' ^-.^ 
 
 ' '^^ r<i o'^^^mX' ^^ C^ ^^J^^l^^^. ^^M r>^ * 
 
 v-o^ 
 
 
 '^ o 
 
 'bV^ 
 
 ^^0^ 
 
 : A q 
 
 
 3.0 "T, ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^*/» 
 
 ♦ AT 
 
 " • 
 
 
 ="oV" 
 
 0"'. -% 
 
 % '-n.-o^ o^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 iO'7', 
 
 
 
 » ^^^'^ 
 
 4.0 V', 5 
 
 '' J^^^ ° > 
 
 ,* ^ ^-^ %' 
 
 
 
 : 4-°^ . 
 
<p- cr> 
 
 ^o^^ 
 
 
 V ... v--y....v*'^./ ... °-^-' 
 
 ■^^p^ ' - o ;"o ' ^^ 
 
 
 
 
 tvT* .A 
 
 o ^"^^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 'i 
 

 SPteECH 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HON. JOHN BELL, 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 AT VAUXHALL GARDEN, 
 
 NASHVILLE, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 23rd of MAY, 1835. 
 
 PRINTED EV W. HASELL HUNT & CO. 
 
 1835, 
 
• \ 
 
 ^^^^ * 
 
 / A' f 
 
 ^./ 
 
.^4 33 
 
 Gentlemen: — ^This is the first entertainment of the kind 
 which I have accepted from my friends, when offered as a 
 testimony of their esteem and approbation of my pubHc 
 course . Such occasions, I know, are sometimes got up, rath- 
 er as a mark of the friendship of individuals, than a demon- 
 stration of the general sentiment of the country. Sometimes 
 too, for political considerations, public men are made the ob- 
 jects of public attention, when personal regard or confidence 
 are felt by scarcely any. Upon this occasion, whatever poli- 
 tical considerations may have prompted it, 1 feel a more than 
 usual degree of pleasure in the reflection, that these are my 
 personal friends — and in responding to the sentiment, so flat- 
 tering to my feelings, which has just been announced from 
 the chair, I can only offer the tribute of a heart, warm and 
 keenly alive to all the sympathies naturally inspired by this 
 open and public manifestation of your generous and unal- 
 tered attachment. Sometimes, in our passage through life, 
 we may undervalue the advantages of ties, of which, it is not 
 every one, who will admit the reality ; and there are others, 
 who hold many things, money, official station and power, of 
 such superior importance that they are to be sought and at- 
 tained, at the expense of all the indulgences of private parti- 
 alities and confidence. This may be^rue philosophy of 
 mere politicians ; but it is worthy to be remembered that the 
 sacred love of country itself is of the nature of the social and 
 private virtues, founded upon the same aflfections of the hu- 
 man heart, and he that can be insensible and faithless to the 
 obligations of the one, will be equally false to the other, when- 
 ever it shall serve his more cherished interests to be so. 
 
 I have been, of late, the subject of much obloquy, as you 
 know, and from a quarter too, whence I deserved better treat- 
 ment. I am still the object of most inveterate and persever- 
 ing attacks, both here and elsewhere. As in all cases of the 
 kind, there is something polijica^^d something personal in'tti^i^'^ 
 «j|,origin. In ordinary times, I fftght have hoped to escape 
 the ire of any party, or any considerable portion of any party 
 
i 
 
 for I believe 1 am not dislinguislied as a partisan, nor am I 
 qualilied by my feelings or principles to become one. For 
 the same reasons I can never hope to be the favorite of par- 
 tisans. These arc not, however, ordinary times. But still, I 
 do not believe I could have been made the object of a con- 
 certed party attack, for any part I have recently taken in the 
 politics of the country, if the more active and inventive gen- 
 ius of private and rival hostility at home had not interfered 
 and grossly misrepresented both my motives and my con- 
 duct. (Cheers.) 
 
 . But, gentlemen, notwithstanding the interest which my 
 friends lake in all that concerns me, and my own sensibility 
 to every unfair proceeding of my opponents, all that is mere- 
 ly personal, is, at the same time, individual and comparative- 
 ly innoxous in its effects. As to so much of the ground 
 which has been taken against me, as involves public princi- 
 ples and public interests, it is the country that is concerned j 
 and although I may allude to some passages which relate to 
 myself, I would but ill recjuite your friendship if I occupied 
 that portion of your time, vvliich it is customary in this man- 
 ner and upon occasions of this kind to subtract from the hours 
 devoted to festive enjoyment, in a narrative of my own griev- 
 ances, when topics of so much greater interest press upon 
 our attention. 
 
 I have been eight years in the public service, and all that 
 time, your immediate representative in Congress. I have 
 been, thus, by your favor, placed upon an eminence from 
 which I could take a survey of tiie whole country — all its in- 
 terests, economical and political. I have been, at no time, 
 so blindly attached to one party or opposed to another, as to 
 be insensible to the motives which probably actuated both. I 
 have been, at the same time, not an inattentive observer, 
 chiefly anxious to watch and note the peculiar tendencies of 
 our system of governmen! — what the dangers which most 
 beset it, what the points most exposed to actack, and what 
 those to be particularly guarded. In common with my coun- 
 trymen generally, I had been educated in the creed, that 
 our form of government was the best that had ever been de- 
 vised by the wisdom of Spi, lor" the security of the righ^;^ 
 interests and happiness of the citizen, In common with many 
 
of themy I had ^iten revelled in a vision of its permanence, 
 and the magnitude of its destiny, the result of ages upon ages 
 of improvement, in a society composed of millions, starting 
 from a point already so elevated, and in the continued enjoy- 
 ment of quiet, freedom and plenty. But the voice of history 
 whispered in my ear,"Man ! thy dream is idle, thy hope is vain." 
 I have reasoned with myself, and inquired why should it be 
 so? With the benefit of the experience of thousands of years, 
 and with a system of government improved and modelled 
 upon that experience, have we no better ground of hope? 
 Even in governments much less perfect, we have been taught 
 to believe that the radical vice which was in them, and which 
 overthrew them, was their inability to rest the storms of fac- 
 tion, or those convulsive struggles for power, to which free 
 States are so subject. Then, another was, whether there 
 was not something in the federal character of our system, and 
 the extent of its territory, which exposed it, in a peculiar 
 manner, to the assaults of faction, admitting it to be far 
 more perfect in other respects,than all free governments that 
 had gone before. 
 
 Though acting with a party, with the principles of which, 
 in the main, I agree, and to which so far as principle has 
 been concerned, I have, in every instance, been not onlv 
 faithful, but devoted ; yet more intent upon the solution of 
 those problems than zealous in promoting the success of every 
 party movement, I am aware that I have sometimes mcurred 
 the censure of some, for what appeared to them to be indif- 
 ference or aversion. It will be a circumstance, in my course, 
 to which, as long as I live, I can revert with conscious satis- 
 faction, that I have ever opposed, what appeared to me, to 
 be excesses in the party with which I have acted, with all the 
 influence I could employ, and in the only way in which I 
 could do so without injury to its principles. While I have 
 studied to make myself useful, I have never set myself up 
 as a leader of the party or of a party. It requires a larger 
 stock of information and experience than usually falls to the 
 lot of any man of my age, to justify such an assumption of 
 authority and influence. The leaders of the two great par- 
 ties, upon the joint action of which every interest of the 
 country has been more or less dependent for the last eight or 
 
ten years, belong to a generation with which I could not be 
 fully identified either in responsibility or influence. For, 
 whatever of good or of evil has resulted, they are entitled 
 to, as they will receive, all the applause in the one case, and 
 all the censure in the other. 
 
 No period since the foundation of the government, could 
 be more advantageously chosen for the complete gratification 
 of my views, than the one in which 1 have been in pubHc 
 life. It is a pleasing, as well as instructive employment, to 
 mark the correspondencies between what we see going on 
 around us and before us, with similar passages and events 
 which transpired many centuries ago, under circumstances 
 not altogether dissimilar, in many free States, both in ancient 
 and modern times . We observe the same unchanged and 
 unchangeable passions of human nature ever inaction; the 
 same individual interests, objects and address; the same 
 ambition and the same fortune in individuals ; the same hol- 
 low and perfidious professions of devotion to principle and 
 to the people, and still the same disregard of both in prac- 
 tice ; the same devices and arts used to mislead the people, 
 in order to govern them; and the same rare occurrence of a 
 true and faithfiil devotion to the cause of the country, of its 
 constitution and of liberty, uninfluenced by the love of pow- 
 er . The particular form or model of government does not 
 appear to have any eflect in modifying the passions and vices 
 of ambition . Though the more perfect it is, undoubtedly, the 
 less liable it will be, to be broken up, or to become the con- 
 venient instrument of ambitious leaders. 
 
 I have been a supporter, and in some instances, not an in- 
 efficient one, I hope, of an adminstration the most marked 
 and eventful in the history of this country. Many great and 
 exciting questions have arisen and been decided, for good or 
 for evil ; there has been a heaving of the political earth ; all 
 the strong passions of our nature have been roused and 
 brought into action by the greatest talent and address on both 
 sides. There has been a convulsive struggle for power, and 
 the first spirits of the age and country have been engaged in 
 it. We have, in truth, in the last eight or ten years, been in 
 a continual state of moral war ; a war in which the same 
 passions and peculiar talents have been often conspicuous, 
 
which are usually developed in actual physical war ; even this 
 last stage of human contention, this last and worst of extremes 
 into which faction often precipitates free States, has been 
 avoided almost by a miracle. The very fabric of our govern- 
 ment has been shaken and convulsed to its centre. It stands ! 
 but does it stand altogether unrent? does it stand the same 
 universally cherished asylum of liberty, of peace, and of 
 happiness? Have none of its strong ties been shattered or 
 broken? is confidence unimpeached? is Union the same 
 cherished object of the whole American people ? No, gentle- 
 men, we cannot indulge the delusion . It would be dangerous 
 to do so. We know and feel but too well, that both at home 
 and abroad, confidence has given place to some distrust, and 
 we can now only hope that our Constitution, our Union, and 
 our Liberties may endure. How and wherefore has this 
 misfortune befallen us ; and not only ourselves, but in some 
 sense, the whole human family ! Has there been any thing 
 so peculiar in the questions that have arisen ; any thing es- 
 sentially productive of dangerous extremes? By no means; 
 how is it, and what is it, then, which has led to results so 
 much to be deplored? It is Party, that eternal foe to the 
 repose and stability of all free States! (Cheers.) What is 
 party? 
 
 In every free community, there will be a diversity of sen- 
 timent in relation to the policy and interests of the country, 
 which will give rise to parties. — When founded upon prin- 
 ciple, and an honest difference of opinion, parties seem to be 
 healthfiil in their operation in a free State. But, as the only 
 way in which a party, in any community, can exhibit their 
 strength and carry out their principles, is by seeking to con- 
 duct the administration of public affairs, and to occupy the 
 high official stations of the government, and as office will 
 always possess other and less worthy, but, with many, much 
 stronger attractions, than any attachment to abstract 
 principle or opinion, it has ever been, and always will be, 
 that whatever may be the manifold diversity of political 
 sentiment, in any country, there can and will be, but two 
 grand divisions or parties ; the one, in power, and the other, 
 the antagonist party, and who are contending to displace 
 the incumbents ; or the ins and oufs as they are commonly 
 
termed. This division of a whole people into two great 
 parties, by no means implies that either party is composed 
 of homogeneous elements, or that all the members of either 
 agree upon all questions of policy or administration — far 
 from it. Besides the great variety of opinion which may 
 and always does exist, among the members of a party, whe- 
 ther in or out of power, upon minor points, but who may 
 cohere upon some prime and vital ones, there is a class of 
 politicians, who are induced to take an interest in public af- 
 fairs by the attractions of office only. These will attach 
 themselves, and seek to make themselves serviceable to one 
 or the other of the great parties of the country, according 
 to various circumstances: sometimes of personal attach- 
 ment to, or hatred of, some leading man of a party; some- 
 times of mere caprice; but most generally, upon a careful 
 vie\y of the chances of success. Besides these, there is in 
 every community, a class of men, restless, vexed and dis- 
 contented, at they know not what, desirous of change at all 
 events, and seldom having any definite object in view. 
 These attach themselves to one or the other of the grand 
 party divisions of the country, much upon the same princi- 
 ple of the office seekers. The rank and file of these two class- 
 es may be regarded as reckless of consequences in carrying 
 their point, and prepared for any extremity. — They seldom 
 look beyond immediate success and gratification. They 
 are, at the same time, the most officious and forward, as 
 well as the most intemperate members of every party. 
 Generally destitute of principle themselves, they are apt to 
 imagine that all others are so likewise, and they do not scru- 
 ple to conduct their party operations accordingly. It often 
 happens that diese classes get the ascendancy, and in times 
 of high partyexcitement, they scarcely ever fail to do so, and 
 thus, stamp the whole party to which they belong with their 
 own peculiar character. By this means they drive all mo- 
 derate and single-minded men either into opposition, or from 
 all active participation in the support of their party. These 
 two classes, in every party, are governed precisely by those 
 motives and objects, which, when they extend to a whole 
 party, may properly distinguish it as a faction. Every party 
 has in it the elements and materials of faction; or, in 
 
9 
 
 other words, the principle of good and of evil, of life and of 
 death . There is a faction belonging to and connected with 
 every parly, having its separate motives and objects, and free 
 from all the restraints of principle of whatever nature. 
 These constitute the elements of all the mischief that a free 
 State has to fear. They are always the ready and supple 
 instruments and partisans of every man of talents and ad- 
 dress, who shall seek to make his power and influence per- 
 manent in the government. Their only chance for prefer- 
 ment — their only prospect for the gratification of their ruling 
 passions rest in violent political feuds, or domestic convul- 
 sions. If the administration of die party to which they may 
 belong shall chance to become generally popular, and the 
 opposition shall languish, they will find means to embroil it. 
 A political calm is death to them. Though the people bo 
 universally prosperous and happy — though the government, 
 in all its administrative departments, snouldgo harmonious- 
 ly forward, these perpetual disturbers of the peace would set 
 to work and seek to agitate the country, by finding fault witli 
 some particular institution or department of the government, 
 as established by the Constitution itself; ever conjuring up 
 some imaginary abuse, in the absence of real ones, for cor- 
 rection or reform. In short, there is no form of govern- 
 ment, however perfect — no institution, however sacred or 
 useful — nodiing that exists in the shape of authority or pow- 
 er, placed by the Constitution and laws of the country be- 
 yond the direct and ordinary control of the popular will — 
 but will be the objects of their attack, when they can find no 
 other. A high degree of excitement among the people, or 
 a political convulsion, they must have, or they become blanks 
 in society; — they are not even known in times of quiet and 
 harmony. There is no demand, at such times, for their ser- 
 vices, by any party, and they, of course, can be entided to 
 no reward. They are just such men as the better men of a 
 party cannot always get rid of, if they would ; whom Uiey 
 too often find it convenient to employ ; whom they are some- 
 times forced to reward ; but for whom diey never can enter- 
 tain a sincere feeling of respect or confidence. It is against 
 the excesses, the machinations, the agitations of these class- 
 es of men, of each party, tiiat the good men of l)olh shoidd 
 
10 
 
 be on their guard. If they are not controlled, they will, in 
 the end, break down any party to which they belong, or they 
 will overturn the Constitution. (Cheers.) 
 
 What is to be regretted, is, that while there is no man so 
 perfect as to be altogether exempt from error, so is there no 
 institution, or department of the government, without its de- 
 fects; no body of men concerned in the administration of 
 either, however high the station they fill, or however immac- 
 ulate they are presumed to be, but will, sometimes from pas- 
 sion, sometimes through defect of judgment, commit er- 
 rors, and thus furnish a handle to the factious, who are ever 
 eager and waiting to pull them down. While there is a 
 shred of constitutional restriction remaining upon the abso- 
 lute repulsive will of an excited and agitated people, or until 
 the government is dissolved into its original elements, this 
 class is never at rest. This is Party. 
 
 But such is the natural love of dominion, such the pride 
 of victory in all great minds, that with the purest intentions 
 and with the best principles, by violent collisions, by the ob- 
 stinacy of contradiction and opposition, in the progress of 
 party, the best men are liable to forget the interests of their 
 country, to become its worst foes, and often the involuntary 
 instruments of the very lowest class of political agitators. 
 
 To a man of talents, but a bad and ambitious one, what 
 higher prize can there be what greater temptation to peril 
 every thing to conquer, right or wrong, than the prospect of 
 becoming the first in rank and first in power, in such a 
 country — a great confederated Republic of twenty-four 
 States, enlightened, prosperous and free! To a good man, 
 who may still possess talents and a virtuous ambition, what 
 nobler object to incite his patriotic efforts, to fire his philan- 
 thropic vision, than the power to direct the energies of such 
 a people, to form and model the elements of so much excel- 
 lence, so much happiness to the world, to the highest degree 
 of productiveness! But alas! even this good class of men, 
 when they find themselves opposed, derided, abused and 
 thwarted by men whom they firmly believe to have no other 
 motives than the gratification of their own selfish ambition, 
 arc too apt focome to (he conclusion, that it is best for the 
 country and fhc people, fha! they should be installed perma- 
 
11 
 
 nently in power; — better that tlie country should be ruled by 
 the absolute sway of good men, than to fall a prey to bad 
 ones. This is Party. 
 
 In the conflicts which often arise in free States between 
 parties, led by men distinguished by their virtues as well as 
 talents on both sides, the leaders on each side arc ever (juite 
 too ready to believe their opponents to be bad men ; and in 
 proportion as this belief strengthens, do they come under the 
 direction of bad councils. The next step in the progress of 
 error, is to imagine the State to be in such danger from the 
 machinations and corruptions of their adversaries, that ordi- 
 nary remedies are no longer to be relied upon ; that a part 
 of the system, the constitution itself may be properly infract- 
 ed or broken down, in order to save the whole ; and in the 
 end, that all had better be lost, than that wicked men should 
 bear sway ; imitating in this respect, the mad and reckless 
 passions which impel military conquerors, in the strife for 
 the possession of a favorite territory, to burn and depopulate 
 its towns and villages, lay waste its fields, and its dwellings, 
 and to reduce to a barren wilderness, the rich and smiling in- 
 heritance which first tempted their cupidity, rather than give 
 up the pursuit of it. This is Party. 
 
 How striking the resemblance, how close the analogy be- 
 tween the operations and results of actual physical war, and 
 these civil dissentions and violent party conflicts. We find 
 the same passions in both ; the same professed and die same 
 real objects — the professed, the public good — the real, the 
 mastery — the same species of strategy in both ; the same hon- 
 est intentions of the people on both sides, and, in general, the 
 same dishonest ones in the leaders. When the war is over, 
 or the civil conflict, after a long and fierce struggle, ceases 
 for a while, the same general demoralization ensues — scarce- 
 ly worse in the one case, than in the other. It is a maxim, 
 that when politics run highest, public morals are lowest. — 
 The disbanding of the legionaries in the one case, is scarce- 
 ly less dangerous than in the other. Society is afflicted in 
 both with a large class of men fit in general for no other pur- 
 suits than those to which they have been accustomed ; and 
 like true mercenaries, ever ready to lend their services to 
 whatever party shall bid highest and pay best. 
 
12 
 
 There is one remarkable result coniinon to both military 
 uiid merely civil conquests. When the parties are Ibrming 
 which support the one side or the other, and as long as the 
 contest is waged with doubtful success, each searches out, and 
 courts die support of men of the best talents and influence 
 in die country, without limit as to numbers. The moment 
 victory inclines to one side or power is attained ; when re- 
 wards are to be bestowed ; wlien the spoils are to be distri- 
 buted, then jealousy, envy, rivalry and intrigue commence 
 their orgies. One meritorious leader after another, who 
 conquered in the provinces, or at the capital, is despatched 
 or exiled; sometimes with all the forms of regular trial; 
 sometimes with summary jusdce; sometimes they are art- 
 fully driven into rebellion or opposidon, to give a color of jus- 
 tice to their condemnation ; — and sometimes strangled while 
 standing at their posts I (Cheers.) At last, the competition 
 for offices and employments is narrowed down to a few of 
 the most vigilant and subtle of the numerous host which 
 once might claim an equal share of the honors and emolu- 
 ments of a victory, won by their joint valor and ability. — ■ 
 This is Party. (Great cheering.) 
 
 I have said that diere was nothing in the questions which 
 have arisen within the last eight or ten years in this country, 
 necessarily productive of the extremes to which they have 
 been carried . I re-affirm the proposition. Nor is there, 
 , from my observation, any thing in the federative feature of 
 / our system, or in the extent of territory over which it oper- 
 ates, or even in the institution of slavery itself, as establish- 
 ed in some of the States, taken together or separately con- 
 sidered, which essentially impairs the prospects of harmony, 
 duration and a prosperous acdon of our system. If we ex- 
 1/ cept the danger to the local society in which slavery is admit- 
 ted, there is no peculiarity in our condition from which we 
 hare anything to fear, except in connexion with the designs 
 of bad men, who have or may acquire an ascendency in 
 one or the other of die two parties, which must ever have a 
 decided influence upon the government. Even then, some 
 of these peculiarides are useful, rather than injurious. They 
 present formidable obstacles to die consolidaUon of power 
 in any one set of men, or any party, founded upon unworthy 
 
13 
 
 or bad motives and priiuMples. As long as moderation an<l 
 a spirit of conciliation shall preside over the administra- 
 tion of the federal government, any iiiction which shall seek 
 to divide die Union, eiUier by rousing a sense of injustice 
 and ineciuality in the action of tin; government, in one sec- 
 tion, or by seizing upon Uie delicate and indanmiable ques- 
 tion of slavery ia another, can always be shorn of its strength 
 and defeated in its object,' without the slightest convulsive 
 sensation in oin* system. But the real danger to our system, 
 as ill every other system of free government, is, in a violent 
 party action of the government itself. A proscribed and 
 disregarded minority, respectable for its numbers, its talents, 
 and even for the virtues of many of its members — for vir- 
 tue is never the exclusive attribute of any one party — such a 
 minority is always tempted, in resentment of its real or ima- 
 ginary wrongs, in redress of its violated privileges as Amer- 
 ican citizens, in being deprived of all actual participation in 
 the government of die country — compelled to obey laws and 
 be the subjects of a policy, prescribed and directed exclusive- 
 ly by dieir opponents; such a minority, I repeat, is constant- 
 ly tempted to seize upon every vexed and irritating question, 
 — to make common cause with the spirit of fanaticism itself, 
 in an effort to right, or, at all events, to avenge their injuries. 
 This is the danger of our system. It is still Party. 
 
 I have not yet shown how it happened, that die questions 
 which have arisen within die last ten years came to excite so 
 unusual a degree of heat and violence. Need I attempt this 
 seriously? What! have we so soon forgotten, that while the 
 party to which we belong was forming ; while it w as contend- 
 ing for the mastery, and even for years afterwards, in some 
 of the large States in which the contest was most fierce and 
 doubtful, each party, one in order to gain, and the other to 
 maintain party ascendency, and both utterly regardless of all 
 other consequences, contended which should go farthest in 
 the support of both branches of the American system, the 
 tariff and internal improvement? In all history there is not 
 a more striking and characteristic instance of the absurd and 
 headstrong spirit of party. In regard to the tarill^ all men of 
 unprejudiced feelingf^ and judgment must have seen, and did 
 see, from the first, mat the result would be either a reaction 
 
14 
 
 whicli niii'lit reduce it below a just and expedient standard, 
 or that die Union itself would be severed. The immediate 
 constMjuences of the extremes into which die supporters of 
 die tariff, in one section of die Union, were driven, in a strug- 
 gle for political power, was to excite an extreme antagonist 
 action in another section. The leaders in die anti-tariff re- 
 gion sought to counteract die excesses to which they saw 
 tlie protective policy was likely to be carried by a combina- 
 tion in its favor, between bodi political parties to the nordi 
 and east, thought it necessary to proceed to equal or greater 
 extremes in order to protect the interests in the minority to 
 the south. This state of parties gave birth to nullificadon, 
 by which die projectors of it sought to equalize the action of 
 the government by questioning the validity of its regular en- 
 actments and seeking to set them aside upon the authority of 
 a separate State and local construction of Federal power. 
 Before a sufficient time was allowed for reason to resume 
 her sway in correcUng the excesses into which the spirit of 
 party had hurried both sides, so many political interests, so 
 many personal views and resentments commingled in the 
 strife, that an extreme remedial action of the government it- 
 self became a necessary expedient, in the judgment even of 
 moderate and unprejudiced men, though involving in its is- 
 sues, civil war, disunion and a total overthrow of the consti- 
 tution. This is Party. 
 
 As to the Bank, does any one imagine that if there had 
 been no political interests involved, an institution in which 
 an interest but litde more than a single year's revenue of the 
 United States is vested, could ever have become the object 
 of so many alarms on both sides ; of such intense interest 
 and zeal in its support, and of such tremendous efforts in op- 
 posiuon to it? It is only when party takes hold of such a 
 question, for its own uses, that it can be made formidable in 
 any way. It is then only that such an institution is danger- 
 ous. The slightest movement of a popular administration, 
 would be sufficient to crush such an inslitudon. Nothing 
 but the extreme of party rage and desperation could ever 
 have convulsed the country widi such a question, important 
 as it may be as one merely of financial policy and economy. 
 Do we not know that some of the oldest and most inveterate 
 
15 
 
 opponents of the bank lately inclined to its support, when 
 to do so appeared to favor their political views ; and on the 
 other hand, tliat some who had been its advocates and had 
 always believed in the expediency of such an institution, 
 turned against it when the tide of political fortune and inter- 
 est flowed in that direction? What better proof is wanting 
 to show that the great combustion of feeling and opinion 
 which recently kept the country in such alarm upon this sub- 
 ject, had its origin in the machinations of that common incen- 
 diary, in free governments, Party! 
 
 It is now for the first time in the history of free States 
 solemnly proposed and seriously attempted, to give an or- 
 ganized and systematic party action to the government, under 
 the plausible but delusive pretext that it is necessary, in order 
 to preserve the great objects for v\hich the Government was 
 formed. I regard this plan to defeat the free and natural 
 operation of our system — to transfer that allegiance of the 
 citizen to a party, which is due only to his country — to cre- 
 ate a code of laws and regulations which shall control the 
 legal and constitutional mode of elections — or, in other 
 words, through a regular installation of party, to surrender 
 the liberty and institutions of the country to the absolute 
 control of the great enemy of free States — as the most dar- 
 ing, and at the same time the most dangerous conception of 
 the age. 
 
 If I understand the system of party organization and dis- 
 cipline in operation in some of the States, and which is held 
 up as a model to the other States of the Union, for their 
 imitation and adoption, it constitutes a political order or 
 association, the distinguishing trait of which is, an ardent 
 attachment to its own interests. A more artful and profound 
 policy, a more perfect adaptation of means to an end, unless 
 I have totally misconceived both its nature and tendency, 
 never existed in a voluntary association, except in the socie- 
 ty of the Jesuits, a monastic order of the Church of Rome. 
 I desire to speak upon this subject with all due courtesy, 
 and without asperity so far as persons are concerned, but 
 with all the severity of trudi so far as principles and political 
 tendencies arc involved. Whatever may have been the 
 j)raiscworthy motives of the founders of this system, like 
 
16 
 
 the religious order to which I have alluded, it has surely 
 been greatly abused and perverted to ends and purj)oses the 
 very reverse of its original design. Looking to tlie princi- 
 ples and tednencies of the system as now perfected and sup- 
 ported in at least one of the States, I cannot help thinking 
 that the ingenious contexture ol the constitution of the Jesu- 
 its has been the model from which many hints have been 
 taken for the improvements which have been engrafted upon 
 it. The analogies between the two systems, though not per- 
 fect are yet too close and palpable to be overlooked, and 
 the necessary results too dangerous to be disregarded . The 
 name assumed, in the one case, was that of the meek foun- 
 der of our holy religion, and the professed object of the in- 
 stitution was to diffuse its blessings and to make perpetual 
 war upon the Prince of Darkness, the great enemy of the 
 happiness of man. Besides the usual vows of poverty, chas- 
 tity and obedience to the order, a vow of obedience to the 
 Pope was also required from its members. To prevent di- 
 visions, and to give the greatest power and effect to the or- 
 der, no member was permitted to act upon any opinion or 
 inclination of his own, in any case, or upon any subject. 
 He was bound to yield implicit obedience to the mandate of 
 the General or Chief in all things. In every district or pro- 
 vince, there was a superior or other officer, who acted as a 
 spy upon the conduct of the members within his jurisdiction, 
 and reported to the General-in-chief, information of the 
 conduct, particular dispositions and qualifications of each. 
 It soon came to be the first maxim of the order, that every 
 consideration, every principle, religious, moral or political, 
 was to be sacrificed to its interest. The love of power and 
 distinction soon obliterated every trace of original policy. 
 In less dian a century, it became the most wealthy and pow- 
 erful order in Europe, notwithstanding the vow of poverty. 
 In their eflbrts to maintain the supremacy of the Pope and 
 the "Unity of the Church," upon which they depended for 
 their existence and toleration, a spirit of proscription and 
 persecution was diffused over Europe, which lor two centu- 
 ries continued to tiirnish multitudes of victims lor the stake 
 and fagot. By their activity and die spirit of intrigue for 
 which they were distinguished, every state and kingdom 
 
17 
 
 were kept in continual agitation. No man of authority or 
 influence escaped the espionage of the order. The most 
 artfiil, accompHshed, and generally the most unprincipled of 
 its members were deputed to insinuate themselves into the 
 favor and control of the different monarchs of Europe. 
 When the favor of any man of great power and influence 
 could not be won or propitiated by address, nor his opposi- 
 tion thwarted by the secret energies and intrigues of the or- 
 der, unless its members have been grossly slandered, the 
 steel of the assassin often did its office in their service. 
 How far any of these peculiarities in the character of this 
 celebrated religious order resemble the political order esta- 
 blished in some of the States, those who are best acquainted 
 with it 'will readily perceive. The members of this new 
 political order have assumed the name ot democrats, and 
 profess to be associated for the purpose of asserting and up- 
 holding the rights, powers and interests of the people, in op 
 position to the principles and pretensions of a body of men 
 in society, who are supposed to be foes to popular rights and 
 influence. In order to secure the professed objects of the as- 
 sociation and to aflbrd an adequate guaranty for their pre- 
 servation, proscription is a fundamental maxim of the order, 
 and all the offices of the government must be filled with 
 their own leaders or members. The most shallow ob- 
 server of the human character will see, at a glance, that un- 
 der the operation of this principle, the capital and leading 
 object of the members must necessarily come to be, the pre- 
 servation of the association ; and that every principle of con- 
 sistency, and of a sound republican policy must yield, when 
 the ascendency of the order is in danger and shall require 
 the sacrifice. Another inevitable m\d imperative result of 
 this association will be, to increase the expenditures and of- 
 ficial establishments of the government, and to institute and 
 consecrate the policy of controling elections by the influ- 
 ence of executive patronage. By the method of reasoning 
 employed by the advocates of this system, retrenchment and 
 reform would be actually dangerous to the rights and liber- 
 ties of the people ; for, in proportion as you subtract from the 
 resources of the order established for their support, you ex- 
 pose them to defeat and overthrow. That such are already 
 
18 
 
 the actual results of the system, so far as it has been practis- 
 ed upon in any of the States, 1 beheve no impartial and un- 
 prejudiced observer will deny. The vows of poverty and 
 chastity, are wisely omitted ; but that of absolute obedience 
 and a renunciation of individual sentiment and opinion, are 
 the capital and indispensable engagements of every member, 
 who hopes to rise to distinction. As a necessary conse- 
 quence of these engagements, the infallibility of the gener- 
 al, or chief of the order, is the principal article in the faith 
 of all its members. An efficient and fit substitute for the 
 dagger of the assassin, is provided in the slanders of a de- 
 signated, vile and prostituted press. (Cheers. ) 
 
 There is one foul blot upon the attempt to bring the princi- 
 ples of this new political order, or system of party organiza- 
 tion, to bear upon national pohtics, which oblivious lime it- 
 self cannot erase. There has been one element of strength 
 essayed by the pohtical druggists, one auxiliary sought to be 
 brought into the field by the partisans of this new scheme, 
 whose interference there is not a true friend of the great 
 cause of free government, of liberty itself, who does not sin- 
 cerely deprecate ; and when a few more brief days shall 
 have passed away, the aiders and abetters in the plot to bring 
 about such a result cannot fail to be branded with appropri- 
 ate shame and infamy. I allude of course to the deliberate 
 attempt to procure the open and direct interference of the 
 President in the question. 
 
 It was enough that the plan of governing the country by 
 an exclusive, partial and party action of the government, 
 should be conceived and supported by those who already en- 
 joyed a large portion of its patronage ; it would be quite soon 
 enough for the liberties of the country, to bring the whole 
 patronage of the government directly in conflict with the 
 freedom of elections, in order to secure to a favorite the suc- 
 cession to the Presidency, after the new plan of government, 
 of which such practices are the principle and essence, shall 
 have been matured and sanctioned by a majority of the A- 
 mcrican people. But it seems, that to ol)tain this requisite 
 sanction, not only the repose of the distinguished person 
 who now presides at the head of alfairs is to be disturbed, in 
 the evening of his life and at the close of his power; but, in 
 
19 
 
 order to secure a more perfect monopoly of his great popu- 
 larity and hard-earned fame, for the most unworthy parti- 
 san uses, the very foundations upon which they have been 
 sustained are to be attacked and torn away And yet the 
 authors of this outrage, assume the name and character of 
 friends to Gen Jackson, — of republican principles , and pro- 
 fess to be believers in the right and capacity of self-govern- 
 ment in the people ! It is the same class of pretenders to 
 orthodox principles and patriotism, who do not scruple to de- 
 nounce every leading opponent of their designs, as a bought 
 up partisan of a Bank! They will shortly learn, if they 
 have not already learned, that there are yet men in this coun- 
 try, who can neither be seduced or bought up by the Bank 
 loans on the one side, nor by the more substantial accommo- 
 dations of office and of the Treasury on the other; (cheers) 
 men, who can neither be led by the hope of favor, nor driven 
 by the terrors of unjust denunciation, into the support of prin- 
 ciples they do not approve ; (continued cheers) men who 
 are not to be frightened at the cry of a plot ! or the Pretend- 
 er ! into a connivance at practices which degrade the country 
 and direaten its liberties. (Great cheering.) They are des- 
 tined to find, if they have not already found, that there is yet a 
 WHOLE PEOPLE as deserving of their privileges of freemen, as 
 they are proud of, ^nd determined to enjoy them. (Continued 
 applause.) They the apostles of parity ! they the representa- 
 tives of republican doctrines ! ' The dupes rather of their 
 own litde ends . Ambition is too lofty and honorable a name 
 to bestow upon the purposes and objects of such men. They 
 have no internal standard, or consciousness, by which to 
 measure objects of a height and proportions so infinitely 
 above them. (Cheers.) 
 
 But, it seems that I have, in some way, incurred the espe- 
 cial displeasure of the advocates of this new scheme of gov- 
 ernment. I am suddenly given a degree of prominence and 
 importance by a set of men, at Washington and elsewhere, 
 out of diis State, who never till now, thought me deserving of 
 either praise or censure, which must,l think, strike the public 
 with some surprise, and go very far to show the real ground 
 of their present respect of my pretensions and their abuse of 
 my motives and object. The interest which they have found 
 
20 
 
 in pursuing me as a victim, chimed in so happily with the 
 feelings and interests of a party in this State, small in num- 
 bers though of respectable talents and influence, — a party 
 led and urged on to the pursuit, by the known undertakers 
 for the State, and who stand pledged that it shall support the 
 appointment of the Baltimore Convention, or that they will 
 "die in the last ditch," that a combination between them 
 against me was inevitable. They have a mutual interest, no 
 doubt, in the success of their designs. 
 
 How it has happened that I have recently become the 
 object of such fierce, unceasing and vindictive attacks, both 
 at home and at Washington, though known to my particu- 
 lar friends, I believe, is very little understood by the pubhc. 
 (Cries of "tell, tell, tell.") 
 
 For the last two or three years my opponents in this State 
 have been waging what I conceive to be a most unworthy, 
 ungenerous and indefensible species of political warfare 
 against me. They have never thought it safe or prudent, 
 to assail my principles and public course themselves, when 
 all the while, their partisans, every where, were busily en- 
 gaged in sewing the seeds of distrust and opposition. How 
 it happened, that while my friends could never hear my lead- 
 ing opponents avow a sentiment of opposition to me, they 
 still found those who were their known partisans in the con- 
 stant habit of denouncing me, could not* be accounted for 
 by any, but those who understood the tactics of a certain 
 school of politicians in conducting their enterprises against 
 their opponents. But this is not all I may justly complain 
 of! When every effort, of an ordinary kind, was exhausted, 
 and every chord which it was supposed might send back a 
 responsive and hostile note, had been struck, and all had 
 failed to shake the confidence of the people, instead of tak- 
 ing the field in person and leading their trained deputies in 
 their attacks, and thus making one bold and manly and vigo- 
 rous effort to accomplish my overthrow, these gentlemen set 
 themselves to work to effect a breach between the President 
 and myself; a man towards whom I have never yet failed in 
 showing a proper respect, and whose administration I have 
 faithfully supported, and, in every instance, with that degree 
 of zeal, which could consistently and reasonably be expect- 
 
•il 
 
 ed from me. They appear to have thought, that if they 
 could get Gen. Jackson to flash his iEgis in the van of their 
 attack, they could acquire a safe and easy victory; and for 
 the last fifteen months, they have not intermitted their exer- 
 tions to effect this object, by night or by day. As might be 
 expected, from ihe nature of the undertaking, the most un- 
 scrupulous system of detraction has been pursued, and the 
 President has been continually interrupted with the grossest 
 insinuations and calumnies against me. That he should re- 
 main altogether unaffected by them, would be contrary to 
 the usual course of things. I have reason to be satisfied of 
 the fact, that, at the close of the session of Congress before 
 the last, it was agreed and arranged between certain of my 
 opponents in this place, and those who were then in Wash- 
 ington, upon a deliberate view of the whole ground of oppo- 
 sition to me, that unless the President could be made to de- 
 nounce me openly, it was vain to attempt my defeat, and ac- 
 cordingly that he should be excited to do so. Whether the 
 President countenanced this plan, I will not undertake to 
 say: I trust he did nol, but certain it is, that many of my 
 opponents, relying with confidence upon his co-operation in 
 their designs, during his visit to the Hermitage in the sum- 
 mer, used great industry to prepare the district for the anti- 
 cipated denunciation, by the propagation of unfavorable 
 rumors. So far had the feelings of my opponents become 
 committed to the success of this unworthy scheme of pro- 
 curing the interference of the President in my election, that 
 they could not repress the expressionof their dissatisfaction 
 with the conduct of those gentlemen of their own politics 
 who were supposed to have been instrumental in defeating 
 it. Every sincere friend of the freedom which it is our 
 boast to enjoy, will, I am sure, put the seal of his disappro- 
 bation upon the course of my enemies in this affair. It 
 proves them to be as regardless of every sound public prin- 
 ciple as they are deficient in manly feeling and conduct. 
 This cloud which hung over and for a time threatened to 
 burst upon my head, passed away. It has been said that I 
 eluded the storm, by concealing my sentiments. In evading 
 a pursuit even, the most unprincipled as this was in all con- 
 cerned,! would not have thought myself excusable in wear- 
 
2*2 
 
 ing a mask. My opponents knew as well as I did, that 1 
 had in my possession a password, which it was supposed 
 would ensure my deliverance, if I could have pronounced 
 it. But I did not owe my escape to the possession of that 
 secret. No, gentlemen, I was indebted for it chiefly to the 
 strong manifestation of public sentiment in my favor ; to the 
 unshrinking courage and fidelity of my friends. (Cheers.) 
 
 But the events of the last winter, at Washington, have 
 given fresh ground of hope to my opponents. 
 
 The elections, last fall, terminated in such a manner, as, in 
 the judgment of all men of observation, to defeat absolutely 
 and without hope the prospects of any candidate of the op- 
 position for the Presidency. That any man, or the friends 
 of any man, since the days of Washington, should expect 
 that he would be permitted to be advanced to the Presiden- 
 tial chair, without a rival or competitor, is hardly credible. 
 It was as certain, in the very nature of things, that Mr. Van 
 Buren would have a competitor in the ranks of tlie dominant 
 party, the moment the opposition, as a party, were prostrat- 
 ed, as that flowers should put forth upon the return of spring. 
 The notice which had already been taken of Judge White 
 in many districts of the south west, pointed him out to the 
 public, as that competitor. 
 
 Although I had, on all proper occasions, expressed myself 
 frankly in favor of Judge White, yet, inasmuch as I had not 
 gone out of my way, to advise every man who I supposed 
 might be favorable to him of my views, it seems that I, who 
 am now charged with the sin of bringing him forward, had 
 really manifested so little earnestness in his cause, as to 
 make it necessary to the designs of my opponents, that some 
 overt and tangible evidence should be afforded of my deter- 
 mination. This they had the address to procure. A meet- 
 ing of the Tennessee delegation was called, at which the 
 subject was considered, and briefly discussed. The entire 
 delegation, without exception, were understood to have made 
 up their minds to support Judge Wliite; and after coming 
 to various resolutions having that object in view, the meeting 
 broke up. Suspecting no stratagem, not dreaming of any 
 division in the delegation, nor at all dissatisfied with the part 
 T had taken at the meeting, nor supposing that any human 
 
'23 
 
 being could justly take exception to it, what was my astonish- 
 ment a few days afterwards, upon hearing from a personal 
 friend, and who was almost breathless with alarm, as he told 
 me, of the extraordinary rumors in circulation in certain cir- 
 cles in relation to the late meeting of the Tennessee delega- 
 tion! A meeting, it was said, had been held of certain mem- 
 bers of the Tennessee delegation, at which the "Speaker of 
 the House" had presided, and made a speech! It was cer- 
 tain that I was denounced the next day to the President, as 
 the author of the meeting; that I had gotten it up to cloak 
 my individual designs : and that I had the address to bring all 
 my colleagues over to the support of Judge White, for the 
 Presidency, except Mr. Johnson, who it was said was present 
 but dissented, and Messrs Grundy and Polk, who were ab- 
 sent and were understood not to concur. There were various 
 constructions put upon the proceeding, but all agreed that 
 it was a most mischievous and portentous affair. — Some said, 
 it was the first development of a conspiracy of thenullifiers, 
 and I have since heard, that letters were despatched to this 
 State to put the unwary on their guard, and announcing in 
 grave and ominous terms, "thatinashorttime developments 
 would be made of a great Southern conspiracy which would 
 astonish the nation ! " Some said it was the result of a joint 
 understanding between the nullifiers and the nationals, in 
 order to overthrow the administration. Others, again, af^ 
 firmed that it was a foul and conjoint conspiracy between 
 thenullifiers, nationals and the United States Bank! The 
 tact displayed in bringing in the Bank at the tail of all the 
 other horrors of the plot, reminds me of an instance of one 
 of those remarkable eccentricities, which, sometimes, takes 
 possession of a mind in other respects of decidedly superior 
 grade. A venerable and learned Judge of our State, and, of 
 course, a contemporary of all of our most distinguished citi- 
 zens, in the course of twenty years of judicial administration, 
 is understood never to have had a case of murder, or other 
 crime of marked atrocity to come before him, that he did 
 not suspect a woman to be at the bottom of it. The proof 
 might be defective upon this point, or there might be none at 
 all, still the impression remained, and in the learned Judge's 
 mind a tcoman had been there, though no trace of her could 
 then he found.- — (Laughter and cheering.) 
 
24 
 
 What consequences have followed to me, from these mor- 
 bid apprehensions upon the subject of the Bank, and from 
 the story that I was at the bottom of a meeting which I 
 knew nothing about until I was summoned to attend it, you 
 are informed. — That the President has been grossly deceiv- 
 ed, as well as many others, both as to the part which I have 
 acted, in the matter of bringing forward Judge White, and 
 as to the motives of myself, and the other members of the 
 delegation, who avowed their disposition to support this elec- 
 tion, is most certain. 
 
 I could not do otherwise than give my support to Judge 
 White. If I had declined doing so, I would have separat- 
 ed myself from my best friends ; from my own State : 
 and, as I shall show, I would have been sacrificing both my 
 feelings and principles. — After all, what are the objections 
 to the course of Judge White and his friends? It cannot 
 be said, that his principles are not sound and orthodox ; nor 
 is he deficient in experience or ability. His integrity and 
 patriotism are not questioned by any candid or honest objec- 
 tor. No man of common intelligence and observation, who 
 knows Judge White, or who has ever heard of the more 
 than common purity and singleness of purpose, which have 
 distinguished his character throughout a long life, can, or 
 does believe, whatever he may say, that he has formed any 
 improper or corrupt connection, either with the Bank of the 
 United States, or with any portion of the opposition. I un- 
 dertake to affirm that none of these objections exist in the 
 minds of a single intelligent individual of the party with 
 which Judge White has acted during the last ten years . It 
 cannot be a serious objection that Judge White is willing to 
 receive the support of any portion of the opposition which 
 may prefer him to his competitor. This may be a ground 
 of prejudice with heated partisans ; but with men of unpre- 
 judiced reason, it is no objection ; and none such consider 
 it so. Connecticut is not the less welcome to the Jackson 
 ranks, nor is she likely to be less efficient in support of the 
 Jackson party, because, at the election, two years ago, a por- 
 tion of the freemen of that State, who lately gave their votes 
 in support of the administration ticket, gave them to the op- 
 position candidates. The truth is, that in popular elections 
 no such thing as a coalition between leading men of diffe- 
 
!25 
 
 rent principles can exist, or be fairly inferred, from the popu- 
 lar support which the one may receive or the other bestow. 
 It is not so in England. It cannot be so here . It is not like 
 the case of forming a Ministry, or making up a Cabinet, 
 when gentlemen of opposite principles agree to act together, 
 and afford to each other mutual support in carrying on the 
 government. In such cases, there is always a sacrifice of 
 principle, and corruption may properly be attributed to 
 them. Sometimes it happens that gentlemen of opposite 
 principles upon most subjects, determine to cooperate in 
 supporting certain principles, in which they agree, who still 
 differ upon those questions which formerly divided them ; 
 and there does not appear to be any groinid to charge cor- 
 ruption upon the parties to such an arrangement. But the 
 President of the United States is a popular Magistrate, and 
 is elected by the people ; an election by the House of Repre- 
 sentatives is only an expedient devised by the constitution, to 
 supply an omission occasioned by a failure of the Elec- 
 toral Colleges to make an election. In the late elec- 
 tion of members to the British Parliament, the Radicals, a 
 party bitterly opposed to the Whigs or moderate Reformers, 
 who constituted the late Ministry, united against the Con- 
 servatives or Tories. Mr. O'Connell, in the popular elec- 
 tions in Ireland, did not hesitate to give his support to a par- 
 ty which was opposed to his favorite scheme, of a repeal of 
 the act of union between the two Kingdoms, upon the 
 ground that he was still more opposed to the party recently 
 installed in power. Yet this course involved no violation of 
 principle, on either side — no corruption — no unworthy co- 
 alition. And, accordingly, we see no such charges made by 
 the press in that country — a country, by the by, where con- 
 sistency and political honesty are virtues much more highly 
 prized and guarded by public sentiment, and the transgres- 
 sions against them, much more severely castigated and pun- 
 ished, than they are in this country. 
 
 If our cause is a worthy one, if it be really the cause of 
 principle, and of the country in which we are engaged — I 
 would recruit supporters to it in the same tnanner that 1 
 would recruit soldiers against a public and foreign foe. I 
 would enlist them from every rank and class without regard 
 
26 
 
 to party or particular political creed, provided they were for 
 their country, its constitution and its liherties. 
 
 It cannot bo objected, that Gen. Jackson or his administra- 
 tion is, or can be, seriously affected by a contest between two 
 of his friends for the succession. Gen. Jackson has been 
 eminently successful and triumphant in all his measures. It 
 is one of the happy consequences of his great success, that 
 the friends of his administration may choose from among 
 the whole number of his friends whom they prefer to suc- 
 ceed him, safely, and without danger to his administration. 
 He yet possesses a vast and undoubted control and influence 
 in the country. It cannot be disputed, that there are thou- 
 sands in the United States, who have such unbounded con- 
 fidence, not only in his honesty, but in his general sagacity, 
 and his intelligence upon all subjects, as to be ready to yield 
 up their own judgments, in deference to his, upon any polit- 
 ical question which may arise. The friends of Judge 
 White, therefore, upon grounds of policy, if upon no other 
 and better ones, will not seek to disturb the tranquillity of 
 G en. Jackson's administration, or to defeat or unsetde any 
 of those great questions upon which he has acquired so 
 much of his present power and influence in the country. 
 They would be madmen to do so. The truth is, it is their 
 interest, and so far as they are acting in view of principle, 
 it is the interest of the country, that they should conciliate 
 Gen. Jackson, and the people of every section, who have such 
 unlimited confidence in him, by every means, consistently 
 and honorably, in their power. This is so obviously their 
 policy, that we see some of the partisan presses of his com- 
 petitor employing their utmost address to drive them to an 
 opposite course — practising every species of provocation and 
 insult, by which they may hope to throw Judge White's 
 friends into the opposition ranks. Opposition to the admin- 
 istration of Gen. Jackson is the course which the worst ene- 
 mies of Judge White desire his friends to adopt. They are 
 so anxious upon this point, that they appear determined to 
 put Judge White and his friends in opposition, whether they 
 will or not. But, gentlemen, the friends of Judge White 
 will adhere to Gen. Jackson and his administration, from 
 consistency and a respect for their own character, and be- 
 
27 
 
 cause they will be supporting their own principles, upon all 
 questions, properly administrative in their nature, which 
 have arisen, or are likely to arise. They know too well 
 how to bestow their ammunition, to waste it, by firing into a 
 bumb-proof battery. 
 
 It cannot be even plausibly objected, that Judge White 
 may not be expected to carry out the principles of the pre- 
 sent administration, so far as depends upon him. If we run 
 a parallel between him and his competitor upon this point, 
 and calculate the probabilities, we shall find diat the chan- 
 ces are in favor of Judge White. He has been consistent 
 in the support of his present principles, and the principles of 
 the administration; his competitor has not. If it shall be 
 said, that the friends and supporters of Judge White are not 
 likely to be such as will sustain his principles, I answer, 
 that tliey are more likely to be homogeneous in sentiment 
 than the supporters of Mr. Van Buren, so far as principle 
 is concerned. Should Judge White prevail in the contest 
 over his opponent, surely the great democratic states, which, 
 it is said, will support Mr. Van Buren, will not desert their 
 principles, because their favorite leader shall have lost his 
 election. Their cherished democratic principles will un- 
 doubtedly continue dear to them, under the lead of Judge 
 White. Unless, then, the great body of Mr. Van Buren's 
 friends shall desert their principles, the democracy of the 
 country will still be triumphant. But, we cannot suppose so 
 great and so gross a defection from principle, at least in 
 whole States ; and so those fathers of the democracy of the * 
 country, and who it is said are so much grieved at the pros- 
 pect of a division in the democratic ranks, may dry up their 
 tears. 
 
 But some appear to imagine, that General Jackson possess- 
 es the wonderful faculty of transmitting to a successor of his 
 own choice, his own stern principles and his power over 
 public opinion . It is a great mistake to suppose that any 
 man, who shall succeed him, whoever he may be, will be 
 able to hold the reins of government, with the same firm 
 and unyielding grasp. If Mr. Van Buren, or any competi- 
 tor, shall presumptuously attempt to guide the car of state 
 in the high and bold career of the present incumbent, he 
 
*28 
 
 will learn, when it is too late, the value of the advice, '•Hn 
 medio tutissimus ihisy The greatest danger which threat- 
 ens the succession is, (and it is deserving the most serious 
 consideration) that, after an administration, in which the Ex- 
 ecutive has had the chief direction of affairs, and in which, 
 the President, instead of conforming to popular opinion and 
 influences as he found them at his accession to power, boldly 
 took the lead, struck out an independent course, and by his 
 consunmiate skill in the management of men and his great 
 personal popularity, conciliated the suj)port of a majority to 
 whatever he attemptd ; the danger, 1 repeat, is, that the re- 
 action will be excessive, and that the Executive in the next 
 administration will not be felt as much as it ought, in order 
 to preserve the due balance of the constitution. A man at 
 the head of the next administration, of too much pliancy of 
 character one who yields too readily to political exigencies 
 upon political grounds, will quickly find his term of actual 
 power narrowed down — if he shall have a hundred days' 
 reign, he will be fortunate. It is a daring enterprise, in any 
 light in which it can be viewed, in any man, to attempt to 
 wear the armour of the pohtical Achilles!' It is no puny 
 arm that can wield the truncheon of Jackson! 
 
 It has been objected, that the course of the Tennessee del- 
 egation last winter was not justified by public opinion. I de- 
 ny the justice of the objection. As for the part taken by 
 me in the support of Judge White, I considered it respon- 
 sive to the feelings and wishes of the whole State. I have 
 done no more than to obey the call of half a million of free- 
 men spontaneously echoed from the line of the Allegheny 
 to the Mississippi; compassing a land not more nobly dis- 
 tinguished for the boldness and variety of its physical fea- 
 tures, than by the hardy, incorruptible and independent race 
 of freemen who cultivate its soil; aland already celebrated 
 in the history of a great nation, but from diis day forward, 
 and forever, doubly dear to every freeman of every land be- 
 neath the Sun. 
 
 When we have thus answered and refuted, one by one, 
 all the s[)ecific and, of course, all the substantial objections, 
 to the running of Judge White, his fi-iends are still called 
 upon to reply to the loose and general argument of the dan- 
 
29 
 
 ger to the Unity of the Party. Yes, that is the question ; 
 the precious unity of the party! And as much parade is 
 made by the use of this generahy, as if that unity were of 
 any value, except to secure the particular and specific ad- 
 vantages which I have already shown will be more certainly 
 attained by the election of Judge White. But I propose to 
 analyze briefly, the nature and value of this unity as applica- 
 ble to the party now in power. The friends of Judge 
 White have been denounced as disorganizers and foes to 
 the principles of the party. These, it is said, can be pre- 
 served only by keeping it as it is at present organized and 
 compounded, still closely banded. I have been a witness 
 to the course of the Jackson party for the last eight years, 
 and a co-operator, not with the entire party, but with that 
 portion of it with which I agreed in principle and in policy, 
 and can therefore speak upon this subject from actual obser- 
 vation. 
 
 Principles can only be illustrated and shown to be of va- 
 lue by their application, and their operation upon the 
 practical measures and action of the government. The 
 leading ones of the Jackson party have been different at 
 different periods of its existence. Before the 4th of March 
 1829, retrenchment and reform, in the expenditures and ad- 
 ministration of the government, were avowed by the party 
 as leading and cardinal points of a republican policy and 
 administration. The idea of reform in the administration 
 of the government, I understood to embrace the policy of 
 hmiting executive patronage and guarding the exercise of it 
 by such legal regulations as might be consistent with the 
 due maintenance of executive power, and, at the same time, 
 afford new securities for the freedom and purity of elec- 
 tions. Since that period, these objects, if they have not 
 been lost sight of altogether, have, at all events, been over- 
 shadowed and buried by the principles and policy involved 
 in the questions of the tariff*, internal improvements by the 
 general government, the relative rights of the States and In- 
 dian tribes within their limits, the United States Bank, and 
 the secondary or derivative questions growing out of them. 
 Since the 4lh of March, 1829, these are the questions which 
 have afforded the true testsof democracy and republicanism 
 
30 
 
 on the one hand, and of federahsm on the other. Upon 
 these questions, I affinn, and I point to the pubhc records 
 of the country as the unerring evidence of the truth of the 
 affirmation, that with the partial exception which I will 
 presently states, the Jackson party have never been united; 
 and tjiat when tried by this test, and it is the only true and 
 legitimate one, it has always been about one half republican 
 and one half federal in its composition and principles. If 
 this bo true, where is the value of that glorious unity, over 
 the waning prospects of which so many tears have been 
 shed? 
 
 If we regard the heads of departments, at any time, un- 
 der the administration of Gen. Jackson, as representing truly 
 the principles and policy of the entire party, I need not de- 
 tain you by a recitation of the names and principles of those 
 gentlemen who have at different times occupied a place in 
 his cabinet. It will be sufficient to remark, that gentlemen 
 notoriously and avowedly of every political creed known to 
 the country, have been thus honored by the confidence of 
 Gen. Jackson. One member, at least, of the cabinet as at 
 present constituted, is a most uncompromising advocate of 
 the high tariff system ; and two others, if not more, claim 
 for the federal government the power to charter a National 
 Bank, if they are not now advocates of the expediency of 
 such an institution. In the course of his administration. 
 Gen. Jackson has appointed two certainly, and I believe 
 three, Judges of the Supreme Court, who hold the same 
 doctrine in regard to a bank. 
 
 If w'e look for the principles and policy of the supporters 
 of the administration throughout the country in the votes of 
 their Representatives in Congress, we shall find the same 
 divisions and discordance in the party. Even after the se- 
 cession of a portion of the southern representation from the 
 Jackson party, upon the last test question which was taken 
 upon the high tariff policy, and before the country was actu- 
 ally menaced with civil war, a large portion of the party 
 continued to be the supporters of a tariff which will always 
 be regarded as but little short of the extreme of prohibition 
 itself, at least as respected many important articles of im- 
 port. Upon (he question of internal improvement, there 
 
31 
 
 has always been quite as much dissension in the party ; and 
 even the far-famed veto of Gen. Jackson does not take the 
 ground that appropriations of the puhhc money to objects 
 of a national character, are unconstitutional, nor is any se- 
 rious objection stated, except the want of some system or 
 method, by which equal justice may be done to the difierent 
 sections of the Union, and by which an economical disburse- 
 ment of the funds so applied, may be secured. Notwith- 
 standing the veto, the annual expenditures for this branch of 
 the public service, I believe, for I have not made an accu- 
 rate calculation, have not fallen, during the present adminis- 
 tration, below the standard of similar expenditures of the 
 preceding one. I would not be understood to find fault 
 with the principles of the celebrated veto message — on the 
 contrary, I think them just and sound. The great impedi- 
 ment to this desirable policy is the difficulty of devising a 
 system so guarded as to ensure a due equality and economy, 
 without some further power under the constitution than sim- 
 ply the power of appropriation. 
 
 Upon the Indian question, it is equally notorious, that the 
 Jackson party were never united, and but for the co-opera- 
 tion of that portion of the south which is now in opposition. 
 Gen. Jackson would inevitably have sustained, at the very 
 outset of his administration, a signal defeat upon this most 
 delicate and important question. 
 
 As regards the subject of the United States Bank, even as 
 late as 1832, a majority of the party were in favor of its re- 
 charter, at least with some modifications. Pennsylvania 
 was willing to recharter it, with all its present powers and 
 privileges. The bold and decisive measure of the removal 
 of the deposites, taken by the head of the party in J 833, 
 together with the uncompromising and exterminating spirit 
 with which that measure was assailed by the opposition, 
 presented the alternative to the members of the Jackson 
 party, either of uncompromising opposition to the Bank, or 
 a coalition with the opposition to the administration, in all 
 the extremes in which they were disposed to indulge. This 
 state of things, by a sort of mortal violence, has brought 
 about a greater degree of unanimity in the Jackson party 
 upon this question, than upon any which has arisen in 
 
32 
 
 the course of the administration. It is upon this question 
 only, that it may be said, with any sort of truth or propriety, 
 to be a unit. Let a candid and discerning world estimate 
 the value of such a unity, and at the same time the enormi- 
 ty of the guilt of those who may be unhappily convicted of 
 plotting against it. 
 
 Upon the subject of the Bank, I am aware, that if the 
 time and occasion would admit, I ought in justice to myself 
 to speak more at large. But a tew words in regard to my 
 own course upon this subject must suffice, at this time. 
 Those who have thought fit to represent me as the advocate 
 or friend of the present Bank or any other Bank of the Unit- 
 ed States, as the only means of providing a sound currency, 
 and as an indispensable fiscal agent of the treasury, have not 
 done me justice. I am not, and never have been wedded 
 to any particular plan or mode of effecting these purposes ; 
 nor have I ever so expressed myself I consider a sound 
 and uniform currency and a safe and convenient fiscal sys- 
 tem, objects of tlie greatest national importance, and I have 
 always held that ample power over the whole subject ought 
 to be vested in the federal government. That a Bank of 
 any kind ought to be regarded as the only invention and de- 
 vice by whicli these objects can be accomplished, I have 
 never said, nor am I now prepared to say. In my remarks 
 in Congress in 1832, when this question came up, I argued 
 expressly, that it would be unphilosophical and not states- 
 man-like, to rest satisfied with former inventions of this na- 
 ture, in an age of so many improvements in every other 
 branch of science. To avoid the jealousies, the suspicions, 
 the fears naturally incident to such an institution, and the 
 serious and extensive mischiefs, which we know by expe- 
 rience institutions of this kind, when mismanaged, are ca- 
 pable of pro(hicing, I would resort to any other scheme 
 which promised a near approximation in its effects to the 
 results of a well managed national Bank. All I contend 
 for, and all I have at any time contended for, is, that the 
 great object I have mentioned shall be attained. As to 
 the question whether the constitution gives the power to 
 Congress to charter a national Bank of any kind, out of the 
 District of Columbia, if left to form my opinion, taking the 
 
33 
 
 text of the constitution simply, for my guide, I would say, 
 it does not. It is very clear, that the entire and absolute 
 power over the currency of the country was intended to be 
 given to the general government; and the framers of that 
 instrument undoubtedly supposed they had given this unli- 
 mited power, in the clauses respecting the current coin, and 
 the prohibition of the power to issue bills of credit by the 
 States. The States have in effect defeated one of the most 
 beneficent objects of these clauses, by chartering banks of 
 issue. If I were to say, as a statesman and expounder of 
 the powers of the federal government in 1835, that Con- 
 gress could not charter a bank upon some principles or 
 other, I would be affecting greater scruples than Madison ; 
 I would repudiate the authority of contemporaneous con- 
 struction, the sanction, at different periods, of every de- 
 partment of the government, and the acquiescence of the 
 people themselves during the greater portion of their na- 
 tional existence. I might quote the authority of Gen- 
 eral Jackson himself, were it necessary, to save me from 
 the imputation of unpardonable heresy in expressing the 
 opinion I did upon this subject in 1832. I might take shel- 
 ter under the authority of a name of even greater potency, 
 with many of those who are now most forward in finding 
 fault with me upon this ground. Mr. Van Buren himself, 
 in a speech delivered in the United States' Senate, which 
 bears the impress of great study and circumspection, de- 
 clared that the sanction of Madison to the charter of the 
 present Bank of the United States compels the admission 
 "that the power in question must stand as a successful inter- 
 polation upon the text of the constitution." 
 
 I have spoken thus freely upon the subject of the alleged 
 unity of the Jackson party, not that 1 expect to allay the 
 opposition which may exist towards me in any quarter; nor 
 do I expect to allay the fears of those who are so much dis- 
 turbed at the prospect of divisions in what are called the 
 democratic ranks ; but for the sake of truth and justice and 
 for the sake of the country ; for the sake of that consistency 
 which I prize and hold to be the best test of honesty, I 
 have felt myself called upon to show that there has been no 
 departi\re from, or disregard of any sound principle or max- 
 
34 
 
 im ill the course of those of the Jackson party who have 
 declared forjudge White. I, for the same reasons, have 
 felt it my duty to state what I conceive to be the only 
 grounds upon which a true estimate may be formed of the 
 nature and value of that unity which I am charged with a 
 disposition to destroy. Either principle has become but a 
 name, a sound having no substantial existence in politics, or 
 it is a hardy and bold attempt at imposture, to affirm that 
 the supporters of the present administration in the different 
 sections of the Union, since the 4th of March, 1829, have 
 been united, with the exception already stated, in any other 
 object or principle than the support of Gen. Jackson and 
 the preservation of power. 
 
 But whatever of sound and patriotic principle may actu- 
 ate any portion of the Jackson party, and I know that there 
 is much public spirit and honest devotion to principle among 
 a large number of its members, may still be confidently re- 
 lied upon to unite with kindred elements and feelings to sus- 
 tain and ensure the triumph of all that is pure and truly re- 
 publican in its doctrines and practices. That portion of 
 the party which has avowed its preference for Judge White 
 have not lost their reason, nor the power of self-control, nor 
 the disposition still to adhere to principle, and what they be- 
 lieve to be the best interests of the country. Having taken 
 their position independently, and free from all embarrassing 
 engagements or connections, they retain the power of de- 
 monstrating to the w orld the honesty and purity of their in- 
 tentions, whenever they shall become satisfied that the great 
 objects they have had in view are likely to fail. When the 
 present cheering prospect of securing to the country an ad- 
 ministration of public afiairs, which promises to establish 
 general confidence in the justice, purity and stability of the 
 government, shall be blasted by adverse views and interests, 
 in any quarter in which a hearty and decided co-operation 
 was to have been expected ; when the friends of Judge 
 White shall become convinced that, instead of affording an 
 opportunity to the virtuous and patriotic of all parties, to 
 unite in the great object of effecting a union of sound re- 
 publican principles with a spirit of moderation, their <'ourse 
 will produce no other result than to ensure the success of 
 
35 
 
 principles the opposite of their own, as their enemies affirm, 
 they will then determine upon the line of conduct which 
 duty to themselves and their country prompts, whatever it 
 may be. At present I cannot anticipate the necessity of 
 any change in their position. 
 
 I am not ignorant that the tenor of much that I have said 
 upon this occasion, will be seized upon with avidity and held 
 up as an evidence of my hostility to Gen. Jackson and his 
 administration. — Be it so. It is not an uncommon practice, 
 when it becomes necessary to the selfish views of individu- 
 als, to get rid of an old and faithful friend of the party, first 
 to insult him, and then, should he resent it, to turn round 
 and cry anti- Jackson ! This device shall not avail those 
 whom it may concern, in one instance, at least. While I 
 am resolved to support General Jackson and his adminis- 
 tration, upon the same principles I have heretofore done, I 
 am equally determined to expose the hollowness of the pro- 
 fessions, and the vvorthlessness of the principles of those 
 who are in the habit of denouncing every man who dares 
 to support Judge White, as anti-republican in his principles. 
 
 I have thus taken some notice of several of the leading 
 objections to the course of Judge White's friends, which are 
 avowed and most relied upon by his opponents. Bur, geH- 
 tlemen, there is great reason to suspect that the true ground 
 of objection is carefully withheld from the public . When 
 Judge White was first spoken of for the Presidency, he 
 was treated with all due courtesy and forbearance by the par- 
 tisan presses of another gendeman ; his many virtues and 
 qualifications were frankly admitted; he was soothingly en- 
 treated by those who were most sensitive on the subject, not 
 to consent that his name should be used by his friends ; he 
 was even flattered with the hope that he might expect to be- 
 come the favorite of the party in his turn. But when all did 
 not avail, and he signed the letter^ in an instant, and, as if 
 by magic, his whole character is transformed and he be- 
 comes a wretch capable of lending himself to the most un- 
 worthy and corrupt intrigues ! The fatal mandate now goes 
 forth, the victims are marked out and qualified execution- 
 ers oi ihe party begin their work of moral death I Such 
 is party in this country, and at this time! Does any one 
 
36 
 
 suppose that this course on the part of Judge White's op- 
 ponents, isj the dictate of patriotism or an honest devotion 
 to principle? Is not the conclusion irresistible, that the real 
 objection to the course of Judge White and his friends, is, 
 that it tends to disturb and break in upon the order of suc- 
 cession and preferment already prescribed and agreed up- 
 on? If this be so, it is not at all unnatural that some gentle- 
 men should be a little nervous at the prospect of that de- 
 rangement which is about to take place from the presump- 
 tuous intrusion of the undisciplined militia of the party, or 
 rather of the people themselves, into a matter with which it 
 is said they ought to have nothing to do, except to give their 
 sanction when called upon for that purpose, according to par- 
 ty usage. The sensibility to danger arising from the threat- 
 ened divisions of the party, upon the most obvious principles, 
 is greatly increased, especially with those gentlemen who 
 may have been notified that their names are upon the list of 
 preferment. There does not appear to be the slightest rea- 
 son to doubt the sincerity of these gentlemen, when they^de- 
 clare that they are full of the most direful alarms at the pros- 
 pect before them ! 
 
 But this is a subject which demands to be thought of; to 
 be spoken of, in terms of soberness and real concern. lt-~ 
 far too grave and important to be passed over as one of 
 merely a party or political nature. It concerns deeply and 
 vitally the country ; its propects and liberties. 
 
 I have already said that party is the only source whence 
 destruction awaits our system. I am so fully and solemnly 
 impressed with this truth, that were I asked what I consider- 
 ed the first great duty of an American statesman, at this 
 time, I would say, "guard against the excesses of party". If 
 I were asked what I considered the second, I would answer, 
 "guard agains t the excesses of party" ; and were I asked 
 the third, I would still say, "guard the excesses of party" . 
 Every thing else may be safely and confidently left to the free 
 and natural action of our system. These are the dangers 
 to be apprehended from the spirit of party, in its ordinary 
 modes and forms. But when its spirit shall receive an or- 
 ganic existence; thus giving rise to a system within a sys- 
 tem, not subordinate, but superior to and designed lo con- 
 
ERRATA* 
 
 In the 3d page, 15th line from the bottom, for "indulgences" read indut-' 
 gencics. ]4lh line from the bottom, before the words "true philosophy" in- 
 sert the word the. 2d line from bottom, for "its" read their origin. 
 
 4th page, 2nd line from bottom, for "men" read 7nan. 
 
 5th page, 2d line from top, after the word "and" insert the words pained 
 my fancy in the attempt to conceive. 13th line from top, for "rest" read re- 
 sist. 15th line, after '"another" insert question. 
 
 7th page, 9th line from top, for "iinimpeached" read unimpaired. Same 
 line, before "Union" insert the. 
 
 l(Uh page, 14th line from top, for "repulsive" read impulsive. 
 
 14th page, 10th line from bottom, for "tremendous" read extraordinary. 
 At the beginning of the Sthline^ before -'would" insert under ordinary cir- 
 cumstances. 
 
 19th page, 13th line from top, omit "the" before "Bank." 
 
 23d page, 11th line from bottom, insert a before "decidedly." 
 
 24th page, 9th line from tiie top, for "this" read his. '14th line from bot- 
 tom, for "minds" read mind. 
 
 28th page, 16th line from top, after "character" insert a semicolon, 
 
 80th page, 5lh line from top, for "have" read has. 
 
 32d page, 4th line from bottom, for "object" read objects. 
 
37 
 
 trol the natural operation of the regular, lawful and consti- 
 tutional government of the country ; when this organized 
 and, I may say, personified, spirit of party, no longer fed and 
 sustained by the only safe and legitimate aliments of princi- 
 ple and a high souled emulation and competition for the 
 honors of a free country, but, addressed to and relying for 
 its support upon the mercenary passions of our nature, shall 
 become the prime interest, and the country but a secondary 
 one ; when it shall be thought more perilous to a man's fame 
 and prospects, to desert such a party than to conspire against 
 the interests, the glory and the liberties of the country; 
 when a decent regard to consistency; when the first princi- 
 ples of a free government ; when the sacred obligations of 
 truth and justice are required to be yielded up a sacrifice to 
 the unity of such a party, then I proclaim to you, and to the 
 world, that the spirit of evil which is in party is predomi- 
 nant! Those who would guard the public Uberty and our 
 free institutions from pollution and overthrow, must range 
 themselves under a different standard. When Party is the 
 watchword, and the ensign of those who fight for the spoils, 
 the warning voice of patriotism says to every freeman, to ev- 
 ery White man, inscribe your COUNTRY upon your ban- 
 ner, and "in hoc vince." 
 
S9 f 
 

 » ^>* ^^ 
 
 (P > 
 
 •^ -^^0^ / 
 
 
 1/ ^^ -.' 
 
 
 
 .•r ♦! 
 
 <• 
 
 
 '-. ^ov^ ^- 
 
 'o Ao, 
 
 r. "^^ .i^ *: 
 
 
 
 - kV ^ 
 
 ^-0.9^ » 
 
 ^^ %?. »; 
 
 
 ^ *■ o » o 
 
 
 
 A^ *; 
 
 
 ^0' 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 V^ 
 
 c'^^. 
 
 v/^. 
 
 o ■ 
 
 
 i':> 'J 
 
 o >• o