>^ I \ c^ .Nil Abuses in the Appointment of Subordinate Officers and Employees of the House of Representatives. A REVIEW OF THE REPORT OF THE MOODY COMMITTEE PREPARED BY THE INVESTIGATING COMMITTEE OF THE National Civil-Service Reform League. 1901. x.^^' ,^J 'V v\ ^' ^^ A Publ. A r r Abuses in tlie Appointment of Subordinate ^' Officers and Employees of tlie House of Representatives To THE Council of the National Civil Service Reform League: Your Committee appointed to inquire into the condition of the Federal Civil Service desires to present for coRsideration, as a glaring illustration of the evils of the spoils system, the abuses existing in the service of the House of Representatives, which were disclosed by the so-called Moody Committee on the 28th of February last. The entire investigation made by the Committee had to be completed within six days, hence the report was hastily prepared, and, while its general con- clusions were admirably stated, it omits many details which exhibit in a striking light the deformity and grotesqutness of the abuses revealed by the evidence. Your Committee be- lieve that a more particular account of the corruption, extra- vagance and inefficiency which have resulted from the patron- age system still in force in this branch of the service should be given to the {mblic. While the subordinates in these places are nominally ap- pointed by their superior officers — the Clerk of the House, the Doorkeeper, etc., the places are really apportioned as patronage among different Members of Congress, mostly among those belonging to the party in power. The system under Avhich this apportionment has been made, and under which subordinates of virtually every class have been selected, Mr. Glenn, the door-keeper, very frankly describes as follows: Q. Suppose a Member of Congress to whom an individual appoint- ment is ciiarged desires to change his appointee, what is done in that case? A. I immediately change it. Q. Irrespective of the capacity of the employee or of his suc- cessor? A. Yes, sir. I sometimes make requests for different positions to bring a certain kind of man in. Sometimes it is done ; sometimes it is not. Q. Suppose some Member fails to' be renominated and his suc- cessor of the same party is chosen ? A. When Congress adjourns, his successor succeeds to his posi- tion or a smaller one. A new Member is not given — Q. That is to say, in order to remain in the service of the House, speaking generally, a man has to have behind him the endorsement of some Member? A. Yes, sir. Q. The effect of this is, of course, the House officers become re- sponsible for the work of their subordinates without any power of selec- tion? A. Yes, sir.' Q. The effect often is to lose a man who has gained experience and become etricient and to replace him with some other ? A. Yes, sir. Q. Can there be under such a system as that, under anyone's ad- ministration, any successful service? A. I do not think there can be as successful as if men were se- lected for the exact duties they are to perform. (Testimony, Special In- vestij^ation of House Employees, p. 65.) One of the many abuses resulting inevitably from this sys- tem IS that jiersons who are appointed and paid to do certain duties are transferred from their positions, and set to work at occupations which are entirely different. There are some amusing cases of such transfeis. For instance — to quote the report of the Moody Committee: " The place of House telegrapher is held by O. M. Enyart, who in point of fact has never served in that position, but for a time was de- tailed to ihe stationery room and then to the House library, where he now is. J- J. Constantine actually performs the duty of telegrapher, and has done so during the Fifty-fourth, Fifty-fifth, and Fifty-sixth Congresses. During this lime he has been paid from an appropriation carried in the legislative net. as foil- ws : ' Hire of horses and wagons and cartage for use of the Clerk's office, nine hundred dollars ' " (Re- port, p. Ill ) Alexander McDonald, the Clerk of the House, ihus ex- plains why this is done. He says: " Mr. Berry and a number of Democrats came to me and told me that this man Constantine had a very lar. e family — I have forgotten the exact number, but it is way up, from eight to eleven — and that he was pjor and needy, and wanted something to do, and he aslced as a personal favor that I give him something to do. This was the only thing that I could control, and so I put him under the $90(.» item. I le gets the whole of that $900, and then in order to do the work I pay $40 a month to a teamster, who hauls bo.xes and stationery for the members." (p. xo.) It afterwards ;ippeared that this $40 a month (paid to one Richards in lieu of the $900 appropriated) was obtained by- contributions from other employees. In the meantime, what were the duties performed by Enyart, " the telegrapher ", who had been receiving $1,200 salary for Constantine's $900 job, who had, moreover, been demanding an appropriation of " some twenty odd hundred dollars," (p. i6) and for whom $400 additional (making $1,600 in all), had actually been recommended by the Clerk, who tes- tified as follows ; Q. What has he (Enyart) done to deserve S400 more than the Si,200 he is already receiving? A. I do not know. Q. Do you know about his compiling this work, Biographical Dic- tionary of Congress ? A. He told me he was doing it. Q. Did you know when he did that? A. N'o, sir. Q. Whether in working hours or otherwise ? A. I do not know. He might have worked on it in the library when there were no calls. Q. That is a pretty leisuiely place ? A. You need not necessarily perspire a great deal. (p. 17.) Your couiniittee appreciates tiiC good fortune of a grateful ane cloak-room, couUl not tel! who he was. (pp. 37-38, 42.) At last the Superiiuei:dent of tl.e foldiiig- room succeefied in placn^g him. " He was transferred to my department," (;). 54) says Mr. Lyon, who further testified th.nt during three year Keller had been at work " off and on for three or four months." The House Committee adds in its re- port of this case : "It is the opinion of the Door-keeper that Keller worked six months. In any event he has not worked over six months in the nearly four years during which he has drawn pay, and has not been in Wash- ington for eleven or twelve months." (pp. V. and VI.) By the beneficent system adopted for the benefit of absent employees he is spared the necessity of going to Washington even for the purpose of receiving his salary. Mr. Lyon testi- fies on this point : Q. Does he come here to draw his pay, or do you know ? A. No, sir, the vouchers are sent to him. Q. Is the roll signed by him ? A. - No sir, he fills receipts in the disbursing clerk's office just the same as all the other gentlemeti who go home do. (p. 54.) Mr. Robinson, the disbursing clerk, also throws light upon this matter, in the following testimony : Q. Nov/ this man Keller seems not to honor us with his presence when he draws his monthly salary? A. In that instance when he is away he fills out receipts and puts them inside envelopes, and it is a question when he is away on leave of absence from the department that gives him permission to go. I see that his checks go to him. Q. (by Congressman Long). And he would not have to come here in person to sign the roll ? A. No, sir. Because when a man comes in it is just like our friend Richards. When he v.'ent there he got permission from Mr. Mc- Dowell to be gone some little time and he came in and left enough re- ceipts to cover the time of his absence. At the end of each month we send the check. I will say I am a banker at home and have followed the banking business all my life, and I am piesident of a tiational bank now. (p. 58.) It is perhaps a legitimate subject of interest as to whether Mr. Robinson's system of voluntary contributions and of con- venient vouchers for absent officers and employees prevails also in his bank. He further testifies : Q. Is there any v/ay by which you can tell from the record whether a man is present in the discharge of his work or not ? A, No, sir. Q. How do you learn whether they are there? A. Well, that is just like this. Here is Mr. Cannon, chairman of the Appropriations Committee, if his clerk goes away for two or three months, or if Kenedy F. Rea, or Mr. Cremer should go away, it is no question for me to fifid out zvhether they are here or not, and to come up to Mr. Cannon and ask if they are here. If Mr. Courts comes to us and says he is going away for two months and he files the receipts and address in an envelope, we will mail these checks to him. (p. 59.) It must be remembered that the disbursing office which keeps such admira;)le checks upon the expenditure of the pub- lic money itself costs about $14,000 a year. The Moody committee in its report, tells us that the pres- ent method of appointing employees has existed for many years. It is very evident, from the foregoing facts, that the posi- tions in the service of the House of Representatives are re- garded by many members, not as places where there are du- ties to be performed, but as sinecures for wl-ich there is public money to be appropriated or as plunder to be divined, and the sinister question mevitably presents iiself. whether honest legislation is to be expected of Congressmen who are thus guilty of withdrawing from the treasury of the United States these numerous small sums for the benefit of the objects of their patronage? Is public virtue in larger matters possible ki a body where peculation of no higher dignity than petty larceny has been for many years an established institution ? That there are many gentlemen m the House, besides the members of the Reporting Committee, who are dissatisfied and disgusted with such a system, and who would gladly aid in doing away with it, we can not doubt. But the payment of salaries for services which are not per- formed is only a part of the evils incident to the .spoils system. The recijjients of this public plunder, as well as the honest employees, become theaiselves tiie victims of extortion at the hands of others. It is shown by the testimony that many of the holders of these places are subject to various forms of blackmail in the shape of pohtical assessments, and demands for the division and distribution of salaries for the benefit of other appointees, and sometimes for th.e benefit of those who are not in the public service at all. The demands for polidcal contributions made by one office holder upon another, being a crimir.al act, has to be made secretly. It is natuiai, theiefore, that Mr. John J. Boobar, the librarian, should testify that he received an cmonymous communication which said in substance: "Please call at some certain room in the Raleigh House on some certain day," and that the communication was signed " Committee." Mr. Boobar did not call, fjr he was informed by employees about the House that it was aconunittee "expectiiig to receive as donations frora tite different buys part of the exlra month's salary that was voted at the last sessio;) of Congress.' (p. 82.) He says- " I CiDsulted with some of the mernbers from my State and I told them that if the object of the committee was to raise some sort of a campaign fund, that in my estimat;on I could make a dollar of my con- tribution go farther in Minnesota than tli.-Ht committee could make $10 go out there." There seems no good reason to doiibt that Mr. Boobar was correct in his estimation oi the efficiency of these respec- tive contributions. Yet such assessments were paid often enough and sometimes v/ithout any knowledge on the part of the contributors as to what they were for. A curious illustra- tion of the trustfulness of these campaign contributors is shown by the testimony of George W. Sabine, assistant libra- rian. Mr. Browning, tlie chief chrk, once asked hmi whether he. " -^ould not ])ut up $5 a month," and he answered, " Yes." He ...ver knevv the r-urpose of this contribution, but thought it was a canvnaign fund. He did the same thing in the follow- ing session. ^ Mr. Enjart, the House " telegrapher," was one of the contributors. He testifies that in the 54th Congress he gave up $5 a month of his salary for eleven months to Mr. Robin- son, the disbursmg d^-^rk. Q, What for ?^- A. I do not \'--' , ./. Q. How did you happen to give it ? A. Well, I do not remember exactly who it \va=i came to me, but I am most positive it was. Mr. Robinson himself, and said, we need a little money for a little while. We will have to assess some of the boys $5 and $10. You are a sixteen hundred dollar man and w? will have to assess you $5 a month, (p. 43.) [n regard to the division ot salaries emong employees the House committee reports : " On the organization of the House in the Fifty-fourth Congress it appears that more places or places with higher salaries were promised than the officers of the House were able to discover under the law. It does not appear by whom these promises were made. There began at once a system whereby the employees agreed to contribute greater or less portions of the salaries they received for the purpose either of paying persons not on the roll or of increasing the compensation of persoi^s who were on the roll. Of the latter class, the increases were not iDropor- tioned to the character of the services rendered or the merit of the em- 13 ployees. but to the supposed rights of the States or Congressional dis- tricts from which the recipients came," (p. VI.) Tlie political '• assessor" believes apparently that the words "voluntary contribution " have a peculiar charm to stay the course of adverse criticism; that with their aid he can effectu- ally cover the most evident cases of blackmail and extortion. Mr. Henry Robinson, the " bank president" and disbursing derk testifies on this subject: Q. It is said you personally collected $5 a month from various officials. A. No sir, I never did. Q. Now, we have had, Mr. Robinson, here to-day, people who said you did. A. 1 think they are certainly mistaken. If it was $5 a month for a voluntary contribution, or something of that kind Q. Call it it voluntary. A. That may be. I think there was a voluntary contribution made back in the 54th Congress to take care of some people, (p. 56.) And he describes the circumstances. Fifty or sixty d'j'.jrs a month was paid to "take care" of a page, etc.,^etc, Alexander B. Thomas, (p. 45) Arthur Lues, John W, tiuscas, a:id J. A. Savoy, barbers in the Republican cloak- room, were each assessed (pp. 40 and 41) $10 a month for some eighteen months, which was paid to one Coates, a baiber in the Dv^mocratic cloak-room. When Savoy was asked how he happened to pay it, he said "At.the "lose of Congress it seems as though this man Coates had no ; ' 'e, and they came and told us that we would have to cerry hmi. Mr. Lyon the man who demanded these contributions, thus explains them (p. 50) — " As soon as he (Coates) was removed, a gentleman on that .«;ide (Democratic) came and kicked about him ". And again, " A gentleman on the Demo- cratic side suggested taking care of him in that way' . (p. 51.) It would seem to the unsophisticated that if the ejected Coates had to be "carried " or paid by assessments upon other people, the assessment ought properly to be levitd either upon those who were guilty of turning him out or upon those who were interested in keeping him in. Or, if this were a political assessment for Democratic purposes it would seem that it ought properly to be levied upon Democrats. But by the higher system of ethics prevailing in this branch of the service it is the Republican barbers (who themselves receive only $50 a month) who have to do the "carrying". 14 But the most flagrant case of extortion was that in which the victims were Robert Richardson and WiUiam Richardson, two colored men employed in the House bathrooms as labor- ers at $720 per annum. They had been so employed for about twenty years, but in August, 1898, one W, W. Wood, a white man, was placed upon the roll and continued there for four months, taking the place of Robert, in August and Octo- ber, and of William in September and November. " We have not learned", (says the Moody Committee) " that Wood did anything besides drawing his pay. He never even appeared in the bathrooms. The Richardsons performed all the work, but each lost two month's pay. The transaction was without their consent. In April, 1900, W. H. Ridley, a colored man residing in Media, Pa., came to the bathrooms with another colored man apparently with the purpose of taking the place of one or other of the Richardsons. The final result was that the Richardsons agreed each to pay $10 per month to Ridley, and did so by registered letters for eight months. Robert Pvichardson testified that this was done with the Clerk's orders ; but this the Clerk denied, asserting his ignorance of the transaction. The Richardsons continued to do the work. Ridley did nothing." (pp. V-VI.) Robert Richardson testified that on April 11, 1900, a man came to take his place. " He said he was sent down to take the place and I showed him the place, and after I showed it to him I told him he would go to see his friends and I would go to see my friends. I went to see members whom I had served there and asked them to assist me to stay, which they did, and which I am thankful for. (p. 25.) Q, Who did he say sent him there to take your place ? A. He said the Clerk of the House had given the place to Mr. Butler, of Pennsylvania. Q. Did he come again ? A. He came again. He found he could not do the work and he went home, and you'll see in those papers a telegram The telegram referred to is from Congressman Butler, as follows : " Mar. 30, 1900. " W. L. Matheus: — McDowell is here nnd will appoint a man Ridley may bring here, providing he can do the work satisfactorily. Thomas S. Butler." (p. 27.) After he brought the man neither one could do the work, and he wanted to get me to substitute for him and I would not agree, but they forced me so strongly William and myself virtually agreed between our- selves we would give $ib a month and pay that together — William works with me — but he would not agree to that unless we gave him $30 and that we would not agree to, so he went back and saw Mr. Butler and the Clerk of the House, I suppose, and the Clerk came down on the nth of April and told us to give him $10 apiece a month. 15 Mr. Overstreet : Who came down and told you ? The Witness. Mr. McDowell. By the Chairman : Q. That is a pretty serious matter. Are you sure ? A. I am as sure as I am that I am sitting in this chair. Q. Mr. McDowell came himself A. And told William and myself to give that man $io apiece. Q. When was that? A. The nth of April and I made the date of it Q. Was Ridley a colored man ? A. Yes sir. Q. How long did he do any work in the bathroom? A. He did not do a lick there. Q. Did he work there a day ? A. Not half an hour. Q. What led you to pay this money when you knew it belonged to you ? A. I had orders to do it, and I was afraid not to do it because I was afraid of losing the place. Q. How much did you pay altogether ? A. We paid him $ 1 60. I paid §So and William $80. (pp. 25-26.) Attached to Mr. Richardson's testimony are thirteen letters from Riciley. The first three letters, written in April and May, iqoo, demand $30 a month and contain threats of "harsher methods". Two letters written in June promise Richardson that if he will secure Ridley a $1,400 job the money paid will l)e rriunded. Tlie last letters are dunning letters demanding the payment of $20, which was finally stopped. The final letter, Jan. 30, 1901, says, " I will be compelled to appeal to higher authorities if you persist in re- fusing to send the sum '. Thus these poor negroes, Robert and William Richardson, were deprived of $160, besides the four months' wages previously paid to Wood, and neither Wood nor Ridley ever appeared in the bathroom at all. Another remarkable case of division of salaries is that of Mr. Alward's in respect to which the Moody Committee re- ports as follows : "Dennis E. Alward entered the employ of the House in April, i8q6, as superintendent of the document room, at a salary of $2,000 per annum, and remained in that position until the beginning of the special session of the Fifty-fifth Congress. During this period, by ar- rangement between the respective members of the House, from whose districts the employees came, he paid at the rate of $400 per annum to the use of Oscar J. Hill, a folder, serving as messenger at the main door. At the special session of the Fifty-fifth Congress Mr. Alward became one of the reading clerks of the House at a salary of $3,600, and i6 had continued in that position until the present time. During the two years of the Fifty-fifth Congress, he paid Mr. Robinson (disbursing clerk) by some understanding the origin of which is uncertain, the sum of $T,6oo per annum for the general purposes above described, (i. e., •of paying persons not on the roll or increasing the compensation of per- sons who were on the roll.)" (p. VII.) Mr. Ahvard thus testifies to the circumstances under which he gave the money : Q. To whom did you pay the money physically? A. I gave the money to Mr. Gillet, asking him to hand it over, . . . Mr. Gillet said ' Now, I do not make any demand on you, or any- thing of that kind ; I simply say to you that here is this young man to whom certain promises have been made, and you have come in here and are getting this money.' As I said, it ran along some time — two or three weeks, I guess — when finally I said to Mr. Gillet, ' Now I will give this young man so much.' . . It amounted to $400 a year, but I said, " I do not want to have anything to do with the young man, at all." (p. 61.) Mr. Alward, therefore, had the money intended for the man in question handed directly to Congressman Gillet (of New York.) Mr. Robinson, the " bank president," testifies that Alward endorsed his salary check to him. R.obinson saw thai Alward got $2,000 of his own salary, that one A. C. Smith got $1,200, and that the $400 remaining went with other " voluntary contributions " to one McMichaei. He adds : " I wish to state here that I did n t know that there was any im- propriety in the matter, and that what was done was done with no other object or with any other idea than that it was right and proper." (p. 77-) Robinson afterwards became very much confused in his statements regarding these payments and finally it was ascer- tained that part of Smith's salary went in turn to one Abram Setley, who was carried on the roll at $720 as a messenger, but who was to receive $1,200. (p. ri6.) ^,^; Mr. Glenn, the door-keeper, testifies that at one time some of Alward's money was paid to one Oscar J. Hill. Hill ap- pears to have been prudent and thrifty in the matter of his own compensation, for Glenn testifies : Q. Did he also get anything in the Deficiency Bill? A. Yes, sir. He got his bill through. He -was at the top of the list and it went through." A. C. Smith, who himself at one time paid $400 a year out of his salary of $1,600, does not kno«' who got the '7 money. It was " Either Mr. Alward or some one else." He does not remember when these payments ceased, nor during how much of the time he got $i,6oo, or how much $1,200. (p. no.) Under the remarkable system in force m this branch of the service, not only is there no record of the net compensa- tion which an employee actually receives, but the employee is often deprived of his memory as to how much he gets and how much he pays to others. Upon the subject of division of salaries, the Clerk of the House testified as follows : " Salaries have been divided for years, and it is generally caused by the Members ; you understand that. For instance, two men draw two positions. One is $1,200 and the other $3oo. They both want the Si,2oo position ; and they compromise by one taking the §800 position and the one of $1,200, and they figure 8 and 12 is 20, one half of 20 is 10. This is a matter which they figure among themselves." (Report, p.Vil.) Besides the divisions of salaries there were other remark- able features in this branch of the serAice, among them a peculiar system of service and conii^ensation without any ap- pointment whatever. Thus John Holiingsworth, of Missouri, a little tellow they called "Johnny ", was not emjjlojed and never even had permission to go on the floor, but he went on the floor, acted as page, and was paid by a deficiency appro- priation. As Mr. Bailey said, "he piacticallv appointed him- self." (P. 75-) In other cases the evidence showed enormous salaries paid for very trifling service. For instance, a newspaper clerk, who had charge of the subscription lists and took care of the files, "which were consulted by pro!)ably twenty-five or thirty people a day ", was paid $2,000 a year, and, havmg little to do, was used as a proofreader m the enrolling room (p 6), while another man (Aaron Russell), a messenger at a salary of $1,314, brought up the newspapers and put them upon the files (p. 7). A place wiiich involves an indefinite amount of leakage is that of Carpenter for the House. He receives no salary, but simply ''goes around and does the work" (as McDowell tes- tifies), makes out a bill for it, swears to it, then it is approved by the Clerk, then it goes to the Committee on Accounts. The Carpenter himself designates the work that shall be done 13 by him. He furnishes his own material. The Clerk is unable to state how much is paid for this work, and adds (p. 109) : "I have no doubt it is plenty". It seems there is one item of $3,218.40 for packing boxes alone. And Mr. Bailey, a member of the committee, states that •' worse boxes could not be got." This committee, which investigated these abuses, states that the short time at their disposal rendered it impossible to make a complete investigation. It is perhaps ungracious to criticise a report which in the main appears to be so candid and impartial, yet it will be noticed that, while giving the names of many employees who have violated the law, the committee do not give the names of the particular Members of the House who caused its violation. In a few cases the names of the Congressmen responsible for these abuses ap- pear in the testimony, but it would seem to be more frequently accidental than otherwise, and few inquiries are made upon this subject. ^^Xt^ The entire force in which these abuses occurred consisted ♦ of 357 persons, and their aggregate annual compensation was about $400,000. The question presents itself to your com- mittee : If such abuses can exist in a force of this size, what would be the effect of the restoration of the patronage system in the 85,000 places which are now subject to competitive ex- amination and merit tenure ? Respectfully submitted, William Dudley Foulke,. Richard Henry Dana, William A. Aiken, Charles Richardson, George McAnfny. ) .rjrj^Dv Qc CONGRESS C l'-^. i^^ -^- *"' Hollinger Corp. pH 83