OS'S 
 
 # 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 011 783 256 9 
 
 HOLLINGER 
 pH8.5 
 
 MILL RUN F3-1543 
 

 Ij^ 
 
 A REPLY TO TBE 
 
 ER OF THE HOI. LAKGDOI CHEVES. 
 
 Wi< former opinions contrasted with hi* present views. — Tlie deteriuinatiou of Orent Rritaia 
 tVom 1600 lodi.'Stroy inanufaclures in the Colonies up to llie War of Independence, witli the 
 »iew <if riiakini; them (he inorede|iend;int. — Her drtenninution the same alter the Hevolutioii 
 ii|) to the present time — Our country's efforts to coiinleract lier. — (leiirge Cnnning the au- 
 thor of Nullification. — The causes which led to the formation of the Union — \ coalition be- 
 tween tlie aholiiinni.sts ol .America and tlie diKUnionistg of tionrh Carolina, with free-trade 
 and abolilion societies, to en:ancipate the slaves of the .South aiuldlfBolve tin- Ui.toii — Four 
 uiillionsand a half subscribed to in I"iig|and, to accomplish the work of revoluliou and dis- 
 union proven — with other very ini|K>rtanl iuforinalion, deeply affecting the Ijotith. "^^ ' . 
 
 By a SOUTHERNER. ' ""-^rx 
 
 Sir — You have seen fit to place ytwrself ro/t.»/ar37;y tiefore tbo pxiMic.anJ 
 e«peci!illy tlie Southern [rublic, in your late letter, teaching tluoitineg Miid re- 
 v«>inmeiidiMi; iiiea.'iires I shall coinliat. 1 coiiibat ihem; 1st, Because ihev ai« 
 »lie lery (luctiines ai!<l meMsurcsan En^jlisli iilatesniaii wnuld advocate and re- 
 <oniiiiend on tlip floor of the Britisli Parliatneiit. as a policy to ilcslrny ihn 
 Ann'rica.'i iiniiin. 2d. Because you charge a ni;ijoiity of the people of the Uui ■ 
 ted States uitli bcin'j^ t'aiililcss and deielect to llie piinciples of our fnlhers and 
 lh(r Con>tilulion, while yoii denounce tliose very principles e.^tablif-hed by ilien, 
 if! their policy of llie taiilf. 3d. Because yon charire a iiiajoritv of the people 
 ill the lour o.vtrenies of ibe Union, who fuppiiit Mr. Ciav, as enemies to iJie 
 South uiiil iiei peculiar institutions. 4th. Because you seek to eflace from itiB 
 aiinds of the [leoplc of tlii' South, by an unworthy aijpeal to their fears and 
 (irejiidices, all memory of those who through blood and suffering, ordained and 
 ■tfstalilished the Union and llie Constitution. 5th. Becau.se you .seek, from mo 
 lives and purposes uuwonhy of one profe.'isinj; to be a patriot and statesman 
 (iiikI which, if your recommendation was adopted, would make us ignoniiniou* 
 and nni^ratcful ilescendanis of a noble ancestry, disgracing us in tlietvf.s of God 
 and man ) to attack and dismendier that illustrious monuiuent of our faihtr s loiii 
 Mild pa'riotisin, the Federal Union. 
 
 I confess, Sir, your voluntary to the South created some little flulterin" of the 
 public puhie, f'lr you have been a puhiic man, and your recorded voies, reportSr 
 •ayings and speeciies, when liiuiing in " matters of state," put all no- andjiiijct! 
 til with ihis bull you hive just isi^ued to the people <if the South, makes the mov 
 •inefRlile medley and halderdaeh iinaginuble. Su[)| ose. Sir, you jll^t favor tf v 
 »ame jieople of the Somli with some of your voles, rc])<)rts and speeches, wliili- 
 A member of Conirfess and President <if the Bank of the Unitetj Slali>«, as a 
 practical commentary on lids new issue of opinions. Or ^ive us your votes tb- 
 poits, sayings and speeches heretofore proclaimed, as the basis, and this letter h* 
 » comtnentaiy mi iIk'iti. Or, tell us whether you spoke the trulhin sincerity tu 
 the people, while a member of 'Oont're.ss — or, whether we are to obey the advice 
 you gave us, after an appeal to God, to obey the Cmistitutioii and faiihtully ;. , 
 perfnrm your trust, as a represpiitaiive of the American people, or the advict- 
 you now i;ive us in y.iur vnluntarti ? Ifyou say obey both, voa will brin"- us :«. 
 A dead halt — for they conHict. Ifyou insist on mir obeying boih, you will |iav» 
 to come out of you i retired .-t tte wdih another long letter, to explain if yor. 
 oaiinot succeed in this way, 1 would advise you to apply to Mr. M'tJuffie fo 
 Itie U3§ of his forty bale theory, (vs'hich is said lo be a cerlaiu cure for govert: 
 inent evils. )itnd you may work "Ut f>f the dtfticully, and if that will not giv«y.o;. 
 riddance as the last resort I knov/ of,((ir I would advise you hetter,^o,t ane ofhif 
 Inng bayonets, so that you tnay be six inches unto death, in one or the other uff 
 these CfMifltctinir views, before it can rise u[) in jndnmeiit a-r.-dnst you, ninltliev 
 give us another voluntary, and the clouds may di-appear, and We see oar wav 
 clearly, i advise this o(>iirse,bccausc you could not have voluntecriu frrun^vuxvj- 
 
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 2 
 
 l^liroil siale, to minglo in t!ie iioisfi and strife of politics, without a motive, and 
 .IS llie matter now stands, wc are covered io tl-ie fojj. You make the occasioir, 
 sir, one of interest. You have left your retired life — the lesiilt of your not 
 >vanliiig to serve the people in the piihlic coiinoils, or tlicy not wanting yow, ad 
 we beseecli you to explain. But to ymxriolunltny. 
 
 After the excuse you give for tliis vulimtary, you enter upon your lahors, l>v 
 tollinffvour readeiii you "stand in tlie midst of common sufferers-" Hah — and 
 therefore recoinmend as a '■ rightful remedy" for" redress of these grievance*" 
 the following plan to get rid of it. " Let associations be formed in every South- 
 ern State, and, if possible, every South- Western State, and let them confer togeth- 
 er.and interchange views and infortnntion; -let leading men throuirh committees 
 :\tiil private correspondence, collect, compare and concentrate tliair views, wit// 
 like. men,, in their respective States, and when ripe for it, and not before, let rep- 
 resentatives from these States meet in convention, and if circumstances jiromise 
 success, let tliem th,en deliberate oi! the JioDF. of resistance, and the measure of 
 redress." Resistance and revolution, eh I There is then to be a secret movj; 
 to pr:.'anizB revolutionary clubs — privately gotten up and privatehj conducled. 
 .Mana2:od ini the plan of the niidni:^nt conspirato;-. IVoone is to know any thii^if 
 of the dark plots — the oaths bindiri;; life and limb to desecrate the graves of rjur 
 fathers — -to batter down all the noble niotiuments of their genius — to destroy a 
 constitution framed in wisdom an<l good-will — a union breathed into existencd 
 bv patriotism and praver — deface from a flag that has v/aved on land atnj se-t 
 over etery foe victorious, the stars that now glitter in the constellation of these 
 .States, and leave the stripes to degrade us. iS'cc?ei associations, ^j?m(/(?/y con- 
 dnctcd. lo resist the laws and authority of Congress, to attack the union and 
 drench the laud in bl >od. The spirit of a Catnlitie i.s then to be upon us. His 
 mode of destroying Rome is to be adopted by Chevos and his co-mates in trea- 
 s.on. The mode of the Jacobins to ch'siroy France, is to be used to destroy 
 America. Will you, as one of the rules of tnese privately conducted clubs, 
 adopt their old ' law of suspect !" 
 
 As the friends of Washington, Green, Madison, Marion, Marshall, Franklin, 
 Adams, Siieiman, Pinckricy and Jefterson, whose names you must not use as a 
 covert for your treason, without making yourself and the cause the more igno- 
 minious, we 'hank you for so much of your plan. We will be piepared for 
 vou, coine when you will. There is one gratifying consideration, however, at- 
 icndinu' this disreputable pio])osition to the Sontiiern States, and that is, the 
 source from whence it comes will kill it all over the Union. I do not ;dlude to 
 y<.™ -o'ley — but, Sir, to any of that class of leaders of which you constitute one. 
 It has been long since well understood amoiig these Southern St.ates of the 
 Union, the people of v/liich you nov/ address in language and for purposes un- 
 becomin-'- you as a man and a statesman, that disappointed ambition is the result 
 of all tire treason against the people and government of the Union, and for 
 which reason thev scorn your rantings, ravings and unmeaning complaints. — 
 The people of every creed and i)arty, all over the Union, you know, have lost 
 confidence in you. They know you seek again, as the Tories did, the "flesh 
 pots of Egypt." They know you are wanting in good f.iith to the Uidon of- 
 y<>ur father.s — that you wish to elface from our minds every vestige of their mem. 
 ory, and they vvnuhl as leave hug a viper to their bosoms, as call you to iheir aid, 
 They had enough of such nicnin the revolution. Ami I repeat, Sir, again your 
 nropf)sition, with that of your allies, will ring your death knoll the Union over. 
 
 Are 3'ou to be connected v.iih the secret agents England is said to have among 
 ii5_agents who, we are told, are to be employed in discovering the best mode of 
 ijhohsliing the peculiar institutions of the .'South, or use it as a means of prodn- 
 •fjirtg <i rupture of the Union. It is said their mission is a secret one ai:d privately 
 tK»aurietl ! Arc the.so clubs which you recommend forming, to be in Bny way 
 «m«iieeted with theirs 1 I: is alledged the purpose i« th« same. V/hy no: -it 
 
once interlock and unite witli them ? Was tliis too inucli of a secret to let out ". 
 What is the object of your associations heinj; strict! ij private. If the Norlli ari; 
 oppressinsj you so as to make you cry out the way you do, why nianaye your 
 business secreth, and yrivately / Do you wish to be always braying out like an 
 over-burtiiened ass, under a load too great for his strengtii, and then go secrcthj 
 a.nA 2>rivatehj Vihovtl removing it] If the tariff oppresses you, wliy not expiai:'. 
 how ] If it is a grinding oppression on your hacks, wby not show it totlie peo- 
 ple ? You say the people will not stand op|)ression, which is true — and if you 
 feel it, they feel it, and when a burtiien is so oppressive to <ill the people, they'll 
 throw it off instaitter, without the aid of these clubs ^W7w/i'c/y conducted, and tlio 
 trouble will aH be over and you will escape the suspicion of desiivniug to se!| 
 your country for thirty or more pieces of silver — or like Alexander's generals 
 after his death, plot the dismemberment of the empire, that^ow might rei^jn over 
 a fragment. The tarilT cannot be so oppressive to the people as you alledge — for 
 ihe manufactures are but very few. They could not elect a single mendier of 
 Congress from any district in the Union, let alone a President. The feeling then 
 that lead.s the people to sustain them, \s piirchj national, and a desn-e to be inde- 
 yiendetit of the world. This is what our fathers taught us, when they estahlisk- 
 ed the systsm. And were they not as wise and as patriotic as you and yourccjl- 
 leu<'UOS % Did they not love their country as well as you — and if He are to 
 judge from your conduct, far better — for if with SyT)Ur present feelings, had you 
 lived in their day, you would have drawn the sword against them. They resist- 
 ed Eni'land then, as we do now, bec;iuse she wished to destroy our manufacture.-. 
 Do you suppose that they who fought through a war of eijjht years, against op- 
 pression, would be the first to establish and fasten it on themselves and chddren, 
 in the very first act of their lives ? Sir, you are hard up for on excuse for your 
 treason. You cannot convince the people of this country that you simply design 
 to reduce the tarifl", and quiet the e.tcittment on the subject of abolition. And 
 permit me to say, in passmg, your letter, so unworthy (d' ynu, will make ninr<: 
 abolitionists than it will cure, and make more unionists than disunioi\ists. But 
 i will take the hobby you have made of this question, from under your feet, be- 
 fore I shall have done. Some other design is to be cloaked up under the mas!; 
 of these clubs, than the curing of these two evils. Burr bad his excuse for an 
 attemut to dismember his ccnuitry — and Arnold, when he wished to sell his chief 
 and country too, had his e.\cuse. 
 
 There are said to he two formidable associations in England — one preaches 
 free-trade, and the other abolition — both avowedly formed to operatt- on these 
 States. Are these secret clubs of yours to carry on U7;r(i'«/!e correspondence 
 with these two societies'? In the principles of iVee-trade, you agree with one, 
 "and it will, for EnghnuVs sake, help you' to destroy your country— and if some 
 of your men speak your pm'ate sentiments, you would rather give up slavery and 
 the Union, and belong to England, to get rid of the tariff and the North. Ar.d 
 if these views are a part of l\w j)/ irate sentiments your clubs are to " cemj'are 
 <ind concentrate upon," you can privatchj correspond with the i/ther, and when 
 you are ripe for it, and not before, you can use these two atHliated clubs with 
 their agents in this country, in plunging the s.oear of disunion into the breast of 
 Sour country, and rob the graves of your fathers. 
 
 Your lr;tter, Sir, will be food for the abolitionl.sts — will be applauded by the 
 enemies of your country everywhere, and you will receive the grateful thanks 
 of every crowned head in Europe. Such men as you. Sir, are the very men 
 wliom England wants in her designs to sow the seeds of discord, anarchy ami 
 revolution in our midst. Such men as Y'>u, Sir, miglt \yell he emj)loyed secveily 
 to organize, and privateJ/y to conduct a crusade to overthrow the liberties of your 
 country. Your whole policy unites ynu as a deliberate foe to Soiithi rn institu- 
 tions and constitutional liberty. Your union with the ah(dltionists of England 
 and the North, while you cry out.offwith their head.-, is complete. Your union 
 
4 
 
 witli the enemies nf the Unioti, to make lier dependent on England, is also com- 
 |jlete, your affected liatrcd to \n-r notwithstanding. You have formed, Sir, ahid- 
 fous union ai^ainst the Union — stick to your color.s — run up the royal jack" where 
 I'le flajj of the Union mij;lu wave in your secret clubs. 
 
 If the di-sappointed leailcrs in this State cannot hesntislied with thiiiirg a.s the» 
 .we, leave us alone. If you wish war to signalize your courage and hraverv 
 hand toorether, like the Tartar Klian, and make for Cuba, and protect that i,>^lan'il 
 fiom Uritish caplure. If you love Te.vas, more than you do the Union, some of 
 you {>i) there ai.d ludp to carry the arms of the Lone 8lar to the capitol of thi; 
 -Montezumas. And if you must fiijht, !;o to Canada, ainl raise reliellion there ii* 
 they are in w.intof leaders, liut if you are caujjlit, I tell you beforehand. Vuu 
 will both knoio wnAfccl oppression, for to Botany B.iy v<iu must go. 
 
 It is our lot, 6ir, to live in a hemisphere and on a continent of recent discovery, 
 whose mountains, bills, valleys, phiiiis, river.s and lakes, luive been the theatre of 
 lrinni[ihs and disaster. It is now classic jjround. The j^raves of those who 
 fought and those who reasoned lie beneath the .soil from whenci! they drovrt 
 "heir first and last enemy, and they have beipieathed it to us to cultivate and live 
 in peace. O God ! let not a fratricidal fee lay the destraying htiiid on a Unioti 
 ■•rbicli now .shields them and it from harm and desecration. Their fnner.il pci- 
 "jeant is over — the grateful duty of niingliiii; the cypress and the laurel on [heir 
 Inmenled loiiihs are over, but their memories slill live and trust shall evei arhl uii 
 imposing lustre to our national rleliverance. After they had won their independ- 
 ence from a mother toj ungiateftil to bo oheyecJ, through an evenifid s'ru.>;i;le of 
 eight yeais, at tlie point fif the b.iyonet, our fathers collected together and sat 
 down, full of anxiety, and reasoned, on-' with another, about the best iimde of 
 preserving that imlefiendence they bad juit secured fiir their country. That de- 
 lil»eratioii leail to the formalion of the present Federal Constitution and govern- 
 Mient. Under that constitution, he who was '• lirst in war, fiist in pen e, ami 
 first in the beans of his countrymen," was called by the unanimmis vdu <• of all 
 the people of the Old Thirteen, as their Chief Executive. Unto tiiat sidi inn and 
 trying trust, he was committeil amidst the prayers and lienediclions ol his adr 
 inirin>: countrymen. In tiieir presence, and before his God, betook the ojrh of 
 office, faithfully to obey and honestly to atlministcr that Government t<> the best 
 of his ability. It was a hallowed and suhlune spectacle. People of South 
 Cnrolina love you not this Union ? Will you forsake the piide of eliaracti r 
 which the history of its formation confers on you, to unite your fortum-s with a 
 liand of piilitical desperadoes, who seek its destruction ] Are you \vil|ing t(» 
 leai from ymr brows the laurels which now play in evergreen aiound iheni, t<» 
 have the blood of your brethren, and unite under a mercenary horde of leader* 
 in casting xfour destiny \i\\.\\ ijour deadliest foe? Have the deeds an i liie raer:- 
 oiy (if your fathers no claim on your patriotism and love of country ? Mustn!! 
 go — fi;ig and all T 
 
 Yoii charge, Sir, a majority of the people of the United States, as being frtitl.- 
 le.ss and derilect to the pi inciples of our fatlnr.s and the constitution, h 'ide yoti 
 denounce those Tery priiici[iles and the authors of them, they establi>i ■ d in the 
 policy of the tariff. The absurdity of this charge is so glaring and fie/ ,int, that 
 I cannot account for it upon any other ground than that you wilfully p^ rpetrated 
 that which you knew to be untrue, or you are ignorant of the lii>toiy <f y<ini 
 cmmtry. If you mean the Union cursed and heaven smitten band of unprilici- 
 pleil leaders in tliis State, as our father?, we plead guiliy, and your en flictin- 
 eipositioiis of the constitution, the constitution — we are sinners — an 1 then titer,* 
 would be a mitigation of the offence, for no one could be certain th it your opin 
 ions to-day would he your opinions to-morrow. If you mean V\ ashiiipt«;« 
 Slid liis comt)eeis in the lield and cabinet, we deny the charge and lurl indig 
 iiaatly, ihc fou! sLuJi-T in your teeth. If you wish to use the names ofthe V«n 
 
 I 
 
5 
 
 trated dead as n cnveit for ynui" liensniiable designs on the Union, I will drR!> 
 you from your liiiliug plac." nnil slay you as an open enemy. Do not dare. Sir. 
 to connect and hlend llieir sainted spi'il.s with yonr Jacobinical and Catalinian 
 conspiracy, on the frraves of our ancestors and the Union they have fnrtned. 
 
 Tlie hoy at .school who knows an\lhing of the tally progress of the Federal 
 Gnvernmenl, knows yon have written false history. For a dem.Tn-oeial politician 
 whose home is the nearest grou^-shop, and who t.ikes his lessons of political 
 economy from the pit of slaiMler, mifrht well be pardoned for such a declaration, 
 for his known profligacy and ignorance would ho ample e.\cuse. ' Butfor a judge, 
 a retired statesman, to lie the author of such a gross perversion of the truth, findf 
 no pardon in any breast. The founders, Sir, of this Union, Government and 
 Constitution, were the authors of the protective policy. The first act ol' the firsi 
 Congress, history tells ns was to pass a protective t;tv\f\', farther to protect and 
 maintain the independence of the country. Washington, to impress the aei 
 more deeply on the minds of his countrvmen, signed and apnroved the bill on 
 the Fourth of July. As soon as he was elected President, he ordered a new 
 «uit of American manufactured cloth, to he inducted into office with, and 
 wore it then to set an example to his fellow-citizens, to teach lliem, by his exam- 
 ple, to look to their own ha ds and soil for support and prosperity — to trust no 
 country or clime, let alone Great Britain. Congress coining to his aid, and 
 approving of his e,\ample by the first act fif their lives, made it a national feel- 
 ing, and a national policy. Is it these men you mean to stigmatize and to brand 
 as robbers, oppressors and public plunderers'? They were the authors of it — 
 the authors of your fieedom. Do you mean to slander them in their graves ! 
 And are we such very slaves as not to repel it, agaii st yon and your colleagues, 
 who, if all the tears you have caused to be shed over the sufTerings and heart 
 bleedings you have inflicted on them, from your destructive commotions and 
 measures, were cnlleeleil in one reserv<pir, the « hole of yon might swim in it ! 
 
 The language and the measures used by Great Britain, when we were colo- 
 nies, against our fit hers, are the same you now would use and recommend, 
 against iheir descendants. That the colonies should not be peimitted to manu- 
 facture even a hobnail, vas not the mere idle remark of an En;;lisli Statesman : 
 for as early as 1699, Parliament dcrlaretl, that " no wool, yarn or woolen raar.- 
 iifactures of their American planialions, should be slii|)ped thence, or even la- 
 dened in onler to be transported to any place whatever.'' In 1719, Parliament 
 resolved " that the cieatiinr manufactures in the colonies, tended to lessen thcii 
 DEPENDRNCE Upon Great Bri/ain." This dijiendcnre on Great Britain is what 
 you seem to desire, peaceably if you can, ami forcibly if you must. You seem 
 to shed as many tears over the loss Rngl.ind suffers from the encouragement of 
 domestic labor heie, as Nannacns did over bis oracle. Yon lament we n re //■</■ 
 and indtpciidoit of her, and becaiiae it is so, you are readv to club toijether to 
 destroy the Union, or force us to accept free-trade tor the benefit of England. 
 In 1737, they directed the Board of Trade to inquire and repf]rt " with respect 
 10 the laws made, niiiniifacinres set up, oi trade cnrv'wd ox^, dctrimcTilal \.o\\\>- 
 trade, m\\<^^lwr.,n\- ma7i)ifar(iires uf Great Brilain." The next year tlie board 
 made their report, and a precious dociiinent it is, and would have been a verv 
 »ood letter foryou; Would. Sir, that space permitted me to quote more largely 
 from it — short extracts must do. Massachusetts, it alledges, li.id passed an act 
 to encourage the manufacture of [laper, " wliiih law interferes with the profit 
 made by the British merchant on foreign paper sent thither." This is your doc- 
 trine — ■' make their merchants and inaniifarturers ' pntufs,' and our countrv- 
 raen hewers of wood and drawers of vvater for them. 
 
 Again they say — New Kiiglaiid, .\cw York, ronn^eiiciit, Rhode Island, Penn- 
 sylvania, and in the county of Smiicrsel, in Maiyland, they \\;\i\ fallen into thr 
 nanujarture of woollen and linen cloth. Also "brown holland for wnmen'n 
 wear, which lessons the importation if calicoes." Also "some linen and cotcon 
 
6 
 
 for ordinnry siiirtiiigs ;" anil "sliips for the French and Spnniards." TUey had 
 also "erected six forges* and nineteen furnaces;" also New York and New Jer- 
 sey manufactured "great quantities of iiats, of which liie company of liattcrs in 
 Londoji have coaiplained." In 1732 an act passed Parliament "to prevent the 
 exportation of hats from the colonies." By this act no master could have nioro 
 than twn apprentices, and wlin must serve seven years. No nei^io could be 
 taugin a trade. ' The lading a horse or cart for exporting hals or other manu- 
 factured articlesVas a heavy penalty. In 1750 Parliament prohibited the erec- 
 tion or continuajice of any mill or )llier engine for rolling or slitting iron or any 
 plaiting forge, or any furnace for steel, under the penalty of c€"200, and more- 
 over declared them to be a public lutisance which the Governors of nil the col- 
 onies were reqniroil to abate within thirty days under a penalty of .£500. Sub- 
 sequently Parliament prohibited the exportatiin to this country tools to make 
 iron. These and similar acts of o[)pression that might be named, aroused the 
 spirit of liberty, which eventually Ijuist forth in the Revolution, was complained 
 of in the Declaration of hidepetuk'nce, partially provided for in the Confedern- 
 t!on, and finally secured against in the Constitution. In the first treaty in 1763, 
 between England and the United States, England demanded a guarantee that 
 we would do no manvfaciuring, protect or encourage the same, but to bind our- 
 selves to import all our manufactured articles from them. It was resisted on 
 the part of our negotiators as a direct insult offered to freemen. Had the nego- 
 tiation fallen into the hands of you, iM'Duffie, Rhett and Holmez, with your 
 present feelings, you would have sold every factory and every mechanic shop 
 in the land — and if she had of asked you to give back the Southern country 
 into her hands, you would have done that if you daicd. For your secret clubs 
 to be privately conducted to dtss(dve theUi'.ion under the disguise of a "redress 
 of grievances," if they mean any thing, mean combined opposition to nullify the 
 laws of the Ui ion, an<l divide tlie country for yourselves or for England. The 
 cause which led Great Britain, after she found resistance to the colonics in vain, 
 even more than the capture of Cornwallis.to ackn iH-ledge our independence was 
 the impression (and so stated at tlie time by those fivorabic to an immediate 
 recognition) that they would be able to get a guarantee on our [)art not to man- 
 utactnre ouiselves, but to import from her, and to have the shipping between 
 the two countries done in British vessels. The English merchants, when they 
 })etilioned the Kmg to recognize us as a nation, urged these as considerations 
 for so doing — England succeeded in the latter, but failed in the former. Wash- 
 ington- knowing she would never give up any oolicy she desired, urged ths 
 people of the Union to adopt at once, to counteract her designs, the protective 
 policy. Not to manufacture ourselves, but to import all from her — and have 
 the commerce between the two countries, done in En^'lish vessels, and our ports 
 itpcn to her goods free of duty was yiehiinir nothing comparatively for indepen- 
 dence, wl)ich, had they yiehlcd, as you would have done with your present views, 
 it would have been a facticious and not a real indepen lence What is inde- 
 jicndence to a nation, but the ahilitv and power to be beholding to none, and is 
 it not the right as well hs the du'.jj of every nation to aid, defend and protect 
 her own resources? Would not national pride and the first law of nature con- 
 strain us to it. The monjent a nation yields up her sulistance ar.d labor for the 
 benefit of others, she yields likewise her honor and a part of her independence, 
 and leaves herself open a prey to the grasping cupidity of foreign powers. And 
 what, as a consequence follows? The people or nation to whom she yields her 
 substance, labor and honor — thus sacrificing her own people — hold her in incfli- 
 ble contempt for her baseness. 
 
 England has accomplished mme fot her people by her treaties, than she has 
 overdone by her arms, though her poets tell us in her praise, 
 
 * One was in Soutli-Caiolina 
 
7 
 
 "Her courBe is on the in'jniitaiu waves, 
 Her lioiiie is on llie cluep." 
 By her treaties she has been enabled to have her in;it!uf;ictiire(.l articles t;xport- 
 ed free of duty <ir wliat was tantainouiit to it, (not furgetling to bind them to go 
 no where else) with ahnost every country slje trades witii, into their I'orts, vliili; 
 «he has excUided their raw materials into iier ])ort3 by a tariff of proliibiiion. — 
 Her agricultural productions are not suffered tn h'ave her sliore.s, and she pro- 
 tects tlieni by bounties and tariffs. The consequence is, she has no tieed of the 
 ygricultural products of foreij^n nations with which she trades, wliich makeSlier 
 onmiputent over both their manufactared and anricidtural products, and destroj-s 
 both at once with her policy. By this policy, she comptlled the manufacturers 
 of Flanders to leave tlieir liomeaand f;o to England. By it, she has made her- 
 self all powerful and almost omnipotent with the nations of the earth ; and by it 
 she has made them dcjiendeit/s on her sovereign will and pleasure. And is this 
 the position jou wish us to hold to her, as a fawning, sycophantic, cringing de- 
 pendant 1 and to obtain which, you are ready to dash the Union to jiieces. We 
 stand forth now her might)' rival for the market* of the world. She has not 
 forgotten the defeats slie has received at our hands in "battle array,'' and in di- 
 plomacy, and 1 trust she shall never accomplisli her rlesigns upon us, tlie meati- 
 ness of your soul with those of your colleagues engaged in her intciest and 
 against ours, to the contrary notvvithstandin:;. 
 
 In 1791, England through her Board of Tiade, made another effoit to have 
 the United States bound by treaty, not to raise the duties on her goods. Tims 
 defeated again, her anger knew no bounds. No efforts were relaxed, no ineniis 
 were shunned to attack, now our commerce as well as manufactures, for a suc- 
 cession of yeais, until forbearance ceased to be a virtue. Congress, to counter- 
 act these aggravating outrajjes on the labor and industry of the people, passed 
 first, the Non-intercourse act — and in lS09 the embargo act. Nothing daunted 
 yet, England insulted our flag, o[)pressetl mir commerce, and impressed our .sea- 
 men into her service, adding injury to insult. These repeated outrage* led (o 
 the war of 1812, and gave us justice for injuries received. 
 
 At the close of the war England, true to herself, as slie always is. commenceil 
 again to ruin our manufactures. In ISI.5, Lord Brougham declan^d in the house 
 of Commons that "it was well worth while to incur a loss upon the first e.vpor-. 
 tation, in order by the glut to stifle in the cradle, tho.se rising manufacture.s in^ 
 the United States which the war had forced into (existence." Failing in this, as 
 I shall hereafter show, she then made a personal application to politicians in 
 this country to commence tlie work of nullification to the laws nf Congress and 
 to preach free trade as the great elixir of national prosperity. Georae Canning, 
 when he became Prime !V!inister of England pledged himself to the people of 
 Great Britam "lh.at he vjould make the people of America reduce their tariff or 
 dissolve their Union " Mr. Tyler was written to by liim to enlist his service to 
 reduce the tariff, which he will not deny. The London Times, in commenting 
 upon the letters written by Tnndjull signed •'Brutus," remarked "that the;/ show- 
 ed the master hand of Canning and his polict/." A fter they had succe<;ded in re- 
 ducing the tariff through the Compromise, we find them taunting us with our 
 pusillammity in the fidlowing sarcastic strain for the alleged victory over us 
 through the Edinburgh Review : 
 
 "111 tlie (our qu.'U'ti'rs of tlif globe, wlio rends »n American book? or eocs to an Ainericair 
 lilay? or looks ;it an American jiicture or statue ? Wlrit dues the world yet owe to .■\iiiericaii 
 plivaicians or surgeons? What new substauces have Uicir cheuusts discovert (i, or what oiti 
 «nes have tliey analyzed ? W'liat new cotistellaru»ns have been diseoveied hv the telescopes ol" 
 Americans? What have tliey doiie iuniatheMiatics ? H'hoilfLilit oulof .imcrican glasses t or 
 rnt%Jro:n Air,erican plaits t or irtars American touts orsotcns t or sleeps in Ameriran blankets .' — 
 
 While 1 admit the tariff of '28 was too high, (but which was inlemied only lo 
 CJIljnferact the novy British tariff,) the Coniproiiiise was a'l injury to us and a 
 
& 
 
 Tictory to tliem. The result w^as, as I linve stated before, as soon ."vs we yieldcJ 
 one incli lo ihem, they wmilc} taunt us with our pusillanimity and treats us with 
 disdhiii mill ci>iit(;m|)t. He was not the only r)iie who thus taunted us in their 
 leading Revri-n-, hut Rnihchild the gnat Banker, after the Compromise vra* 
 passed, s.iid, "He winild iieilher aid or lendmonry to apeople who basely dcscrtet/ 
 their own interests lo become dependeitts onf'reign powers." 
 
 In 1342 (lor she invariahly has something' to do with the tariff when ours is 
 under review.) s'.e almost ture the island from the sea where she riries, by her 
 policy, mistress of the world, to make iis believe she was going to become in- 
 stanter a free trade -jower. And for what reason — clearly to prevent the (>ap- 
 sage of our late tariff, and at the same time in her fHshionable saloons orderin;;; 
 her nobility to appear in no oilier dresses tint of British maiuifactiires ; and at 
 the same time also by Sir Robert Peel's Sliding Scale she was layins; a tax on 
 every arlicle ihat was before admitted duty free from this country ii-lo her Amer- 
 ican Cidonies. And under this very sliding scale how are our giain growin;^ 
 States placed by its operations on their produce. A British merchant at a large 
 rneeting in Derby said, "he had once imported flour from New- York; iiut lie 
 sho-idd deserve to be branded as a gambler and have his credit destroyed, if bn 
 vert' to venture again npin: a like cx()eriment." A late London paper siiys, 
 "The American tariff appexrs to be growing popular even icith (he South, except 
 in South Carolina, and if Mr. Clay is elected their President, ivefear wetcill have 
 lo ABANDON THE CONTEST." Probably wlien she reads your letter she will re~ 
 nciv it. 
 
 Let nie call your attention to the following notice, and you will see bow Eng 
 land undersliinds what is her true pcdicv. 
 
 • FASHION. 
 
 '• Hkr Majhty's State Bail — The fiiljowiitg iintice has been issued from the Lord Clmm- 
 b?rhin'3 Oliice. ,\ll |iersonf invilfd to the l!,ill at liui-kiiicliaiii P;il:ice. on the '^lii i'( May. 
 ( '84"2.) arc cipcrttd to iippet/r in ilrcsscs oj British munufucturt. Ladies not to wear plumes or 
 trains, tieiiileinen to aiipear in costanie, utiiform or lull court dress." 
 
 This does not show that Kn^laiul rei'ards mannfactures the fast resort, nor 
 does it look like ftee trade. This she was enforcing from her own people when 
 «he was anxious to •' stifle in the cradle," the rising manufacturers in the Unitei! 
 States, by iiiging us not to pass the tariff of 1S4'2. 
 
 1 have some half dozen Ivnglisb papers, all of which denounce Mr. Clay and 
 his party, and tjive iis the infcirmaticui ''that they are as hard at teork to defeat 
 f'ls cleation, as the democrats nf .■Imcriia arc. and to elect I\Jr. Pvlk." They tell 
 OS witliiim any lesei vaiion, that " they have collected about $2,500,000 for the 
 Free Tralc party of the Unitei States, Tliev tell us. also, that "so long a» 
 .Mr. Clay is liv inir_ ihey fear nothing can be done with the United Stales lo benefl 
 fliem.'" or ihe disunionisis of South Carolina, they sny, •' if they succeed, Ihey 
 must share the reward of Ihe treason, but they cannot help dispising the trai- 
 tors .'.'•' 
 
 Sit. 1 wish now to r.ilf v(^ur .mention to eiidence inrontestible, that you are 
 lab(n-ing in conjnnelion with the people and Gnvernnient of Cireat Uritain, tn 
 destroy thai very policy which led to the eslablishment of this Union, or lo at- 
 tack the Union, and by f<i doing, destroy lK>lb. I will give you the names and 
 the amount subscribed, to propagate free trade in tli ; United States iiy the free 
 trade association in London. Mr. Munay sa\ s, ''afier the fiee trade busier*' 
 was over, he read over the follow ing | ft of subscriptions tdready received, th« 
 announcement nf which Tvas received ivilh loud and hearty cheering by. the midi- 
 aice." 
 
 The fiilhiwine are the sidisrribers and their subsrriplions. The Uoiiorahlr.llie 
 Lord Piovost .£100. .A. ami J. Deiini-loun, GeorrT Square, .£200 Charles 
 fenni-l & C... ,1-300. William Di\oii ,£200. S. H lirginbntlmm j;200. Dun- 
 lap, Wils.Mi &, Co. ,£200. I5oehanan, Hamilton &, C... X'^OO. A Friend .£60. 
 Neal Thompson ^£,50. James Seolt ^jO. Alcvander Griiliam «£50. D. M. 
 
9 
 
 Pliiiil & Co. <f 50. William Stirliitsr 4- Sons ^50. S. R. & Tlios. Rr.>vvn.£,5t» 
 J. & A. Anii.'isDU c£40. William (Jmimell ,£40. Knluiit Diilui.sli ^£40. Jolin 
 Wliilelipad .£30. (TCorg« Smitli £31). John Kerr cda. Jniiie.s OsvvaM £25 
 W. G. Miicliell £-21. A. &. 1) J. i'.nuMyuL- £21. John Youno J^H- R .biTt 
 SteHHri£:aO. Anilifw Milclicll £2(). hnil AI"X. Macuii'Efnr £iO. There are 
 ni)\T niiliioiis of (h>ll;ir.s wortli of British viaiitifacl urea 111 New York, wilh 'or- 
 <li'rs to bn sohl uniltT the f.iclorv 1)t ices, so m." to iimlersill the .American tnatiu- 
 factnrers, ihu los.-s on whie.h is |iaid by tUe secret service mojiey of llic Government 
 of Great Britain, so that they may stijle in the craUlc, the rising iiianvfaciurea of 
 this country. D.ies not this Stuu- ut' tliiuits ajrainst ynui- own conntry, chRci- 
 your son! ? Dues it not nvike your heart h'a|) with joy ! 'I'lieir oliject, as ther 
 state, is to promote tree-trade for Auicrica and elect Mr. PolU by that sound Ctin- 
 fervativcparty yon are Cinntected with. They look npon Mr. (JIav's elee.tion as 
 ihe wnr.st calamily vvliich could bef ill them, ami so do yon. The [>roceedin<'» 
 of the meetinir develop thf astonndinij fact, that " abinit fnir hnndr'Dil and fortv 
 th->nsan(i pounds hive liecn subscribed for printing :iacts in Ne\r York, for cir- 
 culation ill ilie Uinled States." .4iid yiu are to excite the public simtne, be- 
 cause the people will not submit lo ihis ontiage — this bold and darin;; eftort on 
 tile part of England, to extort from ns and mil Government, unconditicnial sub- 
 mission and Jepeaience for •' lile, liberty and the pursuit of heppiness" to her 
 sovereign will and ,. leisure. And while she rais«s iiioi.ey by the millnnis, li> 
 force us to submission, yon come fivrward, liirerl or iinliired, paid or unpaid, ns 
 a co-worker, to coiimiit war on (lie graves of those who ordained and rstabbshed 
 this Union. Yon wmiU) have her bow, would yon, to Eniiland ? Cringe am! 
 beg for forgiveness of her. for so long foliowii.g the advice of uur failiers, and 
 <]ariiig to look to ourstlves — to defend onr firesides, our homes, our pin>uil<;, 
 our flag, onr country, our all. Hisloiy will as.sii'n voii a cliaracler 1 would not 
 Wear for a continent. The flag of disniiKm, black wiih 'reason, shall never 
 wave on these shores, and be \> ho dares yllempi it will find a traitor's "rave. 
 
 I have thus, Sir, given you a long, but true account of those dangerous, wicked 
 and ruinous measures of Great Britain lo crush, disarm and manncle the industrv 
 of this counlry. 'I'o make the national policy of our own (ioveninient subservient 
 to her will and domestic interests. No man after the history I have civen can arrav 
 liimself against the protective policy as you have dmie without denouncing th'p 
 cause of the revolution, the revolution itself — Washington and his illustrious com- 
 peers i.T the field and in the cabinet — without becoming the advocate of Euffland 
 and the tradnccrof his own country. Let me now (alihongh your l']nglisli feelingj 
 may prevent you from seeing anything to excite your pride, yet niv honest .i/nerf- 
 ran brethren will f-el it) present 10 you the efforts of onr own counlry lo counteract 
 her I'-.iscliievous designs upon our coimneice and nianuiactures. In llie fir.=t place 
 I have the gratifying evidence to present that the orii'iu < f this Union which you 
 now wi-li to see severed was the offspring of the protective poliev. I quota Mn 
 Madison's account of the causes which led to the fonnaiiou of ihcse United States, 
 found in Niles' Register, vol. 43, Sup. p. 35. He says, 
 
 "During the delays and disconragemenis cxpeiieneed in the altrnipt lo iiive.sl 
 Congress with the neee^ssary powers, the State of Virginia made various trials o( 
 what could be done by her individual laws, «SVie ventured on duties mid importu 
 as a source of revenue. Resolulions were passed at the lime, lo rncour.:ar and 
 protect her own navigation and ship building; and inconsequence of coniplainis 
 and petitions from Norfolk and Alexandria, and other places, airainst the monopo- 
 lizing navigation laws of Great Britain, pariicnlurly in ihe trade between tlie Uni- 
 ted iSta'e-i and the /British If'rst Indies, she deliberated, with a purpose conlrollctf 
 only by the inellicacy of separate measures, on the experiment of forcing ei reci- 
 firocily by prohibitory regidalicn^ rf her oirn.'''' — (See Jonr. Hoiise lli-]. 1785.) 
 ■•Such a tendency of separate rcgnlaiion was, indeed, loo nianifesl in escape anlici- 
 palion. Amongst the i)rojects prompted by ihe want of« Federal authority over 
 
10 
 
 commerce, was that of a coyenant first proposed on the part of Maryland, for i 
 isnifonnity of regulations between the two Stales, and commissioners were, appoint- 
 <;d for that purpose. It was soon perceived however, drat the concurrence of Penn- 
 sylvania v/as as necessary to Maryland as of Maryland to Virginia, and the concur- 
 rence of Pennsylvania was accordingly invited , but Pennsylvania could no more 
 concur without New York than Maryhnd without Pennsylvania; nor Now York 
 without the concurrence of Hoston, c^-c. Tlicse projects were superseded for the 
 movement by that of the Convention of Annapolis in 1780, and/orcrej- by the Con- 
 vention at Philadelphia in 17S7, and the Constitution which was xhcfniit of it." 
 
 Now, Sir, here is incontestible evidence from under the hand of Madison (and 
 who should know bettsr) that the Union took its rise from \hc protective policy, — 
 <'ach state individually feeling themselves unable to counteract that insidious and 
 grasping policy of Great IJritain which I have shown you she pursued and is still 
 pursuing, desired a more perfect Union of the States and people than the Confeder- 
 ation gave to counteract her measures — and the present Union and Constitution yon 
 despise so much was, as he sa3's, the fruit of that desire. 
 
 In 1790 when the first tariff bill was passed, our fathers, as if "to make assurance 
 doubly sure" vvhat they meant in the preamble, they entitled the bill an act "For 
 the discharge of the debts of the United Slates, and the encouragement and pro- 
 tection of manufacturer." Another motive, loo, operated on the minds of its au- 
 ihors, and that was, to lay the axe at once at the root of the tree to counteract the 
 designs of Great Britain. Now, Sir, you will perceive they were die authors ol 
 the protective policy, and is it on their iieads you hurl the vile slander of ''oppres- 
 sors and robbers." For this bill, die whole South Carolina delegation voted. They 
 were those too, who voted and fought against Great Britain, and our then, like the 
 present, domestic tories — the authors of your freedom — and if you succeed in your 
 designs on the Union on acccunt of ihe policy they established, you will have to 
 fight your way, over the blood of martyrs and die skeletons of die biave. Let me 
 call your attention to a few extracts from men "whose fame is in all the land."' — 
 Washington, in his first message to Congress said, "That the measures of the last 
 session had proved satisfactory to their constituents." He told them farther, "that 
 the cncouragrment of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures was a duty they 
 owed the people." They replied "If'e concur v:ith you in the senlitmnt, that ag- 
 riculture, commerce and manufactures are entitled to legislative protection." Mr. 
 Jelferson said, "It behooves us to protect our citizens, their commerce and naviga- 
 tion by counter prohibitory duties, and regulations." Mr. Baldwin, from Georgia, 
 in the first Congress .said, ."Thinking discrimination necessary and knowing the 
 voice oi' the people calls for it, we will not answer the end for which we come here 
 by neglecting or refusing to make it." 
 
 Our fathers f It it their right and their duty to protect our citizens in all dieir 
 pursuits. The enbrts of GeneraliiWashingtonfwith both houses of Congress during 
 his administration; likewise under John .Adams' administration; but more espe- 
 cially under Mr. Jefferson's, to counteract the measures and designs of Great Brit- 
 ain to ruin our commerce and manufactures, continued unabated. 
 
 Again in 1809, still to counteract the rigidly adhered to policy of Great Britain 
 on the manufactures and commerce of this country Congress passed the following 
 rcsoluiion in addition to die embargo act. 
 
 ••Resolved. Thut the Secretary of tlie Treaaiiry be directed to prepMie and report lo this 
 House at their next session, a pi:in for the applic:itioii of sucli nieims as are witliin the power 
 of Congress, f.ir the pnr|)nsii of ProlF.ctim; anilfosleung the manufncUires ufthc United hlates, to- 
 getlier with a st.itement of tlie sovenil niaunl'icfuring establishments whici) hnve been comnien- 
 t:e<l. Ihe progress which lias been inude in them, and the success with whicli they liuve been 
 attended, and such oilier infomialimi, as in tlie opinion of the Secretary, nuiy be material lu 
 eihiliiting a general view ol' the nianuf;ictnres of tlie I'nited States " 
 
 On the passatre of this resolution the following is the accorded vote of fourof thi- 
 South Adantic States. Virginia, yeas 12, nays G— North Carolina, yeas 8, nay5 
 3— South Carolina, yeas G, nays 1 — Georgia, yeas 1, nays 4.— Total, yeas 27, nays 
 
11 
 
 16. This vote shows, as all other previous votes show, upon the tariff that the 
 protective policy was the offspring of the South. 
 
 In 1816, the year succeeding that which Lord Brougham made the remark ta 
 which I have referred you, on your side of the question the tariff again came up. — 
 To again counteract the designs and to prevent the people of Great Britain from 
 "sti/kng in the cradle" our manufactures the tariff again was increased. I find 
 that the whole delegation from our State voted for the bill — and for the minimum 
 clause also, which was the oflspring of South Carolina. One of the delegation 
 said their object then was by increasing the tariff to "put the manvfadures beyond 
 the reach of contingency.'" 
 
 In the year 1817, the American Society for the encouragement and protection of 
 Amciican manufactures in New York, with Hon. D. T. Tomkins, at its liead, 
 elected John Adams. Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe, and many 
 iither distinguished statesmen honorary members ; all of whom, addressed replies 
 approving in the highest terms, the object of the Association. I will simply quote 
 Mr. Jefferson's. 
 
 MoNTrcEi.Lo, Jon'e2~, 1317. 
 Sir — I am thankful for the liniior done me, by an associiition with the Anierii-an Society for 
 the encouragement of Domestic iManufactiires, instituted in New York. The history ofllic la.sl 
 twenty years has been a sulHcient lesson for us all to depend for necessaries on oiirsclres alone; 
 and I hope that twenty years more will place the American hemisphere under a system of its own 
 rssenlially peaceably and industrious, and not needing to extract its comforts oat of the fires ra- 
 ging in the old world. The otiorts of the members of your institution being essentially engaged 
 ill their respective vicinages. I consider myself by their choice, as but a link of (Jnion between 
 the promoters there and here of the same patriotic object. Praying you to present to the So- 
 ciety my just acknowledgments for this mark of attention, I tender to yourself the assurance of 
 my great respect and considcraiion, THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 
 Air. LvNcii, Secretary, &c: 
 
 The tarilf of 1824 was another effort on our part to resist the movements in Great 
 Britain on our commerce and manufaetures — England was then again preaching 
 free trade for us and protection for herself. At the head of this movement stood the 
 celebrated Canning. In 1826 I believe he received orders from his King to form a 
 new ministry, and to give coniidence to the people of Great Britain to his cabinet, 
 for it was a hetrogenious cotnbination of parlies, he gave the celebrated pledge I 
 liave before stated. From that efl'ort of his, eidier to reduce our tariff or dissolve 
 the Union, arose the agitation of free trade and nullification in South Carolina. At 
 all events, the agitation here commenced ab.iut that time. He dying in the mean 
 time, not however, until he had placed the seeds of discord in our midst. His suc- 
 cessor went to work to finish what he had begun, viz. to amend their tariff with a 
 view to this country. Congress, still true to the Union, passed the tariff of '28, and 
 no doubt in their zeal to prelect us and to counteract Great Britain overshot the mark 
 — still they are entitled to the gratitude of their country. But the propositions of 
 tree trade and reciprocal duties from Great Britain to us so full of delusion, was 
 caught up with enthusiasm, and especially by Southern politicians until the torrent 
 became irresistible. The puliticiaus of South Carolina having become suddenly the 
 victim of and the enemy to the Administration, at once "lashed the ocean into u 
 tempest," and rushed headlong in their tiiadness aa;alnst the thick bossis of thf 
 Union. Fortunately, as in the Missouri question, HENRY CLAY was in the 
 councils of his country, and offered the Compromise which, while it saved the 
 principle of protection, poured oil upon the troubled waters. 
 
 I wish now to draw your attention to a few things, which, if not true, you and 
 vour colleagues are tnuch abused, and you and they inust come out and prove the 
 contrary, or your silence will convict you. It is said, nullification was started some 
 how in this way. Gen. Jackson was requested to make you his Secretary of the 
 Treasurjs which he refused to do — that you and all of your colleagues then swore 
 vengeance on his head, with some honorable exceptions. While you and others 
 were getting ready to enter into the incipient measures of resistance. Van Bureii 
 gets Jackson and Calhoun hold of each other's ears, and Calhoun comes home and 
 steels with his friends, your thunder, and raises the shout of resistance and nuUifi- 
 
13 
 r.ation. As soon as you had found out that he had got a hold of yosr thunder, and 
 had the Siaie with him, you came out instantly denouncing nuUification and resis- 
 tance as a lieresy and revukilionary. Now he is opposed to it, you are out to get 
 the start of him on a more extensive plan. General J.mies Hamilton, the "hero o( 
 the sugar liogsheaJs," and you may be able to say whether this rumor is fue. The 
 whole business (if \he pubhc could only tind it out) of the last rebellion and insur- 
 rection was an infamous affair with some. 'J'hat after it had started, it is known 
 that letters were written by certain persons here to Eu'^land, and that a certain man 
 who is now a disunionist, was sent to England, or went with his own free will, (bui 
 it was always undersleod he was sent,) to look after the ^'welfare of South Caroli- 
 na." That it was known that Canning was in correspondence with Southern poli- 
 ticians ill this courvtry until his deatli, that his successor followed his extimple, and 
 that while this certain gentleman was in England, the issue was made directly witii 
 the General Government, as Canning had determined he would make it, by the dis- 
 organizers in South Carolina, to "compel the AMERICANS to reduce the tariff or 
 dissuloe the Union." Probably Mr. McCord, the disunionist, can tell us soinewhat 
 about his trip to England, "l here were in the revolution a good many who went In 
 England, but never came back that hated their country so. I would like to kno\r 
 from James Hamilton, known as thegreat letter writer — and in Alabama us "/Jflwrfiy 
 Jim of Caroline,'' whether Lieut. Trelawney of the British Navy — was sent her^ 
 10 take charge of the South Carolina Navy ! ! ! in case the State came to an open 
 rupture with the Government. I challenge certain persons who received letter* 
 from Englishmen to publish them, and we can soon see why they wish free trade 
 and disunion, and whether their movements are dictated by patriotism or not. That 
 that whole plot — originaiins in infamy and terminating in disgrace — was a base at- 
 tem])t on the part of some to overthrow this Union, 1 verily believe ; and 1 believfl 
 farther, the facts will one day come out and overwhelm the conspirators with irre- 
 trievable disgrace and infamy. I here were many who knew not the designs of the 
 disorganizers — yea, many leaders, who were deceived, and thousands of the ppoplr 
 who acted from the purest motives in the e.\citing scenes of nullification — a work of 
 so much injurv to the Government and people. 
 
 VV'eil, Sir, what was the result of that contest? Did England offer to enter into 
 reciprocal commerce ? No, Sir, she held on to her old policy of protection, and 
 when she foimd she had caught us, shejeered and ridiculed us for our credulity, pu- 
 sillanimity and baseness. How did it ojjerate on us ? W by. Sir, the country was 
 ooon flooded with English goods. Our own manufacturers hnding themselves una- 
 ble to resist the torrent, set to work to cramp tlieir operatives by lessening their wa- 
 ges. 'I'heir operatives resisting them, set in motion \iolence and mob law wherr 
 before was peace and quietness; and from this cause I attribute much of that spirit 
 of popular resistance to the constituted authorities of the land for the last eight or 
 ten years. This confusion continued to reign unril almost every factory was stop- 
 ped, and starvation and distress stared every man in the face. The contest was not 
 »irn|)ly with the manufacturer and his operatives — but between the manufacturer 
 and the importer. The imporlinc: merchants finally became victorious, which led 
 them to suppose there was no duty whatever to be paid as thousands of their bondf- 
 are sth. un.-cdeemed' 
 
 I5ii!. Sir, wbai wa< the eflect upon the Gnvonnnent. During the seven year" 
 the rompromise ixisled, there was :i deficit of jJ7.5&3.0()0, in defrayiiio; the ex- 
 penses of government yearly, being n clear loss of the seven years, of 85.3, 088,- 
 000. 'I'lie expenses of the Govi-i miieiit diirinjj this wlude period, was $176, 
 0(17,000. and the iiicnnie $122,979,000 Had it not been for a part of the pub- 
 lic binds lyinsr in 1 bcse .States, you wi>b now scattered into particles and frajr- 
 meiits. we would have had Ji debt saihlled on us .-it this time, of $53,00.000. An 
 it is, there IS now a Goveri ment di'bt of some $2,'>, 000,000. incurred by the issue 
 ni shin-plasters, to meet the ,^'iiius of the Ticasury, Dfies not this exhibit of 
 the individual suffering inflicted by our own government, in bowing the knee to 
 
13 
 
 Baal, ill yielding to the iutitrijxues of Great Britain — and the naiinnal sarrific* 
 of iliijiiity, character and honur n{ the whole cminlry — a nation so H'llnced by 
 Jiritish iiitriijiKs, as not to be able to borrow at ahiiost any interest, a dolbir for 
 its own necessiiie.s, from its own or f.irei^ii citizens, show we were deceived and 
 injured. Is this not enough to "arouse the national ^hanie,"and to treat her witji 
 scorn for her treachery, and inflict condign puiiishnient on the heads of aiiv <»f 
 licr American emissaries, who niav attempt the like movement again. 
 
 Sir, I have not the time or the inclination to enter upon a never dyin;: consti 
 ♦ iiiionul question. Let iis liirn to tlie great charter fiom whence all onr power 
 Ii> lay and cidlect ta.ves is found. The eighth seclioii of the first article of the 
 t'onstitulion, is in these words: 
 
 '■ The C'ongress shali have |)i)Wer to lay and collect taxes, duties, impost.s and 
 «f.xc!ses, to pay the debts dm] provide for the cummon defence and general welfare 
 uf the Unite I S!ates,h\\l all duties iiiiposts and excises shall be uiiiiui m thiouch 
 out the Unitid States." This cl.in»e, in c orijiinction with the clause to n-suliile 
 I'omiiierce, gives Congress the power to protect manufactures as well as ajincul 
 Jure, as necessary to commerce, and all ihree are essential for the common dc 
 tence and the general welt'are. If she hid the power to protect comnieice sole- 
 ly, and not the power to piotect that wliicli ere.iies commerce, she would be di- 
 vested of one < f l''e highest and most important functions of government, viz. 
 to provide for its own means of support ami detVnce. The power is ample ; 
 she has it even uinler tin; ire ity making (lower. The States certainly harl it he- 
 fore the U'lioo was forrnrd, and exercised it It they have not jjoi it now, 
 where is it ] II certainly imi>t be scmiewliere. and that somewhere mu.-t be i'l 
 the Federal (loveniiuent. The Government of the Union is simply after all, a;i 
 instruuieot created to protect the States and their pi-ople and |)roper!v — and if 
 .«lie has nut yot the power to protect the 1 ilior an I the ini^ans which suslains tho 
 fetaies, iVom foreiiin agsre.ssioi', she would be without the means to |(iniii-ct ihem 
 in war. But, Sir, I have the evidence of all the Presidents. Out of the distin- 
 jjuished men who Klled the Executive and Lei;islalive departments of the Gov- 
 ernment, at the time it went into operatio", twenty-one iiad been members of 
 the Convention who framed the (Jimstiliilion. We finil tbetn savin;: that "the 
 whole govt-rnment agree<l in their official declaialions and acts, foimdid on tho 
 principle, that lo protect and encourage manvfacttires under the powi r to regv- 
 Inte commerce, ami to lay imposts, was ihe undoubtrd right and duty i>f Con- 
 gress." Tho following Senators and Representatives of ihis state voted for theftriit 
 protective tariff, having no cmisiitutional scruple.s. I'lf rce Butler and Ralph 
 l^anl.Seiiators. Tlios. Tudor Tucker. Wm. L. Smith, Oiidanus Burke, Tlioma* 
 Sumter an I Daniel Huger. Represenla'ives. The uiiconstitutiimality "f tl>« 
 protective policy by the gencrtil government, is not an American ickai It wa» 
 taught us bv Great Britain. 
 
 Mr. .Madison, in his letierto Mr.Caliell, v.'ritten in IS'28, says, " That iheeii- 
 couragemeiit of inanufHCturcs was an object of tho power to rei;iihitc trule, >• 
 proved by the use made of the power for that purpose, in the first session r)fthe 
 first Congress uiuler the Coiistilnti>>n." ■• tt does not ajipear from the punted 
 proceeiliu;;s of Congress, on that occasion, that the power was di'i.icd b . .my of 
 tlieni." In speaking of the dogma of ircf trade, he says; " If rei'OlUf In- iiie soh 
 object of a le-iiliinate impost, and the encoiirarrernent of domestic articles he not 
 v/ithin the power ofregul ting trade, it wcmKi follow that no monopolizing or Un- 
 equal regulations of foreign iiati<Mis could be counteracted ; that neither the st« 
 pie articles of subsistence, nor the essential implements foi the public safety, 
 could, under any circumstanres, be en.sored or fislered at home, by regulatioirs 
 of coiniuerce, the usual and most convenient mode of providiuir for hot'i." A 
 meoibiT fr. m this State, i<i Congress, said" that des()iiiring of getting ri.l of ibp 
 tarifTof '''2S, politicai men went almut among ilie Deople and sat up the doclrini* 
 
u 
 
 fhatthe tariff was unconstilulional." A government tliat can't protect its people 
 from wjiiry can't di-'fuiid them from insult. 
 
 13ut, Sir, if I undeistood some of you who are spending so mucli liroatli aboui 
 revenue, protection and taxation, you are for aholishiufr revenue by imposts al- 
 l():;elher, and instituting in its place direct tiixation and excises. Direct taxa- 
 |ion is a tax placed upon the valuation of property, ami was first instituted in 
 170S, in expectation of a war with France. Another in 1S13 — also 1815 ami 
 1S16 were other acts passed. The amount raised Ironi 179S to IS40, by direct 
 tn.\ation, was $12,744,737 50. Mr, IMcCulloch, in iiis Commercial I lictionary, 
 thus defines an " E.xcise to be duties laid on such articles as are produced M\i, 
 consumed at home." They arose in England in 1643. Mr. Justice Rlackstone 
 SHys of tliem in his, (Com. book 1, ch. 3,) " tiiat from its first origin to the prtw- 
 •;nt time, its very name has been odious to the people of England." It was re- 
 uommended by Alexander Hamilton, and a law Was passed, from \vliich was 
 collected $22,i2G5,242. In a little while the name became so odious, that In.' 
 changed it to *' Internal Revenue," but he soon found that his new name would 
 not protect it — that all must go. The ^fivernmetit, after trying both of thesi: 
 means, found that the people liked neither, and in adilition to that it made a 
 tremendous addition to the patronage of the Executive, by an enormous increase 
 of officers. Now, suppt)se you had the sub-treasury, with its thousands lif ofii- 
 '•ers and collectors of excise and direct taxation, along with the State tax col- 
 lectors, the consequences woid',1 be that a multitude ofolTicials would be spread 
 over all the lainl, like the frogs of Egypt, untd they would be found in every 
 man's bedchamber. The expenditures of government u'liidd, under such a con- 
 dition and mode of raising its revsnue, be from sixty to seventy millious a year, 
 ' instead of thirty or foity millions, at the farthest, as it i.s now. A system like 
 either of these, l)elong to those who are suffering under " grinding oppression." 
 This syst,em Sir, with low wages and free trade, would make a magnificent 
 state of tilings amongst us. Suppose you establish free-trade, excises and di- 
 rect taxation, with low wages, what must be the condition of the opcrativas and 
 what the value of 3'our negroes to you. Let us see bow it operates in other 
 .countries, where excise, direct taxation and custom duties are levied. 
 
 In England, a man, l)is wife and two childrL'ii, capable nfas«i.sli:iXi $2,33 a week. 
 
 Fruncc. Calais coiiiniou laborers l^d per day, with board and witliout dwelling. Boulogne 
 5<J per day, do. do Nantes, 'Si-/ per day. without board and without dwelling. Marseilles, 4.i 
 lo7(/ per day, with board and without dwcdliii;. The tood in some districts coiisistj in rye 
 bread, soup made ol inillet, cakts made of Indian corn, noio andlheii some salt provisions and 
 vegetables ; rare'Vi if e\er, butcher's iBeat." In others," vvheaten bread, soup made with veg- 
 etables and a little grease or lard twice a day, potatoes or other vegetables, butseldom butcher's 
 ■meat." 
 
 I Sicedcn The daily wages of a skillful agriculturalists are 7d or 8(7. while the imskilled obtaiu 
 ,no more than 3rf or 4r/, and board themselves. Agriculturists in the Southern provinces live 
 upon salt fish and ])olatoes. In the northern provinces, porridge and rye bread Conn their food, 
 
 Bavaria. Laborers are paid at the rate of 8(/ per day, in the country, without board. 
 
 Belgium. A skillful artizan may earn in summer, Is '2d to Is 5(i, in winter, ](W to Is 9<i ; nn- 
 ifikilled half as much, without board ; live upon rye bread, potatoes and mdk. Agricultural la- 
 . borers have less 
 
 Germany. Dantzig laborers 4^^ to 7d per day, without board. Mecklen'unrg 7d per day do- 
 HoIstcin7rf per day, do. 
 
 '" Netlurlajids. Soiilh Holland laborers, 3fZ to 4rf a d.ay, with b'-ard. North Holland 20(i per 
 day, without board. Antwerp, 5d per day, do. West i'lander.^: Ms to 104,9 per year, with board. 
 ,,, Jlaly. Trie.ste Laborers, I'M per day, without board ; do. {'id per day, without board. Istria 
 M to lO.'f per day, without board. Loiiibardy, id to [-d [lerday. do. Geneva, 5d to Hd per day, 
 do. and without lodgings. Tuscany, (>d per "day, wilboiil either. 
 
 ^'Snzoiiy. '» In ls:J7, a man employed on his own loom, working very diligently from Monday 
 ^orning to Snturduy night, Siomjico o'clock in the moruing, until du.*k, and even at times with a 
 I^imp, his wife 'assisting in finishing and taking home the work, could not potsibly earn mors 
 than 20 iroscheu (about 80 cents) per week Nor could one w!io hail tlnvc childi c'n aged 12 
 years and upwards, all working .at the loom, as well as himself, with his wife employed doing up 
 ■ilii-work, earn more than $1 weekly. 
 i . i. regret I have not tha statistics of tin; wages of otlier ccuntries just now. 
 
ir, 
 
 This is tlie condition of lliinga j-ou would iksten on this country, and svliicli re- 
 quires a s'anding army all over Enrope, to keep it in existence. This system, ol 
 yours and your colleagues has filled all Europe with wretchedness, pauperism 
 and starvation, and if you suppose its introduction here will injure simply the la- 
 borers of the North and East, you are vastly mistaken. The valua of the while 
 laborer when cut down, must cut down the black labor also. \()ur negroes 
 would be a burthen to you. They would not earn tlieir doctor's bill, which 
 this system of v. rctchodness would inflict on them. It siiould be the interest ol 
 the South to keep up labor, and to foster and encourai^-e industry the Union over 
 that their property in negroes might be the more valuable, and the interest on 
 the capital invested in them, the more profitable. Nothing can preserve labor si> 
 well, and give employment to all our citizens, than the encouragement and pro-' 
 tectionofall our home interests, agricuituial, manufactural and mechanical. It 
 gives us a home, and a home market lor all our varied produce, and a homo c! 
 
 • comfort and ind( ptTidence. It makes us rich within ourselves, happy in the t;ii- 
 joymenl of our rights, and free from foreign control. 
 
 Sir, a word or two more on low wages. In monarclues and aristocracies 
 there are classes of the very wealthy and the very poor. In arepublic, botii ex- 
 tremes are a^ioided. There is more uniformity of character and standing, and a'.i 
 clauses |asslmilate more to eaci' other. But, sir, if any one should be infamoHs 
 •snough to desire such a state of things, it would be impossible to efiect it. Tht; 
 very attempt would shake the whole Union from centre to circumference. Re- 
 duce the price of lidinr, and the value of produce and of pro])erty ol all kind*, 
 ;;oes down with it. The man who to-cay is the holder of propety, but indebted, 
 to-morrow becomes a laborer, and the tendency of things would thus be to drive 
 ;fll the property into the feands of the wealthy ; but would the all-potent, but ail- 
 wretched people let it remain there 1 Are there no demagogues, and is there no 
 delusion in a republic I And do we of the South expect that amidst this general 
 wreck and ruin, we will escape unscathed ? As well might Vie expect to keep 
 that portion oi'tlie Atlantic which washes over our shores at a level of forty I'eet 
 above where it dashes against New York. Rest assured, Sir, wretchedness, liko 
 water, will find its own level. There are some "200,000 negroes, whose masters 
 hire out as mechanics in the South, and who under the operation of this system, 
 -would be a curse on theiiv hands. I pity the intellect as well as the knowledge of 
 any man who would advocate this system among us, and I object to any man 
 , who would attempt, knowingly, to entail it upon us and our posterity. 
 \ From a statement latclv made, based on accurate information, we learn that 
 the capital invested in Manufactures in the United States, amounts to $400,000,000. 
 -The amount invested in cotton manufactures is S,51 ,102,359, The amount of per- 
 .sons ene;iiged in and dependent on their existence and protection, is 4,000 000, 
 land who consume at the lowest,40 cents each worth per week, making in the ag- 
 gregate, a home market for SS3,-00,000 of our agricultural product consutued 
 fluy them yearly. About 1.200,000 are located in the South. Of those engaged 
 and depeniJejit on the existence and protection of commsrce, W3 learn amounts 
 to about 800,000, with a capital ol'.~Po(>0,u97,l(58, who consume at the same rate 
 leach 40 cents perweek,of agricultural products, SiG, 640.000 wotth yearly, 'ihc 
 capital invested in agriculture is b694-,433,00O. You state that " nianulacture.s 
 
 • should be the last rc-sojt in every country — that commerce is the proper hand- 
 
 • foaid of agriculture, and iigricultiire the blessed employment of man." Now I 
 wish to sliow you how absurd yur position is, and I will use that familiar and 
 eorarnon place stylo that you and all of us can comprehend. I wish to shew you 
 
 'tirst, however, how commerce and aijricultine depend upon the mechanic arts 
 
 What use would bo your plantation without the plow, the hoe the a.xo and the 
 
 liarrow ! VVhat iise the earth that grows your cotton, curn, wheat, ryci barley, 
 
 potatoeSi &c. without the plow to fuirow up the land ? What use your plantation 
 
 'without a liouse to live in, and how could the boards, the spikes, na'ls, hinges, 
 
IG 
 paints, &c. to liuild and complete the house, lie had until they were made? The fust 
 thing a farmer or planter thinks of, when lie goes on to liis land cleared or mi- 
 cleared, is to have a place to shelter hini/elf from rain and snow, and the heat of 
 the 8un. Your farm and negroes would be of no use to you, unless you had tho 
 instruments m till the earth. If you wish to bring ihe peeple to the customs and 
 hahits of the abiirii.'«iiees, why we tell you we will not consent to it — if you de- 
 sire it, you can leaves us, carrying wiili you the rest of your colleagues, for th« 
 Rocky Mount ins, and you u ill find their descendants there, only, do not go to 
 nullirying their laws and form cluhs to dissolve their union. 'I'l-jl iMcDufiiew* 
 take his forty bale theory, that he may teach the Indians the true principles of 
 "grinding opprcii!iion,"a.s he can't ^et us to understand it — not forgetting his lon.» 
 bayonets, in case you are all made chiefs you can show vour people how to be in- 
 to an enemy six inches before he can reach you. 
 
 Well now, hero is a capital of $400,000,000 employed in the mechanical arts and 
 pursuits, and being only $294,000,000 less than that eniployefl in agriculture, •.iml 
 near §32,000,000 more than that employed in commerce foreign and domestic, and 
 _\on do not doubt the Constitutional power to protect both, while you deny the povr 
 •i>rfor manufactures necessary to sustain and carry on both agriculture and commere«. 
 Now suppose your cotton was attacked while shipping to IN'ew York or LiverptU'^ 
 would you not find the power in the Constitution to proterl it ! and if your GoverL 
 *nent did not protect it, would you not condemn her'; Woidil you not "resist" and 
 use the ^'■righ'ful remedy.^'' And here is one of the three great elements of national 
 prosperity having a capital of near §32,000,000 more than that employed in com- 
 merce, and yet you cannot find any constitutional power to protect it from harm. — 
 You are willing to appropriate by taxing the people millions for the protecticn of cora- 
 uieree and not one cent lor manufactures, and without which, there would never bB 
 a ship upon the ocean. What is protection as isnderstood by governments in iii le- 
 sitimate sense? It is simply nothing more ihxn the support and protection of all 
 those means or elements, internal and external, which constitu.es the national de- 
 fence. Now has she the power over a part and not over the other ? and are you go- 
 ing to hold her responsible for the ruin of that over which she has no power, and 
 withotn which, she could not protect us in war? 
 
 But this is a never dying Constitutional question. Let us go back to our plan- 
 taiion and commence our familiar talk. Suppose, after you had got your house 
 built, you would then want an axe to cut wood to make fires with — a knife to cut 
 oflfioultry's heads, stick to death pigs and sheep — an oveti, skillet or gridiron \<t 
 ciok them — a kettle and pot to boil yoiir tea and colfee in, and then a mill to grinj 
 your corn and wheat into grits and tlotir to you bake in your oven. Do all thea? 
 things grow in the soil ? Then you want a saddle and bridle to ritle your horse 
 with — a spinning jiuney and a loom, and needles so you can clothe your nakedness; 
 will you find them by the waysidsl Is the clothing a man's nakedness the "lint 
 resort V and because he does do it, should the "public sha^ne" be excited against 
 him? Now here is §400,000,000 employed in making these very articles yo» 
 need — in the success of which, depends their very happiness and comforts in this 
 life, and almost life itself of a population of 4,000,000, and against which, is directed 
 all the powers of the world, who give you the work of llieir "thrifty hands,'' an4 
 which you need as inwch as that which they take from you, and that to the amount 
 'jf §83,200,000, and §fi6,800,0b0 more than those engaged in commerce take from 
 YOU per year, and yet you i.ave no desire to see their interests protected as well j* 
 yours. 
 
 Now, .Sir, let us see how commerce would stand without manufartures and ih" 
 mechanic arts. Suppose-, after you had raised your cotton (for I must take you on 
 that, as you cant see or know any other agricultural product,) how would yo.i ge-. 
 it to a home market without wagons, rail roads, steamboats, canal boats, liglitem, 
 (fee.? And how to a foreign market without ships, schooners and other crafts uulii 
 ihey were made ? All these instrume.its necessary to carry your agriculture abroad, 
 
and without which, commerce could not be coiidiiclwl, arc tho offspring of the me- 
 chanic arts and manufactures. Why, Sir, of the sail that wafts the vessel, you raised 
 the raw material, the manufacturer made it into canvass — the merchant used it for 
 his ship and sold it to others for the same purpose, and it becomes an instrument 
 and emblem of all three. Even that ftag, lhil"glorisU!iJ!ag" whicli you now de- 
 spise so much, came into use in the same way. And, as if Heaven intended to 
 mark the connexion of all these great interests "strong in death" we go down into 
 the grave in the shroud, — the fruit of all three — as when man perishes, all perish, 
 while the earth, as our "best friend" covers us in repose. 
 
 Are you willing to appropriate millions for the Navy, which you once voted for 
 and now regret to protect, for commerce, anci not a cent for the mechanic arts and 
 manufactures, without which you could not have a ship of war built.' Are you wil- 
 ling to expend millions for ministers, charge d'all'aires, and consuls to live abroad to 
 make treaties for and look to the welfare of our commerce and citizens engaged in it, 
 the world over, and nothing for manufactures and the mechanic arls * Vt'hat would 
 )'our batde ships be to you without cannop, guns, swords, powder and ball to pro- 
 tect our commerce in peace and our honorin war I And of what use would your nul- 
 lification be to the Union in case you were resisted without these ^Hmpltmen'-i of 
 war," Arc you Sir, willing to pay millions to keep up an army to protect us in 
 war and not one cent for the weapons they light with and the clothes they are to 
 wear? Must we be as straitened again, as in the last war, to import clothing for 
 the army from Great Britain ? Sir, you are absurd, you sit up there in Pendle .n, 
 on the broad side of a cotton bale, and imagine it constitutes the only element of lie 
 national wealth and the national defence. Why, Sir, the little State of New Jer- 
 sey, while it is an agricultural State, and, its agricultural produce exceeds in value that 
 raised in Sout'i-Carolina, stiil its manufactures e.xceed invalue, by stveral millions, the 
 whole entire collon crop of ^outh Carolina and Georgia; and even the potaloe crop 
 of the United States, ai fifty cents a bushel, exceeds in value the cotton crop of Soulli 
 C.irolina, Georgia and Alabama; and yot. Sir, who ever heard of legislation oriiul- 
 lification for potatoes .' 
 
 Suppose, Sir, by the operation of that policy, whicli England has produced in all 
 the states and commonwealths of Europe, they were all, fr(;m low wages, able to ship 
 cotton into South Carolina and sell it on the wharves of Charleston for less than you 
 could produce it, would you not be able to find the power in tho Constitution to pr - 
 tect you from the ruin this state of things would bring upon you? Do you not 
 think this sad condition would make you tariff men — and would you not, if th e 
 North were to refuse you protection from this injury, regard it as the ni '-gri cl- 
 ing oppression ?" Well now. Sir, here is another element of the national vvea ii 
 and necessary to the national defence, placed in this very condition, and you cann ; 
 find any power in the Constitution to shield it from harm. Suppose, Sir, a foreign 
 army, in its aggression upon our shores, were to burn and plunder these factories 
 and workshops, would not Congress be derelict and recreant to its trusts, if it did not 
 shield and protect them from this aggression? and if it has the power in such a 
 case, has it nottha power to shield them from the operation of those laws and that pol- 
 cy of foreign states which strike at these interests in peace? How would our cities 
 be built up without the use of tho mechanic arts and manufactures '. How would 
 religion, literature, politics and philosophy be disseminated without manufactures? 
 How bury the dead 1 I might ask, how could wo accomplish any thing that heaven 
 has assigned to man in his earthly progress, without the mechanic arts and manufac- 
 tures ? The first Congress felt themselves bound, and the people of all trades and 
 pursuits held them to the obligation that the power was ample to shield all the avo- 
 cations of thepeople from harm ? The ship-wrights from Charleston, in their peti- 
 tion to the first Congress, recognized the pri'.-iciple of protection, and held their Gov- 
 ernment bound to shield them from the injury, which foreign coasters produced on 
 the carrying trade betwect: the different ports of the States, and Congress by la-*, 
 amply complied with their rcqitesi. Now, no foreign vessel can clear from nny oi 
 
1« 
 
 our custom houses as a coastEr. Now, if you wish IVec trade and to be consistent, 
 why not expunge that navigation act from the statute book, and invite the Danes, 
 Swedes, French, Endish, Russian, Prussian, Mexican and other foreign vessels to 
 a sliare in tliis trade ? 
 
 Sir, I wish now to draw your attention to the operation of Sir Robert Peel's Slid- 
 ing Scale upon the grain-growing Stales. By this scale, the duty on grain, is arran- 
 ged according to the price, the one decreasing, as the other increases. Thus, for 
 instance, the price ranges from 50s. per quarter, or $1.50 a bushel to 73s. per quar- 
 ter, or 82.19 a bushel ; and the duty from 36s. 8d. per quuartcr, or81.09 a bushel, 
 to Id. per quarter, or 3 cents per bushel. When wheat is .$1.50 a buslui the duty 
 is §1.09 ; and as the price goes up to the famine point of -$2.19, the duty comes 
 down a shilling or two. But as England produces a sufficient supply in good sea- 
 sons, and at all times a large quantity, very little grain is imported except at famine 
 prices. The price is arranged by taking the weekly average of 150 towns, and is 
 constantly lluctuating, from the operations of the London speculators. lu 1828, the 
 price changed ihirty-five times, and in the average from 1831 to 1838 the duty was 
 never below 20s. 8d. per quarter, or 61 cents a bushel. By this constant fluctua- 
 tion produced by her laws, the United States is almost entirely shut out of her mar- 
 ket, while she has made the most pressing offer to us to become the best customer 
 for her manufacturers. A mercantile house in England w-ould not dare give .an order 
 in this country for grain, because, before it could be tilled, the orders to the near 
 ports in Europe would be answered, the market glutted, the price lowered, the duty 
 raised, and the merchant ruined. Suppose wheat in this country is worth .SI. 20 a 
 bushel and in England $1.06, and the duty down to 21 cents — and suppose a Lon- 
 don merchant, with a fair prospect, gives an order in this country for wheat, but be- 
 fore it arrives the market is filled from Europe, and the price falls 1 shilling per bush- 
 el, which it frequently does in a week — w'hal is the consequence? Why, Sir, when 
 the American wheat comes in. it is worth 55 shillings per quarter, or SI. 52 a bushel, 
 and the duty has gone up to 42 cents, and the merchant instead of making a profit of 
 about 50 cents a bushel on an order for 50,000 bushels amounting to 825,000, he 
 loses about 14 cents a bushel, and on the whole §7,000. Do you wonder at the 
 British merchant saying, "he should deserve to be branded as a gambler and to have 
 his credit destroyed, if he were to venture upon alike experiment again." Sir, of 
 England's seven hundred prohibitory duties, not one of them is rescinded by this 
 new bill. By it she still retains all her prohibition and all her protection. 
 
 This is the operation of her laws upon the labor of the agriculturist of the free 
 States. 'Sow, let us see its ell'ects upon the agricultural labor of the Southern and 
 slave States. Our tobacco is taxed over twelve hundred per cent. This crop 
 . is valued at about $7,000,000, and out of that amount -$1,500,000 goes to for- 
 eign ports, on which is raised a revenue of 845,000,000, and principally in Eng- 
 land. Our sugar is taxed tn prohibition. She makes a disciiminalion in favor of 
 cotton raised in the East Indies over American cotton of nine hundred per cent, on 
 the duties. It is supposed, that the yearly cotton crop in the East Indies is even 
 greater than that raised in the United States. A writer in the Southern Review, in 
 speaking of the cotton crop of the East Indies says, "The extent of the wheat crop 
 of the United States cannot be estimated by the exports, without taking into account 
 the domestic consumption. So in regard to the cotton crop of India. Although the 
 exports of cotton from \merica be ten times greater than the exports from India, it 
 should be considered that the Asiatic consumption is much greater than the American, 
 because the population is so much greater." 
 
 By turning to the London \thena?um of November 23, 1839, will be foun,"! a 
 ''report on the cotton trade of India." That report says, "the people of Ilindostan 
 are as capable of furnishing Europe with cotton, as the inhubilunts of North Ameri- 
 ca, and that, under proper arrangements, both the quimtity and quality of their pro- 
 duce would suffice for all the requirements of British manufactures without the ne- 
 cessity of relying on the slcwc labor of .\mcrica."' Gen. Briggs, one of the East 
 
19 
 
 India Company's Agents estimates the present Asiatic consumption at750.000,00011)s.; 
 which is (Treater llian the whole cotton crop grown in the Southern States. He proceeds 
 to demonstrau , in order to encourage the growers of cotton in India, and with a view 
 of shutting out the cotton 01' the Unite J States from England, by saying, "th^t India 
 might supply cotton sufficient i'or ihe inanufactures oi' England, and if necessary for 
 the whole world." Great Britain will never change her policy to advance the in- 
 teresLs of the American producers of cotton to the injury of her own possessions in 
 the East. She will purchase of us no longer than she can do it on better terms than 
 she can j)rocure it otherwise ; and this she will do at all events. She is now nerving 
 herself and making the greatest efibrts in her East India colonies to raise a sufficient 
 supply for l»er own manufactures. 
 
 From 1821 to 1826, the increase from the East Indies was 108 per cent., whilst 
 that from the United States was only 16 per cent. During the twenty years, the 
 first increased 12 fold, the other only 3 fold, and during the last ten years, tlie in- 
 crease of the East In> 'es was nearly four fold, whilst that of the United States was 
 only 50 per cent. It is in vain to tell us that the East India cotton is poor, that it cannot 
 <'ompete with ours. It does compete with it. It has almost driven us out of the 
 South American market for cotton goods, and Mr. Gray states, before Hume's cele- 
 brated committee, that under a twenty per cent. duty, it will drive us out of our own. 
 Sir, it is the poor article that always affects the good, by undersellhig it. Every body 
 is a judge of price but not of value. It is the poor English and not the good Swedish 
 iron that interferes with the American; and so it is with all other articles, cotton in- 
 cluded. Great BrUain at least, understands this sulyect if we do not. 
 
 It is. Sir, that hostile and vindictive spirit you manifest in your voluntary, in uni- 
 son with your colleagues, as '■^common enemies of the Soiilh.'" against the mechani- 
 cal arts and manufactures, that constitutes the cause ol' our decline. Who would 
 commence the work of manufacturing here, and contend with an excitement so hos- 
 tile to their interests? What inducement is there for capitalists to settle with us and 
 invest their funds in manufactures and property? Eighty thousand have left us with- 
 in the last ten years, for other states, being a clear loss of about $18,000,000. — 
 Charlestonlost in ten years, upwards of seven hundred oi' her population, andSavan- 
 vannah increased hers near iix thousand ^Yhhm the same time; If the tarifi' injured 
 Charleston, why did it not Savannah ? It is a base falsehood that it is oppressive. 
 Every city that blends the three great interests together has increased, and is increas- 
 ing in commerce and population. What could the North do if we were to go to work 
 manutacturing? Why, Sir, her capitalists would be forced to come here. We ha\e 
 the population and the materials which give us an overwhelming superiority. Our 
 commcrcce, foreign and domestic, would lloat on every sra, ocean, river and lake. — 
 Our population would increase, and enterprise, contentmentr and prosperity would fill 
 our cup to overflowing. It is the absence of the stimulous which the mechanic arts 
 and manufactures gives to commerce and agriculture that brings ruin upon us. They 
 are necessary to the other two, and without them the others could not exist. The at- 
 tempt to force all the people to pursue commerce and agriculture, against their will, 
 while the others are necessary to them both, is not only a violation of the laws of trade, 
 but a violation of the laws of our nature. The minds, habits and dispositions of a people 
 are varied, and as if heaven intended to make the works of his hands suitable to all these 
 varieties of our nature, gave us various avocations, and the attempt to destroy either 
 one is an injury to the whole three. You may cut away one-tliird of the roots of a 
 noble tree, and it may live, but its freshness, richness and glor}' will be gone. Siif, 
 you talk lil;e a man tit fur a lunatic asylum when you say, that if free trade was the or- 
 der of the day, and our commerce was unfettered between Cliarleston, Liverpool and 
 Havre, that the first-named would hold the same placein the confederacy that N, York 
 does now. Our condition would not be altered one iota. If you refused to manu- 
 facture and Uie Unir.i were dissolved, you would still have to go to the North to get 
 your vessels, the offspring of manufactures, or to England, to carry on j-our com- 
 merce; orifymi entereainto a treaty with England she would demandas a gnarantcc, 
 
50 
 itet vciu should nol ninuuflifliUT or build vcssfls. aiulslic would take nothin?but whaf 
 sh? now takes, and of cour 'C, your conuncrcu would be no greater than at present, and 
 where is the prosperity you are going to give to Charleston ? 
 
 If you wish to know what has built up New York, Phihdelphia,Boston, Baltimore 
 nnd Richmond, I will tell you. It is the existence among them of agriculture, manu- 
 i'actnres and commerce, and the stimulation and encouragement thev give to the business 
 of each other and the people congregating where all the avocations and pursuits of life 
 are fnHowed and supported by both Government and people, that gives them capital, 
 enterprise, population and prosperity. This constitutes thecauseof their prosperity. 
 The people's feelings and hearts there, are with all pursuits. A man's honest liveh- 
 hood is not denounced, caliunniated and warred on thereby politicians. So attempt 
 is made to make a man's living by the sweat of his brow infamous. TFie feelings of 
 the State is with all the people and with all their pursuits — and not as it is here. There 
 are hundreds of men who served their apprenticeship in this State, and who were 
 born here, who are now numbered among the capitalists and industrious population 
 that makei t'o;e cities rich, peaceful, prosperous and great; and were it not for the 
 I'oul spirit here among our politicians whose hearts are ravished with delight with Eng- 
 land's prosperity, and indignant at ours, Charleston too, might prosper. 
 
 Virginia and Virginians will spurn you, Sir, for your insult. Because she is recov- 
 ering her prosperity and capital that has Ijeen for rears expended in other States — be- 
 cause the p30ple and capitalists of Europe, and the North and South are settling On 
 Iter borders and filling up her waste places, building factories, extending her com- 
 merce and gathering her resources — increasing her population— giving life, comfort 
 and prosp8rit_y to all her people and to the Stale, defendinsand supporting her industry 
 by ijupporting the tariff, M'hich Washington and all her illustrious sons have taught 
 hir to do, and because she will hold no fellowship with nullifiers and disunionists, 
 >ire you to vilify heras departing from her ancient renown? Factories are also spring- 
 jag up throughout Georgia and North Carolina, — the people, prosperous, quiet and 
 contented — while in South Carolina we are cursed with a nest of politicians who are 
 not only preventing us from being prosperous and enterprising, but who are denoun- 
 cing and doing more to injure the people of this and other States by their British raea- 
 Mures than all the powers of Europe. 
 
 Where will you find a state or commonwealth in the old or new world blest with 
 prosperity, which neglect as we do, oneofthe great instruments of independence, one 
 of the elements of national wealth and national defence? England understands this 
 lubjest well, and it is strange we cannot or rather will not. Look at all those gov- 
 crnm^;nts of Europe whose mechanical arts arc broken up and the pov.'cr they wield- 
 ed to advance their commerce and agriculture, and to support the State, and which 
 ^are now principally transferred to Encjland, and what is their condition? Every gov- 
 ernment, with its people indirectly dependent on her, to defend them in war and to 
 clothe them i» peace. VVhat has made England's commerce so great — being nearly 
 a ■ large as all the other states of Europe put together — but her manufactures and pro- 
 tective policy. What would her comrnercc be, if her mauufactures were transferred 
 to other states ? Why, Sir, her power w^ould be gone. She would be no longer 
 the scare-crow and the terror she now is, of other states, and what if she were to 
 establish free trade? Why, Sir, her government, as well as Iier commerce, manu- 
 fictures and agriculture, would come to a dead halt. She would never be able to 
 borrow a cent of money, or pay the immense interest <<n her present enormous na- 
 tional debt. This she well knows, and it becomes a matter of interest and policy to 
 c )mpel the v/orld to practice free trade with her, and she prohibition with them. 
 
 I am no eulo;;ist of England ns yo:i are ! no admirer of tlmt shkly philanthropy which tra- 
 viraestlie world to discovc- ohjcctsfor her .svmpalhy, wliilst ihousnnds are suti'ering at home 
 lor its support ! no advocate for that protection which exhausts iistlf in preserving wealih to ih« 
 V. eallhy, and cutailinj poverty and misery on the poor and the wretched. But look at England 
 : s she is, "ivilh all her fanlts" — there is itj her history and policy much lo admire, and much to 
 imitate. With a small torrirory. scarcely as l;ir!.'e a.s that of .some of our States ; with no pecu- 
 liarity or variety of soil or climate, prodiicing aii insufficient supyly of the necessaries, and but 
 fen- of the lu.nuries of li e, and tut a portion of the raw materials that Stist.iin* her arts — yet she 
 
piomplly riieeli tlie interest on hor immense national dol)l, disbursos for tier auiiual uxfwnse, 
 upwards of fifiv millions of pounds slerling, sustain'* au army of a hundred thousand men, a 
 navy over (ivo hundred nhips of war, the most extensive commercial marine in the world, pives 
 laws to a l}Undrpd and sixty millions of subjects, and rules over one-sixth of the entire globe. 
 It was well said of her, ihattlie sun never sets on her territories, that "her military posts are dot- 
 ted round the entire globe, and their morning drnm-beat, following the couise of the sun, sends 
 forth a continuous strain of the martial ;iirs of l'iii»land." 
 
 Yet in comparison with hersh ittle and loom, her machinery and steam engine, all her mar- 
 tial arr.ay are but the "jiride, pomp and circumstance" of power. Those may awe her own 
 sulijfcts, overthrow the licndes of Asia, or battle against some prouder foe, but these send the 
 products of her power throughout the inhahitablo world, and paralyze the energies of mighty 
 nations; and, if England were blotted out of existence to-morrow, the historian could, a thou- 
 sand years hence, write, from the medals and devices of her manufactures, a more accurate 
 account of her power and greatness, than has ever been deciphered of the past from the imper- 
 ishable monuments of genius! for even these tell not a tale of civilization so impressive as the 
 simple winding .'-heet lorn from the skeleton that it has enshrouded for tbonsauds of years. 
 
 The secret, tlir, of Kngland's power and greatness is in llie pniieclioii of her own inilustry. — 
 From the days of her ICdvvurds and her Henrys, when she launched her first battle £hip and 
 imported sailors to man it — when, to foster her own manufactures, she excluded those of other 
 countries, and even made the exportation of raw materials felony, and required the dead to be 
 buried in woollen, unto the present time, she has pursued the same policy of protection. It i^ 
 inscribed upon the sails ol'her ships, stamped upon the products of her arts, and emblazoned upon 
 every monuuK'iit of her genius, enterprise and power. Through all change of lime, of sover- 
 eigns, of niinislers, and of panics, beneath this broad shield Dngiand has stiiod armed against 
 the. world. With her unchangeable po.sitinn of buying nothing that she could make, and of im- 
 porting nothingshe could produce, she has successrully competed with all opposition. Within 
 the last lialf ceniury, our own country has sprung forth her rival. We have successfully con- 
 tended with her in peace and in war, on land and on sea. But another and more potent con- 
 flict is at hand, and that is v/hether by protecting our own industry, we will insure our own 
 weabh, power ami independ^-nce — or, by basely yielding, become tributary to our mighty rival. 
 ■ In this conle-t, our country possesses peculiar advantages— a broad expanse of territory in the 
 heart of a new continent, laved by an ocean on either side, stretching out like a beautiful car- 
 pet, through every variety of clime, and intersected with magnificent mountains, and valleys, 
 rivers and lakes, with every peculiarity of soil, producing all the necessaries and mast of the 
 luxuries of life, sparkling all over with tlie richest minerals, abounding in all the elements of na- 
 tional wealth, svith iniineusc facilities of innrnal and externalcommnnication, and teeming with 
 a population liierally pantitig for the conflict ; and are we to abatidnu them to despair by national 
 cruelty or neglect.' No, Sir. we will not. The Il'higs have nobly come to their and their coun- 
 try's rescue by passing the tariff of '42. We will sustain it — that we may give happiness to the 
 wretched, permanency to cur institutions, character to the country; replenish the national trea- 
 sury, relieve the government, restore confitleiice, put in motion millions of machinery, give em- 
 ployment Ifi millions (tfciiizens. cheer the husbatiduian with the certainty of a market, whiten 
 the ocean with canvass, speed the canal boat and the car, and electrify this entire nation into 
 new life and energetic action. 
 
 Sir. you charge a majority of the people in the four extremes of the Union, who support Jlr. 
 Clay, as enemies to the South and her peculiar institutions. This charge isa great outrage on 
 n party who. with its noble and illustrious leadnr have, at all times, been the truest friends to tlie 
 Union and the ('onslitulion. To make such a charge and to utter such a foul calumny on the 
 \Vliig-, in till Southern Stae , when the reverse is the case, is a base libel on their integrity, and 
 we hurl the ciiarge back witn scorn and indignation on its authors. That Mr. Adams, Mr. 
 Slade and iMr. Oiddings have advocated the unrestricted right of petition I do not deny. But 
 all of these men hr.ve. in coujunction witfi that advocacy*, declared they would never vote for the 
 abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia witliout the consent of the people in that district, 
 liven in this position v.hicii tliey have taken, liiey are supported by many eminent Southern 
 ,men whoconti'iid that tlie right to pc lition is unreslricted, but the right to grant is another thing. 
 And I believe, tliat if H. 1; Pinckni jr's proposition had been adhered to, the subject of abolition 
 would hive long since been expelled from the halls of congress. Thousands petition, because 
 they believe tlie right of petition is attacked, who abhor the abolitionists as much almost as any 
 Soulhevn man ; and if the abolitionists are to be believed, they do not want ihcir petitions re- 
 ceived, but'only !0 keep up an excitement about the right of petitionbeing attacked. Thus blend- 
 ing the question of abolition with the light ef petition, which makes them more formidable, and 
 their power to excite the people the more potent. The .'-'enate have, by the eflorls of Mr. Clay 
 escaped this difficulty. It was that compromising spirit for which he received the thanks of 
 Mr. Calhoun, in the presentation of a petition, and tlie poweiful speech he made ou that occa- 
 sion that gave the quietus to that question in the Senate. 
 
 Hut, f^ir, grant that the conduct of Messrs. Adams, Giddings and Slade is wrong, which fin 
 no way den}' — have they been guilty of steali.vg negroes from their masters as some of that 
 Kound conservative party of yours have been? Who is ex U. S. Senator Morris, of Ohio? a loco 
 fuco of the real agrarian stamp, who niakes a regular practice of stealing negroes from their 
 masters in Virginia atid Kentucky to conduct them among yo'irfrirnih iti Canadii. Who is 
 
I'i 
 
 Thomas Earlc, who, iu tlie Convention to alter the Constilution of Pcuusylvanin, voted to 
 give the Right ot' Sutfiage and Repieseutaiion to the negro population of that State. He is a 
 prominent member of that sound conservative parly of jours, and is engaged in the same 
 business of stealing negroes. Who is Judge Ross VVilkins, of Detroit, who said, in my hear- 
 ing, that he liad, in six months, stolen sixty nrgrocs from Virginia and Kentuoky, and sent them 
 over to your fown/r^ in Canada ? Wiio iMaiciis Morton, wlio Alexander Duncan? Who was 
 W. L. Garrison, of the Liberator, but an old Locofoco leadei in Baltimore, and who was Bir- 
 ney but another 7 These area part of that sound conservative party of which you speak so 
 highly and laud to the skies. Take them and hug them to your breast; They will join you in 
 your crusade upon the Union in conjunction with England. 
 
 Your letter was written for the purpose ofniakiiiij abolitiomsts,not to lessen them, to give 
 you a stronger pretext for your vile disunion scheme. To bring, not to prevent the, North 
 and South from collision, on that subject. Those who do the most to help the cause of the 
 abolitionists in this country, arc such men as you. 'I'he abuse, you and your colleagues are 
 constantly pouring on the heads of the people of the North, will beget a spirit of opposition 
 among them, and especially will your calumny on the Whigs. The abolitionists in every state 
 are a mere hand-ful ; but a few abusive letter.^, like yours, might make them formidable- 
 It is the agitation of this subject. North and South, in connection with the right of petition, 
 which gives food to the abolitionists, and in the South, makes the negroes who can read, ac- 
 quainted with their situation, and you seem to be desirous to continue and keep up that ex- 
 citement, bv organizing clubs where the worst passions will be brought into play, which, if 
 they were to exist for ten years, it would be full long enough to extirpate slavery from the 
 face of the Southern States. The more you excite that question among the slaves, as you 
 are doing, the less secure is the tenure by which we hold them. Your attempt to connect a 
 question like this, so sensitive, with the tariff, making the A^■higs the authors, of both, 
 and as common enemies of the S"uth with abolitionists, by an appeal to the prejudices and 
 feelings of the South, shows you clearly invested with the mad spirit of Jacobinism, and as 
 your attempt to get up a revolution is a desperate one, you will use desperate means. 
 There arc, from late reports, about §2,000,000, raised b}' the Abolition Society for emanci- 
 pating slavery in foreign lands, established in London, and which oper.^tes in conjunction 
 with the Fre'e-taade Association of England, with the avowed purpose of severing these 
 suites. So vou will perceive you have ^4,500,000 to help you in this infamous work. Your 
 letter, while'it was intended to increase the abolitionists of the North, by blowing into a 
 flame the worst pass'tsns, you also appeal to the fears and prejudices of the South, to excite 
 their alarm, thus aiding the unholy efforts of these foreign societies, to rupture and dismem- 
 ber this Union. If this is your wish and desire, I say a traitor's grave to you. Sir. The 
 Legislature, which passed the resolutions in ilassachusetts, was Locofoco, and the Locofo- 
 co State of Alabama have followed their advice, and have adopted the white bails system, 
 which was resolutely opposed by the Whigs. Jlr. Slade, of Veimont, was forsaken by the abo- 
 litionists, and they ran a separate ticket, and Mr. Giddings, like Mr. Sladc, for voting for and 
 advocating Henry Clay's election, as a slave-holder, have been deserted by the abolitionists. 
 I' say again, we ' hurl,' with indignation and scorn, tire foul calumny into the teeth of its 
 authors. 
 
 Your appeal in behalf of Texas will add nothing to your patriotism. Y'ou know your 
 object in getting Texas into the Union was to get the SoutTiern States out of it. You and 
 vour colleagues, movements were developed too soon and your hopes so far as Texas could 
 help you, nipped in the bud. Why did you not all raise your voice against it, when it was 
 giveii away ' AVhy were not your sympathies then aroused .' When Mr. Clay attempted 
 to resist the surrender of that territory, the present treaty -makers denied cur lawful claim 
 to it, and voted against our title — but who are now v.'ith you, so patriotic in robbery, as 
 to attempt its recovery by stealth and'fraud — in violation of the law of nations — of solemn 
 treaties, without the consent of the people of Mexico, Texas or the United States, and at 
 the point of the b.ayonet. The whole treaty was conceived in fraud, and suppoi-led_ by 
 fraud. Thev offered to pay the debts of Texas in consideration of her joining tlie Union, 
 in case they should not exceed $10,000,000, to be redeemable from the revenue arising from 
 the sale of the public Lands, when Texas had not an acre of land to give. Satan, you know 
 took the Saviour up into a high mountain, and told him if he would annex himself and king- 
 dom to him, he would give him all the kingdoms of the world, when the old rascal had r.otan 
 acre of ground on earth to give — .so it is with Texas. ' 
 
 The grants made by Spain and Mexico, .are not repealed. The Supreme Court of the Uni- 
 -ted States have decided that those who held lands in Floiida, under the Spanish and Claik 
 Aredondo claims, were valid and all the grants in Texas are in the like condition. Mi'.John 
 Charles Real's claim, now belonging to Mr. John Woodward, of New York, amounts to 
 far more than the whole quantity, which the treaty ccn-respondence admits to have been 
 granted by all tlie Governments which ever held Texas. Under these decisions and the 
 terms of the late treaty, all these grants,amount;iig to c'ghiij millioris of acres, equal to three 
 or four such states as Georgia, are claimed to be valid, and that claim would go to the same 
 court wliich decided the Aredondo and the Clurk claioii; forthe treaty annulled none. All 
 
25 
 
 the rraiits were confirmed which were good under the laws of Texas ; and the luws of Tex- 
 as so fir xs the right of property is concerned, are the laws of Spain and Mexico, and Coa- 
 hiiila and Texas, under which the right of property accrued. Besides this, Texas herself has 
 been bountiful with grants to emigrants. Gen. Hamilton can find the annexation of Texas to 
 the Union perfectly Constitutional, so that his property may rise, and he be able to recover 
 in Texas, what he' squandered in Nullification, and yetitis a flagrant violation of the Con- 
 stitution, to give one cent to the States of the revenue arising from the sales of the public 
 domain, to help them out of embarrassment. And you as unjust, wish us to pay Texas 
 $10,000,000 of dollars, with nothing on her part to pay it with, besides, would tax the peo- 
 ple of the several States, in addition to the grinding oppression of the Tarift', to give her 
 millions of money, without any obligation on her part to return it, and in case you cannot get 
 this, to dissolve the Union! If reports be true, you and Gen. Hamilton have the strongest pe- 
 cuniary stimulus imaginable, to get Texas into the Union. Under such a stimulus, who could 
 not write patriotic Texas letters, and threaten dissolution of the Union, if Congress does not 
 annex Texas, and pay your individual claims ! ! ! 
 
 Sir, vou seek, (as wai necessarily your purpose to do,)to efface from the minds of the peo- 
 ple of the Sauth, by an appeal to their prejudices and fears, all memory of those who 
 through blood and suffering, ordained and established the Union and the Constitution. You 
 tell us to " boast less often and less idly of the deeds of our ancestors," — which I suppose 
 means, ;ls long as we remember them, the less we will be willingto commit treason aginst the 
 Jlag and the t/>iio'i they formed. The only obstacle in the wart othe success of your revolu- 
 tionary schemes, is the strong affection and attachment the people have for their illustrious 
 ancestors, and the not less illustrious boon we have inherited from them. You tell us "Our 
 error is ton great a veneration fur the Union, and if we carrij that veneration much further, it will 
 be an evidence of unparalleled stupidity or unblushing baseness." This is a beautiful^ senti- 
 ment to come from a. patriot .'.'.' Our error then is too gTcat a veneration for the Union.and 
 I suppose your object then, in the formation of these clubs, is to obliterate all "veneration" 
 for our fathers and the Union, and turn the current of our affection and veneration to such 
 a clique of disorganizers as you arc, for our fathers,and your Southern Confederacy as our 
 Union. Sir, your scheme is full of iniquity and treason. After slandering our fathers and 
 calumniating the measures and policy they adopted, you wish also to obliterate their mem, 
 ory from our minds. Sir, your language suits England and Englishmen, biit never, I trust- 
 an American. I have mistaken the American people greatly, if they do not remember you 
 for this outrage. No, Sir, before they would follow your advice, they would see every dis- 
 organizer swinging from the yard arm. 
 
 Yoti seek from motives and causes unworthy of a patriot and statesman, (and which were 
 we to obey, would make us ignominious and ungrateful descendants of a noble ancestry, and 
 disgrace us in the sight of God and man,) to attack and dismember these United States. 
 This, I trust, you will never accomplish. You labor with great zeal to create the impression 
 that the Union has failed in all the objects for which it was established, and that it becomes 
 the duty of the Southern people to organize and prepare for the work of sacrilegious and 
 fratricidal war on the graves of your fathers and the government of your country, to form a 
 Southern confederacy. That you; McDuffie, Rhett and Holmes, with other plotters against 
 this Union, have long since premeditated treason on your flag and country, in conjunction 
 with Great Britain, and to use.as an excuse for the act, the tariff and abolition, has long- been 
 believed by the people of the United States. Had the recommendations proceeded from 
 any other quarter than from a leader, in the present dynasty party of South Carolina, it 
 might have done some mischief. But it will recoil upon and overwhelm thewlioleofyou with 
 ilisgrace. \"our pretended respect for the Union every one will regard as false and hollow- 
 hearted. When men were found at the North.during and before the last war, boasting of their 
 love of the Union, in conjunction with their treasonable measures,like you, it was found that 
 they were making/jn'ra^e araangements to establish a new country,and a new monarchy with 
 thePrince of AVales at its head. It wasfound soonafterthe organization of the Federal gov- 
 ernment, that there were men serving as judges, and as members of Con.gress, and at the 
 head of our annies, who were confederated together to form a new state or kingdom, out oF 
 that part of the Union, West and South-West of the AUeghanies. Judges were receiving 
 salaries from Spain, England and France, to avoid convictingany subject of theirs. Thcyalj 
 professed to love the Union as you do — but, made war on it. Yet they were defeated and 
 disgraced, and so will it be with you and your colleagues. Millions will rise up to condemn 
 you and your infamous measures. 
 
 Suppose you were to get up a Southern coufederacy, would that make the tenure of slavery 
 any more sf cure? No, sir — and it seems you must have its abolition in view, or no man in his 
 senses, would reconnuend a division of the Union to preserve it. Now the Nortli, by the Con- 
 stitution, is bound to' protect it; but if it were dissolved, we would have the whole world against 
 us. All the states would prey upon ua. and tlie conflicts and collisions which would be pro- 
 duced by a separation, would lead to a civil insurrection among the negroes, assisted by all man- 
 kind, and what would be its termination and our condition no one could tell. Y'our schema, 
 while it professes to b» a measure to anstain and perpetuate slavery, locks so mnch like a plan t» 
 
ilK\ nd of ii, lo be again iiiiilifii wd'n t^iiglaml, (1ml tlic conviclioii is furccil upon i5iy luiiij, ibat 
 wh:ie yoii arc leagued with Kn»lantl td force us to Free-trade, you arc uiging a measure that 
 must force us to free ouriiegroes. Tliere is something drirk and mysterious in all these ireasurea 
 of you and your colleagues, and wlion F know that iCngland is poposin? and raising millions lo 
 help you in these two measures, thd mystery is still more mysterious. But bU your measures I 
 trust and believe, will be counteracted and you overwhelmed. 
 
 I deny, ■"'ir, that South Carolina has the power to nullify or resist the laws of the Union cj j e 
 cede. The govermneutof the Union is a compact or rather contract between the people of (i,e 
 States The Constitution declares that — ■'lie Ihe penpk of the United Stales do ordtiin imd estab- 
 lish this Constitution." It does not say, wc the States ol .South Carolina, &c. but we the people. 
 And if one State ha.s a right to put it.i veto on a law passed by Congress, another State has a 
 right to nullify the laws of a State nBllifymg the laws of the Union, and amidst this confusisn, 
 who would decide, and ol what use or value is the Union. By what kind of tenure would ho 
 hold our slaves if the doctrine be sustained ? What prevents the free States from resisting the 
 existence of slavery in the Dirtricl of Columbia, if uullificatiou is law? No State can secede 
 without the consent of the people of other .-^ tales in Conveuiiou, and nullification cannot be re- 
 sorted to, without revolution, and revolution is an attempt to overthrow the existing cocstilu- 
 lional government 
 
 But, Sir, we hold Sotith Carolina to her ancient, her cool, her uninfluenced, her deliberate 
 opinions. Wc hold her to her own admissions, nav. to her own claims and pretensions, in I7S9. 
 in ihe first Congress. and to her acknowledged and avowed sentiments through a Ii>ng series of 
 succeeding years. We hold her to the principles on which siie led Congress to act in ISlli, or 
 if she haschanged her own opinions, 1 claim some respect for those who still retain them. I sav 
 she is precluded from asserting doctrines which she has so long and so ably expressed, as plaiii, 
 palpable and dangerous violations of the constitution. 
 
 If the friends of nullification should be able to propagate their opinions, and give them pr.ic 
 tical effect, they would, in my judgment, prove themselves the most skilful "architects o.'' ruin, '- 
 the most effecuial exlinguishersof higli rais,>d expectation, the greatest blasters of liuman hopes, 
 which any age has produced. Thev would stand up to proclaim, in tones wliich would pierce 
 the ears of half the human race, that the last great experiment of representative govennnent had 
 failed. They would send forth sounds at the hearing of which, the doctrine of the divine risht 
 of Kings wculd feel, even in its grave a returning sensation of vitality and resuscitation. -Mil- 
 lions ot eyes of those who now feel their inherent love of liberty, wnuld turn aw.iy from behold- 
 ing our dismeinlierinent. and find no phce on earth where to rest their griteful sight. .Amidst 
 the incantations and orgies of nullificatum. secession, di-uniou and revolution, would be cele- 
 brated the funeral rights of constitutional and republican liberty throughout the world 
 
 But, Sir, be assured, that amid the political sentiments of the people of these States, the love 
 ol Union is still uppermost. They will still look into it as the ark of their safety and the bulwark 
 of their independence. Notliing will be able lo shake them from their aifectiou and veneration of 
 it No, Sir, neither life, nor death, iior things present, nor things to come, will suffer them lo 
 separate. Nor will they cease to frown maignantly on and denounce the traitor whose 
 hand m.ay be raised against so glorious a trust. Nor will they forget to invoke the Godof .Vmer- 
 icathat their Union may be presei'ved throughnnt other times and unto successive generations; 
 yea, even until one hour before sun and moon shall wane, the stars go ont in night, the heavena 
 be rolled together as a scroll, and the earth melt away with fervent heat, that their descendants 
 may still be heard singing. 
 
 The star-spangled bam er in triumph shall wave, 
 O'er thela'id ot the free and the home of the brave.' 
 
 LIBRflRY OF CONGRESS 
 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS ^ 
 
 011 783 256 9 
 
 HOLLINGER 
 pH 8.5 
 
 MILL RUN F3-1543 
 
LIBRARY OF 
 
 CONGRESS 
 
 011 783 256 9 
 
 HOLLINGER 
 pH 8.3 
 
 MILL RUN F3-1543 
 
 X^