole, with good re- 
 sults. 
 
 Such vast changes could not be brought about without Agriculture, 
 serious disturbances in society. The effect of increasing in- 
 dustrial activity and the new money-getting spirit was 
 shown in the agrarian revolution of the early part of the 
 
188 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 century. Wool-growing was becoming more profitable. 
 
 There was a tendency to the formation of great sheep farms, 
 
 and land was being turned from tillage to pasture. As the 
 
 land became increasingly valuable, the commons were 
 
 Open field, the enclosed, and the open fields, the arable lands tilled by the 
 
 early com- villagers, were not infrequently seized by the lord under a 
 
 was divided ' strained interpretation of his proprietary right. Evictions 
 
 half-acre became frequent, houses, whole villages even, being torn 
 
 tenant culti- down and the fields turned into sheep-walks. " All the 
 
 berofsuch houses of Burton Lazars in the same vill (Choysell) are 
 
 diverse parts laid waste, and the inhabitants have departed ; and there 
 
 longing to the belonged to the same houses three hundred acres of land, 
 
 village. 
 
 whereof forty are plowed, but the rest are in pasture ; and 
 by the downfall, the church has fallen into ruins." These 
 changes entailed grievous suffering upon the cottagers and 
 small farmers. Rents rose, and at the same time the rights 
 of common pasture were cut off. Moreover, work became 
 scarce, for one man was now employed where formerly the 
 labor of many was required. " For whereas," wrote Lati- 
 mer "have been a great many householders and inhabi- 
 tants there is now but a shepherd and his dog." The 
 small holders were ruined, many of them becoming home- 
 less wanderers swelling the ranks of paupers and vaga- 
 bonds. Sir Thomas More, in his Utopia, voices the popular 
 grievance : " Sheep," he wrote, " become so great devourers 
 and so wild that they eat up and swallow down the very 
 men themselves. They consume, destroy, and devour 
 whole fields, houses, and citizens." The government 
 recognized the evil and strove to meet it by legislation. 
 It decreed that no man should keep more than two thou- 
 sand sheep, and at the dissolution of the monasteries it was 
 enacted that the new owners should " occupy yearly as 
 much of the same demesnes in plowing and tillage of hus- 
 bandry ... as hath been commonly used." Legisla- 
 
The Tudors and the Reformation. 189 
 
 tion availed little, however, and the evil continued until 
 the close of Elizabeth's reign. 
 
 Side by side with laws which point to the miserable con- Manufactures, 
 dition of the country people, are others that would seem to 
 indicate the decay of industry and trade and the impover- 
 ishment of the towns. Many of the towns lost in popula- 
 tion and wealth during this period. This was due chiefly 
 to the ill-judged interference of the gilds which drove new 
 enterprises into the country. The usefulness of the gild 
 system was gone ; it no longer served its original purpose, 
 and the gilds themselves had become narrow corporations. 
 Membership was restricted to the sons of members or to 
 those who could pay heavily for the privilege, and it was 
 no longer possible for the average journeyman to become a 
 master craftsman. The antiquated regulations of the gilds 
 were inconsistent with the increasing activity of trade, and 
 the government tended more and more to transfer their 
 functions to the municipal authorities. Freed from the 
 jurisdiction of a system which was outgrown, manufactures 
 took a vigorous start. The making of woolens became an 
 important element of national wealth. The eastern counties 
 were noted for their worsteds and 
 fine cloths, and even the back- 
 ward north felt the effect of the 
 new interest, and developed its 
 own special line of friezes and 
 rough goods. The government 
 endeavored in every way to pro- 
 mote a growth so favorable to 
 
 national prosperity. The export civil Costume of the Reign 
 of materials that might be man- of Henry VII. 
 
 ufactured at home was forbidden, and the consumption of 
 English goods was decreed by statute. " On every Sunday 
 and holy day every person of six years old and upwards, 
 
190 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 with some few exceptions, was to wear on his head one 
 cap of wool fuliy wrought in England." The manufactur- 
 ing interest owed less, however, to legislation than to the 
 steady hospitality which the government extended to the 
 persecuted of other lands. In the latter part of the reign of 
 Henry VIII. an immigration of religious refugees began 
 which continued until after the revocation of the Edict of 
 Nantes, a century and a half later. Most of those who came 
 were skilled workmen, and they enriched the country with 
 many new manufactures. As early as 1544 Flemings and 
 Walloons swarmed into England and established at Nor- 
 wich the silk industry, the source of its later prosperity. 
 At the fall of Antwerp, one third of the merchants and 
 manufacturers of the city came to London and laid the 
 foundations of its commercial greatness. Sometimes the 
 immigration was opposed by the jealousy of the natives, 
 but as a rule its value was recognized, and towns are found 
 petitioning to have strangers allotted them. 
 
 The growth of manufactures, coupled with the protective 
 policy of the government, might have resulted in isola- 
 tion had it not been for the expansion of commerce which 
 marked the close of the century. Under Henry VII. 
 England had no navy, and but little commerce of her own. 
 Her sea-going population showed nothing of a spirit of 
 enterprise and adventure, and England's share in the 
 discovery of the New World was but insignificant. Even 
 a hundred years later a navy scarcely existed. It is true 
 that Wolsey and Henry VIII. paid some attention to its 
 development, and at the beginning of the reign of Eliza- 
 beth a statute was passed making the eating of flesh on 
 Friday and Saturday a misdemeanor, for the "increase of 
 fishermen and mariners." The government saw in the 
 fisheries the best school for seamanship. Elizabeth, how- 
 ever, was content to commit the defense of the country 
 
The Tudors and the Reformation. 191 
 
 to private enterprise, and of the vessels that went out to 
 meet the Armada, only about thirty belonged to the State. 
 Nor did legitimate commerce flourish. In 1573 the burden 
 of all the ships engaged in ordinary trade was less than 
 fifty thousand tons. It was in privateering that the love of 
 adventure and the desire for gain, which marked the mari- 
 ners of the Elizabethan period, found vent. Great as were 
 the risks involved, the returns were even greater. Moreover, 
 England's rival on the sea was Spain, and patriotism and The sea dogs, 
 religious fervor combined to give these buccaneering raids 
 something of the character of a crusade. While the 
 two governments were still formally at peace, Spanish and 
 English sailors were fighting on every sea, and politic as 
 might be Elizabeth's regrets for the depredations committed 
 by her subjects, she was too wise to interfere with enterprises 
 that increased the national wealth and insured the national 
 defense. Unchecked, therefore, by the government, this 
 irregular commerce flourished and became a favorite invest- 
 ment for capital. Still more directly supported by the crown 
 were the merchant companies chartered to have exclusive 
 control of the commerce of different lands. Monopolies of 
 local trade were felt to be a serious grievance and were con- 
 stantly protested against, but in foreign lands they were a 
 necessary means of defense for the trader. The most im- 
 portant of these associations was the East India Company, 
 which was incorporated in 1600 for the purpose of obtain- 
 ing a share in the trade of the east. 
 
 It was to be expected that the overturning of industrial pauperism, 
 conditions would for a time affect disastrously the working 
 classes, and the marked increase in pauperism during the 
 century is therefore not surprising. The main cause of the 
 evil was to be found in the agricultural changes. The 
 difficulty of the situation was aggravated, however, by 
 the rise in prices, due to the influx of silver from America. 
 
192 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Moreover, the decay of husbandry had resulted in scarcity 
 of food. In words that call to mind our own times, 
 More describes the condition of those evicted to make 
 room for sheep. " By one means or other . . . they 
 must needs depart away. . . . All their household 
 stuff . . . being suddenly thrust out, they be con- 
 strained to sell it for a thing of naught. And when 
 they have wandered abroad till that be spent, what 
 can they else do but steal, or else go about a-begging?" 
 Then as now, side by side with the helpless poor were 
 found the worthless and lazy. Complaints were frequent 
 of the " sturdy beggars," forerunners of the modern tramp, 
 who swarmed over the country, terrorizing the rural dis- 
 tricts. A contemporary wrote of them : "If they ask at 
 a . . . farmer's house his charity, they will go strong 
 as three or four in a company, where for fear more than 
 good will they often have relief." At first there was no 
 systematic attempt to face the situation. Relief of the 
 poor was originally a function of the Church, especially of 
 the monasteries, but with time the obligation was either 
 lost sight of, or aid was so unwisely given that it was said 
 "the abbeys did but maintain the poor they made." It 
 was impossible, however, that a government so paternal as 
 the Tudors should not endeavor to meet the growing evil, 
 and step by step, by means of a long series of experiments, 
 an elaborate system of poor relief was worked out. The 
 obligation of the State in the care of the poor was fully 
 recognized, and what was formerly a religious duty to be 
 enforced by the Church came to be regarded as a public 
 charge to be met by a regular assessment on property by 
 the civil authorities. The principle of local responsibility 
 was soon established, each parish being bound to care for its 
 own poor. Gradually the proper distinction between pau- 
 pers and vagabonds was worked out, houses of correction 
 
The Tudor s and the Reformation. 
 
 193 
 
 being erected for the lazy and vicious, while suitable relief 
 was given to the helpless poor, children being usually ap- 
 prenticed to a trade. Some effort was also made to provide 
 work for able-bodied paupers, and the county authorities 
 were empowered to lay in a stock of hemp, wool, iron, and 
 other materials " to the intent that youth may be brought 
 up in labor, . . . also that rogues may not have any 
 just excuse in saying they cannot get any service or work, 
 . . . and that other needy persons being willing to work 
 may be set on work." In 1601 the long series of statutes 
 culminated in the great poor law of Elizabeth, an elabora- 
 tion of the principles and machinery already recognized. 
 This in its main provisions remained the basis of the Eng- 
 lish system of poor relief until the eighteenth century. 
 
 Extremes met in the sixteenth century; the growth in Social 
 luxury and extravagance was as marked as the increase in ^°£ ress - 
 pauperism. Everywhere were visible new conceptions of 
 comfort, increased attention to display. The gloomy, for- 
 tress-like dwellings of the nobility gave place to the 
 Elizabethan manor house with its wide portals and long 
 lines of windows. In the towns, 
 the growing wealth of the mer- 
 chant class was indicated in the 
 appearance of much finer resi- 
 d e n c e s , and throughout the 
 country generally wooden houses 
 were replaced by dwellings of 
 brick or stone. A contemporary 
 writer in speaking of the 
 changed manner of living notes 
 
 "the multitude of chimnies latilie erected" ; "the great 
 amendment of lodging"; "the exchange of vessels, as 
 of woodden platters into pewter, and woodden spoons 
 into silver or tin." Increased gorgeousness of attire was 
 
 Ladies of Quality. 
 
194 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 as marked, as the improvement in house furnishing. Men 
 "wore a manor on their backs." The Englishmen's love 
 of feasting had always been noticeable. A Spaniard, writ- 
 ing in the time of Mary, said of them, " they fare com- 
 monly as well as the king," but even in this regard there 
 was increased expenditure. This spread of luxury was 
 viewed by many with dismay. " England spendeth more 
 on wines in one year than it did in ancient times in four 
 years," was the complaint of a royal minister. One writer 
 laments "the over quantity of unnecessary wares brought 
 into the port of London." Numerous sumptuary laws were 
 passed, with, however, but little effect. 
 
 The vigorous life and restless activity which stirred the 
 material world was reflected in the world of letters. The 
 Renaissance, the great intellectual movement that origi- 
 nated in Italy in the fifteenth century, was slow in reaching 
 England. While continental Europe was reading with 
 avidity the stores of classic literature, brought to its shores 
 by the Greek scholars driven from the East at the fall of 
 Constantinople, England was torn asunder by the contend- 
 ing factions of the Roses. With the restoration of peace, 
 however, Englishmen caught the impulse of the new move- 
 ment, and turned with eager enthusiasm and untrammeled 
 zeal to the study of classic lore, and the investigation 
 of the wonders in the world of nature. The English 
 Renaissance received its impulse from abroad, but it at 
 once assumed atone all its own, "less literary, less largely 
 human, but more moral, more religious, more practical in 
 its bearings both upon society and politics." In the life 
 and work of three men, Colet, Erasmus, and More, its di- 
 verse aspects found expression. In Colet was typified the 
 religious rationalism of the new movement ; Erasmus re- 
 flected its more purely intellectual character ; while in More 
 all its freshness and audacity of thought were brought to 
 
The Tudors and the Reformation. 195 
 
 bear on the practical questions of the day. His famous 
 work, Utopia, was a satire on the defects of English society 
 brought out in a description of the condition of life in 
 "Nowhere." In his views More was strangely at odds 
 with the tendencies of his age ; he anticipated, however, 
 the most important social and political reforms of later 
 times. 
 
 The promise of the Renaissance was great, but before it 
 had reached fulfilment it was overwhelmed by the fierce tide 
 of religious revolution. Reason and reform were trampled 
 under foot by dogma and fanaticism. It was not until the 
 settlement of the religious question under Elizabeth left 
 men free to consider other things, that the earlier revival of 
 letters bore fruit in the wonderful outburst of literary 
 activity which marked the close of the century. The vigor 
 of the national life was reflected in the originality of 
 thought, the boldness of conception that characterized the 
 world of letters. Its restless curiosity, the many-sidedness 
 of its interests, found expression in a literature which in- 
 included the "Novum Organum " of Bacon, and the 
 "Ecclesiastical Polity" of Hooker, Spenser's "Faerie 
 Queene," and Shakespeare's "Hamlet." 
 
CHAPTEE IX. 
 
 The Stuarts and Puritanism. 
 
 Illustrative Readings. 
 
 Three English Statesmen ; Gold- 
 win Smith. 
 
 Woodstock ; Scott. 
 
 Old Mortality ; Scott. 
 
 John Inglesant ; Shorthouse. 
 
 Lorna Doone ; Blackmore. 
 
 Important Dates. 
 
 Reign of James I., 1603-1625. 
 
 1604, Hampton Court Conference. 
 
 1621, Fall of Bacon. 
 Reign of Charles I., 1625-1649. 
 
 1626, Impeachment of Bucking- 
 ham. 
 
 1628, Petition of Right. 
 
 1637, Ship money decision. 
 
 1639, War with Scotland. 
 
 1640, Short Parliament. 
 
 1640, Long Parliament. 
 
 1641, Execution of Strafford. 
 1641, Grand Remonstrance. 
 1643, League with Scotland. 
 
 Genealogical Table. 
 
 1644, Marston Moor. 
 
 1645, Naseby. 
 
 1649, Execution of Charles. 
 Commonwealth, 1649-1660. 
 1653, Dissolution of Long Parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 1653, Barebone's Parliament. 
 
 1654, First Protectorate Parliament. 
 1656, Second Protectorate Parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 1658, Death of Cromwell. 
 Reign of Charles II., 1660-168-5. 
 
 1661, Cavalier Parliament. 
 
 1665, Dutch War. 
 
 1667, Fall of Clarendon. 
 
 1670, Treaty of Dover. 
 
 1678, Popish Plot. 
 Reign of James II., 1685-1689. 
 
 1687, First Declaration of Indul- 
 
 gence. 
 
 1688, Acquittal of Seven Bishops. 
 
 1688, Landing of William. 
 
 1689, Crown accepted by William. 
 
 JAMES I., 1603-1625, m. Anne of Denmark. 
 
 Charles I., 
 1625-1649, 
 
 n. Henrietta 
 
 Maria of 
 
 France. 
 
 I 
 
 Elizabeth, 
 Frederick V., 
 Elector 
 Palatine. 
 
 Sophia. 
 
 J I 
 
 Charles II., Mary, 
 
 (nominally) m. William II., 
 1649-1660, Prince of Orange, 
 (actually) 
 1660-1685, 
 m. Catherine 
 of Braganza. William ill., m.'Maryll., 
 Prince of 1689-1694. 
 Orange, King of 
 Great Britain 
 and Ireland, 
 1689-1702. 
 
 James II., George I., 
 
 1685-1689, 1714-1727. 
 
 (1) Anne Hyde, 
 
 m. (2) Mary of Modena. 
 
 Anne, T 
 
 1702-1714. J al " e , s : 
 (The Old 
 Pretender.) 
 
 Charles Edward. 
 (The Young 
 Pretender.) 
 
 196 
 
The Stuarts and Puritanism. 197 
 
 OPPRESSION AND REBELLION. 
 
 The accession of the House of Stuart marked the close of 
 a century of personal rule based on public opinion, and the 
 opening of a century of conflict between Crown and Parlia- 
 ment for supremacy. Under the Tudors, royal will and 
 national interest were in the main identical, but the 
 Stuarts, with complete disregard of popular feeling, strove to 
 set their wishes against the nation. Moreover, as if to 
 force a decision which Tudor tact had avoided, they were 
 not content with the substance of power, but insisted upon 
 its formal recognition, maintaining in all its boldness the 
 doctrine of the divine right of kings. Popular temper 
 could ill brook such assumptions. The nation had acqui- 
 esced in the Tudor despotism because it saw in the royal 
 authority the only means for securing peace and for carry- 
 ing on the struggle with the papacy and Spain. But the 
 times had changed. Imbued with a new spirit of independ- 
 ence born of Protestantism, the nation was preparing to 
 claim for itself a larger share in the control of the govern- 
 ment. Royal assumptions were met by popular claims, an 
 aggressive king was matched by an aggressive Parliament. 
 There was nothing in James I. to make the new preten- j ames i. 
 sions more acceptable to the nation. His unattractive ex- 1603_1625 - 
 terior and undignified bearing were in sharp contrast to the 
 royal carriage of his predecessor, and his shrewd sense and 
 ready wit could not make amends for the coarseness of his 
 uncouth speech. The national sense of decency was shocked 
 by the grossness and unveiled immorality of the court, and 
 national pride was outraged at the elevation of low-born 
 and worthless favorites above the greatest of the nobility. 
 
 With views so irreconcilable, a conflict between the king 
 and the nation was sure to come. The question was made 
 more complicated, however, and the issue forced by the 
 antagonism between king and people in religious matters. 
 
198 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 A large minority, at least, of the English people, were 
 Puritans, impatient of authority, regardless of tradition, 
 and desirous of reform. This was the time of England's 
 real Reformation. The movement of the sixteenth century 
 was more royal than popular, more political than religious. 
 Puritanism, the religious movement of the seventeenth 
 century, struck far deeper into the national life, not merely 
 modifying men's ecclesiastical opinions, but stirring and 
 transforming their spiritual natures. The Puritans had 
 hoped much from James, but the logical outcome of his 
 high ideas of royal prerogative was hostility to independ- 
 ence of thought in religious questions. A conference on 
 ecclesiastical matters, called by the king at Hampton 
 Court, revealed the fact that the weight of his influence 
 would be on the side of the High 
 Church party. To others all free- 
 dom of action was denied. " I will 
 make them conform," he said of 
 the Puritans, "or I will harry them 
 out of the land." Although no 
 friend to the Puritans, James had 
 little mind to favor the Catholics, 
 and the penal laws of Elizabeth's 
 reign were strictly enforced. Har- 
 
 JamestheSixth of Scotland assed and irritated, some of the 
 and First of England. Cat holics entered into a conspir- 
 acy, the so-called Gunpowder Plot, to destroy king and 
 piot PO K>o£-i605. Parliament. Their plans, however, came to naught. The 
 Guylftiwkes. disappointment of the Puritans found a more legitimate 
 expression in the House of Commons, where they formed a 
 strong element, and the king met with much annoying 
 opposition. Thus, within a twelvemonth of his accession 
 to the throne, the lack of harmony between the king and 
 the nation had been laid bare. 
 
The Stuarts and Puritanism. 199 
 
 The first year was typical of the whole reign. The king's 
 policy outraged every popular instinct, frustrated every 
 popular wish. Government by statesmen was replaced by 
 the rule of favorites, chief among whom was the Duke of 
 Buckingham, whose only claim was his beauty and grace- 
 ful manners. Wastefulness and imbecility characterized 
 every department of the administration. James' unvary- 
 ing purpose was to free himself from all control, but his 
 financial difficulties placed him at the mercy of the Com- 
 mons, and each appeal for help was met by a demand for 
 redress of grievances. Remonstrances were met by the 
 dissolution of Parliament, and from 1614 to 1621 the king 
 ruled without its aid. To fill his empty treasury he had 
 recourse to many expedients ; ancient feudal dues were 
 revived, titles were sold, and customs were levied by 
 proclamation, a practice against which the Commons had 
 twice vigorously protested. The revival of monopolies was 
 a serious evil and served to arouse the nation without add- 
 ing to the revenue of the government. 
 
 James' home and foreign policy were closely connected. 
 To make himself independent of Parliament it was neces- 
 sary to maintain peace abroad. Moreover, he felt his 
 ability did not lie in war. Proud of his statecraft, he hoped 
 to maintain quiet on the Continent by an alliance with 
 Spain, and proposed the marriage of his son with the 
 Spanish Infanta. There was something to be said in favor 
 of the king's policy, but events rendered it impracticable. 
 
 In 1618 the long impending struggle between Catholics „„_.___„ 
 
 Thirty Years ' 
 and Protestants broke out in Germany. James' own son- War - 1618-1648. 
 
 in-law, the Count Palatine, was involved, and it was im- 
 possible for England to stand aloof. The king still strove 
 to play the part of peacemaker, but the nation detested the 
 Spanish alliance, and was eager for war. In this crisis it 
 was necessary to summon Parliament, and at once the 
 
200 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 storm broke loose. The ancient right of impeachment 
 was revived against the royal ministers. Lord Bacon, the 
 chancellor, was attacked partly for taking bribes, but 
 partly for his support of the prerogative ; protests were 
 made against the Catholic alliance, and a declaration 
 of war against Spain was demanded. The temper of the 
 Commons was rising, and a proclamation forbidding all 
 consideration of foreign affairs was met by a resolution 
 that the privilege of discussing these matters was theirs by 
 right as English subjects. The king with his own hand 
 tore the resolution from the journals of the House. " I 
 will govern according to the common weal, but not accord- 
 ing to the common will," he said, and ordered the dissolu- 
 tion of Parliament. No words, however, could annul what 
 had been done. In twenty years James had turned respect 
 for the monarchy into contempt, loyalty into hatred. He 
 had insulted Parliament and asserted his authority as no 
 Tudor had ever done, but in spite of his efforts, rather 
 because of them, the constitutional gains of his reign out- 
 weighed all that had been achieved since the fall of the 
 House of Lancaster. 
 
 Men hoped much from the accession of Charles I. The 
 dignity of his bearing and the decorum of his life had 
 created a favorable impression, and his known hostility to 
 the Spanish alliance aroused the expectation of a more 
 popular rule. His government, however, was no improve- 
 ment on the preceding. The king's opposition to Spain 
 was the result of pique, and did not imply an essential 
 change of policy. On the other hand, he believed as 
 strongly as James in the royal prerogative, and had even 
 less comprehension of the popular temper. The enthu- 
 siasm with which his accession was greeted soon cooled. 
 His marriage with a French princess and a fancied leaning 
 toward Rome aroused fears of a Catholic reaction, while 
 
The Stuarts and Puritanism. 201 
 
 the continued influence of Buckingham left little hope of 
 more capable action abroad, or more constitutional rule at 
 home. Parliament at once took a suspicious attitude, re- 
 fusing to grant supplies until grievances were redressed. 
 Buckingham was looked upon as the cause of all difficul- 
 ties, and at length the Commons, despite the command of 
 the king, proceeded to his impeachment. To save his 
 friend, Charles at once dissolved Parliament, and for the 
 next two years he tried what he could do without one. 
 Everywhere the arbitrary tendencies of the government 
 were apparent. All sorts of illegal means were employed 
 to fill the treasury. The courts of justice were made in- 
 struments of the royal tyranny. The collection of a forced 
 loan was ordered and those who resisted were imprisoned 
 at the king's pleasure. A foolish foreign policy involved 
 England in war with both France and Spain, drained the 
 resources of the country and brought the government little 
 credit. 
 
 In 1628 Charles was driven by his necessities to call a new 
 Parliament. The Houses met in no favorable temper, and 
 at once proceeded to discuss the condition of the country. 
 
 All men were stirred by the recent attacks on personal 
 rights. "We must vindicate our ancient liberties," said 
 
 Sir Thomas Wentworth in words to which his later 
 
 career lent strange meaning, "we must reenforce the laws 
 
 made by our ancestors. We must set such a stamp upon 
 
 them as no licentious spirit shall dare hereafter to invade 
 
 them." Discussion ended in the drawing up the Petition Petition of 
 
 ^ Right, 
 
 of Right, second only to Magna Charta in constitutional 
 
 importance. The right of all men to a fair and speedv "Old South 
 
 * J Leaflets," Gen- 
 trial was asserted, martial law was prohibited in time of erai series, 
 
 ^ No. 23. 
 
 peace, and the control of Parliament in all matters of taxa- 
 tion was reaffirmed. Charles was forced to agree to the de- 
 mands of the Commons, but in his heart he was bent on 
 
202 The Groivth of the English Nation. 
 
 pursuing his old course. He was obliged, however, to act 
 henceforth without the counsels of his favorite, for a few 
 days after the signing of the Petition of Right, Bucking- 
 ham died by the knife of the assassin. His fall brought 
 no change of policy; it but widened the breach between the 
 king and the nation. Buckingham had borne the brunt 
 of the popular dissatisfaction ; Charles was now forced to 
 take the odium of his own misdeeds. 
 
 The dissolution of the Houses in 1629 was followed by a 
 period of personal rule. For eleven years no Parliament 
 was called. "We have showed by our frequent meeting 
 our people our love to the use of Parliament ; yet the late 
 abuse having for the present driven us unwillingly out 
 of that course, we shall account it presumption for any to 
 prescribe any time unto us for Parliament." During these 
 years the king governed the realm through ministers, the 
 irresponsible agents of his policy. The ruling spirit in 
 secular affairs was Wentworth, once the champion of 
 English liberties, now the willing servant of despotism. 
 Political conviction as well as personal ambition had led 
 him to forsake the popular cause. His hostility had been 
 directed rather against the influence of Buckingham than 
 against the power of the crown. For the wisdom of the 
 people he had little respect. He saw all the defects of 
 Parliamentary rule, and none of its good points. His 
 ideal was the system of the Tudors, and his purpose was 
 to "make His Majesty as absolute as any king in Christen- 
 dom, and as little subject to conditions." In Church 
 matters the king's chief adviser was Archbishop Laud. 
 Unity through uniformity was the keynote to Laud's 
 policy. His favor toward Catholics was as marked as his 
 hostility to Puritans, and he strove to enforce conformity 
 while gradually drawing the Church nearer to Rome. 
 With entire sympathy the two ministers labored together 
 
The Stuarts and Puritanism. 203 
 
 to carry out the policy which they dubbed "Thorough." court of High 
 The machinery through which they worked was the Privy deflnUe!y° n ' 
 Council and the Courts of the Star Chamber and High isls^hadjuris- 
 Commission. The press was muzzled, the pulpits were ecclesiastical 
 " tuned," the judges bribed or intimidated. Freedom of ma ers " 
 speech no longer existed, liberty and property were en- 
 dangered. Imprisonment and mutilation were inflicted on 
 many because of their religion, many more fled to America 
 to escape persecution. The chief difficulty that beset the 
 crown was the need of raising a revenue. The royal 
 forests formed an important source of supply, and by reviv- The bounds of 
 ing obsolete laws their boundaries were greatly extended, fores^wer™ 
 Exorbitant fines were exacted for all kinds of petty six t to < JStJ° ,n 
 offenses. The sale of monopolies was carried to an un- miles - 
 heard of extent. " They sup in our cup," it was later said 
 of the monopolists, " they dip in our dish, they sit by our 
 fire. . . . They have marked and sealed us from head 
 to foot." To secure a fixed revenue, a plan was devised of 
 exacting ship-money from all the counties, nominally for 
 the defense of the country. At first the money was used 
 according to the avowed intention, but the principle was so 
 capable of extension that Wentworth said of it : " Let the 
 king only abstain from war for three years that he may 
 habituate his subjects to the payment of this tax, and in 
 the end he will find himself more powerful and respected 
 than any of his predecessors." The nation saw this as 
 clearly as Wentworth. John Hampden, a gentleman of 
 Buckinghamshire, undertook to bring the question of the 
 legality of ship-money before the courts of law. But the 
 judges were tools of the king, and the decision was in his 
 favor. One judge declared that rex was lex, and Chief 
 Justice Finch asserted " that they are void acts of Parlia- 
 ment to bind the king not to command the subjects, their 
 persons and goods, . . .for no acts of Parliament 
 
204 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Quarrel with 
 the Scotch. 
 1637. 
 
 The Short 
 Parliament , 
 April, 1640. 
 
 make any difference." It was vain to look for justice to 
 courts guided not by the law, but by the will of the king. 
 Hampden's resistance aroused the people, his defeat 
 showed the peril of the situation. Nevertheless action was 
 still delayed. No leader had come forward, the intermis- 
 sion of Parliament left the national tem- 
 per in doubt, and many of the bolder 
 spirits, despairing of improvement, left 
 the country to seek a home in the Puri- 
 tan commonwealth beyond the sea. 
 But the stupidity of the king was has- 
 tening the crisis. The signal for revolt 
 came from Scotland. The vigorous 
 Puritanism of the north had not been 
 able to hinder the reestablishment of 
 Episcopacy, but the feeling of the people 
 was openly hostile and it was evident 
 w»— -^ that patience was almost at an end. 
 
 _. _.---' Nevertheless, Charles and Laud deter- 
 
 A Countrywoman. mined to force upon lhe Scotch a new 
 
 Church service modeled upon the English prayer book. 
 National pride as well as religious feeling was offended 
 at this innovation from England. The first attempt to 
 use the new liturgy met with opposition which soon 
 ripened into rebellion against the political authority of 
 the king. Charles dared not draw back, however, for fear 
 of the effect in England. Unprepared and unsupported 
 he tried to face a united, determined Scotland. Defeat 
 at length forced him to abandon the policy of the last 
 eleven years and summon Parliament. The Houses came 
 together in no unreasonable spirit, but it was plain that 
 grievances must be redressed before aid would be granted. 
 " Till the liberties of the House and kingdom were cleared, 
 they knew not whether they had anything to give or no." 
 
The Stuarts and Puritanism. 205 
 
 Money, not debate, was what Charles wanted and Parlia- 
 ment was dissolved with nothing accomplished. The des- 
 perate state of affairs in Scotland soon forced the king to The Long 
 summon a second Parliament — the famous Long Parlia- November' 
 ment of the Rebellion. The nation's temper had changed; 
 men realized that now was their time ; Scotland's cause was 
 the cause of English freedom. Ignoring the king's demand 
 for money, the Commons, at the instance of Pym, a marked 
 man in the earlier struggle and the real leader of Parlia- 
 ment, proceeded to a consideration of the evils of the realm. 
 Wentworth, now Earl of Strafford, was the first object of 
 attack. He was regarded as the mainstay of the royal des- 
 potism. So long as he lived Charles could not be intrusted 
 with power. His condemnation was a foregone conclusion; 
 a bill of attainder was hurried through both Houses, and 
 received the signature of the king who a few days before 
 had assured him that he should not suffer in "life, honor, 
 or fortune." Strafford paid the penalty of being out of 
 touch with his generation, of endeavoring to restore a con- 
 stitution which the nation had outgrown. 
 
 The overthrow of Strafford was followed by an attack on 
 the powers of the crown. One measure after another was 
 passed limiting the prerogative, and establishing guaran- 
 tees of constitutional rule. Parliament was to be sum- 
 moned at least once in three years, the levying of taxes 
 without its consent was forbidden, all irregular courts 
 were abolished. So far as laws could accomplish it, the 
 life, liberty, and property of the subject were made secure. 
 
 Thus far the action of Parliament had been practically 
 unanimous. Now, however, division appeared. Some 
 were satisfied with what had been obtained, others deemed 
 additional guarantees necessary. Discussion of ecclesiasti- 
 cal questions showed that while all wished reform, some de- 
 sired revolution, and would abolish Episcopacy altogether. 
 
206 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Irish Rebellion. 
 October, 1641. 
 
 These differences of opinion were strengthened by a revival 
 of personal loyalty to the king, standing helpless and 
 almost alone. This was Charles' opportunity. By ally- 
 ing himself frankly and heartily with the moderate re- 
 formers he might have cut the ground from under the feet 
 of the radicals. But Charles was incapable of straightfor- 
 ward action, of giving his confidence completely. He 
 called to his counsels Hyde and Falkland, the leaders of 
 the Conservatives, but at the same time he carried on 
 
 [Adapted from Gardiner's School Atlas.] 
 
 secret negotiations with the Scotch and with the army, 
 in the hope of using them against his opponents. An out- 
 break in Ireland complicated the situation. An army 
 would be necessary to put down the rebellion. Could the 
 
The Stuarts and Puritanism. 207 
 
 king be trusted with forces which he might turn against 
 Parliament? Pym and Hampden answered no. Under GrandRemon . 
 their leadership the Grand Remonstrance, a statement of f.ofd'jfouth 
 grievances, a program for the future, an appeal to the ^^feries Gen * 
 people, was fought through Parliament. This was the No - 24 - 
 crisis of the contest. Failure to pass the Grand Remon- 
 strance "would have meant to many the abandonment of 
 the struggle. "Had it been defeated," said Oliver Crom- 
 well, member for Cambridge, "I would have sold to- 
 morrow all I possess and left England forever." Success 
 completed the division of the nation into two parties. 
 Lack of confidence in the king had forced men to ex- 
 tremes. Their violence now led to the formation of a royal 
 party. It was plain that war could not long be delayed. 
 A few weeks later Charles left London, never to return 
 until brought back a prisoner. 
 The royal standard was raised at Nottingham, Parlia- 
 
 The Grc3.t Re- 
 
 ment called out the national militia, the country ranged beiiion. 
 itself on one side or the other. With the king were most of 
 the nobility, many of the gentry, the High Church party ; 
 the border counties, also, were royalist in sympathy. A 
 few of the upper classes supported Parliament, but the 
 strength of the Roundhead cause lay with the towns- "Roundhead " 
 people and yeomanry. For a time the war dragged, ^dna^ro/tne 
 Neither side desired too complete a victory. Many among Puntans - 
 Charles' supporters feared he would use success to reestab- 
 lish what had been overthrown. And some on the op- 
 posite side saw in the removal of all restraints a prospect 
 of Parliamentary despotism which they liked no better 
 than royal tyranny. On the whole, success was with the 
 king. The Parliamentary recruits, the offscouring of the 
 towns, were no match for men whose loyalty would lead 
 them to fight for the crown though it " hung in a bush." 
 With the next year Parliament began to retrieve its 1643. 
 
208 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 position despite the loss it suffered in the death of Pym, its 
 
 great leader. His last act had been to secure the alliance 
 
 of the Scotch by inducing Parliament to accept the 
 
 The Covenant. Covenant and establish Presbyterianism. In the hands of 
 
 "Old South 
 
 Leaflets/' Gen- Oliver Cromwell, now the guiding spirit in military affairs, 
 No. 25. the army was completely transformed. Cromwell was the 
 
 first to point out the defect of the Parliamentary forces and 
 to indicate the remedy. " You must get men of a spirit 
 that is likely to go on as far as gentlemen will go." " Men 
 of religion are wanted to withstand these gentlemen of 
 honor." Cavalier loyalty was to be matched by spiritual 
 zeal. None were received into the "New Model," as the 
 reformed army was called, save those of sober Christian 
 life, but all who could fight and pray were made welcome 
 regardless of class or sect. Parliament was dominated by 
 the Presbyterian party, but among Cromwell's Ironsides 
 was a spirit of toleration elsewhere unknown. Such an 
 army was never before seen. It was made up not of adven- 
 turers and mercenaries, but of yeomen and tradespeople. 
 The citizen was never lost in the soldier, each man knew 
 for what he was fighting ; the end once attained he was 
 eager to return to his home and calling. Such forces were 
 irresistible. Royalist defeat at Marston Moor was fol- 
 lowed by royalist rout on the field of Naseby. 
 
 Charles was hopelessly beaten in war, but his cause was 
 not yet lost. In the diverse opinions of his foes lay a way 
 of escape. Parliament seemed more desirous of ridding 
 itself of the army with its detestable ideas of toleration 
 than of completing the overthrow of the king. The Scots 
 were ready to furnish Charles with a sufficient force pro- 
 vided he would acknowledge Presbyterianism and supjjress 
 Independency. Cromwell and his men wished to restrain 
 both crown and Parliament in the interest of civil and re- 
 ligious liberty. The battle of Naseby, in fact, marked 
 
The Stuarts and Puritanism. 209 
 
 the close of the civil war, and the beginning of a greater 
 struggle, a struggle between conformity and freedom, 
 progress and conservatism. On the one hand stood the 
 army, on the other Parliament and the Scots. Each of the 
 opposing forces was ready to make terms with the king. 
 Parliament insisted on the establishment of Presbyterian- 
 ism and the control of military forces for twenty years. 
 The proposals of the army were more moderate. " We de- 
 sire no alteration in the civil government, as little do we 
 desire to interrupt the settlement of the Presbyterian 
 government, only we wish that every good citizen and 
 every man who walks peaceably in a blameless conversa- 
 tion, and is beneficial to the commonwealth, might have 
 liberty and encouragement." With each and all Charles 
 carried on his intrigues, playing off Scots against English, 
 army against Parliament. At length he was rewarded by 
 seeing two of his enemies, the Scots and the army, come to 
 blows. But the patience of the Ironsides was exhausted. 
 A quiet settlement of the country was impossible so long as 
 Charles was alive. With swift success Cromwell's forces 
 overthrew the Scots, and turned " to call Charles Stuart, 
 that man of blood, to an account." Through the forced 
 expulsion of some of its members, the House became a sept e , i648! rge " 
 mere tool in the hands of the army, and met the demand 
 that the king be brought to justice by appointing a court 
 whose character left no doubt as to the result. Charles was 
 condemned to death as a tyrant, traitor, murderer. He met 
 his fate like a hero and a saint. 
 
 " He nothing common did nor mean, 
 Upon that memorable scene." 
 
 PURITAN RULE. 
 
 The death of the king was followed by the declaration of 
 the Commonwealth. Monarchy and the House of Lords wealth. 
 
 , ,. , j j x, • i ^ , , ^ 1649-1660. 
 
 were abolished, and their place was taken by an Executive 
 
210 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Council and the House of Commons. Power, however, be- 
 longed with the army and its leader, and the history of the 
 next ten years is the history of their attempt to rule Eng- 
 land. The difficulties were almost insurmountable. A 
 government was to be organized where there was no 
 agreement as to principle. The ideals of Cromwell were 
 not the ideals of the nation. Few cared for religious 
 liberty, fewer still for republicanism. To allow the people 
 to have their way meant to give up most of those things for 
 which he had contended, and for that Cromwell was not 
 ready. He was not, however, a despot by nature. Over 
 and over again he attempted to secure the cooperation of 
 the nation. The Rump, as the mutilated Long Parliament 
 was called, had become corrupt and unmindful of its duty. 
 Cromwell went down to the House, exasperated by its 
 1653. dallying. "I will put an end to this," he cried. "It is 
 
 not fit you should sit here any longer," and he bade his 
 soldiers clear the hall. He did not wish to rule alone, but 
 he dared not appeal to the nation ; a representative Parlia- 
 ment would have been a royalist Parliament. So he called 
 to his aid an assembly of "godly men to rule until the 
 people were fitted to act." But his godly men were vision- 
 aries and at once attempted extravagant reforms. Crom- 
 well had too much common sense not to see their mistakes, 
 Barebone's so the Bare bones Parliament went the way of the Rump. 
 Siled^from' S ° Two more attempts were made by Cromwell to establish 
 Barebone d constitutional rule. Under the Instrument of Govern- 
 ™ondxm. t0r ment, the first of written constitutions, a protectorate 
 was set up. Later, by giving the Protector the right to 
 name his successor, and by creating a second House, a 
 return was made to the forms of the ancient constitution. 
 Both attempts failed. There was no unanimity of feeling ; 
 the members quarreled as to the authority under which 
 they were come together, the nation distrusted Cromwell 
 
The Stuarts and Puritanism. 
 
 211 
 
 and his system. Failure forced Cromwell back upon the 
 army, the real mainstay of his power. But though his 
 government was based upon force, there was not much 
 violence or unnecessary severity. Provided his authority 
 was respected, there was but little interference with in- 
 dividual rights. True, the Royalists were taxed more 
 heavily than others, but this was on the 
 ground that their hostility made neces- 
 sary a large and costly military estab- 
 lishment. Toleration was the principle 
 and, with some exceptions, the practice 
 of Cromwell's government. " Our prac- 
 tice . . . hath been to let all this 
 nation see that whatever pretensions to 
 religion would continue cmiet, peaceable, 
 they should enjoy conscience and liberty 
 to themselves." At first there was no 
 interference with the English Church, 
 but within a short time Episcopalian 
 worship was prohibited as tending to 
 stir up disaffection. The proclamation, 
 however, was not very rigorously enforced, and zealous 
 worshipers continued to meet, only more privately. 
 
 Less difficult and more successfully met were the ques- 
 tions of foreign relations. From the first Cromwell adopted _ , ., . 
 
 ° r England's for- 
 
 a vigorous policy which reflected the temper of the man eign relations. 
 and the character of the times. Religious considerations 
 as well as political interests determined England's attitude. 
 A proposed alliance with France was arrested until all per- 
 secution of Protestants had ceased, and war was waged 
 with Spain, in part at least, because of her traditional posi- 
 tion as the great Catholic power of Europe. On the other 
 hand, religious sympathy could not keep peace between 
 England and Protestant Holland, her great rival on the sea. 
 
 A Gentlewoman. 
 
212 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 The Levelers, 
 a party in the 
 army of demo- 
 cratic and 
 socialist ten- 
 dencies. 
 
 Death of Crom- 
 well. 1658. 
 
 Commercial interests, in fact, were driving religious ques- 
 tions into the background. In 1651 the Navigation Act was 
 passed, the first of a long series of measures intended to 
 build up English commerce. Its provisions forbade the 
 importation of goods into England except in English ves- 
 sels, and thus dealt a blow to the Dutch carrying trade. 
 The result was a war with Holland in which the navy, led 
 by Blake, gained many victories and laid the foundations 
 of England's present maritime supremacy. On land as 
 well as on sea the English were successful ; Cromwell's force 
 and ability regained for England the place in Europe which 
 she had won under Elizabeth and lost under James. 
 
 The triumph of the Commonwealth abroad filled even 
 its opponents with pride. Nor were grounds for some con- 
 tentment lacking nearer home. Cromwell's rule was stern, 
 but at least order was maintained. All risings whether of 
 Royalists or Levelers were quickly quelled. Gradually the 
 ravages of war were repaired, although ruined hall and 
 mutilated church long bore testimony to the destructive 
 work of the Ironsides. Taxation was heavy, but industry 
 was not crushed, and the country seemed elastic under its 
 burdens. Had Cromwell lived longer he might have 
 effected many improvements in the condition of the peo- 
 ple. Reform of the law courts was a matter that he had at 
 heart. The misrepresentation of the country under the ex- 
 isting electoral system was an evil which he recognized and 
 tried to meet. He attempted to equalize representation 
 according to population, and he gave members to Scotland 
 and Ireland. 
 
 But Cromwell's work was done. He and his generation 
 were hopelessly at odds. He was as far in advance of his 
 age as Strafford was behind, and before him lay nothing 
 but vexation and disappointment. Under the burden of 
 care and anxiety his health gave way. A storm swept over 
 
The Stuarts and Puritanism. 
 
 213 
 
 A Citizen's Wife. 
 
 England as he lay dying. " The devil is fetching home the 
 soul of the tyrant," said his foes ; but the man whom they 
 hated was praying for friends and foes alike. " Lord, Thou 
 hast made me, though very unworthy, a 
 mean instrument to do them some good, 
 and Thee service ; and many of them 
 have set too high a value upon me, 
 though others wish and would be glad of 
 my death. Lord, however Thou do dis- 
 pose of me, continue to go on to do good 
 to them. . . . Teach those who look 
 too much on Thy instruments, to depend 
 more upon Thyself. Pardon such as de- 
 sire to trample upon the dust of a poor 
 worm, for they are Thy people too. And 
 pardon the folly of this short prayer ; 
 even for Jesus Christ's sake. And give 
 us a good night, if it be thy pleasure. Amen." 
 
 The days of the Commonwealth were numbered. Rich- 
 ard Cromwell was made Protector, but he could not hope 
 
 to succeed where his father had failed. Conflict arose be- _„ ,„ „ 
 
 Fall of the Com- 
 
 tween the civil and military authorities. One Parliament monweaith. 
 was expelled and another set up in its place. The nation 
 was weary of army rule, and longed for a restoration of the 
 old order, for a return of the old line. Negotiations were 
 opened with the son of Charles I., living in exile. Vague 
 promises of good government, of religious security, were 
 eagerly accepted. The army, tricked and abandoned by its 
 leaders, could do nothing. A Convention Parliament was 
 hastily summoned which at once recalled Prince Charles, 
 and on May 29, 1660, he entered London attended by re- 
 joicing crowds. 
 
 The Puritan rebellion had ended in apparent failure. In 
 the contest against the despotism of the second Stuart, Par- 
 
214 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 liament and the nation were victorious, but religious differ- 
 ences aroused strife among the conquerors. The right cause 
 triumphed with Cromwell, but it was based on force and 
 . found no response in the nation. The result was the re- 
 action which we call the Restoration. The over-severity of 
 the Puritans led to the shamelessness of society under the 
 third Stuart. Toleration at the point of the sword ended in 
 the penal code against dissent. The outcome of the execu- 
 tion of Charles was the doctrine of non-resistance. Never- 
 theless, Puritanism was far from dead. The spirit that 
 found expression in the writings of Milton and Bunyan 
 left an impress on the national character that might be for 
 a time obscured but never entirely effaced. 
 
 THE RESTORATION. 
 
 Charles n. The recall of the Stuarts did not mean that the nation 
 
 wished to undo all that had been done ; the Convention 
 Parliament contained many Presbyterians, and it insisted 
 at first on a generous treatment of all who were con- 
 cerned in the Rebellion, and especially that no one was to 
 be "disquieted for difference of opinion which should not 
 disturb the kingdom." But the tide of loyalty was rising 
 fast. The Parliament called in 1661 was fired with devotion 
 
 Declaration of to Church and king. Charles was granted what his father 
 passive obedi- , . , ... ., ,,, 
 
 ence : " i, a. never obtained, — a large revenue for life. It was declared 
 B., do declare 
 
 and believe that there was no legislative power in Parliament without 
 that it is not 
 
 lawful upon the royal sanction, that the king was the rightful corn- 
 whatever to mander of all forces, and that it was unlawful for either 
 
 take up arras . 
 
 against the House to make war against the crown. 
 
 king." 
 
 The religious zeal of Parliament was even more marked. 
 
 Episcopacy was reestablished, and a stringent Act of Uni- 
 formity was passed. From all clergymen and teachers the 
 acceptance of everything in the Prayer Book was required, 
 and as a result two thousand ministers were deprived of 
 their charges. This was the first of a long series of penal 
 
Five-Mile Act. 
 
 The Stuarts and Puritanism. 215 
 
 statutes directed against dissent, whether Catholic or Prot- 
 estant. Officeholders in the towns were obliged to sub- 9 !? 01 ?!!? 11 
 
 a Act. 1661. 
 
 scribe to the doctrine of passive obedience, and to take the 
 sacrament according to the practice of the Anglican 
 Church. Religious meetings of more than five persons Conventicle 
 
 Act. 1664. 
 
 outside the family were prohibited unless in accordance 
 with the established forms. A third violation of this 
 requirement was punished by transportation. Another 
 measure was passed under conditions of peculiar infamy. 
 The plague was raging in London, and the clergy had fled 
 in a panic. The Dissenters, a far more earnest set of men, 
 undertook the duties left unperformed, tending the sick and 
 holding services. Parliament, at a safe distance in Oxford, 
 where it had gone to avoid the plague, passed the Five-Mile 
 Act, forbidding all clergymen who had not accepted the 
 Act of Uniformity and the doctrine of passive obedience to 1665" 
 teach school, or to come within five miles of any town or 
 borough. 
 
 The severity of this legislation against Dissenters was due 
 in a measure to the influence of Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, 
 once a leader in the Long Parliament, then the adviser clarendon, 
 of Charles L, now the chief minister of his son. Claren- 
 don's ideals were the ideals of the sixteenth century ; an 
 Episcopal Church dependent upon the crown, power exer- 
 cised without restraint by an enlightened and conscientious 
 king. He repeated the mistake of Strafford in endeavoring 
 to make of a Stuart a ruler after the Elizabethan type. 
 Charles II. had far more tact and ability than his father, 
 but, on the other hand, less principle, less earnestness of 
 temper ; selfishness, love of pleasure, were the dominant 
 notes in his character. At the outset of his reign he showed 
 little ambition, but, surrounding himself with men of his 
 kind, led a life of dissipation which made the court a 
 national shame. It was folly to expect of such a king 
 
216 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 War with 
 Holland. 
 
 100.5-1667. 
 
 Charles and 
 France. 
 
 wisdom and conscientiousness. Inability to realize this 
 was not, however, Clarendon's only mistake. He did not 
 see that the situation abroad had changed. Alliance with 
 France against Spain had been England's traditional policy 
 for more than two generations. But the power of Spain 
 was waning. France, under the ambitious leadership of 
 Louis XIV., was now the menace to the peace and freedom 
 of Europe. Blind to this change, Clarendon allowed Eng- 
 land to become involved in a causeless war with Holland, 
 whereas his true policy should have been to establish a 
 close alliance between the two countries against France. 
 
 The war itself was bad enough ; the manner of conduct- 
 ing it was inexcusable. Money voted by Parliament for 
 carrying on the contest was squandered by the king on his 
 pleasures. Unpaid and half starved, the English sailors 
 mutinied, while the Dutch fleet sailed up the Thames and 
 held London in terror for weeks. A storm of indignation 
 swept over the country. An opposition party was formed 
 in Parliament clamoring for Clarendon's overthrow. 
 Charles made little effort to save the minister whose seri- 
 ous life he felt a constant restraint. Clarendon was 
 impeached, but saved himself by flight to France. The 
 crisis resulted in something more than the overthrow of 
 the minister. In the revival of the long disused right of im- 
 peachment the Commons had gained a powerful weapon. 
 Moreover, the principle was established that supplies 
 should not be diverted from the use for which they were 
 voted, and that the national accounts should be subject to 
 inspection. 
 
 Clarendon's fall coincided with a certain change in the 
 attitude of the king. It was not that he had become more 
 desirous of playing the despot, but that he had learned that 
 dependence upon Parliament hindered his freedom to do as 
 he liked. He objected to interference in the expenditure of 
 
The Stuarts and Puritanism. 
 
 217 
 
 the court, to criticism of his manner of life. Moreover, 
 
 although an avowed skeptic, his sympathies were with 
 
 the Catholics, and he was sincere in his wish to relieve 
 
 them from the oppression 
 
 of the penal laws. For 
 
 these reasons it became his 
 
 purpose henceforth to free 
 
 himself from the restraint 
 
 of Parliament. To gain his 
 
 ends, outside assistance 
 
 was necessary, and for this 
 
 he looked to France. Louis 
 
 met him more than half =* 
 
 way. The result of their Charles II. and a Courtier. From a 
 
 Scarce Print by Faithorne. 
 negotiations was the secret 
 
 Treaty of Dover. Louis was to give Charles aid in money 
 and troops. In return the French and English were to Dover. 1670. 
 enter into an alliance against Holland, and the Roman 
 Catholic Church was to be established in England. 
 
 This disgraceful treaty was kept a secret even from many 
 of the royal ministers, but its effect at once became ap- 
 parent. Parliament was prorogued, war was declared 
 against Holland, although an alliance with that country 
 had just been formed, and a Declaration of Indulgence was 
 issued suspending the execution of the penal laws. This 
 was primarily in the interest of the Catholics, but it was 
 hoped it might win over the Dissenters. Its effect, however, 
 was just the reverse. With unusual clear-sightedness, 
 the latter saw the dangerous possibilities in allowing the 
 crown such arbitrary power, and they were the first to 
 appeal against the measure. In spite of the large sums 
 received from France, need of money soon forced Charles 
 to summon Parliament. The first act of the opposition, or 
 "Country party," was to compel the king to withdraw 
 
218 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Test Act. 
 
 1673. 
 
 Earl of Danby, 
 Lord Treas- 
 urer and lead- 
 ing minister. 
 1673-1678. 
 
 Popish Plot. 
 1678. 
 
 the Declaration. It next proceeded to pass the Test Act, 
 requiring all who held any state office to take the sacra- 
 ment according to the Anglican form, and to make a 
 declaration against the doctrine of transubstantiation. 
 One privilege after another was taken from all who dis- 
 sented from the established Church. In turn the Church, 
 the universities, municipal office, civil office, were closed 
 to them. 
 
 The course of affairs during the next few years seems con- 
 fused and uncertain. The chief minister was Danby, whose 
 views, on the whole, were those of Clarendon, save that 
 he wished to renew the alliance with Holland. This 
 meant war with France, and here he had the support of 
 Parliament ; but Charles was bribed to keep peace. More- 
 over, Parliament, much as it wanted war, hardly dared 
 trust the king with an army. On the other hand, Louis 
 doubted, and with reason, the good faith of his pensioner, 
 and tried to hold him in check by intriguing with the 
 leaders of the Country party. Peace on the Continent 
 finally made Louis independent of Charles' aid, and he 
 took revenge for the double dealing with which he had 
 been treated by revealing the whole miserable business. 
 Wounded national pride called for vengeance. The king 
 was inviolable, and vengeance fell upon Danby, his un- 
 willing agent. In vain the minister pleaded the royal 
 command ; the plea was set aside, and the principle 
 asserted that a minister might not shield himself from 
 responsibility behind the order of the sovereign. If the 
 king could do no wrong, then some one must be made re- 
 sponsible. 
 
 The French disclosures and the fall of Danby came just 
 at the time when the country was thrown into a panic 
 by the discovery of the so-called Popish Plot. It was 
 asserted that the papists had conspired to murder the 
 
The Stuarts and Puritanism. 219 
 
 king and set up the Romish Church again. The story 
 rested on the almost unsupported statements of Titus 
 Oates, a man of degraded character, once an Anglican 
 clergyman, later a Jesuit priest. The whole country was 
 beside itself with fright. Men went about armed, and the 
 Commons passed a resolution "that this House is of 
 opinion that there hath been and still is a damnable and 
 hellish plot, carried on by papist recusants, for assassin- 
 ating and murdering the king, for subverting the govern- 
 ment, and rooting out the Protestant religion." Several 
 peers were committed to the Tower and a number of Catho- 
 lics were put to death. An act was passed disabling 
 papists from sitting in either House. Excitement cul- Disabling Act. 
 minated in the introduction of a bill excluding from the mH ' 
 succession the Duke of York, the heir to the throne, on 
 the ground of his being a Catholic. To save his brother, 
 Charles dissolved Parliament and prorogued the new assem- 
 bly seven times before he dared face it. Signs of a re- 
 action appeared. The country was sharply divided on the 
 question of exclusion. It was at this time that the names 
 
 of Whig and Tory first appeared. The opposition, those 
 
 Whig : a name 
 who led the attack on York, were called Whigs, while applied to the 
 
 Covenanters 
 the supporters of the crown received the name of Tory, of the west of 
 
 . Scotland, from 
 
 When Parliament met again, the Exclusion Bill was still the cry of 
 
 " whiggam," 
 
 pressed, but it was plain that its supporters had overshot used with 
 
 horses by the 
 the mark. Their violence led to a revival of loyal feeling peasants of 
 
 that region. 
 
 which was not yet spent when Charles suddenly died, 
 
 Tory: a name 
 
 acknowledging, as he had not before dared to do, his desire given to brig- 
 ands in Ire- 
 to be reconciled with the Roman Catholic Church. land. 
 
 The guiding principle of Charles' policy was contained in 
 his frequent remark, "Whatever else may happen, I have 
 no wish to go again upon my travels." There was never 
 fear that he would press a matter to the point of endanger- 
 ing his crown, and, on the whole, the years of his reign 
 
220 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 James II. 
 
 1685-1689. 
 
 were marked by real constitutional progress. Charles made 
 his ministers responsible to himself, but he did not prevent 
 their being held responsible by Parliament. Moreover the 
 establishment of Parliamentary parties was a long stride 
 toward Parliamentary rule, though the principles upon 
 which men divided were not yet clearly understood. 
 
 The Stuart restoration coincided with the development 
 in the English nation of intense feeling on certain subjects. 
 An unreasoning devotion to the king and the Church was 
 matched by an equally unreasoning fear and detestation of 
 Puritans and Roman Catholics. Should ever these senti- 
 ments come into conflict, it was a question which would 
 gain the mastery. In the reign of James II. the answer 
 was made plain. 
 
 As a man James was more respectable than his brother, 
 as a king he was more dangerous. In many ways he re- 
 sembled his father. He 
 had his lack of tact and 
 pliability coupled with 
 even less ability. James' 
 aims were the aims of 
 Charles II., to make him- 
 self independent of Par- 
 liament, to establish the 
 Roman Catholic Church ; 
 but his policy was differ- 
 ent. Dependence on 
 France was odious to 
 him. If possible he 
 would achieve his ends in some less humiliating way. 
 If he could obtain from Parliament what he wanted, 
 plenty of money, he would throw England in the scale 
 against France. Or he would try to gain his point through 
 an alliance with the Protestant non-conformists. Only 
 
 Charles II. and his Queen. From 
 Heath's Chronicle, 1662. 
 
The Stuarts and Puritanism. 221 
 
 as a last resort would he become a pensioner of Louis. 
 
 The first Parliament of the reign showed the effect of the 
 recent reaction. It was strongly Tory, and readily granted 
 the king a revenue for life ; it manifested, however, no will- 
 ingness to repeal the Test Act and the Habeas Corpus Act, Habeas corpus 
 the immediate object of James' desire. Nevertheless f^ ^^ed to 
 after the failure of an insurrection in favor of Monmouth, orfers^heir" 8 " 
 an illegitimate son of Charles II., who thought his Prot- tiled or liber- 
 estantism would efface the bar sinister, James felt so sure ated - 
 of the national temper that he proceeded to the execution 
 of his plans. Catholics were put into office in defiance of 
 the Test Act, and an attempt was made to form a standing 
 army. But James had misunderstood popular feeling, and 
 he found himself opposed on every point. Violent objec- 
 tion was made to the increase of the army, petitions were 
 pressed against any tampering with the Test Act, and only 
 one half the supplies demanded by the king were granted. 
 
 Defeated in his hopes of Parliamentary support, James 
 fell back on certain powers of which he held himself 
 possessed. He did not dare at first to dispense with the 
 laws against the Catholics generally, but he made exceptions 
 in individual cases. In this he was supported by the judges 
 who were wholly under his control. Roman Catholics were 
 placed in high offices in the Church and universities. He 
 proceeded also with his plan of forming a standing army. 
 Urged on by the Catholics around him he gained courage 
 for a more sweeping measure, and issued a General Declara- 
 tion of Indulgence which set aside all religious tests. At First Decia- 
 ,, ,. , , ration of In- 
 
 the same time an attempt was made to secure a more duigence. 
 
 compliant Parliament by remodeling the town charters 
 and ordering the Lords-Lieutenant of the counties to 
 send up lists of well-disposed men, Catholics or Dissen- 
 ters. The only effect, however, was to increase dissatis- 
 faction. Matters were brought to a crisis by the publica- 
 
222 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Second Decla- 
 ration of In- 
 dulgence. 
 1688. 
 
 Trial of the 
 seven bishops. 
 
 The Revolution 
 of 1688. 
 
 tion of a second Declaration of Indulgence which the clergy 
 were ordered to read from the pulpit. The excitement was 
 intense. On the day set, but four of the London clergy 
 attempted to comply with the royal command, and their 
 congregations withdrew from the church as soon as they 
 began to read. The Archbishop of Canterbury and six 
 bishops had taken the lead in the resistance to the king, 
 presenting a petition in which they begged to be excused 
 from performing what they held to be an illegal act. On 
 the ground that their petition was a seditious libel they 
 were brought to trial. The nation watched the proceedings 
 with feverish interest, and the verdict of acquittal was re- 
 ceived with tumultuous rejoicings in which even James' 
 army on Hounslow Heath joined. 
 
 Nevertheless, matters had not taken a turn for the 
 better. The nation had bided its time, enduring much for 
 the sacred doctrine of non-resistance. It had hoped to see 
 in time an end of its troubles, for James' only children 
 were daughters and Protestants. But just at this junc- 
 ture the queen gave birth to a son, and at once the 
 aspect of affairs changed. The child was universally held 
 to be supposititious, foisted upon the nation ; but, whatever 
 the truth, he was presented as the heir to the throne, and 
 he was sure to be brought up a Catholic. The day of the 
 acquittal of the bishops, a letter signed by prominent 
 men went to William of Orange, the husband of Princess 
 Mary, asking him to come to the rescue of English liberty. 
 
 William of Orange was the leading Protestant statesman 
 of Europe. He had thrown himself heart and soul into 
 the struggle against France. He saw the advantage of se- 
 curing the aid of England. But the difficulties in the way 
 were great ; English national feeling, Dutch jealousy, the 
 opposition of his continental allies, were all to be met. 
 The unbridled ambition of Louis and the boundless stu- 
 
The Stuarts and Puritantism. 223 
 
 pidity of James combined to smooth the way. Europe was 
 beginning to see that every nerve must be strained if a 
 limit was to be set to Louis' aggressions. One by one, 
 James drove all elements of the nation into opposition. 
 He continued his attack on the Church and universities, 
 and alienated the army by bringing over Irish Catholic 
 forces. Tories and Whigs, Churchmen and Dissenters, 
 country and town, all alike were brought to feel that politi- 
 cal freedom, the Protestant faith, the national honor, were 
 in danger so long as James wore the crown. William no 
 longer hesitated. Before setting sail he issued a manifesto 
 which summed up James' unconstitutional acts, and stated 
 that as the husband of Princess Mary he proposed to go to 
 England to secure a free and legal Parliament by whose de- 
 cision he would abide. In spite of warnings, James had 
 closed his eyes to what was passing. Forced at last to 
 see his danger, he made concessions right and left. It was 
 too late ; one after another of the leading statesmen and 
 generals abandoned him, even his own daughter Anne 
 went over to William. At lengtb, with the fate of his 
 father before his eyes, he fled to France in disguise, and 
 Parliament proceeded solemnly to declare that " Kiug 
 James II., having endeavored to subvert the constitution of 
 the kingdom by breaking the original contract between 
 king and people, and by the advice of Jesuits and other 
 wicked people having violated the fundamental laws, and 
 having withdrawn himself out of the kingdom, had abdi- 
 cated the government, and that the throne had thereby be- 
 come vacant." In the place of James, William and Mary 
 were formally called to rule over England. The devotion 
 to the principle of passive obedience had given way before 
 the determination of the people to preserve political free- 
 dom and to defend the national Church. 
 
CHAPTEE X. 
 
 Parties and Party Government. 
 
 Revolution 
 
 of 1688. 
 
 Its results. 
 
 Illustrative Readings. 
 Esmond; Thackeray. 
 The Four Georges; McCarthy. 
 Macaulay's Essays on Chatham 
 
 and Pitt. 
 Burke; Morley. 
 
 Important Dates. 
 1693-1694, The Whig Junto. 
 1701, Act of Settlement. 
 1701, Death of James II. 
 
 1707, Union of England and Scot- 
 land. 
 
 1715, Jacobite Rising. 
 
 1721-1742, Walpole's Ministry. 
 
 1745, Rising of the Young Pre- 
 tender. 
 
 1757-1761, Pitt's Ministry. 
 
 1763, Peace of Paris. 
 
 1770-1782, North's Ministry. 
 
 1783, The Coalition Ministry. 
 
 1783-1801, Pitt's Ministry. 
 
 1793, War with France. 
 
 Genealogical Table. 
 
 GEORGE I., 
 
 1711-i727. 
 
 George II., 
 1727-1760. 
 
 Frederick, 
 Prince of Wales. 
 
 George III.. 
 
 1760-1820. 
 
 George IV., 
 1820-1830. 
 
 William IV., 
 1830-1837. 
 
 Edward, 
 Duke of Kent. 
 
 Victoria, 
 
 1837- 
 
 The revolution of 1688 marks the overthrow of the 
 Stuart theory of the divine right of kings, and the triumph 
 of the Whig principle that the king reigns by the will of 
 the people. In the place of a sovereign whose word was 
 decisive was established a supreme Parliament, the repre- 
 sentative of the nation ; government by prerogative gave 
 way to the rule of law. The work was well done ; arbi- 
 trary taxation and arbitrary legislation could never again be 
 
 224 
 
Parties and Party Government. 225 
 
 attempted. Little, in fact, was left for the next century to 
 do except to adapt the machinery of government to the 
 new controlling principles. Complete, however, as was 
 the revolution, it was nevertheless essentially conserv- 
 ative. The extravagances of the Eebellion had made 
 men cautious. All unnecessary change was deprecated. 
 Nothing was attacked that could safely be retained. In 
 sharp contrast with the earlier movement was also the 
 peaceful character of the Whig Revolution. Without 
 bloodshed, with but little excitement, a king was deposed 
 and another ruler set in his place and the whole conception 
 of the government changed. Three documents sum up the 
 achievements of 1688. In the simple, restrained language 
 of the Bill of Rights, the fundamental principles of English Bill of Rights 
 freedom were reaffirmed, the power and privileges of Par- leaflets 1 ' 11 
 liament were reasserted, the royal prerogative was denied, general Series, 
 the rights of the subject over life, liberty, and property 
 were maintained. By the same measure, supplemented by 
 the Act of Settlement, the succession was determined, and ^ent* S i70i e " 
 henceforth all rulers of England must base their claims to 
 the crown on Parliamentary statutes. Without the aid of 
 the Dissenters the overthrow of James could not have been 
 accomplished ; it was impossible to disregard their claims, 
 and in 1689 the Toleration Act was passed, giving to all Toleration Act. 
 Protestants liberty of worship. It was not a generous 
 measure ; toleration, not equality, was granted ; much of 
 the penal legislation of Charles II. was still in force, and 
 nothing was done for the Catholics. 
 
 Within a few weeks the revolution was accomplished ; to 
 carry into effect what had been gained was the work of a 
 century. The natural consequence of the supremacy of 
 Parliament was Parliamentary control of the executive, 
 the transformation of the ministers of the king into 
 national ministers responsible to the people, not to the 
 
226 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 sovereign, and all-powerful if secure of popular support. 
 This was not at first realized. Still less was the means of, 
 bringing about the change understood. More than a cen- 
 tury of blind, stumbling experiment was necessary to 
 secure the establishment of cabinet government, that is, 
 government by ministers holding the same political views, 
 acting as a unit, in harmony with the prevailing party in 
 the House of Commons, standing or falling, not at the 
 pleasure of the king, but in accordance with the will of 
 the nation as expressed through its representatives. 
 
 Nor was the principle of party organization as a con- 
 trolling political force yet understood, still less its im- 
 portance as a basis for ministerial rule. Parties existed, 
 but not party government. To overturn the despotism of 
 James, Whigs and Tories had cooperated heartily ; but 
 success at once brought out differences of opinion. Al- 
 though determined to reign constitutionally, William had 
 no mind to become a mere figure-head, and he naturally 
 inclined to the Tory party with its more liberal views of 
 the royal prerogative. On the other hand, gratitude and 
 self-interest bound him to the Whigs who had placed him 
 on the throne. He attempted, therefore, to rule by the 
 support of both parties, including in his ministry Whigs 
 and Tories. The impracticability of this was not at first 
 realized, but the friction that it caused soon became ap- 
 parent. Quarrels ensued. Accusations of inefficiency and 
 corruption were raised. Parliament did nothing to better 
 the situation, for neither party felt responsible for the 
 government. In the House of Commons there was no 
 assured majority. One day so many Whigs would be off 
 at tennis or a cock-fight that the Tories had everything 
 their own way, but the following day conditions might be 
 reversed. " Nobody," it was said, "can know one day what 
 a House of Commons will do the next." It was the work 
 
Parties and Party Government. 227 
 
 of the Earl of Sunderland, once the counselor of James, 
 now William's warm supporter, to suggest a remedy for 
 these disorders. Acting under his advice, the king formed 
 his ministry from the Whig party alone, in the belief that 
 by this means political responsibility might be fixed, and a 
 stable support secured. This Whig Junto, as it was called, 
 was of importance in that it was based on the admission 
 that not royal favor, but the cooperation of the Commons 
 was essential to the success of the ministry. Moreover, it 
 was the first recognition of the principle that this coopera- 
 tion could be best secured through a ministry acting as a 
 unit in representing the dominant opinions of the House. 
 
 For twenty years after the Revolution, England's rela- 
 tions with the Continent controlled partv politics. William France. 
 
 * " r War of the 
 
 accepted the English crown that he might throw England English Suc- 
 
 r >=> 6 6 cession, 1689- 
 
 into the scales against France. Anne, his successor, was lfi97 - 
 
 ' War of the 
 
 completely under the influence of Marlborough, the great Spanish Sao- 
 
 ° cession, 1702- 
 
 military leader, and he was bent on continuing the strug- 1713. 
 gle. The Whigs gave to the contest with Louis XIV. their 
 
 Whigs and 
 hearty support. On the other hand, opposition to the war Tories at the 
 " " rr beginning of 
 
 became more and more a part of the Tory policy. On the eighteenth 
 
 Wars with 
 
 Church questions, also, the two parties divided sharply ; 
 toleration was a cardinal Whig principle, while the Tories 
 insisted on maintaining the oppressive laws against dis- 
 sent. After the death of William the two' great parties 
 divided on dynastic cpuestions also. The Whigs were bent 
 on maintaining the Act of Settlement and the claims 
 of the House of Hanover, while the opposing party sup- 
 ported more or less openly the Jacobite cause, and were 
 forming plans for a second Stuart restoration. Their calcu- 
 lations were upset, however, by the unexpected death of 
 Anne, and, before tbey could act, the energy of the Whig 
 leaders had secured the throne to the Elector of Hanover. 
 The accession of George I. meant the establishment of 
 
 century. 
 
228 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 George I. 
 1714-1727. 
 
 George II. 
 
 1727-1760. 
 
 Parliament in 
 the eighteenth 
 century. 
 
 Whig ascendency for forty-five years. A pretender across 
 the water, supported by a strong element among the peo- 
 ple, forced the earlier Hanoverians to lean upon the party 
 that placed them on the throne and to accept its principles. 
 Both George I. and his son, foreign in interest and unable 
 to understand English politics, were content to leave every- 
 thing to the Whig leaders. They were the real rulers of 
 England. But behind the ministry stood a supreme Parli- 
 ament, and in Parliament power lay with the Commons. 
 Moreover, the course of events since the Revolution had 
 shown that in case of opposition between the two Houses, 
 the Lords would have to give way. Apparently the 
 triumph of the people was complete. 
 
 The supremacy of Parliament over the executive did not, 
 however, imply government by the people. The Revolu- 
 tion of 1688 had in fact resulted in the establishment of a 
 kind of aristocratic republic where a few great families 
 ruled the nation in the name of a king who was a mere 
 figure-head, and by the authority of a Parliament which 
 they systematically corrupted. Power had been acquired 
 without a corresponding increase of responsibility. De- 
 bates were secret, division lists were never published, public 
 opinion could exert but little influence. Moreover, the 
 electoral system was such that the House in no wise repre- 
 sented the nation. In the counties there had been no 
 change in the franchise since the time of Henry VI . The 
 manner of holding land had been modified and new forms 
 of property had come into existence, but the electors 
 were still the forty-shilling freeholders. The condition of 
 the towns was far worse. Many had fallen under the con- 
 trol of the corporations, and the right of voting was 
 limited to a mere handful of the inhabitants. In others all 
 sorts of anomalous franchises existed. In Weymouth, for 
 example, the title to any share of certain ancient rents 
 
Parties and Party Government. 229 
 
 constituted the qualification for voting. The report of a 
 commission of inspection showed that several electors voted 
 by right of their claim to an undivided twentieth part of 
 a sixpence. For generations there had been no reappor- 
 tionment of seats. Population had shifted without a cor- 
 responding change of representation. Much injustice was 
 the result. Lancashire, with nearly one and a half million 
 inhabitants, had fourteen representatives ; Cornwall's three 
 hundred thousand inhabitants returned forty-four mem- 
 
 The Election. Canvassing for Votes. Hogarth. 
 
 bers. Great cities like Birmingham and Manchester were 
 unrepresented, while old Sarum, with but; one house, and 
 Dunwich, which had disappeared under the waves of the 
 North Sea, still returned their two members. It was a 
 system of "represented ruins and unrepresented cities." 
 Such a condition of things naturally invited corruption. 
 Many of the towns were " pocket" or nomination boroughs 
 controlled by some neighboring noble or landowner. 
 Others were put up publicly for sale, the customary price 
 
230 The Growth of the English Nation 
 
 being about £4,000. Contested elections when they oc- 
 curred involved the expenditure of immense sums of 
 money. One Yorkshire election cost nearly £150,000. 
 Under this condition of things, systematic bribery seemed 
 the only means of securing party success or of giving 
 stability to the government. Corruption began with the 
 meanest voter and ended in the cabinet. Large sums were 
 expended in the purchase of seats. Places and pensions 
 and titles were the rewards held out to the supporters of 
 the administration. In the first Parliament of George I., 
 two hundred and seventy-one of the members held offices 
 or pensions. One of the most arduous duties of the minis- 
 ters was the disposal of the secret service funds. At one 
 time an office was established at the Treasury for the pur- 
 chase of members, and more than twenty thousand pounds 
 are said to have been spent in a single day. The example 
 of the government was followed by all the great lords. 
 Careful estimates showed that at least three fifths of the 
 members of the House were returned by the crown and one 
 hundred and sixty-two private individuals. 
 
 By no one was this system of corruption so well under- 
 Walpole's 
 Ministry. stood or so successfully applied as by Sir Robert Walpole, 
 
 the great Whig minister. He came into power soon after 
 the accession of George I., and with statesmanlike appre- 
 ciation of the situation took for the keynote of his policy 
 "peace at home and abroad." All agitation was discour- 
 aged, the most needed reforms were left unconsidered. 
 " Better let sleeping dogs lie," was Walpole's maxim. 
 For almost twenty years this policy was pursued. A 
 spirit of apathy seemed to have seized upon the country, 
 but, in reality, the nation was making good what it had 
 gained by the overthrow of the Stuarts. The ascendency 
 of the Whigs during these years was undisputed, for the 
 Tories, linked to a lost cause, were hopelessly discredited 
 
Parties and Party Government. 231 
 
 with the nation. Success and long tenure of power brought 
 
 out, however, elements of opposition within the dominant 
 
 party. Personal feeling, dislike of Walpole's methods, 
 
 dissatisfaction, with his persistent peace policy, combined 
 
 to form the party of " Patriots." Their efforts ended in the 
 
 overthrow of Walpole and the reversal of his foreign policy. 
 
 Politically, however, there was but little change. Walpole's war with 
 
 Spain. 17! 
 War with 
 France. 1744. 
 
 methods were the methods of his successors. The same war with 
 
 clique of great families controlled the government ; politics 
 were dominated by corruption, reforms were frowned down. 
 But a change was at hand. In 1756 the Seven Years' 
 War broke out. England could not safely hold aloof, 
 in fact ever since 1748 her colonies had been waging a 
 desultory war with the French. It soon became ap- 
 parent, however, that she was in no condition to fight. 
 A storm of indignation greeted the revelation of min- 
 isterial incompetence. At this critical moment there came 
 forward a man capable of inspiring the nation with courage 
 for the contest, William Pitt, one of the Young Patri- 
 ots. " I know that I can save this nation, and that 
 nobody else can," he declared. Disliked by king and Ministry of 
 politicians, he leaned not upon the House, but upon the * am 
 nation, and his summons to the control of affairs meant 
 the triumph of the popular will. His statesmanlike views 
 and brilliant oratory, no less than the integrity of his 
 character and the ardor of his patriotism, won the devotion 
 of England. He breathed a new spirit into the adminis- 
 tration. The army and navy were reorganized and sup- 
 plies were raised. Under the inspiration of the " Great 
 Commoner," England was winning victories from India to 
 America when the king suddenly died. During his life 
 George II. had had little influence on the government, but 
 his death marks an epoch in England's constitutional 
 development. For more than forty years the Whigs had 
 
232 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Rising of the 
 Highlanders in 
 support of the 
 Young Pre- 
 tender. 
 
 George III. 
 
 17(W-18a). 
 
 been in control. Long tenure of power had brought the 
 usual results, corruption and neglect of public interest. 
 Politics meant little more than a greedy scramble for office. 
 The Whigs had done a great work in defending religious 
 and political freedom against the House of Stuart, they 
 had remained true to the principles of 1688, under their 
 rule persecution had ceased, justice had been adminis- 
 tered, the supremacy of Parliament had been established ; 
 but they had ceased to be a party of progress. Demands 
 for reform met with no response, the needs of the many 
 were lost sight of in the interests of the few. 
 
 Just at the moment when the country was growing 
 weary of Whig rule, the Tories, after years of political 
 insignificance, reappeared, organized on a new basis, in- 
 spired by different principles. So long as Toryism meant 
 Jacobitism, its revival was out of the question ; the nation 
 was too strongly Protestant and Hanoverian to favor a 
 Stuart restoration. But Jacobitism came to an end in 1745, 
 with the failure of a third attempt to bring back the 
 Stuarts. In the writings of Polingbroke, greatest of Tory 
 thinkers, was furnished the basis of a purified, reorganized 
 party. Under his inspiration the Tories were brought to 
 accept the principles of the Revolution, and to support the 
 Hanoverian rule while holding fast to the idea of authority 
 as opposed to the Whig cry of liberty. In their opposition 
 to the Whigs, they were sure of a leader in the young king. 
 George III. had been trained by his mother in the spirit of 
 Bolingbroke's Patriot King. His ideal was a strong mon- 
 arch governing by his own will, but in the interest of the 
 whole nation. He came to the throne with a carefully 
 considered plan for overthrowing the Whig clique and 
 ruling through ministers dependent upon his pleasure. 
 Parties, he maintained, were at an end, and he purposed to 
 act, not as a party leader, but as the head of the whole 
 
Parties and Party Government. 233 
 
 nation. In this he was sure of the support of the people to 
 whom party government meant simply the domination of 
 a few great families ruling in their own interest. The first 
 ten years of his reign were spent in efforts to establish this 
 policy. Supported by the nation in his war against the 
 Whigs, and aided by divisions in the party, George soon 
 succeeded in driving Pitt from power and in appointing 
 ministers dependent upon himself. He discovered, how- 
 ever, that the nation, while willing to strengthen the 
 crown against the Whigs, acted in the interests of a more 
 popular government, and was far from accepting his views 
 of the royal functions. The Bute ministry was soon over- 
 thrown, and for a short time the Whigs were again in 
 power. But the illness of Pitt and the rise of the Ameri- 
 can question gave George a second opportunity of putting 
 his plans into execution. What he before attempted in 
 alliance with the nation he now accomplished with the 
 support of the Tory party. In 1770 a Tory ministry under 
 
 Lord North was established, and for the next twelve years North's Minis- 
 
 ' J try. 1770-1782. 
 
 George "ruled as well as reigned." The national policy 
 
 was the king's policy, the ministers were his agents, Par- 
 liament was his tool. Bribery was carried to lengths here- 
 tofore unknown. Preferment in Church or State was made 
 the reward of political usefulness, and loss of office followed 
 refusal to support the royal policy. George did not disdain 
 to make use of his direct personal influence to gain his 
 ends. In a letter to Lord North he wrote in reference to a 
 recent vote in Parliament, " I wish a list could be prepared 
 of those that went away and those that deserted to the 
 minority. This would be a rule for my conduct in the 
 drawing-room to-morrow." By such means the king com- 
 manded a steady majority. Royal authority was based on 
 a Parliament which was bought and sold. 
 
 The attempt of the nation to throw off the domination 
 
234 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 of the landed aristocracy had ended in the triumph of the 
 king and a policy of repression. All popular movements 
 were put down ; Parliamentary reform at home, self-govern- 
 ment in the colonies, were met by determined opposition. 
 George was willing to govern in the interest of the people, 
 but he was not willing that they should govern themselves. 
 On the whole, the royal policy met with little resistance. 
 The American war was at first popular with the mass of 
 the people. Commercial interest and national pride were 
 enlisted on the side of the king. To many of the opposi- 
 tion party, however, the question appeared in a different 
 light. Exclusion from power was transforming the Whigs 
 into a party of reform. Pitt and his following had long 
 called attention to the defects of the Parliamentary and 
 administrative system, but in vain ; the Whigs felt no need 
 of change so long as they were in control. Now, however, 
 they realized the evils of court influence when used against 
 themselves, they saw the need of reforms which might 
 turn to their advantage. In the resistance of the colonists 
 their own interests were at stake ; triumph of the royal 
 policy in America meant its firm establishment in England. 
 Accordingly, under the vigorous leadership of Burke and 
 Pitt, now Earl of Chatham, they made the cause of the 
 revolted colonies their own, at the same time giving a 
 steady support to every demand for reform. For a time 
 they could make but little headway against the general 
 approval of the war and the apathy of the masses. But 
 failure in America and the heavy burden of taxation 
 changed the current of feeling. Moreover, the struggle 
 of the colonists for liberty had not been without effect 
 in arousing Englishmen to the evils of their own system of 
 government. The reform movement assumed formidable 
 dimensions. Great meetings were held throughout the 
 country with the intention of bringing public opinion to 
 
Parties and Party Government. 235 
 
 bear on Parliament. Petitions demanding reform in the 
 administration, and signed by thousands, were presented in 
 the House. One measure after another was brought for- 
 ward. Burke introduced his celebrated measure for eco- 
 nomic reform, and a bill to deprive revenue officers of their 
 votes was followed by another demanding the exclusion of 
 
 contractors from the House. The Duke of Richmond Richmond's 
 
 plan for elec- 
 brought in a motion for Parliamentary reform, asking for torai reform. 
 
 annual Parliaments, manhood suffrage, and equal electoral 
 districts. Finally, a startling resolution was carried to the 
 effect " that the influence of the crown was increased, is 
 increasing, and ought to be diminished." It was plain 
 that the royal policy had failed. Before the combined 
 pressure of defeat in America and demand for reform at 
 home, the king was forced to give way. Lord North re- 
 signed and the Whigs returned to power. But the treaties 
 which closed the war were mismanaged, control of the 
 government cooled the desire for reform. The hostility of 
 the king and the dissatisfaction of the nation soon brought 
 about the downfall of the new ministry. In its place was 
 set up a coalition ministry, an "unholy combination" of 
 
 Lord North and Fox, the leader of the progressive wing of The Coalition 
 
 ' , ,,. Ministry. 1783. 
 
 the Whigs. Popular indignation was aroused at an alliance 
 
 formed apparently for the sole purpose of securing power. 
 The king led the attack upon the coalition, and, regardless 
 of the fact that it had the support of the House of Com- 
 mons, turned it out and called upon William Pitt, a son of 
 the Great Commoner, to form a ministry. Pitt, although 
 only twenty-four, had already made his mark in the House. 
 He had none of the fire of his father, but his tact and 
 sagacity were unerring. A tremendous struggle ensued. 
 It was the king, Pitt, and the nation against the coalition 
 and Parliament. On one vote after another Pitt was de- 
 feated, but he maintained his place, declaring with truth 
 
236 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Pitt's Ministry. 
 
 1871-1801. 
 
 1804-1806. 
 
 French Revo- 
 lution. 
 1789. 
 
 that the House did not represent the nation. The contest 
 ended in Pitt's triumph and the establishment of the royal 
 policy until the conclusion of the reign. 
 
 Pitt, however, was too strong to be a tool as North had 
 been, and so long as he remained in power his was the 
 guiding mind in English affairs. He might act under 
 royal authority, accepting the Tory doctrine that to the 
 king belonged the choice of ministers, but nevertheless he 
 preserved a large measure of independence. He had en- 
 tered public life a Whig, his policy was liberal, and he 
 should have received the support of the Whigs ; lacking 
 that, he leaned more and more on the Tory party. Insen- 
 sibly his views were modified by his relations with the 
 king and by his party associations. Nevertheless he still 
 favored reform and introduced a bill which, however, was 
 not thoroughgoing and which recognized the right of prop- 
 erty in a seat in the House of Commons. The measure 
 was defeated, for the demand for reform was subsiding ; 
 there was even yet very little intelligent public interest in 
 the subject. Pitt's especial ability lay in finance. He met 
 the national evil of smuggling by lowering the customs. 
 The falling off in revenue he made good through an excise. 
 Careful management turned the deficit into a surplus which 
 was applied to paying off the national debt. Pitt also 
 attempted, although without success, to give to Ireland the 
 commercial freedom which would have done so much to 
 disarm rebellion. 
 
 All things pointed to a period of cautious reform when 
 suddenly the country was startled by the outbreak of the 
 French Revolution. At first public opinion was divided. 
 To the timid and conservative the rising of the French 
 people meant the complete overthrow of the established 
 order, the beginning of anarchy ; but by many progressive 
 Englishmen it was hailed with enthusiasm. The excesses 
 
Parties and Party Government. 237 
 
 of the Reign of Terror, however, turned the current of 
 feeling. Men recoiled from deeds so un-English, and the 
 champions of popular liberty were silenced. The attacks 
 of the French were directed against the crown and the 
 privileged classes. In England, as a result, the Tories, the 
 king's party, became the champions of vested interests. 
 The clergy, the aristocracy, the wealthy middle classes 
 rallied around the king in defense of privilege and prop- 
 erty. The cause of reform received a fatal blow. Burke, 
 once the advocate of political progress, became now the 
 mouthpiece of reaction, and in his "Reflections on the 
 French Revolution" issued the manifesto of a crusade 
 against democracy. The opposition dwindled to a mere 
 handful. Fox's following numbered only sixty, a hopeless 
 minority. It became, however, what it had never been 
 before, a party of popular reform ; but it had little influ- 
 ence in politics, it could scarcely obtain a hearing. The 
 propagandist attitude of the French revolutionists aroused 
 a panic of alarm in England. The abolition of monarchy 
 and the execution of Louis XVI. at length determined the 
 government to join hands with royalist Europe in an 
 attack on the new republic. At the outset this was a war 
 against opinion, and men might honestly doubt its justice. 
 When the republic was transformed into an empire with 
 conquest as its watchword, it became a struggle of self- 
 defense and the nation threw itself heart and soul into the 
 contest. It was in the beginning a Tory war, and its con- 
 tinuance meant the continuance of Tory ascendency. 
 More and more the party became an aristocratic party, 
 
 actuated bv motives of class aggrandizement, incapable of 
 
 Grey's motion 
 
 looking at public affairs except from a class point of view, for Parliamen- 
 tary reform 
 
 Every popular movement was repressed. Motions for Par- thrown out by 
 
 a vote of 232 to 
 
 liamentary reform were thrown out by large majorities, 41 in 1793, of 256 
 
 freedom of speech and of the press was abridged, public 
 
 1793. 
 
238 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Irish Rebellion. m eetings were prohibited. The chronic discontent of the 
 
 1798- Irish gave opportunity for French interference. A rising 
 
 in 1798 was cruelly repressed by the English government, 
 
 Act of Union. and led to the Act of Union, carried in 1800, in face of the 
 
 1800 
 
 opposition of the "whole unbribed intellect of Ireland." 
 Everywhere a policy of high-handed repression was pur- 
 sued. For twenty years all progress was checked, and the 
 prospect of reform, so bright in 1780, seemed, thirty years 
 later, hopelessly deferred.* More than a century had 
 elapsed since the overthrow of the Stuart despotism but 
 England had apparently made no advance toward popular 
 government. Parliament was the agent of the classes, the 
 king could still impose his will upon the nation. Never- 
 theless, much had been gained. In the organization of 
 parties and the development of the cabinet, governmental 
 forms had been established, well fitted to give effect to the 
 will of the people and to make possible successful demo- 
 cratic rule. 
 
 * From 1688 to 1815, the country was involved in seven great wars. 
 Only sixty-two years, or less than half the whole period, were exempt. 
 
 War of the English Succession, 1689-97 cost£ 32,648,764 
 
 War of the Spanish Succession, 1702-13 cost 50,684,956 
 
 War of the Austrian Succession, 1739-48 cost 43,655,192 
 
 Seven Years' War, 1756-63 cost 82,623,738 
 
 War of American Independence, 1776-83 cost 97,599,496 
 
 The Napoleonic Wars, 1793-1815 cost 831,446,449 
 
 Total cost £1,138,653,595 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Growth of Democracy. 
 
 Illustrative Readings. 
 AdamBede; George Eliot. 
 Alton Locke ; Kingsley. 
 Coningsby; Disraeli. 
 Locksley Hall ; Tennyson. 
 Locksley Hall Seventy Years 
 
 After. 
 John Halifax, Gentleman ; Miss 
 
 Muloch. 
 
 The Sovereigns. 
 George IV., 1820-1830. 
 William IV., 1830-1837. 
 Victoria, 1837- 
 
 The Prime Ministers. 
 Lord Liverpool, Tory, 1812-1827. 
 Mr. Canning, progressive Tory, 
 
 1827. 
 Duke of Wellington, Tory, 1828- 
 
 1830. 
 Lord Grey, Whig, 1830-1834. 
 Lord Melbourne, Whig, 1835-1841. 
 
 Sir Robert Peel, progressive Tory, 
 
 1841-1846. 
 Lord Russell, Liberal, 1846-1852. 
 Lord Derby, Conservative, 1852. 
 Lord Aberdeen, Whig and Peelite 
 
 coalition, 1852-1855. 
 Lord Palmerston, Liberal, 1855- 
 
 1858. 
 Lord Derby, Conservative, 1858- 
 
 1859. 
 Lord Palmerston, Liberal, 1859- 
 
 1865. 
 Lord Russell, Liberal, 1865-1866. 
 Lord Derby, Conservative, 1866- 
 
 1868. 
 Mr. Gladstone, Liberal, 1868-1874. 
 Mr. Disraeli, Conservative, 1874- 
 
 1880. 
 Mr. Gladstone, Liberal, 1880-1886. 
 Lord Salisbury, Conservative, 
 
 1886-1893. 
 Mr. Gladstone, Liberal, 1893-1894. 
 Lord Rosebery, Liberal, 1894- 
 
 Nineteenth century England has undergone a political 
 
 revolution no less significant than that achieved under the 
 
 Stuarts. This transformation might rather be termed an 
 
 evolution than a revolution, since it has been wrought out, 
 
 not by civil war and the overthrow of kings, but by the 
 
 more peaceful and permanent method of Parliamentary 
 
 legislation reenforeed by public opinion. The great re- 
 
 forms of the present century would have been impossible mentary grant 
 
 but for the quickened intelligence and increased influence schools, 1833. 
 
 School attend- 
 
 of the common people. Industrial betterment and popular ance required 
 ^ * * * of all children, 
 
 education have inspired the masses with new purposes 1870. 
 
 239 
 
240 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 and larger aspirations. Never, perhaps, since the fourteenth 
 century has the English nation been stirred to hopes so 
 eager and far-reaching. 
 
 The democratic movement in England has gathered 
 animus from the popular revolutions that have three times 
 in the past hundred years convulsed the Continent. In 
 1789, in 1830, and again in 1848, have king, clergy, and 
 aristocracy been called to account by the people, and bidden 
 show cause why they should monopolize wealth and place 
 and power. In France, in Spain, in Italy, Belgium, and 
 Germany, the old order so challenged could make but a 
 lame defense. Overcome by superior 
 strength, the privileged classes made un- 
 limited concessions to the demos whom 
 they could no longer control — concessions 
 which were, however, quickly recalled 
 when, the strength of the people being 
 spent, the forces of reaction were again 
 dominant. In every continental state, 
 political progress has been spasmodic — 
 epochs of rapid advance being followed by 
 intervals of retrogression. England, on 
 the other hand, remote from Jacobin 
 passion and exempt from the devastating wars that 
 troubled the Continent, was left free to develop along 
 natural lines. The conservative temper of the people 
 deterred them from rash innovations, while the real 
 services rendered by the aristocracy to their dependents 
 mitigated the bitterness of class antagonism. Without 
 revolution, almost without bloodshed, without violent 
 breach with the old order, England has achieved a govern- 
 ment which is a juster expression of the national will than 
 that of France. The best of the medieval constitution has 
 been conserved and adapted to the needs of the present day. 
 
Growth of Democracy . 
 
 241 
 
 The first effect produced by the French Revolution on Influence of 
 English thought was a strong aversion to the political R h e y^ftion 
 philosophy that could give birth to such horrors. A wave 1789_95 - 
 of reaction passed over England, discrediting progressive 
 statesmen and sweeping all reform projects into oblivion. 
 But England could not long remain ignorant of the deeper 
 significance of that tremendous revolt of a people against 
 its tyrants. France was indeed conquered in 1815, and the 
 Bourbons restored, but the great achievements of the Revo- 
 lution were not undone. Just laws and a liberal constitu- . _ 
 
 Influence of the 
 
 tion were secured to the people bv r the very monarchs who Napoleonic 
 r r *> * wars. 
 
 had undertaken the war in behalf of Louis XVI. During 1793-1815. 
 this same twenty years, the cause 
 of English liberty had lost much 
 and gained nothing. Absorbed 
 in the long struggle with Napo- 
 leon, the Tory ministers had 
 given little thought to the 
 national well-being. Enthusiasm 
 for the war, pride in its trium- 
 phant conclusion and in the new 
 prestige acquired by England, 
 the champion of oppressed 
 nationalities, together with a cer- 
 tain fictitious prosperity accru- 
 ing to trade and manufactures, 
 had blinded men's eyes to the 
 heavy cost of the conflict. Peace 
 once declared, the nation began 
 to balance accounts. The war 
 
 debt amounted to £831,000,000. The financial stringency 
 was such that the Bank of England suspended specie pay- 
 ment, and for twenty-two years the country had to be con- 1797-1819. 
 tent with a depreciating currency. The consequent rise in 
 
 Extinction of Napoleon. 
 
242 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Price of wheat 
 rose to 171s. a 
 quarter, or $5 
 a bushel, in 
 1812 and 1813. 
 None might be 
 imported un- 
 der 80s. a quar- 
 ter. 
 
 prices was exaggerated by the failure of trade with the 
 Continent and by a series of bad harvests which brought 
 corn up to famine rates. The Corn Laws, which protected 
 English agriculture against foreign competition, were 
 vigorously maintained by the landlord class who secured 
 the lion's share of the profits. The prosperity of the land- 
 lord and the farmer was not shared, however, by the agri- 
 cultural laborer who, during these years of extraordinary 
 
 Napoleon in Chains following Britannia's Triumphal Car. 
 
 prices, was steadily sinking into misery and want. Wages 
 fell below the subsistence level and had to be supplemented 
 from the poor rates. At the moment when England 
 attained the acme of her military renown, her laboring 
 people were being reduced to pauperism. 
 
 National glory won at such a cost was not cause for con- 
 gratulation. Men were found bold enough to assert that 
 while pursuing a crusade against Jacobin violence, Eng- 
 land allowed more hateful cruelties to pass unchallenged 
 within her own boundaries. Might not one cherish the 
 watchwords proclaimed by the Revolution — liberty, equal- 
 ity, fraternity — while condemning its mad excesses? A 
 revulsion of feeling characterized the second and third de- 
 cades of the nineteenth century. The writers of the day 
 were the first to recognize that the revolutionary ideals 
 were far in advance of English conceptions of justice and 
 right. Wordsworth, the poet of the people, had greeted 
 
Growth of Democracy. 243 
 
 with rapture the birth of democracy in France, but the S ee Brown- 
 violence of the Jacobins filled him with such despair as to Lo^ t S Leader " 
 chill his faith in the ability of the people for self-govern- 
 ment. Shelley's democratic idealism, could, however, 
 ignore the ugly facts of the Revolution. Byron, an aristo- 
 crat by birth and temper, but at war with his order, struck 
 
 A Short Way with Corn Merchants. 
 
 telling blows for freedom in his wild revolt against conven- 
 tion and dogma, while Burns, the Ayrshire plowman, 
 voiced the people's protest against class inequalities : 
 
 " For a' that and a' that, 
 Our toil's obscure, and a' that, 
 The rank is but the guinea's stamp, 
 The man's the gowd for a' that." 
 
 Democracy had yet more strenuous advocates in the 
 
 J J The Radical 
 
 Radicals. Tbe radical movement originated with Cobbett's party. 
 
 Name as- 
 " Weekly Political Register," a twopenny sheet that had sumed in 1819. 
 
 a wide circulation and enormous influence among the 
 working classes. The "Register " voiced the prevailing dis- 
 content, and proposed reforms aiming to give the people 
 more effective control of the government. Redistribution 
 of the representation, universal suffrage, and annual Parlia- 
 ments were presented as the necessary steps toward the 
 
244 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 The Hampden 
 clubs. 
 
 The conven- 
 tion was held 
 in St. Peter's 
 Field. 
 
 vindication of the popular will. In order that the unrepre- 
 sented people might make their purpose felt, mass meetings 
 were held, secret associations were formed, and propagand- 
 ist literature scattered far and wide. The government, 
 unreasonably suspicious of any popular movement, de- 
 termined to crush the 
 malcontents. A polit- 
 ical demonstration at 
 Spa Fields in 1816 was 
 broken up by the po- 
 lice.* Three years later, 
 a convention held in 
 Manchester for the pur- 
 pose of electing a " legis- 
 latorial representative " 
 for that unenfranchised 
 town was raided by a 
 military force and sev- 
 enty persons were in- 
 jured. The Manchester Massacre, or the Battle of Peterloo, 
 as it was derisively called, roused intense indignation. It 
 was becoming every year more evident that the govern- 
 ment was quite independent of the people since Parliament 
 represented only the aristocracy and the upper middle 
 classes. 
 
 The continental revolutions of 1830, which substituted 
 constitutional for absolute monarchy in France and Bel- 
 gium and several of the German states, produced a marked 
 effect in England. They seemed to prove that fundamental 
 
 * A placard was paraded at this meeting entitled "The present state 
 of Great Britain." 
 " Four millions in distress ! ! ! 
 
 Four millions embarrassed ! ! ! 
 
 One million and a half fear distress ! ! ! 
 
 Half a million live in splendid luxury ! ! ! 
 
 Our brothers in Ireland are in a worse state. 
 
 The climax of misery is complete— it can go no farther. 
 
 Death would now be a relief to millions." 
 
 Tax Collectors. 
 
Growth of Democracy. 
 
 245 
 
 reforms could be accomplished without anarchy, and Eng- 
 lishmen began to question whether, after all, their medie- 
 val constitution might not safely be modified to suit modern 
 needs. In the elections that followed immediately upon 
 the death of George IV., the Liberals won a signal victory. 1830-1837. 
 The Tories lost fifty seats and Wellington was obliged to 
 resign. Lord Grey, who was called to take his place, had 
 been for forty years the stanch champion of Parliament- 
 ary reform. A Reform Bill was framed by the ministry struggle for 
 J J Parliaments 
 
 and introduced in the House of Commons by Lord John reform. 
 
 Russell (March 1, 1831). It provided 
 for the disfranchisement of the rot- 
 ten boroughs, the redistribution of 
 seats among the counties and hith- 
 erto unrepresented towns, and the 
 extension of the borough franchise 
 to all ten-pound householders. The 
 bill was received with derisive 
 cheers from the opposition benches 
 and, 4 though cordially endorsed by 
 the king and maintained by all the 
 influence the ministry could bring 
 to bear, it was defeated on the third 
 
 reading by a majority of eight. The government deter- 
 mined to have recourse to the people. The dissolution of 
 Parliament was declared by the king in person on April 
 22d, and through May and June the country rang with the 
 excitement of the campaign. The result was even better 
 than the government had hoped. When the bill came 
 again to its third reading (September 21), it passed the 
 House by a majority of one hundred and nine. It had 
 still, however, to run the gauntlet of the Peers. The Upper 
 House did not deign to admit the bill to consideration, but 
 threw it out on the first reading by a majority of forty-one. 
 
 Cobbett on the Stump. 
 
246 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 April 14, 1832. 
 
 May 15, 1832, 
 
 This haughty rejection of a measure which had the enthu- 
 siastic support of the great majority of the nation by a 
 privileged and non-representative body, roused intense in- 
 dignation throughout the country. Political unions were 
 formed with a view to bringing public opinion to bear upon 
 the reactionary legislators. A 
 reform program was announced, 
 which went so far as to propose 
 the abolition of all hereditary 
 privileges and distinctions of 
 rank. The Lords could not but 
 be influenced by the popular 
 agitation, violent and ill-advised 
 though it sometimes was. When 
 the new Reform Bill came up 
 for its second reading in the 
 House of Lords, the ministry 
 succeeded in obtaining a major- 
 ity of nine. A motion to post- 
 pone final action, was, neverthe- 
 less, carried. Driven to extremities, Lord Grey appealed 
 to the king to swamp the opposing majority by the 
 creation of Peers. This was refused and the ministry 
 resigned. An attempt to form a Conservative cabinet 
 under the Duke of Wellington failed. The popular protest 
 was overwhelming. The Liberal papers came out in 
 mourning and petitions were sent up to Parliament 
 signed by thousands of the unrepresented. The unions 
 announced their determination to march to London in 
 numbers sufficient to compel regard for the nation's will. 
 Wellington dared not resort to force. The military could 
 not be trusted to fight against the people. Finally the 
 king recalled Lord Grey and sent a circular letter to 
 the Peers requesting them to withdraw their opposition. 
 
 'Orator " Hunt. 
 
Growth of Democracy. 247 
 
 So compelled, the House of Lords approved the bill. June 4, 1832. 
 
 The Reform Act was a signal triumph of the popular will 
 over vested right and hereditary privilege. Fifty-six rotten Act of 1832. 
 boroughs were disfranchised and thirty were deprived of 
 one member each. The one hundred and forty-three mem- 
 berships so vacated were divided between the more populous 
 counties and thirty-nine unrepresented towns. Thus, after 
 an interval of nearly two hundred years, the electoral 
 reform proposed by Cromwell was resumed. Representa- 
 tion was not yet, however, exactly proportioned to pop- 
 ulation. Universal suffrage and annual Parliaments were 
 not even broached ; but the people had got a foothold in 
 the House of Commons and might bide their time. The 
 Reform Act of 1832 transferred the balance of power from 
 the landed aristocracy to the manufacturers and merchants 
 — the dominant classes of newly enfranchised towns. The 
 populace, though it had borne the brunt of the agitation, 
 was not yet entrusted with the ballot. But fifty Radicals 
 were returned to the new Parliament. With the change 
 in the character of representation and the consequent 
 change of policy, new party names were adopted. The 
 Whigs, dominated henceforth by the progressive contin- 
 gent, called themselves Liberals ; while the Tories, con- 
 ceiving their function to be the preservation of a time-hon- 
 ored constitution, preferred to be known as Conservatives. 
 
 The reforms undertaken by the first Parliament elected 
 on the new basis were directed by middle class interests 
 and fell far short of popular expectation. An act was 
 passed (1833) emancipating the slaves on the West Indian 
 plantations, but with heavy compensation to their owners. 
 The Poor Law was revised (1834) with a view to checking 
 the growth of pauperism. The new act was based on the 
 wholesome principles of the Elizabethan Law, but it was 
 bitterly resented by the. working classes accustomed, for a 
 
248 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Victoria. 1837 
 
 Chartism. 
 
 century past, to regard parish aid as a poor man's right. 
 More popular measures, e. g., the Factory Act (1833) and 
 the reform in municipal government (1835), were not ini- 
 tiated in the House of Commons, but were forced upon its 
 notice by public agitation. 
 
 Beneficent and necessary as was much of this legislation, 
 it did not remove the sense of grievance from the minds of 
 the common people. They had supported the Reform Act 
 in the hope that it was but the preliminary to more radical 
 legislation. Tbe bulk of the Liberal party was, however, 
 well content with the results attained. Lord John Russell 
 declared in the first Parliament convened after the acces- 
 sion of Victoria that reform could not safely be pushed 
 further. The disappointment and indignation of the Radi- 
 cals was intense. Convinced that the people would never 
 get their rights till they could send spokesmen to the 
 House of Commons, they entered with renewed zeal upon 
 a crusade for popular representation. A conference be- 
 tween certain prominent Radicals and the working-class 
 leaders was called in 1838, and a program for the new 
 campaign agreed upon. The "six points " of the People's 
 Charter were : (1) annual Parliaments, (2) manhood suf- 
 frage, (3) vote by ballot, (4) the division of the country into 
 equal electoral districts, (5) abolition of the property quali- 
 fication for members of the Lower House, (6) salaries for the 
 people's representatives. The Cbartists, as the agitators 
 called themselves, advocated Parliamentary reform only as 
 means to an end. The exact nature of that end was as yet 
 undefined. Socialistic, even anarchistic, schemes were in 
 the air and awakened consternation among the propertied 
 and order-loving classes. Malcontents, on the other hand, 
 of whatever shade of belief, were naturally attracted to the 
 ranks of the reformers. " Universal suffrage," said a Radi- 
 cal orator, "the meaning of universal suffrage is that every 
 
Growth of Democracy. 249 
 
 working man in the land has a right to a good coat, a good 
 hat, a good roof, a good dinner, no more work than will 
 keep him in health, and as much wages as will keep him in 
 plenty." 
 
 No effective means of propagating the new gospel was 
 neglected. Newspapers and local organizations were main- 
 tained in every principal town. Mass meetings were called 
 at frequent intervals, and in 1839 the Chartists held a na- 
 tional convention. A huge petition was sent to the House of 
 Commons bearing 1,200,000 signatures. The contemptuous 
 rejection of the petition was followed by riotous outbreaks 
 in divers parts of the kingdom. A second petition was pre- 
 sented in 1842 and met with a like fate. This time the 
 petitioners, some 3,000,000 men, demanded not only the 
 "six points," but the repeal of all class legislation, the 
 abolition of monopolies and the redistribution of property. 
 Demonstrations and riots grew so serious that even the 
 Tory ministry recognized that something must be done. 
 The repeal of the Corn Laws had long been advocated by 
 
 enlightened Liberals, who held that the interests of the 9° rn Laws - 
 & ' Ebenezer 
 
 great manufacturing communities ought not to be subor- £hjott wrote 
 
 dinated to that of the landlord class. The Irish famine Lot Chimes," 
 
 in the interest 
 
 brought matters to a crisis. Early in 1846 Sir Robert Peel, of repeal, 
 much to the scandal of the Tories who thought him a 
 traitor, and of the Liberals who accused him of stealing 
 their thunder, proposed a Corn Bill which provided for a 
 rapid reduction of duties on imported grains. Despite the 
 protests of disappointed politicians, it passed both Houses, 
 and England was thereby committed to the policy of free 
 trade. Wheat fell to seventy-five shillings a quarter, and the 
 ruinous fluctuation in prices ceased. There is no doubt that 
 the removal of the tax on grains greatly relieved the suffer- 
 ings of the poor, but it was scouted by the Chartists as a mere 
 sop to Cerberus. They were bent on popular government. 
 
250 The Oroivth of the English Nation. 
 
 The year 1848 witnessed a second epidemic of revolutions 
 throughout the Continent. Not only France, Germany, 
 and Italy, but Austria, the stronghold of despotism, was 
 convulsed by the upheaval. Paris, the city of insurrec- 
 Chartist demon- tions, was mastered by the combined strength of Republi- 
 led by tfeargus cans and socialists and a working-class republic was estab- 
 lished. This signal success of their brothers across the 
 water could not but stir the English Chartists to new ex- 
 ertions. The democratic movement came to a head. A 
 national convention was called at London, April sixth, 
 and arrangements were made for a mighty demonstration 
 of the popular will. A monster petition, boasting 5,000,000 
 signatures, was to be carried to Westminster on the tenth, 
 by a body of 500,000 men. The government was, however, 
 amply forewarned. The Duke of Wellington was put in 
 charge of the defense, and competent arrangements were 
 made to suppress disorder. The Chartists were at odds 
 among themselves as to whether they should or should not 
 use force. The more timid and level-headed among them 
 withdrew from a project which could Only result in failure 
 or defeat. Some 25,000 finally gathered on Kennington 
 Common, but they were frightened by the force arrayed 
 against them and meekly consented to send their petition 
 to the House of Commons in a cab. When submitted to 
 examination, the 5,000,000 signatures dwindled to 2,000,000, 
 many of these evidently bogus. So the most formidable 
 working-class movement England has yet seen ended in 
 fiasco. When brought to the test, Chartism proved to be a 
 mere wind-bag blown to portentous dimensions by dema- 
 gogues and would-be politicians. Yet the agitation had its 
 
 valuable results. The people were trained to think, to search 
 Permanent r 
 
 results. for the causes of their misery, to look for legislative reform. 
 
 The " classes " were compelled to inquire into the condition 
 
 of the "masses," to recognize their own responsibility for 
 
Growth of Democracy. 251 
 
 the national well-being, and to set about measures of re- 
 dress. The essential clauses of the Charter have since 
 been attained — not by insurrections and mob violence, but 
 by the characteristically English method of free discussion 
 and Parliamentary enactment. 
 
 The Chartists failed, but the advocacy of Parliamentary 
 reform was taken up by the Liberal party. Extension of the 
 suffrage was repeatedly recommended in the queen's speech, 
 and bills proposing to lower the franchise were introduced 
 in the House of Commons in 1851, 1859, and 1860. Not, 
 however, till the death of Palmerston left the more pro- 
 gressive element of the Liberal party in the ascendant, was 
 the work of reform undertaken in earnest. Immediately struggle for 
 upon his accession to the premiership, Lord Russell, the ^suffrage led 
 life-long champion of suffrage extension, framed a measure by Gladstone - 
 on which he staked the success of his administration. The 
 measure was introduced in the House of Commons by Mr. 
 Gladstone, a young Peelite, lately turned Liberal. He de- 
 fended the bill with remarkable eloquence and was ably 
 supported by the free trade Radical, John Bright. But the The dlscon . 
 measure was a timid makeshift and failed to secure the d e ,fbbed Were 
 support of the Liberals themselves. It was defeated in '^^sj. 1 .^ 
 committee and Lord Russell's government immediately 
 resigned. 
 
 The new ministry under Lord Derby was made up of 
 stiff Conservatives, but they found themselves forced by 
 public feeling to broach the question of the suffrage. A 
 Reform League was formed by the Radicals and working- 
 class leaders, who plainly signified a determination not to 
 be defrauded of their rights by factious politicians. The 
 country was agitated by popular demonstrations, such as 
 had extorted the first Reform Act. An attempt to hold a 
 mass meeting in Hyde Park resulted in something very 
 like a riot. Having no choice but to bring in a reform bill 
 
252 
 
 The Groivth of the English Nation. 
 
 Reform Act. 
 
 The Irish 
 Question. 
 
 or to resign office, the ministry finally yielded. The meas- 
 ure originally introduced by Disraeli was meant to provide 
 against throwing the balance of power into the hands of 
 the masses ; but the bill was amended again and again, the 
 government yielding point by point, until it emerged a 
 more radical measure than the Liberals themselves would 
 have proposed. Borough suffrage was extended to all 
 householders paying taxes and to all lodgers paying £10 
 annual rent. In the counties all persons owning property 
 of £5 annual value and occupiers paying £12 a year were 
 entitled to vote. This was the legalization of democracy. 
 Lord Derby characterized the measure as a " leap in the 
 dark," and many other Conservatives feared for the result ; 
 but the party as a whole supported the measure, having, as 
 Disraeli said, " been educated by events." 
 
 The history of English politics, during the past twenty- 
 five years, is hardly intelligible without some comprehen- 
 sion of the Irish question. Since Cromwell's conquest of 
 Ireland established English rule, the relations between the 
 two races have been strained and unhappy. The English 
 mind was naturally filled with distrust of Ireland, the main- 
 tainer of the Stuarts and Roman Catholicism, while the 
 Irish people had abundant reason to fear and hate their con- 
 querors. Irish estates were confiscated and made over to 
 English landlords. Irish industries were systematically 
 discouraged, the manufacture of woolens being prohibited 
 and trade being limited to such produce as did not come 
 into competition with English goods. Penal laws were 
 enacted banishing Catholic priests, obliging all subjects to 
 attend Protestant worship, and requiring that children of 
 Catholic parents should be educated by Protestant teachers. 
 Though Roman Catholics formed three fourths of the popu- 
 lation, they were ineligible to office. The Act of Union re- 
 dressed hone of these wrongs, while it deprived Ireland of 
 
Growth of Democracy. 253 
 
 the last vestige of self-government, her national Parlia- 
 ment. Under the terms of the Union, the two Parliaments 
 were united at Westminster, thirty-two Irish peers, four 
 spiritual and twenty-eight temporal, being added to the 
 House of Lords, while one hundred representatives of the 
 Irish counties and boroughs were to sit in the House of 
 Commons. The Union was meant to secure to Ireland a 
 non-sectarian government and legislation uniform with 
 that for England and Scotland ; but the Irish people have 
 never ceased to protest against it, and the nineteenth cen- 
 tury has been occupied by persistent effort to attain politi- 
 cal independence. Agitation first took the form of a 
 demand for the removal of political disabilities. The 
 Catholic Association was organized to this end, and petition 
 after petition was sent up to Parliament. The successive 
 Tory governments held out against popular pressure until 
 1829, when Peel declared for emancipation and carried a catholic Eman- 
 bill providing that a Roman Catholic who would take oath 13^9. 10n c ' 
 to support the State and not to injure the Church should be 
 eligible to office. This was an important concession, but it 
 did not satisfy the Irish leaders. Admitted to Parliament, 
 they continued to agitate, and that with renewed vigor, for 
 the repeal of the Act of Union. "Young Ireland," the 
 political organization formed by O'Connell, gained im- 
 mense influence with the people. Monster mass meetings ^ e& \ ™it\\<i 
 were held after the fashion of the contemporary Chartist o^Conneii, y 
 
 1829 1843 
 
 demonstrations, French aid was solicited, and a formida- 
 ble insurrection seemed imminent. The government had 
 resort to coercion, forbade the political conventions, ar- 
 rested and transported the ring-leaders. Ireland was in a 
 fair way to be subdued by physical force when the famine 
 of 1846 gave a new turn to the struggle. Thousands of the 
 helpless people died of starvation, thousands more, evicted 
 by the landlords, to whom they could pay no rent, drifted 
 
254 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Population of 
 Ireland in 
 1841, 8,175,124 ; 
 in 1851, 6,552,- 
 
 385. 
 
 Disestablish- 
 ment of the 
 Protestant 
 Church in Ire- 
 land. 1869. 
 
 into pauperism, those who had money to buy passage took 
 ship for America. The population decreased by a million 
 and a half in these years of unparalleled misery. Ireland 
 was silenced, but her cause was urged with redoubled energy 
 by her loyal sons in America. The Fenians, as this Irish- 
 American party called themselves, did not stop at repeal 
 of the Union. They advocated nothing less than complete 
 separation. The project was too wild to meet with a large 
 measure of support, and the movement, in spite of its bril- 
 liant leadership, proved abortive. Fenianism had, how- 
 ever, effected an important change in English opinion. It 
 had become apparent even to partisan observers that condi- 
 tions giving rise to such persistent hatred must be seriously 
 wrong. Coercion had been maintained for thirty-five years 
 without avail. Why not try the effect of reform ? 
 
 Tbe Liberal party led by Gladstone accepted the task of 
 ascertaining the actual situation and endeavoring to meet 
 Irish discontent with adequate measures of relief. In 
 pursuance of this policy, the Liberal leaders have been led 
 to propose three successive measures of reform, viz., the 
 disestablishment of the Irish Church, the modification of 
 land laws in the interest of the tenant, and the restoration 
 of the Irish Parliament. The initial measure was introduced 
 by Mr. Gladstone in the first Parliament elected on the 
 reformed basis in 1868. The Liberals were in the ascendant 
 and the bill passed the Commons by a majority of one 
 hundred. Indeed, it was difficult to find ground for de- 
 fense of the Episcopal establishment in Ireland. Its 
 annual income from tithes and ecclesiastical lands was 
 £600,000, yet it ministered to not more than one tenth of 
 the population. An Irish member declared that he paid 
 tithes in eight parishes, in not one of which was there a 
 church or a resident clergyman. The exclusive privileges 
 of the Anglican Church were a direct affront to the Roman 
 
Growth of Democracy. 255 
 
 Catholic population obliged to contribute to its support. 
 The bill was, nevertheless, hotly debated in the House 
 of Lords and amended so as to secure larger compensation 
 to the disestablished clergy. The House of Commons in- 
 sisted on the original form and the Lords were forced to 
 accept a compromise not at all to their liking. The dis- 
 establishment of the Protestant Church in Ireland was The Irish 
 quickly followed by the Land Bill, which provided that x^o. ° ' 
 the so-called "Ulster right," the form of land tenure 
 customary in the northern counties, should be legal 
 throughout Ireland. This beneficent measure secured not 
 only the three "f's," fair rent, fixity of tenure, and free 
 sale of the tenants' interest in improvements, but enabled 
 the tenants to purchase their holdings with money loaned 
 by the government. In the Irish University Bill, Mr. Irish Univer . 
 Gladstone went a step too far and lost his Parliamentary ^ Bl11 ' 
 majority. The object of the measure was to remove re- 
 ligious tests and provide a non-sectarian education for all 
 who desired to avail themselves of it. It was opposed by 
 the priests who objected to secular education and by a large 
 body of the Liberals who dreaded Roman Catholic ascend- 
 ency. Gladstone dissolved Parliament and appealed to the 
 country. The elections of 1874 gave the Conservatives a Defeat of Glad- 
 
 stonc^s IVIifl— 
 
 majority of fifty, and Gladstone had no choice but to resign. i S try. 1874. 
 
 This sudden and overwhelming defeat of a reform minis- 
 try so soon after the extension of the suffrage seems at first 
 inexplicable. Gladstone's government had fulfilled all its 
 pledges. In addition to the legislation having special 
 reference to Ireland, Parliament had provided for national 
 compulsory education and a secret ballot, had opened the 
 civil service to public competition, had abolished the pur- 
 chase of commissions in the army, and introduced a bill 
 for the reform of the law courts. The reaction in favor of 
 conservatism had originated not in the failure of the Liberal 
 
256 
 
 The Groivth of the English Nation. 
 
 Disraeli, Lord 
 Beaconsfield. 
 
 Jingoism. 
 
 party to achieve the proposed reforms, but in the constitu- 
 tional inability of the English nation to digest so rich and 
 varied a m6nu. Reform had gone too fast and too far. The 
 national temper, essentially conservative, shrank from 
 such rapid change. Disraeli's denunciation of Gladstone's 
 policy expressed the sentiment of the country. "You 
 have had four years of it ; you have despoiled churches, 
 you have threatened every corporation and endowment in 
 the country, you have examined into everybody's affairs, 
 you have criticized every profession and vexed every trade, 
 no one is certain of his property, no one knows what duties 
 he may have to perform to-morrow. ' ? Furthermore the 
 Liberal government, in its zeal for domestic improvement, 
 had somewhat neglected foreign affairs. In India and in 
 Africa, English interests were threatened, and the govern- 
 ment, preferring negotiation to war, had pursued a policy 
 repugnant to the national pride. 
 
 Disraeli succeeded to the premiership in 1874, pledged to 
 maintain the domestic status quo and to vindicate the 
 national honor in foreign fields. The Russo-Turkish War 
 gave the new government an opportunity to show its aggres- 
 sive foreign policy. Russia's rapid successes and temperate 
 use of her victory rendered it unnecessary for England to 
 proceed to war ; but national excitement ran high and the 
 blustering policy of the government was warmly approved.* 
 In relation to internal affairs, Beaconsfleld's government 
 was less successful. The Conservative party expressed a 
 benevolent concern for the well-being of the laborer, and 
 certain members, at least, showed a strong disposition to 
 legislate in the direction of technical schools, public pro- 
 vision, for recreation, rural artisans' dwellings, an eight- 
 
 * Popular sentiment was voiced and a term for the ministerial policy 
 suggested in a street song of the day. 
 
 " We don't want to fight, but by jingo, if we do, 
 We've got the ships, we've got the men, 
 And we've got the money too." 
 
Oroioth of Democracy. 257 
 
 hour day, etc.; but the government was resolved to move 
 slowly, and little was accomplished beyond an Agricultural 
 Holdings Act, securing compensation for improvements 
 to English tenants, and the Laborers' Dwellings Act which 
 empowered town corporations to purchase land and erect 
 buildings for the accommodation of workmen's families. 
 
 Toward Irish discontent the government showed an un- 
 compromising severity. The recent reforms, liberal and 
 thoroughgoing though they were, had apparently not 
 reached the root of the difficulty. Agitation increased 
 with every concession. Hardly had the Land Bill become 
 
 law when the Irish party, under the lead of Isaac Butt, , „ ^ 
 
 r J ' ' Isaac Butt and 
 
 brought forward a demand for Home Rule. The new leader * he demand for 
 
 ° Home Rule, 
 
 declared that Ireland could no longer consent to receive 
 
 her laws at the hands of a Parliament, the great majority of 
 whose members were Englishmen and Scotchmen. She 
 must have an independent legislature, but wished to retain 
 such relations to the British Parliament as an American 
 commonwealth bears to the government of the United 
 States. To the impartial outsider there appears to be 
 nothing unreasonable in this proposal. It would indeed 
 seem expedient that not only Ireland, but Wales and Scot- 
 land, should have local parliaments, and that the four 
 originally independent kingdoms should form a federal 
 union after the American plan. The several interests are 
 as diverse as those of our states, and would be better served 
 by sectional legislation. Moreover, the mass of business 
 involved in the care of domestic, colonial, and foreign in- 
 terests augments from year to year. It already exceeds the 
 capacity of a single legislative assembly. To relieve Parlia- 
 ment of local legislation would greatly facilitate the con- 
 duct of imperial affairs. Nevertheless, the demand for 
 Home Rule met with small favor among Englishmen. 
 Race prejudice lent weight to the argument that an Irish 
 
258 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Parliament could not be trusted to deal fairly with the 
 Protestants or the landed interests involved. Controlling 
 but a small minority (fifty or sixty members) in the House 
 of Commons, the Nationalist faction remained in sulky 
 isolation until Parnell taught them how to compel atten- 
 Parneiiand tion. Charles Stuart Parnell, a man of cool head and 
 struction. steady nerve and an expert parliamentarian, succeeded to 
 
 the leadership of his party in 1877. His policy was, in one 
 word, obstruction. The House of Commons was to be 
 hindered in the prosecution of any and every measure 
 until Irish interests were considered. By moving amend- 
 ments and forcing divisions, by making interminable 
 speeches and dragging in irrelevant issues, the ordinary 
 course of business was effectually checked. In despair of 
 getting anything done, the government resorted to extreme 
 measures. Parnell and other unruly members were cen- 
 e. g., the clo- sured by the House, and rules were adopted enabling the 
 of cutting off Speaker to coerce an obstinate minority. Nevertheless, the 
 
 CICDfltG Dy CS.11 - 
 
 ingforthe obstructionists succeeded so far as to brinsr upon the srov- 
 
 previous ques- or o 
 
 tion - ernment the charge of timid inefficiency. 
 
 Parliament was dissolved and new elections were held in 
 the spring of 1880. Beaconsfield appealed to the country 
 for support on the ground that the Conservative party 
 could alone be trusted to maintain England's ascendency 
 in the councils of Europe or to defend the empire against 
 threatening disintegration. The Liberal platform, on the 
 other hand, announced an "anti-jingo" foreign policy, pro- 
 gressive domestic legislation, redress for Irish grievances, 
 but firm and consistent resistance to Home Rule. The 
 
 election results showed that the tide had turned. The Lib- 
 Result of the , 
 elections of erals secured a clear majority of fifty-five, and Gladstone 
 
 1880. 
 
 Liberals, 35.5; was free to inaugurate a program of reform. Campaign 
 
 Conservatives, , _ , , . ,, T . , 
 
 238; Nation- pledges were redeemed in the Irish Land Act (1881) which 
 
 alists, 62 
 
 provided that rents should be fixed by land courts, and in 
 
Growth of Democracy. 259 
 
 the Reform Act (1884) which further extended the suffrage 
 to the agricultural laborers. The county franchise was 
 now made identical with that of the boroughs and all Reform Act. 
 adult males paying £10 room or house rent were entrusted l884 ' 
 with the ballot. The manhood suffrage demanded by the p our fifths of 
 Chartists was thus practically secured. Another of the voter^'n°°the 
 "six points," equal electoral districts, was attained in the do'mare^quaii- 
 same act. Counties and boroughs are now divided into hoWers?° USe " 
 election divisions containing from 50,000 to 60,000 voters 
 each. Each returns but one member to the House of Com- 
 mons. 
 
 Gladstone had amply fulfilled his promise of internal 
 reform, but he failed a second time to meet the approval of 
 the people in the conduct of foreign affairs. A vote of cen- 
 sure on the Egyptian policy of the government failed by 
 only fourteen votes, and in June of 1885 the ministry was 
 defeated on an amendment to the tax bill. Lord Salis- 
 bury was called to the prime ministry, but the Conserva- 
 tives were not strong enough to hold their own unaided. 
 Lord Randolph Churchill, the leader of the "fourth party," 
 as the progressive Tories were called, was summoned to the £° rd Randolph 
 cabinet. The Conservative party was thus committed to 
 various projects for social and industrial improvement little 
 akin to its former policy. Churchill, furthermore, nego- 
 tiated an alliance with the Nationalists, always ready to 
 cast in their lot with either party that showed any inclina- 
 tion to concede Home Rule. Thus, by currying favor with 
 Tory reformers and Irish Home Rulers, the government 
 was enabled to control a majority in the House of Com- 
 mons, but little important business was put through. Both 
 parties were making ready for a critical campaign. 
 
 In the coming elections the agricultural laborers were to 
 cast their first ballots and no man could surmise how their 
 vote would affect the political future. The ministry relied 
 
260 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Elections of 
 1885. 
 
 The Home Rule 
 Bill, April 8, 
 
 1886. 
 
 on the influence of the clergy and the landed gentry to keep 
 the rustics under party control, but the opposition candi- 
 dates drew glowing pictures of the benefits to be expected 
 from a Liberal administration. Laborers' allotments, free 
 schools, reform in local government, disestablishment of 
 the Scotch Church, these and other legislative tid-bits, 
 Gladstone's more radical followers did not hesitate to offer. 
 The unnatural alliance between Conservatives and Home 
 Ruler was maintained through the campaign. Parnell 
 instructed his party to vote Conservative wherever there 
 was no Nationalist candidate. The result of the elections 
 abundantly justified his tactics. The Liberals secured 333 
 seats, the Conservatives 251, but Ireland, outside of Ulster 
 county, had gone solid for Home Rule. Parnell could 
 count on eighty-six members and could by uniting forces 
 with the ministry outvote the opposition. He had, there- 
 fore, the balance of power in his hands, and was in a 
 position to extort concessions. Gladstone was directly con- 
 verted to Home Rule. The result of the elections was no 
 sooner known than he issued a manifesto favoring the 
 Nationalist claims. The opportunity to introduce a Home 
 Rule Bill was soon vouchsafed him. In an amendment to 
 the address, the government was defeated by a vote of 329 
 to 258. Nationalists and Radicals voted with the opposi- 
 tion, while a few dissentient Liberals joined the Conserva- 
 tive ranks. 
 
 Gladstone's Home Rule Bill provided for the establish- 
 ment in Ireland of a separate executive government solely 
 responsible to a legislature sitting in Dublin and em- 
 powered to deal with all non-imperial business. Irish 
 representation in the British Parliament was to be discon- 
 tinued. It was closely followed by the Land Purchase Bill 
 designed to enable Irish tenants to buy up their holdings 
 by means of a loan from the imperial government. This 
 
Growth of Democracy. 261 
 
 complete surrender to the demands of the Nationalist fac- 
 tion roused intense indignation throughout England. Not 
 even such popularity as Gladstone's could survive the storm 
 of abuse heaped upon the author of this " scheme of dis- 
 integration." The "grand old man" was denounced as a 
 political turncoat, a traitor to his party and to his country. 
 His change of front was no more reprehensible than Peel's 
 desertion of the Corn Laws in 1846, but Home Rule was a 
 more contentious issue since it challenged race feeling. 
 The breach occasioned in the Liberal party was deep and 
 irreparable. The seceders, under the lead of Lord Hart- 
 ington and Mr. Goshen (Whigs), Joseph Chamberlain and 
 John Bright (Radicals), called themselves Liberal Union- 
 ists, but joined forces with the Conservatives who now 
 declared that the Irish question could only be settled by 
 coercion. With forces so depleted Gladstone could not 
 carry his measure and the Home Rule Bill was voted down 
 341 to 311. The only chance of success was an appeal to 
 the country. In the elections of July, 1886, the Conserva- 
 tives had an easy victory in the English constituencies, but Elections of 
 
 1 886. 
 
 Ireland, Scotland, and Wales stood loyally by Gladstone The popular 
 
 vote in favor 
 and Home Rule. The Conservatives returned 316 members, of Home Rule 
 
 the Liberal Unionists 74, the Gladstone Liberals 196, the land, 4% to l; 
 
 Parnellites 84. The defeat was so decisive that Gladstone to l ; in Wales, 
 
 5 to l. 
 resigned, and Salisbury was summoned to form a ministry 
 
 before Parliament convened. 
 
 In the autumn of '86 the Conservatives entered upon a 
 long lease of power. The six years of their administration 
 was marked by no legislation of first importance except the 
 Local Government Act. By this measure, the anti-Home 
 Rule ministry undertook to meet the demand for self- 
 government by establishing county councils elected by the 
 freeholders and responsible for all purely local business. 
 The defeat of Home Rule occasioned a series of riotous 
 
 June 7, 1886. 
 
262 
 
 The Oroivth of the English Nation. 
 
 Election returns 
 of 1892. 
 
 Gladstonians, 
 271 ; National- 
 ists, 81; Labor 
 party, 4 ; Con- 
 servatives, 268 ; 
 Liberal Union- 
 ists, 46. 
 
 The second 
 Home Rule Bill 
 thrown out by 
 the Lords. 
 
 outbreaks in Ireland which the government put down with 
 a strong hand. England, on the contrary, was well con- 
 tent with the decision, and the Conservative party seemed 
 securely intrenched within an insurmountable bulwark of 
 national prejudice. 
 Signs of reaction, however, began soon to be discerned 
 
 in working-class quarters. 
 A new party had arisen. 
 Social and industrial ques- 
 tions were pressing for 
 solution and a Conserva- 
 tive government could 
 hardly be expected to give 
 them adequate treatment. 
 Propositions for an eight- 
 hour day, for land-tenure 
 reform, for repeal of the 
 Septennial Act, for pay- 
 ment of members of Parlia- 
 ment, were rejected, to the 
 great indignation of the 
 people. Under the pressure 
 brought to bear by pop- 
 ular feeling, the ministerial ranks thinned until Sal- 
 isbury could no longer be sure of his majority and dis- 
 solved Parliament. The election returns of June, 1892, 
 reversed the verdict given in 1886. Gladstonians and 
 Nationalists combined could boast a majority of forty- 
 two, and the Conservative government was readily de- 
 feated by an amendment to the address. The Home Rule 
 Bill, spite of dissensions in the Nationalist ranks, passed 
 the House of Commons by a vote of 347 to 304, but it 
 met with unexpected defeat in the Upper House. Since 
 Lord Grey forced the first Reform Bill through the House 
 
 Lord Salisbury Rejects the 
 People's Bills. 
 
Growth of Democracy. 
 
 263 
 
 of Lords, that honorable body had not ventured to reject a 
 measure sent up from the House of Commons and endorsed 
 by popular support. It was generally supposed that its veto 
 power, like that of the crown, had passed into "innocuous 
 desuetude." To the scandal of all believers in popular 
 
 The House of Lords Disposes of the Home Rule Bill. 
 
 government, this measure, which had been approved by 
 2,477,856 out of 4,752,698 voters in the recent elections, 
 was rejected by a body of men who could lay no claim 
 to voice the will of the nation. Unionists argued in their 
 defense that this extraordinary prerogative might be ex- 
 ercised in a case where an extra-constitutional measure was 
 in question. The Lords, it was said, would never presume 
 to interfere in the course of ordinary legislation. But the 
 Upper House, dominated by Lord Salisbury, has since 
 
264 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 plucked up courage to defeat other Liberal projects.* The 
 Radicals had for years been protesting that the House of 
 Lords was an anachronism — a clog on the wheels of pro- 
 gress, but so long as this degenerate descendant of the 
 Witenagemot was content to remain a mere handful of 
 idle old gentlemen who amused themselves with ratifying 
 the bills passed in the Lower House, its abolition would 
 hardly have been seriously considered. Recent obstruction 
 
 GOB buss the S0UJRE Ana his "RELATIONS 
 ANH KEEP US IN OUR P^OPEl^ STATIONS 
 
 Labor. 
 
 Salisbury. Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 Proposed abo- 
 lition of the 
 
 of Liberal measures has, however, laid them open to at- 
 tack. Mr. Labouchere, the life-long foe of hereditary privi- 
 lege, recently introduced into the House of Commons a 
 resolution stating that " the power now enjoyed by persons 
 who were not elected to Parliament by the usual process 
 
 House of Lords, of the franchise, yet who are able to prevent the passage of 
 March 13, 1894. ° 
 
 bills, shall cease." The proposition had not been foreseen 
 
 and half the members were absent. To the surprise and 
 
 amusement of the House it was carried by a vote of 147 to 
 
 March, 1894. 145. Both Mr. Gladstone and Lord Rosebery (appointed 
 
 * Notably the Parish Councils Bill, which aims to take local interests 
 out of the hands of the squire and the parson and entrust them to the 
 people. 
 
Growth of Democracy. 
 
 265 
 
 premier on the resignation of Gladstone) have given ex- 
 pression to the conviction that the House of Lords must be 
 reformed if it is to remain a part of the English constitu- 
 tion, but the government could hardly adopt so hasty and 
 
 Types of our Hereditary Legislators. 
 
 ill-considered a measure. It was allowed to drop, but the 
 end is not yet. Not only are the Radicals bent on the 
 destruction of every remnant of political privilege, but the 
 growing Labor party menaces all aristocratic claim. 
 
 The political reforms achieved during the past hundred 
 years amount to a complete transformation of the English 
 constitution. The oligarchic monarchy of the Georges has 
 become the democratic monarchy of to-day. The people, 
 through their representatives in the House of Commons, 
 control the ministry and the ministerial policy in every de- 
 tail of domestic and imperial legislation. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Industrial Progress During the Eighteenth and 
 Nineteenth Centuries. 
 
 Illustrative Readings. Principal Inventions. 
 
 Shirley ; Bronte. Fly shuttle, Kay, 1738. 
 
 Sybil; Disraeli. Spinning-jenny, Hargreaves, 1767. 
 
 All Sorts and Conditions of Men ; Throstle, Arkwright, 1769. 
 
 Besant. Spinning-mule, Crompton, 1779. 
 
 The Children of Gibeon ; Besant. Steam engine, Watt, 1775. 
 
 Marcella; Mrs. Humphry Ward. Power loom, Cartwright, 1785. 
 
 In Darkest England ; General Cotton gin, Whitney, 1793. 
 
 Booth. Steamboat, Fulton, 1811. 
 
 Life and Labour of the People; Railroad, Stephenson, 1825. 
 
 Charles Booth. 
 
 The industrial history of the seventeeth century offers 
 little that is noteworthy. The disorders of the civil war 
 caused a rise in prices which was made good only in part 
 by the rise in wages. On the whole, however, there was 
 little economic disturbance. Gradually population had 
 adjusted itself to the changes consequent upon the 
 agrarian revolution of the Tudor period. The growth of 
 domestic industries and the improvement in methods of 
 agriculture brought increased demand for labor, and by the 
 beginning of the eighteenth century the rural classes were 
 in a fairly prosperous condition. 
 
 AGRICULTURE. 
 
 A second movement toward enclosure comparable in ex- 
 tent and significance to that which transformed the face of 
 Tudor England, characterized the eighteenth century. 
 This second onslaught on peasant holdings was due, not to 
 the demand for pasture land, but to improved methods of 
 
 266 
 
Industrial Progress. 267 
 
 tillage. Scientific agriculture, eloquently advocated by i mprove dmeth- 
 sucli men as Markham and Arthur Young, had become the £[[* of zsn™ 1 - 
 fashion among English landlords. Assiduous attention 
 was given to stock-raising. Clover and rich grasses were 
 introduced and better breeds of cattle were kept. To the 
 arable land, marl and other manures were applied, while 
 methods of cultivation were carefully studied. The open 
 field system, with its numerous proprietors and cumbersome 
 regulations, was abandoned. The land was redivided in 
 such fashion that each man who could justify his title re- 
 ceived his share in a single lot. This could be cultivated to 
 much better advantage than the scattered holdings of the 
 old-time tenure. These and other improvements so in- 
 creased the productive power of the soil that wheat crops 
 averaged twenty and thirty bushels to the acre, four times 
 the thirteenth century rate. The weight of sheep and 
 cattle was raised in the same proportion. 
 
 From the standpoint of the scientific agriculturist, the 
 wasteful and petty methods of the medieval system were 
 intolerable. Writing in 1771 of the small farms in Buck- 
 inghamshire, Young says : <( Nearly the whole country is 
 open field land ; and all lies in broad, high, crooked ridges." 
 With the farmers using four or five horses to a plow, " the 
 tillage is miserable," the wheat crop yielding not more 
 than fifteen bushels per acre. "In no part of the country 
 have I met with husbandry that requires greater amend- 
 ment than this ; such crops are, their soil considered, con- 
 temptible." "As to the landlords, what in the name of 
 wonder can be the reason of their not enclosing ! All this 
 vale would make as fine meadows as any in the world ! " 
 In Norfolk, on the other hand, where the common fields 
 had long since disappeared, conditions were, according to 
 Young, all that could be desired. " No small farmers could 
 effect such great things as have been done in Norfolk. En- 
 
268 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 closing, marling, and keeping a flock of sheep large enough 
 for folding, belong absolutely and exclusively to great farm- 
 ers. . . . Great farms have been the soul of the Norfolk cul- 
 ture ; split them into tenures for an hundred pounds a year, 
 you will find nothing but beggars and weeds in the whole 
 country. The rich man keeps his land rich and clean." 
 
 The progress of enclosure was accelerated by a new 
 demand for land. Merchants, grown suddenly rich in 
 the East India trade, and clothiers who had amassed 
 fortunes in manufacture, were eager to buy country es- 
 tates and to secure a place among the landed gentry. 
 Under the spur of rising prices the zeal for enclosing over- 
 came all obstacles. Between 1710 and 1760, 334,974 acres 
 Enclosure. were enclosed, while from 1760 to 1830, the land so redis- 
 
 tributed amounted to nearly 7,000,000 acres. In the second 
 period, 4,000 Enclosure Acts were passed affecting 4,000 out 
 of the 10,000 parishes in England. The transformation 
 was most complete in the southern and eastern counties. 
 In Cumberland and the West Riding of Yorkshire, in 
 Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, the small holdings still per- 
 
 Progress of 
 
 The Water Supply. 
 
 sist. The Enclosure Acts were framed by a Parliament 
 made up of landowners who gave but slight considera- 
 tion to the rights of tenants and freeholders. Unable 
 
Industrial Progress. 269 
 
 to defend themselves against their powerful neighbors, 
 small proprietors yielded, not without protest, to unjust en- 
 croachment, or finding that they could not compete in the 
 same market with the new cultivators, they sold their little 
 holdings and dropped to the rank of the landless laborer. 
 Even Arthur Young laments the disappearance of the 
 freeholders. The stalwart yeomen who had been the main 
 support of Cromwell and the Puritan revolution were 
 hardly to be found in England at the close of the eigh- 
 teenth century. They had been driven from the land to 
 make room for improved agriculture under the tenant- 
 farmer. 
 
 MANUFACTURES. 
 
 The decay of the yeomanry was hastened by the changed 
 conditions of the textile industries. With the failure of ,, u < , 
 
 Epoch Of QO- 
 
 the gilds, the cloth manufacture had fallen largely into the foetus manu ~ 
 hands of the peasant farmers. Spinning and weaving were »p e ^ ur . nS g 
 carried on as a by-industry in thousands of cottage homes. urda y Night." 
 The first fifty years of the eighteenth century was an epoch 
 of marked prosperity for the woolen industry. Protective 
 legislation shut out foreign goods, and the rural manufac- 
 turers found a ready market for their homespun broadcloths 
 and serges. The income so obtained was a welcome ad- 
 dition to the produce of their scanty fields. Defoe de- 
 scribes the cloth industry near Halifax in glowing terms. Daniel Defoe 
 "Not only the valleys, but the sides of the hills, which through Great 
 were very steep every way, were spread with houses and Bntain -" 
 that very thick ; for the land being divided into small en- 
 closures, that is to say from two acres to six or seven acres 
 each, seldom more, every three or four pieces of land had 
 a house belonging to it. . . . We found the country in 
 short one continued village — hardly a house standing out of 
 speaking distance from another. ... At almost every 
 house there was a tenter and on almost every tenter a 
 
270 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Chief centers 
 of the woolen 
 industry were 
 Norfolk, Wilt- 
 shire, ami the 
 West Biding 
 of Yorkshire. 
 
 piece of oloth. . . I thought it was the most agreeable 
 sight I ever saw. . . Look which way we would, high to 
 the tops or low to the bottoms, it was all the same; in- 
 numerable houses and tenters and a white piece on every 
 tenter. At, every considerable house was a manufactory or 
 work-house (dyeing houses, scouring shops, etc.). . . 
 Among the manufacturers' houses are likewise scattered an 
 
 Traveliug iu the Eighteenth Century. 
 
 infinite number of cottages or small dwellings in which 
 
 dwell the workmen which are employed, the women and 
 children of whom are always busy carding, spinning, etc., 
 so that no hands being unemployed, all can gain their bread 
 even from the youngest to the ancient ; hardly anything 
 above four year* ohlJ>ut its hands are sufficient to itself. . . . 
 This whole country is infinitely full of people and those peo- 
 ple all full of business ; not a beggar, not an idle person to 
 l>c seen, except here and there an almshouse, where people 
 ancient, decrepit, and past labor might perhaps be found." 
 The eastern counties were no less prosperous. "When we 
 come into Norfolk, we see a face of diligence spread over 
 the whole country; the vast manufactures carried on by the 
 Norwich weavers employ all the country round in spin- 
 ning yarn for them, besides many packs of yarn which 
 they receive from other countries, even from as far as York- 
 
Industrial Progress. 
 
 271 
 
 shire and Westmoreland." The manufacturers assured 
 Defoe that " there was not in all the eastern and middle 
 part of Norfolk any hand unemployed if they would work ; 
 and that the very children after four or five years of age 
 could every one earn their own bread." Many of these 
 people were self-employed — like the medieval master- 
 craftsmen, owning their own looms and spinning-wheels, 
 buying their own material and carrying the finished stuff 
 to market ; but some who were not able to set up for them- 
 selves were working for the manufacturers. These fur- 
 nished the yarn and even the looms, paying the employees 
 for their labor, much as do the clothing contractors of 
 to-day. Defoe describes the market held in the High Street 
 of Leeds, where from £10,000 to £20,000 worth of cloth was 
 bought and sold twice a week. " Early in the morning, 
 there are tressels placed in two rows in the street, some- 
 times two rows on a side, but always one row at least. Then 
 there are boards laid cross those tres- 
 sels, so that the boards lie like long 
 counters on either side from one end 
 of the street to the other. The cloth- 
 iers come early in the morning with 
 their cloth, and, as few clothiers 
 bring more than one piece, the mar- 
 kets being so frequent, they go into 
 the inns and public houses with it 
 and there set it down. ... At 
 seven o'clock in the morning, the 
 market bell rings. It would surprise 
 a stranger to see in how few minutes, without hurry or 
 noise, and not the least disorder, the whole market is 
 filled ; all the boards upon the tressels are covered with 
 cloth, close to one another as the pieces can lie longways 
 by one another, and behind every piece of cloth, the 
 
 Lamplighting. 
 
 A local market. 
 
272 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 clothiers standing to sell it. . . . As soon as the bell 
 has done ringing the merchants and factors and buyers 
 of all sorts come down and coming along the spaces be- 
 tween the rows of boards, they walk up the rows and down 
 as their occasions direct. . . . When they see any 
 cloths to their colors or that suit their occasions, they reach 
 over to the clothier and whisper, and in the fewest words 
 imaginable the price is stated ; one asks, the other bids ; 
 and 'tis agree or not agree in a moment." 
 
 inventions. Until 1750, the implements employed in textile industry 
 
 were nearly as simple as those of India. The distaff and 
 spindle had been displaced by the spinning-wheel in the 
 fifteenth century, but the loom contained as yet no essen- 
 tial improvement on that used under the Pharaohs. In 1738, 
 one John Kay invented an attachment for the loom, the 
 fly shuttle, which enabled one man to run the machine 
 
 The fly shuttle. tna fc k a( j heretofore required two. At the same time, the 
 productive power was doubled. The fly shuttle came rap- 
 idly into general use, and, since the efficiency of the weaver 
 was quadrupled, the looms soon outstripped the spinning- 
 wheels. It was difficult to provide sufficient yarn to afford 
 employment for all. In 1767 Hargreaves stumbled upon 
 an invention that restored proportion. Upsetting a 
 spinning-wheel and observing it still moving, he caught 
 the idea of an automatic arrangement of several spindles 
 set in motion by one wheel. The spinning-jenny, as his 
 machine was called, carried at first eight threads, then six- 
 teen, twenty, one hundred and twenty, etc. At about the 
 same time, Richard Arkwright secured a patent for a spin- 
 ning-machine (the throstle) constructed on a different 
 principle and spinning a harder, firmer thread than the 
 jenny. The best features of the two machines were com- 
 bined in the mule-jenny patented by Samuel Crompton in 
 1779. The new spinner has been improved till it now 
 
 The spinning- 
 jenny. 1767. 
 
 The mole 
 jenny 
 
 1779. 
 
Industrial Progress. 273 
 
 carries 2,000 spindles and requires so little attention that 
 several machines can be managed by one man. These 
 inventions gave a marvelous impulse to textile industry, 
 since the spinners were once more able to supply the 
 weavers with yarn. The new machinery was used to great 
 advantage in making up not only silk, wool, and flax, but 
 the far more difficult fiber cotton. The manufacture of The invention 
 cotton had been neglected as impracticable and the im- g\n(i793°great- 
 portation of cotton cloth was prohibited lest it should cos^of prepar- 
 come into injurious competition with the native woolen material!^ W 
 goods. But Hargreaves' jenny spun a fine, strong thread 
 that could be woven into the best cambric. Business enter- 
 prise caught at this new opportunity. Mills were built 
 and machinery perfected, vast quantities of raw material 
 were imported, and cotton cloth became one of the prin- 
 cipal products of English industry. The zealous manu- 
 facturers soon cast aside hand power as quite too slow for 
 their purpose. Horse power and water power were utilized 
 in turn. Finally Watt's steam engine furnished a motor, 
 at once the most convenient and the most efficient. Cart- 
 wright's power loom was invented in 1787 and was imme- The power 
 diately adopted in the cotton factories. In the manufacture oom ' 
 of silk and wool the hand looms held their own, however, 
 for fifty years longer. 
 
 The inventors who wrought this marvelous transforma- 
 tion in the textile industries were, with few exceptions, 
 men of humble birth. Hargreaves was an ignorant 
 weaver ; Crompton, a spinner and a farmer's son ; Ark- 
 wright was a poor wig-maker ; Cartwright alone of the 
 great inventors was a gentleman born. " It is not extrava- 
 gant to say that the experiments of these humble mechanics 
 have in their results added more to the power of England 
 than all the colonies ever acquired by her arms." 
 The modern factory was the direct result of these inven- 
 
274 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 tions. The several processes, carding, spinning, weaving, 
 etc., could not long be carried on in scattered cottages, but 
 must be brought together under one roof in order that the 
 machinery might be run by the central motive power, 
 whether steam or water. Concentration of processes in- 
 volved massing of operatives — and here the changing con- 
 ditions of manufacture cooperated with changing condi- 
 tions of agriculture to bring about a remarkable movement 
 
 Movement of 
 
 population. of population. The displaced yeomen and the agricultural 
 
 laborers, deprived of work by the improved methods of 
 tillage, flocked to the factories in search of employment. 
 People began to migrate from the country to the towns, 
 from the agricultural regions of the south to Yorkshire and 
 Lancashire where water power was abundant and stores of 
 coal furnished an inexhaustible fuel. The movement has 
 not yet ceased and its ultimate results are still problematic, 
 but it has already transformed the agricultural England of 
 the Middle Ages into the manufacturing and mercantile 
 England of the present day. 
 Furthermore, with the introduction of costly machinery, 
 
 tween°cap™ai e capital acquired an entirely new significance in industry. 
 Labor had heretofore been the all-important element in 
 production, but from the time that money was required to 
 build and furnish a mill, capital has played the principal 
 
 e. p., sir Rich- part- The man who could bring to bear upon the new 
 
 qv/| .Ark- 
 
 wright, sir industrial opportunity not only a considerable fortune 
 Robert Owen. Du t business ability and organizing genius, was easily 
 master of the situation. He might direct the forces at his 
 disposal as absolutely and as dexterously as a general 
 maneuvers his regiments and artillery. The laborer, on 
 the other hand, was degraded to the position of a de- 
 pendent. Working on material and with machinery that 
 belonged to another, with no share in the product beyond 
 his wages, he lost all personal concern for his work. The 
 
Density of Population and Products 
 
 The figures indicate the popu- 
 lation per square mile in regions 
 where the density exceeds 500. 
 
 [Reproduced from Chisholm's " Handbook of Commercial Geography," by permission of 
 Longmans, Green & Co.] 
 
276 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 interests of employer and employed, no longer identical, 
 came frequently into direct conflict. Misunderstanding 
 and distrust grew into a well-defined hostility. With the 
 factory organization of industry, arose the modern antag- 
 onism between capital and labor. 
 Deterioration of The deterioration of the laboring classes in the first five 
 decades of the factory system goes far to justify this hos- 
 tility. Machinery has rendered muscle and skill unneces- 
 sary. In the factory operative, who has but to overlook a 
 self-impelled mechanism, the essential quality is patient, 
 Textile statis- unremitting attention. Endurance is more important than 
 Factories, strength or ingenuity. The craftsman suddenly found his 
 
 53,641,062 f es ' labor a drug in the market, for unskilled laborers, women, 
 employees', ' the very children, could do the work required as well as he. 
 men, 416,608°;' Women and children were even preferred because they were 
 86,499. reD ' more dexterous and docile. The effect was to reverse the 
 
 relations of the home. Wives and children became the 
 bread-winners, while grown men vainly sought employ- 
 ment or degenerated into contented idleness. It is true 
 that new industries were being developed by the require- 
 ments of the factory. Machinery was to be constructed 
 and mills put up. England's inexhaustible supplies of coal 
 and iron were discovered and must be brought to the 
 surface. Railroads and steamship lines were opened up to 
 carry the products of English looms to distant markets. 
 The factory era, indeed, witnessed a marvelous expansion 
 in all departments of industry ; but the new opportunities 
 fell to the succeeding generation. The spinners and weavers 
 thrown out of work by the recent inventions could not im- 
 mediately secure employment as miners and machinists. 
 The enlarged demand for labor might ultimately absorb 
 the whole labor supply, but it could not avert temporary 
 distress. Quite as serious as the displacement of skilled 
 laborers were the evil effects of the inferior conditions of 
 
Industrial Progress. 
 
 277 
 
 employment on the operatives. Machinery knows no 
 fatigue. In order to get as much as possible out of his 
 investment, the master was tempted to work his employees 
 as long and hard as was humanly possible. Hours varied 
 with the policy of the individual employer, but a fifteen- 
 hour day was not thought excessive, and cases are recorded 
 where operatives were regularly kept at work for eighteeu 
 
 An Iron Furnace. 
 
 hours out of the twenty-four. Motives of economy dictated 
 that the mills should be cheaply built. Poor light, bad ven- 
 tilation, defective drainage, were the rule. Conditions out- 
 side the factory were even more deplorable. People crowded 
 
 r In Manchester 
 
 into the factory towns far in excess of house accommoda- one tenth of 
 
 the population 
 tions. Huddled together in attics and cellars and hastily lived in eel- 
 built tenements, they were forced to live under conditions 
 that bred disease. The physique of the factory operative 
 rapidly degenerated, while the death rate, markedly higher 
 in manufacturing towns than elsewhere, told a sad tale of 
 misery. 
 
 The suffering of the laboring classes was hardly noted by 
 economists and statesmen of that day. All energies were 
 engaged in the accumulation of wealth, all attention was 
 fixed upon the marvelous inventions by which production 
 was multiplied a hundredfold. Enormous fortunes were 
 amassed in manufactures and trade, and the national 
 
278 
 
 The Groivth of the English Nation. 
 
 Wealth of 
 Great Britain 
 in million 
 pounds : 
 1774, 1,100 
 1800, 1,740 
 1812, 2,190 
 1822, 2,600 
 1833, 3,750 
 1840, 4,100 
 1865, 6,113 
 1875, 8,584 
 1885, 10,037 
 
 Machine break- 
 ing. 
 
 Luddite Riots. 
 
 Trades unions 
 and strikes. 
 
 wealth augmented by leaps and bounds. The increase of 
 population, then regarded as a sure index of prosperity, 
 was not less marked. England's population has been 
 quadrupled and her wealth multiplied by ten in the past 
 one hundred years. 
 
 REVOLT OF LABOR. 
 
 The laborers were, however, not consoled by the ultimate 
 advantages of the use of machinery. They saw plainly 
 enough that the immediate results were disastrous, and 
 blindly thought to set the matter right by destroying their 
 dangerous rival. Kay's fly shuttle was so resented that the 
 inventor was forced to flee the kingdom. Hargreaves' 
 house was broken open and his spinning-jenny smashed in 
 pieces. Arkwright's mill was wrecked by an infuriated 
 mob, and Peel's factory at Altham suffered a similar fate. 
 Serious riots broke out among the silk- weavers of Spital- 
 field and Blackburn. In 1811, a formidable insurrection 
 was set on foot by the hosiers of Nottingham. Forming 
 themselves into secret associations, the mutinous laborers 
 attacked the houses of the manufacturers and destroyed 
 the dreaded knitting frames. Such outbreaks of popular 
 frenzy were summarily suppressed as offenses against public 
 tranquillity. 
 
 The strike was a more rational method of resistance. 
 This, however, involved concerted action on the part of the 
 laborers, and was hardly less incriminating than open 
 violence. The manufacturers readily secured assistance 
 from Parliament. The Coalition Act of 1800 reasserted the 
 old-time prohibition against "covin and conspiracy." Any 
 persons combining to advance the rate of wages, reduce the 
 hours of labor, or in any manner coerce the masters of a 
 trade, were condemned to jail and hard labor. Repressive 
 legislation was, however, found to be of no avail. Secret 
 associations existed wherever laborers were congregated in 
 
Industrial Progress. 
 
 279 
 
 the factory towns, and their methods were more desperate 
 because illegal. The policy of repression was maintained 
 for twenty-five years. In 1824 Parliament appointed a 
 commission to inquire into the effect of the Coalition 
 Act. It was reported that "those laws had not only not 
 been efficient to prevent combinations either of masters or 
 workmen, but, on the contrary, had, in the opinion of 
 many of both parties, a tendency to produce mutual irrita- 
 tion and distrust, and to give a violent character to the 
 combinations, and to render them highly dangerous to the 
 
 peace of the community." 
 The statute was therefore 
 repealed. A sudden and 
 marked increase in the num- 
 ber of strikes induced this 
 employers' Parliament to 
 impose certain restraints on 
 trades societies in the fol- 
 lowing year, but absolute 
 prohibition was never again 
 attempted. In the Trades Union Acts of 1871 and 1876, 
 such associations were given a legal status. For the past 
 fifty years the unions have been a notable influence. They 
 have accomplished not merely a considerable advance of 
 wages, but they have united to bring about a legal limi- 
 tation on the hours of labor, and to denounce such con- 
 ditions in mine and workshop as militate against the well- 
 being of the laborer. 
 
 The trades unions have not been alone in their endeavor 
 to secure for the operatives higher wages, shorter hours, 
 and better conditions of labor. Throughout the nine- 
 teenth century the cause of the working class has been 
 championed by philanthropists and statesmen who have 
 thought it wiser to protect the laborer against degrading 
 
 The Postman. 
 
 Repeal of the 
 Coalition Act. 
 1824. 
 
 Average rise 
 of wages from 
 1835 to 1885, 
 70 per cent. 
 
 Factory legis- 
 lation. 
 
280 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Sir Robert Peel 
 
 conditions than to build hospitals and almshouses for the 
 victims of an iniquitous system. First to protest against the 
 injurious effects of factory labor was Sir Robert Peel, who 
 oTi8^ Ct0ryACt called attention to the sufferings of the so-called appren- 
 tices — the children sent from the parish poorhouses to be 
 bound out to the manufacturers. The Act of 1802 applied 
 only to apprenticed children working in cotton and woolen 
 mills. It required that they should have suitable lodging, 
 clothing, and instruction; their working day was limited to 
 twelve hours, between six in the morning and nine at 
 night; and the factory where they were employed was to be 
 "lime-washed twice a year and duly ventilated." The 
 law was evaded by unscrupulous manufacturers, who had 
 no difficulty in hiring free children from their needy 
 parents and guardians. Owen and Peel pressed for further 
 legislation that should protect these no less unfortunate 
 victims of the new order. A series of abortive measures 
 prepared the way for the searching investigation conducted 
 by the Factory Commission of 1833. The report revealed a 
 state of things that roused the country to horrified protest. 
 Children of tender years were employed for long hours and 
 under unwholesome conditions. Robbed of sleep atid 
 healthful recreation, these toiling little ones fell an easy 
 prey to diseases and deformities incident to the nature of 
 their work. Deprived of opportunity for education, sub- 
 jected to demoralizing influences, they rapidly degenerated 
 into weakness, brutality, vice. England stood aghast at the 
 evident degradation of her working classes. A vigorous 
 effort was made in the interests of industrial freedom to 
 prevent remedial legislation ; but the economists were over- 
 borne by the weight of evidence against the "let-alone" 
 policy, and the eager advocates of national aggrandizement 
 were silenced. The Act of 1833 forbade the employment in 
 factories of children under nine years. Children between 
 
 e. g., Mrs. 
 Browning's 
 "Cry of the 
 Children." 
 
 Factory Act 
 of 1833. 
 
Industrial Progress. 281 
 
 nine and thirteen years of age might be employed but 
 eight hours a day, while no person under twenty-one years 
 and no woman might be employed at night. Subsequent 
 legislation has provided schooling for factory children on 
 the "half-time" system, regulated the use of children children re- 
 as chimney sweeps, and forbidden the employment of school on ailer 1 - 
 children or women underground. In 1847, after a battle half days! ° r 
 royal between the champions of protection and the advo- 
 cates of laissez faire, the Ten Hours Act was passed, re- , 8 ^° ours Act. 
 ducing to ten the number of hours in the working day for 
 women and children. This practically meant a ten-hour 
 day for all factory employees, since the men could not 
 profitably be kept at work after their nimble assistants were 
 withdrawn. Recent legislation has extended the blessings 
 of protection to every factory and workshop where women 
 and children are employed. Safe and wholesome con- 
 ditions of work are secured by minute requirements as to 
 ventilation and drainage and the guarding of machinery. EmDlover » s 
 Legislation is now pending designed to render the em- Lia S^Jf bv 
 ployer liable to damage in case of accident for which he can j^? ds°?8^j° f 
 reasonably be held responsible. 
 
 The well-being of the factory operative is now far in ad- 
 vance of that of the agricultural laborer. In the condition 
 of the rural population there is still much to deplore. 
 Unsanitary cottages, low wages, excessive hours of toil, the 
 employment of women and children at brutalizing tasks — 
 these and many other evils have alarmed the philanthropist 
 and attracted attention to the need of reform. Little has 
 as yet been accomplished here. The Agricultural Union 
 movement so bravely inaugurated by Joseph Arch, and 
 
 protective legislation forced through against the bitter op- Agricultural 
 
 , s & & v Children's Act, 
 
 position of the landed interest, have alike proved ineffec- 1873, repealed 
 
 tive. The degradation of the agricultural laborer is to-day 
 
 a blot on the fair fame of England. 
 
282 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 PAUPERISM. 
 
 Any review of the social and industrial conditions of 
 modern England would be incomplete without some notice 
 of the growth of pauperism and the efforts made to check 
 this menace to the nation's health. The industrial up- 
 heaval of the last century accomplished, like the corres- 
 
 Old-time Fire Engine. 
 
 Poor rate per 
 head of popu 
 lation : 
 
 1750, 
 
 1760, 
 
 1770, 
 
 1780, 
 
 2s. 2d. 
 3s. 
 
 3s. 6d. 
 4s. 5d. 
 
 1790, 5s. lid. 
 1800, 8s. 5d. 
 1810, 10s. 3d. 
 1818, 13s. 4d. 
 1820, 12s. 2d. 
 1830, 9s. 9d. 
 * # * * 
 
 1890, 5s. 9d. 
 
 ponding revolution in the sixteenth century, results both 
 good and bad. In each case an immense gain in material 
 wealth was achieved at the expense of the well-being of the 
 laborers. Machinery, no less than the sheep pastures, de- 
 prived thousands of the means of self-support and drove 
 them to seek aid at the hands of parish officers or private 
 almsgivers. From 1750 to 1820, the years in which the 
 factory system was becoming established, the growth of 
 pauperism was appalling. The poor rate augmented till it 
 reached the alarming proportions of one fourth the national 
 revenue, and became to the taxpayer an intolerable bur- 
 den. The phenomenal increase in the number of paupers 
 was due in part to unwise methods of relief, in part to the 
 demoralizing effect of the Napoleonic wars, in part to the 
 mischievous corn laws that not infrequently raised the price 
 of bread to famine rates ; but the main cause was the in- 
 
Industrial Progress. 
 
 283 
 
 dustrial change that rendered opportunity for employment 
 uncertain and left the laborer dependent on precarious 
 wages. No legislation has yet touched the fundamental 
 difficulty. Parliament has undertaken little more than the 
 regulation of relief. The burden of the poor rate is now but 
 one third of what it was in 1834, and the number of 
 paupers has been greatly reduced, but there is still the 
 problem of the "submerged tenth." 
 
 The most hopeful feature of the times is the awakening 
 of the social conscience. People's Palaces, Toynbee Halls, 
 improved tenements, university extension, these and as 
 many more generous efforts to better the conditions of life 
 and labor for the working classes bear witness to the new 
 spirit of brotherhood that controls the thought of to-day. 
 This new ideal, astir in England, has found noble expression 
 through the voices of Carlyle, Ruskin, and William Morris. 
 
 Salisbury. Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 "Proputty, Proputty, Proputty." 
 Doesn't thou 'ear my 'erse's legs, as they canters awaay ? 
 Proputty, proputty, proputty— that's what I 'ears 'em saay. . . 
 Proputty, proputty's iv'rything 'ere, an', Sammy, I'm blest 
 If it isn't the saame oop yonder, fur them as 'as it it's the best. . . 
 Coom oop, proputty, proputty— that's what I 'ears 'em saay, 
 Proputty, proputty, proputty, canter an' canter awaay." 
 
 — Tennyson's "Northern Farmer : New Style." 
 
CHAPTEE XIII. 
 
 The Expansion of England. 
 
 Illustrative Readings. 
 History of Ireland ; McCarthy. Macaulay's Essays on Clive and 
 The Virginians; Thackeray. Hastings. 
 
 The Lady of Fort St. John ; Mrs. Tales from the Hills ; Kipling. 
 Catherwood. 
 
 THE BRITISH ISLES. 
 
 The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland had 
 no existence before the seventeenth century. Scotland was 
 an independent and jealous state. Ireland was but half 
 conquered and wholly uncivilized, the English within " the 
 Pale" existing as an alien colony in the midst of a hostile 
 race. The amalgamation of the three kingdoms was ac- 
 complished under the Stuarts and the Commonwealth. 
 The accession of James I. established a dynastic connec- 
 tion between England and Scotland, while the civil war 
 afforded Cromwell opportunity to reduce the Irish to sub- 
 jection. The formal union with Scotland was not, how- 
 Union with 
 
 Scotland, 1707; ever, effected until 1707, while the incorporation of Ireland 
 with Ireland, 
 
 1800. was delayed till 1800. The reconciliation of conflicting in- 
 
 terests has been a delicate matter. In the case of Scotland, 
 race feeling and religious differences were outweighed by 
 the signal industrial advantage of free trade with England 
 and England's colonies ; but the breach between England 
 and Ireland has not been so readily healed. Both king- 
 doms are represented in the English Parliament, and are 
 thus secured a proportionate influence in national legisla- 
 tion. 
 
 281 
 
age.ff" g s.° 3" 22. 
 II 2 S I § I "&o 2 ~ - 
 
 /\PA 
 
The Expansion of England. 285 
 
 COLONIAL EXPANSION. 
 
 The discovery of America and of the new route to India 
 by way of the Cape of Good Hope revealed two new worlds, Discovery and 
 an eastern and a western, to the maritime enterprise of ^American* 
 Europe, and the explorations of the sixteenth century continent - 
 opened up vast realms of untold wealth inviting conquest 
 and colonization. The seafaring nations of western Europe 
 were not slow to respond to the call. Spain, being first in 
 the field, took possession of the richest regions, Mexico, 
 Peru, and the West Indies. Portugal, more enterprising 
 but less fortunate, pushed her interests in the East In- 
 dies, in West Africa, and in Brazil. Holland followed in 
 the wake of Spain and Portugal. Getting a foothold in the 
 East Indies, she established trade relations with the spice 
 islands of the Indian Archipelago. At the Cape of Good 
 Hope, moreover, and along the Hudson River, she planted 
 flourishing colonies. France entered later upon the quest, 
 but secured extensive domains on the Western Continent. 
 Early in the seventeenth century her adventurous mari- 
 ners explored the St. Lawrence River and the Great Lakes, 
 crossed to the Mississippi and so on to the Gulf of Mexico, 
 thereby establishing exclusive right to the two great river 
 valleys. The French settlements were, however, mere 
 military posts maintained to secure trade with the Indians 
 and to protect the Jesuit mission stations. Despotism, 
 civil and religious, such as characterized the France of 
 Louis XIV., was not favorable to the growth of colonies. 
 
 It is a significant fact that England was the last of the 
 great European powers to enter upon colonial enterprise. 
 The Cabots had been assisted by Henry VII. to undertake 
 a voyage of discovery. They explored the North Ameri- tfan Cabot 6 
 can coast from Cape Breton to Albemarle Sound, and to 
 this portion of the New World the English thus secured 
 preemptive right. Unsuccessful attempts to plant colonies 
 
 1498. 
 
286 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 Frobisher. 
 1576. 
 
 Raleigh. 
 1584. 
 
 The English 
 colonies. 
 
 Commercial 
 wars. 
 
 were made in the reign of Elizabeth by the doughty sea- 
 captain, Frobisher, and the courtly gentleman, Sir Walter 
 Raleigh, but no permanent settlements were effected till 
 the seventeenth century. Ultimate success was due not so 
 much to the trading companies established by James I. as 
 to the determination of the colonists who came, some in 
 pursuit of gain, but more to seek in the New World the 
 political and religious freedom that was denied them at 
 home. The Puritan settlements struck deep root in the 
 virgin soil of America and thrived under the beneficent 
 neglect of a government too much occupied with home 
 politics to concern itself with colonial interests. Not till 
 the close of the century did England awake to the fact 
 that this chain of seaboard colonies might become a source 
 of strength and profit to the mother country, and must be 
 defended against their dangerous French rivals. 
 
 England's part in the European wars of the eighteenth 
 century was determined by her purpose of winning and 
 maintaining a predominant interest in America. From the 
 continental point of view, the occasion for the war was 
 usually dynastic, but England's object was uniformly the 
 extension of commercial and colonial interests. It was 
 one long duel between France and England, "a second 
 hundred years' war." The contending armies fought not 
 only on European battle-fields, but in Acadian forests, on 
 the heights above Quebec, before the rude fortresses that 
 controlled the unknown valleys of the Ohio and the Missis- 
 sippi. England won nothing in Europe beyond an added 
 prestige, but wide territories were annexed to her American 
 domain. By the Peace of Utrecht (1713) she gained Nova 
 Scotia and Newfoundland. In the Peace of Paris (1763), 
 France was forced to surrender the bulk of her American 
 possessions, Canada and all the rich region east of the 
 Mississippi, together with her islands in the West Indies. 
 
The Expansion of England. 287 
 
 In the American campaigns, efficient aid had been ren- 
 dered by the English settlers, who, being not priests and 
 soldiers but bona fide colonists, took up arms against the 
 French, not merely out of loyalty to the mother country, 
 but in defense of their homes. Grown prosperous and 
 strong in the wholesome conditions afforded in the un- 
 spoiled wilderness, they had established representative 
 governments far more liberal than the English model, 
 opened a profitable trade with the West Indies, set up 
 manufactures of their own, and were in a fair way to 
 become independent. Turgot, a wise French statesman of 
 the day, compared colonies to fruit which hangs on the 
 
 tree onlv until it is ripe. England's colonies in America England's 
 
 ^ colonial policy, 
 
 were nearly ripe, but the English government failed to 
 
 perceive it. The colonial policy of George III. and his 
 cabinet was suggested by the perverted notion prevalent in 
 that day of the use to be made of such dependencies. A 
 colony was regarded not as an extension of national terri- 
 tory — an opportunity for national expansion— but as a piece 
 of property, an estate to be exploited in the interest of the 
 country owning it. Spain, Portugal, and Holland treated 
 their foreign possessions as mere sources of supply for gold 
 and silver, tropical fruits, and spices. England's colonies 
 produced none of these, but they might be made a market 
 for home products and a source of raw material for the rising 
 manufactures of England. " The only use of American col- 
 onies or West Indian islands," said Lord Sheffield, "is the 
 monopoly of their consumption and the carriage of their 
 produce." In conformity with this frankly expressed doc- 
 trine of national greed, the English government imposed 
 restrictions on colonial trade which were calculated to in- 
 sure its profits to the home country. All exports must be 
 sent to England, and all trade must be carried on in 
 English vessels. Colonial industries were discouraged, the 
 
288 
 
 The Growth of the English Nation. 
 
 The American 
 
 War. 
 
 1776-1783. 
 
 Conquest 
 of India. 
 
 1748-1763. 
 
 manufacture of woolen goods and the smelting of iron 
 being actually forbidden. The Americans, having pro- 
 tested against this partisan legislation in vain, were devis- 
 ing means of securing some constitutional representation 
 of their interest in Parliament, when the home government 
 assumed the questionable right of taxing the colonies. 
 This was resisted, and, resistance being met by com- 
 pulsion, the colonists declared themselves independent of 
 the mother country. In the war that ensued, England 
 was handicapped by the three thousand miles of stormy 
 sea that lay between her and her unruly subjects, 
 while the colonists had the advantage of fighting on 
 familiar ground. France, moreover, was glad to wipe out 
 old scores by lending aid to the Americans. In the end, 
 England lost the thirteen original colonies, together with 
 all the territory lying east of the Mississippi, the better 
 part of her American dominion. 
 
 In the Eastern hemisphere, as well as in the Western, 
 the superabundant energy of the English race found oppor- 
 tunity for achievement. During the seventeenth century, 
 trade interests had been developed in India by the East 
 India Company, and three fortified posts, Madras, Bom- 
 bay, and Calcutta, had been established. French mer- 
 chants had also opened commercial relations with the 
 Orient, and had secured Indian trading posts — notably 
 Pondicherry, a town on the east coast but a few miles from 
 Madras. Conflict between the rival races was inevitable. 
 Both companies took advantage of dissensions between 
 the native princes to extend their power, while the 
 home governments supported each its own subjects. The 
 East Indian wars were but one phase of the contest for 
 supremacy that was being fought out during this century 
 in Europe and America. The same year that achieved the 
 transfer of the best part of America from France to Eng- 
 
The Expansion of England. 289 
 
 land witnessed the expulsion of the French from India. 
 By this victory the English Company was left to the un- 
 hampered pursuit of its own interests. There was slight 
 capacity for resistance in the native peoples. India was 
 but a "geographical expression." The dense population 
 was made up of many races, alien and hostile. The 
 Mussulman Empire had fallen into decay, and government 
 was reduced to anarchy. Rival princes and satraps levied 
 tribute and waged war to the infinite woe of the people. 
 It was not a difficult matter for men who could command 
 the superior military and diplomatic tactics of Europe to 
 gain ascendency amid such weakness and confusion. Clive Misgovem- 
 and Hastings made the most of their opportunity. Some- 
 times by treachery, sometimes by force, sometimes by 
 legitimate negotiation, the native princes were induced to 
 surrender their sovereignty, and one province after another 
 was compelled to pay tribute. In 1773, the Company's 
 charter was renewed on terms which gave the English 
 government the right to supervise Indian affairs. The 
 civil administration was made responsible to the crown, 
 and the unblushing greed which had characterized earlier 
 relations with the natives gave way to a sense of responsi- 
 bility for the well-being of the country. Still the English 
 rule was both alien and corrupt, and was bitterly resented 
 by upper-class Hindoos. A widespread mutiny among the 
 native troops convinced the home government that radical 
 reform was imperative. In 1858, the East India Company's 
 charter was withdrawn, and the country so long under its 
 control became a dependency of the crown. The oriental Queen Vic- 
 empire thus acquired is ten times the area of the United Empress of G 
 Kingdom and more than half as large as the United States. ndia> 1877 " 
 Its population amounts to one seventh that of the whole 
 globe. One hundred different languages are spoken within 
 its confines. 
 
290 
 
 The Groivth of the English Nation. 
 
 Exports to 
 England, 
 £32,234, 389. 
 Imports from 
 England, 
 £31,177,968. 
 
 e. g„ Crimean 
 War. 1854-56. 
 
 Discovery of 
 Australia. 
 
 1769-1777. 
 
 1837-40. 
 
 This apparently splendid acquisition has thus far been of 
 but dubious advantage to England. The government of 
 India is a heavy responsibility, far more perplexing than 
 that of Ireland. Vexed questions of race and religion 
 baffle the ministry at every turn, and frustrate the efforts 
 of the best-intentioned officers. The administration is as 
 un-English as might well be — a bureaucratic service main- 
 taining itself by military force. India can never be Angli- 
 cized, for the climate is an impossible one for the English 
 race. According to the last census, there were but 100,000 
 British-born living in India. It is true that the commer- 
 cial interests are very great and tend constantly to grow 
 more profitable, but England pays dear for her practical 
 monopoly of the Indian trade. Russia is her jealous 
 neighbor, and conflict of interests on the Bosphorus and in 
 the Orient have more than once involved England in war. 
 
 During the nineteenth century a new colonial empire 
 has been built up in the far East, by successive discoveries 
 and colonization. Australasia was visited by both Portu- 
 guese and Dutch explorers early in the sixteenth century, 
 but it remained for the famous English navigator, Captain 
 Cook, to identify the new continent. Colonization followed 
 close upon discovery. The new acquisition was at first used 
 as a dumping-ground for convicted criminals, but the 
 country was opened to free colonization in 1821. The rich 
 grazing lands attracted immigrants and the several colonies 
 developed steadily in wealth and population. The discovery 
 of gold fields in 1851 confirmed this industrial prosperity. 
 
 As Britain's colonial dependencies developed in wealth 
 and population, the question of self-government was sure 
 to be broached. Agitation in favor of "home rule" took 
 shape first in Canada. The attempt to suppress the move- 
 ment having failed, Parliament, profiting by the unhappy 
 experience of 1776, granted a responsible government. Since 
 
The Expansion of England. 291 
 
 1867 Canada has had a constitution " similar in principle to 
 that of the United Kingdom." The governor-general, 
 acting for the queen, has only authority to appoint the 
 ministry that can command a majority of the legislative 
 body. Responsible government has subsequently been ex- 
 tended to the Australian provinces and to Cape Colony, 
 and sanguine statesmen look forward to the day when all 
 British colonies shall be joined in a great federation, each 
 bearing such relations to the imperial Parliament as one of 
 the United States bears to our general government. 
 
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INDEX. 
 
 Abbey lands, the, distributed by 
 Henry VIII., 173; not restored, 
 177. 
 
 " Adullamites," the, 251. 
 
 Adulterine castles, 72. 
 
 Agincourt, 150. 
 
 Agricola, 25. 
 
 Agricultural Holdings Act, 257. 
 
 Agriculture, under the Romans, 
 26 ; in the twelfth century, 72 ; 
 under the Tudors, 188; in the 
 eighteenth century, 206-269. 
 
 Aidan, 37. 
 
 Alfred, saves Wessex, 39 ; reorgan- 
 izes the kingdom, 40. 
 
 American War, the, 233-235, 238. 
 
 Anderida, 29. 
 
 Angevins, the, characteristics of, 
 71. 
 
 Angles, the, invade Britain, 27, 29. 
 
 Anglesey, 25. See Mona. 
 
 Anglo-Saxons, the, characteristics 
 of, 32-35. 
 
 Anjou, 62 ; lost by John, 89 ; finally 
 lost, 153. 
 
 Anne, 222, 227. 
 
 Anne Boleyn, 171. 
 
 Anselm, comes to England, 63 ; 
 quarrels with Henry I., 66, 90. 
 
 Apprentices, Statute of, i87. 
 
 Aquitaine, duchy of, dowry of 
 Eleanor, 73 ; finally lost, 153. 
 
 Ark wright, Richard, 272, 273, 278. 
 
 Armada, the, 10 ; destruction of, 
 185, 187. 
 
 Arthur, nephew of John, 89. 
 
 Arthur, son of Henry VII., 168. 
 
 Articles, the ten, 173 ; the six, 171 ; 
 the forty-two, 176; the thirty- 
 nine, 182. 
 
 Artisans, the, 136-138 ; in the nine- 
 teenth century, 276. 
 
 Aryans, the, 22. 
 
 Athelney, Alfred takes refuge in, 
 39. 
 
 Augustine, converts Kent, 35. 
 
 Australia, 14, 17 ; discovery of, 290. 
 
 Avignon, 132. 
 
 Babington Plot, 185. 
 
 Bacon, Francis, 195 ; impeached, 
 200. 
 
 Bacon, Roger, 97, 125. 
 
 Badon, Mount. See Mount Badon. 
 
 Baeda, 37, 40. 
 
 Ball, John, 142 ; put to death, 144. 
 
 Balliol, John, declared king of 
 Scotland, 106. 
 
 Bank of England, suspends specie 
 payment, 241. 
 
 Bannockburn, 108. 
 
 Barebone's Parliament, origin of 
 the name, 210. 
 
 Barnet, 157. 
 
 Barons' War, the, 98, 102, 103. 
 
 Barri, Gerald de, 83. 
 
 Beaconsfield, Earl of, becomes 
 prime minister, 256 ; defeated, 
 258. 
 
 Beaufort, Henry, Bishop of Win- 
 chester, 152. 
 
 Becket. See Thomas, Archbishop 
 of Canterbury. 
 
 Bede, " Ecclesiastical History " of, 
 37, 40. 
 
 Bedford, John, Duke of, 152 ; dies, 
 153. 
 
 Benedictines, the, 72. 
 
 Benevolences, 158 ; declared illegal, 
 159. 
 
 Bernicia, 29. 
 
 Black Death, the, 119, 139. 
 
 Black Prince, the, 116, 117 ; dies, 119, 
 120. 
 
 Blake, Admiral, gains victories 
 over Holland : 211. 
 
 Bolingbroke, viscount, 232. 
 
 Bosworth, 159. 
 
 Both well, Earl of, career of, 182. 
 
 Bouvines, 92. 
 
 Bretigny, Peace of, 117. 
 
 Bright, John, supports reform, 251 ; 
 opposes Home Rule, 261. 
 
 Britain, origin of name, 22 ; in- 
 vaded by the Romans, 24; under 
 Roman rule, 25-27 ; conquered by 
 the Saxons, 30. 
 
 Britons, the, early condition, 22, 24- 
 27 ; conquered by the Saxons, 28- 
 30. 
 
 Bruce, Robert, 108. 
 
 Buckingham, GeorgeVilliers, Duke 
 of, 199 ; impeached, 201 ; dies, 202. 
 
 Bunyan, 213. 
 
 Burgh, Hubert de, justiciar under 
 Henry III., 94, 95. 
 
 Burke, Edmund, supports Ameri- 
 cans, 234 ; attacks French Revo- 
 lution, 237. 
 
 Burns, 243. 
 
 Bute, Earl of, 233. 
 
 Butt, Isaac, leads Irish party, 257. 
 
 Byron, Lord, 243. 
 
 Cabinet, the, defined, 226 ; corrup- 
 tion in, 230 ; established, 238. 
 
 295 
 
296 
 
 Index. 
 
 Cade, Jack, 154. 
 
 Csedraon, 37. 
 
 Caesar, describes the Celts, 22, 23; 
 invades Britain, 24. 
 
 Calais, 153 ; lost, 179. 
 
 "Canterbury Tales," the, 124-127. 
 
 Cartwright, invents the power 
 loom, 273. 
 
 Catharine of Arragon, marries 
 Prince Arthur, 168; divorce of, 
 170-172. 
 
 Catholic Association, the, 253. 
 
 Catholic emancipation, 253. 
 
 Catholics, the Roman, legislation 
 against, 182-184; enforced by 
 James I., 198; favored by Laud, 
 202; disabilities increased, 214, 
 217, 218; favored by Charles II. 
 and James II., 216, 220; nothing 
 done at Revolution of 1688, 225 ; 
 disabilities removed, 253. 
 
 Caxton, William, 165. 
 
 Celts, the, 14, 22, 23, 30. 
 
 Chamberlain, Joseph, opposes 
 Home Rule, 261. 
 
 Charles I., 200-209. 
 
 Charles II., 213-220. 
 
 Charles VI., of France, 150, 151. 
 
 Chartists, the, 248-251, 259. 
 
 Chatham, Earl of. 234. See Pitt, 
 William (the Elder). 
 
 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 124, 127, 131. 
 
 Chronicle, the Anglo-Saxon, 40; 
 quotations from, 49, 51, 58. 
 
 Churchill, Lord Randolph, leader 
 of "fourth partv," 259. 
 
 Cistercians, the, 65. 72. 
 
 Clarence, Duke of, 154. 
 
 Clarendon, Earl of, 214-216. See 
 Hyde, Edward. 
 
 Clarendon, Assize of, 74 ; Constitu- 
 tions of, 75. 
 
 Closure, defined, 258. 
 
 Cnut, 44, 45. 
 
 Coalition Act, 278, 279. See Covin 
 and conspiracy. 
 
 Coalition ministry of Fox and 
 North, 235. 
 
 Cobbett, 243. 
 
 Colet, 194. 
 
 Colonial expansion, 285-291. 
 
 Columba, 37. 
 
 Commerce, 190, 191, 211, 286. 
 
 Common lands, 188. 
 
 Commons, House of, origin of, 106, 
 118, 119; electors of, 162; in the 
 eighteenth century, 228 ; re- 
 formed, 247, 252, 259. 
 
 Commonwealth, the, 209-213. 
 
 Compurgation, system of, 34. 
 
 Confirmation of the Charter, 108, 
 111. 
 
 Conservatives. See Parliamentary 
 parties. 
 
 Conventicle Act, 214. 
 
 Convention Parliament, 213. 
 
 Corn Laws, 242 ; repealed, 249. 
 
 Copyhold, 162. 
 
 Corporation Act, 214. 
 
 Country party. See Parliamentary 
 
 parties. 
 Covenant, accepted by Parliament, 
 
 207. 
 Covin and conspiracy, statute 
 
 against, 140. 
 Cranmer, Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, 178. 
 Crecy, 116. 
 Crompton, invents the mule-jenny, 
 
 272, 273. 
 Cromwell, Oliver, 206-213, 247, 252. 
 Cromwell, Richard, 212, 213. 
 Cromwell, Thomas, 172-175. 
 Curia Regis, 55, 74, 76. 
 Danby, Earl of, 217 ; impeached, 
 
 218. 
 Danelaw, the, formation of, 39 ; 
 
 conquered by Wessex, 40. 
 Danes, the, invade England, 38-40 ; 
 
 conquered, 41 ; return, 43^45. 
 Darnley, Henry, Lord, marries 
 
 Mary, 181, 182. 
 Declaration of Indulgence, issued 
 
 by Charles II., 217 ; by James 
 
 II., 221. 
 Deira, kingdom of, 29. 
 Deorham, 30. 
 Derby, Earl of, forms ministry, 
 
 251, 252. 
 Disabling Act, the, 218. 
 Dispensers, the, 113, 114. 
 Disraeli, 252, 256. See Beaconsfield, 
 
 Earl of. 
 Domesday Survey, 55, 56, 67, 69. 
 Dominic, St., 96. 
 Dominicans, the, land in England, 
 
 96. 
 Douay, college at, 184. 
 Dover, Treaty of, 216. 
 Druids, the, described by Csesar, 
 
 23,25,26. 
 Dunstan, 41. 
 Ealdormen, the, Saxon leaders, 32, 
 
 34 ; power of, 42, 43 ; disarmed by 
 
 Cnut, 44. 
 Earldoms under Cnut, 44. 
 Earls, the. 32, 44, 45. 
 East Anglia, 31, 42. 
 East India Company, incorporated, 
 
 191; conquers India, 288; mis- 
 governs, 289. 
 Ecclesiastical courts, jurisdiction 
 
 of, 65 ; quarrel over, 75, 76, 78. 
 Edgar, 40, 41. 
 
 Edgar, the Atheling, 50-52, 59. 
 Edmund Ironsides, 44. 
 Edward, the Confessor, 45, 46. 
 Edward I. and the barons, 101 ; at 
 
 Evesham, 102, 103; reign of, 103- 
 
 108. 
 Edward II.. 112-114. 
 Edward I II., 114-120. 
 Edward IV., crowned king, 155; 
 
 rule of, 156-158. 
 
Index. 
 
 297 
 
 Edward V.. 1.58-159. 
 
 Edward, Prince of Wales. See 
 Black Prince. 
 
 Edward, Prince of Wales, son of 
 Henry VI., born, 154 ; claims set 
 aside, 155; slain, 157. 
 
 Edward VI., 175-177. 
 
 Edwin, king of Northumberland, 
 31 ; accepts Christianity, 36. 
 
 Egbert, king of Wessex, unites 
 England, 31, 38. 
 
 Eleanor, of Aquitaine, marries 
 Henry II., 73; dies, 89. 
 
 Elizabeth, 179-186, 190, 191. 
 
 England, character of the country, 
 14-16. 
 
 Enclosures, 188, 268. 
 
 Erasmus, 194. 
 
 Essex, 29 ; conquered, 31. 
 
 Ethandun, 39. 
 
 Ethel bert, 35. 
 
 Ethelred, 43. 44. 
 
 Evesham, 102. 
 
 Evictions, 188. 
 
 Exchequer. Court of, 74. 
 
 Exclusion Bill, 218, 219. 
 
 Factory Legislation, 279-281. 
 
 Falkland, viscount, 206. 
 
 Fawkes, Guy, 198. 
 
 Fenians, the, 254. 
 
 Feudalism, in England, 42, 43; des- 
 cribed, 54, 55. 
 
 Five-Mile Act, 214. 
 
 Flambard, Ranulf, 57, 65. 
 
 Flanders, controlled by France, 
 121 ; trade with, 136, 187. 
 
 Flemings, the, come to England, 
 136, 190. 
 
 Folk-moot, described, 34. 
 
 Fox, Charles James, 235, 237. 
 
 France, feudalism in, 42 ; invaded 
 by Northmen, 47; war with, 78, 
 89, 106, 107, 115-118, 1-50-153; be- 
 comes a centralized state, 167 ; 
 war renewed, 179 ; rival of Kpain, 
 179; war renewed, 201; alliance 
 with, 215, 216 ; 237, 241, 286. 
 
 Francis d' Assisi, St., 96. 
 
 Franciscans, the, 96, 131. 
 
 French Revolution, the, 237, 241. 
 
 Friars, the, 95-97, 133. 
 
 Fyrd, the, 39. 
 
 Gaels, the, 22. 
 
 Gaul, 24. 
 
 Gaunt, John of, 120, 121; attacks 
 the Church, 133, 134. 
 
 Gaveston, Piers, 113. 
 
 George I., 227, 228. 
 
 George 11., 228, dies, 231. 
 
 George III., policy of, 232 ; reign of, 
 232-235. 
 
 George IV., 245. 
 
 Gesiths, the, 32. 
 
 Gilds, the, 85, 86; craft-gilds, 137- 
 139; under the Tudors, 189. 
 
 Gladstone. William Ewart, 251 ; 
 leads Liberals, 254 ; defeated, 255; 
 
 prime minister, 258; brings in 
 Home Rule Bill, 260; defeated, 
 261 ; becomes prime minister, 262; 
 on the House of Lords, 265. 
 
 Gloucester, Robert of. 82. 
 
 Gloucester, Duke of, son of Ed- 
 ward III., 121. 
 
 Gloucester, Duke of, brother of 
 Henry V., 151, 152. 
 
 Gloucester, Duke of, brother of 
 Edward IV., 158, 159. See Rich- 
 ard III. 
 
 Godwin, Earl of Wessex, 44, 45. 
 
 Good Parliament, 120. 
 
 Grand Remonstrance, 206. 
 
 Great Council, 55, 77 ; composition, 
 93 ; name changes, 100. 
 
 Great Charter, 82, 93-94. 
 
 Gregory VII., 65, 66. 
 
 Grey, Earl of, 237 ; becomes prime 
 minister, 245, 246. 
 
 Grey, Elizabeth, marries Edward 
 IV., 156. 
 
 Grey, Lady Jane, 177. 
 
 Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, 96, 
 99. 
 
 Gualo, papal legate, 94. 
 
 Guises, the, 184. 
 
 Gunpowder Plot, the, 198. 
 
 Habeas Corpus Act, 220. 
 
 Hampden, John, resists ship- 
 money, 203 ; in Long Parliament, 
 206. 
 
 Hampton Court conference, 198. 
 
 Hanover, House of, given the 
 throne, 227. 
 
 Hargreaves, invents the spinning- 
 jenny, 272, 273. 
 
 Harold, son of Godwin, 45; crowned 
 king, 50; dies, 51. 
 
 Hartington, Lord, 261. 
 
 Hastings, Battle of, 51. 
 
 Hastings, Warren, 289. 
 
 Henry I., 59 ; dies, 60. 
 
 Henry II., 62 ; comes to throne, 71 ; 
 reforms of, 72-77; dies, 78; work, 79. 
 
 Henry III., crowned, 94 ; misrule 
 of, 98-103. 
 
 Henry I V., 147-149. 
 
 Henry V., 149; invades France, 
 150; dies, 151. 
 
 Henry VI., 151 ; crowned, 152 ; be- 
 comes insane, 153, 154; over 
 thrown, 155 ; dies, 157. 
 
 Henry VII., 159 ; reign of, 167-169. 
 
 Henry VIII., 169 ; wishes divorce, 
 170-172 ; attacks Church, 172-174 ; 
 popularity, 175. 
 
 Henry of Navarre, 185. 
 
 Hereford, Duke of, 122. See Henry 
 IV. 
 
 Heretics, Statute for the burning of, 
 148. 
 
 Hereward, the Wake, 53. 
 
 High Commission, Court of, 203. 
 
 Holland, rivalry with, 211 ; war 
 with, 215, 216. 
 
298 
 
 Index. 
 
 Home Rule, 290 ; demand for, 257 ; 
 supported by Gladstone, 260. 
 
 Home Rule Bill, first, 260 ; defeated, 
 261; second, passes the House of 
 Commons, 262; thrown out by 
 the Lords, 263. 
 
 Huguenots, the, 183, 185. 
 
 Hundred court, 33. 
 
 Huntington, Henry of, 83. 
 
 Hyde, 206. See Clarendon, Earl of. 
 
 Iberians, the, 22. 
 
 India, conquest of, 288; misgovern- 
 ment of, 289. 
 
 Innocent III., 90, 91. 
 
 Instrument of Government, 210. 
 
 Interdict, England under, 90. 
 
 Iona, 9 ; monastery in, 37. 
 
 Ireland, physical characteristics of, 
 9, 14, 19, 20; Henry 11. in, 77; 
 rebellion in, 206; represented in 
 Parliament, 212 ; union with 
 England, 238 ; relations with Eng- 
 land since Cromwell, 252, 253 ; 
 population of, 254 ; Church in, 254- 
 255. See Home Rule. 
 
 Irish Land Act, 255, 258. 
 
 Irish question, the, 252-262. 
 
 Irish University Bill, 255. 
 
 Ironsides, Cromwell's, 207, 208, 211. 
 
 Isabel, wife of Edward II., 111. 
 
 Jacobins, the, 240, 242, 243. 
 
 Jacobites, the, 227, 232. 
 
 James I., obtains crown, 197; char- 
 acter of reign, 198-200. 
 
 James II., Duke of York, attempt 
 to exclude from throne, 218; 
 character of, 220; issues Declara- 
 tion of Indulgence, 221 ; de- 
 throned, 222, 223. 
 
 Jesuits, the, 184. 
 
 Jesus, Society of, 183. 
 
 Jewish money-lenders, 111. 
 
 Jingoism, 256. 
 
 Joan of. Arc, 152. 
 
 John, intrigues of, 79,80, 81 ; charac- 
 ter of, 88 ; loses Normandy, 89 ; 
 quarrels with pope, 90 ; with 
 barons, 91, 92 ; grants Charter, 93; 
 dies 94. 
 
 Junto' the Whig, 227. 
 
 J uries, system of, 74, 82. 
 
 Justice, early system of, 33. 
 
 Jutes, the, 27-29. 
 
 Kay, John, invents fly shuttle, 272, 
 278. 
 
 Kent, settled by Jutes, 28 ; con- 
 verted to Christianity, 35. 
 
 King's Bench, Court of, 104. 
 
 Knights of the shire, in Parlia- 1 
 merit, 106, 119. 
 
 Laborers. 187-188, 191-193, 276-281. 
 
 Laborers' Dwellings Act, 257. 
 
 Laborers, Statute of, 139, 140. 
 
 Labouchere, proposes to abolish 
 House of Lords, 264. 
 
 Lancaster, House of, 157, 158. 
 
 Lancaster, Thomas of, 113. 
 
 Land Purchase Bill, 260. 
 
 Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, 66. 
 
 Langland, William, 124, 127-129. 
 
 Langton, Stephen, made arch- 
 bishop, 90; leads the barons, 92, 
 94, 95. 
 
 Latimer, Bishop, 163 ; put to death, 
 178. 
 
 Latimer, Lord, 120, 121. 
 
 Laud, Archbishop, 202, 204. 
 
 Leicester, Earl of. See Montfort, 
 Simon de. 
 
 Levelers, the, 211. 
 
 Lewes, 102. 
 
 Liberals. See Parliamentary par- 
 ties. 
 
 Litany, English, 176. 
 
 Liveries. See Maintenance and 
 livery. 
 
 Lollards, the, 135, 141 ; legislation 
 against, 148 ; put down, 150. 
 
 London, under the Romans, 26 ; 
 taken by the Saxons, 29 ; acquires 
 self-government, 84; center of 
 trade, 187. 
 
 Longchamp, William, justiciar, 80, 
 81. 
 
 Long Parliament, 205; dissolved, 
 209. 
 
 Lords, House of, origin, 118 ; abol- 
 ished, 209 ; restored, 210 ; resists 
 reform, 245-247 ; resists Home 
 Rule, 262; proposal to abolish, 
 264, 265. 
 
 Lords Appellant, 121, 122. 
 
 Lords Ordainers, 113. 
 
 Louis IX. of France, 102. 
 
 Louis XIV. of France, 215-217, 222. 
 
 Luther, Martin, 170. 
 
 Lyons, 120, 121. 
 
 Magna Charta, 88. See Great Char- 
 ter. 
 
 Maine, conquered by William I., 
 50; lost by John, 89. 
 
 Maintenance and livery, 161, 162; 
 statutes against enforced, 168. 
 
 Malmesbury, William of, 49, 83. 
 
 Manchester Massacre, the, 244. 
 
 Maletot, 108. 
 
 Manufactures, 138. 189, 269. 
 
 Map, Walter de, 83. 
 
 March, Earl of, 149. 
 
 Margaret of Anjou, 153, 155-157. 
 
 Marlborough, Duke of, 227. 
 
 Marston Moor, 208. 
 
 Mary II., wife of William III., 222, 
 223. 
 
 Mary Stuart, 181, 182 ; put to death, 
 185. 
 
 Mary Tudor, 170, 177-179. 
 
 Matilda, daughter of Henry I., 
 claims the crown, 60-62. 
 
 Mercia, 29; supremacy of, 31; ac- 
 cepts Christianity, 36. 
 
 Merciless Parliament, 121, 122. 
 
 Model Parliament, 106. 
 
Index. 
 
 299 
 
 Monasteries, dissolution of, 173. 
 
 Monmouth, Duke of, '£20. 
 
 Monmouth, Geoffrey of, 83. 
 
 Monopolies, protested against, 191 ; 
 revived, 199, 203. 
 
 Montfort, Simon de, 101 ; leads the 
 barons, 102; killed, 103. 
 
 More, Sir Thomas, put to death, 
 173; and the Renaissance, 194,195. 
 
 Mortimer, Roger, 114. 
 
 Mount BadoD, 29. 
 
 Napoleon, 241. 
 
 Naseby, 208. 
 
 Navigation Act, 211. 
 
 Navy, the, 39 ; under the Tudors, 
 190; under Cromwell, 211. 
 
 Netherlands, the, revolt against 
 Spain, 183, 184. 
 
 New Model army, 207. 
 
 Norman Conquest, 50-66; results of, 
 62-70. 
 
 Normandy, 48; reunited with Eng- 
 land, 59; revolts against Henry 
 II., 78 ; lost, 89. 
 
 Normaus, the, 48, 49 ; in England, 
 62, 82. 
 
 North, Lord, 233 ; resigns, 235. 
 
 Northampton, 155. 
 
 Northmen, the, 38 ; on the Conti- 
 nent, 43, 47. 
 
 Northumberland, 29; conquered, 
 31, 40 ; accepts Christianity, 36, 37. 
 
 Nottingham, 206. • 
 
 Oates, Titus, 218. 
 
 O'Connell, Daniel, 253. 
 
 O'Connor, Feargus, 250. 
 
 Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, 58. 
 
 Offa, 31. 
 
 Oldcastle, Sir John, 150. 
 
 Old Sarum, 229. 
 
 Open field, described, 188. 
 
 Orange, William of, 222. 
 
 Ordeal, the, 34. 
 
 Oswiu, 36, 37. 
 
 Oxford, Parliament of, 101. 
 
 Oxford, University of, begin- 
 ning of, 64, 70 ; importance of, 84 ; 
 effect of friars on, 96. 
 
 Palmerston, viscount, 251. 
 
 Papal jurisdiction in England, 
 abolished, 173; restored, 177 ; abol- 
 ished, 180. 
 
 Paris, Peace of, 286. 
 
 Parliament, 100; of Simon de 
 Montfort, 102 ; Model, 106 ; of 1322, 
 114; acquired power, 118, 224, 225. 
 See Great council, Witenagemot. 
 
 Parliamentary corruption, 228-230, 
 233. 
 
 Parliamentary reform, 237-238, 245- 
 248, 252, 259. 
 
 Parnell, Charles Stuart, 258. 
 
 Parties, Parliamentary, country 
 party, 217 ; Whig, 219, 226, 227, 230, 
 232, 233, 236; Tory, 219, 226, 227, 232, 
 237 ; Patriot, 231 ; Liberal, 247, 251, 
 254, 256, 258, 260, 261 ; Conservative, 
 
 247, 256, 258, 259, 261, 262; Liberal 
 Unionists, 261 ; Nationalists, 258- 
 262; Radical, 247, 248, 251, 264. 
 
 Paston, Clement, 163. 
 
 Paulinus, 36, 37. 
 
 Pauperism, 191-193, 282- 283. 
 
 Peasants' Revolt, the, 134, 141-144. 
 
 Peel, Sir Robert, 249, 253, 280. 
 
 Pembroke, Earl of, 94. 
 
 Penda, king of Mercia, 31, 36. 
 
 People's Charter, the, 248. 
 
 Petition of Right, 201. 
 
 " Piers the Plowman," 127-130. 
 
 Pilgrimage of Grace, 173. 
 
 Pitt, William (the Elder), 231, 234. 
 
 Pitt, William (the Younger), 235, 
 236. 
 
 Poitiers, 116, 117. 
 
 Poor Law, Elizabethan, 193; of 1834, 
 247, 283. 
 
 Popish Plot, 218. 
 
 Praemunire, Statute of, 131. 
 
 Prayer Book, the, 176, 180, 214. 
 
 Presbyterian party in Parliament, 
 207, 208. 
 
 Pride's Purge, 209. 
 
 Protection, 242, 249. 
 
 Protectorate, the, 210-213. 
 
 Provisions of Oxford, the, 101. 
 
 Provisors, Statute of, 131. 
 
 Puritanism, 198, 213. 
 
 Puritans, the, rise of, 183, 198 ; perse- 
 cuted by Laud, 202. 
 
 Purveyance, 112. 
 
 Pym, 205, 206 ; dies, 207. 
 
 Recognitions, 74. 
 
 Reform acts. See Parliamentary 
 reform. 
 
 Reformation, the, in England, 166- 
 168, 198. 
 
 Reign of Terror, 237. 
 
 Renaissance, the, 194, 195. 
 
 Retainers, 161. 
 
 Revolution of 1688, 222, 223 ; results 
 of, 224-226. 
 
 Richard I., 80-82. 
 
 Richard II., 121-123. 
 
 Richard III., 159. See Gloucester, 
 Duke of. 
 
 Richmond, Duke of, 235. 
 
 Ridley, Bishop of London, 178. 
 
 Ridolfi Plot, 185. 
 
 Rights, Bill of, 225. 
 
 Rising in the North, 182. 
 
 Rizzio, 181. 
 
 Robert, Duke of Normandy, 57-59. 
 
 Rollo, the Ganger, 48. 
 
 Romans, the, invade Britain, 24-28. 
 
 Rosebery, Lord, 265. 
 
 Rump Parliament, 209. 
 
 Russell, Lord John, 245, 248, 251. 
 
 St. Albans, 155. 
 
 Salisbury oath, 55, 56. 
 
 Salisbury, Marquis of, 259, 263. 
 
 Saxon shore, the defense of, 28. 
 
 Saxons, the, conquer Britain, 27-32; 
 characteristics of, 32-35. 
 
300 
 
 Index. 
 
 Scotland, physical characteristics, 
 17 ; language, 22 ; succession to 
 throne of, 105; war with, 100, 108 ; 
 under Mary Stuart, 181, 182; re- 
 sists Charles I., 204-205 ; supports 
 Long Parliament, 207 ; intrigues 
 with Charles I., 208; united with 
 England, 284. 
 
 Scutage,78, 93. 
 
 Senlac, 51. 
 
 Serf, 68, 69 ; In the fourteenth cen- 
 tury, 138-140, 145. 
 
 Settlement, Act of, 225, 227. 
 
 Seven Years' War, 231. 
 
 Shelley, 243. 
 
 Ship-money, 203. 
 
 Somerset, Edward Beaufort, Duke 
 of, 154, 155. 
 
 Somerset, Duke of, protector under 
 Edward VI., 175, 176. 
 
 Spain, 167, 169 ; connection with 
 England, 177 ; at war with Eng- 
 land, 184-185, 201, 211. 
 
 Star Chamber, Court of, 168, 203. 
 
 Stephen, claims the crown, 60-62. 
 
 Strafford, Earl of. See Wentworth, 
 Sir Thomas. 
 
 Stourbridge, fair at, 86, 87. 
 
 Suetonius Paullinus, 24,25. 
 
 Supremacy, Act of, 173, 177, 180. 
 
 Tallage, 82. 
 
 Ten Hours Act, 281. 
 
 Test Act, 182, 217, 220. 
 
 Teutons, the, invade Britain, 27-30. 
 See Anglo-Saxons. 
 
 Thegns,32, 42. 
 
 Thirty Years' War, 199. 
 
 Thomas, Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, 75-77. 
 
 "Thorough," policy of, 203. 
 
 Tinchebrai, 59. 
 
 Toleration, 207, 208, 210. 
 
 Toleration Act, 225. 
 
 Tory. See Parliamentary parties. 
 
 Tostig, brother of Harold, .50. 
 
 Towns, growth of, 69, 70, 84. 
 
 Towton, 155. 
 
 Trades Union Acts, 279. 
 
 Troyes, Treaty of, 151, 152. 
 
 Tyler, Wat, 143, 144. 
 
 Tyndale, William, 170. 
 
 " Ulster right," 255. 
 
 Uniformity, Act of, ISO, 214. 
 
 Union with Scotland, 284; with 
 Ireland, 284. 
 
 Universities, the, 64, 84, 96, 97. 
 
 Utopia, 195. 
 
 Utrecht, Peace of, 286. 
 
 Villeins. See Serf. 
 
 Vortigern, 28. 
 
 Wales, physical characteristics of, 
 14, 16, 17 ; population of, 20 ; speech 
 of, 22; unconquered, 30; c o n- 
 quered, 40; subdued by Edward 
 I., 104, 105. 
 
 Wallace, Sir William, 108. 
 
 Wallingford, Treaty of, 62 ; exe- 
 cuted, 72. 
 
 Wakefield, 155. 
 
 Walls, the Roman, 25. 
 
 Walpole, Sir Robert, 230, 231. 
 
 Walter, Hubert, minister of Rich- 
 ard I. and John, 81, 90. 
 
 Wars of the Roses, 155-157 ; effects, 
 159, 160. 
 
 Warwick, Richard Neville, Earl of, 
 156, 157. 
 
 Warwick, Earl of, minister of 
 Edward VI., 176, 177. 
 
 Watling Street, 39. 
 
 Watt, James, invents steam en- 
 gine, 273. 
 
 Wedmore, Treaty of, 39. 
 
 Wellington, Duke of, 245, 246, 2,50. 
 
 Wentworth, Sir Thomas, attacks 
 Buckingham, 201 ; supports 
 Charles I., 202, 203, 205. 
 
 Wessex, supremacy of, 31 ; overrun 
 by the Danes, 39 ; conquers the 
 North, 40. 
 
 West Indies, 285. 
 
 West Saxon*, 29. See Wessex. 
 
 Whig. See Parliamentary parties. 
 
 Whitby, 37. 
 
 Wight, Isle of, 9, 121. 
 
 William I. (the Conqueror), 49 ; con- 
 quers England, 50-56. 
 
 William II. (Rufus), 57, 58. 
 
 William III. (Prince of Orange), 
 222; offered the crown, 223; charac- 
 ter of reign, 226, 227. 
 
 Winchester, Statute of, 104. 
 
 Winwaed, 36. 
 
 Witenagemot, described, 42; con- 
 tinued in great council, 55. 
 
 Wolsey, Thomas, cardinal, 169, 170; 
 overthrown, 171, 172. 
 
 Wordsworth, 242. 
 
 Wyclif, John, 124; and Church re- 
 form, 132-135 ; doctrines accepted, 
 148. 
 
 York, 25, 26. 
 
 York, James, Duke of, 218. See 
 James II. 
 
 York, Richard, Duke of, 154, 155. 
 
 Young, Arthur, 267, 269., 
 
 " Young Ireland," 253. 
 
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