.-e^*^^ V . <*^ '••* I. ^ ♦•To* ^T" xj «r**^«» o^ 5*» *T^^^^^» 4.^ o • ••, v>^ .V *^^ •" aP ^ ♦•■o» ^A*^ ^q. '^.-.^^ ♦^ ♦^tft 'bV" ^^ ^o.*^5*/ V*^^*^^'^ 'o.*1^'5*0'> ^^*^ ^ ^^ /% .V • •• **' ^^ %^'^^*\o'> V'^^-^^-fr^ %.'^^'\^^ \' kV . • ■ • . "fe ^^•n*, ^^^°^ THE INTIMATE LIFE OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON THE INTIMATE LIFE OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON BASED CHIEFLY UPON ORIGINAL FAMILY LETTERS AND OTHER DOCUMENTS, MANY OF WHICH HAVE NEVER BEEN PUBLISHED BY ALLAN McLANE HAMILTON WITH ILLUSTRATIONS AND FAC-SIMILES NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1910 Copyright, 1910, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS Published October, 1910 ©C! Ac'll^^ .1 ^0 JOHN HOWARD VAN AMR INGE PROFESSOR OF MATHEMATICS ANT> DEAN OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY AND FOR FIFTY YEARS IDEN'TIFIED THEREWITH; WHO DURING ALL THIS TIME HAS DONE SO MUCH TO PERPETUATE THE MEMORY OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND TO INCULCATE AMONG THE STLTDENTS AND ALUMNI OF HIS ALMA MATEK, A REVERENCE FOR HIS NAME AND AN APPRECIATION OF HIS VIRTUES PREFACE The purpose of the writer is to utilize a large number of original letters and documents, written by Alexander Hamil- ton and various members of his family as well as his con- temporaries, and which in some measure throw light upon his private life and career as a soldier, lawyer, and states- man. Most of these have never been published, and were left to me by my father, the late Philip Hamilton, who was his youngest son. I have no more ambitious purpose than to produce a simple narrative, for there are several impor- tant works that fully and formally describe his public ser- vices. The latest of these is Oliver's excellent book, which is a noble monument to the memory of Hamilton. If I have gone into detail very minutely it is because of the belief that the familiar side of his life will be of interest to a great many people who have hitherto been furnished only with unauthen- tic generalities. A few of the letters already published by the late John C. Hamilton and Senator Lodge, or which appear in the Life of James McHenry, have been used, and some of these are little known. It is a pleasure to express my obligation to Delos McCurdy, Esq., and H. D. Estabrook, Esq., of the New York Bar; to Worthington C. Ford, Esq., Librarian of the viii PREFACE Massachusetts Historical Society; Wilberforce Eames, Esq., Librarian of the Lenox Library; Edward T, Holden, Esq., Librarian of the United States Military Academy; William H. Winters, Librarian of the New York Law Institute; to Richard Church, Esq., of Rochester, New York, and R. K. Bixby, Esq., of St. Louis, Missouri, as well as others, for kindly and valuable help. Allan McLane Hamilton. New York, June i, 1910. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. Origin and Parentage i II. Personal Characteristics 29 III. As A Writer and Orator 61 IV. Elizabeth Hamilton 95 V. Courtship and Marriage 118 VI. Hamilton the Lawyer 148 VII. Hamilton the Lawyer (concluded) .... 177 VIII. Family Life 200 IX. Friends and Enemies 239 X. The Years from 1790 to 1800 283 XI. Building a Home 336 XII. Hamilton and Burr 357 XIII. The Duel 384 Appendices 432 Index 477 ILLUSTRATIONS Alexander Hamilton at 37 Frontispiece From the painting by James Sharpless FACING PAGE The House where Hamilton Began His Career 4 West End, St. Croix Fac-simile Letter of Martha Washington 18 Fac-simile of Early Greek Exercises 24 Fac-simile of Appointment as Aide-de-camp 36 James Kent 46 Elizabeth Hamilton: Age 28 96 From a painting by Ralph Earle in 1787 Elizabeth Hamilton: Age 94 116 From a charcoal sketch by Martin, 1851 Major Andre 134 General Philip Schuyler's Homestead at Albany 136 Dr. James McHenry 144 From an engraved portrait by St. Memin Fac-simile of Hamilton's Brief in the Trespass Case Fac-simile of Trial Notes in the Le Guen Case . . Wall Street in the Seventeenth Century .... Philip Hamilton (the First) : Age 20 Philip Hamilton (the Second), '' Little Phil ": Age 78 154 194 208 210 xii ILLUSTRATIONS FACING PAGE Marquis Gilbert Motier de La Fayette 246 Prince Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Perigord 254 Fac-simile of Broadside 292 Alexander Hamilton: Age 45 310 From a painting by John Trumbull The Grange — about 1864 340 Reproduction of Garden Plan 348 Aaron Burr 376 From an engraved portrait by St. Memin Fac-simile of Letter from Alexander Hamilton to Mrs. Hamilton . 394 The Pistols Used by Hamilton and Burr 408 General Philip Schuyler 410 From the painting by John Trumbull, 1792 Fac-simile of Power of Attorney 414 The Grave of Alexander Hamilton Tail-piece, 431 THE INTIMATE LIFE OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON THE INTIMATE LIFE OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON CHAPTER I ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE Alexander Hamilton came into the world on January II, 1757, his birthplace being Nevis, a mountainous island of the picturesque Antilles, 18° and 18' longitude and 62° 37' latitude. Nevis has an area of about sixty square miles, and was colonized by the British in 1728. It is quite near St. Christopher, or "St. Kitts," and both islands were in 1757, and are to-day, under the same local government. Within a comparatively short distance is St. Croix, which became a Danish possession early in the eighteenth century.* These three islands are the centre of the greatest interest so far as the early history of Hamilton is concerned. Much unnecessary speculation has arisen regarding Ham- ilton's antecedents, but why there should have been so much mystery is a matter of wonder, considering that many of his own letters, referring to his family, have for a long time been in existence and are easy of access, so that there is little doubt as to his paternity or early history. Gouverneur Morris, Bancroft, Lodge, and others, have from time to time hinted at vague stories regarding his * 1733- I 2 ALEXANDER HAMILTON illegitimacy, and he has been described as the son of various persons, among them a Danish governor of one of the islands; and as a half-brother of his friend and playmate, Edward Stevens, whom he is said to have closely resembled, and who was afterward sent to the United States, to be educated by the Rev. Mr. Knox, with Hamilton. This early friendship was continued through life, although there does not appear to be anything in their subsequent intercourse to show that they were more than friends. Timothy Pickering left among his memoirs a statement which has been resurrected by Cabot Lodge, and, although alluded to by him as "mere gossip," was brought forward and published in his volume of the "Statesmen's Series." In this Mr. Pickering relates an interview which he had with a Mr. James Yard in Phila- delphia, who was a brother-in-law of Mr. Stevens, both of them having married the daughters of a Danish governor of the West Indies named Walterstorff. Yard told Picker- ing that Hamilton was the son of a Scotch gentleman named Hamilton; that Hamilton and Stevens went to school to- gether; that after the death of Hamilton, an aunt came to New York and spent some time in Hamilton's house, from which fact Yard concluded that Mrs. Hamilton must have received full information as to her husband's parentage, there being a vague inference that Hamilton and Stevens had the same father. From documents in my possession, it does not appear that this lady, who was Mrs. Ann Mitchell, ever visited Mrs. Hamilton during Hamilton's lifetime, although she came to America before his death. She lived at Burlington, New Jersey, and was befriended by Elisha Boudinot, a brother of Elias, and, after the death of Alexander Hamil- ton, by Mrs. Hamilton, who provided for her. Although Hamilton seems to have been very fond of her — for he ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 3 referred to her even in his last letter to his wife as his best friend — it is not at all certain that she was his aunt; in fact, in his expense account-book the following entry appears: "July 11, 1796: Donation to my Cozen^ Mrs. Mitchell; draft upon me $100." Lodge's speculations regarding the early history of Hamil- ton first appeared in 1882, and were based in part on the unsatisfactory and inexact statements made by his son, John C. Hamilton, who in his works made the mistake of not publishing the letters of his father in their entirety, for what reason it does not appear. It has been clearly shown that Hamilton's father lived until June 3, 1799, and his mother only until February 16, 1768, when the son was but eleven years old and she thirty-two. These matters are settled by the church records of the island of St. Vincent, where the father lived for many years until his death, ^ and by those of St. Kitts, where the mother was buried, under the name of Rachel Levine, so that the confused story referred to by Pickering was not only wrong in regard to the statement that Hamilton's mother lived to a good old age, but probably erroneous as to his other infor- mation. That Hamilton knew of his origin is well attested by various letters that have been preserved, some of which are here reproduced. His father and younger brother, James, frequently wrote to him, or sent drafts which w^re honored; and in the expense book above referred to, in the years 1796-7, 8, and 9, this sum amounted to several thou- sand dollars, which was a great deal for him to pay, con- sidering the crippled condition of his finances, and the ' Obsolete way of spelling cousin. * Doctor Edward Stevens wrote to Alexander Hamilton August 1 2, 1803, saying that he had been to St. Croix and had asked Governor Walterstorff regarding the existence of a will left by Hamilton's father. This he traced to Doctor Knox, one of the executors, but it could not be found among the papers of the latter. 4 ALEXANDER HAMILTON many other demands upon his slender purse. There is absolutely no proof, as has been stated, that his father was married twice, or that James was a half-brother. That he was aware of the existence of his half-brother, Peter Levine, is shown by a letter to General Nathaniel Greene; in 1782 he also wrote to his wife as follows: Alexander Hamilton to Elizebeth Hamilton^ Engrossed by our own immediate concerns, I omitted telling you of a disagreeable piece of intelligence I have received from a gentleman ot Georgia. He tells me of the death of my brother Levine. You know the circumstances that abate my distress, yet my heart acknowledges the rio;hts of a brother. He dies rich, but has disposed of the bulk of his fortune to strangers. I am told he has left me a legacy. I did not inquire how much. When you have occasion for money you can draw upon Messrs. Stewart & [illegible], Philadelphia. They owe me upwards of an hundred pounds. That he really was the son of James Hamilton, and was aware of the fact, is also shown by letters written to his bethrothed as early as 1780, and later by those to others, among them Robert Troup. Alexander Hamilton to Robert Troup, July 25, 1795 I hesitated whether I would not also secure a preference to the Drafts of my father, but these, as far as I am con- cerned, being a voluntary engagement, I doubted the justice of the measure, and I have done nothing. I repeat it lest they should return upon him and increase his distress. Though as I am informed, a man of respectable connections in Scotland, he became, as a merchant, bankrupt at an early 'Probably 1782. ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 5 day in the West Indies and is now in indigence. I have pressed him to come to us, but his age and infirmity have deterred him from the change of climate. James Hamilton to his so?j Alexander Hamilton^ St. Vincent, Jurie 12, 1793. Dear Alexander: I wrote you a letter, inclosed in one to Mr. Donald, of Virginia, since which I have had no fur- ther accounts from you. My bad state of health has pre- vented my going to sea at this time — being afflicted with a complication of disorders. The war which has lately broken out between France and England makes it very dangerous going to sea at this time. However, we daily expect news of a peace, and when that takes place, provided it is not too late in the season, I will embark in the first vessel that sails for Philadelphia. I have now settled all my business in this part of the world, with the assistance of my good friend, Mr. Donald, who has been of every service to me that lay in his power, in contributing to make my life easy at this advanced period of life. The bearer of this. Captain Sheriff, of the brig Dispatch, sails direct for Philadelphia, and has promised to deliver you this letter with his own hands; and as he returns to this island from Philadelphia, I beg you will drop me a few lines, letting me know how you and your family keep your health, as I am uneasy at not having heard from you for some time past. I beg my respectful compliments to Mrs. Hamilton and your children, and wishing you health and happiness, I remain, with esteem, dear Alexander, Your very affectionate father, James Hamilton. ' The Works of Alexander Hamilton, comprising his correspondence and his political and official writings, etc., edited by John C. Hamilton. Vol. V, p. 567. New York: John F. Trow, 1850. 6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Alexander Hamilton to his brother James Hamilton, Jr} New York, June 23, 1783. My dear Brother: I have received your letter of the 31st of May last, which, and one other, are the only letters I have received from you in many years. I am a little sur- prised you did not receive one which I wrote to you about six months ago. The situation you describe yourself to be in gives me much pain, and nothing will make me happier than, as far as may be in my power, to contribute to your relief. I will cheerfully pay your draft upon me for fifty pounds sterling, whenever it shall appear. I wish it was in my power to desire you to enlarge the sum; but though my future prospects are of the most flattering kind, my present ensaeements would render it inconvenient for me to advance you a larger sum. My affection for you, however, will not permit me to be inattentive to your welfare, and I hope time will prove to you that I feel all the sentiments of a brother. Let me only request of you to exert your industry for a year or two more where you are, and at the end of that time I promise myself to be able to invite you to a more comfortable settlement in this country. Allow me only to give you one caution, which is, to avoid if possible, getting into debt. Are you married or single } If the latter, it is my wish, for many reasons, that you may continue in that state. But what has become of our dear father .? It is an age since I have heard from him, or of him though I have written him several letters. Perhaps, alas! he is no more, and I shall not have the pleasing opportunity of contributing to render the close of his life more happy than the progress of it. My heart bleeds at the recollection of his misfort- * " Reminiscences of James A. Hamilton or Men and Events at Home and Abroad During Three-Quarters of a Century," p. 2. New York: Charles Scrib- ner & Co., 1869. (This letter is also published in its entirety in "A Few of Hamil- ton's Letters," by Gertrude Atherton. New York: 1903, p. 136.) ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 7 unes and embarrassments. Sometimes I flatter myself his brothers have extended their support to him, and that now he is enjoying tranquillity and ease; at other times I fear he is sufi^ering in indigence. I entreat you, if you can, to relieve me from my doubts, and let me knovv^ how or where he is, if alive; if dead, how and where he died. Should he be alive inform him of my inquiries, beg him to write to me, and tell him how ready I shall be to devote myself and all I have to his accommodation and happiness. I do not advise your coming to this country at present, for the war has also put things out of order here, and people in your business find a subsistence difficult enough. My object will be, by and by, to get you settled on a farm. Believe me, always your affectionate friend and brother, Alex. Hamilton. Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler (written prior to 17 80) I wrote you, my dear, in one of my letters that I had written to our father, but had not heard of him since, that the operations in the islands hitherto cannot affect him, that I had pressed him to come to America after the peace. A gentleman going to the island where he is, will in a few days afford me a safe opportunity to write again. I shall again present him with his black-eyed daughter, and tell him how much her attention deserves his affection and will make the blessing of his gray hairs. . . . The general ignorance that exists regarding Hamilton's origin and intimate life has prompted me to publish fully all I know about him, and in doing this I must express my indebtedness to Gertrude Atherton, who has made a conscientious hunt for material, with remarkable success. The conclusions are that Alexander Hamilton was the son of James Hamilton, who was the fourth son of Alexander 8 ALEXANOKR lIAMll VON Ihinillton, Laird of the Cranj>o, in tlio Parish of" Stevenston, A) rsliire, Scotlaml. ami his witV, Kh/ahoth (cUlost daugh- ter ot Sir RoluMt l\>lliHk.), wlio were niarrieil in tlie year 17^0.' The ll.iinihons o{' Grange heloui^id lo tin- C\inihus- keith hr.iiuh i>t ilu- hoiisi' of llaniiUon, and i\\c ImuuliM" of this hraiuli, ii\ the fourteentli eenturv, was \\ aher de Haiuilti>n, who was tlie eoninion aneestor o( the Hukt^s of Hamilton, tlie Dukis o( Ahereorn, Marls ol I LuKhni;ton, Viscounts HoN'ne, l>arons Belhaven, several rxtinet peer- ages, and of all the Seoteh and Irish Hamilton faniilies. He was fifth In descent from Rohert, Karl of Mellent, created hv Henry I oi' France anil His (^^ueen, who was a daughter o\' )eroslaus. Czar oi Russia. - His mother, Rachel Fawcett,' was ln>rn in the island oC Nevis, and when a jrirl o\' harely sixteen was torceil into marriage with a rich Danish jew, one John Michael Levine (or l.awiin\ who treated her cruelly. The marriage was evidenth i>ne o[ very great unhappiness from the Inginning, so that slu' w as fi>rced to lea\ e him and return to her mother's roof. This was in 17^^ or 1756. Her mother, from .dl .iccomus, althouirh a wi>m.in of ^reat loveliness and ch.iini, was am- hitious and masterful, and had very decided ideas of her own regardii^g her daughter's future.^ She herself had had matrimonial trouhles, and had separated from her hushand ' .\ppeinlix A. * "llistoiicul and Cionealogical Memoirs of the House of Hamilton, with Clenoa- logical Memoirs of the Several Braiulus of the Kumily," hy Jolm Ai\(lersi>n, Sur- geon, Licentiate of the Royal College of Surgeons, lulinhurgh. lulinhurgh, 1S35. Simpkins & Marshall, London. * Davighter of Dr. John Faweett, a Huguenot exiled after tlie Rev^vation of the Edict of Nantes, and Mary, his wife. * In 1708 a Mr. HalKwHid, of St. Croix, a cousin of .Mexamlcr ll.imilton, left him one-fourth of his estate. He was a grai\dson of James Lytton, who was i>robal>ly a hrotlu-r of Hamilti>n's maternal grai\dn\other. See letter in l.oilge's "Works of .Mexander Hamilton," C^>n^ titutiv>nal KditiiM\, vo\. IX, p. 415. ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 9 late in life, after having had several children, but the mother of Hamilton came a long time after the others, and was brought up in unrestful surroundings, later witnessing the family quarrels. Doubtless the influence of much of this, coupled with the persuasion of her mother, led to the alliance with a man much older than herself, who finally made life insupportable. She appears to have been a brilliant and clever girl, who had been given every educational advantage and accomplishment, and had profited by her opportunities. \iy Eevine she had had one s<^)n, who was taken from her by liis father, and for a time lived with him, first at St. Croix, and afterward in Denmark, and it was not until several years afterward that she met James Hamilton, an attractive Scotchman, of much charm of manner, in the West Indies, with whom she quickly fell in love. Although, as has been said, her mother had parted from her own husband, it was impossible, owing to the disorderly condition of legal aflPairs in the provinces, for the daughter to formally get her freedom from the person who had so ruined her life, and although every attempt was apparently made, both by Hamilton and herself, they seemed unable to obtain any relief from the local courts, and lived together until her death, which occurred February 25, 1768, when she was thirty-two years old. It is quite true that the courts of St. Croix were avail- able, but this was a Danish island, and Levine was a Dane, and a man of great local influence, which was used against them, so that their eflForts were thwarted. The social life of England and the colonies during the eighteenth century was, to say the least, unsettled, and this is especially true so far as the morals of the better class were concerned. According to Lodge, "divorce was extremely rare in any of the colonies, and even In FLngland, and in the crown provinces it involved long, diflicult, and expensive 10 ALEXANDER HAMILTON proceedings of the greatest publicity." * In fact, if we may be guided by the existing reports, annulment was resorted to much more often than divorce, and it is impossible to find any account of the existence of divorce laws on the islands of St. Kitts or Nevis; according to well-informed persons, there was even no act providing for separate maintenance. Marriage rites were informal and elopements common, both in Great Britain and her dependencies; in fact, it was not until the passage of Lord Hardwick's marriage bill, and the energetic labors of Wilberforce, that the solemn nature of the marriage rite was established. Even then Hardwick's bill was opposed by Henry Fox, who had married a daughter of the Duke of Richmond, and with the subsequent ascend- ancy of the gay Walpoles and Pelhams there was more tolerance with irregular marriages than ever. Lecky^ and, later, Sir George Russell,^ referred to the casual nature of the marriage customs, and the easy manner in which unions were made and broken, and at this time the pilgrimages to Gretna Green of those who were impatient of the law's delays or the objections of discriminating parents, were frequent. In referring to the easily solemnized marriages which did not endure. Swift said: "The art of making nets is very dif- ferent from the art of making cages," and very little, if any, odium was attached to those who took matters into their own ■ Harold Hargrove, Esq., a member of the English bar, informs me that prior to 1857 the divorce proceedings known as a vinculo matrimonii (equivalent to our modern nullity of marriage decree), which enabled the parties to marry again, could only be obtained for some canonical disability, existing at the time of the marriage, such as that the parties were within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity, or one of them was not consenting, or not of sound mind, or unable to perform the duties of matrimony, etc. It was not granted jor adultery or cruelty in any court of law, and the only way to obtain it was by a private act of Parliament. Divorce a mensa et thoro (equivalent to our modern separation) could be obtained for adultery or cruelty prior to 1857, but neither of the parties could marry again. ' "England in the Eighteenth Century," vol. I, p. 531. ^"Collections and Recollections," p. 87. ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE n hands. In this country elopement was so common as to be a popular proceeding among the higher classes, and many of our forefathers chose this romantic and unconventional, but in those times perfectly innocent manner of mating. Four of General Philip Schuyler's daughters ** arranged and took charge of their own marriages,^ that of his daughter who married Hamilton being an exception. Her beautiful sister, Angelica Church, ran off with an Englishman who came to the colonies, it is said, after a duel, and who changed his name to Carter, but subsequently resumed his own cogno- men of John Barker Church, and was afterward the Com- missary for Rochambeau. Many other young women did the same thing, among them a daughter of Henry Cruger, who eloped with Peter van Schaak, and "Peggy" White, who ran away with Peter Jay. Other young women of romantic inclinations were Susannah Reid and Harriet Van Rensselaer. Hamilton's father and mother had much in extenuation of the bold step they took, and their subsequent mode of life does not appear to have been followed by any loss of caste; possibly because of the local sympathy, and the knowledge of the true facts of their unconventional relationship; and again, because there was no doubt of the sincerity and depth of their love for each other. From perfectly reliable sources it appears, and may be believed, that his mother's first husband was a coarse man of repulsive personality, many years older than herself. After Rachel left her mother's house and went to James Hamilton, Alexander Hamilton was born a year later. Levine then divorced her. In the records of the Ember Court of St. Croix it appears that "John Michael Levine (Lawein) was granted a divorce for '"Catherine Schuyler," by Mary Gay Humphreys, p. 189. New York, 1891. Scribner. 12 ALEXANDER HAMILTON abandonment, and Levine was permitted to marry again ; but she, being the defendant, was not." It is said that Levine was not above depriving his wife's children by her union with Hamilton of the inheritance from their mother. At her death in 1768 she possessed several slaves which she left to her sons, Alexander and James Hamilton. John Michael Levine subsequently made appli- cation for these in "behalf of her lawfully begotten heir, Peter Levine. " ^ It is here distinctly stated that the grounds for divorce were that she had "absented herself." Mrs. Atherton who, in her collection of letters, refers to these facts, has made painstaking and careful examination of the records of the courts, not only in the West Indies but in Copenhagen, and states positively that there was no evidence that she deserted her husband to live with Hamilton, but was living with her mother in St. Kitts in 1756, when the latter appeared upon the scene. In a letter written by Alex- ander Hamilton the fact of his mother's unhappy marriage, which was brought about by her mother, is mentioned, and there seems to be no reason to doubt its truth. Whether Levine's 'failure to apply for a divorce on more serious grounds was due to a belief in his wife's innocence, or to the realization that he had driven her, by his cruelty, to the arms of another man whom she truly loved, or whether the local court refused to take a severe view of her action because of its own knowledge of Levine, and the marriage itself, is a matter of speculation. Possibly he may have felt some of the magnanimity which, in more recent years, actuated Ruskin and Wagner. Certainly the best proof that no prejudice existed in after life in regard to Hamilton because of his birth are the facts, not only that General Washington invited him to become a member of his military * The half-brother previously referred to. ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 13 family, but that General Schuyler heartily approved of the marriage with his daughter. Hamilton's father does not appear to have been successful in any pursuit, but in many ways was a great deal of a dreamer, and something of a student, whose chief happiness seemed to be in the society of his beautiful and talented wufe, who was in every way intellectually his superior. After her death he apparently lost all incentive he had before to con- tinue any mercantile occupation, and left the island, going to St. Vincent, where he lived until a time shortly before his son's death. It is not evident that Hamilton knew much of his Scotch relatives until after the War of the Revolution, although in a letter to his brother in 1783 he casually alludes to his uncles. In 1797 he wrote a long letter to Alexander Hamilton, the Laird of the Grange at the time, which tells very simply the story of his career in America and may be here used in an introductory way to what is to follow. Alexander Hamilton from Alexander Hamilt07i} Albany', State of New York, May the 2d, 1797. My dear Sir: Some days since I received with great pleasure your letter of the loth of March. The mark it affords of your kind attention, and the particular account it gives me of so many relations in Scotland, are extremely gratifying to me. You no doubt have understood that my father's affairs at a very early day went to wreck; so as to have rendered his situation during the greatest part of his life far from eligible. This state of things occasioned a separation between him and me, when I was very young, and threw me upon the bounty of my mother's relatives, some of whom were then wealthy, though by vicissitudes to which human affairs are so liable, they have been since much re- * "Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. VI, p. 243. 14 ALEXAiNDER HAMILTON duced and broken up. Myself at about sixteen came to this country. Having always had a strong propensity to literary pursuits, by a course of steady and laborious exertion I was able, by the age of nineteen, to qualify myself for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in the College of New- York, and to lay the foundation for preparatory study for the future pro- fession of the law. The American Revolution supervened. My principles led me to take part in it; at nineteen I entered into the American army as Captain of Artillery. Shortly after I became, by invitation, aid-de-camp to General Washington, in which station I served till the commencement of that cam- paign which ended with the siege of York in Virginia, and the capture of Cornwallis's army. The campaign 1 made at the head of a corps of light infantry, with which I was present at the siege of York, and engaged in some interesting opera- tions. At the period of the peace of Great Britain, I found myself a member of Congress by appointment of the Legislature of this State. After the peace, I settled in the city of New- York, in the practice of the law; and was in a very lucrative course of practice, when the derangement of our public affairs, by the feebleness of the general confederation, drew me again re- luctantly into public life. I became a member of the Con- vention which framed the present Constitution of the United States; and having taken part in this measure, I conceived myself to be under an obligation to lend my aid towards putting the machine in some regular motion. Hence I did not hesitate to accept the offer of President Washington to undertake the office of Secretary of the Treasury. In that office I met w4th many intrinsic difficulties, and many artificial ones proceding from passions, not very worthy, common to human nature, and which act with pe- culiar force in republics. The object, however, was effected of establishing public credit, and introducing order in the finances. Public office in this country has few attractions. The ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 15 pecuniary emolument is so inconsiderable, as to amount to a sacrifice to any man who can employ his time to advantage in any liberal profisssion. The opportunity of doing good, from the jealousy of power and the spirit of faction, is too small in any station, to warrant a long continuance of private sacrifices. The enterprises of party had so far succeeded, as materially to weaken the necessary influence and energy of the Executive authority, and so far diminish the power of doing good in that department, as greatly to take away the motives which a virtuous man might have for making sacri- fices. The prospect was even bad for gratifying in future the love of fame, if that passion was to be the spring of action. The union of these motives, with the reflections of pru- dence in relation to a growing family, determined me as soon as my plan had reached a certain maturity, to with- draw from ofiice. This I did by a resignation about two years since, when I resumed the profession of the law in the city of New- York under every advantage I could desire. It is a pleasant reflection to me, that since the com- mencement of my connection with General Washington to the present time, I have possessed a flattering share of his confidence and friendship. Having given you a brief sketch of my political career, I proceed to some further family details. In the year 1780 I married the second daughter of General Schuyler, a gentleman of one of the best families of this country, of large fortune, and no less personal and political consequence. It is impossible to be happier than I am in a wife; and I have five children, four sons and a daughter, the eldest a son somewhat past fifteen, who all promise as well as their years permit, and yield me much satisfaction. Though I have been too much in public life to be wealthy, my situation is extremely comfortable, and leaves me nothing to wish but a continuance of health. With this blessing, the profits of my profession and other prospects authorize an expectation of such addition to my resources as will render the eve of life easy and agreeable, so far as may depend on this consideration. i6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON It is now several months since I have heard from my father, who continued at the island of St. Vincent. My anxiety at this silence would be greater than it is, were it not for the considerable interruption and precariousness of in- tercourse which is produced by the war. I have strongly pressed the old gentleman to come and reside with me, which would afford him every enjoyment of which his advanced age is capable; but he has declined it on the ground that the advice of his physicians leads him to fear that the change of climate would be fatal to him. The next thing for me is, in proportion to my means, to endeavor to increase his comforts where he is. It will give me the greatest pleasure to receive your son Robert at my house in New York, and still more to be of use to him; to which end, my recommendation and interest will not be wanting, and I hope not unavailing. It is my in- tention to embrace the opening which your letter affords me to extend my intercourse with my relations in your country, which will be a new source of satisfaction to me. From that time on he and his Ayrshire relatives not only kept up a correspondence but he was able to do much in this country for his young cousins, one of whom entered the American Navy. He, however, never had the chance to visit the home of his ancestors, though he came very near so doing. On this occasion, when he was urged to go abroad as a Commissioner to obtain a loan from France, he resigned in favor of his devoted friend John Laurens, who was anxious to go to England to seek the release of his father, who was then imprisoned in the Tower of London.* To a friend Hamilton wrote in 1794: 'Henry Laurens sailed for Holland in 1780 as a Commissioner to effect a com- mercial treaty between the United States and that country, in the Mercury, but was captured by the English frigate Vesta. Although he attempted to destroy his papers they were recovered, and he was taken to London and imprisoned in the Tower, charged with high treason, but was subsequently liberated through the influence of Lord Shelburne. His papers contained several which indicated the friendliness ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 17 My own hope of making a short excursion to Europe the ensuing Spring increases. BeHeve me I am heartily tired of my situation, and wait only the opportunity of quitting it with honor, and without decisive prejudice to public affairs. This winter, I trust, will wind up my plans so as to secure my reputation. The present appearance is that the depending elections will prove favorable to the good cause, and obviate anxiety for its future. In this event my present determination is to resign my political family and set seriously about the care of my private family. Previous to this I will visit Europe. There I shall have the happiness of meeting you once more. But will not a few minutes afterwards give me a pang of final separation ? ^ This plan like the other came to naught, and it does not appear that he ever after made even another attempt to cross the Atlantic, for his health became undermined by hard work and malarial infection incurred in military service. In a letter to Washington in November, 1795, he speaks of this, and a year later to the same person he wrote: "I seem now to have regularly a period of ill health every summer." In 1793 he was seriously ill, having been stricken with yellow fever, and his condition thoroughly alarmed his friends, among them Mrs. Washington, who showed the deepest solicitude, and in many ways attested her friendly interest in one who had been a member of the military family. Martha Washington to Elizabeth Hamilton I am truly glad my Dear Madam to hear Colo. Hamilton is better to day. You have my prayers and warmest wishes for his recovery. I hope you take care of yourself as you know of the Dutch Government with the United States, and because of these and the later refusal of Holland to repudiate the acts of its agent in America, war was de- clared by Great Britain against the Dutch Republic. * "History of the Republic," by John C. Hamilton. i8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON it is necessary for your family. — We were luckey to have these bottles of the old wine that was carried to the East Indies which is sent with three of another kind which is very good, and we have a plenty to supply you as often as you please to send for it of the latter. The President joins me in devoutly wishing Colo. Ham- ilton's recovery — we expect to leave this to morrow — and beg you will send to Mrs. Emerson for anything that we have that you may want. I am my dear madam your Very affectionate Friend M. Washington. His sister-in-law also wrote from England: Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton London, January 2^th, 1794. When my Dear Eliza, when am I to receive a letter from you .'' When am I to hear that you are in perfect health, and that you are no longer in fear for the life of your dear Ham- ilton .? For my part, now that the fever is gone, I am all alive to the apprehensions of the war. One sorrow succeeds another. It has been whispered to me that my friend Alexander means to quit his employment of Secretary. The country will lose " one of her best friends, and you, my Dear Eliza, will be the only person to whom this change can be either necessary or agreeable. I am inclined to believe that it is your influence induces him to withdraw from public life. That so good a wife, so tender a mother, should be so bad a patriot is wonderful.* The ruined castle of the Cambuskeith Hamiltons was known as Kerilaw Castle, and in 1836 when visited by James A. Hamilton,^ the second son of Alexander Hamilton, ' Hamilton resigned as Secretary of the Treasury in 1795. 'Hamilton, " Reminiscences," etc., p. 302. J?-,5t^^ "fyi^^ yt^- ■ ni^^ ^.Jt^ Trx^-^^ ^ ^{jL^^^.^ <7^^-^J ^>jn/h th--*-^ *f A^-T^.^iT^^^'*^ Zc^-^- ^>^J-^^u..yX ^ l^^Ji.^^ A^;^ ;2^ >,x,.v;i' -^-^^-f 1^-^ ^S^ ^ .eW -^ FAC-SIMILE LETTER OF MARTHA WASHINGTOiN ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 19 was near a comfortable modern home, then occupied by the last Laird of the Grange, who died a year later, and who sat in the sunshine feeding hi^ ^igeons, and enter- tained his visitor with quaint stories m the manner of Stevenson or Crockett, while in the evening he and his family very formally brewed their toddy, and ate oat- meal biscuit, while the "simple and agreeable tipple occu- pied the party for an hour or so in lively chat. "» Hamilton's early life has been so often referred to by historians that there is little to add, except that from the first he displayed all the precocity which led to his subse- quent early advancement, and this was undoubtedly stimu- lated by his helpless condition, and the necessity for doing something. As is known, when but fourteen he conducted the affairs of Nicholas Cruger in his absence, writing im- portant business letters which, in themselves, showed a mature knowledge and ripeness of judgment. Alexander Hamilton to Henry Cruger St. Croix, February 24th, 1772. Henry Cruger, Esq. Sir: The 9th ultimo Capt. Robert Gibb handed me your favour dated December 19th, 1771, covering Invoice and Bill of Lading for sundreys — which are landed in good order agreeable thereto. I sold all your lumber off Immediately at ;{^i6 luckily enough, the price of that article being now reduced to iJ^i2, as great quantitys have been lately imported from different parts of this Continent. — Indeed, there must be a vast Consumption this Crop — which makes it probable that the price will again rise — unless the Crops at windward should fall short — as is said to be the case, — whereby we shall fair to be Overstocked — the Oats and Cheese I have also sold, the former at 6 sh. per Bushell, and the latter at 9 sh. pr. Your mahogany is of the very worst kind or I could ' Appendix B. 20 ALEXANDER HAMILTON readily have obtained 6 sh. pr foot for it, but at present tis blown upon, tis fit only for end work. I enclose you a price Current & refer you thereto for other matters. Capt. Gibbs was ready to sail seven days after his arrival but was detained two days longer by strong Contrary winds which made it impossible to get out of the Harbour. Believe me Sir Nothing was neglected on my part to give him the utmost Dispatch, & considering that his Cargo was stowed very Hicheldy-picheldy — the proceeding part of it rather uppermost. I think he was dispatched as soon as could be expected. — Inclosed you have Invoice of Rum and Sugar shipt in the sloop agreeable to your Orders. I could not by any means get your Casks filled by any of the planters but shall dispose of the HHDS out of which the Rum was started for your account, from which however will proceed a small loss — Also have account of sloops Port Charges, of which I hope and Doubt not youll find right. — YouU be a little surprised when I tell you Capt. Gibbs was obliged to leave his freight money behind; the reason is this; Mr. B would by no means raise his part — tis true he might have been compelled by Law, but that would have been altogether imprudent — for to have inforced pay- ment & to have converted that payment into Joes* — which were extremely scarce — would have been attended with de- tention of at least ten or twelve days, and the other freights were very triffling so that the whole now rests with me, and God knows when I shall be able to receive Mr. B part. who is long winded enough. Mr. B begs to present his re- spects, which concludes Sir. Your very Humble St. for N— C A— H When fifteen years old, having shown his cleverness in many ways, he was sent to the United States, and landed in Boston; subsequently reaching New York, where he met ' The joe was a Portuguese gold coin of the period. ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 21 Elias Boudinot, who helped him in the matter of obtaining his education. At an early age Hamilton developed a facility in expres- sion that widened wnth succeeding years, and he accumu- lated a remarkably extended vocabulary which is apparent in everything that he wrote and said, and if the power of thought is measured, as is generally admitted, by the extent and accumulation of symbols and ideas, he cer- tainly possessed a rich store of both. This seems strange, for it does not appear that he had access to many books, or received more than the childish education at the knee of his mother to the time of her death, when he was but eleven years old, although it has been stated that in his earliest infancy he was able to read the Hebrew Decalogue.^ It is certain that he understood French as well as English, and his early literary productions, among them the famous account of the tornado, show much pre- cocity and fertility of composition. He certainly was able, not only to express himself well, but to make a selection of terse terms and vigorous English. When Hamilton reached America in 1772 he brought letters which he delivered to the Rev. Hugh Knox and to William Livingston, afterward governor of New Jersey, and stayed with the latter at his house, which was known as "Liberty Hall," while he attended the school of which Dr. Barber was the head master, at Elizabethtown. In the ' This is evidently a misstatement upon the part of an enthusiastic biographer. In none of his writings is there anything to indicate his familiarity with Hebrew. It does appear, however, that he studied Semitic history, and in a fugitive scrap of writing, which is evidently a part of an essay, says: "... progress of the Jews and their [illegible] from the earliest history to the present time has been and is en- tirely out of the ordinary course of human affairs. Is it not then, a fair conclusion that the cause also is an extraordinary one — in other words, that it is the effect of some great providential plan? The man who will draw this conclusion will look for the solution in the Bible — He who will not draw it ought to give in another fair solution. " 22 ALEXANDER HAMILTON winter of 1773-4 he was ready for college and would have entered Princeton, but he went to President Witherspoon with a proposition that he should be allowed to pass from one class to another when so qualified, instead of following the usual routine of the university. This proposal was not acceded to, so he turned his steps to King's College in New York, which was then situated between the streets that are now Church, Greenwich, Barclay, and Murray. The president was the Rev. Dr. Myles Cooper, a stanch loyal Englishman, who had succeeded Samuel Johnson, the first president of the college, and with him were associated Dr. Samuel Clossey, who taught medicine, and Dr. Peter Mid- dleton. Dr. Clossey was a clever Irish surgeon and a graduate of Trinity College, Dublin, and came to America in 1764, when he was forty-nine years old. He left an active medical practice to emigrate, and a year after his arrival was appointed to King's College as Professor of Natural Philosophy, but subsequently was selected for the Chair of Anatomy, which he filled until 1774. He was a loyalist and did not at all sympathize with the colonists, so finding the atmosphere of New York uncongenial, returned to England, resigning his professorial position, and giving up his American practice. Dr. Peter Middleton lectured upon Chemistry.* * Hamilton subsequently, many years later, appeared to uphold the will of his old teacher, Dr. Peter Middleton, and was opposed by Aaron Burr. This instrument, made by Middleton in 1780, amongst other bequests, leaves to his old friends Doctors Bard, Mallet, Michalis, and Bayley, all distinguished physicians of the period, who took care of him during his last illness, each a mourning ring; and to his daughter Susan, "my old wench Kaid, and also my negro lad Fortune, upon the express con- dition that my said daughter give over to John B. Middleton, above mentioned, all her right and title to the negro child James, but should the said wench Kaid or lad Fortune be inattentive to my said daughter or not promoting her interest and happi- ness as much as is in their power, as long as my said daughter is under age or un- married; or, if they refuse going with her wherever her fortune or inclination may induce her to go, I then direct my executors after-named to sell said wench Kaid or lad Fortune to the highest bidder. " ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 23 The faculty seems to have been limited to these three men, to Dr. Cooper being assigned Latin, Greek, EngHsh, mathe- matics, and philosophy. Hamilton followed the rules which he afterward laid down for the guidance of his son Philip, and from morning till night led an abstemious life and de- voted himself to his work, taking the literary course, and also studying medicine. Here he had no trouble in advancing as rapidly as he chose; but his college course was brought to a close by the famous meeting in the "Fields," and his sudden entrance into public life.^ New York was tardy in following the ex- ample of the other colonies in open and effective rebellion, and in uniting to form the first Congress. Alexander McDou- gall, Isaac Sears and others who belonged to the "Sons of Liberty," who later showed their patriotism in a number of riotous acts, were the prime movers in organizing a public meeting in what is now the City Hall Park. It was their ob- ject to stir the half-hearted Assembly to some action, and to urge upon it the meaning of heeding the voice of the patriots who were daily increasing in numbers. This was the occa- sion for Hamilton, a mere stripHng, to force his way through the crowd to the front, and make a stirring address which seems to have aroused the assemblage more than the speeches of older men. This was really the opening of his career, and the impression he made as an orator was all the more pro- found because of his very physical immaturity. It does not appear from the records of the college that he graduated, but that his career as a soldier and patriot really began in the midst of the curriculum. He was then but seventeen, and he had already begun to command attention by his eloquence and by his contribu- ' He did not graduate, but was subsequently given an A.M. and the degree of Doctor of Law by Special act of Legislature in 1788. 24 ALEXANDER HAMILTON tions to the Age and Holt's Gazette^ where he became en- gaged in controversies with his own college president, who would not believe that the boy he had taught could pro- duce such "well-reasoned and cogent political disquisitions." It was at this time that Hamilton organized his students' corps, who adopted the name "Hearts of Oak" and who promptly performed a number of rebellious acts, such as removing the cannon from the Battery under fire of the British ship-of-war Asia, at anchor in the bay. Trevelyan^ refers to the outbreak of these young patriots, and alludes to the fact that "there was very little bloodshed, but some profanation, for later young Alexander Hamilton at the battle of Princeton, with the irreverence of a student fresh from a rival place of education, planted his guns on the sacred green of the academical campus, and fired a six- pound shot, which is said to have passed through the head of King George the Second's portrait in the chapel." The later extreme violence of some of the patriots was dis- tasteful to Hamilton, and he resented the idea of the incur- sions of patriots from other colonies. When Isaac Sears came down with the mounted horse and destroyed Riving- ton's press, Hamilton protested and wrote to John Jay: Alexander Hamilton to John Jay New York, Novem. 26, 1775. Dear Sir: I take the liberty to trouble you with some remarks on a matter which to me appears of not a little im- portance; doubting not that you will use your influence in congress to procure a remedy for the evil I shall mention, if you think the considerations I shall urge are of that weight they seem in my judgent to possess. * "The American Revolution," part II, vol. II, p. 137. i rff^l - " ii ^K. i J K \k ^Ju ^^//l} ^fimiM v ^♦^/ -j^ ^^ / V . ^ , - ^. --^. -^ — - -, . fol ^•'^^ - '..,:-..;:. J tx. VV o U tX V I \;j .:.. A -^'f.' ../ p<- A uj ^ »< i oJ /; vKros.4 <^ a. f ^ f 7^ // ,I4 /» i) /f . . - i(-t to^^ A i». <« ' ^^ / o rt FAC-SIMILE OF EARLY GREEK EXERCISES ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 25 You will probably ere this reaches you have heard of the late incursion made into this city by a number of horsemen from New England under the command of Capt. Sears, who took away M^ Rivington's types and a Couteau or two. — Though I am fully sensible how dangerous and per- nicuous Rivington's press has been, and how detestable the character of the man is in every respect, yet I cannot help disapproving and condemning this step. In times of such commotion as the present, while the pas- sions of men are worked up to an uncommon pitch there is great danger of fatal extremes. The same state of the pas- sions which fits the multitude, who have not a sufficient stock of reason and knowledge to guide them, for opposition to tyranny and oppression, very naturally leads them to a con- tempt and disregard of all authority. The due medium is hardly to be found among the more intelligent, it is almost possible among the unthinking populace. When the minds of these are loosened from their attachment to ancient es- tablishments and courses, they seem to grow giddy and are apt more or less to run into anarchy. These principles, too true in themselves, and confirmed to me both by reading and my own experience, deserve extremely the attention of those, who have the direction of public affairs. In such tempestuous times, it requires the greatest skill in the political pilots to keep men steady and within proper bounds, on which account I am always more or less alarmed at every thing which is done of mere will and pleasure without any proper authority. Irregularities I know are to be expected, but they are nevertheless dangerous and ought to be checked, by every prudent and moderate mean. From these gen- eral maxims, I disapprove of the irruption in question, as serving to cherish a spirit of disorder at a season when men are too prone to it of themselves. Moreover, New England is very populous and powerful. It is not safe to trust to the virtue of any people. Such pro- \ ceedings will "serve to" pToduce and encourage a spirit of en- croachment and arrogance in them. I like not to see potent 26 ALEXANDER HAMILTON neighbours indulged in the practice of making inroads at pleasure into this or any other province. You well know too, Sir, that antipathies and prejudices have long subsisted between this province and New England. To this may be attributed a principal part of the disaffection now prevalent among us. Measures of the present nature, however they may serve to intimidate, will secretly revive and increase those ancient animosities, which though smoth- ered for a while will break out when there is a favorable opportunity. Besides this, men coming from a neighbouring province to chastise the notorious friends of the ministry here, will hold up an idea to our enemies not very advantageous to our affairs. They will imagine that the New Yorkers are to- tally, or a majority of them disaffected to the American cause which makes the interposal of their neighbours nec- essary: or that such violences will breed differences and effect that which they have been so eagerly wishing, a di- vision and quarreling among ourselves. Everything of such an aspect must encourage their hopes. Upon the whole the measure is condemned, by all the cautious and prudent among the whigs, and will evidently be productive of secret jealousy and ill blood if a stop is not put to things of this kind for the future. All the good purposes that could be expected from such a step will be answered; and many ill consequences will be prevented if your body gently interposes a check for the future. Rivington will be intimidated & the tories will be convinced that the other colonies will not tamely see the general cause betrayed by the Yorkers. — A favourable idea will be impressed of your justice & impartiality in dis- couraging the encroachments of any one province on another; and the apprehensions of prudent men respecting the ill-effects of an ungoverned spirit in the people of New England will be quieted — Believe me Sir it is a matter of consequence and deserves serious attention. The tories it is objected by some are growing insolent and ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 27 clamorous: It is necessary to repress and overawe them. — There is truth in this; but the present remedy is a bad one. Let your body station in different parts of the province most tainted, w^ith the ministerial infection, a few regiments of troops, raised in Philadelphia the Jerseys or any other prov- ince except New England. These will suffice to strengthen and support the Whigs who are still I flatter myself a large majority and to suppress the efforts of the tories. The pre- tense for this would be plausible. There is no knowing how soon the Ministry may make an attempt upon New York: There is reason to believe they will not be long before they turn their attention to it — In this there will be some order & regularity, and no grounds of alarm to our friends. — I am Sir with very great Esteem Your most hum Servant A. Hamilton. Jay subsequently wrote to Nathaniel Woodhull, President of the Provincial Congress of New York, communicating Hamilton's views: The New England exploit is much talked of and conjec- tures are numerous as to the part the Convention will take relative to it. Some consider it as an ill compliment to the Government of the Province, and prophesy that you have too much Christian meekness to take any notice of it. For my own part I do not approve of the feat, & think it neither argues much wisdom nor much bravery; at any rate, if it was to have been done, I wish our own people, and not strangers, had taken the liberty of doing it. I confess I am not a little jealous of the honour of the Province, and am persuaded that its reputation cannot be maintained without some little spirit being mingled with its prudence. Hamilton appears, even when the chance for a system- atic education was denied him, to have gone on with his 28 ALEXANDER HAMILTON studies, and to have worked constantly to the end of his life, acquiring a vast amount of learning of all kinds, which is manifest in everything he wrote, especially in his briefs, which always contained copious Latin and Greek quota- tions and every evidence of profound cultivation. CHAPTER II PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS Much misapprehension exists as to the appearance of Hamilton, some of which is due to the idea that because his birthplace was the West Indies, he presented the physical characteristics of those born under a tropical sun. He is referred to by various authors as a "Creole," or a "swarthy young West Indian," and most of his biographers picture him as being dark in color, and "having black hair and piercing black eyes." One enthusiastic negro preacher, extolling his virtues as champion of that race during the Revolutionary War, when he favored the enlistment of black soldiers, recently went so far as to suggest, at a public meeting in the city of New York, that Hamilton's veins surely con- tained African blood. In reality he was fair and had reddish-brown hair, and a specimen before me proves this to have been the case. It has a certain glint which was prob- ably more marked at an earlier period; but even now there is no difficulty in finding that it belonged to a person of the semi-blonde type.* His eyes were a deep blue — almost violet — and he undoubtedly presented the physical appear- ance of his Scotch father rather than his French mother:^ ' This lock of hair was given to his wife some time before December, 1780. ^ George Shea (" Life and Epoch of Alexander Hamilton," Houghton, Osgood & Co., Boston, 1879) confirms this and thus describes Hamilton's appearance: "A bright, ruddy complexion; light-colored hair; a mouth infinite in expression, its sweet smile being most observable and most spoken of; eyes lustrous with deep meaning and reflection, or glancing with quick, canny pleasantry, and the whole countenance decidedly Scottish in form and expression. . . . His political enemies frankly spoke of his manner and conversation, and regretted its irresistible charm." 29 30 ALEXANDER HAMILTON His eyes were deep set, his nose long, and of the Roman type, and he had a good chin, the jaw being strong; the mouth firm and moderately large. He is variously referred to by his biographers as "The Little Lion," and "The Little Giant,'* but although short of stature, he was not notably so, being about five feet seven inches in height. SuUivan described him as "under middle size, thin in person, but remarkably erect and dignified in his deport- ment. His hair was turned back from his forehead, pow- dered and collected in a club behind. His complexion was exceedingly fair, and varying from this only by the almost feminine rosiness of his cheeks. His might be considered, as to figure and color, an uncommonly handsome face. When at rest it had rather a severe, thoughtful expression, but when engaged in conversation it easily assumed an attractive smile. When he entered a room it was apparent, from the respect- ful attention of the company, that he was a distinguished person."^ From the available portraits, which are numerous but are not artistically remarkable, and most of them evidently unre- liable, very little impression is to be gained of his figure or how he actually looked, in repose or when animated. Even such a fruitful painter as Trumbull rarely produced the same results in his different pictures ; although his portraits are all powerful, yet they have a dramatic quality which is somewhat artificial.^ One of the most notable gives Ham- ilton bow-legs, while another in the Governor's Room in the New York City Hall portrays him as a well-shaped and graceful man, of more than medium height. This artist _ "'The Public Men of the Revolution," by W. Sullivan, Philadelphia, 1847, p. 260. 2 There is now said to be in the family of Oliver Wolcott a pastel, copied in 1832 from an original painted in 1792, and referred to in Trumbull's book. ("Remi- niscences of His Own Times" (1756-1811), by Col. J. Trumbull, Wiley & Putnam, 1841.) PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 31 seemed to have had special facility for studying his subject, for he was always an intimate and devoted friend, and after his death left a large number of personal relics of Hamilton, among them a fowling-piece and other belong- ings of his early friend, which he had evidently carefully treasured until the end of his life.* At the end of the eighteenth century, itinerant portraits being in vogue, we find all kinds of daubs, and all grades of depicted ugliness in the canvases that have been preserved. Those of Peale are often decidedly unflattering, for he does not seem to have known how to paint the eyes of his sub- jects, and he has made sad work with Hamilton. There are numerous other portraits, but many of them are said to be those of other persons.^ The history of the Hamilton pictures is interesting, but it is often difficult to trace their wanderings.^ That of Trum- bull was painted at the request of Gulian Verplanck and others, who, in the year 1791, requested that it should "typify some act of his public career," but Hamilton depre- cated any such advertising in the following words: "I shall cheerfully obey their wish as far as respects the taking of my portrait, but I ask that they will permit it to appear uncon- nected with any incident of my political life. The simple 'Hamilton paid for this fowling-piece and "old Peggy" (probably a dog) on May 2, 1798, the sum of $20. ^See a list of pictures and statuary enumerated in the "A. L. A. Portrait Index," p. 644, Washington, D. C, 1906. ^ Charles Henry Hart, an indefatigable and usually well-informed collector, has written much regarding the history of the Hamilton and other portraits. He alludes to four only for which Hamilton sat, and to the curious fact that Trum- bull's later pictures were made from Ceracci's bust. The four portraits were the Sharpless belonging to the author, the Trumbull in the N. Y. Chamber of Com- merce, a wretched picture alleged to have been given to John C. Hamilton by Dr. Stevens, and one by Charles Wilson Peale painted in 1788. He also refers to the work of Archibald and Walter Robertson, no specimens of which can be found, although one is reported in Irving's "Washington" and the " National Portraits of Distinguished Americans." He also speaks of a youthful portrait which he seeks to identify, but I do not think it is of Hamilton. 32 ALEXANDER HAMILTON representation of their fellow-citizen and friend will best ac- cord with my feelings. " This is the picture that hangs in the New York Chamber of Commerce, and of which there are several replicas. The best likenesses, however, were evi- dently those of Sharpless, an English artist who came to Philadelphia about 1796, and made various pictures of prominent people, after the Revolution, many of which are to-day in existence. Most of his portraits were small, but all were very carefully finished, and one of them is the frontispiece of this book. The most notable is the so- called Talleyrand miniature, by reason of the fact that this devoted friend and wily old diplomat was supposed to have purloined the picture while visiting in Philadelphia and taken it to France, later returning a copy in 1805. The picture he took was really a pastel by Sharpless, and upon the 6th of December, 1805, Mrs. Hamilton wrote, asking that it be returned to her, to which she received a reply from Theophile Cazenove, who for many years had been president of the Holland Company and a friend of Talleyrand, with this letter: Theophile Cazenove to Elizabeth Hamilton Paris, 10th September, 1805. My dear and highly esteemed Lady: Your letter of the 6th of December last did not reach me until July, and owing to the absence of M. Talleyrand it was sometime before I received an answer in reply to your request for the picture of the friend we have all lost. Notwithstanding the great value M. Talleyrand sets upon the image of the friend of whom we speak almost daily, your request and the cir- cumstances are of a nature requiring self-sacrifice. The picture being executed in pastel, time and crossing the sea have impaired it, yet the likeness still remains, and on seeing it I fear your tender and afflicted heart will bleed, but tears PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 33 will assuage these pangs, and my tears will flow with yours. May it bring comfort to the wife of the man whose genius and firmness have probably created the greatest part of the United States, and whose amiable qualities, great good sense, and instruction have been a pleasure to his own friends. Good God — must such a man fall in such a manner! . . . In fear the original picture should not reach you with my present letter, I have ordered a copy of it in oil-painting, which I send by another opportunity, and which I request you will give to my godson^ in case the original shall reach you; if not to dispose of the copy in the manner you shall wish. . . . M. Talleyrand desires me to tell you of his respect and friendship and the part he has taken in your affliction. Your obedient servant and friend, Theophile Cazenove. The sculptor's chisel has also been busy, but with little result in the way of serious artistic production, if we may except the Ceracci bust, the Ball statue which was destroyed by fire, and the excellent modern work of Ordway Partridge, one of whose striking statues stands in front of a Hamilton Club in Brooklyn, and the other at the entrance of Ham- ilton Hall, a building of Columbia University. Ceracci's bust, which is very strong in its classical character, sug- gests a head of one of the Caesars, and is more familiar than any other, although Houdin about the same time made a bust, when he executed that of Washington, which is also well known. Many other stiff and conventional statues exist, among them that in Central Park. The majority, however, are unworthy of serious consideration because they are com- monplace or inartistic. Giuseppe Ceracci came here during the French Revolution, but returned to France and was guillotined after being concerned in a conspiracy against the life of Napoleon. A rather amusing entry in Hamilton's 'James A. Hamilton. 34 ALEXANDER HAMILTON expense-book is the following: "^620.00 on March 3rd, 1796. For this sum through delicacy paid upon Ceracci's draft for making my bust on his own importunity, & *as a favour to me.' " Ceracci seems to have been a person with rather grandiose ideas, for he wrote to Hamilton from Amsterdam in July, 1 797, suggesting that he should be employed by the United States Government to execute "a colossal, monumental group to commemorate National Triumph, and to celebrate the Epoch of Glory, to perpetuate the heroes of the Revolution. . . . To give an idea of the grandeur of the subject it is necessary to imagine a group in sculpture sixty feet high, and having a base three hundred feet in circumference. It is to be com- posed of sixteen statues fifteen feet high, of Colonels, and other characters in marble, an Eagle, and other objects; the whole to be surmounted by a figure of Hero in bronze. The blocks of marble for each statue would measure 16x6 perches." The cost was to be ^50,000, an enormous sum in those days, and it was to be paid in ten portions. There is little contemporary information regarding Hamil- ton's actual physical appearance, but two interesting French- men who saw much of him and his family have written delightfully of the social life in New York during the latter half of the eighteenth century, giving us a quaint idea of the city as it then was. One of these was J. P. Brissot de Warville,^ who, during the French Revolution was a Girondist and bitterly opposed to both Danton and Robespierre, and took a radical and active part in the affairs of the ever- troubled and unstable republic. As editor of the Montteur and the Patriot Francais and other newspapers at the time '"New Travels in the United States of America," including the "Commerce of America with Europe," etc., 2 vols., by the late J. P. Brissot de Warville, assisted by Etienne Claviere, 1797. PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 35 of the Directory, he is pictured by Sergent Marceau ^ as the original yellow journalist, for his attacks upon his com- panions and his attempts at blackmail were of the orthodox kind. His first book was published in 1791. Finding his position a dangerous one after the overthrow of the Girondists he again came to the United States, and on his return pub- lished a second book of travels. In this he said: "Mr. Ham- ilton is the worthy fellow-laborer of Mr. Madison. He ap- pears to be a man of thirty-eight or forty; he is not tall, his features are firm and his expression decided; his manner is frank and martial. He was aide de camp to Gen. Wash- ington who had great confidence in him, and he well merited it. Mr. Hamilton has the determined air of a Republican — Mr. Madison the meditative air of a politician." The Duke de Rochefoucauld-Liancourt was a chivalrous loyal gentleman of another kind, and remained with his king as long as he could without actual danger to his neck, escaping to England with other Royalists. It will be re- membered that he was the Grand Master of the king's wardrobe, whjen he broke the news of the capture of the Bastille to his royal master, and was the first person to tell Louis XVI that the Revolution had actually begun. At a later period, when Louis was urged to escape to Eng- land, he offered him protection, the whole of his fortune, reserving only one hundred louis a year for his children, and an asylum in the Chateau de Gallon, near Rouen. On August 7, 1792, the king accepted this magnificent and unselfish offer, but almost immediately after changed his mind, as he was so in the habit of doing. He, too, finally had to leave France, and came to America with a letter of introduction to Alexander Hamilton from ' " Reminiscences of a Regicide." Edited from the original MSS. by M. C. M. Simpson. London, 1889. 36 ALEXANDER HAMILTON John Jay who was then in London, and the following from Angelica Church, and later became one of Hamilton's warmest friends. Angelica Church to Alexander Hamilton London, September 19, 1794. My dear Brother: I have very particular and very good motives to ask your kindness for the Duke de Liancourt, he loved liberty with good sence and moderation; and he meant so well towards his country as to introduce into France a better system of Agriculture and to soften the situation of the Lower class of people there. Virtue, has not found its re- ward, for in the many scenes of distress that has afflicted his unfortunate country, he like many more good men, has been obliged to leave his possessions and seek an Asylum in this country. He goes to America, and goes there without a friend, unless my dear Brother, who is always so good, will extend to Monsieur de Liancourt his care — besides many good quali- ties, this gentleman is the friend of the Marquis de La- Fayette. Adieu my dear friend, remember me to Beaumetz^ and Monsieur de Talleyrand. , ^ ^ Angelica Church. In writing later he said: "I met again in New York M. Hamilton, one of the most interesting men in America. He united with dignity and feeling, and much force and decision, delightful manners, great sweetness, and was in- finitely agreeable. As was generally known he exerted a positive influence, and at the same time had much to do with the administration of General Washington during the last year of the Presidency."" And again: "Mr. Hamilton is one ' The Chevalier Bon Albert Briosis Beaumetz, a jurist and reviser of the French Penal Code. = " Voyage dans les Etats-Unis d'Amerique," par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, vol. Vin, p. 149. H ^ u c r ^ * "2 [ S 0^ '■J L ^ A. Hamilton. Shortly before the end of the war he wrote this letter: Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton^ Philadelphia, July 22, 1783. I wrote you, my beloved Eliza, by the last post, which I hope will not meet with the fate that many others of my letters must have met with. I count upon setting out to >" Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. I, p. 269. ^ Ibid., vol. I, p. 396. 144 ALEXANDER HAMILTON see you in four days; but I have been so frequently dis- appointed by unforeseen events, that I shall not be with- out apprehensions of being detained, till I have begun my journey. The members of Congress are very pressing with me not to go away at this time, as the House is thin, and as the definitive treaty is momently expected. Tell your father that Mr. Rivington, in a letter to the South Carolina delegates, had given information, coming to him from Admiral Arbuthnot that the Mercury frigate is arrived at New York with the definitive treaty, and that the city was to be evacuated yesterday, by the treaty. I am strongly urged to stay a few days for the ratification of the treaty; at all events, however, I will not be long absent. I give you joy of the happy conclusion of this important work in which your country has been engaged. Now, in a very short time, I hope we shall be happily settled in New York. My love to your father. Kiss my boy a thousand times. . tt ^ ^ A. Hamilton. Before this Hamilton had left the army and had gone to Albany to study law — and on August 1 1 his friend, McHenry, wrote : J ames McHenry to Alexander H amilton^ If you are not in the humor to read a long letter, do, prithee, give this to the child to play with and go on with your amusement of rocking the cradle.^ To be serious, my dear Hamilton, I have been thinking of late upon my own situation and this led me as often to think of yours. Some men, I observe, are so born & tempered, that it is not till after long bustling & battling it in the world (and some scarcely then) that they come to learn a little prudence. Much I begin to suspect that you & I want a great deal of this quality to bring us on a level with our neighbors and to carry us cheerfully through life. Have we not both of ' op. cit., p. 43. ^ See Hamilton's Letter to Lafayette, Nov. 3, 1782. DR. JAMES McHEXRY From an engraved portrait by St. Memin By permission of Burrows Bros. & Co. COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 145 us continued long enough in the service of the pubHc ? Should not I exercise my profession or some profitable business & should not you, putting off the politician, exert yourself only to acquire a profession ? I find that to be dependent on a father is irksome, because I feel that it is in my power to be independent by my own endeavours. I see that the good things of this world are all to be purchased with money and that the man who has money may be what- ever he pleases. Hamilton, there are two lawyers in this Town, one of which has served the pubHc in the General Assembly for three years with reputation, and to the neglect of his prac- tice. The other has done nothing but attend to his pro- fession, by which he has acquired a handsome competency. Now the people have taken it into their heads to displace the lawyer which has served them till he is become poor, in order to put in his stead the lawyer who has served him- self & become rich. Let me add to this anecdote a bon mot of our friend Fleury's. Talking to me the other day. "You are a senator," said he, "pray what is your salary." I told him it might perhaps defray about two thirds of our expenses while attending the Senate, and that we were only paid during our attendance, provided one was unmarried & lived frugally. "Then," said he, "I pity Maryland, for her Senate must be composed chiefly of rich fools." What is the moral of all this, my dear friend, but that it is high time for you and I to set about in good earnest, doing something for ourselves. I hear you are chosen a delegate to Congress. Will you forgive me for saying that I would rather have heard that you had not been chosen. If you accept of the office, there is a stop to any further study of the law, which I am desirous you should finish, because a few years practice at the bar would make you independent, and do you more substantial good than all the fugitive honors of Congress. This would put it in your power to obtain them and to hold them with more certainty, should you still be inclined to risque in a troubled sea. The moment you cease to be a 146 ALEXANDER HAMILTON candidate for public places, the people will lament your loss and wait with impatience till they can persuade a man of your abilities to serve them. In the mean time, you will be doing justice to your family. Besides, you know that there is nothing at present to be had worthy your acceptance. The negotiators for peace have been long since appointed. The great departments of Government are all filled up. Our foreign ministers sit firm in their seats. It is not to be expected that any new ministers will be created before a peace. And when this comes, be assured, long residence and large possessions in this country will prelude superior merits. I wish, therefore, my dear friend that I could prevail upon you to avoid a disappointment & a loss which I think I foresee. For, should you go to Congress, you will lose another year of time that is become more precious than ever and retire, perhaps in disgust, to renew your studies and to those domestic endearments which you will regret to have forsaken. How would it vex me to learn that you had ex- claimed in the stile of an English cardinal — If I had best served my family as faithfully as I have the public, my affairs would have been today in a very different order. It appears to n.^e, Hamilton, to be no longer either neces- sary or a duty, for you and I to go on to sacrifice the small remnant of time that is left us. We have already inimo- lated largely on the altar of liberty. At present, our coun- try neither wants our services in the field or the cabinet, so that it is incumbent upon us to be useful in anbther line. By pushing your studies to a conclusion, you at once perfect your happiness. But, I wonder, nor recollect, whilst my own life runs on in idleness and small follies that I stand in most need of the advice which I am presuming to offer. You have a wife and an increasing offspring to jurge you forward, but I am without either — without your incitements to begin a reform or your perseverance to succeed. Write me, then, what you are doing — What you have done and what you intend to do, that I may endeavor to follow your example. And be full, for I really intend to be wise and you shall be my Apollo. COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 147 J have been a second time on the point of gaining im- mortaHty by a fever. It seized me a Httle after the arrival of the French troops here and has only permitted me to come abroad a few days since Mrs. Carter^ & Miss Peggy^ are with us and of course you will think I have been often with them. But I must tell you something of your relations. Mr. Carter is the mere man of business and I am informed has riches enough, with common management, to make the longest life very comfortable. Mrs. Carter is a fine woman. She charms in all companies. No one has seen her, of either sex, who has not been pleased with her, and she pleased every one, chiefly, by means of those qualities which made you the husband of her sister. Peggy, though per- haps a finer woman, is not generally thought so. Her own sex are apprehensive that she considered them poor things, as Swift's Vanessa did, and they, in return, do not scruple to be displeased. In short, Peggy, to be admired as she ought, has only to please the men less and the ladies more. Tell her so. I am sure her good sence will soon place her in her proper station. My dear Hamilton, adieu. Remember a man who lives in this world, without being satisfied with -t. Who strives to seem happy among a people who cannot inspire happi- ness, but who thinks it unbecoming the dignity of man to leave his part, merely because it does not please him. I am melanchoUy you perceive. This plaguy fever has torn me to pieces and my mind yet shares in the weakness of my body. But I will recover spirits, as I recover strength. In the meanwhile do not fail to write me. Again my friend and philosopher adieu. t -x/t u ^ ^ James McHenry. It is somewhat interesting to note, despite McHenry's warning, that Hamilton not only entered public life, but at the same time made a success at the bar. 'Mrs. "Carter" was Mrs. John Barker Church, born Angelica Schuyler and sister of Mrs. Ale.xander Hamilton. During the Revolution her husband was known as Carter. * Margaret Schuyler, married Stephen van Rensselaer. CHAPTER \T HAMILTON, THE LAWYER Hamilton's choice of a profession was made even before the end of the war, for in his well-known letter to General Schuyler, written February i8, 1781, in which he recounted his quarrel with Washington and his future prospects, he said: "If a handsome command in the campaign in the light infantry should offer itself, I shall balance between this and the artillery. J\ly situation in the latter would be more solid and permanent, but as I hope the war will not last long enough to make it progressive, this consideration has less force. A command for the campaign would leave me the winter to prosecute my studies relative to my future career in life." Although it has been stated that after he went to Albany to prepare himself, in 1782, he was admitted to the bar after less than five months' study, there are those who believe that he had, for many years, been accumulating a knowledge of the law, for he could not have accomplished what he did in so short a space of time. Certainly the early literary work in which he engaged, which was called forth by Seabury's Tory pamphlets, indicated a trained and logi- cal mind. Estabrook, who has written an exceedingly in- teresting paper, said that Hamilton not only argued like a lawyer, but displayed the knowledge and habits of a lawyer, even as far back as 1774; and his two papers to which ref- erence has been made, namely, '*A Full Vindication," and "The Farmer Refuted," bore intrinsic evidences of a famil- 148 HAMILTON, Tin-: LAWTER 149 larity with the law and the authorities of the time, and a capacity for logical deduction quite beyond his years. While his genius was everywhere apparent, the trend of his mind was always analytical, and his systematic habits of thought and argument served him in good stead, not only in his chosen calling, but later in the conduct of public affairs. Certainly the observations of De Tocqueville as to the value of legal training as the requirement of a states- man had, in this case, ample proof and illustration. He entered into his new calling with enthusiasm, and although it did not receive his undivided attention, for he was, at the same time, devoting his energies to the construction of the American Constitution, he no doubt had enough lucra- tive work to do when he left Albany and opened his office at No. 57 Wall Street. About this time he wrote to Lafayette: Albaxy, Ncrvember 3, 1782.' I have been employed for the last ten months in rocking the cradle and studying the art of fleecing my neighbors. I am now a grave counsellor-at-Iaw, and shall soon be a grave member of Congress. The Legislature, at their last session, took it into their heads to name me, pretty unani- mously, as one of their delegates. I am going to throw away a few months more in public life, and then retire a simple citizen and good paterfamilias. 1 set out for Philadelphia in a few days. You see the dis- position I am in. You are condemned to run the race of ambition all your life. I am already tired of the career, and dare to leave it. With his partner, Balthazar De Heart, his services were now everywhere in demand. Naturally, many of his cases were connected with the claims of those people who had suf- • " Hamnton's Works" (J. C. H.), voL I, p. 320. 150 ALEXANDER HAMILTON fered by the war, and whose property had been taken from them by order of Governor Tryon and other Tories. Among these were claims for damages arising from the seizure of cat- tle on Long Island, and actions growing out of the trespass law. Again we find that he appeared as counsel in the will cases of Dr. Peter Middleton, Philip Livingston, and Henry Beekman. Suits for reprisal and claims for damages engaged his attention, and the papers he left, throw much light upon matters connected with the American Revolution, and the unsettled period at its conclusion. It would appear that in those days petty political officers were not above re- course to extortion and graft, which at times since, has distinguished the municipal affairs of the city of New York. We find that during the early part of the Revolu- tion, when the statue of George III was torn down and demolished, and the types of Printer Rivington distributed and condemned for the purpose of making bullets, there was a general levy upon the citizens of New York for the lead in the window-sashes throughout the city for the same purpose, and that subsequently, when restitution was de- manded for this form of contribution, it was the custom for the representative of the auditor to mulct the com- plainant nine shillings for a certificate showing the validity of the claim. One Peter R. Fell employed Hamilton as his counsel to prepare a memorial to the Assembly of the State of New York, in which he urged his grievances. In this he stated that he was one of those from whose windows leads were taken by order of the Convention at the com- mencement of the late war; that soon after the last sitting of the legislature it was learned that one Daniel Dunscomb was ordered to render an account to the auditor of the leads so taken; that Fell requested Dunscomb to give a certificate HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 151 to this effect, but the latter exacted nine shilHngs therefor from the messenger, although he, Dunscomb, had been allowed twenty pounds by the auditor as full compensa- tion for his services. He naturally complained that "as leads were taken from one thousand houses in the city, the exaction of nine shillings is a species of petty extor- tion, highly censurable, and unbecoming the publick confi- dence." The members of the rich Livingston family, whose hold- ings of land were enormous, were much in the courts, and when Robert, the first proprietor of the lordship or manor, died, his sons Robert, Philip, and Gilbert indulged in acrimonious litigation which was carried on for a few years. An action brought by Philip against his neighbor Robert, the Chancellor, was one of the most important, and John Morin Scott was the attorney of record, and Hamilton was retained as counsel. This was on April 24, 1783, and con- cerned the establishment of a grist-mill on the stream known as RoelofF Jansen Kill, which emptied into the Hudson River. Another case was that of Livingston vs. Hoffman, for trespass, in which Hamilton appeared for the defence. These cases in the early days were usually ill-founded, and as a rule advantage was taken of the fact that the party of one side or the other had taken sides with the enemy and forfeited his rights. The feeling against the Tories who had taken possession of the houses of the patriots who were obliged to flee during the occupation of New York by the British, was so intense as to lead to the passage of the celebrated trespass law, which was framed in the interests of the patriots, but was in direct conflict with the provisions of the treaty made with Great Britain, which expressly provided for the rights of Tories after the declaration of peace. Although a wave 152 ALEXANDER HAMILTON of intolerance swept over the State, and the persecution of those who had not taken active sides with the rebelhous colonists was general, Hamilton, in 1783, appeared in behalf of a Tory tenant named Waddington, who had been sued by a Mrs. Elizabeth Rutgers, thereby making himself exceed- ingly unpopular. Considerable sympathy was felt for the plaintiff in this case, who was supposed to be a poor and helpless widow, but an inspection of the papers would go to show that she could drive a sharp bargain, and the sympathy extended to her was certainly misplaced. In 1778 the premises, which consisted of a brewery and malt-house in Maiden Lane, were rented to Benjamin Wad- dington & Co., who found them in very bad order, "and stripped of everything of any value except an old Copper, two old Pumps and a leaden Cistern full of holes.'* Before the new tenant could begin to brew ^^700 were spent in repairs. From the ist of May, 1780, to the ist of May, 1783, the Waddingtons had paid a rent of ;^I50 per an- num for the same to John Smyth, Esq., a Tory, in conse- quence of an order from General Robertson, the British commander. On the 20th of June, 1783, after the return of the Ameri- can forces they received an order from General Birch, the commandant of the city, to pay the rent from the ist of May preceding to the son of Mrs. Rutgers. After this the troubles of the Waddingtons began. They were quite ready to pay her, but her representative demanded back rent, and would not adjust matters in any other way, or take into account the improvements made by the tenants. The demands of Mrs. Rutgers finally became so exorbitant that Waddington & Co. refused to pay at all, and to add to their difficulties the brew-house was, about this time, burned to the ground, entailing upon them a loss of ^4,000. At HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 153 the time of the fire they were not in possession of the premises, having surrendered the key to the owner. It was then that the Widow Rutgers found many friends and sympathizers who urged her to avail herself of the new law, and she brought a suit, engaging John Laurance as her lawyer, and an action was brought in the mayor's court. I am in possession of Hamilton's original argument in thi« proceeding, which comprises nineteen pages of closely written foolscap, and in which we find everywhere evidenced much labor and thought.^ Although this brief has been elsewhere quoted, reference may be made to his conten- tion that this was a national and not a local issue, and that the recent law then passed by the State of New York could have no force against the law of the nation, which w^as common law; in other words, the State of New York had no common law of nations. In fact, it was the strongest plea for Federalism that came from him in the whole course of his career, for he insisted that the law of each State must adopt the laws of Congress, and that though in relation to its own citizens local laws might govern, yet in relation to foreigners those of the United States must prevail. "It must be conceded that the legislature of one State cannot repeal the law of the United States — all must be construed to stand together." It was only after a vigorous fight, in the face of general opposition and disorderly expressions of public sympathy, that Hamilton convinced the judges by his incontrovertible demonstration of the law itself, that he was in the right, when they rendered a judgment in his favor. Not only after this was he besieged by many clients with similar cases, but he appeared in behalf of patriot house- * Appendix H. 154 ALEXANDER HAMILTON holders who had been imposed upon by tenants who had impropn-in-la\v. .uul iti a lotrcr from roughkcepsic, Januarv 5, 17(^4. ho wroto tvt ll.nnilton: "As soon as 1 toiiiul (h.\t Fairly' aiul otliors o( his comploxioii assigned as one oi the motives for \our Resignation a wish to he Governor of this State, that pei'son also assigned another, to wit. that the affairs of vour department were so deranged, that it was not possible for \ou to extrieate It fi\tm the confusion In which It was Involved. Doubting If I was at libertv to name my author who liad heard Fairly make the assertions. 1 con- tented myself with an opportunity of declaring in his pres- ence that the propagator o\ such a ealumnv was a liar and a villain." To his family his retirement from public othee to again take up law was a niatter oi' great moment, but all believed in his success, and ga\e hearty encouragemenr. Mrs. Church wrote to her sister from London in \'^Q^: **I see by the American papers that our dear Hamilton has been received with joy by the inhabitants of New \"ork. I par- take in every event that is agreeable to him. and often with a warmth which would lead one to imagine I was his own sister as well as his attached friend." and again later: **Mr. Gore' tells me that Colonel Hamilton's popularity is very great, and that he had a warm welcome at New York; those that are swa\ed b\- his opinions will always pursue their countr\'s welfare; but my dear Kliza when you and I are with him he shall not talk politics to us. A little oi' his (ip-trahlt f7onstfist will do us more good." He carried from Philadelphia the best wishes oi' most oi' his official associates, and those with whom he had labored so ' Fiurlie was the clerk of the N. Y. Supreme Court, and an unscrupulous politician. * Christopher Crorc, Commissioner in London to ei;ter .\merican spoliation claims under Jay's treaty. HAMILTO.V, TiiL LAWYER 165 dtvotfAly. Hh zttzchtA and d\%tmpihhe6 fnemi, Kicnard Peters, at one time a jij Al 1 \ Wni R 11 AMll ION ri\o other law \ CIS who .»p|n\inil wcro Mi. \'.m \iss. who .ittoiw.uil siMMvl .IS Inm's si\on^l \n lUc Jiul. .\in- hrv>se SptMictM. (he Attoiiun A uucm.i1..ihv1 Mi. ll.iiiisv>n. Ilu- l.UdM w.is .issoei.ai\l with ll.ui\iltoi\ tor tlu- lUtViue. as was Ml. Nan NoSsS. This trial attraoti\l \\\c most wu1o-sjm\ .ul artontlon. .iiul the p.ipors hlK\l their coluiuns with |nini;i-nt criticism ot tlu> priK-ocvliiii^s .iiul ot cu'li other. \\\c Ulstti County Cun^tU^ .\ Federal sheer, w .is es[H\'iall\' aetixe, .iiul .iineles from the piu ot'Mr. IMmeiulortV were ilireereil a^.unsr (.lenei.il .Armstnnij;. a raJie.il IVmoerat, wlio w i\>te iov a p.iper in the same tow n. called the Plt'bt'nin. IMemhers ot ll.imiltotrs own pait\ met .It (.^l.i\ crack aiul atterw.ir>.l .it Alh.iin, .iiul the issue was telt to be i>ne ot the tust importance, involxing, as it ilid, the lihertv o\ the pre.ss. aiul the oppintiinirv of the IVder.iI- ists to tii:;ht in future tor their cause which, hy this time, w as almost hopeless. Cicneral Scluivler, who was ever at the elhow o\ his ener- ootic son-in-law, wrote from .Mhanv, June z^j, k^o^', to Mrs. Hamilton who was then in New ^"ork.: 1 have had ahout a do.'cn Federalists ask. me. intreating me to write to ^ our (.icner.il it possible to .itteiul on the ;'th i^f next month at Cla\ crack, as t.\nmcil to the Icvlcial [Minter there who is to be tried on an Indictment tor a libel against that letferson. who disgraces not onl\ the place he tills but produces immorality bv his pernicious examples- To those applicants I have answered with the citi.'cns of N. \ ork we extend to all the tirst week in |ul\ th.it 1 behexed it would not be possible tor him to be at C^la\ crack 1 shall, how(>\er, intreat \oii to mention it to him — It his business will permit. the aide would be of ser\ice Aud the results such .is his real friends wish. It has been alleged, that at the time .Ambrose Spencer tried the case tor the people he had just been elected a judge. //AMIi;iO\, Jilh LAW/KP iZt ■,t!)(\ thut fir: pr()((:<:(\ immunity from hot rejoinders of the lawyers, but this state- rnent was, without doubt, a slander of the period. J^ater Spencer admitted all of Hamilton's great ^jualities, f familt/m contended that "the great;r;r the truth the j/reat/;r tlie libel" was an outworn dictum, bad in morals and bad in law. After a long argument the c^jurt was divided; Kent and i hompvm were against I^wis and \Avingsum and in favor of Hamilton, but the opinion of Chief Justice f^wis stood as law. i lildreth states that "a declaration bill was later introduced intri the assembly, but delayed for political reasons. At the next s*;ssion an act allowing the truth to be given in evidence was proposed, but defeated by the 0>»uncil of Revision, com- [josed of the judges and chancellor. 'Ihe act, with s^-^me modification however, became the law the next year, and is now in force throughout the United States.'" Hamilt/m*s notes in this great trial are before me, and may be reproduced in their entirety, 1. 1 he liberty of the prefs con fists in the right to publish v/ith impunity i ruth with gfffxl motives for yAMifvd\}\f: ends though reflecting on Gov't, Magi.stracy or Individuals H. J hat the allowance of this right is efsential to the preservation of free (^iovernm'S the difallowance of it fatal. HI. That its abufe is to be guarded against by fubject- ing the exercise of it to the animadver;^ion and controul of the Tribunals of Justice; but that this controul cannot safely be entrusted to a permanent body of .Magistracy and requires the effectual co-<^^peration of O^urt and Jury. iV. i hat to confine the Jury to the mere question of publication and the application of terms; without the right of inquiry into the intent or tendency referving to the Court • "iluA&jr.'h lihXijty ■ 4.0, £1. lO.O, £^. lO.O, £2. 0.0. HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 191 1785 Nov. Actually engrofing o. 0.8. " Aug. 30. Stephen Delancey. To dead charge on the circuit in Weftchefter to try your caufe being a critical caufe, and having fucceeded £20. 0.0, Aaron Burr. To one half the Tavern expense of a reference betv^een Dutcher & Vacher, paid summons 1.13.0. Johannes Hardenberg. To 9 days abfence to try your caufe at ;^5 per day. 45. 0.0. Retainers in fuits againft ten perfons at ;^i. 10 each 15. 0.0. Nov. 14. To this fum received by him of Truftees of Schenectady as a Retainer 5. 0.0. 1786 Mar. 22. The agents of the Proprietors of Way- wayanda. To account for advice & fervices rendered this day Attending at Chefter and divers attendance at New^ York 150. 0.0. Nov. I. The Minifter of Spain to amount paid gaol-keepers fees affumed by me. 29.14.0. To advice & fervices as Counsel 37. 6.8. " Apr. I St. (Mofes Hazen) for drawing a fpecial indemnifying bond to fureties I. 0.0. 1786 Henry & McClellan. Drawing memorial to Congrefs refpecting Canadian affairs. ;^i . lo.o. Executors of Defbrofs for arguing sucefsfuUy a Question on citation act. 10. 0.0. Aug. 10. Advice concerning Brandy left with you by Mr. Price i . lo.o. 1787 Nov. 5. John J. Van Renfflaer. To caf h paid your draft on me in favour of Mr. Stevenfon 80. Aug. 30. Samuel Van Hyde. To council for at- tending circuit in your caufe with Mr. Willet on trying the caufe absent three days (travel- ing expenfes, &c. 10. 1788 Rafael N. Smith, Surviving partner of Sears & Smith. To opinion concerning the eftate of Ifaac Sears I.IO " Oct. 8. Minister of United Netherlands Opin- ion concerning certain public certificate af- figned by Benjamin Esq., Inquiries at the Treafury &c . 3.4. 192 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 1788 Oct. 10. Cash paid A. Burr, Esquire in full of your part of J. Lloyd vs B. Snethen. " Nov. 28. To Pintard draft of Controverfy with Mr. Shedden 3. 4,0. 200 " Draft in favor of B. Walker 100 Paid bank for a note endorfed by him 200. 1795 Apr. 29. James Greenleaf opinion in divorce ^10. concernmg ;gio. Br. vefsel captured & recaptured by her crev7 ^10. subsequent advice at different times 15. Opinion on Revenue laws 20. " Ph. Schuyler & Afsociates Dr. to Cash $1514.18 for this sum paid Peter Goelet the V4 part of a tract of 6761 acres sold by the Truftees of the American or Ringwood Iron Co. situate in Cosby 's manor payable in 4 quarters payments, i down, 2d ist of April next 31 Octo'r next 4*^ ist April 1797. " Aug. 14th. Received from Fifher for opinion concerning conveyance of soldiers' rights 1^15. received from Van den Heuvel for opinion concerning abandonment 15. 1796 Jan. Opinion for Mr. Keep regarding an opin- ion concerning a Gang Way 10. " Feb'y to Dr. Lenox for opinion concerning his marriage lO. " Mar. 17. For this fum received of, for opinion on two policies, one refpecting right of aban- donment of vefsel after acquittal & appeal, $20. The other refpecting cafe of infurance blockaded & for this fum received of Ouackenbufh & Ogilvie 20. " Letter to Th. Cazenove for opinion concerning act of Legiflature refpecting Land of Dutch Co.i 25. " July 2d & 20. Th. Cazenove for opinion & confultation with Judge Benfon & Mr. Jones concerning a certain act of legiflature. ' Holland Company. HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 193 1796 July II. Le Roy & Bayard for opinion refpect- ing conveyances from Robert Morris to Dutch Co. Guilder Mefser & Co. 5. Aug. 26. For attendance & trial of two eject- ments in Kings County. Thos. Ten Eyck for retainer Caracci who applied to me ^I5' Nov. 29. Le Roy & Bayard on act of Services relating to a sale of land to Aaron Burr.^ ^56. 1797 Lunace Caufe $15. Cazenove ^500. Oct. 16. Difcounted with Aa. Burr by Oliver & Thompfon 50. " Oct. 24. Dutch Co. "for infpecting feveral papers refpecting power to James Wadfworth for a tract of land contracted for with A. Burr & Advice. 10 . . 15 Apr. 5. Henry Capt for defending him on two Indictments 50. Opinion in writing concerning money stipulated to Indians. 25. Bache for trying his cafe 50. 1798 July 5. LeRoy & Bayard & McEvers for opin- ion concerning Truft for Certain Indians 10. Examination of Titles to a lot to be mortgaged to the Bank of N. Y., inspection of deeds, &c 20. Received retainer for United Infurance Co. for retainer for 1798 ^250. " May 2. Paid Col. Jay for part of fee in cafe of In- surance in Ship Grand Turk 1 25. Trinity Church for opinion in conjunction with Mr. Harrifon 50. " Rec'd 1234.44 from Le Guen Paid Col. Burr $290. May 9. For opinion concerning the Acts of Britif h Courts with diftricts comprehending the Weftern posts subfequent to Treaty of peace 50. " June 30. Wm. Conftable for attending at his houfe to draw his will. & drawing it ^50. ^ This purchase is referred to repeatedly in Aaron Burr's " Journal." 194 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 1798 Aug. 4. Edward Gould & fon for attendance twice on trials of the case of Ajtrea 100. " July term. Bill for argument & suceffully, for cauf e againf t Am. & Barn. 75* " July term. Arch. Gracie for arguing sucefsfuly the case of the Hercules lOO. " Dec. 18. For opinion to Mr. Cazenove con- cerning the effect of an attachment of Mr. R. Morris' property upon that conveyed to the Dutch Comp. etc. 10. " Dec. 24. Consultation on 24 with Mr. Troup & opinion concerning the question whether jpecie is to be conf idered as Merchandise 5. 1799 Louis Le Guen for attending to the arrangement of his Marriage Contract 20. " July I. Alexander Macomb Dr. to Costs & fees, for opinion and advice refpecting for- geries of Arnold 20. Bank of N. Y. Retainer in cafe of Arnold 20. " United Ins. Co. retainer Trial & argument fee in the Cafe of the Mm^'rua ^75* Hallet & Jenks {^v'lgNancy) 1800 May, for my services in their suit in Chancery refpecting lands of Sir William Johnson, various consultations arguing feveral col- lateral queftions arguing at final hearing & on appeal ^5°°* Ex. of Ph. Livingston for my fervices in their f uit with Jouet 500. An inspection of a large number of trial notes and briefs show^s that Hamilton prepared his cases with great care, in w^hich work he was usually unaided. His artistic hand- writing, as a rule, was fine, but often bold, attracting the eye in places by the underscoring of words. It varies but little in character. He was never careless, and the end of a brief was as legible as the beginning. He rarely, as has been pointed out, "crossed his t's," and never "dotted his i's,'* but was scrupulous in punctuation and arrangement, and ^ ^x - wairm . WX" -Vy FAC-SIMILE OF TRIAL NOTES IN THE LE GUEN CASE HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 195 his use of English was perfect. There is, in his briefs, great freedom from corrections, indicating that when he wrote anything it was well thought out and decided upon before- hand. The trial notes intended for his own use are most interesting, containing as they do frequent apt and pungent suggestions to be used in court, and are all orderly and free from redundancies. He never repeated himself, while his headings of subjects and lines of argument prepared to demolish his antagonist were progressive in their perti- nency and gained in force as he proceeded. In the LeGuen trial, the little duodecimo booklet of manuscript fastened together at the back with a needle and thread contains many curious reflections, among which are the following: "A man must have been a blockhead who would part with such a valuable lien knowingly," and again he says that it is *'the clearest case he ever met with. We could not expect that any judge would be unwilling to be wiser today than tomorrow." He insists that he "will want no books [to convince the jury] but will appeal to principle written in the heart of man." As a compliment to the judge, under the caption of "Politesse," he says, "This proves he did right to send it [the case] to a Jury," and again, "How necessary for those who sit in judgment, when Hfe, fame, &c is concerned to preserve their minds cold and dis- passionate." He observes satirically that there is much ex- tenuation. "Immoral acts are not always morally wrong." And that "persons habituated to deal where verbal contracts are not attended to, merit more loose in their conversation. They will hazard more with reason." He refers to his an- tagonists as the "dupes of their own virtues." He never went into court without a preparedness which is shown by the arsenal of authorities usually referred to in abbreviated titles, and enumerated on the left-hand side of 196 ALEXANDER HAMILTON the paper. Elsewhere we find long and very legible Latin quotations of which he might avail himself, as was the cus- tom of the day. In these times the progress of a trial Is often interrupted by a recess granted for the purpose of sending out to the library for an authority. No such thing occurred in the early history of our courts, If we may judge from Ham- ilton's notes, and it is probable that all the lawyers of the time followed his example. The chief works referred to are Vatel, Blackstone, Fonblanque, Burrowes, Atkyns, Lord Raymond, Coke, Comyns, Grotius. Among Hamilton's own law books were the standard folios, many of which are printed In Latin. One of his English books was "Prac- tice Commonplaced; or Rules and Cases of Practice in the Court Arranged, Etc.," by G. Crompton, which was pub- lished in London in 1783. A copy that recently found its way to an auction room bore his signature on each of ten pages, including the title-page and fly-leaf, with MS. notes on various other pages. This was one of his first books, bought by him in 1785 and used during his early years of practice. One may almost grasp and appreciate the mental opera- tions of Hamilton when he prepared his notes, for they to- day almost breathe his individuality. He freely uses the index mark, either singly or In multiple, to direct attention to points of varying importance which he Is to emphasize; again, there is not only curious underscoring, but words or sentences are printed in large letters or bracketed. There are inter- esting comments upon the veracity of the witnesses, and his opinions of them and these are not always complimentary. In one place he makes the note to "Speak rather lightly of Doctor Baker," a witness who seems to have been guilty of concocting a plan to palm off a baby upon the defendant in a HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 197 breach of promise case, and, at the same time, evidently posed as a medical expert. In another case the competency of a man is considered who "was never conceived to be de- ranged, but at times he was a good deal in liquor." This gentleman, however, was by another witness regarded as "very rational and pretty sociable." Possibly, with the exception of Aaron Burr, no profes- sional associate of Hamilton in New York can be found who withheld from him the praise which his work merited, and the tributes to his genius have been most hearty and sincere. It would almost seem as if time strengthened the glory of his reputation, for with the lapse of years the rancor of political rivalry has been forgotten, and jurists everywhere to-day seem to be almost unanimous in admit- ting his greatness as one of the foremost of American lawyers.^ As an example I may quote James Brown Scott, a recent and most agreeable writer, who says,^ "He [Hamilton] had no past of his own; he settled in a country with none, and dreamed and planned of a future for himself and coun- try. . . . "And for the practice of law Hamilton was admirably fitted. In the matter of physical presence he was as favored as Lord Erskine, and he possessed a power of speech hardly inferior, it would seem, to the Scotchman. These are quali- ties not to be despised, but while they may make the verdict getter they do not make the lawyer. A knowledge of the history of the law added to the power of searching analysis and philosophic grasp are essential to the lawyer in the * It may be stated, however, that recently (1909) a congressman in the House, in objecting to an appropriation for a statue, not only minimized his abiUty as a lawyer, but declared his moral example to have been a very bad one for the youth of the country. ^" Great American Lawyers," edited by William Draper Lewis. "Essay on Alexander Hamilton," by James Brown Scott, pp. 359, 369-372. 198 ALEXANDER HAMILTON scientific sense. In rounded completeness they make the jurist." Justice Ambrose Spencer, who presided in the Anscoll case, said some years after the duel: "Alexander Hamilton was the greatest man this country ever produced. I knew him well. I was in situations often to observe and study him. I saw him at the bar and at home. He argued cases before me while I sat as judge on the Bench. Webster has done the same. In power of reasoning, Hamilton was the equal of Webster; and more than this can be said of no man. In creative power Hamilton was infinitely Webster's su- perior." Chancellor James Kent, one of his dearest friends, wrote at one time: "He rose at once to the loftiest heights of professional eminence, by his profound penetration, his power of analy- sis, the comprehensive grasp and strength of his understand- ing, and the firmness, frankness, and integrity of his character. We may say of him, in reference to his associates, as was said of Papinian: 'Omnes longo post se intervallo reli- querit.'" And again: "I have been sensibly struck, in a thousand instances, with his habitual reverence for truth, his candor, his ardent attachment to civil liberty, his indig- nation at oppression of every kind, his abhorrence of every semblance of fraud, his reverence for justice, and his sound, legal principles drawn by a clear and logical deduction from the purest Christian ethics, and from the very foundations of all rational and practical jurisprudence. He was blessed with a very amiable, generous, tender, and charitable dis- position, and he had the most artless simplicity of any man I ever knew. It was impossible not to love as well as respect and admire him. ... He was perfectly disinterested. The selfish principle, that infirmity too often of great as well as of little minds, seemed never to have reached him. It was HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 199 entirely incompatible with the purity of his taste and the grandeur of his ambition. Everything appeared to be at once extinguished, when it came in competition with his de- votion to his country's welfare and glory. He was a most faithful friend to the cause of civil liberty throughout the world, but he was a still greater friend to truth and justice." In Coleman's history of the duel and funeral, numerous newspaper articles from the press of those days of persons who had, during his lifetime, been both friends and foes are recorded. None of them is more touching than the tribute of Croswell, in whose behalf Hamilton had appeared, and to which reference has elsewhere been made. Croswell was then the editor of the Balance, and after the duel said : " From the editor of this paper something more is due to the departed Hamilton than common panegyric and general encomium. This, a whole nation is bound to bestow — this, not a citizen of America seems disposed to withhold. But to me he once rendered unequalled service, apart from that rendered to his country generally. In my defence, and in defence of the American press, he once exerted his unrivalled eloquence. In my cause, this greatest of men made his mightiest effort — an effort which might have palsied the uplifted hand of power; an effort which might have carried terror to the bosom of a tyrant. For this service, voluntarily rendered, I owed him a debt of gratitude which never could be can- celled — never diminished. But, by offering my feeble aid to the support of principles which he advocated, I hoped, at least, to show my sense of the obligation under which I was laid, by his disinterested exertions. Alas! he is gone — and I have only returned him the professions of my gratitude. But 'His fame is left' — dear as my blood; my life shall he devoted to its protection! " CHAPTER VIII FAMILY LIFE When Hamilton left the army he diligently studied law, and in a few months felt himself able to take up a new and ^ congenial profession. To one of his warmest friends he wrote : Alexander Hamilton to Richard K. Meade^ Albany, August 27, 1782. ... As to myself, I shall sit down in New York when it opens; and this period, we are told, approaches. No man looks forward to a peace with more pleasure than I do, though no man would sacrifice less to it than myself, if I were not convinced the people sigh for peace. — I have been studying the law for some months, and have lately been licensed as an attorney. I wish to prepare myself by Oc- tober for examination as a counsellor; but some public avo- cation may possibly prevent me. I had almost forgotten to tell you, that I have been pretty unanimously elected, by the Legislature of this State, a member of Congress, to begin to serve in November. I do not hope to reform this State, although I shall endeavor to do all the good I can. God bless you, A. Hamilton. Robert Morris had, however, been so impressed with Hamilton's mental qualities and great energy that in May, 1782, he appointed him receiver of the Continental taxes in ' " Hamilton's Works " (J. C. H.), vol. I, p. 298. 200 FAMILY LIFE 201 the State of New York, a position which proved to be a thankless and uphill job. It would appear that he ac- cepted the office only after continued urging, and remained a congressman at the same time. So in debt was the country then that it was spoken of as a "bankrupt Confederation." His friend, Chancellor Livingston, smarting under his own excessive taxation, thus wrote to Hamilton at a later time : Robert R. Livingston to Alexander Hamilton Clermont, 5th March, 1787. I received your information relative to the law for dividing the district. I am much obliged by your attention to that object. While I condole with you on the loss of the im- post, I congratulate you on the laurels you acquired in fighting its battles. I see you are making some progress in the new system of taxation, but I could hardly credit my eyes when I saw Jones opposed to the clause for a tax on houses, since if I am not extreamly deceived I heard him commend to you your ideas on that subject at a law dinner. Be very tender on the point of taxation. I am convinced no direct tax of any importance can be raised. The minds of the people in this part of the state are sore and irritable — The Collectors are all disturbed upon not being able to col- lect the quota of the ^^50,000 tax. Indeed the improvi- dent grants of money both in this and Dutchess County for the building of Court Houses and the collection of arrears all within six months have fallen extreamly heavy. You will be astonished when I tell you that my tax in this past year upon an estate which has never produced me ;^400 per annum is upwards of ;^6oo in certificate and ^^260 specie, in- cluding arrears of one year and one year's arrears when I lived in Philadelphia and was not an inhabitant of this State. I shall endeavor to make my stay here useful by effecting some changes in the representation which I have good hopes of accomplishing in Dutches County. When I have con- versed with most of the leading people at this end of it who 202 ALEXANDER HAMILTON agree with me in thinking a change necessary, the County will I think remove five of their old members. I expect that this will produce some attack on me or my salary by those who know I am opposed to them. All I expect for my friends will be that they do not suffer such reductions to be made as will be dishonourable to [illegible]. A liberal and honourable appointment such as would en- able me to live as I would wish constantly in New York I cannot expect it from the prevailing party. Hamilton was elected to Congress in November, 1782, and held this office for a year, meanwhile studying and act- ing as Receiver of Taxes. When he finally devoted himself to law, he did not entirely relinquish his other affairs, for his in- terest in the young government was incompatible with more selfish concerns, so that from 1786, when he took part in the Annapolis Convention, to May, 1787, when the new conven- tion was called to meet in Philadelphia, his practice was of secondary moment. In his own State he fairly lashed the obstructionists into line, the rout of Clinton and his follow- ers taking place at the meeting in Poughkeepsie, and as a result he, with Yates and Lansing, were sent to Congress as delegates. Hamilton lived in New York most of the time, and after his triumph in securing the adoption of the Constitution by his own State received the great ovation which his talents and labor had merited. The Federalists at first were by no means in harmony, and Clinton and his faction were loath to accept a new plan of government which would interfere with the exercise of local power and the continuance of ex- isting privileges. Hamilton, almost alone, fought the ma- jority, and by sheer endurance and obstinacy and unan- swerable arguments won over many of his most stubborn adversaries. He did what was necessary to stir up public FAMILY LIFE 203 opinion and to bring all disorderly and warring elements into unity, so that the Constitution was ratified and New York tardily came into line in favor of a National Govern- ment. The victory was nowhere more appreciated than in his own State, and a great Federal parade and celebration took place in New York City, a miniature full-rigged ship being carried through the streets, which was typical of the Federal party, and bore the name "Hamilton." The depleted condition of the Treasury at this time, and the same causes that led the unruly troops to rebel at an earher period, must have existed to some extent throughout Ham- ilton's early tenure of office. His cash-books certainly in- dicate that he was practically obliged to equip his company of artillery out of his own pocket, and it is probable that he was helped by others, for he had no money, or at least very little. When he first had time to keep accounts, we find this borne out by various entries, but usually on the credit side. 204 ALEXANDER HAMILTON MILITARY ACCOUNT Dr. State of New York. 1784 To this sum lost in 1776 by the desertion from the Company, by which stoppages be- came impossible as per Memorandum Book No. 3. To this sum paid Mr. Thompson Taylor by Mr. Chaloner on my acct. for making Cloathes for the said Company. 1785 To ballance of Alsop Hunt and James Hunt's May 9, account for leather Breeches supplied the Company per receipts. 1786 To account of my expenses to Baltimore as \ Sept. 26, Commissioner / June 7, Advanced door-keeper of the Assembly | forward / To amount of expenses to and at Philadelphia — I believe paid. To amount of An'^. N. Y, Massachusetts To my wages as delegate from 21st February when I commenced with Gansevoort to 5th of May when he left the City. Deduct Omissions. From May 26 when sworn in with Yates to 14 \ June when went to Convention. / From 30 July when returned to Congress to | Oct. 2d when removed. / From Oct. 4th when attended at New House | to 1 6th when closed for want of Congress. / ;^65.IO. 34-I3-9- 6. 8.7. 20. — ■ 112. — Contra By ballance of account for Sundries furnished my company of Artillery which was to have been deducted out of their pay. * Paid £7b.l%. FAMILY LIFE 205 On September 13, 1789, when called to the Treasury, he still lived in New York, but later went to Philadelphia in August, 1790, where he resided until 1795, when he came back to his own city. After his resignation on the 31st of January, 1795, he went to the house of his father-in-law. General Schuyler, at Albany, and in the fall of that year re- turned to New York and again took up the practice of his profession. From a document, signed by Richard Varick, then the mayor of New York, in the Congressional Library, it is stated that he was extended the freedom of the city, and welcomed with great cordiality by all classes. On Feb- ruary 27, 1795, a banquet was given by the Chamber of Commerce to manifest its respect for Alexander Hamilton, the late Secretary of the Treasury. An account of the affair is thus given in a contemporary paper: A splendid Dinner was given at their Hall in the Tontine Coffee Houfe. The Corporation on the feftive occafion was honored by the Company of the Chancellor of the State, the Judges, the Speakers of the Afsembly, the Recorder of the City, the Prefident of Columbia College and many others prefent of which a great number were merchants. The company con- fisted of two hundred guefts, the room not being large enough to accommodate more. Great decorum as well as convivi- ality marked the entertainment, and the Company exprefsed peculiar satif faction in this opportunity of demonftrating their refpect for a man who by difcharging the duties of an impor- tant office, HAS DESERVED WELL OF HIS COUNTRY. A tOaSt was drunk as follows: 1 . Prefident of the United States 3 cheers. 2. The Vice Prefident and Congrefs .... " 3. The Governor of the State " 4. Agriculture 2o6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 5. Commerce 3 cheers. 6. Induftry and Improvement 7. Liberty and Law 8. Social order and social happinefs .... " 9. The People of the United States Brothers of one Family 10. General Wayne and the Army " 11. National Credit " 12. Integrity and Knowledge 13. Patriotifm and Honeft Favour 14. The Efteem of their Fellow Citizens an Inef- timable reward, to thofe who have deferved well of their country — 3 times 3 cheers. Volunteer Toasts. 1. By the chair. The immortal memory of Baron Steuben. 2. By Mr. Hamilton. The merchants of New York, may they never ceafe to have Honour for their commander, Skill for their Pilot and Succefs for their Port — 9 cheers. 3. By the Chancellor. May Love and Honour be the Reward of Virtue. 4. By Judge Lanf ing. The Commerce of the City of New York. 5. By Judge Benfon. The Honeft Merchant. After Mr. Hamilton had withdrawn. By the chair — Alexander Hamilton — 9 cheers. Hamilton, during the early years of his practice, lived at 57 Wall Street before his removal to Philadelphia with the rest of the Cabinet. On his return in 1795 he occu- pied a small house at 56 Pine Street, and later moved to 58 Partition Street* (now Fulton Street), then to Liberty ' 1797-99. FAMILY LIFE 207 Street, near Broadway. From there he went to 26 Broad- way,^ where he lived until 1802, when he built and occupied his country seat, nine miles above the city, which he called *'The Grange," after the Scotch home of his ancestors. From his letters to his wife at various times we find that she visited, in his absence, at the house of Dr. Cochran, as well as that of G. L. Ogden, at 69 Stone Street, and va- rious other places. When he lived at 26 Broadway, the west side of that thor- oughfare below Trinity Church was, with one exception, built up and occupied by well-to-do and prominent persons. This exception was a small gun-shop on the south-west cor- ner of Morris Street. On the east side all were private dwellings except two, one a shoemaker's shop at 28, and the other a small wooden house below that of Governor Jay. According to my uncle, James A. Hamilton, this was owned and occupied by Slidell, a German candle maker, the grand- father of John Slidell, who figured in the Civil War. This little man was often seen in the afternoon sitting on his wooden stoop, in apron and cap, smoking his pipe, with drip candles hanging in the window. New York, in 1786, was a city containing 24,000 white males, almost three times as many as there were in 1756; and in 1796, 50,000. The Dutch element preponderated up to the commencement of the eighteenth century, and this was especially the case during the early years of Hamilton's practice. Brissot de Warville made many pungent com- ments upon the manners of the community, and in 1794 said: "Colonel Lamb, who was at the head of the Custom matters, envelopes all his operations in the most profound mystery, it is the effect of the Dutch spirit which still governs ' The site of the present Standard Oil Building. 2o8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON this City. The Dutchman conceals his gains and com- merce; he lives but for himself." And again: "If there is a town on the American Continent where the English luxury displays its follies, it is New York. You will find there the English fashions. In the dress of the women you will see the most brilliant silks, gauzes, hats, and borrowed hair. Equi- pages are rare but they are elegant. The men have more simpUcity in dress. They disdain gewgaws, but they take their revenge in the luxury of the table. Luxury forms already in this town a class very dangerous to society, I mean, bachelors. The expense of women causes matrimony to be dreaded by men." Angelica Church wrote from London, March 4, in this connection, to her sister: "I would write you an account of fashion, but I hear American ladies are at the head of every- thing that is elegant; give my love to Alexander, and tell him that some day when I am in very gay and witty humour I will write to him." When in Philadelphia Hamilton lived, for a part of the time, outside of the city at the Hills, where Robert Morris had his magnificent country estate, but before this at the south-west corner of Walnut and Third Streets. Although the Hamiltons did not stay very long at one place, the Schuyler homestead at Albany was always open to them, as well as to the various children of the General, and it seems to have been a refuge in time of trouble and illness. Chas- tellux described his meeting with Alexander Hamilton and the wife at the father-in-law's house, probably at the time when he was preparing himself for his profession. Among the other French travellers who visited the Schuylers during the Revolution, he thus speaks of the family: "It consisted of Mr. Schuyler, his second daughter, whose face is gentle WALL STREET IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY FAMILY LIFE 209 and pleasing; a Miss Peggy Schuyler, whose features were animated and interesting; and another charming daughter only eight years old, and of three boys, the oldest of whom is fifteen, and who are the finest chilciren possible, and then he is himself a man of about fifty, but already ailing and subject to gout. He has a considerable fortune, which will increase for he owns an immense extent of territory, but his talents and acquirements gain him greater respect than his wealth." General Schuyler always suffered from this dis- ease, which seems to have been the curse of his adult life, and there is scarcely one of the later letters written by him that does not contain some allusion to his sufferings and in- capacity. It seriously interfered with his various military campaigns, and more than one of his malignant enemies* had intimated that he made it an excuse for his reluctance to meet the enemy! It certainly led to his being carried upon the shoulders of men, or by more comfortable con- veyances, to the scene of his active operations in the north- eastern part of the State during the border operations. He gloomily writes to his daughter, July 28, 1795: "I have not drank any champaign since I experienced Its pernicious effects upon me — and shall not venture on It again." He also announces his intention of going to the Lebanon Springs for a cure. The children referred to by Chastellux and others grew up and married and went their various ways, none of them, however, achieving any great distinction. The daughters, especially Angelica, as has been said, were witty and attract- ive. Between Elizabeth Schuyler, her husband, and her brothers and sisters, there always existed a pleasant relation, but none of them entered into the intimate life of the Ham- ' See "History of New York During the Revolutionary War," by Thomas Jones, vol. II. New York Historical Society, 1879. 210 ALEXANDER HAMILTON ikons except General Schuyler/ Angelica Church, his daughter, and Philip, son of John Bradstreet Schuyler, who spent most of his early life with them. The children of Elizabeth and Alexander Hamilton were eight in number, the first Philip being born January 22, 1782, while a second Philip came June 2, 1802, and was named after his elder brother, who had been killed in a duel the year before. Between these two were, Angelica, born September 25, 1784. Alexander, " May 16, 1786. James Alexander, " April 14, 1788. John Church, " August 22, 1792. William Stephen, " August 4, 1797. Eliza, " November 20, 1799. Philip, the first child, seems to have been the most be- loved and the most written and spoken about of all, for he was evidently the flower of the family. In a letter to Gen- eral Meade, from Philadelphia, dated March, 1782, when Hamilton had left the army and was preparing to take up his professional work, an amusing allusion is made to the birth of this child. * PHILIP SCHUYLER MARRIED CATHERINE VAN RENSSELAER Angelica, born February 22, 1756; married John Barker Church. EHzabeth, born August 7, 1757; married Alexander Hamilton. Margarita, born September 24, 1758; married Stephen van Rensselaer. Cornelia, born August i, 1761, died young. John Bradstreet, born October 8, 1763, died young. John Bradstreet, born July 23, 1765; married Elizabeth van Rensselaer. Philip Jeremiah, born January 20, 1768; married, i, Sarah Rutsen; married, 2, Mary A. Sawyer. Rensselaer, born January 29, 1773; married Eliza Ten Broeck. Cornelia, born December 22, 1776; married Washington Morton. Cortlandt, born May 15, 1778, died young. Catharine van Rensselaer, born February 20, 1781; married, i, Samuel Malcolm; married, 2, James Cochran. PHILIP HAMILTON (THE FIRST): AGE 20 FAMILY LIFE 211 Alexander Hamilton to Richard K. Meade^ PmLADELPHiA, March, 1782. A half hour since brought me the pleasure of your letter of December ist. It went to Albany, and came from thence to this place. I heartily felicitate you on the birth of your daughter, I can well conceive your happiness on that occa- sion, by that which I felt on a similar occasion. Indeed, the sensations of a tender father of the child of a beloved mother, can only be conceived by those who have experienced them. Your heart, my Meade, is peculiarly formed for engage- ments of this Kind. You have every right to be a happy husband — a happy father. You have every prospect of being so. I hope your felicity may never be interrupted. You cannot imagine how entirely domestic I am growing. I lose all taste for the pursuits of ambition. I sigh for noth- ing but the Company of my wife and my baby. The ties of duty alone, or imagined duty, Keep me from renouncing public life altogether. It is, however, probable I may not any longer be engaged in it. . . . Imagine, my dear Meade, what pleasure it must give Eliza and myself to Know that Mrs. Meade interests herself in us. Without a personal acquaintance, we have been long attached to her. My visit at Mr. Fitzhugh's confirmed my partiality. Betsy is so fond of your family that she proposes to form a match between her boy and your girl, provided you will engage to make the latter as amiable as her mother. Truly, my dear Meade, I often regret that fortune has cast our residence at Such a distance from each other. It would be a serious addition to my happiness if we lived where I Could see you every day; but fate has determined it otherwise. I am a little hurried, and can only request, in addition, that you will present me most affectionately to Mrs. Meade, and believe me to be. With the warmest And most unalterable friendship Yours A. Hamilton. » "Hamilton's Works " (J. C. H.), vol. I, p. 298. 212 ALEXANDER HAMILTON On many occasions we find in letters that passed between his father-in-law and himself, as well as others, frequent references to the career of this promising boy, who, at the time of his death, was, evidently, dearer to Hamilton than any of his other children, and this feeling seems to have been shared by the family. Many years after the Meade letter Angelica Church wrote from London: "I have received with inexpressible pleasure your long letter, and thank my Eliza for the agreeable details respect- ing your children. PhiHp inherits his father's talents. What flattering prospects for a mother! You are, my dear sister, very happy with such a Husband and such promise in a son." Philip, like his father, had attended Columbia College, where he graduated with high honors in 1800, and was in- tended for the bar, but in a discussion with one George L Eacker regarding a political matter, a challenge passed be- tween them, and the young man, who was less than twenty, fell November 23, 1801, at the same place where Hamilton himself met his death three years later. It would appear that, like his father, he too was forced into an encounter which was in conflict with all his principles. Many accounts of the circumstances which led to the af- fair have been given, but none of these are capable of veri- fication, although the most probable is the one which states that the quarrel grew out of a Fourth-of-July speech made by Eacker in praise of Burr, and in which he incidentally reflected upon Alexander Hamilton. In the duel, which was fought at three o'clock in the afternoon, Philip received a mortal wound, but lingered on until the morning of the next day. The event attracted a great deal of newspaper discussion, and as at that time the American Citizen and General Adver- tiser was bitterly inimical to Hamilton, it was its endeavor to FAMILY LIFE 213 show that his son was to blame. The Evening Posty how- ever, took the ground that the affair was due to the intoler- able provocation of Eacker. It appears from this description that Philip Hamilton and a young man named Price were at the theatre in a box adjoining that of Eacker, and that they indulged in satirical comments upon a Fourth-of-July oration. Eacker, overhearing them, invited the young men to step into the lobby, and called some one a d d rascal. They adjourned to a public house, where an explanation was de- manded, and when asked whom the offensive expression was meant for, he declared that it was intended for each. As they parted Eacker said, "I shall expect to hear from you," when they replied, "You shall." A challenge followed. Eacker met Price on the following Sunday, and four shots were exchanged without harm to any one. The seconds in- terfered, and the parties left the field. On the next day Hamilton met Eacker, and received a shot through the body at the first discharge, and fell without firing. Angelica Church wrote to her brother, who was in Albany: " His [Hamilton's] conduct was extraordinary during this trial. I cannot reach particulars now, my sister is a little composed, and the corpse will be removed from my house within an hour." About two weeks afterward General Schuyler wrote : Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton Albany, Dec. 6, 1801. My dearly beloved and Amiable Child: I trust that resignation to the Divine Will has so far tranquillized your mind as to mitigate the severity of the anguish which has been inflicted on you and all of us. It ought my beloved child to afford us much consolation that our dear departed child afforded such decided evidence of his aversion to shed- ding of blood, that he pursued every measure which propri- 214 ALEXANDER HAMILTON ety and prudence could dictate to avoid it, that thus he has left this life without seeking or even wishing to take away that of his intemperate adversary, and that we have reason to trust that by the unbounded mercy of his Creator, his Spirit is in the realms of Eternal bliss. In a letter to my Dear Hamilton, I urged him to bring you with him to us, I must reiterate the request to you my Dear Child that I may have the consolation of embracing you, of mingling my tears with yours and with Hamilton, and then by comforting each to dry them. I suggested measures for this Journey since which have reflected if there should be no sledging that It would be better to send my strong horses to your Brother's at Rynbeck with my Coachman to relieve your horses, but If there should be sledging, I will send my covered Sled and horses to your Brothers and then your Coaches may be left there — but I ought to be advised in time of the day on which you will probably leave New York. Your Coach is sufficiently roomy to bring the nurse and the three younger children with you which will add greatly to our satisfaction. Adieu my Dear Love — Your Mama and sister unite with all in love to you, your Hamilton and the dear Children and in prayers that every blessing of which mortality is suscep- tible of may be yours and theirs. I am my dearly beloved Child, Most tenderly & affectionately yours Ph. Schuyler. Hamilton never fully recovered from this loss, for the ca- reer of the young man had been his pride, and he had high hopes that he would, eventually, take up his own work. Letters from Talleyrand and many friends speak of this, and all condoled with him later. But few of Philip Hamilton's letters to his father are pre- served, and these show that a most affectionate sympathy existed between the two, for the father, despite his absorp- FAMILY LIFE 215 tion in public affairs, and the demands upon his time which were constantly being made by others, conducted his boy's education, giving him frequent hints in regard to the selec- tion of studies, and the manner in which he should Hve, and a set of rules for the guidance of the son after his graduation from Columbia, when he was preparing for his chosen pro- fession. These were: RULES FOR MR. PHILIP HAMILTON From the first of April to the first of October he is to rise not later than six o'clock; the rest of the year not later than seven. If earlier, he will deserve commendation. Ten will be his hour of going to bed throughout the year. From the time he is dressed in the morning till nine o'clock (the time for breakfast excepted), he is to read law. At nine he goes to the oflice, and continues there till dinner- time. He will be occupied partly in writing and partly in reading law. After dinner he reads law at home till five o'clock. From this time till seven he disposes of his time as he pleases. From seven to ten he reads and studies whatever he pleases. From twelve on Saturday he is at liberty to amuse himself. On Sunday he will attend the morning church. The rest of the day may be applied to innocent recreations. He must not depart from any of these rules without my permission. Several years before he entered Columbia, when PhiHp was a small lad at school, the father wrote to him: Alexander Hamilton to his son Philips Philadelphia, Dec. 5, 1791. I received with great pleasure, my dear Philip, the letter which you wrote me last week. Your mama and myself were very happy to learn that you are pleased with your situ- ^ Hamilton's " Reminiscences," p. 4. 2i6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON ation, and content to stay as long as shall be thought best for you. We hope and believe that nothing will happen to alter this disposition. Your teacher also informs me that you re- cited a lesson the first day you began very much to his satis- faction. I expect every letter from him will give me a fresh proof of your progress, for I know you can do a great deal if you please, and I am sure you have too much spirit not to exert yourself, that you may make us every day more and more proud of you. You remember that I engaged to send for you next Saturday, and I will do it, unless you request me to put it off, for a promise must never be broken, and I will never make you one which I will not fill as far as I am able, but it has occurred to me that the Christmas holidays are near at hand, and I suppose your school will then break up for a few days and give you an opportunity of coming to stay with us for a longer time than if you should come on Satur- day. Will it not be best, therefore, to put off your journey till the holidays ^ But determine as you like best, and let me know what will be most pleasing to you. A good night to my darling son.'* Six years later Philip wrote to the father, who was then at Albany, a letter which appears to have been sent from Columbia College, and it suggests that he possessed some of the mental traits of his father. Philip Hamilton to Alexander Hamilton April 21, 1797. Dear Papa: I just now received the enclosed letter from Grandpa [Schuyler], in answer to a letter I wrote to him, in which he has enclosed to me three receipts for shares in the Tontine Tavern, amounting to ;i(^ioo. I have given the receipts to Mama. I delivered my speech to Dr. Johnson to examine. He has no objection to my speaking; but he has blotted out that sentence which appears to be the best and most animated in it; which is, you may recollect it — FAMILY LIFE 217 "AmericanSy you have fought the battles of mankind; you have enkindled that sacred fire of freedom which is now," and so forth. Dear Papa, will you be so good as to give my thanks to Grandpapa for the present he made me, but above all for the good advice his letter contains — w^hich I am very sensible of its being extremely necessary for me to pay particular at- tention to, in order to be a good man. I remain your most affectionate son. P. S. You will oblige me very much by sending back the letter I have enclosed to you. The careers of the other sons were, in a measure, com- monplace. Little remains to show that they ever distin- guished themselves. If an exception can be made, it is in the case of James Alexander Hamilton who, in his Reminis- cences, referred to elsewhere, sketches the active part he took in the adjustment of various delicate diplomatic affairs during the administration of Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren. Alexander, the second son, was graduated from Columbia in 1804, and he, too, became a lawyer, but went abroad and joined the Duke of Wellington's army, then in Portugal, where he acquired a military training and some of the strategical methods of the great English general. Previous to the war of 1 8 12 he came home, became a captain of infantry, and served with his father's old friend. General Morgan Lewis. After the war he supported himself by his profession, and in 1822 became a United States district attorney of New York, as well as land commissioner. He finally became identi- fied with the development of real estate in New York City. James Alexander also graduated from Columbia in 1805, was an officer in the war of 18 12, and was made Secretary of State ad interim by Andrew Jackson in 1829. ^^ ^^^' 2i8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON sequently became United States district attorney for the southern district of New York, and was later engaged in im- portant diplomatic work. The fourth son, John Church, named after the husband of his Aunt Angelica, after his graduation at Columbia in 1809, also studied law and took part in the war of 1812, and it was he who prepared his father's papers for publication. The fifth son, William Stephen, after entering West Point, served in the Black Hawk War, and afterward went to the Far West, where httle is known of him except that he died in California. Philip, the youngest, was but two years old at the time of the duel with Burr, and is often referred to as ''little Phil." He studied law in New York, and for a time was assistant United States district attorney, under his brother James, and achieved considerable distinction by the able manner in which he tried and convicted the celebrated pirate Gibbs, who was hanged on Bedloe's Island. The grandfather wrote to his daughter shortly before the birth of this last baby. Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton Albany, August 23, 1802. My dearly beloved and Amiable Child: How your endearing attentions rivet you continually to my heart. May the loss of one be compensated by another Philip. May his virtues emulate those which graced his brother, and may he be a comfort to parents so tender and who have endeared themselves to theirs. A long absence has prevented my attention to my private affairs. I hope soon to arrange these, and propose a visit to you, but I believe it can not be until after the Supreme Court in this City. ... I hope you keep Your Children as much as possible in the country, as the city at this season PHILIP HAMILTON (THE SECOND), "LITTLE PHIL": AGE 78 FAMILY LIFE 219 is generally injurious to the health of Children, especially as they can with so much facility indulge with fruit and fre- quently with that which is unripe. — Embrace them all for us. They all share with You and My Dear Hamilton in our Love. Adieu My Dear Child. May those blessings which are the portion of the virtuous attend You all is the prayer of Your Affectionate parent MTj -K Ph. Schuyler. rs. Hamilton. There was a great difference between the ages of the daughters. Angelica, a very beautiful girl, was born shortly after her father's residence in New York City after the peace. She was evidently a charming character and very much like the aunt after whom she was named, being clever and talented. She seems to have had good musical training, and this lady frequently speaks of her in her letters from London. "Adieu, my dear Eliza," wrote Angelica Church in 1796, "I shall bring with me a Governness who understands music pretty well, she will be able to instruct Angelica and Eliza." Upon receipt of the news of her brother's death in the Eacker duel, she suffered so great a shock that her mind be- came permanently impaired, and although taken care of by her devoted mother for a long time there was no amelioration in her condition, and she was finally placed under the care of Dr. MacDonald of Flushing, and remained in his charge until her death at the age of seventy-three. During her latter life she constantly referred to the dear brother so nearly her own age as if alive. Her music, that her father used to oversee and encourage, stayed by her all these years. To the end she played the same old-fashioned songs and minu- ets upon the venerable piano that had been bought for her, many years before, in London, by Angelica Church, during her girlhood, and was sent to New York through a friend of her father. She survived her mother by two and a half 220 ALEXANDER HAMILTON years. The younger daughter, with whom the mother Hved in her old age, and at whose house she died, in Wash- ington, seems to have been a woman of a great deal of strength of mind. Although all of Hamilton's sons marked out for them- selves legal or military careers, it cannot be said that any one, in a conspicuous way, resembled his father. William did not marry, but sought a frontier life, and oc- casionally returned to see his mother and brothers. He first went to that part of the Northwest which is now Wis- consin, and in 1837, when in her eightieth year, Mrs. Hamil- ton made the long journey to see him. She wrote, on her way to my father, as follows: Mrs. Alexander Hamilton to Philip Hamilton March 19, 1837. My dear Son: I wrote to your Brothers of my continued health. I am now on the Ohio quite well, at Pitsburgh I was visited by Mr. Ross^ the friend of your Father. He la- ments the state of our country, and fears his efforts will not be of the duration that good minds wish. The Director of the Bank, he informed me, saw your Brother's letter and immediately determined not to issue specie. As soon as the Bank opened they were required to make a payment in specie to a considerable amount by per- sons that had been travelling night and day.^ Pittsburgh is a considerable town on the junction of three rivers, no beauty but good Buildings, gloomy from the use of coal. I shall write you from Cincinnati where I shall be today. Adieu! write to me and let me know how Angelica is. Your Affectionate Mother, E. Hamilton. • John Ross, United States Senator, 1794-97. Active in suppressing the Whiskey Insurrection. ^ Probably a reference to the great panic of that year. FAMILY LIFE 221 Later she wrote: Mrs. Alexander Hamilton to Philip Hamilton Mississippi, May 23, 1837. My dear Son: I have passed the Ohio, the river is very spacious, but very difficult of navigation, the shores beauti- ful and the vessel approaching the shore at the distance of one dozen feet; no w^harf, the w^ater is so mixed with clay that it is not drinkable without wine. This evening we shall be at St. Louis on the Mississippi. Our passage will be tedious as we go against the stream. Let me hear from you, particularly respecting Angelica and all the family. Your affectionate mother Elizabeth Hamilton. And again: Mrs. Alexander Hamilton to Philip Hamilton I thank you My Dear Son for yours of the fifteenth. I hope you may have leisure and the opportunity to have the Speach of your beloved Father copied. Solicit it most anxiously, and if that won't do request it as a favour for me. Hire a person to copy it and let me be at the expense. How desirous must you be to see all given to the publisher that your father has done for our country. I wish you to make inquiry where the location is to be made and when this is the last of your father's services of the grant of land.* I am quite recovered. I wish you may see some of General Washington's family and that you go to Mount Vernon. Adieu. Your Brothers are all well, Every Blessing attend you prays Your Affectionate Mother Elizabeth Hamilton. New York, February 21, 1839. ' a certificate for a section of land was awarded Hamilton by the United States for military service, but he never took advantage of this allotment. 222 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Very few of the children presented any of the father's dominant attractions. William Stephen, however, must have been a winning character. He certainly possessed a great deal of his father's personal beauty, and much of his charm of manner, but it is said that he was unconventional and something of a wanderer. The youngest son, Philip, also manifested much of his father's sweetness and happy disposition, and was always notably considerate of the feelings of others, and was punc- tilious to a fault in his obligations. In his old age he devoted much of his time to helping others in many quiet ways, and no one came to him in vain for advice or such material help as he could afford. Born at a time when his mother was in great poverty, he was denied those advantages accorded to his elder brothers, and had, in every sense, to make his own way. He had no college education, but studied law with one of his brothers; had a hard, up-hill professional life, and died comparatively poor. Much of his time was given up to un- selfish acts, and the number of his poor clients, especially those who followed the sea, was very great. James A. Hamilton described the family life in New York when he and his brothers and sisters were children.* "I dis- tinctly recollect," he says, "the scene at breakfast in the front room of the house in Broadway. My dear mother seated, as was her wont, at the head of the table with a nap- kin in her lap, cutting slices of bread and spreading them with butter, while the younger boys, who, standing at her side, read in turn a chapter in the Bible or a portion of Goldsmith's 'Rome.' When the lessons were finished the father and the elder children were called to breakfast, after which the boys were packed off^ to school." During the time that Hamilton was Secretary of the Treas- ' Hamilton's " Reminiscences," p. 3. FAMILY LIFE 223 ury and when he lived in Philadelphia, his family worries were increased by reason of the menace of yellow fever, which seems to have been prevalent. As the result of the absence of all needful sanitary precautions and ignorance of the disease, we find that this scourge flourished in Philadelphia to an alarming extent during the latter part of the eighteenth century. It was sometimes given its familiar name, and again spoken of as the "plague." Nothing could be more pitiful than Robert Morris's description of its invasion of the debtors' prison, where he was confined, which was known as "Prune Street." Not only the corridors, but every avail- able space was filled with coffined bodies, and the prisoners were dying like sheep. ^ Hamilton and his family were exposed, and it is said that some of them were stricken, but all managed to recover. The alarming extent of the dis- ease upon several occasions practically led to the abandon- ment of Philadelphia by those who could afford to go. After leaving their house in that city, the Hamilton family first went to the hills and [then to Albany, but for a time were quarantined outside of the limits of the latter place. Previous to this time the Schuylers devised measures to lessen the danger of contagion and to remove the children to a healthier spot, and when the danger became alarm.ing this was done. Later they prevailed upon the Hamiltons to join their children. In the following letter the "little one" referred to is John Church Hamilton who was then more than a year old. ' One writer whose book bears the title of " Occasional Writings on the Yellow Fever. Addresses to Those Who have not Forgotten what has Happened Within a Few Years Among their Friends and Fellow Citizens, by a Philadelphian," pre- sents tables showing the enormous death-rate up to 1802. Upon the authority of Benjamin Johnson, 13,394 persons were buried in "Potter's Field" in that city from August I to November 9, 1793. 224 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton Albany, Sundy i6, 1793. My dearly beloved Child: I feel that It will give you pain to be deprived for some time longer of the pleasure of embracing your Dear Children, but the reasons assigned in my letter to my Dear Hamilton are such as I trust your good sense will acquiesce in, — especially when you reflect what additional anxiety I should be exposed to If the Children were with you before It is fully ascertained that all danger from the dreadful disorder is at an end. — The tenderness and affection which your Dear Children evince for us every moment of the day, their docility, the health they enjoy are so many sources of happiness to their parents and to us. The little one strives to articulate, he will soon succeed, he walks from one end of the hall to the other with ease, — eats well, and is the most lively of children. Your Dear Mama and all the family join me in love, — I hope you are still at fair Hill, and that you will remain there at least until the result is known from the return of the in- habitants who had left the city during the prevalence of the calamity. Adieu My beloved Child, the best blessings and warmest prayers of Your affectionate parents attend you. Yours ever affectionately, ,, TT M Ph. Schuyler. Mrs. Hamilton. General Schuyler's solicitude for the comfort of his daugh- ter and her children led him, at this time, to devise means for alleviating their distress, and to bring them to the family home in a Hudson River sloop where they would be safe. In those days the passage from New York to Albany was really in the nature of a voyage. In 1732 a certain Dr. Alexander Hamilton,^ whose travels took him to Albany, * "Hamilton's Itinerarium, being a Narrative of a Journey," etc., etc., by Dr. Alexander Hamilton. Edited by A. B. Hart, LL.D., printed for private distribu- tion in 1907. Bixby Publications. FAMILY LIFE 225 devoted a week to the journey and graphically pictures the discomforts of the sloop, which was the only method of con- veyance, and this he does as one would nowadays refer to a transatlantic trip. Fifty years later Hamilton himself, in letters to his wife, speaks of the miserable and comfortless pilgrimages and the dirty and crowded little vessels, which were often obliged to lie to under the lea of the Highlands to await changes in the weather and tide. The next autumn General Schuyler again wrote to Mrs. Hamilton, urging her to leave Philadelphia. Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton N. York, Monday, Sept. 29, 1794. My dearly beloved Child: Reports confirm the former accounts that the Yellow fever prevails in Philadelphia. I must therefore and most earnestly repeat my request that You leave the city immediately, and as you may be exposed to inconveniences on your journey I wish you to go to some decent tavern on the road towards New York. At the Mac- leroys at Bristol if possible and as soon as you receive this to write me, and if You are determined to come away I will set out on Friday with a Stage Wagon which I shall especially engage to bring You, the Children and Servants over. If you have not two horses, to bring your Carriage, bring at least Your Chair as you will travel with more ease in that than in the Waggon. — Pray fail not to write immediately on receipt of this, and if the post should be already come away, send Your letter by some person coming in the Stage, and a copy of It by post — God bless You my Amiable and beloved Child. Embrace the Children for me. Yours affectionately, Ph. Schuyler. Mrs. Hamilton. 226 ALEXANDER HAMILTON As we know, the fever made its appearance in New York as well in 1795, and Mrs. Hamilton's sister Angelica wrote to her: November the 24, 95. I implore you my dear Eliza to write to me, there are letters in town so late as the 10'' October from New York. I have not a line, and a dreadful fever rages there, and you and yours are there, if you knew what I suffer you would write to relieve a thousand apprehensions — Adieu my Dear Sister. I embrace you with tendrest affection. Yours A. Church. Hamilton, whose many-sided genius found expression in various ways, suggested the cold-water treatment,^ which, in later years, has been again adopted not only for this disease, but for all toxemic conditions with high temperature. He thus wrote to his wife upon this subject: Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton Rye 30 Miles from New York, Tuesday Even. I am arrived here my Dear Eliza in good health, but very anxious about my Dear Child. I pray heaven to re- store him and in every event to support you. — If his fever should appear likely to prove obstinate, urge the Physician to consider well the propriety of trying the cold bath — I expect it will, if it continues, assume a nervous type, and in this case I believe the cold bath will be the most efficacious remedy — but still do not attempt it without the approbation of the Physician. Alas my Betsy how much do I regret to be separated from you at such a juncture. When will the time come that I shall be exempt from the necessity of leav- ing my dear family. God bless my beloved and all my dear Children. A. H. Mrs. Hamilton. ' Neglected and forgotten in those days, aUhough one of the oldest therapeutic agents known in medicine. FAMILY LIFE 227 The Churches went twice to England, where their life was evidently most delightful, surrounded, as they seem to have been, by all the distinguished people of the day; but although John Church took an active part in public affairs, and be- came a member of Parliament, his wife was always most intensely patriotic, and yearned for America and her family. At a time when a return to America seemed impossible she wrote from Yarmouth, England, to Mrs. Hamilton: "You and my dear Hamilton will never cross the Atlantic, I shall never leave this Island and as to meeting in heaven — there will be no pleasure in that." When in this country she wrote to Elizabeth Hamilton from Philadelphia at the time Congress was sitting, and when Hamilton was Secretary of the Treasury: Philadelphia, Tuesday Morning [about 1793] You will hear with pleasure, my dear Eliza that our Kitty is much better, she is going to a ball this evening, her danc- ing has been so much praised that I fear she will give more disappointment than pleasure. My brother ^ seemed very sad yesterday, and when I questioned him, I was sorry to find little William's health to be the cause of his dejection, his sensibility suffers from the least anxiety to you or your babes, is Miss Pretty less firm in her manner and does An- gelica see her Cousin often t During her absence in Europe in 1787 several of her girl friends were married, and in writing to her sister she said: "Amongst all the distresses that distract my poor country I am happy to hear that celibacy is not one of the number." Several years later her own daughter, Kitty, then a charming young woman who after\vard became Mrs. Cruger, had a romance of her own, and met and evidently fascinated the ' Alexander Hamilton. 228 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Chevalier de Colbert, who had inherited the great Georgia lands from Comte d'Estaing, who was one of Hamilton's early friends, and in pressing his suit he wrote Hamilton the following interesting letter, in which he asked the latter to intercede for him: The Chevalier de Colbert to Alexander Hamilton London, this 7th May, 1800. It is with great pleasure, Monsieur, that I learn from a letter from the Vicomte D'Orleans, that, confirming the choice already made by the public, the President has ap- pointed you to fill the position of Commander-in-chief of the army, left vacant by the death of General Washington, so that what I told you a month ago is already partly realized, time will bring the rest, and I am very sure that in whatever post Fortune places you, you will justify the discrimination that put you there/ The trumpet of war has once more sounded, the Austrians are boasting of great successes in Italy, and they certainly must have had some as they have taken Bo- cheta, which must entail the capture of Genoa, but the French declare they have had brilliant victories on the Rhine. We must expect exaggeration on both sides; in one or two months at the earliest shall we be able to foretell upon which side Fortune will declare itself. Conde's army, paid by England, is marching upon Italy, where it is to don the White Cockade and the old French uniforms; they have orders to make as many recruits as they can. From what Monsieur le Comte d'Artois told me yester- day, Monseigneur le Due D'Angouleme has left Mittau for Italy to join Monseigneur le Prince de Conde. General Abercromby leaves here for the Mediterranean with 4,000 men; it seems that England intends to raise an army in order to attack the South of France, where mal- ' He probably referred to Hamilton's appointment as Senior Major-General; Hamilton resigned from the army July 2, 1800. FAMILY LIFE 229 contents are numerous; it is said that the Russians who are in Italy will join them, they also talk of a descent upon Nor- mandy to cause a diversion; all that will I think, depend upon the successes that the Austrians or the French will have on the Rhine and in Italy. In the meantime all the emigres are returning to France, I am expecting letters that will de- cide my course; I know that the sale of my property in Nor- mandy has been forbidden; three months hence I shall know how I stand. You know why I long for wealth. Ah! my dear General, do not be so much my enemy and hers as to allow them — by taking advantage of her submission and re- spect for her father — to force her into contracting any bonds, that, // her heart be not entirely changed^ will make her wretched, and drive me to despair, if, as I hope, I can soon offer her the competence that would satisfy hers and my de- sires. I know too that Mr. Ch.^ and you //z//7^ / <3'm /oo o/^. I see very well that you do not know the French. The warmth of their blood prolongs their youth. Away from her I love her as much as all your Americans put together; near her I love her, and shall love her as at twenty, and I could love well. Moreover you are experienced enough, and she is rea- sonable enough to know that all the transports of love are often only too shortlived with young men, and that similari- ties of taste, friendship and confidence are the true founda- tions of happiness. Such being the case, I have thirty — perhaps forty years in which to try to contribute to hers, and you know whether I desire it. You may remember that when I left you you told me that time might bring happy changes; I replied that I should have the perseverence and courage that sooner or later overcome fate. I shall have them to the end, and I assure you that before long I shall be able in uniting the little she has by right to what I shall have — to offer her, if not so brilliant a lot as I could wish, at least one that need give her no anxiety for the future. I have neither time nor inclination to reproach you for your silence. Mme. Ch.^ who so kindly led me to hope for news of her, has also completely forgotten me. Some one * John Barker Church. * Angelica Church. 230 ALEXANDER HAMILTON must have played me a very nasty, dirty trick to blacken me in her eyes; it is a fine game to speak evil of the absent. Assure her that that is not what we do here when I am with the Princesse de Craon and Bonne, a young woman who is with her, and who is very fond of Mdlle Kitty; she has begged me to send her two books of music, one of which is of her own composition. I am entrusting to some one who is going to Philadelphia, I send it to you as well-meaning people will not fail to think that this packet encloses some- thing else. You can reassure them, and may open the Scroll before the whole assembled family. Adieu, mon general, now that you have an army do not take advantage of your superiority to ingloriously fight a Soldier who has nothing but love on his Side, and who has everything to struggle against. With every respect and assurance of my unchanging attachment, t n. ,. ^^ n ^ ^ ' Le Chev. de C Hamilton's ultimate resignation from the Treasuryship caused a great deal of commotion in the family, and much discussion on the part of General Schuyler, Mrs. Church, and his friends at large. As has been stated, he left public office impoverished, and when he was thirty-seven, and but ten years before his death. It is apparent from his letters that this step was a hard one to take, as his entire life and inter- ests had been merged in the public trust he did so much to organize, and which has altered so little in more than one hundred years. The following letters that passed between himself and his sister-in-law, to whom he often turned, graphically convey his motives and feelings: Alexander Hamilton to Angelica Church Philadelphia, December 8, 1794. You say I am a politician, and good for nothing. What will you say when you learn that after January next, I shall cease to be a politician at all .? So is the fact. I have for- mally and definitely announced my intention to resign at FAMILY LIFE 231 that period, and have ordered a house to be taken for me at New York. My dear Eliza has been lately very ill. Thank God, she is now quite recovered, except that she continues somewhat weak. My absence on a certain expedition was the cause. ^ You will see, notwithstanding your disparagement of me, I am still of consequence to her. Liancourt^ has ar- rived, and has delivered your letter. I pay him the atten- tion due to his misfortunes and his merits. I wish I was a Croesus; I might then afford solid consolations to these children of adversity, and how delightful it would be to do so. But now, sympathy, kind words, and occasionally a dinner, are all I can Contribute. Don't let Mr. Church be alarmed at my retreat. All is well with the public. Our insurrec- tion is most happily terminated. Government has gained by it reputation and strength, and our finances are in a most flourishing condition. Having contributed to place those of the Nation on a good footing, I go to take a little care of my own; which need my care not a little. Love to Mr. Church. Betsey will add a line or two. Adieu. And again later, after the actual resignation : Alexander Hamilton to Angelica Church Albany, March 6, 1795. To indulge in my domestic happiness the more freely, was with me a principal motive for relinquishing an ofiice in which 'tis said I have gained some glory, and the diffi- culties of which had just been subdued. Eliza and our children are with me here at your father's house, who is himself at New York attending the Legislature. We re- main here till June, when we become stationary at New York, where I resume the practice of the law. For, my dear sister, I tell you without regret what I hope you antici- • With the army to suppress the Whiskey Rebellion in Pennsylvania. ^ The Duke de la Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. 232 ALEXANDER HAMILTON pate, that / am poorer than when I went into ofice} I allot myself full four or six years of more work than will be pleas- ant, though much less than I have had for the last five years. Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton London, Feb. 24, 95. I sincerely congratulate you my dear Eliza on the resig- nation of our dear Hamilton & on your return to New York where I hope to pass with you the remainder of my days, that is if you will be so obliging as to permit my Brother to give me his society, for you know how much I love & admire him. I do not by this Ship write to my amiable,'^ but you will thank him for his letters. I was very proud to have the American Ministers intreating me for information from America. I did boast of very long letters & give myself some airs of importance. Mr Jay^ is very desirous of getting to his fireside, & Mrs. Pinckney* preparing for Spain. The Churches eventually arrived in New York. Hamil- ton secured a house and expended upon it large sums to fix it for the occupancy of his rather exacting sister-in-law, and these we find entered in his books — as well as records of how the family lived, and what they did for a number of years. Among other items charged to Mrs. Church, it appears that he paid "Cash for passages of yourself and servants on Dolls. 370.66," and at an earlier date he "paid 'Hamilton, in a private letter dated June 26, 1792, wrote: "The Legislature might reasonably restrain its officers from future buying and selling of stock, but could not reasonably prevent them making a disposition of property which they had previously acquired according to the laws of their country. All my property in the funds is about eight hundred dollars, three per cent. These at a certain period I should have sold had I not been unwilling to give occasion to cavil." This stock was sold by Mr. Wolcot to pay Hamilton's small debts when he left Philadelphia. ^ Hamilton. ' John Jay. * Mrs. Pinckncy, wife of Thomas Pinckncy, Minister to Spain, 1794-96. FAMILY LIFE 233 acct. of your last landlady for rooms, & some damage done by your servants in removing, ;^23.9.3." His own accounts are all neatly and carefully kept up to 1799, but show, after that time, some carelessness and brevity which is in contrast with earlier years. This was probably owing to his multifarious occupations, and possibly to his anxiety about the affairs of his own political party, which then was in the midst of its troubles. A list of excerpts is, I think, worthy of reproduction. G. Washington expense to Mess/ to Morton $16. 1796. Nov. II. Contribution for erecting R. C. Church at Albany 5. July II. For this sum paid to W. McDonald tow- ards Presbyterian Church at Albany 15. 1795. Oct. 25. Household expenses for this sum paid Henry Seaman for Mourning for Mrs. Ham- ilton.^ 43-25 Philip Schuyler paid for Mrs. Schuyler 22.42 65.67 Dec. 6. Account of Expences, for this sum paid tax on carriage lO. for this sum paid Mr. Beekman for half a years rent of stable 50. Dec. 21. George Washington, President for this sum paid for an express to Messrs. Troffer & Matin 16. May 6. For this sum paid in full for Tuition of my Children in the French language say dol- lars Eighteen five shillings & 4^^ (L. Maillet) ;^i8.6.5 May 18. Household Furniture for a Dining Table & Bed Stead Doll. 108.74 1793. Ju. ID. Account of Donation for the sum given away 30. ditto July 4 ic. ToStock Account for price of Horse & Chaise Sold 250. 1796. For this sum paid M. Ten Eyck ;^ house rent 218.75 * Messenger. ^ For the funeral of John Bradstreet Schuyler, one of General Schuyler's sons. 234 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 1796. Sept. 7. Account of Donation for this sum paid on account of rent for Isaac Sherman 37-50 Sept. 12. For this sum deposited for payment of duties on a pipe of wine 60. Oct. II. For this sum paid Archibald Drummond for stationery 21.20 For Sundry books & account 50. Paid Doctors Bard & Hosack 1795 & 1796 no. 1798 100. 1802 246.50 1804 pd. Dr. Hosack July 3 120. 1797 Apothecaries bill 14. 1795. Sum for Bendon's note given to Mrs. Ham- ilton to take out in groceries £^Z- 5- for a guinea in addition paid for Mrs. Hamilton ;^I.I7.4 1795. For two guineas given to a poor French •9'33 family given in private character £1. Account of expenses. Dr. to Cash, for this sum paid Judy Perkins Negro woman for her wages several years ago, which she alleges was de- tained from her in consequence of a claim by Major Turner who demands her wages as his servant (p Rect on Receipt Book Dr. 12.50 1795. for this sum paid for keeping of horses & Carriage 8. 1795. Aug. 28. for this sum paid for Cabinet Wares ^l-'^Z Sept. 22. Account of donations Dr. in Cash for this sum paid to Henry King for Board of Mrs. De Grove a French refugee 19. 1796. Oct. this sum del'd Mrs. Hamilton on going to Albany lOO. this sum on my return November I 20. my expences to and from Albany 40. Oct. 4. for Subscription to Dancing Assembly 20. Nov. II. for this sum paid Hallet & Browne for 2 Chaldrons of Coal 30. for fruits 3. 24. J. Lyon & Co. for 2^ Chaldrons of Coal 37-50 Dec 6 this sum paid Doctor Jones for two firkins of butter 50-55 (;^20.4.6) Dec. 23. paid Berry & Rogers for Books 10. FAMILY LIFE 235 1796. Dec. for this sum in Charity 17. 5. 5. . " . 5- Paid Sherrard his account £i'^.'].(). 1797. Feby 13. Library, paid J. Rivington for books 22.37 Febr 24. paid Subscription to ball 5. Mar. 7. William Duer cash lent this day 30. Mar. 10. paid Mrs. Hamilton for subscription to a Bible 5. May 22. R. Troupe for parchment purchased of him 30 skins at 5/10 21.88 May 29. John B. Church paid for a negro woman & child 225. Aug. 29. Tax on house & Stabel 43-40 personal tax 9.30 Oct. 16. paid Crier Albany in full lo. Nov. 24. paid Hair dresser's bill 20. 1798. Feby I. for my expenses to and from Albany 50. Subscription towards Reading Room 1.50 Feby 14. " to Presidents Ball 5. March, Household furniture, Plate presented by M. le Guen 500. Case V. Gouverneur Expended at Philadelphia last Summer 100. April I. Library Acct for paid towards Encyclo- pedia 40.20 paid on journey to New Haven 100. May I. paid Mr. Ten Eyck half year's rent end- ing yesterday 437'50 Marinus Willet, this sum lent his wife 125. May 9. paid Dr. Belleville bill in full 12.50 May 18. Delvd. E. Hamilton, & paid for pistols 62. June 30. paid Independence Dinner 10. Aug. 23. paid Wyllies house & Chaise hire 30. Dec. 18. paid Mrs. Hamilton some time since lOO. 1799. Jan. 12. Expenses for a Demijohn of wine 20. Jan. 19. paid French Taylor 100. Jan. 29. to Military Service^ compensation for November & December 53^-70 Febr. 12. paid for Prints 28. ' During the time he was inspector-general of the reorganized army. 236 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 1799. Mar. I. Expences for half the rent of a Country place last fall 37'50 paid Isaac Jones Mar. 29. United States Postage paid by Capt. Church 21. postage paid by Mrs. Williams to accountant of War Dept. 215.84 1802. Febr. By Bank N. Y. overdrawn 50. Expence House Rent IIO, 1799. Sept. 25. Paid for horse 125. 1802. May 12. Expenses Philip's funeraP 266.11 1803. Charity, Alms House 105. The accounts of the last few years are even more con- densed and less orderly, and are grouped under " Receipts & Expenditures." Many of these refer to the building of the Grange where he lived until his death, and to the payment of household expenses, wages, etc. In another part of the book appear several entries, un- doubtedly in connection with the election of John Adams, and showing that even in those days a degree of conviv- iality was indispensable to the exercise of the franchise. Disbursements for Elections 1796 Paid Jones printer for printing nominating tickets Drs. 2. Aprl. 16. paid R. Boyd for tavern expenses ) 15- Hobs pd. Hammond as my share 30. " Van Orden for Tavern Expenses 9.37 City of N. Y. in acct. with A. H. 1788. McClean Printer at different times paid an execu- tion agst Capt. on acct. of Rockets ex- pended in the procession.^ * His son killed by Eacker the previous year. * To celebrate the ratification of the Constitution in New York. FAMILY LIFE ^Zl The cost of living in this city in those days may be ap- proximately reached by this bill for provisions for about ten days: No. 45. Reinhard Kahmer bot for Comal Hamilton at Sundred 1791 October 19th To' 3 " bushels of potatoes at a^/gd £0. 8. 3 To a \ " peck of pears .... 0. 1. 10^ To a \ " bushel of turnips . . . 0. I. 3 To' 3 " bunches of Carrots & Cabege 5 0. 0. 9 To' 8 " lb. beef at 3^ .... 0. 2. 4 To' 1 2^ " lb. mutton at 4^1 . . . 0. 4. 8 To' " " buns & som yearbs . 0. I. 81 20" To' 6 " lb. beef at 3J .... 0. I. 9 To' 2 " bushels of Apels . . . 0. 5. To' 8 " lb. butter at 1/3 ... o.io. 21" To' 17 "lb. beef at 6 & i lb. Suet at 8^ I 0. 9. 2 To' 3 " Dozen of Eggs .... 0. 3. To' 13^" lb. Mutton at 5^ ... 0. 5- ih To a \ " peck of pears & Spinnag 0. 2. 3 To nions 5^ Endif 3d & Salrey 8^ . 0. I. 4 J To . ... a Copel of fowls . . . 0. 2. To . ... a basket 0. 1. 11^ 22" To' 7I " lb. Veal at yd .... 0. 4. ^ To' 7I " lb. beef at 5d 0. 3. 1 To . . . time & parsly .... 0. I. 6 To . a set of Calfs feet .... 0. 0. 6 To' \\ " bushel of turnips at 2d/6 0. 3. 9 To . . . Eggs & Cabeges . . . 0. 2. 6^ To . . . Quals, tripe 0. 2. 6 To' 13 " lb. mutton at 4d ... 0. 4. U. 4- 8 24th To' 9 " lb. beef at 4d 0. 3. To' 2 " bushels of turnips 2s/6d , 0. 5. To' 4 " fouls at 3/9 0. 3. 9 25" To' 5 " bushels of potatoes at 2/9 0.13. 9 To' ' io| " lb. Corn beef at 5d . . 0. 4. 4| To' ' 20 " lb. pork at 4^ .... 0. 7. 6 To' 14 " lb. mutton at 4d ... 0. 4. 8 To . . . Cabeges 0. 3- 4 238 ALEXANDER HAMILTON October 25th To " ^^ " bushels of Cramberies . . 0. 3. 6 To" 12 " dozen of Eggs at 10 & 4 dozen at 3-9 0.13. 9 To" 6 "lb. butter at 1/4 .... o. 8. o 29 " To ... a tung Salt o. 2. 6 To" 13 "lb. mutton at 4I .... o. 4.10I To" 3 "teal at 1/3 a piece & Car- rits 6d o. 4. 3 To . . . Swete potatoes o. o.ii £8. 7.10 CHAPTER IX FRIENDS AND ENEMIES From an early period in the war until after the overthrow of Louis XVI, a number of brilliant Frenchmen landed on our shores. Some, like La Fayette, the Due de Lauzun, the Vicomte de Noailles, the Marquis Francois Jean de Chastellux, Rochambeau, Tousard, Pont de Gibaud, Du- portail, Maudiut Duplessis, the Comte de la Rouarie, or Colonel Armand as he was known to his fellows, came to fight. Others, like Louis Philippe, the Comte de Volney, the Comte Alexandre de Tilly, Moreau de St. Mery, the Due de la Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, J. P. Brissot de Warville, came as 'emigres, or to travel; and the ubiquitous Bishop of Autun, otherwise Charles Maurice Talleyrand, after stirring up all the mischief he could in Great Britain, and starting an Irish rebellion, came here to spy. These, and many other clever and witty men from different parts of Europe, among them the veteran soldier Steuben, gave to society at the time of the American Revolution a decided charm. We find them in Philadelphia, as well as at every large army camp, and in the gloom incident to the hardship and struggles of a poorly equipped force fighting against superior numbers of well-trained troops, they were cheerful and welcome visitors. They certainly brought with them a fund of gayety, which did much to raise the drooping spirits of the hardy patriots, and with most of them Hamilton was on 239 240 ALEXANDER HAMILTON very good terms. Of him Oliver draws this picture, which, perhaps, appHes to a later period, but according to those French travellers and writers who knew him in the field, he was always fascinating: "This serious young statesman we gather to have been remarkable in private life, chiefly for his high spirits, his good looks, his bright eyes, and his ex- traordinary vivacity. He loved the society of his fellow- creatures, and shone in it. He loved good wine and good company and beautiful things — even clothes and ruffles of fine lace. He despised slovens and people like Jeff^erson, who dressed ostentatiously in homespun. He belonged to the age of manners, and silk stockings, and handsome shoe- buckles. In Bagehot's excellent phrase, 'he was an enjoy- ing English gentleman'; companionable and loyal, gay and sincere, always masterful and nearly always dignified."^ Let us see, then, who were his friends. As a rule, they were men who were honorable and well educated, of good courage and good breeding, gallant and chivalrous, and who possessed the other attractions of an heroic age. As his capacity for making lasting friends was greatly in- ferior to the ease with which he made enemies, this can be explained by the statement of one of his historians that "his love for his country was always greater than his love for his countrymen," and it can be easily conceived how a man with so critical a sense, and with such strong ideas regarding unselfish requirements for the public weal, must not only fail to exert himself for the mere shallow fascination of his fellow men, as did Burr, for instance, but must antagonize many men with less lofty aims. His attachments were strangely assorted, but, as a rule, were very deep, very affectionate, and very lasting; and, as is usually the case, the less brilliant and more sober-minded ^ Op. cit., p. 430. FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 241 friends were those that remained loyal and unselfishly de- voted to him until the end, and did more for his family after his death than any of the others. It may be said that they were divided into two categories: those that were drawn to him by his humorous and almost feminine traits, which were coupled with a fascinating culture and a flow of spirits that almost bubbled over; and others, who had been engaged with him in the war, and in his legal practice, and the many public affairs which were so vital at the time. These really loved him for his great intellectual gifts and his absolute sense of justice. Although Lodge has gravely declared that he had no imagination, it does, on the contrary, appear that he had a lively sense of humor, and was at times exceedingly witty. This is shown in his letters to John Laurens, to La Fayette, and a few of his early friends, and in the rather short and unsatisfactory remaining correspondence with his wife and sister-in-law. In 1780, at a time when the condition of affairs was certainly not conducive to high spirits, we find that he wrote, in the field, to General Anthony Wayne in regard to a Rev. Dr. Mendey, "who is exceedingly anxious to be in the service, and I believe has been forced out of it not alto- gether by fair play. He is just what I should like for a mili- tary parson, except that he does not drink, and he will not in- sist upon your going to heaven whether you will or not."* There is the jauntiness of the gay soldier in his few words to one of his warmest army friends, Otho Williams (1779): "Mind your eye, my dear boy, and if you have an oppor- tunity, fight hard," ^ but a tenderer note in his long letter to John Laurens, which is not so well known as to lose its charm by abridged repetition; probably none of his com- ^ Wayne "Correspondence" referred to by Lodge. ^ "Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. I, p. 79. 242 ALEXANDER HAMILTON rades was dearer to Hamilton than Laurens, whose untimely death was a very great blow.^ Cold in my professions — warm in my friendships — I wish, my dear Laurens, it were in my power, by actions, rather than words, to convince you that I love you. I shall only tell you, that till you bid us adieu, I hardly knew the value you had taught my heart to set upon you. Indeed, my friend, it was not well done. You know the opinion I en- tertain of mankind; and how much it is my desire to pre- serve myself free from particular attachments, and to keep my happiness independent of the caprices of others. You should not have taken advantage of my sensibility, to steal into my affections without my consent. But as you have done it, and as we are generally indulgent to those we love, I shall not scruple to pardon the fraud you have committed on one condition; that for my sake, if not for your own, you will continue to merit the partiality which you have so art- fully instilled into me. Fleury^ shall be taken care of. All the family send love. In this, join the General and Mrs. Washington; and what is best, it is not in the style of ceremony, but sincerity." One of Hamilton's most devoted friends was the Baron Frederick William August Steuben, who began his military career in Prussia as an aide to Frederick the Great, and who was afterward general of the guard of the Prince of Hohen- zollern-Hechingen. This friendship began when Steuben landed in America in 1777, and joined the army at Valley Forge in 1778. Although he was Hamilton's senior by about twenty-seven years, there was something very amus- ing about what might be called the reversal of relations, and the almost paternal interest of the young protege in his ' Ibid., vol. I, p. 109. ^ Vicomte Louis de Fleury, a brave officer who had served as an engineer and later joined Rochambeau. For gallantry at the storming of Stony Point he re- ceived a vote of thanks from Congress. FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 243 middle-aged instructor, for it was the baron who first taught the American troops the orderly tactics of war, and gave them the benefit of his past experience, which he had de- rived in the service of the great Frederick; but in spite of all his military genius he was helpless as a child in other things, and to Hamilton he looked for advice and help. Not only were the relations of Hamilton and Steuben of a delightfully affectionate nature, but we find that Angelica Church frequently alluded to him, in her bright way, in many letters written to her sister. Nine years after the war she wrote: "I envy you the trio of agreeable men you talk of, my father and my baron and your Hamilton, what pleasant evenings, what agreeable chit-chat, whilst my vi- vacity must be confined to dull, gloomy Englishmen. Adieu, my dear Eliza; tell Hamilton if he does not send my Father^ Ambassador, that I shall believe he has no influence at Court, and that I will try not to care for him. Adieu, my dear Eliza, be happy and be gay, and remember me in your mirth as one who desires and wishes to partake of your hap- piness. Embrace Hamilton and the Baron. Yours, A. C." ^ Again, having met the royal family at the theatre, she said: "but what are Kings and Queens to an American who has seen a Washington!" In another letter: "This day year, my dear Eliza, I had the happiness to see you and receive the affectionate attention of you and my dear Hamilton, and the gallantries of the Baron." Indeed, Steuben was a jovial companion, most intimate with Ham- ilton, and an ever welcome guest at his home and that of General Schuyler. His rather extravagant ways evidently kept him embarrassed most of the time, but he knew little or nothing of the value of money, while his efforts to obtain * General Philip Schuyler. ^London, Jan. 3, 1792. 244 ALEXANDER HAMILTON assistance were pitiable indeed, for he appears to have been always in financial distress. It has been stated by several historians that he often spoke of Hamilton not only as his friend, but as his hanker^ and it would seem as if the latter was much more than this, if we may infer from the number of unpaid promissory notes from the baron to Hamilton which are found among the latter's papers, among them judgments in favor of Hector St. Jean de Crevecoeur^ for various large sums. On November 23, 1785, Hamilton wrote to Washington as follows: "The poor Baron is still soliciting Congress and has every prospect of indigence before him. He has his imprudences, but on the whole he has rendered valuable services, and his merits and the reputation of the country alike demand that he should not be left to suffer want. If there could be any mode by which your influence could be employed in his favor by writing to your friends in Congress or otherwise, the Baron and his friends would be under great obligations to you." ^ Chancellor Livingston wrote to Hamilton in regard to Steuben's affairs as follows, in a letter dated March 3, 1787: I received your favor with the Baron's papers inclosed by the post. The letter you mention I have sent by a private hand now under me. I enclose a letter to the Baron con- taining my opinion tho' I confess to you that I do think that in publishing it (as he told me he purposed) he will show more resentment than prudence. He will provoke replies, he will be called upon to show what he has lost, the pay- ments to him will be compared with what other officers have received. It will be said that Congress have failled in all their engagements from necessity, that there is nothing singular in his solicitation. In short, he will hear many * Better known as the author of "Lettres d'un Cultivateur en Amerique," Paris, 1787. ^ "Worksof Alexander Hamilton," Henry Cabot Lodge, isted.,vol. VIH, p. i8i. FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 245 things that will vex and disturb him and he will exclude himself from all hopes of a further provision. When a more liberal sperit, or a heavier purse may indine Congress to make it. If you think with me, you will use your influence with him to drop the idea of a publication that can do him no good, but may injure him. It would appear that this brave old soldier was ultimately cared for, and the trite saying that nations are ungrateful was disproved, for through the influence of Schuyler, Liv- ingston, and Hamilton, he was finally given a large tract of land, amounting to sixteen thousand acres, in the upper part of New York State, a portion of which he gave to Captain Ben Walker and to Generals North and Popham, and there he lived for the rest of his life, dying November 20, 1794. The State of New Jersey also gave him land, and the National Government an annuity of twenty-five hundred dollars. The gay trio to which Hamilton and Laurens belonged was made complete by La Fayette. On the whole, there was something about them rather suggestive of the three famous heroes of Dumas, although the period of the American Revo- lution was less romantic than that of the Musketeers. It is true that Hamilton was urged to kidnap the English General Clinton, who insecurely held New York, but refused upon the score that the latter, because of his incompetence, could do more harm if he were suffered to remain where he was than if captured. There is a note of romance in their friendship, quite un- usual even in those days, and La Fayette, especially during his early sojourn in this country, was on the closest terms with Hamilton. He touchingly writes from Paris, April 12, 1782, as follows:^ ' "Hamilton's Works," vol. I, p. 277. 246 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Dear Hamilton: However silent you may please to be, I will nevertheless remind you of a friend who loves you tenderly, and who, by his attachment, deserves a great share in your affection. This letter, my dear Sir, will be delivered or sent by Count de Segur,^ an intimate friend of mine, a man of wit and of abilities, and whose society you will certainly be pleased with. I warmly recommend him to you, and hope he will meet from you with more than civilities. At this late day La Fayette certainly seems, to some extent, a disappointing figure in history, if his behavior at home during and after the French Revolution is considered. While his aid to the American cause, prior to his return to France and shortly before the above letter was written, en- titles him to the deep gratitude of all Americans, and his career while in America was that of an unselfish and brave soldier, who gave all his energy and much of his fortune to the cause of patriots, his remarkable weakness at a time when his sovereign was in the gravest danger is almost in- credible, and cannot even be explained by the fact that he had taken part in our own struggle for freedom, and had been influenced by his sympathy with the colonists, who were themselves fighting for liberty. Hamilton certainly must have lost much of his respect and no little of his affection for his old friend for the manner in which he had acted, for in a later letter he criticised Burr's conduct in making disloyal toasts, among them one to La * Segur was a distinguished Frenchman whose brilliant writings are well known. He was the French Ambassador to Berlin before August 10, 1792, and at St. Peters- burg several years before that. Later he served with Napoleon and accompa- nied the latter to Moscow in 181 2. It was Segur who wrote during the French Revolution: "Liberty, whatever its language might be, pleased us for its courage; equality, because it was so convenient. One enjoys descending as long as one pleases; without forecast, we enjoyed at the same time the advantages of aristoc- racy, and the sweets of plebeian philosophy." MARQUIS GILBERT MOTIER DE LA FAYETTE FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 247 Fayette. He refers to this as an evidence of Burr's miscon- duct and sympathy with "the daring scoundrels of every party," and his tendency "to avail himself of their assistance, and of all the bad passions of society/ But Hamilton's friendship for La Fayette was shown in late years, even after he had disappointed him by his con- duct during the French Revolution, and in his connection with the Garde Nationale.^ When captured by the Austrians after his conflict with the extreme jacobins, he escaped across the frontier, was imprisoned in Olmiitz, and treated with great brutality, owing to a desire for retaliation for the treatment by the French of the unfortunate Marie Antoi- nette. Here he remained secluded and unheard of until he was later joined by his wife and daughter. Through the exertions of Fox, Wilberforce, and Sheridan, as well as Wash- ington and Hamilton, strong representations were made to the Prussian Government, though in so doing serious compli- cations with the French were narrowly escaped. Young George Washington La Fayette, the son, who had been sent here during the Reign of Terror, was, for a time, an inmate of Hamilton's house, and was treated like a son by the latter, and acted in conjunction with others in his father's behalf.^ In 1794 a Dr. Bollman, and Francis Kinloch Huger, of South Carolina, by a brilliant stroke, eflPected La Fayette's escape, but he was recaptured and taken, in chains, back to his dun- geon. It was not until 1797 that he was liberated by Na- poleon. To her sister Mrs. Church wrote in 1795: "You will re- ceive the letter by Dr. Bollman, a young gentleman of good sense and polite manners, his exertions for the Marquis de * Century Magazine, vol. LX, No. 2. (See p. 253.) ^ See his letter of temperate warning to La Fayette, written October 6, 1789. ^ In the expense-book occurs the following item: "$i6. George Washington cash, for this sum paid as expense to carry a letter to Young Lafayette." 248 ALEXANDER HAMILTON La Fayette have been so zealous and active that every good American must honor him for his generous conduct; his friend, Mr. Huger, is also greatly entitled to praise for v^hat he has done. I hope that my Brother will afford them his best assistance in an introduction to General Washington and our distinguished men." La Fayette's subsequent career was interesting, by reason of the manner in which he adapted himself to the kaleidoscopic changes of French misgovernment, for his attitude was never stable or consistent. At this moment I may be pardoned for referring at length to a somewhat interesting incident, which tells how this distinguished person figured in the his- tory of another branch of my family. In 1829 "^7 "^^~ ternal grandfather, Louis McLane of Delaware, was Minis- ter to England, and one of his many sons was Robert M. McLane,^ now dead. Seeking for a school, he wrote to his friend La Fayette, who replied: I Have for some time devised an answer to your kind letter February i6th Because I wanted to take information relative to the several schools in Paris. The result of my inquiries is very favorable to the College of Louis le Grand. It ap- pears the young men are well attended to with respect to the diet, the personal care, and that the classic studies are as well, they even say Better Conducted than in any other school of the kind. I cannot therefore but encourage the choice you are disposed to make. Another point had a claim upon my Sohcitude. I was afraid of a private Roman Catholic influence, as it is now Become a Government party affair. But I am assured that young Protestants at the College Have Had no cause of complaint in that way. Let me add, my dear Sir, that you may depend upon my earnest and tender love, not only By ' Robert M. McLane. Minister to China and Mexico, Governor of Maryland, and Minister to France during the administration of Grover Cleveland. FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 249 personal attention, But through men more fit than I am, to Receive minute information and act upon them in Contact with me. We are in a critical parliamentary situation, the address to the King will be debated next Monday in committee agreeably to a very improper article of the Charter, it shall expect a letter of disapprobation of the Polignac adminis- tration; I don't question its obtaining a great majority. What will follow is very uncertain. The King, his son, and some of the ministers seem determined to go on. Whether the Chamber will be prorogued, dissolved or kept to try the continuance of a stormy session, it must be known in a few days. Have you been pleased to ask Mr. Perkins what has be- come of his Pole friend Borowsky .? No answer or Bill from Him Has Been received by Mr. Laweschi. Be so kind as to present my affectionate Respects to Mrs. McLane. My son begs to be respectfully remembered, and I am. Most Cordially, Your friend, Lafayette. The lad was, upon his recommendation, sent to Paris where he remained; but meanwhile the Revolution of 1830 had broken out, and McLane sent Washington Irving, who was his secretary, to France to investigate, and the latter subsequently reported to the anxious father: Paris, August 7, 1830. My Dear Sir: I arrived here last evening after a very pleasant journey through country as tranquil as England on a Sunday; nothing but the national cockade of the traduced flag displayed in every direction gave a hint of the great revolution that had taken place. On my arrival in Paris, I was struck with the unusual number of pedestrians on the streets, in pairs or in groups, all talking with great earnest- ness, but general good humor. I never have seen even the 250 ALEXANDER HAMILTON lively streets of Paris so animated on an ordinary evening of the w^eek. Today the Chambers are in session, and it is expected the question will be decided before night, who is to succeed to the vacant throne. I have not been able to see anyone who could procure me admission to the Chamber. I called on Mr. Rives, ^ but he was from home, and had gone himself to the Chamber. There appears to be some awakening among the leaders; they fear some movement among the people in favor of a republic. There has been an attempt to as- semble the students before the Chamber in order to intimidate them, but it has failed. I don't see any ground for serious apprehension. The republican party is not strong. There are small parties also in favor of the Duke de Bordeaux, and the son of Napoleon, but the great mass of the people and almost all those who have property at stake, seem convinced that the weak mode of quieting the present state of excite- ment and restoring anything promptly to order is to call the Duke of Orleans to the throne. I have been in the open place before the Chamber of Deputies. It was filled with people, the great part young men. Precautions had been taken against any popular commotion. The interior of the Court yard was strongly garrisoned by a detachment of the garde Nationale and another detachment was stationed at the head of the adjacent bridge. I saw, however, no sign of riot among the people. The assemblage reminded me of the crowd before one of our polls, and I have never seen anything in France that so completely rebuked the populace of a free country ( ?). Everyone was expressing his opinion loudly and copiously, discussing men, makers, forms of gov- ernment, etc. The discussions, however, were carried on without passion, with mutual civility, with acuteness and good sense; in fact, it is surprising to see the moderation, the judgment and magnanimity which have governed and still govern this vast population throughout the whole of this sudden and extraordinary situation. I feel satisfied that all will go right, and that the Duke of Orleans will be called ' William Cabell Rives, Minister to the French Court from 1829-32. FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 251 to the throne immediately, and with the general approbation of the people, though the people will take advantage of the present crisis to augment their power, and to diminish the royal prerogative. This triumph of the Parisians has been so brilHant, prompt and decisive, and has put them in such general good humor that they seem to have lost their bitterness against the Bour- bons. They speak of them with contempt rather than oth- erwise; they caricature, lampoon and laugh at them, and the shop windows already teem with ludicrous caricatures of Charles X. When they speak of the ministers, however, their tone changes, and they hold them accountable for all the blood that has been shed. The battle has been fought by the very lowest people. I have been told by those who visited the scene of the combat, that the slain are generally people of the poorest classes. Was the struggle here to be achieved by the people of prop- erty, the Bourbons would have still been upon the throne. I called this morning to see Robert at his school. He looks well and rather less like a race horse than when in London. The soupe maigrey in spite of his abuse of it, agrees with him. I like the looks of his school, its external appearance, the general air of its arrangements are better than any I have seen in Paris. Robert was at school when the revolution broke out. He kept tolerably quiet during the two first days, but when a third day of fighting came, it was too much for him, and he and almost a dozen other boys broke out of school and ran to set the world in order. They joined in some of the skirmishing, but had no other weapons than stones and one or tw^o old pistols. Rob only threw stones, and on my putting him on his honor and conscience, he confessed that he could not boast of having killed a single man, but he and his band of truant revolutionists afterwards made a forage into the center of Paris, but the fighting was already over and all the killing done, so they returned quietly to their school, quite satisfied with their share of the victory. On the following Sunday he was supposed to go out to visit his friends, Paris then being tranquil. He went with the 252 ALEXANDER HAMILTON other boys, to see Genl Lafayette go in State to visit the Duke of Orleans. The General passed through the streets escorted by his (black) guards in ragged breeches with drawn swords. The people shouted "Vive Lafayette," but Rob and his companions who were on a heap of stones cried in English, "Long live Lafayette!" and they attracted the attention of the General. He recognized Bob, took him by the hand and they walked together the most of the way to the Palais Royal, Bob being no doubt mistaken by the populace for some sur- prising youth who had signalized himself in the late Victory. Bob asked me very anxiously whether it was true that the people meant to storm the Chamber of Deputies today, as such a report had prevailed in the school and the master had put them all on their honors that they would not break out. I gave him my opinion that there would be no tumult to call either for their aid or opposition, and his Zeal and anxiety seemed in some measure pacified. He will have a good deal to tell his Mama and sisters when he returns home. They have reason to be proud of him. I left directions with Mr. Beasley about your [illegible] which will be promptly attended to. With kind remembrances to Mrs. McLane and the family, I remain, my dear sir. Yours very truly, Washington Irving. The Vicomte de Noailles, closely related to La Fayette, came here very early in the Revolution and was one of the small coterie of army friends who were with Hamilton at York- town. The latter wrote to him in 1782: Esteem for your talents and acquirements is a sentiment which, from my earliest acquaintance with you, dear Vis- count, I have shared in common with all those who have the happiness of knowing you; but a better knowledge of your character has given it, in my eyes, a more intrinsic merit, and has attached me to you by a friendship founded upon quali- ties as rare as they are estimable. I cannot forbear indul- FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 253 ging this declaration, to express to you the pleasure I felt at receiving (after an inexplicable delay), the letter you were so obliging as to write me before your departure from Bos- ton. It was of that kind which is always produced by those attentions of friends we value; which, not being invited by circumstances nor necessitated by the form of Society, be- speak the warmth of the heart. At least my partiality for you makes me proud of viewing it in this light and I cherish the opinion.^ He continues in this happy vein, trusting that his friend will return. After his service here de Noailles, like La Fayette, retired to France and took the liberal side in the French Revo- lution, but was finally obliged to flee from the blood-thirsty sans-culottes, leaving his wife, who was afterward guillotined in 1794, together with his father and mother. He came to the United States a second time in that year, and for a time entered into business, being with Bingham & Co., the bankers of Philadelphia, and speculated so successfully that he ac- quired a large fortune. He again re-entered the French service and went to Santo Domingo, and afterward to Cuba, where, in an action between his ship and an English man-of- war, he was killed. During his stay in Philadelphia he saw Hamilton frequently, and their old friendship was renewed. Another army friend was General Nathaniel Greene, who was president of the court of inquiry in the Andre case. After his death, Hamilton's enemies even alleged that the latter was guilty of malfeasance during the time he was Sec- retary of the Treasury in looking after the affairs of his dead friend, and had helped his widow out of the public funds. Greene, too, like Hamilton, at another time was assailed by the friends of Gates to whose command he succeeded. With Richard K. Meade, who was also an aide-de-camp to Washington with Hamilton, there existed a close intimacy 1 "Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol I, p. 314. 254 ALEXANDER HAMILTON which was participated in by Mrs. Hamilton, and the Schuy- lers as well, and the appended extract from one of his letters is an indication of their affectionate relationship : I have explained to you the difficulties I met with in obtain- ing a command last campaign. I thought it incompatible with the delicacy due to myself to make any application this campaign. I have expressed this sentiment in a letter to the General, and, retaining my rank only, have relinquished the emoluments of my commission, declaring myself, not- withstanding, ready at all times to obey the calls of the pub- lic. I do not expect to hear any of these, unless the state of our affairs should change for the worse; and lest, by any unforeseen accident that should happen, I choose to keep myself in a situation again to contribute my aid. This prevents a total resignation. Truly, my dear Meade, I often regret that fortune has cast our residence at such a distance from each other. It would be a serious addition to my happiness if we lived where I could see you every day; but fate has determined it other- wise. I am a little hurried, and can only repeat, in addi- tion, that you will present me most affectionately to Mrs. Meade, and believe me to be, with the warmest and most unalterable friendship, . . . It must almost appear as if Hamilton was either unaware of Talleyrand's true character, or cultivated him because of his many agreeable qualities, for it cannot be denied that, despite his absolutely unpardonable immoralities, he had an extraordinary fascination.* Then again, there was a sense of all that was humorous in all he did, whether in getting the best of dull-witted and pompous commissioners, or hoodwinking his less astute fellow conspirators. No one who has read his memoirs can help secretly admiring a cer- * The reader should consult Stewarton's extraordinary memoirs of Talleyrand, which are evidently a true though prejudiced account of the life of the Bishop of Autun. The more recently published memoirs are of doubtful authenticity. PRLNXE CHARLES MAURICE DE TALLEYRAND-PERK ajRl) FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 255 tain intense mental force and cleverness, as well as a faculty for escaping from danger; but it must be confessed that it is often the same amusement and admiration that one feels after reading the story of Jonathan Wild, or those of the other heroes of the Newgate Calendar. Talleyrand came to America in 1794, after making himself so disagreeable in England that he was obliged to shift the scene of his activity to the United States, in which country the influence of the French Republic and the effrontery of Citizen Genet were being felt; thanks to the temporary co-operation of Thomas Jefferson; after a brief stay he returned to make fresh mischief with a new party in France. His stay in Philadelphia was characterized by conduct so scandalous as to shock Pontgibaud * and his other coun- trymen, for his open immoralities and behavior with a woman of color (probably Madame Grand) led to much gossip. Nevertheless he took great interest in all public affairs of the new country, and was busy as well in scientific work, and by his eloquence and charm made many friends who were disposed to overlook his foibles. Hamilton, who always respected brains, became, in a way, attached to him. Talleyrand was an agreeable Lucifer, and it was he who said that r)o one who had not lived before 1789 in France had any idea of the *' charm of life." He had known all the delightful great men and women of France and England in his day, and, therefore, was certainly a competent critic. He liked the youngst2Ltesm3.n a.nd ssLidofhimy^' J e consid^re N apoleon, Fox et Hamilton comme les trots plus gratjJs hommes de noire epoque, etsijedevaismeprononcerentrelestrois,]edonneraissanshesiter la premiire place h Hamilton. II avait devine I'Europe." ^ ' A French volunteer of the War of Independence. " The Chevalier de Pontgi- baud." J. W. Bouton & Co., New York, 1897. ^ "Etudes sur la Republique." 256 ALEXANDER HAMILTON That he had, sometimes, a strong and more tender feeling is evinced by the inscription upon the back of the picture of Hamilton that he later returned, which was, "You were ap- preciated. He loved you and you loved him." Hamilton seems to have kept up his pleasant relations with Talley- rand until shortly before his death, for, on March 25, 1804, he wrote to the latter in regard to a cousin Alexander, who had been imprisoned in Paris, and who was then on parole, asking certain privileges for the latter. The affection felt for him by the members of his wife's family appears everywhere in a great mass of correspond- ence now before me. One of his warmest admirers was his father-in-law, who was of middle age when the young sol- dier married his second daughter in 1780.^ He certainly supplied the qualities lacking in Hamilton's own father, and added to them the jealous pride of a rugged veteran. During the time Hamilton was thrown so much into contact with him at Morristown, and until the very end of his life, there was a delightful intimacy between them, both in the field and when they were engaged in the conduct of public affairs, which crops out in all of General Schuyler's letters. Hamilton's success was Schuyler's very own, and his disap- pointments were shared by the affectionate, proud old man, who took up the cudgels and berated Jefferson and all the others whenever he got a chance. Hamilton's overwork brought its penalty, for, at times, his condition was such as to alarm his friends, yet he, as a rule, rarely succumbed. Nothing can be more solicitous than the following, written at a time when he was not only busily engaged in practising law, but organizing the new army, and effecting a number of far-reaching public reforms and im- provements : ' See chapter V. FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 257 General Philip Schuyler to his daughter Albany, February ist, 1799. My dearly beloved Eliza: I am deeply affected to learn that my beloved Hamilton is so much indisposed. Too great an application to business and too little bodily excercise have probably been the cause of his disorders, immersed as he is in business, and his mind constantly employed he will forget to take that excercise, and those precautions which are indispensable to his restoration. You must therefore, my Dear Child, order his horse every fair day, that he may ride out, and draw him as frequently from his closet as possi- ble. Keep me advised my Dear Child continually of his state of health. If that should happily be true, try to prevail on him to quit the busy scene he is in, and to pay us a visit accompanied by you. The journey will be of service to him, and I shall experience the best of pleasures in embracing children so dear to me. Embrace my Dear Hamilton and your children for me. All here unite in love to you, to him and them. God bless you my Amiable and Dear Child. Ever most tenderly and affectionately Yours Ph. Schuyler. He wrote to his daughter in 1795, regarding his young son, who was an inmate of Hamilton's household, as follows : "I have urged him [Philip] to copy your amiable husband as where he will see sense, virtue and good manners com- bined, which will endear him to all." Hamilton's sister-in-law Angelica, as has been said, was an active correspondent, and wrote upon every possible occasion. Shortly before the arrival of Talleyrand she sent the following letter from England to prepare for his recep- tion: 258 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton London, Feh. 4, '94. I recommend to your most particular care and attention, my dear and kind Elisa, my friends, Messieurs de Tallyrand and de Beaumetz; make our country agreeable to them as far as it is in your power (and your influence is very ex- tensive). Console them by your hospitality and the image of your domestic happiness and virtues, for all that they have suffered in the cause of moderate Liberty; and you will be gratified, my dear Eliza, by rendering them services when by so doing you are also prompting the requests of your own Angelica. I have for these persons the most sincere friendship. To your care, dear Eliza I commit these interesting strangers, they are a loan I make you, till I return to America, not to reclaim my friends entirely, but to share their society with you and dear Alexander, the amiable. Speak of these gentlemen as members of the Constituent Assembly, as friends of La Fayette, and of good government, and who left their country when anarchy and cruelty pre- vailed. If I have any influence with Americans who have been in England, let them shew the sense they entertain of it, by re- ceiving well my friends, whoever cultivates their intimacy will thank me for giving them such valuable acquaintances. A few weeks later she wrote to Mrs. Hamilton: Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton London, February 27, 1794. Monsieur de Tallyrand being detained, my dear Eliza, a week longer than he expected has given me time to finish your handkerchief which may be worn either on the head or neck, the other two I beg you will send to Peggy and Corneha.^ ' Her sisters, Margaret and Cornelia Schuyler, who became Mrs. Stephen van Rensselaer and Mrs. Washington Morton. FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 259 It is an age since I have heard from you, pray write me news and tell me if I may hope for peace. Mr. Jefferson is said to be on his voyage to France, You will see by my last letter in how particular a manner I have requested your attention for my friend, I am sorry that you cannot speak French, or Mr. Talleyrand English, that you might con- verse with him, as he is extremely agreeable, and very much improves on acquaintance; he is of one of the most ancient families in France and has been a Bishop and possesses a large fortune and now obliged by the order of this court to leave England. I wish that they would oblige me to go to America for the time is not yet fixed. Adieu my dear sister. Very affectionately yours, A. Church. Did Mrs. Bache* send you a hat with purple ribband and a cap. I wish to know as she has not written me a line. Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton London, July 30, 1794. I have a letter my dear Eliza from my worthy friend M. de Talleyrand who expresses to me his gratitude for an in- troduction to you and my Amiahle, by my Amiable you know that I mean your Husband, for I love him very much and if you were as generous as the old Romans, you would lend him to me for a little while, but do not be jealous, my dear Eliza, since I am more solicitous to promote his laud- able ambition, than any person in the world, and there is no summit of true glory which I do not desire he may attain; provided always that he pleases to give me a little chit-chat, and sometimes to say, I wish our dear Angelica was here. Tallyrand and Beaumetz write in raptures to all their friends of your kindness, and Colonel Hamilton's abilities and manners, and I receive innumerable comphments on his and your account. * The only daughter of Benjamin Franklin, who married Richard Bache, who succeeded Dr. Franklin as Postmaster-General. 26o ALEXANDER HAMILTON Ah! Bess! you were a lucky girl to get so clever and so good a companion. Mr. Jay^ has been perfectly well received at Court and by the Ministers, as yet no material business is done. The people are anxious for a peace with America, and the allied armies are beat out of Flanders and on the Rhine. These circumstances may determine the Minister to be just and wise. Mr. Jay dined with Mr. Fox^ at our house a few days after his arrival. Mr. Morris^ is building a palace, do you think Monsieur I'Enfant* would send me a drawing of it ? Merely from cu- riosity, for one wishes to see the plan of a house which it is said, will cost, when furnished ;^40,ooo Sterling. This house was built by Robert Morris, in Philadelphia, after he had resigned his office and begun his land specula- tions. It was an enormous palace designed by Major I'Enfant, and was afterward known as "Morris's Folly." At the time it was begun Morris was regarded as the richest man in the United States, but through reckless plunging and speculation, lost all his money and was arrested and con- fined in the debtor's prison for several years. Through the grandiose and impractical plan of I'Enfant and the under- estimation of the cost, Morris could not meet the demands upon him. His schemes were almost like those of an in- sane man, and he never occupied the gigantic building which was erected in a square bounded by Walnut and Chestnut, Seventh and Eighth Streets, for it was not finished. It is said that he even imported shiplpads of costly furniture, one vessel bringing five thousand guineas' worth of mirrors. Much has been said about Hamilton's relations with Wash- ' John Jay, then engaged in arranging the treaty with Great Britain. ^ Charles James Fox. ^ Robert Morris, financier and signer of the Declaration of Independence. * Major Pierre Charles I'Enfant, the distinguished French architect, who after- ward designed the plan of the city of Washington. FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 261 ington, and the absence of any deep friendship between the two, and OHver has gone so far as to observe that in not one of the former's writings is there any eulogy or even marked praise of his great commander. Sumner makes this same assertion, and brief excerpts of letters are reproduced, the impression being that there was a stiffness and coldness, not to say a formality in his corre- spondence with the former which indicated a lack of at- tachment, and no very great admiration. These accusations I am sure are unjust, for in the letter to Mrs. Washington written after the death of th.e first Presi- dent, there is much that is genuine, and in his letters to Washington during his lifetime he nearly always signed him- self "Yours affectionately," in those that were personal. A great deal has been made of the circumstances attending Hamilton's resignation as a member of Washington's mili- tary family, and it must be conceded that the letters he wrote to his father-in-law. General Schuyler, and McHenry are not only in bad taste, but he makes use of certain expressions which voice his short-lived anger; this, however, must be set down to his extreme youth, and some of it to the fact that he had been more or less flattered and his head, for the time, turned.^ Like many other men, his subsequent conduct would almost look as if he had been ashamed of himself, for he plunged at once into more active military service, and per- ' In a letter to McHenry he voices his grievances. His wounded dignity was the result of a reprimand from Washington because he stopped to speak to Lafayette upon the stairs, and kept his chief waiting. " I have, Dear Mac, several of your letters. I shall soon have time enough to write my friends as often as they please. The Great man and I have come to an open rupture. Proposals of accomoda- tion have been made on his part, but rejected. I pledge my honor to you that he will find me inflexible. He shall for once at least repent his ill-humor. Without a shadow of reason and on the slightest grounds — he charged me in the most af- frontive manner with treating him with disrespect. I answered very decisively * Sir, I am not conscious of it, but since you have thought it necessary to tell me, 262 ALEXANDER HAMILTON formed an act of loyal devotion which he knew would be approved by his old commander when he made a brilliant assault upon the enemy's works at Yorktown. Before doing this he wrote to Washington as follows in 1781: "It has be- come necessary to me to apply to your Excellency to know in what manner you forsee you will be able to employ me in the ensuing campaign. I am ready to enter into activity whenever you think proper." All of his subsequent relations with Washington were intimate and affectionate, and their private letters to each other show that they must have been so much in accord as to exclude any real coolness of feeling. Forgiving and gen- erous as Washington always was, he probably felt little or no resentment toward Hamilton for his hasty action in parting from him in a manner more befitting a spoiled boy than a gallant and useful soldier, and he ever afterward relied upon his former aid, even to the extent of getting his assistance in the preparation of his Farewell Address. It would hardly seem from the following that any of Hamilton's early resentment, and want of appreciation of Washington's kindness had survived. so we part!' I wait till more help arrives, at present there is besides myself only Tilghman, who is just recovering from a fit of illness, the consequence of too close application to business. We have often spoken freely our sentiments to each other. Except to a very few friends our difference will be a secret, therefore be silent. I shall continue to support a popularity that has been essential — is still useful. Adieu my friend. May the time come when characters may be Known in their true light. Madame sends her friendship to you. A. H." FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 263 Alexander Hamilton to Washington New York, August 28, 1797/ My dear Sir: The receipt two days since of your letter of the 2 1 St instant gave me sincere pleasure. The token of your regard which it announces is very precious to me, and will always be remembered as it ought to be. Mrs. Hamilton has lately added another boy to our stock; she and the child are both well. She desires to be affectionately remembered to Mrs. Washington and yourself. We have nothing new here more than our papers contain, but are anxiously looking forward to a further development of the negotiations in Europe, with an ardent desire for general accommodation. It is at the same time agreeable to observe that the public mind is adopting more and more sentiments truly American, and free from foreign tincture. I beg my best respects to Mrs. Washington. James McHenry, Secretary of War during Adams's ad- ministration, was one of Hamilton's most loving friends. During the early operations of the army he saw a great deal of the latter, and there was much that was jocular and breezy in their conversation and correspondence. In after years this relation was more staid, but just as affectionate. In 1795, after Hamilton's retirement, McHenry wrote, "Though not writing I have not ceased to love you, nor for a moment felt any abatement of my friendship." ^ At an earlier period, when Hamilton was but twenty-six, McHenry wrote, that if he were ten years older and twenty thousand pounds richer, he (Hamilton) might have the highest office in the gift of Congress, and added: Cautious men think you sometimes intemperate, but seldom visionary. . . . Bold designs, measures calculated 1 "Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. V, p. 623. ^ "Life and Correspondence of James McHenry." 264 ALEXANDER HAMILTON for their rapid execution — a wisdom that would convince from its own weight, a project that would surprise the people into greater happiness, without giving them an opportunity to view it and reject it — are not adapted to a council com- posed of discordant materials or to a people which have 13 heads, each of which pays superstitious adorations to in- ferior divinities. Upon the occasion of a slight difference regarding the ap- pointment of a candidate recommended by McHenry, the latter waited until Hamilton's retirement from office and wrote : You see how well I have persevered in this determination, and that it is only now, when I can have nothing to expect, and nothing to give, that I recall you to the remembrance of our early union and friendship. It is during this period, my dear Hamilton, that you will find unequivocal instances of the disinterested friendship I feel for you and which ought to convince you, how well I am entitled to a full return of yours. The tempest weathered and landed on the same shore, I may now congratulate you upon having established a system of credit and having conducted the affairs of our country upon principles and reasoning, which ought to in- sure its immortality, as it undoubtedly will your fame. Few public men have been so eminently fortunate, as volun- tarily to leave so high a station with such a character and so well assured a reputation and still fewer have so well deserved the gratitude of their country and the eulogiums of history. Let this console you for past toils and pains, and reconcile you to humble pleasures and a private life. What remains for you, having ensured fame, but to ensure felicity. Look for it in the moderate pursuit of your profession, or if public life still flatters, in that office most congenial to it and which will not withdraw you from those literary objects that re- quire no violent waste of spirits and those Httle plans that in- volve gentler exercise and which you can drop or indulge in without injury to your family. I have built houses. I have FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 265 cultivated fields. I have planned gardens. I have planted trees. I have written little essays. I have made poetry once a year to please my wife, at times got children and, at all times, thought myself happy. Why cannot you do the same ? for after all, if a man is only to acquire fame or distinction by continued privations and abuse, I would incline to prefer a life of privacy and little pleasures. Before the war McHenry studied medicine under Dr. Benjamin Rush, of Philadelphia, and entered the army as a surgeon, but it was not long before he gave up his calling and became an aide to General Washington. He certainly took an unusual interest in the health of his friend Hamilton, and prescribed for him. According to his biographer, this was about the last professional duty that he performed, and fol- lowed shortly after his transfer, as he had been made prisoner by the British. Some of the advice given by the Revolutionary doctor would not be out of place to-day, and the directions regarding his friend's very unromantic dis- order are the following: In order to get rid of some of your present accumulations, you will be pleased to take the pills agreeable to the directions; and to prevent future accumulations observe the follow- ing table of diet. This will have a tendency also to correct your wit. I would advise for your breakfast two cups of tea sweetened with brown sugar and colored with about a tea- spoonful of milk. I prefer brown sugar to loaf because it is more laxative. And I forbid the free use of milk until your stomach recovers its natural powers. At present you would feel less uneasiness in digesting a round of beef than a pint of milk. You will not drink your tea just as it comes out of the pot; let it have time to cool. The astringuency of the tea is more than counter balanced by the relaxing quality of hot water. 266 ALEXANDER HAMILTON For your dinner let me recommend about six ounces of beef or mutton, either boiled or roasted, with eight or ten ounces of bread. Cut the meat from the tenderest part with little or no fat. Use the natural juice, but no rancid oily gravy whatsoever. For some time I would prefer the beef, because it contains more of a natural animal stimulus than mutton. Once or twice a week, you may indulge in a thin slice of ham. Your best condiment will be salt. You must not eat as many vegitables as you please — a load of vegitables is as hurtful as a load of any other food. Besides the absurdity of crowding in a heap of discordant vegitables with a large quantity of meat is too much of itself for the digestive powers. You may eat a few potatoes every day. Water is the most general solvent the kindliest and the best assistance in the process of digestion. I would therefore advise it for your table drink. When you indulge in wine let it be sparingly. Never go beyond three glasses — but by no means every day. I strictly forbid all eatables which I do not mention, prin- cipally because a formula of diet for your case should be simple and short. Should this table be strictly observed, it will soon become of little use, because you will have re- covered that degree of health which is compatable with the nature of your constitution. You will then be your own councellor in diet for the man who has had ten years expe- rience in eating and its consequences is a fool if he does not know how to choose his dishes better than his Doctor. But in case you should fall into a debauch — you must next day have recourse to the pills. I hope however that you will not have recourse to them often. The great Paracelsus trusted to his pills to destroy the effects of intemperance — but he died if I forget not about the age of 30 notwithstanding his pills. Lewis Cornare the Italian was wiser — he trusted to an egg, and I think lived to about ninety. Hamilton's accounts show that he lived well, and that his bills for wine during the time he stayed in New York reached goodly proportions, but he probably did not ex- FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 267 ceed his friend's prescription, for his life appears to have been well-regulated and comparatively abstemious. It would be gratifying to know whether he would have lived to a ripe old age had his life not been snuffed out by the bullet of Burr. His children were all examples of longevity, for several were over eighty when they succumbed to ordinary senile con- ditions, and two were more than ninety. This vitality, however, might have been influenced by their mother, who was ninety-seven when she died. I have alluded to other friends, many of whom were iden- tified with his later life. These included his own medical advisers. Doctors Samuel Bard and David Hosack, the former of whom brought several of his children, including the first Philip, into the world, and who continued to take care of Hamilton until the end of his life. He was the son of Dr. John Bard, who had been associated with Dr. Peter Middleton, who, in 1750, made the first dissection recorded in this country. He was a graduate of the University of Edinburgh, and began the practice of his profession in America in 1765. Dr. Hosack was present at the duel with Burr, and he and Dr. Post were with Hamilton when he died. Among other intimates were Gouverneur Morris, Rufus King, Nicholas Fish, Egbert Benson, John Laurance, Brockholst Livingston, Richard Peters, Robert Troup, Wil- liam Duer, Richard Varick, Oliver Wolcott, William Seton, Charles Wilkes, Matthew Clarkson, Richard Harrison, Elias Boudinot, Thomas Cooper, Caleb Gibbs, William Bayard, Timothy Pickering, and James Kent. Some of these men were associated with him in the army, and during the years he was in Congress and in the Treasury, and others were constantly engaged at the same time in the courts. So closely were his professional and public life 268 ALEXANDER HAMILTON connected, that we find his correspondence filled with all manner of subjects, and it is common for letters to open with an appeal to him for legal aid, and to end with some reference to politics. Gouverneur Morris, it is quite evident, always entertained a grudge against Hamilton for his summing up and retort in the Le Guen case,* for Morris appears to have been very vulnerable to sarcasm, as he was a conceited, though great, man. He, however, manifested much kindness of heart when allowed to manage other people's affairs, and was perfectly amiable and often went to great lengths to help others. He was about five years Hamilton's senior, was licensed to practise law, and had much to do with the con- duct of the financial affairs of the country, and the prepa- ration and framing of the Constitution. Rufus King, who was the first person in the United States to seriously advocate the abolition of slavery, proposed, in 1785, an act of Congress for that purpose. Negro slavery, however, seems to have been quite general, and it was not until 1799 that there was special legislation in New York, which made all children free that were born in that State after July of that year, though they were to remain with the owner, the men till they were twenty-eight years and the women till they were twenty-five. It has been stated that Hamilton never owned a negro slave, but this is untrue. We find that in his books there are entries showing that he purchased them for himself and for others.^ Rufus King and General Schuyler were representatives of New York in the national Senate in 1789. Under the new Constitution King was also American Minister to Great Britain, from 1798-18 14, and again, for a short time, in ^ See "Hamilton as a Lawyer," chapters VI and VII. " E. g., 1796. Cash to N. Low 2 negro servants purchased by him forme, $250. (Hamilton expense-book.) FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 269 1825, and both Schuyler and Hamilton relied upon him as an able and powerful Federalist. Egbert Benson, the first Attorney-General for the State of New York, was a remarkably clear-headed lawyer. He had been previously a member of the Committee of Safety, and later was one of the three commissioners who were to su- pervise the emigration of Tories from New York to Nova Scotia, and was concerned in fixing the boundary line be- tween the United States and British territory. He was looked upon as an important person, and with Hamilton settled many disputed points during the post- Revolutionary period. David Howell * wrote from Halifax, August 31, 1796, to Hamilton: Sir: Col. Barclay and myself after 7 or 8 days canvassing have agreed upon the Hon. Egbert Benson of New York as 3rd Commiss, As he is your friend as well as ours, let me request your influence with him to accept this appointment. We shall never agree with any other person. The alternative is not very promising nor likely to prove satisfactory to either country. I hope your State will suspend their claims on Mr. Benson only for a few weeks this fall — the cause. Col. Barclay and myself have agreed shall be tried in the City of N. York. As you delight in doing public services, I assure myself of your attention to the object of this letter. I need only add that when I parted with you, I requested you to consult Mr. Benson and to write me whether he would accept or not, and that from your silence I had some reason to hope he would accept. With great esteem and in haste, I am Your Very obt. Sert. Hon. A. Hamilton. David Howell. 'David Howell (1747-1826) was professor of mathematics and law at Brown University from 1 790-1824, and judge of the Superior Court. He was an authority on international law. 270 ALEXANDER HAMILTON The Henry Barclay referred to in Howell's letter gradu- ated at King's College, and studied law under John Jay, and was a son of the Rector of Trinity Church before the Revolution, but sided with the British, and after the war escaped, with his family, to Nova Scotia. After Jay's treaty, he was appointed one of the Commissioners in behalf of Great Britain. Benson was in the Continental Congress from 1789- 1794, and in the new Congress from 1 789-1 793, and from 1813-1815. He was judge of the New York Supreme Court, and of the United States Circuit Court, from 1794- 1801. John Laurance, who had been an aide to Washington, was in Congress and a State senator as well for many years. He was also a judge of the United States District Court of New York, from 1794-1796, and afterward of the Supreme Court of the United States from 1796- 1800. Brockholst Livingston had been on General Schuyler's staff, after Jay's mission to the Spanish Court, whither he also went, became a prominent lawyer and ultimately judge of the Supreme Court of New York. He, too, fre- quently appeared with Hamilton in court, and usually on the same side. Both he and Jonathan Dayton went to school with Hamilton at Elizabethtown. The witty Richard Peters, after a long and honorable service in the army, and after winning distinction as an admiralty lawyer, became United States District Judge of the Pennsylvania Court from 1789 until his death. He was a curious, inventive genius, and dabbled to some extent in chemistry. He it was who introduced gypsum for agricul- tural purposes, and the writer is in possession of a letter con- taining his suggestion for the manufacture of india ink from lamp-black. His intercourse with Hamilton was most in- FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 271 timate, and as he was a great deal oi 2i farceur^ his letters are filled with evidence of this spirit. Pickering, who was Secretary of State from 1795- 1800, took an active part in the obstinate fight of the Federalists against Burr, and espoused Hamilton's side in his difference with Adams. Oliver Wolcott was with Hamilton at the time of his death, and his two pathetic letters to his wife, describing the events, are published elsewhere. He took an active part in national affairs, and especially in those of Connecticut, his native State, where he was lieutenant-governor for ten years. Hamilton always turned to him in his political troubles, and he was sympathetic, and resourceful in his advice. Robert Troup, who graduated at King's College at about the time Hamilton entered, seems to have been the f,dus Achateso^xhe latter, and many were the actions in which they were associated, Hamilton usually being the counsel. There was probably no more attached friend than Troup, and he was always ready to champion the cause of Hamilton, who was exactly his own age. Troup was made a judge of the United States Circuit Court of New York, and had much to do with the land affairs of the great Pulteney estate, the territory which was purchased from Robert Morris, who afterward had reason to regret the sale. William Duer was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury under Hamilton, and had been Secretary of the Financial Board under Robert Morris. He, too, had been actively engaged in public affairs, and was one of the committee who drafted the first constitution of the State of New York. He married Lady Kitty, daughter of Lord Stirling, in 1779, when he was an army officer at Morristown, and was very intimate with Hamilton and his other friends. Duer, like many others, later not only became involved in unfortunate speculations, 272 ALEXANDER HAMILTON but gambled with the pubHc funds. This led to his ruin and incarceration by his creditors. From all accounts he ap- pears always to have been a lovable man and, notwith- standing his irregularities, was the recipient of much sym- pathy. His downfall was a sad one, and his treatment of Pintard, a young broker who trusted him and was ruined thereby, was highly discreditable to Duer. After his failure he was immediately sued by a number of angry people. When he attempted to make restitution, it was found that his bank stock could not be converted into cash, and his land could not be disposed of because of the panicky nature of the times. Hamilton had done his best to help him get financial assistance from Mr. Willing, the banker of Phila- delphia, but the latter replied that he could do nothing. The crash came, and in his distress Duer wrote to Hamilton: William Duer to Alexander Hamilton New York, March i8th, 1792. My dear Friend: I find by a letter from Col'l. Wads- worth that news has arrived there of my having suspended payment. The fact is that I have been compelled to do it, with Respect to a certain Description of Notes, which were issued by my agent* during my absence from this City — the Cir- cumstances are too long and too painful to detail — : You shall know them on my arrival in Phila. for which Place I will certainly set off to-morrow — : Col'l. Wadsworth writes me that unless I arrive this day — a suit will Certainly be brought against me. For Heavens Sake! Use for once your Influence to defer this till my arrival — when it will not be necessary — My Public Transactions are not blended with my private aff'airs. Every Farthing will be Immediately accounted for. Of this I pledge my Honor. If a suit should be brought on the Part of the Public, — under my present distrest Circumstances — * John Pintard. FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 273 my Ruin is complete. I despatch this by Express — in order that this step may not be taken — if it is I am sure that those who pursue this Measure will in a short time lament the Consequences. I am your affectionate but distrest Friend ttt t-. W. UUER. Hamilton devoted himself to the cause of his old comrade, and wrote to one of the creditors the following letter : ^ Alexander Hamilton to Dear Sir: Poor Duer has now had a long and severe con- finement such as would be adequate punishment for no trifling crime. I am well aware of all the blame to which he is liable, and do not mean to be his apologist, though I believe he has been as much the dupe of his own imagination as others have been the victims of his projects. But what then } He is a man — he is a man with whom we have both been in habits of friendly intimacy. He is a man who, with a great deal of good zeal, in critical times, rendered valuable services to the country. He is a husband who has a most worthy and amiable wife, perishing with chagrin at his situation, — your relative and mine. He is a father, who has a number of fine children, destitute of the means of education and sup- port, every way in need of his future exertions. These are titles to sympathy which I shall be mistaken if you do not feel. You are his creditor, your example may influence others. He wants permission through a letter of license, freely to breathe the air for five years. Your signature to the inclosed draft of one, will give me much pleasure. Your ob't Serv't, ^ Hamilton. It was at the house of William Bayard that Hamilton died, for he and his family had always been intimate friends of ' Hamilton's "Reminiscences," p. 5. 274 ALEXANDER HAMILTON the former. Bayard was a member of the firm of Bayard, LeRoy & McEvers, and had long been a client of Hamilton. Charles Wilkes was the president of the Bank of New York, for which Hamilton acted as counsel, and after the death of the latter Wilkes was one of those who made provision for his family. It is somewhat surprising to find that the early friendship that existed between Hamilton and Edward Stevens led to no greater intimacy in later life. Stevens was one of the few friends who did not particularly distinguish himself, and about whom little is heard. He grew up to be a worthy doctor, but was a negative character, and his sole public ser- vice was rendered in a consulship to Hayti. The letters that passed between the two were of the most formal character, and there is no display of extraordinary interest in any of them, despite the promising beginning. During Hamilton's attachment to Washington's staflF he was thrown much into contact with Caleb Gibbs, who was not only the commander of the Life Guard of Washington, but in a way was major domo of the President's household, where he remained in command until the end of 1779. In this connection reference may be made to the troubles of the latter. Chastellux, in speaking of his visit to Boston, refers to one John Tracy, who had strange vicissitudes of fortune in the early part of the war. At the end of 1777 he and his brother, who held letters of marque, had lost forty-one ships and were about to give up business, when a prize entered Boston Harbor which was worth about ^35,000 sterling. With this windfall their fortunes changed, so that at the time of the visit of the Frenchman John Tracy was worth ;^i 20,000. He gave ;{^5,ooo to the State of Massachusetts, but his rev- enues were subsequently greatly diminished, and his taxes amounted to ;^6,ooo a year — an enormous sum. FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 275 It is quite probable that the tide of his good fortune ulti- mately changed, for the following letter would show that he lost, not only his own money, but that of others, among them the funds of Gibbs who wrote to Hamilton, who had evi- dently befriended him and given him legal advice. Barre, May i6th, 1791. My best friend: I have been honored by your much es- teemed favour of the 20th ulto. With the most pungent grief did I read your letter respect- ing Mr. Tracy's affairs; it is too much for me to relate. Nay My good Hamilton (excuse the freedom) it fairly unnerved me, and what is still more affecting to me to see my amiable wife looking over the letter and exclaiming "is it possible, is it possible Mr. Gibbs that you have lost that hard earned money you friendly lent that wicked man" — indeed my friend it was too much for her to bear, and more particularly so considering her situation; we have been almost ever since in a state of dispair — for I have all along held up to her the Idea, that there was hopes of recovering my property more espe- cially as we thought it was in your hands — but now forever lost — not only so but good money which I borrowed of you to bear my expenses thrown away in pursuit of what he owes me, and God only knows when I shall be able to pay you. Pray for God's sake my friend speak to the President for me, — the Surveyorship of the Port of Boston is now vacant, cannot you befriend me — Every one who knows ( & I know you do) that the great economy used in the Expenditures of the General's family was in a very great degree owing to me — Speak peace to me, drop but one drop of the balm of Com- fort & Consolation. If I am worthy of another line from you give me it as a Comforter. I pray God to preserve you & believe me yours devotedly C. Gibbs. Something has been said of Hamilton's difficulties, and the manner in which he contrived to bring upon his own 276 ALEXANDER HAMILTON head the wrath of many persons with whom he was officially thrown into contact. Political differences were even more bitter than to-day, and as has been shown in a previous chap- ter, scurrilous abuse was quite as pungent and intolerable. Sumner^ says: "One of his most remarkable traits con- trasting in the strongest manner with his contemporaries, was his fearlessness of responsibility. If he went upon that principle, he was sure to bear the brunt of every contest, pro- voked by his enterprises; and as he was always in the ad- vance of other people, he was sure to excite their wonder, doubt and suspicion by his enterprises." "Hamilton's methods were calculated to raise against him- self very bitter opposition. He forced every issue in its most direct form. His fearlessness, openness, and directness turned rivals into enemies, irritated smaller men, and aroused their malicious desire to pull him down. At the same time, by the mass he was not understood, and in them he inspired a vague sense of alienation and distrust." Some of this was because, as he once announced, he held popular opinion of no value — which is all in a way very true, but, as has been said, "It may have no value, but a statesman must notice that it has power." This feeling caused him many a bitter moment, and upon various occasions he was quick to recognize the dissatisfaction which attended the disintegration of his own party, and the se- cession of those who did not approve of his vigorous methods. The attacks upon him were, perhaps, more bitter from the time he retired from public office until his death than at any other, and the various projects which he believed could be successfully carried out were assailed on all sides. Madison, who had been his coadjutor in the preparation of the Federalist, he believed to have turned against him, ' Op. cit, p. 228. FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 277 and so stated in a letter to Carrington in 1792. Jefferson was always jealous and inimical, and lost no chance either secretly or openly to try to undermine his popular rival, although he was forced to admit the latter's greatness. His objection to the funding system and the establishment of the bank were very decided and were carried out with the assist- ance of Freneau, the editor of a newspaper to which refer- ence has been made. Hamilton seems to have been in a constant broil with many of these people, and it is a wonder how he could have kept his peace of mind and self-control, smarting as he did under the assaults, not only of Jefferson, but even of Thomas Paine, whose methods were those that had, in 1793, found so much favor with the violent National Convention. So bitter was the fight between Hamilton and Jefferson, and so far-reaching the possibilities of public demoralization, that Washington was obliged to make peace between the two, although his sympathies were clearly with Hamilton. It would seem as if there was no limit to the abuse poured out by Callendar,* Bache,^ and his colleagues, they being egged on by Jefferson, and this led to a celebrated libel suit in which Hamilton ap- peared (the Croswell case), and was, in measure, based upon the outrageous abuse of Washington. General Schuyler wrote from Albany August 19, 1802, to Hamilton: "If Mr. Jefferson has really encouraged that wretch Callendar to vent his calumny against you and his ' John Thomas Callendar was banished from Great Britain for seditious writ- ings, and came to Philadelphia in 1794. He published various scurrilous sheets, among them the Political Register, the American Annual Register, and the Rich- mond Recorder. He also was the author of the "Prospect of the United States," 1797, and "History of New York," in 1796. He violently assailed Washington, Hamilton, and others, for a time finding favor with Jefferson, but was ultimately repudiated by the latter, though only after he had attacked him. - B. F. Bache, a grandson of Wm. Franklin, who published the Aurora General Advertiser. (See chapter iii.) 278 ALEXANDER HAMILTON predecessors in office, the head of the former must be abom- inably wicked and weak, I feel for the reputation of my Country which must suffer, when its citizens can be brought to elevate such a character to the first office of the republic. May indulgent heaven avert the evil with which we are threat- ened from such a ruler and the miscreants who guide his councils. Adieu My Dear Sir. May you enjoy health and happiness and that peace of mind which results from a rec- titude of conduct." John Adams, on one occasion, spoke of Hamilton as "the bastard brat of a Scotch pedlar," and accused him of any amount of vile things. Callendar even intimated that Hamilton regretted that the insurgents (during the Whiskey Rebellion) did not burn Pittsburg in 1794, and called him Caligula and Alva, and spread the often-repeated story that seemed to have been the chief stock in trade of his many calumniators that he was constantly attempting the estab- lishment of a monarchy. One of Hamilton's most venomous opponents was Wil- liam Maclay, who was a United States senator from Pennsyl- vania between 1 789-1 791. At an early stage of his political career he broke with the Federalists, and never ceased, thereafter, to speak of them all in a contemptuous manner. None were free from his shafts, and his unexpurgated jour- nal ^ has no equal as a vituperative masterpiece. His only friend for a time seems to have been Robert Morris, but later he turned upon him. He spoke of Hamilton and others at a dinner he attended, as follows: *'I could not help making some remarks on our three Secretaries — Hamilton has a very boyish giddy manner, and Scotch-Irish people would ' "Journal of William Maclay, 1789-1791," edited by Edgar S. Maclay, A.M., N.Y., D. Appleton & Co., 1890. Maclay is spoken of as the original Democrat, and Jefferson merely as his successor. FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 279 call him a 'skite.' Jefferson transgresses on the extreme of stiff gentility or lofty gravity. Knox^ is the easiest man, and has the most dignity of presence. They retired at a decent time, one after another. Knox stayed longest, as indeed suited his aspect best, being more of a Bacchanalian figure." Hamilton is accused, by him, of all manner of corruption, and even of knowingly issuing Treasury certificates v^hich w^ere counterfeit. He referred constantly to Hamilton's "tools," whom he also calls "Senatorial Gladiators," and of his use of Washington as "scapegoat." The "Cincinnati" was one of his machines. Much of his enmity is of the usual kind, so characteristic of the day, as, in referring to his own efforts to get the Senate to repudiate the indebtedness of the country to foreign officers who had fought in the Revolution, "I set myself to defeat it, and happily succeeded," he said. " The consequence is, that I have all the Secretary's [Hamilton's] gladiators upon me. I have already offended Knox and all his military arrangements; I have drowned Jefferson's regards in the Potomac. Hamilton, with his host of speculators, is upon me, and they are not idle; the City hates me, and I have offended Morris, and my place must go. My peace of mind, however, shall not go, and, like a dying man, I will endeavor that my last moments be well spent." The reference to the "host of speculators" is an assumption that Hamilton's friends had bought up the claims of the French officers who had fought during the Revolution. In 1776 General Charles Lee was guilty of treacherous disobedience in refusing to re-enforce Washington, who had ordered him to make a junction with him at Hackensack. His idea was clearly to embarrass and put Washington in a false position, and to profit by his failure to prevent the British from taking Philadelphia. Not only was Lee guilty * General Knox was the Secretary of War. 28o ALEXANDER HAMILTON of rank insubordination, but he wrote to the Commander-in Chief two disrespectful and insolent letters. This led to his arrest'and court-martial, and he was sentenced to suspension from the army for one year. Hamilton and the other sup- porters of Washington were, naturally, highly indignant, and the former gave very damaging testimony at the trial. Major J. S. Eustace, one of Lee's strong friends and supporters, and a vulgar and hot-headed officer, emptied his vials of abuse in various letters to his discredited friend, and did his best to provoke Hamilton to fight a duel. Extracts from two of his letters may be produced which show the hatred felt not only by this man, but by others. Writing from Phila- delphia, November 29, to Lee he says: I met Hambleton [sic] the other day in Company with the favorite Green* the Drunkard Stirling^ and their class of at- tendants. He advanced toward me on my entering the room with presented hand. I took no notice of his polite in- tention, but sat down without bowing to him or any of the class (it happened at the Q"". M"". General's office at Morns- town) he then asked me if I was come from Camp — I say'd shortly No, without the usual application of sir, rose from my chair — left the room, and him standing before the chair. I could not treat him much more rudely — I've repeated my suspicions of his veracity on the tryall so often that I expect the s of a b will challenge me when he comes. If he does he will find me as unconcerned as he can possibly be anxious. And again he wrote to Lee : I speak of you here ope^^ly and loyally, and I give my senti- ments of your affairs, with all the warmth of a young man — tho' without the prudence of an old one. I said 'tother night I thought Colonel Hamilton was perjured — that I could con- ' General Nathaniel Greene. ^ General Lord Stirling. FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 281 vince himself of IT, by reading over the Tryall to him — and if that was not sufficient evidence, it might rest on matter of opinion, and he decided as he chose, there were several officers present but they said nothing in reply — tho' I am confident they'll tell him & I've no objections/ The involuntary praise of some of his most important an- tagonists was the greatest tribute. Jefferson called him the "Colossus of the Federalists," and upon one occasion, when Hamilton had written articles for Fenno's paper signed Mar- cellus, he wrote to Madison, informing him by whom they were produced, with the remark that they promised "much mis- chief." Madison was urged to exert himself against "this champion. You know the ingenuity of his talents, and there is not a person but yourself who can foil him. For Heaven's sake then, take up your pen and do not desert the public cause altogether." Much criticism has been indulged in, by those inimical to Hamilton, regarding a letter written by Hamilton to Gou- verneur Morris on July 27, 1802, shortly after the movement had been started to impeach several of the circuit judges by the anti-Federalists. This was at a time when the scurrilous sheets were filled with abuse of the opponents of Burr and Jefferson, and when Hamilton was well-nigh distracted by the machinations of the Democrats in his own State. "Mine is an odd destiny," he said; "perhaps no man in the United States has sacrificed or done more for the present constitu- tion than myself; and contrary to all my anticipations of its fate, as you know from the very beginning, I am still laboring to prop the frail and worthless fabric, yet I have the mur- murs of its friends no less than the curses of its foes for my reward. What can I do better than withdraw from the ' Both of these letters are printed in the N. Y. Historical Society's Collections (Lee Papers), vol. Ill, 1873. 282 ALEXANDER HAMILTON scene ? Every day proves to me more and more that this American world was not made for me." As a rule his ene- mies ignore and neglect to quote a later paragraph which is as follows: "The time may ere long arrive when the minds of men will be prepared to make an effort to recover the Con- stitution, but the many cannot now be brought to make a stand for its preservation. We must wait a while." This is almost prophetic when we consider the re-establishment of national faith in this great instrument which followed the disorderly reign of Jefferson and his followers, down to a time when civil strife led to a new order of dignity and un- swerving devotion to the original laws of our national organ- ization. CHAPTER X THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 In the fall of 1790, as has been said, Hamilton went to Philadelphia with his family, and applied himself assiduously to his financial work which had been commenced in New York. The obligations of the nation were great indeed, and consisted not only of its original indebtedness to France, but of debts incurred in the campaign of St. Clair against the Indians in the North-west, and for various other purposes. Much of his official labor was connected with two prospective foreign loans which entailed great trouble and worry, and met with unlooked-for opposition from Giles, a Virginian, whom Hamilton, however, had often befriended in the past. This man, acting upon instructions from Jefferson and his friends, did all he could in Congress to hamper Hamilton in his continued efforts to prevent the nation from becoming bankrupt, accusing him of irregular practices, and among other things, of favoritism to certain banks. Hamilton, as usual, had no trouble in thoroughly vindicat- ing himself and presenting ample documentary evidence of the perfect order of all his transactions. So that his enemies were again discomfited. About this time a new and very serious condition of affairs had to be met, for the international complications of the young republic were many. Hardly secure in her new foot- ing in the family of nations, her adjustment to the ways of her older sisters was slow and difficult. Some of this was due 283 284 ALEXANDER HAMILTON to the jealousy of the two great countries, from the control of one of which she had freed herself a few years previously, and some to the chagrin that that nation naturally felt in the apparent success of French influence. It is true that "a definitive treaty of peace and friendship between His Britannic Majesty and the United States of America was signed at Paris, the 3d day of September, 1783, in the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity," but this was ap- parently insufficient, and Great Britain had not only left much undone, but had continued, among other things, to infringe upon the rights of the emancipated colonists. John Adams had been sent abroad, had signed the first treaty of peace, and later attempted fresh negotiations with England, but he was treated discourteously, though he did all in his power to conciliate the mother country. He re- turned, however, empty-handed, without having accom- plished anything. England was not disposed to fulfil her ob- ligations in paying us for the negroes she had carried away near the close of the Revolution, and in many ways was ar- rogant and unjust. The American jingoes had no warm welcome for Mr. Adams, and a historian of the time said, "after Mr. Adams' return from England he was implicated by a large portion of his countrymen as having relinquished the Republican system, and forgotten the principles of the American revolution which he had advocated for nearly twenty years." ^ From the overthrow of Louis XVI until 1800 and later, the United States not only suffered internal dissensions, but her relations with both England and France were of the most discouraging kind. Hamilton's energies were first directed to the establishment of a more perfect reconcihation with the ' "History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution," by Mrs. Mercy Warren. Boston, 1^05. THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 285 people speaking our own tongue, and with established insti- tutions of the kind best calculated to benefit his own country. Indeed, our success and prosperity were, at an early period, attracting the attention and respect of Great Britain, and the first evidence of a tardy rapprochement was the arrival of George Hammond, who was sent as diplomatic agent to join in negotiations for a treaty. Hamilton's exertions were unremitting. He disregarded the aggression and the enemy that we and others had just defeated, for he recognized the advantages of harmonious relations with an important, rich, and powerful commercial nation. As early as 1790, both Hamilton and Adams showed that the trade regulations of Great Britain were more favorable to the United States than those of France, although the latter had been our ally. Owing to Jefferson's sympathy with the French, and his dislike of England, Hamilton's efforts at concihation and an orderly adaptation to new conditions were, with difficulty, carried on. A new and disturbing influence which made itself manifest about this time was the absolute change in our attitude toward France after her Revolution. After the War of Independence America bought freely from England, but not from France, much to the disappoint- ment of the latter. Then, again, the debt of the United States to France had been incurred at a time previous to the revolt and overthrow of the king, and it was seriously ques- tioned, even by Hamilton himself, whether the obligation should not be repudiated so far as the new government, which he never willingly recognized, was concerned. His sentiments are embodied in a paper hitherto unpub- lished which I cannot identify. It is a fragment, but was probably written at a time when great pressure was being brought by Jefferson, Paine, and others, to have the United 286 ALEXANDER HAMILTON States take up the cause of the French Republic, and estab- Hsh an entente with France. All this was and is seen, and the body of the people of America are too discerning to be long in the dark about it. Too wise to have been misled by foreign or domestic machi- nations, they adopted a constitution which was necessary to their safety and to their happiness. . . . Too wise to be ensnared by the same machinations, they will support the government they have established, and will take care of their own peace, in spite of the insidious eflForts, which are making to detach them from the one and to disturb the other. . . . The information, which the address of the Constitution contains, ought to serve as an instructive lesson to the people of this Country. It ought to teach us not to overrate /or^z^n friendships ... to be upon our guard against /or^z^w attach- ments. The former will generally be found hollow and delu- sive; the latter have a natural tendency to lead us aside from our true interest and to make us the dupe of foreign influence.^ Foreign influence is truly the Grecian horse to a republic. We cannot be too careful to exclude its entrance. Nor ought we to imagine that it can only make its approaches in the gross form of direct bribery. It is then most danger- ous, when it comes under the patronage of our passions, under the auspices of national prejudice and partiality. . . . I trust the morals of the country are yet too good to leave much to apprehend on the score of bribery. Careless con- descentions, flattery, in unison with our prepossessions, are infinitely more to be feared; and as far as there is oppor- tunity for corruption, it is to be remembered, that one foreign Power can employ this resource, as well as another, and that the effect must be much greater, where it is com- bined with the other means of influence, than where it stands alone. The observations and facts contained in this paper, while they lead to the conclusions just drawn, serve also to dem- ' They introduce a principle of action, which, in effect, if the expression may be allowed, is anti-national. THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 287 onstrate, that as far as the conduct of France towards us in our late revolution created a claim to our acknowledgement and friendship^ these dispositions were immediately due to the then sovereign of the country and could not justly have been withdrawn from him to be placed elsewhere. Gratitude alone therefore would not have recommended our assisting the French Nation against him. ... As far as that principle was allowed to have any operation; — this, upon a just estimate,would have been the result; that we ought not to take part against the person on whose sole will the assist- ance we received had depended — that we ought not to take part with him, against the nation whose blood and whose treasure had been the means in his hands of that assistance. " But Louis the XVI was a Tyrant. By his perjuries and his crimes he forfeited his crown and his life, and with these his title to our esteem and sympathy. — Besides — he is now no more . . . whatever competition may have before ex- isted ceased with his death. The claim to our gratitude has by this devolved exclusively upon the Nation." That Louis was a Tyrant is contradicted too emphatically by the whole tenor of his Hfe to be credited without better evidence than has yet been produced. That he was guilty of the crimes which were the pretexts of his death remains still to be proved to an impartial world. Against the pre- sumption of his guilt, this strong argument, independent of other topics which might be urged, presents itself. . . . "If the Convention had possessed clear proofs of the guilt ot Louis, they would have promulgated them to the world in an authentic and unquestionable shape: Respect for the opinion of mankind, regard for their own character, the interests of their cause made this an indispensable duty, and would have produced a correspondent effect, if the case had admitted or it — The omission is a satisfactory indication that the means of doing it were not possessed; and that the melancholy catastrophe of Louis XVI was the result rather of a supposed political expediency than of real criminality." In a case so circumstanced, does it consist even with our * Which under a certain aspect has been conceded. 288 ALEXANDER HAMILTON justice or humanity to participate in the angry and vindictive passions, which are endeavored to be excited against him ? Hamilton then goes on to question the propriety of ex- tending the "refined and beneficient sentiment of gratitude" to the successors of the murdered king, and says : Shall we not be more sure of violating no obligation of that sort, of not implicating the delicacy of our national character, by taking no part in the contest, than by throwing our weight into either scale ? But the cause of France is the cause of Liberty. 'Tis our own cause; and it is our first duty to countenance and promote it — Whatever foundation there may be for this suggestion, it is entirely foreign to the question of gratitude — It turns upon a principle wholly distinct. Gratitude has reference only to kind offices received. The obligation to and the cause of liberty has reference to the abstract in- trinsic merits of that cause — It is possible that the benefactor may be on one side — the defenders and supporters of liberty on the other. Gratitude may point that way . . . the lover of liberty this . . . . There is a necessarydistinction to be made. How far the last mentioned consideration ought to operate with us will be hereafter examined.^ As usual, any attempt upon his part to even tolerate things British was misunderstood, and he was forever accused of acting against the national interests, and being an Anglo- phile. In this connection it is curious to find that he was not only unjustly judged at home, but the same fairness which impelled him to fight the Trespass Act many years before, protecting the rights of the Tories themselves, led to the assumption by the representative of England that he was really in improper sympathy with Great Britain, because he appeared in court in Tory cases. ' It is sufficient to let it be said here that it is not connected with the question of gratitude. THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 289 Mr. Barclay/ the English Consul in New York, said after Hamilton's death, in a letter to a Mr. Merry: ''July 13, 1804. By the public papers you will be informed of the unfortunate death of General Hamilton, one of the most reputable characters of this State, and a gentleman of eminent talents. I consider him even as a loss to His Majesty and our Government from the prudence of his measures, his conciliatory disposition, his abhorence of the French Revo- lution and all repubHcan principles and doctrines, and his great attachment to the British Government." After much delay and obstruction John Jay, who was then the Chief Justice, was sent to England with a treaty. Lord Grenville had already paved the way by a conciliatory speech, and at length there seemed to be some hope that advantageous commercial relations might be attained. Hamilton, who had first been named as an envoy, appreciating the opposition of those at home, and believing he could do more good in his own country by meeting the intrigues and hostile schemes of Randolph and Monroe, and at least keeping and exercising control of the Treasury, remained at his post. In spite of the attacks of Burr and the other anti-Federalists, Jay*s nomination in the Senate was confirmed, and he ultimately embarked. His mission was beset with diflficulties, for offen- sive and irritating measures directed against Great Britain were proposed, and it is said that the very ship that con- veyed the American representative carried insulting papers which were not calculated to help the treaty or to insure Jay a warm welcome. Congress had extended the embargo on EngHsh vessels, and did all it could to thwart the negotiations by all manner of petty proceedings. Another faction of the Democratic party sent tactless, congratulatory messages to the disor- ^ "Correspondence of Thomas Barclay." New York, 1894. 290 ALEXANDER HAMILTON derly French revolutionists, and fomented the lawless feehng at home, which not only led to the persecution of those favor- ing the treaty, but to actual personal assaults. The so-called Jacobin clubs burned Jay in effigy and paraded the streets, and even brutally stoned and assaulted Hamilton when he attempted to speak in public. A French vessel loaded with gunpowder was permitted to pass the embargo, but was captured by the British vessels of war, and this also aroused new agitation. When Jay ar- rived in England, he was directed to demand compensation for losses through unlawful depredations; to insist that no armed force should be maintained by either party on the Great Lakes; that more liberal opportunities should be given to trade with the Indians living in the territories of either country; in fact, that they should not be encouraged to fight or be supplied with munitions of war or unusual stores. Besides these, compensation should be given for negroes carried away by the British, and various minor commercial and territorial concessions were demanded, some of which had relation to the surrender of posts. In its turn the United States agreed to indemnify the mother country for losses arising from legal obstructions interposed to the recovery of the ante-Revolutionary debts not exceeding in the whole a certain sum to be named. ^ Upon Jay's arrival on June 15, 1794, he at first met with opposition, but the treaty, with slight modifications, was agreed to, and signed by Jay and Lord Grenville, on November 19, 1794, though not received in Philadelphia until almost six months later. The enmity and bad feehng still existed, together with much disorder, but the treaty was finally ratified by only four votes in 1796. Wash- ington's attempt to enforce it met with fresh lawlessness. A timid Congress was disposed to thwart its operations. It ' See Morse's "I^ife of Alexander Hamilton," vol. II. THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 291 was then that Hamilton and his father-in-law were strongly alarmed — for, under the circumstances, Great Britain had shown an extraordinary amount of forbearance. It was, therefore, thought best to stir the citizens of their own State as well as others to a sense of danger and the possible con- sequences of bad faith. General Schuyler at once circu- lated a broadside, of which a fac-simile is given herewith, and in a letter to Hamilton told of his efforts to accomplish something. He also wrote to Hamilton, April 25, 1796: Philip Schuyler to Alexander Hamilfon Dear Sir: Unadvised of the measures pursuing at New York, relative to the treaty with Britain, It was not deemed prudent to convene the citizens here on the subject, until we received information from your city. On Saturday morning the mail arrived, and the Herald announced what had been done. About forty citizens were immediately convened, and unanimously agreed to petition in the words of the New York petition, with no other variation than what was requisite to accommodate It to the people in this quarter. 500 copies were immediately printed, proper persons ap- pointed to invite the signature of the Citizens individually. Before sunset this was compleated, all having subscribed Except about — • who declined. Many decided Anti- federalists concurred and signed. A circular letter was prepared, directed to the Supervizors, assessors and town Clerks, of the several towns in this and the counties to the Eastward, Northward and Westward of this. Several of these, with copies of the petition, are already dis- patched, and the residue will be sent today. — We believe the subscribers will be numerous. The petition from this city will be sent to Philadelphia by this day's mail. — We are anxious to hear the result of the Application to the citizens of New York, and If favorable, will It be com- 292 ALEXANDER HAMILTON municated in a formal manner, by the New York com- mittee. — The inclosed is copy of the letter, which accompanies the copy of the petition to the several towns. Pray drop me a line, advising me of the latest intelligence from Philadelphia, on this important subject. Adieu. My love to all Yours most affectionately Ph. Schuyler. Alexander Hamilton, Esq. This action seems to have been amply justified, for the strain was indeed great, and upon previous occasions acute trouble had been imminent, because of the presence of for- eign men-of-war in New York harbor. The Daily Advertiser^ two years previously, contained a proclamation of Governor George Clinton, in which he forbade "all ships and vessels of foreign nature except those engaged in Commerce to ap- proach the City nearer than one mile southward of the Southern-most Point of Governor's Island, and all War vessels above this point to retire." Shortly after the signing of the treaty, and when popular unrest had subsided, Hamilton wrote, urging the Churches to return. It is somewhat amusing to find that the popular disapproval regarding Mr. Jay's arrangements had had its influence, more or less, upon the sister-in-law of its most earnest defender. "Adieu my dear and naughty Brother," wrote Angelica Church; "it will be impossible for me to charter a vessel, for how can I bring out furniture when I do not know the num- ber of rooms my house contains. What an agreeable amia- ble fellow! Mr. Jay's wise treaty turned into a defender of what he never would himself have deigned to submit to. Voila mon sentiment change to si vous voulez." Friends and Fellow-Citizens ! \ OUR attention is called to a fubje^HnvoIving your in* tereft, yourhappinefs, and your peace. — Appearances indicate, that a dif- pofition prevails in a majority of the Houfe of Reprefentatives of the United States, not to make tlierequifite provrfion, for carrying into effe£l the Trea- ty lately concluded with Great Britain altho ratified on the part of the Uoi* ted States, by the Conilitutional Authorities thereof. Shoxild onr apprehenfions, excited by fuch a dlfpolltion be verified* an expenfive WAR, with all its attendant calamities, will probably be the refult "^-Indeed the very proJpedl of it, has already diminifhed the price of our stgricultural produce, to a confiderable extent— the depreciation will doubt- lefs encreafe ; whUetlie price of the necelTary foreign articles of confumption ■will certainly rife. Under thefe impreflions, and others, arifing from cir*- cumftances equally important, tbe Citizens of many of the States, ar pre- paring remonllances on the fub jeft to the Houfe of Reprefentatives. The Citizens of New-York, have already concluded on their addrefs ; and have recommended to you and to us, to afford our aid on this ferious occafiou ; the inclofed copies are now fubmitted for fignature, by the Citizens of this city— and will, wetruft, meet with general approbation, ^ inches thick set vertically from floor to ceiling and joined together, but not planed, on these planks the lathes and plaister are to be put, and thus a solid par- tition is formed. In the bill of scantling which you have sent me I do not find any timbers for the gutters, perhaps this has been ommitted. Should Mr. Putnam refuse to contract unless for the whole * The design was that of Major L' Enfant. 340 ALEXANDER HAMILTON house in all its parts, except the masonry, I will receive his proposals on a statement which I shall make and transmit it to you without delay, or should he be extravagant in his demand, I shall as soon as Cornelia is brought to bed, go up and contract for the timber and purchase the boards and planks, and if possible I will cause the boards and planks to be put into water for two months and then piled up with decks between them that they may be seasoned before they are worked up. It will save very considerable expense if the clap boards and boards for the floors were sawed to the proper breadth and thickness at the sawmills, I therefore wish you to send me how many of each Mr. thinks will be wanted, their breadth and thickness. I rejoice, my dear Son, that my Philip^ has acquitted himself so well, and hope that his future progress may correspond with your and my wishes. All here unite in love to you, my Eliza and the children. I am my dear Sir Ever most afi'ectionately yours, Ph. Schuyler. Honble M. Gen. Hamilton. On August 22d, 1802, he wrote to Mrs. Hamilton: I am anxious to visit you and to participate in the pleasure of your country retreat which I am informed is fast reaching perfection. Embrace my dear Hamilton and the children. He and they participate with you in your mother's and my warmest afi'ections. May health and happiness be the por- tion of all. God bless you my dearly beloved child. I am ever, most tenderly and affectionately, yours. Ph. Schuyler. From Albany he again wrote to her on April 23, 1803 : Dear Child: This morning Genr. Ten Broeck informed me that your horses which went from hence were drowned, * Alexander Hamilton's eldest son, who was then at Columbia College. h o < w O < o w h BUILDING A HOME 341 and that you had lost paint, oil, &c to a considerable amount, — Supposing this account to have been truly stated to the General, I send you by Toney my waggon horses of which I make you present. I intended to have your house painted If you cannot re- cover the paint, purchase no more as I will have the house painted. When an opportunity offers send my saddle and bridle which Toney will leave. — Your Sister unites with me in love to you and Eliza. I am Dr child Your affectionate parent Ph. Schuyler. As an illustration of how dwelling-houses were built in New York at the time, the mason's specifications may be produced. Proposal for finishing General Hamilton's Country House Fiz. To build two Stacks of Chimneys to contain eight fire-places, ex- clusive of those in Cellar Story. To fill in with brick all the outside walls of the ist and 2nd stories, also all the interior walls that Separate the two Octagon Rooms — and the two rooms over them — from the Hall and other Rooms in both Stories. To lath and plaster the side walls of ist and 2nd stories with two coats & set in white. To plaster the interior walls which separate the Octagon Rooms in both Stories, to be finished white, or as General Hamilton may chose. To lath and plaster all the other partitions in both Stories. To lath and plaster the Ceiling of the Cellar Story throughout. To plaster the Side walls of Kitchen, Drawing Room, Hall & passage, & to point & whitewash the Stone & brick walls of the other part of Cellar Story. To Point the outside walls of Cellar Story and to fill in under the Sills. To lay both Kitchen hearths with brick placed edge ways. To put a Strong Iron back in the Kitchen fire-place five feet long by 21^ 9" high. To put another Iron back in the Drawing Room 3'-6" by z'-g". 342 ALEXANDER HAMILTON To place two Iron Cranes in the Kitchen fire Place — & an Iron door for the oven mouth. The Rooms, Hall, and Passage of the first Story to have neat Stocco Cornices — Those of Octagon Rooms of Best Kind (but not inriched). To put up the tvi^o setts of Italian Marble in the Octagon Rooms, such as General Hamilton may chose — and Six setts of Stone Chim- ney pieces for the other Rooms. The Four fireplaces in the tvv^o Octagon rooms & the two rooms over them, to have Iron Backs and jambs, and four fire places to have backs only. To lay the foundations for eight piers for the Piazza. Mr. McComb to find at his own expense all the Material requisite for the afore described work and execute it in a good & workmenlike manner for one thousand Eight Hundred & Seventy five Dollars. General Hamilton to have all the Materials carted and to have all the Carpenters' work done at his expense — • General Hamilton is to find the workmen their board or to allow • — • shillings per day for each days work in lieu thereof. New York 22nd June 1801. John McComb Jun To build the Stew holes and a wall for the sink. The whole to be completed by ? The chimneys, which were very large, were a source of much anxiety to Hamilton and his advisers. At that time Count Rumford ^ was an authority on everything scientific in this country, and his experiments on the domestic applica- tion of artificial light and heat attracted almost as much at- tention as did the inventions of Benjamin Franklin, whose stoves were coming into general use. Finally the matter ' Benjamin Thompson was born in Woburn, Mass., and was really a patriot. He was not regarded with favor, however, by his townsmen, who did not approve of his conservatism, which they mistook for disloyalty, and he was obliged to flee, and later actually entered the British service. He afterward went to Bavaria, and after very distinguished public service was given the title of the Count Rumford. He always devoted himself to science, and rendered great service to mankind by his discoveries, and their application to everyday life. He ultimately returned to America, and when he died, left bequests both to Harvard University and the Royal Society of England. BUILDING A HOME 343 was settled, and the comfort of the inmates of the house as- sured by the adoption of a proper chimney. Plan of a Chimney on Rum ford's principles. The whole width in opening in front of the fire place 39 inches of which thirteen to from back side at an Angle of about 135 Degrees and thirteen the back. From these dimensions the depth results — • The height from the floor to the throat about three feet and the throat about four inches wide — and central to the base or perpendicu- lar over the fire. Thus Width 39" In this connection it is interesting to read of Burr's later opinion of Rumford's invention, and his own attempts to keep warm in a foreign city. Aaron Burr in his diary,^ in describing his room in Paris which he occupied in 1810, said: "The fireplace (more like an oven) is three feet deep, and five feet wide, and of course smokes perpetually. Having endured this now more than two months, and finding my eyes worse for it, sent today for one of those scientific men ' "The Private Journal of Aaron Burr" (Bixby Publication). Vol. II, p. 77. 344 ALEXANDER HAMILTON called /wm/j-^fj-. Showed him the evil and proposed a remedy. 'Mais sur quelles principes mons. sont fondes vos idees.' In vain did I take on myself the hazard of the result. 'Non c'est decarter de tous les principes,' * and so we parted. Nine- teen out of twenty of the chimnies of Paris (of France I might say) smoke always, and the other twentieth occasion- ally. In vain have FrankHn and Rumford shown by fact and experiment how chimnies should be built. Their ob- stinacy and stupidity passes belief. And so I sit envellopped in smoke, or as you have it, sit like the gods in the clouds." Hamilton kept minute accounts of the cost of labor and material, and it is curious to note the rate of wages paid one hundred years ago, long before the days of labor unions. We find that one Thomas Costigan, who had, apparently, been engaged in building the house, and afterward became a man-of-all-work, received, for services rendered for three and one-half years, the sum of four hundred and twenty-four dollars and fifty cents. Thomas Dunnevan was another workman upon the place, and in an entry in the expense- book it is stated that he was paid one hundred and fifty-two dollars and eighteen cents by wages, from the 8th of March, 1802, to the 4th of August, 1803, "when the poor worthy fellow was drowned. Sixteen months and twenty-seven days at 9d." This bill was receipted by Edward Kerhal, who was next of kin. The entire cost of building the house was ^^1,550, and this sum was paid to Ezra Weeks. Hamilton always had a taste for gardening and farming, and one of his friends who did much to encourage him was * Throughout the diary Burr indulges in abbreviations, and takes extraordinary liberties with the various languages he quotes. It was his evident aim to be mysterious. BUILDING A HOME 345 Dr. David Hosack, a distinguished and fashionable physi- cian of the time. In 1796 Dr. Hosack became a partner of Dr. Samuel Bard, and these two were Hamilton's phy- sicians and friends. Later, upon the death of his son PhiHp, Bard wrote a most tender letter of sympathy to his dear friend Hamilton from his country house in Hyde Park, where he passed the remainder of his days. Dr. Hosack, whose education had been undertaken in part in Europe, had become deeply interested in botany. This led, on his return, to his appointment as professor of botany and after- ward materia medica in Columbia College. For a time he became connected with the Rutgers Medical College, having associated himself with Dr. Valentine Mott and Dr. Francis, but later returned to the old college. In 1798 he formed the idea of providing a large botanical garden which could be used in connection with his teaching, and applied to Co- lumbia College for funds,* but without success. He then bought four plots of the so-called "common land" on the middle road (now Fifth Avenue), between 47th and 51st Streets, extending to a point a hundred feet west of Sixth Avenue. This was in 1801, and in 1804 he paid for the property. Upon this space he laid out a diversified garden, after- ward erecting glass-houses and raising a great variety of tropical and sub-tropical plants. It was his idea as well to raise vegetables for the supply of his fellow townsmen. Hamilton, who was fond of horticulture, shared Hosack's enthusiasm, and as he daily drove from his own place sev- eral miles north, was in the habit of stopping to compare notes with his enthusiastic family doctor, who donated cuttings and bulbs. * See an article by Adriqji Brown in the "Bulletin" of the New York Botanical Society, vol. V, No. i8, February 8, 1909. 346 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Available correspondence conveys an idea of the great pleasure the cultivation of his place gave him. He wrote to his old comrade-in-arms, General Pinckney of South Carolina, from the Grange: * Alexander Hamilton to Charles Cotesworth Pinckney December 20, 1802. "My dear Sir: A garden, you know, is a very usual refuge of a disappointed politician. Accordingly I have purchased a few acres about nine miles from town, have built a house, and am cultivating a garden. The melons in your country are very fine. Will you have the goodness to send me some seed, both of the water and musk melons .? My daughter^ adds another request, which is for three or four of your paroquets. She is very fond of birds. If there be anything in this quarter, the sending of which can give you pleasure, you have only to name them. As farmers, a new source of sympathy has arisen between us, and I am pleased with everything in which our likings and tastes can be ap- proximated. Amidst the triumphant reign of democracy, do you retain sufficient interest in public afi^airs to feel any curiosity about what is going on .? In my opinion, the follies and vices of the administration have as yet made no material impression as to their disadvantages. . . . Adieu, my dear Sir Ever Yours, Alexander Hamilton A few months later Pinckney repHed : ^ Charles Cotesworth Pinckney to Alexander Hamilton Charleston, March 6th, 1803. My dear Sir: I wrote you a few lines yesterday and sent you some watermelon seeds and musk-melon seeds by the brig Charleston Packet which sails this morning. I for- 1 "Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. VI, p. 551. ^ Angelica. 3 " Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. VI, p. 554. BUILDING A HOME 347 merly sent some to Mrs. Washington, at Mount Vernon, but she told me they did not answer so well as some she got in the neighborhood; perhaps had she planted the seeds from the melons which were produced from the Carolina seed the subsequent year, they would have adapted themselves to the climate and produced good fruit. It was by this means we obtained our fine cotton, which has been of such advantage to our State. The first year it produced but three or four pods; by planting the seed of these pods the second year, they produced thirty; and by following the same method, the third year they were thoroughly naturalized, and bore from one hundred and fifty to two hundred pods. I will also send you by the Industry a few seeds of the salvia cocinea, or scarlet sage, which I believe you have not with you, and of the erytherina herbacea, or coral shrub; also a few seeds of the Indian creeper, and some of a beautiful purple convolvulus. I will endeavor to obtain some paroquets for Miss Hamil- ton. I have not seen any for some years; ours are the large kind, by no means equal in beauty to the small African species. . . . Hamilton left, after his death, certain memoranda regard- ing the arrangement of his garden, which show that he was more than an amateur. Whether he had availed himself of Batty Langley's "New Principles of Gardening,"^ which was Washington's horticulture guide and a well-known au- thority in those days, is not known; yet he seems to have had a practical knowledge of what was needed, and a few of the notes left by him may be appended to show what is meant. 1. Transplant fruit trees from the other side of the stable. 2. Fences repaired. (Worn away) repaired behind stable. The cross fence at the foot of the hill .? Potatoes Bradhursts ? * "New Principles of Gardening, or the Layout and Planting of Pastures, Groves, Wildernesses, Labyrinths, Avenues, Parks, etc., after a More Grand and Rural Manner than has Been Done Before. Illuminated with a Variety of Grand Designs," by Batty Langley. London, 1728. 348 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Ground may be removed and used for this purpose. Cows no longer to be permitted to range. 3. The sod and earth which were removed in making the walks where it is good may be thrown upon the grounds in front of the House, and a few waggon loads of the compost. 4. A Ditch to be dug along the fruit garden and grove about four feet wide, and the earth taken and thrown upon the sand hill in the rear. After referring to the arrangement of flower beds and the laying out of a vegetable garden he proceeded : 2. The Gardener, after marking these out and making a begin- ning by way of example, will apply himself to the planting of Rasp- berries in the orchard. He will go to Mr. Delafield for a supply of the English sort and if not sufficient will add from our own and some to be got from our neighbors. 3. If it can be done in time I should be glad if space could be pre- pared in the center of the flower garden for planting a few tulips, lilies, hyacinths, and [missing]. The space should be a circle of which the diameter is Eighteen feet: and there should be nine of each sort of flowers; but the gardener will do well to consult as to the season. They may be arranged thus: Wild roses around the outside of the flower garden with laurel at foot. If practicable in time I should be glad some laurel should be planted along the edge of the shrubbery and round the clump of trees near the house; also sweet briars and [illegible] A few dogwood trees not large, scattered along the margin of the grove would be very pleasant, but the fruit trees there must be first removed and advanced in front. These labours, however, must not interfere with the hot bed. Life at the Grange was undoubtedly a merry one, for within its hospitable walls were gathered many of those clever people with whom Hamilton had so much to do dur- ing his many years of busy, official life. Gouverneur IMorris often came from IMorrisania, while Rufus King drove over from Jamaica in Long Island to discuss politics or gossip r ' / • Jj^2i^' -CJ&''^ /^-^ / ,-a.» r' ' REPRODUCTION OF GARDExN PLAN BUILDING A HOME 349 with the former Secretary. The Schuylers, too, came fre- quently, and sent good things from the Albany homestead, and in many of the General's letters are references to pro- digious gifts of vegetables and fruit, which were consigned to his daughter by way of the river sloops, while in the winter it was rare for a beef to be slaughtered without a quarter finding its way to the Grange. The Hamilton family was often invited to Albany, and alluring accounts of what awaited them were drawn by the devoted father-in-law. General Schuyler wrote from Wood Creek, where he was journeying July 15, 1802: "We have excellent mutton here, and as fine and fat salmon as ever were dished and I believe as cheap as Cod at the New York market. I gave half a dollar for a very fine one weighing a little more than nineteen pounds. They are taken four miles from here." In Hamilton's periods of relaxation he was to be seen wan- dering through the woods of Harlem with a single-barrelled fowling-piece, on the lookout for woodcock or other game, or he found his way to the wooded shores of his estate in search of an occasional striped bass in the clear water of the North River. Before his death he gave this gun to Trumbull, the artist, and it ultimately came into the writer's possession. On the stock are roughly carved the letters "A. Hamilton, N. Y./' and this was evidently his own work. When occasions were favorable, the worries of professional work, and pos- sibly the importunities of builders, were escaped by a visit to the theatre, Hamilton and his wife going to the city, where they were the guests of many of their old friends, and they still kept a house in Partition Street. About this time the New or Park Theatre was under the management of Hallam, or Hodgkinson, or Cooper. According to the contemporary press it appeared that the most generous and varied kinds of 350 ALEXANDER HAMILTON entertainment were there offered. Among the plays pro- duced we find the "Tragedy of Alexander the Great with a Grand Heroic Spectacle of the Siege of Oxydrace," "The Positive Man," the "Duenna," "The Lyar," "The Man- ager in Distress," "Count Benyowski, or the Conspiracy of Kamskatka," and upon one occasion, "Paul & Virginia, the Plot from M. de St. Pierre's very popular novel of the same with new scenery and machinery never before exhibited, — Dance by the Negroes, the Whole to Conclude with the representation of a Tornado in which Virginia is shipwrecked, who is seen struggling in the Water while the Ship is Burnt by Lightning," In the New York Evening Post of March 8, 1802, there is an advertisement headed "The Theatrical Curiosity." "The Two Samuels which arrived a few days since from Senegal we understand will be introduced into the Triumphal Procession on Monday Evening at Mr. Cooper s Benefit^ being it is presumed their first appearance on any stage." Hamilton also attended the meetings of the Philharmonic Society, which were held at Snow's Hotel at 69 Broad- way. General Schuyler's visits to the Grange, during the latter part of his life, became less and less frequent because of his ill health. Referring to the illness of his little grandson, one of Hamilton's boys, he wrote from Albany, December 20, 1802: "I hope he is now perfectly recovered, and that I shall embrace him here, as Mr. Rensselaer says you intend to accompany the General in the next month when he must be here. This will afford us additional pleasure, and the journey be of service to you, and if the wound in my thigh and the Gout which has seized on one of my feet will permit, we will accompany you to the Grange, of whose beauties the Patroon speaks with rapture." BUILDING A HOME 351 In this letter he refers to his grandson, PhiHp, his name- sake, and writes: "It affords me great pleasure to be advised that he is attentive to his studies. I hope that he may make eligible Progress and become a man of Virtue." In April, 1804, a few months before Hamilton's death, he received a visit from Chancellor Kent who, in a letter to his wife, de- scribed his stay at the Grange: *'I went out with General Hamilton on Saturday, the 21st, and stayed till Sunday evening. There was a furious and dreadful storm on Saturday night. It blew almost a hurri- cane. His house stands high, and was much exposed, and I am certain that in the second story, where I slept, it rocked like a cradle. He never appeared before so friendly and ami- able. I was alone, and he treated me with a minute attention that I did not suppose he knew how to bestow. His man- ners were also very delicate and chaste. His daughter,* who is nineteen years old, has a very uncommon simplicity and modesty of deportment, and he appeared in his domestic state the plain, modest, and affectionate father and husband." ^ Hamilton's professional engagements about this time took him often to Albany, and he either went by sloop or mail stage, the latter leaving New York every morning at six and reaching Albany the third day after. The passengers, mean- while, during the intervening nights lodged at Peekskill or Rhinebeck. This line was managed by William Vander- voort, and the stages departed from the corner of Cortlandt and Greenwich Streets. The proprietors of the stage line were Potter, Hyatt & Company. The fare charged was eight dollars for the entire journey, or six-pence a mile for way passengers. On these journeys Hamilton wrote fre- quently to his wife, and he was undoubtedly kept informed * Angelica. » Op. cit., p. 143. 352 ALEXANDER HAMILTON ., ^^'*'*^(//^ir}J^"^' NEW-YORK AND ALBANY MAIL STAGE, LEAVES New- York every morning, at 6 o'clock, lodgesai Peekskili and Rhinebeck, and arrives "in Albany on the third day. Fare of each passenger through eight dollars, and 6d per Tnile for way passengers. For Seats apply to William VandtTvoort, No.48, corner of Court land and Greert- wich streets. New- York, and of T. Wttmore, Aibany. February 13 if POTTER, HYATT & Co. of all that went on during his absence. He certainly found time to direct those in charge of the improvements at home. Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton Claverack, Oct. 14, 1803. My dear Eliza: I arrived here this day, in about as good health as I left home though somew^hat fatigued — There are some things necessary to be done which I omitted mentioning to you. I wish the Carpenter to make and insert two Chimnies for ventilating the Ice-House, each about two feet square & four feet long half above and half below the ground to have a cap on the top sloping downwards so that the rain may not easily enter — The aperture for letting in and out the air to be about a foot and a half square in the side immediately below the cap (see figure on the other side.^) Let a separate compost bed be formed near the present one, to consist of 3 barrels full of the clay which I bought, 6 barrels of black moulds 2 waggon loads of the best clay on the Hill opposite the Quakers plain this side of M'". Verplanks * It is regretted that in the original letter, which is in the Ford Collection in the New York Public Library (Lenox), the plan has been cut out at some time and therefore cannot be produced. BUILDING A HOME 353 (the Gardener must go for it himself) and one waggon load of pure cowdung — Let these be well and repeatedly mixed and pounded together to be made up of hereafter for the Vines. I hope the apple trees will have been planted so as to profit by this moderate and wet weather. If not done, let Tough be reminded that a temporary fence is to be put up along the declivity of the Hill from the King's bridge road to the op- posite wood so as to prevent the cattle injuring the young trees — the fence near the entrance to the Helicon Spring ought for the same reason to be attended to — The materials of the fence taken down in making the Kitchen Garden & some rubbish, which may be picked up will answer — Remember that the piazzas are also to be caulked & that additional accommodations for the pidgeons are to be made — You see I do not forget the Grange — No that I do not; nor any one that inhabits it. Accept yourself my tenderest af- fection — Give my love to your Children & remember me to Cornelia. Adieu my darling a tt Mrs. H. To Mrs. Elizabeth Hamilton, No. 58 Partition Street. Peekskill, October i6. Saturday. I have just arrived here and shall stay till tomorrow. It has always appeared to me that the ground on which our orchard stands is much too moist. To cure this, a ditch round it would be useful, perhaps with a sunken fence as a guard. But this last may be considered at a future time. If you can obtain one or two more laborers, it may be ad- visable to cut a ditch round the orchard — three feet deep by three feet wide at the bottom. The clay that comes out of the ditch will be useful to give firmness to our roads and may be used for this purpose. Yet you will consider this merely as a suggestion and do as you think best after you shall have ascertained whether 354 ALEXANDER HAMILTON you can procure any better materials for the purpose. But remember that mere sand and stones will not answer. Very affectionately my beloved, Yrs, A. H. Mrs. Elizabeth Hamilton at Haerlem, New York. I was extremely disappointed, my dear EHza, that the Monday's post did not bring me a letter from you. You used to keep your promises better. And you know that I should be anxious of your health. If the succeeding post does not rectify the omission of the former, I shall be dis- satisfied and pained. Adieu my beloved, and be assured that I shall not lose a moment to return to you. Saturday 2nd of October. Yours tenderly, A. H. Mrs. Elizabeth Hamilton at Haerlem New York. Sunday Morning. I was much relieved, my dear Eliza, by the receipt yester- day morning of your letter of Monday last. How it came to be so long delayed I am unable to conjecture. But the delay gave much uneasiness in consequence of the imperfect state of health in which I had left you. I thank God you were better — for indeed, my Eliza, you are very essential to me. Your virtues more and more endear you to me and experi- ence more and more convinces me that true happiness is only to be found in the bosom of ones own family. I am in hopes, that I may be able to leave this place sooner than I had counted upon, say on Friday or Saturday. But I may be disappointed and may be detained till Sunday morn- ing. This at all events I trust will bring me home on Tuesday following. The stage is three days in performing the journey. BUILDING A HOME 355 I am anxious to hear from Philip. Naughty young man! But you must permit nothing to trouble you and regain your precious health. Adieu my beloved. . tt The returns from his farm seem to have been trivial; a few baskets of strawberries, cabbages, and asparagus were sold in 1802, the returns from the same being £j.io.2. And the experience of the amateur farmer then seems to have differed but little from that of most of us to-day. After the sad turn of events which followed the duel, we find the widow loath to leave the happy home, but struggling on to keep her little family together and clinging as long as possible, to the place so sanctified by tender memories. Brave to a degree and unusually masterful, she managed the estate and directed the workmen. Although the elder boys, Alexander, James, and John, were, respectively, eighteen, sixteen, and twelve years, they could be of little help to her, while all the others, except Angelica, were of tender age. Her devoted sister, Angehca Church, did her utmost to per- suade her to give up the country place and come to New York, which she eventually did, but meanwhile she made a brave fight. In a letter written to her daughter in the early years of her bereavement, she said: "I rode up in the car- riage that was formerly mine, and you know how very easy it was. The boat did not arrive until late in the evening. I am now in the full tide of occupation, four men to attend to, fine morning with the place looking lovely. A carriage dearest and yourself, with the house in order, would be de- lightful to have.'* When staying later in Warren Street she received a letter from her sister, who wrote: "Your brother deems it the most prudent that you remain where you are, as it is utterly 356 ALEXANDER HAMILTON impossible for you to be at the Grange without horses, and their expense will pay your house rent. He thinks the Grange might be let. If you please early on Saturday morning — say at seven o'clock — I will be ready to attend you to the Grange." It was soon after this that her necessities forced her to dispose of the home she and Hamilton had planned and built together, which was to be to their children what the Schuyler home had been to them. Despite the generous efforts of Hamilton's friends, and even of General Schuyler himself, who died a few months after his son-in-law, no such comparative luxury was possible as that which had hitherto been enjoyed. When not visiting the Albany relations, Mrs. Hamilton made New York her home, where she brought up her children as best she could — the two elder boys receiving help from friends and acquiring the father's profession. CHAPTER XII HAMILTON AND BURR Hamilton's prejudice against duelling was sincere, and the result of his growing conviction, which he reluctantly disregarded under the pressure of the exigencies of the time and the feeling that his prestige, as the head of a great though demoralized party, would suffer by his refusal to meet his adversary. Nearly two years before he had told his son Philip to fire his first shot in the air when he was called upon to meet Eacker at Paulus Hook, and his several communica- tions leave no doubt as to his extreme reluctance to run the risk of taking the life of another. In fact, during the years 1798 and 1799 he had, among other reforms, advocated anti- dueUing laws. In earlier years the duel was so much a matter of course, and so necessary an institution of social life, that we find he not only appeared as a second, but gave advice to others who contemplated this method of vindicat- ing their honor. As is known, he was the second of the younger Laurens, when he met General Charles Lee on June 28, 1778, after the battle of Monmouth, when the latter had spoken disrespectfully of Washington. Hamilton's attitude upon this occasion was extremely fair and sensible, and he did his best to adjust matters without a resort to extreme consequences. Major Edwards attended Lee. When six paces apart the principals fired simultaneously, and Lee re- ceived a slight wound. When he proposed a second exchange 357 358 ALEXANDER HAMILTON of shots, and Laurens agreed, Hamilton said that, "unless the General was influenced by motives of personal enmity, he did not think the affair ought to be pursued any further; but as General Lee seemed to persist in desiring it, he was too tender of his friend's honor to persist in opposing it. It was then that Major Edwards interfered, and explanations were made that were satisfactory." A minute narrative of the entire proceedings, concluding with the statement that, "upon the whole, we think it a piece of justice to the two gentlemen to declare that after they met their conduct was strongly marked with all the politeness, generosity, coolness and firmness, that ought to characterize a transaction of this nature," was drawn up by Hamilton and agreed to by Edwards.^ In 1779 Hamilton, when a lieutenant-colonel, was slan- dered by a Reverend Doctor William Gordon,^ of Jamaica Plain, Massachusetts, who spread a story to the effect that Hamilton, at a "public coffee house," had abused Congress. This was at a time when the latter was withholding the pay of the army, and when there was much discontent among the troops, although there was more trouble in 1781. Ham- ilton was reported to have said, in the presence of other offi- cers, "that the army would, by-and-by, turn their arms upon the country and do themselves justice," and again, "that it was high time for the people to rise, join General Wash- ington and turn Congress out of Doors." Hamilton was apprised of this alleged seditious language imputed to him by a Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, and he quickly traced the * See "Notes on Duelling," by Lorenzo Sabine, p. 228. London, Sampson Low, Son & Co., 1855. ^ William Gordon (i 730-1807) was the chaplain of the Provincial Congress in Massachusetts. He was dismissed from this position, "as the Legislature regarded his prayers as intended rather to dictate their measures than to implore the divine direction to them." Applcton's "Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. II, p. 687. HAMILTON AND BURR 359 libel to Francis Dana/ who, however, denied the respon- sibility for the accusation, and gave the name of Gordon as that of the culprit. When cornered, the latter admitted the existence of a mysterious witness and informant, and his letters to Hamilton were notably evasive and exasperating. Two are presented, one of which embodied the clergyman's determination that Hamilton should not be permitted to challenge his traducer, and another from Hamilton which shows, even at this early date, that he did not look upon a duel as an adequate cure for wounded honor. It appeared that nothing came of all this correspondence, and that Gordon was a fussy mischief-maker. Colonel David Henly,^ who was Hamilton's representative, had a poor opinion of the clergyman, for in a letter of September I, 1779, he said: "I do think Col. Hamilton you will find Doctr. Gordon the cause of this mischievous and false Report — the other Day he was prov'd a Lyar in the publick Street, and had it not have been for his Cloth, I am sure would have been more severely dealt with — he more than once has occasioned Quarrels by his Conduct." And again, "Yesterday I delivered your Letter to Doctr. Gordon and hope you will receive such satisfaction, as is due you either in wounding him in his honor, or by treating the man with contempt that has endeavored to injure your Reputation." ' Francis Dana (1743-1811) played an important part in early American affairs. In 1780 he went to Great Britain as the secretary of John Adams, to negotiate the Treaty, and remained for some years abroad engaged in diplomatic work. In 1785 he was appointed Chief Justice of Massachusetts, and in 1786 was a delegate to the Annapolis Convention. ^ A colonel in a Massachusetts regiment in 1776. In 1777 commander of troops at Cambridge. 36o ALEXANDER HAMILTON Reverend William Gordon to Alexander Hamilton Jamaica Plains, August 25, 1779. Sir: Upon my return home from a visit on the Monday evening I received yours without a date. However common the principle may be, on which you urge me, to an immedi- ate direct and explicit answer as tho' the least hesitation or reserve might give room for conjectures^ which it can be neither your wish nor mine to excite — it is certainly a false one. In many cases a gentleman may receive information from persons of indisputable character which it may be highly proper for him to communicate, without discovering the in- former; and I am convinced you will think with me, when you have been more conversant with the world and read mankind more. Neither will such gentleman, when con- scious of his own integrity and of established character re- gard the conjectures of those who are almost or altogether strangers to him. I do not mean by advancing those sentiments to refuse you aid in detecting the inventor of a calumny. Mr. Dana mentions his having the declaration, alluded to in his letter from me. He communicated to me Col. Brook's letter to you, and yours to himself and the substance of what he intended to write. I objected to nothing regarding myself, except- ing its being said public coffee house in which I supposed him mistaken. I understood it was a public house^ but rather thought it was not the coffee house. That excepted the sentiment was as he had represented, whether the words were identically the same or not. I am glad to find by what you have wrote, that you have lost all remembrance of it; as it serves to shew that it was the effort of a sudden transport, and not of a depraved judgment. You will infer from hence, that I supposed the sentiment to have been spoken. I do: upon the belief, that my informer was a person of veracity, and could not be mistaken. The reasons are these, his general character, and his declaring that it was HAMILTON AND BURR 361 uttered in his hearing. I saw him on his way from Phila- delphia. He left the City sometime after the inhabitants had been undivided by Mr. Dean's^ imprudent address, in which he promised us great discoveries, tho' he had made none; and by which he raised a jealousy of Congress, and put many upon clamouring against them. In this crisis, and I conjecture thro' conversation leading to it, you was betrayed into a speech tantamount to the representation made me. You was not the only one that spoke unguardedly all this season. Persons of equal or with superior talk are known to have done it, and many in the military department having been soured by the hardships they had undergone and an apprehended neglect of their grievance and on the part of Congress backwardness, to redress them, seemingly took a part with Mr. Dean; and the unguarded expressions that fell from them, then and afterwards, proved alarming to weak but good minds. I was much hurt in my own feelings because of the wrong, I am convinced, it led some to do his Excellency, in fearing that such sentiment were dropt in his presence, without meeting with a further check. My in- former told me, that he took notice to you of the unsuitable- ness of such like expressions, with which you was rather dis- pleased, but that he insisted further upon it, and that then it ended. I should infer from its representation given me that, there were others in Company. I have not mentioned his name; but if you cannot possibly recollect having said anything like what he reported; continue to view it as a calumny; and insist upon knowing him, I do not imagine he would object to it, but, whether he do or not, shall men- tion him, upon your assuring me upon your honour, that you will neither give nor accept, cause to be given nor accepted, a challenge upon the occasion, nor engage in any recounter ' Silas Dean. After his return from France, where he had made contracts with sev- eral French officers who subsequently fought in the American Revolution, he re- turned to Philadelphia. Congress immediately found fault with him for his alleged financial irregularities and extravagance, and he returned to France to obtain documents to prove his case. Meanwhile his written criticisms of the French were such as to make him a persona non grata, and he fled to Holland, and afterward went to England, where he died. 362 ALEXANDER HAMILTON that may produce a duel — for tho' do not in general produce more than the honorable settlement of a dispute, yet they may be the unhappy cause of the publick's losing good and useful members; and upon the principles of religion I am totally averse to them. You must further assure me, that you will admit of the matter's being thoroughly examined into by Congress, or individuals of the first character. The oversight of individuals too often raise prejudices against a whole body. It is common, and yet commonly condemned. I am convinced that notwithstanding the natural tendency of martial manners, there are as good citizens in the military line, as out of it; and I hope that the event will ever shew that by far the majority of our officers love the liberties of citizens more than any earthly command whatsoever. I as earnestly wish, that the citizens of the United States may do justice to the army, and their own engagements by keeping it up to the spirit of them wherein it is possible, that so our brave brothers may not have any just cause of complaint when affairs are brought to a settlement. Sir Your most obedient humble servant William Gordon Alexander Hamilton to the Rev. William Gordon Dear Sir: I have received your letter of the 25th of August which you will probably not be surprised to hear is by no means satisfactory. Instead of giving up the author of the accusation, you charitably suppose me guilty, and amuse yourself in a stream of conjecture (which whatever ingenuity it may have was certainly unnecessary)^ — about the manner in which the affair happened and the motives that produced it. Your entering a volunteer to apologize for me is no doubt a mark of your condescension and of your benevolence, and would make it ungrateful as well as in- decent to suspect, that the conditions with which you fetter a compliance with my request, proceed from any other cause than a laudable, though perhaps in this instance, an officious HAMILTON AND BURR 363 zeal, for the interests of religion and for the good of society. It shall never be said, that you had recourse to a pitiful evasion, and attempted to cover the dishonor of a refusal under a precious pretence of terms, v^hich you know as a gentleman, I should be obliged to regret — I venture however with every allowance for the sanctity of your intention and with all possible deference for your judgment to express my doubts of the propriety of the concessions you require on my part, as preliminaries to a discovery, which I still think you are bound to make as an act of justice. This is a principle from which I can never depart; and I am convinced I shall have the common sense and feelings of mankind on my side. An opinion of my inexperience seems to have betrayed you into mistakes — Whatever you may imagine Sir, I have read the world sufficiently to know that though it may often be convenient to the propagator of a calumny to conceal the in- ventor, he will stand in need of no small address to escape the suspicions and even the indignation of the honest and of the disinterested. Nor can I but persist in believing that, not- withstanding the confidence which from a very natural par- tiality you place in your own character, the delicacy of your sentiment will be alarmed at the possibility of incurring this danger and will prevent your exposing yourself to it, by re- fusing, or delaying any longer to comply with so reasonable a demand. It often happens that our zeal is at variance with our un- derstanding. Had it not been for this, you might have rec- ollected, that we do not now live in the days of chivalry, and you would, have then judged your precautions on the subject of duelling, at least useless — The good sense of the present times has happily found out, that to prove your own innocence, or the malice of an accuser, the worst method you can take is to run him through the body or shoot him through the head. And permit me to add, that while you felt an aversion to duelling on the principles of religion, you ought in charity to have supposed others possessed of the same scruples — of whose impiety you had had no proofs. But whatever may be my final determination on this point, 364 ALEXANDER HAMILTON ought to be a matter of indifference. Tis a good old maxim, to which we may safely adhere in most cases, that we ought to do our duty and leave the rest to the care of heaven. The crime alleged to me is of such enormity, that if I am guilty it ought not to go unpunished, and, if 1 am innocent, I should have an opportunity of vindicating my innocence. The truth in either case should appear, and it is incumbent upon you. Sir, to afford the means, either by accusing me to my civil or military superiors, or by disclosing the author of the information. Your anxiety to engage me "to admit of the matter's being thoroughly examined into by Congress or individuals of the first character" was equally superfluous. I am at all times amenable to the authority of the state and of the laws; and whenever it should be the pleasure of Congress, the means of bringing me to justice for any crime I may have committed are obvious and easy, without the assistance of a formal stipulation on my side. I shall not expose myself to the ridicule of self-importance by applying to Congress for an inquiry, nor shall I invite the charge of impertinence, by promising to do what I have no power to refuse. I shall only declare for my own satisfaction, that so far as concerns myself, nothing would give me greater pleasure than to un- dergo the strictest scrutiny in any legal mode in the rectitude of my conduct, on this and on every other occasion as a sol- dier or as a citizen. With respect to an examination b}' in- dividuals of character, whenever I have it in my power to confront my accuser, I shall take care to do it in presence of witnesses of the first respectability, who will be able from what they see and hear, to tell the world that I am innocent and injured and that he is a contemptible defamer. It is, no doubt, unfortunate for me that you have pre- judged the case and are of a different opinion. You pro- fess to give credit to the story, because, you say, your in- former "is a man of veracity and could not he mistaken.^' From this description he is probably not a soldier, or you would have been more inclined to suppose him fallible. But whoever he may be you have certainly shown a facility HAMILTON AND BURR 365 in believing that does honor to your creduHty at the expense of your candour. I protest, Sir, this is the first time I have heard my own veracity called in question. Had you not given a sanction to the contrary by your example, I should have indulgently flattered myself, that I had as much right to be believed as another, and that my denial was a counter- ballance to the assertion of your informant, and left the aff'air in suspense to be decided by the future circumstances. You persue a different line, and in the overflowing of your pious hatred to political heresy, have determined, that I must be guilty at all events. You ascribe the denial to a deficit of memory, and pretend to think it more likely that I should have lost all recollection of the fact, than that you should have been misinformed. Far from accepting, I absolutely reject the apology you make for me, and continue to believe it imposstbley I could have made a declaration similar to the one reported; for I abhor the sentiment, it contains, and am confident it never could have had a momentary place in my mind, consequently never could have dishonored my lips. The supposition is absurd, that I could have used the ex- pressions when I cannot recognize the remotest trace of an idea, at any period, that could possibly have led to them. In this consciousness, I again appeal to you, and de- mand by all the ties of truth, justice, and honour, that you immediately give up your author. I stake my life and repu- tation upon the issue, and defy all the craft of malevolence, or of cabal, to support the charge. If you decline a dis- covery, I shall then not have it in my choice to make any other than one conclusion. You have blended several matters foreign to the purpose, which might as well have been omitted. I shall only answer in general, that I religiously believe the officers of the army are among the best citizens in America, and inviolably at- tached to the liberties of the community; infinitely more so, than any of those splenetic patriots out of it, who endeavour for sinister purposes, to instil jealousies and alarms, which they themselves know to be as groundless as they are impol- 366 ALEXANDER HAMILTON itic and ridiculous. But if any individuals have been im- prudent, or unprincipled, let them answer for themselves. I am responsible only for my own conduct. Your fears for the injury which the indiscretion of such persons might do to the general, were kind, but 1 hope unnecessary. The decided confidence of Congress, and the hearts of the people of America, are the witnesses to his integrity. The blame of the unmeaning petulance of a few impatient spirits, will never rest upon him; for whoever knows his character, will be satisfied, that an officer would be ashamed to utter, in his hearing, any sentiments, that would disgrace a Citizen. West Point, Sep. 5, 1779. The Rev. Dr. Gordon, Esq. Hamilton, when practising law in New York, was ap- pealed to for advice by Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen Roche- fontaine while the latter was in command at West Point. Rochefontaine had been a brilliant engineer officer, and had distinguished himself at Yorktown, but seems to have been unpopular with his comrades and, at times, hyper-sensitive. General Joseph Gardner Swift, the first graduate of the United States Military Academy, ambiguously said of him : "It is to be admitted that whatever may have been the talents of Colonel Rochefontaine, he had occupied many good positions with his narrow redoubts, and also that such works were more commensurate with the views of Congress at the time, than in accordance with those of the Colonel." ^ Quarrels at West Point seem to have been frequent, and as a rule were settled by a passage at arms. There probably was some friction between the French and American officers, and the fighting proclivities of one of the latter were notorious. This was Lieutenant William Wilson, then at West Point, » "The Memoirs of Genl. Joseph Gardner Swift, LL.D., etc., 1S00-1865," p. 75, by H. Ellery. Privately printed, 1890. HAMILTON AND BURR 367 who seems to have been a very disagreeable person. In 1795 he was tried by court-martial, ordered by Major Lewis Tousard, but escaped punishment.* A year later Rochefontaine had a quarrel with him grow- ing out of the court-martial, and wrote two letters to Ham- ilton, but it is to be regretted that the responses of the latter are not available. Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen Rochefontaine to Alexander Hamilton West Point, April 28th, 1796. Dear Sir: Give me leave to apply to you for advice in a very disagreeable case which happened to me here a few days ago, it perhaps has been misrepresented to you by those who form a party against me in the corps, but you may rest assured that my honor has not been stained in the least; and I hope that if you find me guilty, it will only be of imprudence, and of no dishonourable act. The cause of dislike of the officers to me may be ascribed to their being collected at West Point, while I was absent, and altho' unknown to most of them, they took such a wrong turn against me, that I hardly did receive marks of common * Proceedings of a general Court Martial of the Corps of Artillerists and Engi- neers commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Rochefontaine held at West Point this 15th day of June 1795, by order of Major Lewis Tousard at West Point. Lieut. John McClallin, Pres't. Members: Lieut. J. P. Hale, Lieut. N. Freeman, Lieut. Geddes, Lieut. Muhlenburgh The Court having met agreeably to the order of Major Tousard, having been duly sworn and having appointed Lieut. J. P. Hale recorder, are of opinion that they cannot proceed to the trial of Lieut. Wm. Wilson as there has not been pro- duced an arrest before them, and as he has been at this Garrison for more than the space of eight days, they do in consideration of the i6th Article of the ad- ministration of Justice, recommend to the Commanding ofhcer, that the Sword of Lieut. Wilson be returned to him. Jno. McClallin, Lieut, President. (Copies from Orderly Book No. i. Corps of Artillerists and Engineers, com- menced at West Point, May 7, 1795.) 368 ALEXANDER HAMILTON politeness when I first came to join them here last January; add to that the general antipathy of most of the individuals of this country for any sort of subordination, and you will know pretty near the principle of that great and most general dissatisfaction of the officers towards me. A Mr. Wilson, Lieut, in the Corps, as contemptible a character as can be found anywhere, was particularly charged with the honour- able trust of provoking me. (Mr. Wilson has killed a Brother officer in a Duel about a 12 months ago.) On the 2 1 St of this month, two officers only were at Pa- rade and 2 were absent without cause; instead of acting with the Rigidity of the Law, I sent from Parade a message to the absents, one only came, and the others refused to ac- cede to the request. After the Evening Roll Call, as I was returning home passing before Mr. Wilson's quarters, I saw him out of his window calling very loud to the Major who was also in sight, by the name of John, his christening name, adding some injurious expressions to it. At last my own name was pro- nounced with the epithet of Damned Rascal, and other ex- pressions intended to be very provoking. I thought Mr. Wilson intoxicated, or at least out of his senses, two officers within the Room were exciting Mr. Wilson by loud fits of Laughing. I felt very much discontented, and for an hour I did remain uncertain about the part I should take; — a court martial composed of officers contrary to me, would not find any proofs of my accusation against Wilson, and it would only be giving publicity to gross Insults, which an officer dared to offer without any punishment. I thought the mode of punishing him by a private Interview, which would deter other officers from further insults of that kind was preferable. As I was going to impart my resolution on that head to Major Rivardi, I met Mr. Wilson taking a Walk by himself — he stopped at a little distance from me, expecting as I suppose, that he would be spoken to by me. I called on him and I Inquired of him if he was the man who an hour before that, had so loudly and so shamfully expressed him- self in pronouncing my name; his answer was that he did not. HAMILTON AND BURR 369 I told him that I was very glad that he did deny it, or else it would have been pronouncing himself a vilain and a scoun- drell, — that if had something against me he might call on me at any time, and may be assured that I would grant him any redress that a gentleman might wish from another gentle- man & a brave man. Mr. Wilson had a Small Cane in his hands, and at the expression of Scoundrell, which I suppose he did think himself very deserving of, he lifted it up as to strike at me. I had a Sword Sheathed in the Scabbard, and raped over with a Large belt, provoked by the former Insult, by the shameful denial of Expressions intended to be very publick outrages, for I heard them 300 yards off, — and they were issued out in presence of a Dozen of Servants or Wait- ers playing in front of the house, and Enraged at the Idea that he was going to strike me, I discharged once on his shoulder a Blow with the hilt of my Sword. I felt instantly that I had been imprudent, and to repair it as well as it lay'd in my power, I did offer him on the Spot the satisfaction that he might wish for, the moon shone very bright, and I observed that if he had had his Sword on as a Man who has Insulted another ought always be ready to give satisfaction, I would fight him. He called to his servant to bring him his Sword, but he did observe that he did not know how to make use of it. I proposed him then to fight him with any weap- ons he wished to propose, and pistols were agreed upon, and 15 minutes were required before we met with a Second on each side; the agreement after we met was, that in order to avoid the formality of a Duel, we should settle the dispute by a Rencounter with two loaded pistols each and a Sword. The fires were to be given at pleasure and the distance be such as it suited the two adversaries; the first fire went off almost at the same time on both sides. My second Pistol went off unaware and I remained against my antagonist who had yet a Loaded pistol against me. He came up to me within three steps and missed fire, it is a general rule in such occasions to lose the chance when the pistol has not gone off, yet my adversary cocked up and missed his fire a second time, in order to prevent his firing a third time, I fell on him 370 ALEXANDER HAMILTON to try to prevent him from cocking his piece, but he did it notwithstanding, and his pistol missed fire again, tlie muzzle touching my breast. The two wittnesses came up then and separated us, my noble adversary enraged at not assassinat- ing me on the spot, was furiously asking powder of his second, to kill said he that S of a B , this was his noble ex- pression on that occasion. It is to be remarked that that affair which among men of honour is generally kept a Secret, was known thro'out the garrison, and we were immediately surrounded by people whom Mr. Wilson had informed of it, the reason why would be impossible for me to guess at. We all retired to our quarters, my second and myself persuaded that the Rencounter having taken place, it put a stop to all further proceedings, and had made up all diffi- culties agreeably to stipulation. Two days afterwards I re- ceived a written challenge from Mr. Wilson thro' his former second. I answered him that according to our agreement, we had made up for the Insults and that I requested he would not mention that matter any more. Here begins the perfidious agency of the officers who form a Party against me. Mr. Wilson, tho' a man of a very con- temptible character, has been pushed forward and prom- ised the support of all the officers if he would prosecute that affair against me. They assembled together upon my an- swer, and then Informed me that on hearing of my refusing satisfaction to Mr. Wilson, my Brother officer, for a gross Insult offered to him, they were going to publish my in- famous conduct to the world. I refused that paper because it was not signed, and it did not bear any mark of authen- ticity about it. They did not return it. Sunday last was the day it was brought to me. Mr. Lovel one of the Ring Leaders, went on that day to New York — perhaps to have it published; on Monday — a Mr. Elmer another Ring Leader, went up to Goshen to begin against me, as I understand, a civil prosecution for the blow. On that same day I did in- form the officers that I was sorry that they had not had con- fidence enough in me to let me know the object of their HAMILTON AND BURR 371 meeting, and that in explaining to them the affair, with its causes and all the circumstances, I might have prevented the Breach from opening between us, and that they perhaps would have been convinced that a full atonement had been granted for the Insult, agreeably to stipulation, and that it was unjust to carry judgments without hearing but one party, but at all events, I proposed a way to come regularly and without passion to a Settlement, — which was to leave the matter to the decision of three officers of the army well ac- quainted with the rules generally observed in affairs of honor, and that if they did determine that I owed farther satis- faction to Mr. Wilson I would follow their decision to all its extent, upon that proposition they altered their former plan and changed it into an accusation before the Secretary of War. I am now arrived to a few Queries which I would wish you to favor with your opinion upon and as soon as convenient, in order that I may avoid if possible the Inconveniency of a writ, which may be served against me upon the application of my adversaries. When two mihtary characters happen to have a difference between them, which has been the cause of a Breach of the law short of murder, and when that affair of honor has been agreed upon as a Sufficient atonement, is one of the two Liable to be prosecuted by the other before the Tribunals of the State .? Is an offense passed on a Spot within the territory of the United States as West Point is, amenable before the tribunal of the State of New York .? Is an officer accused before a Military Tribunal for an offense, by the person who received it, liable to be prosecuted at the same time before the civil authority, by the same per- son or by anybody else for him .? If an officer is tryed before a Military Tribunal, and ac- quitted or condemned, is he hable to be prosecuted again before the civil tribunal ? Can I with the challenge which I have possession of, check the writ against me, if any there is } I must own to you Sir, 372 ALEXANDER HAMILTON that I would consider that Mode of clearing myself as Shame- ful, the perfidy of the act perpetrated against me would be the only reason that would make me pass over it, and the dis- agreeable situation of being under the weight of an arrest from the Civil Authority would be a further reason in favor of it. I will dispense Sir, with any further Queries upon the sub- ject laid before you, I have tried to detail it as much as I could, in order that you may be led by the circumstances, and that you may give me explanations upon points which, the essential, I have not perhaps insisted on or even per- ceived. The most delicate point which I would be glad you would favor me with your opinion upon, Is that of honor, my firm determination is to give full and ample satisfaction if wanted, even was it unasked, for I conceive that a man Is the most unhappy of wretches, if he is convinced that his honor and delicacy have received a check. I am with great Esteem and Respect, Dear Sir You obedt. humble Servant Step. Rochefontaine Lt. Col. Com'dr. of the Artr. & Engr. Alex. Hamilton, Esqe., Attorney-at-law, New York. On May lo he again wrote: West Point by Peekskill. Dear Sir: I have had the honor to transmit to you in the course of last week, a letter detailing the affair which passed between Mr. Wilson, a Lieut. In the Corps, and myself; the Injuries offered on both sides had been settled agreeably to the rules of honor adopted by gentlemen, and in consequence of a Particular agreement made by the two Seconds. Two days after I received a challenge from Mr. Wilson by his second, Mr. Lovel, a Lieut, also, — my answer was that I looked on that affair as settled. Some of the officers who are far from being my friends, and who are too Prudent to HAMILTON AND BURR 373 Expose themselves without danger, — they assembled the officers who, thro' hatred to me, others thro' fear of their Brother-in-Arms, many without any other motive but in- subordination, which is generaly impregnated in the minds of the people under a Free Government, signed a sort of libel in which they declare that they will publish to the world, that after insulting Mr. Wilson, I refused to give him satis- faction; I refused the paper which was not authenticated by any signature and I did not receive it back, but they sent me a copy of some charges laid against me before the Secre- tary of War. Mr. McHenry has sent me the copy of the accusation, and has not informed me yet what plan he expected to proceed upon, — I desired him by this post to grant me a Court of In- quiry instead of a Court Martial. The Court of Inquiry may investigate the whole affair which will throw the ac- cusation to the ground, — a Court Martial on the contrary can- not conceive any disposition upon facts, let them be so near related to the head of accusation, if they are not materialy in the charges, it begins also by a Punishment, the arrest. This is at least the principle upon which our officers have acted, for they are most of them Lawyers of the worst Kind, viz: full of those low means, which are dishonorable in the eyes of an honest man. I have another evil to contend with, that of preventing the officers from gaining or otherwise hindering the witnesses that I may call upon to prove cer- tain facts, from telling what they saw or heard. The general saying among those people is, that it will bring trouble unto those who will take any part for me. I will not take up any more of your time to read my scrib- bling, my first letter has gone as fully as I thought necessary on the details of that affair, — I wish you would oblige me with your advice, both as to my conduct towards the civil or military prosecution, to avoid the evils prepared against me by baseness, and cowardice; any expense attending the prosecution of my enemies and my defense upon the delicate point of honor, I will bear with a great deal of pleasure, I wish therefore you would inform me what will be necessary, 374 ALEXANDER HAMILTON and the Sums will immediately be forwarded thro' the Bank at New York. I wish very much for your answer, and I am very anxious to know if you will condescend to take my defense in that affair, in which I may again assure you that my honor has not received the least attack or blemish. I am with great Respect Dear Sir Your most obedt. Servant Step. Rochefontaine. Lt. Col. Com'd'r. of yth Corps of Art'r. & Eng'rs. It does not appear that anything came of all this, and it is probable that through Hamilton's efforts matters were ad- justed. From this time on he underwent a decided change of heart regarding this method of settling personal difficulties. Many of the old army and some of his friends had fallen in the field of honor, for toward the end of the century en- counters of this kind were too often the result of trivial affronts and tavern brawls. When his own beloved first- born perished in this way his horror of the duello became so great that he, whenever possible, forced his clients and those who consulted him to settle their difficulties in some less extreme way.^ Brave as he was, it may be, therefore, perceived how his encounter with Aaron Burr was one that he was reluctantly drawn into, and quite inconsistent with the stand he had taken for the last two years before his death. * There is a reference in Hamilton's papers to an occasion in 1787, when he acted as peacemaker in a quarrel between a Major Pierce and a Mr. Auldjo, who came very near fighting. To one of these gentlemen he wrote: "I can never consent to take up the character of a second in a duel till I have in vain tried that of mediator. Be content with enough, for more ought not to be expected." Referred to by Lodge, vol. IX, p. 421. (Constitutional Edition.) HAMILTON AND BURR 375 Though much misconception exists as to the relations of Hamilton and Burr, it cannot be denied that destiny shaped their lives in such a way that their paths forever crossed, and that one always affected the other in some manner during their eventful careers. The thought certainly suggests itself to the fatalist that the subsequent death of Hamilton and the disgrace and poverty of Burr were preordained. A study of the parallel of their lives becomes, therefore, one of inter- est. They were born within a year of each other. Burr entered Princeton College in 1769 when but thirteen, and graduated in 1772. He subsequently studied the Gospel, but eventually became an atheist. Hamilton entered the Continental Army when seventeen. Burr when nineteen. Both were brave and dashing young soldiers. Burr accompanied Arnold in his expedition to Quebec, and was present at the famous assault on the city, although he later quarrelled with General Montgomery. From May, 1776, he was, for a few weeks, a member of Washington's staff, "^ where he must have been associated with Hamilton. Here he was detected in "immoralities" by Washington, and his resignation as an aide demanded. He subsequently tried to injure the Commander-in-Chief by taking sides with Gates and Lee, and being proxy to their treachery. He behaved well at the battle of Monmouth. Hamilton's military duties undoubtedly brought him in close contact with Burr, as he, too, was attached to Washington's staff.^ His disagreement with the Commander-in-Chief oc- curred, but because of nothing worse than wounded vanity, and he was not only loyal, but we find that he attacked both Lee and Gates in defence of Washington. Physically Ham- ' According to Worthington Ford, Burr was never an aide-de-camp of Washing- ton's. His name does not appear in the list, but it is possible he was detailed for a time, and not regularly appointed. See "The Writings of George Washington," vol. XIV, p. 452. New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1893. 376 ALEXANDER HAMILTON ikon and Burr were slight men, and both gifted with ex- traordinary powers of fascination. As OHver has pointed out, Burr exercised this gift to win any one and every one. Hamilton discriminated, and charmed the worthy minority.^ After the war, both began the practice of law in the same year, and were associated or opposed to each other in many local cases. According to his biographers Burr had no rival but Hamilton. He finally, after eight years in the Legislature, came to New York and took a magnificent house known as Richmond Hill. From the first he prospered, not only in Albany, but in New York, and lived luxuriously, while Hamilton was not so well favored, and got along as well as he could on much smaller emoluments, bringing up his large family. When the former began his legal prac- tice in Albany he was twenty-six. Hamilton was twenty- five. In political life Burr was always a consistent and bitter anti- Federalist, although, for a time, he pretended a half-hearted attachment to this party. Later he was more or less of a sycophant to Jefferson, until the latter grew tired of him. His atheistic ideas made him a warm partisan of the cause of the French Republic. Hamilton detested the French * Burr's peculiarly attractive manner was sketched by a person who remembered him, and communicated his impressions to a member of my family. "I was brought up," he said, "with a horror towards Colonel Burr. I remember well the first time I saw him. I met him when walking with my mother in Broadway when I was about seven years old. I was attracted by this peculiar, foreign -looking man in the old-fashioned costume of tights and powder, and turned to gaze at him. He had also turned and stood looking at us. Always after, when we met him, I found that he looked after us with Curiosity. When I was old enough to understand the dreadful fate of his only child, to hear how lovely she was, these few meetings touched me sensibly. You know how fascinating he was to young men. Two very dis- tinguished men of our State, who were much noticed by him when quite young, have told me of his rare attraction. When I inquired in what it consisted, one of them replied — 'In his manner of listening. He seemed to give your thoughts so much value by his manner of receiving, & to find so much more meaning in your words than you had intended; no flattery was more subtle.' " AARON BURR From ,in engraved portrait by St. Memin HAMILTON AND BURR 377 revolutionists. Burr was selfish, Hamilton altruistic, de- voting his talents to the good of all. So far as is known. Burr never openly wrote anything, and there are no literary remains except his diary, which is a curious and eccentric production. All unite in praising his eloquence, his shrewdness and cleverness, his ''dauntless resolution," and his great self-possession. His engaging manners, which have been referred to, gave him all the power of a demagogue, and, for a time, he was a master of men, such as they were. "In his case," says a critic, "the finest gifts of nature and fortune were spoiled by unsound moral principles, and the absence of all genuine convictions. His habits were licentious. He was a master of intrigue, though to little purpose." ^ In later years the paths of the two men diverged to a still greater degree, the course of Burr being marked by flagrant trickery and conscienceless immorality. In contrast to this was Hamilton's purity of motive and honest consistency. Though Burr and Hamilton were nearly always on op- posite political sides, this was most marked during the end of the eighteenth century, when the Federalists were eflPect- ually overthrown and beaten. Though defeated by Gen- eral Schuyler in 1797, when the latter was elected senator, Burr in 1800 became Vice-President, and Jefferson Presi- dent, there being a tie which was broken by the election of the latter to chief office. It was at this time that Hamilton's pent-up indignation found the fullest vent in a series of letters both from his pen and those of his friends. Burr was a member of the convention to revise the Con- stitution, and was unanimously elected chairman. While it is true that Hamilton for a time favored Jefferson's elec- tion as President, his advocacy was half-hearted, and the mis- * "Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography," p. 467. 378 ALEXANDER HAMILTON taken idea arose from political exigencies, for he could not tolerate Burr or his methods. In this connection he wrote to Theodore Sedgwick, in December 22, 1800:* I entirely agree with you, my dear sir, that in the event of Jefferson and Burr coming to the House of Representatives, the former is to be preferred. The appointment of Burr as President would disgrace our country abroad. No agree- ment with him could be relied upon. His private circum- stances render disorder a necessary resource. His public principles offer no obstacle. His ambition aims at nothing short of permanent power and wealth in his own person. For heaven's sake, let not the federal party be responsible for the elevation of this man! It is unfair to say that Burr was only a "respectable lawyer and speaker," as has been alleged. He was really brilliant, able, and full of resources.^ Hamilton was associated with him in many cases, and Burr often had a great deal to do with the ultimate success of the particular action — the Le Guen case being an example — and he took good care to get the lion's share of compensation. While Hamilton's chief success was before juries, it would appear, from the few carefully reported cases that went to appeal, that Burr was more often successful there. In the early days of the acquaintance, and even for many 1 "Hamilton's Works," vol. VI, p. 495. ^ Oliver's opinion of Burr is of interest as that of an impartial historian: "It is impossible, moreover, to resist the conclusion that Aaron Burr, with all his great and admirable qualities, was, in fact, a sham. Chesterfieldian maxims are not the best foundation for a real human character. His manner and his pose were magnificent. His attitude in the face of the world was sublime. But we have the feeling all the time that he was acting; that in public affairs his eye was fixed upon the pit and the stalls, or, at any rate, upon the critics rather than upon the subject. He made no vulgar appeal to a mean audience. We feel indeed that often his sole admirers — pit, stalls, and critics — consisted of himself, and he was a severe judge. But it was acting all the same." — Op. cit., p. 416. HAMILTON AND BURR 379 years after, their relations were not unfriendly, and Hamilton, doubtless, admired and respected the mental qualities of his adversary, and was fair enough to admit it; but he was placed, upon many occasions, in the disagreeable position of appearing against Burr for clients who had been the victim of the latter's dishonest practices. Much speculation has been indulged in regarding Hamil- ton's action in meeting Burr, despite his strong and oft- expressed prejudices against duelling, and many conscien- tious people are inclined to censure him for this. There can be no doubt, however, that he deliberately sacrificed himself for his patriotic principles, and I prefer to take the view held by a few persons that he met Burr only because he knew that his future usefulness as the leader of his party would have been hurt by any exhibition of what might have been, in any degree, regarded by the mob as the white feather. It is un- necessary to call attention to the obligations of the code in those days. In fact, until a very late period in the history of some States, the refusal to accept a challenge would have been paramount to a confession of cowardice. Even forty years later the kind-hearted and peaceful-minded Abraham Lincoln prepared himself to fight a duel with broadswords, and actually went to meet his adversary, who ingloriously retired when he saw his huge opponent slashing the grass with his enormous weapon.^ As Lodge has intimated, Ham- ilton knew that the time might come when civil war, or the insults of the French nation, would precipitate a conflict, and that as one likely to be major-general his prestige as a com- mander would be seriously hurt if he had not gone out to ' The challenge was sent by one James Shields, a boastful and pompous person, who had been ridiculed in a local newspaper called the Sangamo Journal by Lincoln and others. A full account of this proceeding may be found in "Abraham Lincoln — A History," by John G. Nicolay and John Hay, vol. I, p. 203. New York, The Century Company, 1890. 380 ALEXANDER HAMILTON fight with Burr. Although Hamilton, in his later life, hated the very idea of settling disputes of personal wrongs in this way, he, as a soldier, could not entirely free himself from the customary obligations of his profession. Rufus King,^ a temperate and cool-headed man, did his best to stop the duel, and in a letter to Charles King, April 2, 1819, said: "You cannot my Dr. Sir, hold in greater ab- horrence than I do, the practice of duelling. Our lamented friend was not unacquainted with my opinion on the sub- ject, but with a mind the most capacious and discriminating that I ever knew, he had laid down for the government of himself certain rules upon the subject of Duels, the fallacy of which could not fail to be seen by any man of ordinary un- derstanding; with these guides it is my deliberate opinion that he could not have avoided a meeting with Col. Burr, had he even declined the first challenge." After the duel, and even to-day, it is hard for some ad- mirers of Burr to believe all this, and it has been repeatedly asserted that Hamilton did not throw away his first shot. Not only is this erroneous, but every utterance and action shows that he had absolutely no intention of shooting Burr, and though his pistol was discharged it was an involuntary act.^ The account of Dr. Hosack contains references to this, and his own letters and papers are convincing witnesses of his sincere good faith. In the statement Hamilton drew up before he fought he speaks not only of his desire to avoid the interview upon "religious and moral" grounds, the pos- ' Also "Rufus King's Life and Letters," pp. 398 el seq., vol. IV. ^ Both Burr and Van Ness always said that Hamilton fired first by a second. Judge Pendleton, after Van Ness's dissatisfaction with the report, went to Wee- hawken a day or two after and inspected the duelling ground. He stated that Hamilton's bullet hit a branch twelve and one-half feet above the ground, four feet to the right, and thirteen feet from where Hamilton stood — the contestants stood eleven paces apart. This was considered proof by him that Hamilton's pistol was accidentally discharged. HAMILTON AND BURR 381 sible loss to his family, and a sense of obligation to his creditors, but he says: "It is also my ardent wish that I may have been, and that he [Burr] by his future conduct may show himself worthy of all confidence and esteem, and prove an ornament and blessing to his Country." If these words are not an indication that he believed Burr would survive, and intended he should, they mean nothing. Again, in the two last letters to his wife, there is a clearly expressed idea that he would himself fall. This paper, written by him, is again worthy of reproduction and goes to prove all this: On my expected interview with Col. Burr, I think it proper to make some remarks explanatory of my conduct, motives and views. I was certainly desirous of avoiding this interview for the most cogent reasons. 1. My religious and moral principles are strongly op- posed to the practice of duelling, and it would ever give me pain to be obliged to shed the blood of a fellow creature in a private combat forbidden by the laws. 2. My wife and children are extremely dear to me, and my life is of the utmost importance to them, in various views. 3. I feel a sense of obligation towards my creditors; who in case of accident to me, by the forced sale of my property, may be in some degree sufferers. I did not think myself at liberty as a man of probity, lightly to expose them to this hazard. 4. I am conscious of no ill will to Col. Burr, distinct from political opposition, which, as I trust, has proceeded from pure and upright motives. Lastly, I shall hazard much, and can possibly gain nothing by the issue of the interview. But it was, as I conceive, impossible for me to avoid it. There were intrinsic difficulties in the thing, and artificial embarrassments, from the manner of proceeding on the part of Col. Burr. 382 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Intrinsic, because it is not to be denied, that my animad- versions on the poHtical principles, character, and views of Col. Burr, have been extremely severe; and on different occasions, I, in common with many others, have made very unfavorable criticisms on particular instances of the private conduct of this gentleman. In proportion as these impressions were entertained with sincerity, and uttered with motives and for purposes which might appear to me commendable, would be the difficulty (until they could be removed by evidence of their being erroneous), of explanation or apology. The disavowal re- quired of me by Col. Burr, in a general and indefinite form, was out of my power, if it had really been proper for me to submit to be so questioned; but I was sincerely of opinion that this could not be, and in this opinion, I was confirmed by that of a very moderate and judicious friend whom I consulted. Besides that, Col. Burr appeared to me to as- sume, in the first instance, a tone unnecessarily peremp- tory and menacing, and in the second, positively offensive. Yet I wished, as far as might be practicable, to leave a door open to accommodation. This, I think, will be in- ferred from the written communications made by me and by my direction, and would be confirmed by the conversations between Mr. Van Ness and myself, which arose out of the subject. I am not sure whether, under all the circumstances, I did not go further in the attempt to accommodate, than a punctilious delicacy will justify. If so, I hope the motives I have stated will excuse me. It is not my design, by what I have said, to affix any odium on the conduct of Col. Burr, in this case. He doubtless has heard of animadversions of mine, which bore very hard upon him; and it is probable that as usual they were accompa- nied with some falsehoods. He may have supposed himself under a necessity of acting as he has done. I hope the grounds of his proceeding have been such as ought to satisfy his own conscience. I trust, at the same time, that the world will do me the HAMILTON AND BURR 383 justice to believe that I have not censured him on light grounds, nor from unworthy inducements. I certainly have had strong reasons for what I may have said, though it is possible that in some particulars, I may have been influ- enced by misconstruction or misinformation. It is also my ardent wish that I may have been more mistaken than I think I have been, and that, he, by his future conduct, may show himself worthy of all confidence and esteem, and prove an ornament and blessing to the country. As well because it is possible that I may have injured Col. Burr, however convinced myself that my opinions and declarations have been well founded, as from my general principles and temper in relation to similar affairs, I have resolved, if our interview is conducted in the usual manner, and it pleases God to give me the opportunity, to reserve and throw away my first fire, and I have thoughts of even reserving my second fire — and thus giving a double opportunity to Col. Burr to pause and to reflect. It is not, however, my intention to enter into any expla- nations on the ground — Apology from principle, I hope, rather than pride, is out of the question. To those, who, with me, abhorring the practice of duelling, may think that I ought on no account to have added to the number of bad examples, I answer, that my relative situation, as well in public as private, enforcing all the considerations which constitute what men of the world denominate honour, imposed on me (as I thought) a peculiar necessity not to de- cline the call. The ability to be in future useful, whether in resisting mischief or effecting good, in those crises of our public affairs which seem likely to happen, would probably be inseparable from a conformity with public prejudice in this particular. A. H. CHAPTER XIII THE DUEL There need be no speculation as to the cause of the duel. What has been said in previous chapters shows the forces that were at work for a very long time, but in a more pro- nounced way for at least two years before the event. Even if he had not wished to do so, Hamilton was unwillingly obliged, in the practice of his profession, to expose Burr's corrupt practices and the manner in which he swindled his clients; he had no choice. In political antagonism the worst offence was given, for Hamilton's attacks had been unremitting and bitter, and though undertaken because he believed the welfare of the nation demanded the defeat of Burr, he could expect no other ending than that which followed. While the correspondence directly connected with the sending of the challenge seemed forced and disingenuous upon Burr's part, and the issue was directly precipitated by the latter, he was undoubtedly goaded on by Hamilton's scathing denunciation, and it is surprising that he did not force the duel upon some much earlier occasion, as Hamilton was always free in his criticism, and wrote many letters and inspired many bitter newspaper attacks. What could be more provoking than the letter addressed to John Rutledge, and found afterward among the papers of Francis Hop- kinson .? ' ' Century Magazine, vol. IX, p. 250. 384 THE DUEL 385 Alexander Hamilton to John Rutledge (Confidential) New York, Jaiiv. 4, 1801. My Dear Sir: My extreme anxiety about the ensuing election of President by the House of Representatives will excuse to you the liberty I take in addressing you concerning it without being consulted by you. Did you know M^ Burr as well as I do, I should think it unnecessary. With your honest attachment to the Country and correctness of views, it would not then be possible for you to hesitate, if you now do, about the course to be taken. You would be clearly of opinion with me that M^ Jefferson is to be preferred. As long as the Federal party preserve their high ground of integrity and principle, I shall not despair of the public weal. But if they quit it and descend to be the willing in- strurrients of the Elevation of the most unfit and most dan- gerous man of the community to the highest station in the Government — I shall no longer see any anchor for the hopes of good men. I shall at once anticipate all the evils that a daring and unprincipled ambition wielding the lever of Jacobinism can bring upon an infatuated Country. The enclosed paper exhibits a faithful sketch of M^ Burr's character as I believe it to exist, with better opportunities than almost any other man of forming a true estimate. The expectation, I know, is, that if M*". Burr shall owe his elevation to the Foederal party he will judge it his interest to adhere to that party. But it ought to be recollected, that he will owe it in the first instance to the Antifoederal party; that among these, though perhaps not in the House of Rep- resentatives, a numerous class prefers him to M"". Jefferson as best adapted by the boldness and cunning of his temper to fulfil their mischievous views; and that it will be the in- terest of his Ambition to preserve and cultivate these friends. M^ Burr will doubtless be governed by his interest as he views it. But stable power and wealth being his objects — and there being no prospect that the respectable and sober 386 ALEXANDER HAMILTON foederalists will countenance the projects of an irregular Ambition or prodigal Cupidity, he will not long lean upon them — but selecting from among them men suited to his purpose he will seek with the aid of these and of the most unprincipled of the opposite party to accomplish his ends. At least such ought to be our calculation — From such a man as him, who practices all the maxims of a Catiline, who while despising, has played the whole game of, democracy, what better is to be looked for. T is not to a Chapter of Accidents, that we ought to trust the Government peace and happiness of our country — T is enough for us to know that M^ Burr is one of the most unprincipled men in the U States in order to determine us to decline being responsible for the precarious issues of his calculations of Interest. Very different ought to be our plan. Under the un- certainty of the Event we ought to seek to obtain from M^ Jefferson these assurances i That the present Fiscal System will be maintained 2 That the present neutral plan will be adhered to 3 That the Navy will be preserved and gradually increased 4 That Foederalists now in office, not being heads of the great departments will be retained. As to the heads of Departments & other matters he ought to be free. You cannot in my opinion render a greater service to your Country than by exerting your influence to counteract the impolitic and impure idea of raising M^ Burr to the Chief Magistracy. Adieu My Dear Sir Yrs with sincere affecn & regard . jt ^ A. Hamilton. J. Rutledge Esq' (The inclosure, also in Hamilton's Handwriting.) (Confidential) A Burr i-He is in every sense a profligate; a voluptuary in the ex- treme, with uncommon habits of expense; in his profession extortionate to a proverb; suspected on strong grounds of THE DUEL 387 having corruptly served the views of the Holland Company, in the capacity of a member of our legislature;* and un- derstood to have been guilty of several breaches of probity in his pecuniary transactions. His very friends do not in- sist upon his integrity. 2 He is without doubt insolvent for a large deficit. All his visible property is deeply mortgaged, and he is known to owe other large debts for which there is no specific security. Of the number of these is a Judgment in favour of M^ Angerstien for a sum which with interest amounts to about 80,000 Dollars.^ 3 The fair emoluments of any station, under our govern- ment, will not equal his expenses in that station; still less will they suffice to extricate him from his embarrassments. He must therefore from the necessity of his station have re- course to unworthy expedients. These may be a bargain and sale with some foreign power, or combinations with pub- lic agents in projects of gain by means of the public moneys; perhaps and probably, to enlarge the sphere — a war. 4 He has no pretensions to the Station from services. He acted in different capacities in the last war finally with the rank of L*Col in a Regiment, and gave indications of being a good officer; but without having had the opportunity of per- forming any distinguished action. At a critical period of the war, he resigned his commission, assigning for cause ill- health, and went to repose at Paramus in the State of New Jersey. If his health was bad he might without difficulty have obtained a furlough and was not obliged to resign. He was afterwards seen in his usual health. The circumstance excited much jealousy of his motives. In civil life, he has never projected nor aided in producing a single measure of important public utility. 5 He has constantly sided with the party hostile to foed- eral measures before and since the present constitution of the U States — In opposing the adoption of this constitution he was engaged covertly and insidiously; because, as he said * This refers to Burr's attempt to modify the laws of the State of New York, per- mitting aliens to hold and dispose of land. "^ Hamilton was Angerstien's lawyer. 388 ALEXANDER HAMILTON at the time "it was too strong and too weak" and he has been uniformly the opposer of the Foederal Administration. 6 No mortal can tell what his political principles are. He has talked all round the compass. At times he has dealt in all the jargon of Jacobinism ; at other times he has proclaimed decidedly to total insufficiency of the Fcederal Government and the necessity of changes to one far more energetic. The truth seems to be that he has no plan but that of getting power by any means and keeping it by all means. It is prob- able that if he has any theory t is that of a simple despotism. He has intimated that he thinks the present French consti- tution not a bad one. 7 He is of a temper bold enough to think no enterprise too hazardous and sanguine enough to think none too difficult. He has censured the leaders of the Foederal party as wanting in vigour and enterprise, for not having established a strong Government when they were in possession of the power and influence. 8 Discerning men of all parties agree in ascribing to him an irregular and inordinate ambition. Like Catiline, he is indefatigable in courting the young and the profligate. He knows well the weak sides of human nature, and takes care to play in with the passions of all with whom he has inter- course. By natural disposition, the haughtiest of men, he is at the same time the most creeping to answer his purposes. Cold and collected by nature and habit, he never loses sight of his object and scruples no means of accomplishing it. He is artful and intriguing to an inconceivable degree. In short all his conduct indicates that he has in view nothing less than the establishment of Supreme Power in his own person. Of this nothing can be a surer index than that having in fact high-toned notions of Government, he has nevertheless constantly opposed the foederal and courted the popular party. As he never can efi^ect his wish by the aid of good men, he will court and employ able and daring scoundrels of every party, and by availing himself of their assistance and of all the bad passions of the Society, he will in all likelihood attempt an usurpation. THE DUEL 389 8 [sic] Within the last three weeks at his own Table, he drank these toasts successively i The French Republic 2 The Commissioners who negotiated the Convention 3 Buonaparte 4 La Fayette: and he countenanced and seconded the positions openly advanced by one of his guests that it was the interest of this country to leave it free to the Belligerent Powers to sell their prizes in our ports and to build and equip ships for their respective uses; a doctrine which evidently aims at turning all the naval resources of the U States into the channel of France; and which by making these states the most pernicious enemy of G Britain would compel her to go to war with us. 9 Though possessing infinite art cunning and address — he is yet to give proofs of great or soHd abilities. It is cer- tain that at the Bar he is more remarkable for ingenuity and dexterity, than for sound judgment or good logic. From the character of his understanding and heart it is likely that any innovation which he may effect will be such as to serve the turn of his own power, not such as will issue in estab- lishments favourable to the permanent security and pros- perity of the Nation — founded upon the principles of a strong free and regular Government.^ This letter, and those addressed to James A. Bayard, James Ross, and Theodore Sedgwick, as well as others, must have become public property, or at least have been known to reach Burr. Although the two men for a long time naturally hated each other, there does not appear to have been any very marked outward expression of this ani- mosity. It is stated, that at a meeting of the Cincinnati, a few days before the duel, Hamilton entertained the com- pany with a song, and that Burr, who was present, was ob- served to be silent and gloomy, gazing with marked and fixed earnestness at Hamilton during this song.^ It is not ' Also see "Life and Correspondence of McHenry," p. 485. ^ Morse, II, 364. The song is supposed by some to have been " The Drum," but by others one of Wolfe's songs called, "How Stands the Glass Around." See a pamphlet by I. E. Graybill, entitled, "Alexander Hamilton," Nevis, Weehawken. 390 ALEXANDER HAMILTON difficult to telieve that this was one of those cases when one man breeds in the other a species of fascination and affec- tion — distinct as it were from another self that becomes so hateful and insupportable, that destruction is the only relief. How the words of Brutus suggest themselves! The first intimation of the duel was a letter written by Burr to Hamilton, June i8, 1804, and delivered to the latter by W. P. Van Ness, a legal friend of both. The at- tention of Hamilton was called to an alleged assertion made by a Dr. Cooper of Albany in effect that he (Cooper), "could detail a still more despicable opinion which General Hamil- ton has expressed of Mr. Burr." In this communication Burr reminded Hamilton that "he must perceive the neces- sity of a prompt unqualified acknowledgment or denial" of the use of these expressions. In a letter written by Hamil- ton to Burr, June 20, 1804, the former says: I have maturely reflected on the subject of your letter of the 1 8th inst., and the more I have reflected the more I have be- come convinced that I could not without manifest impro- priety make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think necessary. The clause pointed out by Mr. Van Ness is in these terms, "I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion which Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr." To endeavour to discover the meaning of this declaration, I was obliged to seek in the antecedent part of this letter for the opinion to which it referred, as having been already dis- closed: I found it in these words, "General Hamilton and Judge Kent have declared in substance, that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man, and one who ought not to be trusted with the reins of government." The language of Dr. Cooper plainly implies, that he con- sidered this opinion of you, which he attributes to me, as a despicable one, but he affirms that I have expressed some other, still more despicable; without, however, mentioning to whom, when, or where. 'Tis evident that the phrase " still THE DUEL 391 more despicable" admits of infinite shades from very light to very dark. How^ am I to judge of the degree intended ? or how shall I annex any precise idea to language so indefinite ? Betv^een Gentlemen, despicable and more despicable are not worth the pains of a distinction: when, therefore, you do not interrogate me, as to the opinion which is specifically ascribed to me, I must conclude that you view it as within the limits to which the animadversions of political opponents upon each other may justifiably extend, and consequently as not warranting the idea of it which Doctor Cooper ap- pears to entertain. Repeating that I cannot reconcile it with propriety to make the acknowledgment or denial you desire, I will add that I deem it inadmissible on principle, to consent to be interrogated as to the justice of the inferences which may be drawn by others from whatever I may have said of a political opponent in the course of a fifteen years' competition. . . . I stand ready to avow or disavow promptly and explicitly any precise or definite opinion which I may be charged with having declared of any Gentleman. More than this cannot fitly be expected from me; and especially it cannot be rea- sonably expected that I shall enter into an explanation upon a basis so vague as that which you have adopted. I trust on more reflection you will see the matter in the same light with me. If not, I can only regret the circumstance and must abide the consequences. The publication of Doctor Cooper was never seen by me 'till after the receipt of your letter. I have the honor to be, &c., * tt ' A. Hamilton. Col. Burr. In reply to this letter, on June 21, Burr said: Your letter of the 20th instant has been this day received. Having considered it attentively, I regret to find in it nothing of that sincerity and delicacy which you profess to value. Political opposition can never absolve gentlemen from the necessity of a rigid adherence to the laws of honor and 392 ALEXANDER HAMILTON the rules of decorum. I neither claim such privilege nor in- dulge it in others. , . . Your letter has furnished me with new reasons for re- quiring a definite reply. The New York Evening Post, in the issue of July 12, says: "On Saturday, the 22d of June, Gen. Hamilton, for the first time, called on Mr. P. [Pendleton] and communicated to him the preceding correspondence. He informed him that in a conversation with Mr. V. N. [Van Ness] at the time of receiving the last letter, he told Mr. V. N. that he considered that letter as rude and offensive, and that it was not possible for him to give it any other answer than that Mr. Burr must take such steps as he might think proper. He said further, that Mr. V. N. requested him to take time to deliberate, and then return an answer, when he might possibly entertain a different opinion, and that he would call on him to receive it. That his reply to Mr. V. N. was, that he did not perceive it possible for him to give any other answer than that he had mentioned unless Mr. Burr would take back his last letter and write one which would admit of a different reply. He then gave Mr. P. the letter hereafter mentioned of the 22d of June, to be delivered to Mr. V. N. when he should call on Mr. P. for an answer, and went to his country house." The correspondence was continued at length, being chiefly between W. P. Van Ness and Nathaniel Pendleton, who also had several conversations together, as representatives of their principals in the difficulty. The final letter, from Mr. Van Ness, dated June 27, concluded as follows: "The length to which this correspondence has extended, only proving that the redress, earnestly desired, cannot be ob- tained, he [Col. Burr] deems it useless to offer any proposi- tion except the simple message which I shall now have the honor to deliver." THE DUEL 393 It is added, by the Evening Post, that, "with this letter a message was received, such as was to be expected, contain- ing an invitation which was accepted, and Mr. P. informed Mr. V. N. he should hear from him the next day as to further particulars." There was a delay caused by General Hamilton's pro- fessional engagements in the Circuit Court, but "on Friday, the 6th of July, the Circuit being closed, Mr. P. gave this information, and that Gen. Hamilton would be ready, at any time after the Sunday following. On Monday the particulars were arranged." The attitude of Hamilton toward his family must have, for many days, been extremely embarrassing, for the meeting with Burr appears to have been postponed from time to time. Meanwhile he lived with his wife and children at the Grange, and, apparently, attended to his affairs in the city with his ac- customed regularity. He wrote his wife two farewell letters, one on July 4, and another on July 10, at 10 p.m., but how these letters reached her, or by whom they were delivered, is not known. They were preserved by her and were prob- ably carried about and reread many times, judging by their tattered appearance, and to-day one of them is scarcely legible. The first letter was possibly written after he had attended the meeting of the Society of the Cincinnati — per- haps after he had rendered the jovial song the night before the duel, at some place in the city itself. Alexander Hatndton to Elizabeth Hamilton This letter, my very dear Eliza, will not be delivered to you unless I shall first have terminated my earthly career, to begin, as I humbly hope, from redeeming grace and di- vine mercy, a happy immortality. 394 ALEXANDER HAMILTON If it had been possible for me to have avoided the inter viev^, my love for you and my precious children would have been alone a decisive motive. But it was not possible, without sacrifices which would have rendered me unworthy of your esteem. I need not tell you of the pangs I feel from the idea of quitting you, and exposing you to the anguish which I know you would feel. Nor could I dwell on the topic lest it should unman me. The consolations of Religion, my beloved, can alone sup- port you; and these you have a right to enjoy. Fly to the bosom of your God and be comforted. With my last idea I shall cherish the sweet hope of meeting you in a better world. Adieu best of wives — best of women. Embrace all my darling children for me. Ever yours A. H. July 4, 1804. Mrs. Hamilton. Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton My beloved Eliza: Mrs. Mitchel is the person in the world to whom as a friend I am under the greatest obliga- tions^ I have not hitherto done my duty to her. But re- solved to repair my omission to her as much as possible, I have encouraged her to come to this country, and intend, if it shall be in my power, to render the evening of her days comfortable. But if it shall please God to put this out of my power, and to enable you hereafter to be of service to her, I entreat you to do it, and to treat her with the tenderness of a sister. This is my second letter. The scruples of a Christian have determined me to expose my own life to any extent rather than subject myself to the guilt of taking the life of another. This much increases my hazards, and redoubles my pangs for you. But you had rather I should die innocent than live guilty. « r ■•^?^^?^ ^0 v^ ^ i 7, %l r m^. k V r 4 v Ni •■ particularly § iq2 j Grotius B 3<* Chap. 10 Vatel Preliminaries Page s_§ 16 — 17 6 Vatel Book 3 Ch 12 before quoted Idem C 13 § 19s &= 196 Molloy B I Ch. I P. 12 to 14 § 12 and 13— Burlamaque Vol 2 P- 302 § 33 to 37— Grotius B 3 Ch 6 P 500 § 2 Rutherford Vol 2 B 2"' Ch 9 Page 508 to 512 — Quare The voluntary law of Nations is as intrinsically obligatory as the necessary law; which en- joins its observance. Nations are under two kinds of obligation internal and external — the one founded on the necessary the other on the voluntary law of nations. By the necessary, the party making an unjust war acquires in foro conscientiae no right, and is bound in foro conscientiae to make restitution for all damages But by the voluntary law the party in the wrong has equal rights with the party in the right: and the effects of war on both sides are the same. Rutherford Book 9 Ch 9 p. 563 564 578— to 580 Bynkershoeck Liber I Caput, II P Hutcheson Vol. 2 P. 357 Burla: Vol 2 p. 263 §44 Cunningham Pos In- suram P. 276 Hales H. P. C. Vol i P. 160 to 164 Burlamaque p. 271 21 Vatel B 3 Ch 18 P. Ill § 295 Burlam: P 302 33 to 37 Inst Ins: Lib II Id I 17 Molloy Book ist Ch i Page 14 § 13 Grotius 500 Read be- fore 581 Idem P s86 Note 5 Domal Vol I P. 455 §17 And this is the Case by the better opinion in wars not solemn as well as in solemn The formalities which constitute a solemn war are arbitrary. The effects of war are the same between two great parts of the same empire as be- tween two Independent nations. The general proposition of the jus belli is that "ea quae ab hostibus Capimus statim jure gentium nostra sunt. 464 APPENDIX H P, 2go Burla: Vol §1 Viner Title Lawful Prize PI I &° 2 2 Black Comni. P. 401 No. I 402 Brooke Title Prop- ertie Pjt6^C No. 18 167 - No. 30 Grotius B 3 Ch 20 § 22 P. 701 Hutchison Vol. 2 P. 363 b' 364 Vatel B 4 C 3 § 30 Page 123 Register P. 102 Brooke Title Prop- ertie Page 16 ib N°.i8 167 30 Year Books 7 Ed 4 Page 14 fol. s Grotius Lib 3"* Ch 20 § 22 Pag e 701 Eng ) 907 Latin ) Idem Lib 3 Ch 9 § 13 N". 2 page 868 Justinians Institutes Lib II Til IV Intere § 2 1 procedure I proves this — > Moveable goods belong to the Captor for ever after the battle is over; or according to some common law, adjudication if fresh perfect be not made the same day. Ante occasum solis And the fruits of immoveable goods while in possession. The common law carries the rights of war so far Individual as to give the A Captor a property in the Prisoner — and even transfers the absolute right of real property. How settle Grotius' meaning about the profits I^P^ fructus iisujructus Usufructus is nearly equivalent to an issue at common law. The Idea that in one place he speaks of a new grant in another of restitution is not accu- rate The Context in both Cases relates to restitution. And the verb CONCEDERE is as ap- plicable to surrender as to a new grant. Vatel understands Grotius in the same sense for he refers to him! Burl: Vol 2 P 295 to Grotius B 3 392, 396, 398, 399, 400, 404, 408, 422, 423, 425, 426, 427, 428, 429; accompanies Arnold to Quebec, 375; alleged use of bullet- proof silk garments, 400; becomes an atheist, 375; chooses Van Ness as second, 390, 392; death of, 429; de- scribes his smoky chimney, 343; dis- honest practices of, 379; elected vice- president, 377; enters Princeton Col- lege, 375; fascination of, 376; Hamilton and himself compared, 357; member of convention to revise constitution, 377; partisan of Jefferson, 376; takes sides with Lee against Washington, 375. Cabot, George, 86. Callender, William Thompson, 76, 431. Carter, Mrs., 147. Cazenove, Theophile, 32, 168. Ceracci, Giuseppe, makes Hamilton's bust, T,s, 34- Charles X., overthrow of, 251. Chastellux,Vicomte de,i23, 209, 239, 274. Cheetham, 90, 431. Church, Angelica, 96; writes to her brother regarding duel, 404. Church, John Barker, 168, 277, 408, 409, 413, 414. Church, "Peggy," 103. Church, Philip, 408. Church, Richard, 409. Cincinnati, Society of, 389, 393. Clarkson, Matthew, 267. Clinton, George, Governor, 245, 292. Clymer, George, 314. Cobbett, William, 69. Cochran, Mrs., 96, 108. Colbert, Chevalier, asks Hamilton to press his suit, 228. Colden, Cadwallader, Lieut. Governor, 185. Coleman, William, editor of New York Evening Post, 71, 72, 350, 399, 400, 404, 406, 409, 412; duel with Captain Thompson, 72. 477 478 INDEX College of New Jersey, the, confers de- gree upon Hamilton, 92. Colonies, social life in, g, 10. Congress places embargo on English ships, 289; gives Hamilton back pay, 420. Cooper, Dr., of Albany, 390. Cooper, Myles, Dr., 22, 64. Cooper, Thomas, 267. Courtship and marriage of Hamilton, 118. Crevecoeur, Hector St. Jean de, 244. Croswell libel case, 177. Dana, Francis, 359. Danton transmits notification of citizen- ship to Hamilton, 300. Dartmouth College confers degree upon Hamilton, 92. Dawson, Henry B., his analysis of the Federalist, 84. Dean, Silas, 361. Definitive treaty, 144. De Heart, Balthazar, 149, 160. Delancey, Stephen, 155. Democrat, Petit, the, 309 et seq. Dinner given to Citizen Genet, 308. Drum, The Song of the, 47. Duane, indictment of, 443. Duane, William, 70. Duel, the, 375, 384. Duel, the, Coleman's account of, 399; memorandum of seconds in, 396; pis-' tols used in, 408. Duel, Abraham Lincoln challenged to fight a, 379; between Major Roche- fontaine and Lieutenant Wilson, 368. Duer, William, 157, 267; failure of, 272; marries Lady Kitty Sterling, 271. Duportail, 239. Earle, Ralph, paints Mr. Hamilton's portrait, 157. Elopement of General Schuyler's daugh- ters, II. Eustace, J. S., Major, attacks Hamil- ton, 280. Evening Post, New York, establishment of, 71. Fair American, case of the, 166. Family life, 200. Fauchet, Jean Antoine, 312, 314. Fawcett, Rachel, 8. Federal Celebration, the, 203. Federal party, overthrow of, t,^^. Federalist, The, 62, 8c, 81, 276; its in- fluence in the affairs of other nations, 83; the early periodical publication of, 451- Fever, yellow, in Philadelphia, 223 et seq. " Fields," the, 23. Foreign friendships, Hamilton warns against too intimate, 286. ■ Franklin, Benjamin, 136. French privateers, depredations of, 318. Freneau, Philip, the poet and journalist, 65,431- Funeral of Hamilton, 409. Galloway, Joseph, 441. Genet, Edmond Charles, 165, 307, 312, 314- George the Second, destruction of his portrait by the patriots, 24. George the Third, statue of, torn down, 150. Gibbs, Caleb, 267. Giles attacks Hamilton in the Senate, 283. Gordon, William, the Reverend, 360. Gore, Christopher, commissioner in London, 164. Grange, the, 348, 350, 404, 414; cost of building the, 344; life at the, 348; Hamiltons of, 8; Laird of, 13. Greene, Nathaniel, General, 253; Ham- ilton helps his widow, 253. Greenleaf, James, 314. Grenville, Lord, 290. Hamilton, Alexander, absent-minded- ness of, 42; accepts contingent fee, 190; iUtacked by Giles in Senate, 283; addresses students at King's College, 23; admiralty jjractice of 161; advises Mrs. Washington, 47; alleged sym- pathy vvith Great Brit lin, 288; am- bition of, 52; Angelica Church writes regarding Jay's tre.ity, 292; aristo- cratic tendencies of, 52; arrangement of his garden, 347; his arrival in Bos- ton, 20; as a contributor to newspa- pers, 64; as a letter writer, 79; as an orator, 61, 93; associated with Burr in court, 378; attacks upon, 40; attends court at New Haven, 187; banquet to, 205; becomes member of Amer- ican Philosophical Society, 92; b«+h, 9rf. aj books of, 74; builds a house, 340; and Burr, 357; butcher's bill of, 237, 238; buys land, 340; buys slaves, 268; capacity for making INDEX 479 fDi©nd5p«4o; comparison with Burr, 375; ccanplains of his destiny, 281; coroner's inquest, 423; courtship and marriage of, -118; carriage tax, tries, 174; Croswell libel case, tries, 177; children of, 210; comments on Ceracci bust, 33; College of New Jersey confers degree upon, 92; death of, 400, 403; defends the tories, 151; disbursements for election of Adams, 236; disapproval of duelling, 380; disagreement with Washington, 375; dislike of Governor Clinton, 42; disc approval of lawlessness, 24; dis- liked by Adams, 40; writes concerning Duer's irregularities, 273; extra va- gan.ce,_244; estimates of his ability as a lawyer, 197, 198, 199; elected to Congress, 202; enmity of Jefferson toward, 277; enmity of Madison toward, 276; education, 22; emotional changes, 43; estimates his property, 419; his family, 8; his father, 3, 9; friendship for La Fayette, 245; friends and-eoemies, 239; finds law oifice, 164; Fair American, tries case of, 166; fees, 187, 188; fee in Le Guen case, 171; family life of, 200; his fearlessness of responsibility, 276; his foundation of Hamilton College, 92; freedom of speech of, 37; French Republic makes him a citizen, 299; funeral of, 409; goes to Philadelphia, 164; good fellow- ship of, 240; gun of, 349; gallantry of, 55; honeymoon of, 141; Holland Company employs him, 160; house in which he died, 404; household ex- penses, 232 et seq.; honorary degrees of, 92; his father draws on him, 3; his doctors, 267; foreign alliance, views on, 286; gentlemen, 46; grave of, 429; houses in New York, 206, 207; ideas of compensation, 189; illness, 17; inci- dent of Chancellor Kent, 46; interview with Pontigibaud, 295; interest in France, 293; Jews, refers to, 21; Jef- ferson calls him " Colossus of Federal- ists," 281; killed in duel, 395; lawyer, as a, 148; Little Sarah, considers case of, 165; land operations, 168; LeGuen vs. Gouverneur, case of, 169; law books of, 196; leaves the Cabinet, 319; last letters to wife, 393, 394; last meet- ing with wife, 403; last will of, 413; life in Philadelphia, 314; letters of Phocion, 41; love of fine arts, 47; Hterary fe- cundity, 62; list of papers by, 62; libel suit against Argus, 68; Teftter to John Adams, 90; debts of clients, 414; mo- tive for meeting Burr, 379; manner and appearance, 240; ntanuscripis purchased by government, 115; at Morristown, 122; makes Troup ex- ecutor, 163; tries Manhattan Well murder case, 184; method of prepar- ing cases, 194; moves to Philadelphia, 283; makes enemies, 39; military ac- counts, 204; McHenry suggests medi- cal advice for, 265; moods, 43; Ma- dame Jumel and, 55; mother, his, 8; manner of life, 266; Monroe and Ran- dolph plot to injure, 289; Napoleon and, 52; notes, his, 195; opinion as to legitimacy of heirs of Sir William Johnson, 184; offered nomination of Governor of the State of New York, 54; opinions on finance, 75, 76; his origin, 8; overworks, 256; his part- ners and clerks, 159, 160; his part in ratifying the Constitution, 202; pis- tols used by him in the duel, 408; professional engagements of, 351; specifications for his house, 341; pre f>ares a roster of available ofl&cers, 328; plans defensive measures, 320; power of attorney given by him before the duel, 414; prepares a code of etiquette for Washington, 315; his precocity, 19; part in preparing Washington correspondence, 49; pseudonyms of, 63; portraits of, 30 et seq.; personal characteristics, 29; part in preparing Jay's treaty, 284; his quarrel with Washington, 148, 354, 262; meets Rochambeau, 141; resigns from Treas- ury, 163; his receipts from practice, 190 et seq.; receiver of Continental taxes, as, 200; recommends establishment of Christian Constitutional Society, 334; religious belief of, 334; reorganizes army, 325; receives Rochefoucauld- Liancourt, 37, 231; relieves distress of French emigres, 104; success before juries, 378; sings song of Drum, 389; statement drawn up by him before duel, 380; -studies law, 148; as a sportsman, 349; slandered by Dr. Gordon, 358; second to Laurens in duel with Lee, 357; suggests and plans West Point Military Academy, ?>?>3\ suppresses Whiskey Rebellion, 317; Sullivan's description of, 30; school days, 23; tries the trespass case, 152; his trial notes in Croswell case, 480 INDEX 181 et seq.; his taste for gardening, 344; attends the theatre, 349; tem- perament of, 5;^; and Mrs. Reynolds, 58; takes the communion from Bishop Moore, 406; Talleyrand's eulogium of, 255; writes verse, 89, 126; visits Mrs. Benedict Arnold, 132; his alleged vanity, 48; his wit, 241; wretched condition of his affairs after death, 415; in Yorktown, 141. Hamilton, Alexander, Jr., 210; Dr., 224. Hamilton, Angelica, 47, 210, 219. Hamilton, Elizabeth, 95, 99, 107, 109, no, 112, 116, 210, 220, 221, 222, 29S, 355; character of, 107; charitiesof, 109; girl friends of, 99; establishment of first orphan asylum, 355; her last days at Grange, 355; writes to son Philip, 220, 221; old age, 112; resents con- duct of Monroe, 116; statement as to Washington's Farewell Address, no; urges her son Philip to go to Mt. Vernon, 221. Hamilton, James A., no, 217. Hamilton, John C, 3, 21c, 218. Hamilton, Philip (I), 23, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 40S; fights duel, 357; rules for, 23. Hamilton, Philip (II), 218, 222. Hamilton, William Stephen, 210, 218. Harrison, Richard, lawyer, 267. Harvard University confers degree upon Hamilton, 92. Hearts of Oak, the, 24. Henly, David, Colonel, 359. Holland Company, 32, 160, 168, 408. Home, building a, 340. Hosack, David, Dr., 267, 345, 380, 400. Howell, David, writes to Hamilton about north-east boundary commission, 269. Hudson River sloops, 80, 224. Huger, Francis Kinloch, helps La Fay- ette escape, 247. Irving, Washington, 249. Jacobins, American, 293, 306, 308. Jay, John, 27, 108, 289, 292; effects treaty, 289; views regarding Farewell Address, 84; makes conditions with Great Brilain, 290; writes to Nathan- iel Woodhull, 27. Jefferson, Thomas, 40, 277, 281, 310, m^ 377> 43^' Binney's opinion of, 335; elected President, 333; instiga- tor of Freneau's article, 66, 67; life in France, 306; sympathy with French Republic, 285; utilizes Hamilton's doctrines, 52. Johnson, William, Sir, 184. Jumel, Madame, 55; marries Burr, 56. Kent, James, Chancellor, 93, 179, 198, 267, 351- Kerilaw Castle, 18, 438. King, Rufus, 171, 267, 268, 3 ,8, 348, 380, 418. King's College, faculty of, 22. Knox, Hugh, Dr., 21. La Fayette, 239, 245, 246, 247, 248; escapes from Olmutz, 247; letter to Louis McLane, 248. La Fayette, G. W., 247. Lamb, Colonel, collector of customs, 207. Lansing, Chief Justice, mysterious dis- appearance of, 186. Laurens, Henry, imprisoned in Tower of London, 16. Laurens, John, 16, 61, 241, 245, 267. Lauzun, Due de, 239. Lee, Charles, Major-General, 279, 280. Lee, Henry, 54. Le Guen vs. Gouverneur, case of, 169. L'Enfant, Major, architect, 260. Le Roy, Herman, seeks to recover money, 313. Levine, John Michael, divorces his wife, 12. Levine, Peter, 1 2. Levine, Rachel, 3. Lewis, Morgan, General, 217. "Liberty Hall," 21. Library, Hamilton's, 75. Lincoln, Abraham, challenged, 379. List of Hamilton's writings, 62. Little Sarah, privateer, 308. Livingston, Brockholst, 154, 267. Livingston, Chancellor, 244. Livingstons, the, desert Federal cause, 40. Livingston, William, Governor, 23, 122. Lodge, George Cabot, i, 93. Louis XVI, 35, 297. Louis Philippe, 239. McComb, John, 338. McDougall, Alexander, 23, 154. McEvers and Bayard, 165. McHenry, James, 144, 263, 265, writes verses of congratulation, 137. McLane, Louis, writes to La Fayette, 248. INDEX 481 McLane, Robert M., 248. Maclay, William, 278, 315. Madison, James, 276. Marriage and divorce in colonies, 10. Marshall, John, 114, 321. Meade, Richard K., General, 200, 211, 253- Middleton, Dr. Peter, 22. Mifflin, Governor, 307, 309. Miniature, Talleyrand, 32. Mitcht 1, Mrs. Ann, Hamilton's cousin, 2, " Mon , James, 116, 289. Moore, Bishop, gives Hamilton the holy communion, 406. Morris, Gouverneur, i,-48, 51, 169, 223, 267, 268, 278, 281, 333, 34S, 412, 417. 418. Morris, Robert, 168, 223, 260. Morristown, headquarters at, 122. Nancy, case of brig, 168. Napoleon and Hamilton compared, 52. Nevis, island of, i. New Park Theatre, 172. Noailles, de, Vicomte, 75, 136, 239, 252, 253, 294. North, William, General, 245, 327. Nott, Eliphalet, Rev., preaches funeral sermon, 412. Ohio Company, 418. Oliver, 39, 76, 83, 240. Otis, Harrison Gray, 412. Pendleton, Nathaniel, 392, 393, 395, 396, 397. 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 407. 415, 417- Peters, Richard, 85, 165, 267. Peter Porcupine, 70. Philadelphia, emigres in, 293. Pickering, Timothy, 267, 271. Pinckney, Charles C, 346. Pistols used by Hamilton and Burr, 408. Pontgibaud, de, Chevalier, 255, 294, 295. Portraits of Hamilton, 31 el seq. Priestley, Joseph, Dr., 299, 301. Procession, Federal, to celebrate ratifica- tion of Constitution, 203. Prune Street prison, 223. Randolph, Edmund, 317. Reception of Citizen Genet in Philadel- phia, 307. Reign of Terroi, 312. Residences, Hamilton's, in New York, 206, 207. Reynolds case, 48. - Rivington, James, 24, 64. Rivingion's Tracts, 64, 440. Rochambeau, 141, 230. Rochefoniaine, Stcf^hen, Lieut. Colonel, 3'''f', 367, 372. Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Due de, 35, 239- Roland, 300. Ross, John, Senator, 220. Ruggles, Nathaniel, 156. Rumford, Count, invents chimneys, 342- Rush, Benjamin, Dr., suit against Cob- bett, 70. Rutgers vs. Waddington, case of, 152. Rutledge, John, insanity of, 17O. St. Kitts, I. Sands, Comfort, finds office for Hamil- ton, 162. Sands, Guilielma, murder of, 184. Schuyler, Catharine, 141. Schuyler, Cortlandt, 210. Schuyler, Hermanus, 333. Schuyler, John Bradstreet, 210. Schuyler, Margaret, 147, 209, 210, 227. Schuyler, Philip, General, 42, 112, 119, 125, 130, 132, 133, 13s, 140, 164, 180, 213, 218, 224, 225, 256, 257, 268, 277, 291, 311, 319, 320, 325, 332, 339, 340, 410, 411, 412; children of, 210; criti- cises McHenry, 331; death of, 356; gifts to Hamilton family, 349; home at Albany, 96, 135; has the gout, 209; is- sues broadside, 291; properly of, 112; visits the Grange, 350; writes about his grandson, 351. Schuyler, Philip Jeremiah, 210. Scott, John Morin, 154. Seabury, William, Rev., writes Tory pamphlets, 148. Sears, Isaac, 23. Segur Comte de, 246. Sharpless portrait of Hamilton, 32. Shippen, Edward, 131. Smith, Melancthon, addresses Pough- keepsic convention. 49. Societv, American Philosophical, Ham- ilton elected member of, 92. Sons of Liberty, 23. South African unification, influence of Federalist in, 454. Silencer, Ambrose, 180, 198. Steul>en, Frederick William, General, 230, 242, 243, 244. Stevens, Edward, 274. 482 INDEX Talleyrand, Charles Maurice, 32, 3,^, 75, 214, 239, 255, 256, 259, J07, 319. Tilghnian, Temh, 95. Tilly, lie. Count, 239. Tocqueville, de, 149. Tousard, Louis, Major, 239, 297, 325- Treaty, Jay's, 57. Trespass case, ar^^ument in, 153. Trespass case, 457 et seq. Troup, Robert, 103, 2O7, 271. Unification, South African, 454. United States, internal dissensions in, 284. Van Ness, \V. P., Burr's second, 180, 392, 395- Van Rensselaer, Calharine, 95. Varick, Richard, Colonel, 154, 1S6, 205, 267. Verplanck, Gulian, 31. Verses written by Hamilton, 126. Volney, de, Comte, 75, 239. Wadsworth, Jannes, 408. Walker, B., Captain, 245, 323. Warville J. P. Bris^Dt de, "34. Washington, George, 36, 84, 88, 89, 1 13, 122, 123, 148, 149, 290,307,316; asks Hamilton to prepare code of etiquette 315; attempts to enforce treaty, 290; correspondence with Hamilton regard- ing Farewell Address, 88, 89; detects Burr in immoralities, 375; appoints Hamilton Major-General, 321; Fare- well Address, 84; Hamilton's letter to, 261, 262, 263; relations with Hamil- ton, 260; headquarters at Morris- town, 124; Lee speaks disparagingly of, 357; occupies Morris's house in Philadelphia, 314; presents Adet with tricolor, 312; public dinner given by him, 314; punch bowl, his, 115. Washington, Martha, 17, 315. Wilkes, Charles, 207, 274. Williams Otho, 241. Wolcott, OlivxT, 232, 267. 271, 405, 407 415, 416, 418. LETTERS Alexandkr Hamittom to James A. Bayard, 334; Burr, 390; Angelica Church, 37, 97, 230, 231; Governor George Clinton, 50; Alexander Cru- ger, 19; Reverend William Gordon, 362; Alexander Hamilton, 13; Eliza- beth Hamilton, 4, 43, 45, 129, 142, t43, 170, 178, 1S7, 1S8, 221, 226, 227, 302, 306, 340, 352, 353, 354, 393. 394; James Hamilton, 9; James Hamilton, Jr., 6; Philip Hamilton, 215; John Jay, 24; Rufus King, 38, 242, 309; Lafayette, 149; John Lau- rens, 242; Henry Lee, 55; Kitty Livingston, 77; James McHenry, 139; Richard K. Meade, 200, 211, 254; Gouverneur Morris, 281; Timothy Pickering, 51; Charles C. Pinckney, 346; John Rutledge, 385; Theodore Sedgwick, 378; Ebenezer Stevens 337; Edward Stevens, 53; Elizabeth Schuyler, 7, 127, 129, 130, 132, 133, 135; Catharine Schuyler, 125; Robert Troup, 4; Anthony Wayne, 241; George Washington, 87, 89, 261, 262, 263, 322; Martha Washington, 261; to , 189, 273- Ai.EXAVDF.R Hamii.tom FROM William Bradford, 175; Angelica Church, 36, 56, 57. 58, ^5. 66, 164, 228, 292, 293, 294, 301; Chevalier de Colbert, 228; Stephen Delancey, 155; William Duer, 272; Caleb Gibbs, 275; Reverenci Wil- liam Gordon, 360; Alexander Ham- ilton, Senior, 13; James Hamilton, 5; Philip Hamilton, 216; David Howell, 269; La Fayette, 246; William Laight, 162; John Laurens, 6r, 242; Herman Le Roy, 313; Louis Le Guen, 171; Jacob Hardenbergh, 158; Henry Lee, 54; Robert R. Liv- ingston, 201, 244; James McHenry, 123, 144, 264, 265; Richard K. Meade, 200, 211; Vicomte de Noailles, 249; William North, 325; Richard Olive, 302; Charles C. Pinckney, 346; Major Rochefontaine, 367, 368, 372; Philip Schuyler, 119, 125, 164, i8o, 277, 291, 311, 319, 320, 332, 339; Nathaniel Ruggles, 156; Major Louis Tousard, 298, 325; George Washing- ton, 88, 89, 316, 317. General Philip Schuyler to Alex- ander Hamilton, 319, 332, 379; Eliza- 'oeth Hamilton, iSo, 213, 218, 224, 225, 257, 325, 410, 412; Elizabeth Schuyler, 42; Philip Jeremiah Schuy- ler, 351. INDEX 483 Angelica Church to Elizabeth Ham- ilton, 18, 65, 73, 75, 107, 108, 164, 208, 212, 226, 227, 232, 243, 247, 258, 259, 340, 421. Major Louis Tousard to Elizabeth Hamilton, 298. Bushrod Washington to Elizabeth Hamilton, 113. Kitty Livingston to Elizabeth Ham- ilton, 128. Kitty Livingston to Elizabeth Schuy- ler, 99, 100. Martha Washington to Elizabeth Hamilton, 17. Mrs. Morgan Lewis to Elizabeth Hamilton, 102. Philip Schuyler to Angelica Church, 411. Elizabeth Hamilton to Philip Ham- ilton (H), 220. Washington Irving to Louis McLane, 249. La Fayette to Louis McLane, 248. John Jay to Nathaniel Woodhull, 27. Theophile Cazenove to Elizabeth Hamilton, 32. Archibald McLean to Robert Troup, 82. Dr. David Hosack to William Cole- man, 400. Oliver Wolcott to Mrs. Wolcott, 405, 407. Oliver Wolcott to James McHenry 415, 416. Major Eustace to General Charles Lee, 280. James Kent to Mrs. Kent, 351. Timothy Pickering to James A. Ham- ilton, 323. '^UL^^i-t v^ i-i^^J / -^«?^ i"^^ • • * • A s.^ !^\ '^ ♦'^ •^i^ • ^ ^ *j ^. ^Ho^ i^ -. ^<>. , 'o,T« A <^ 5- ..^R^r -V . '^oV* HECKMAN BINDERY INC. ^ JUN 89 , , P^^ N. MANCHESTER, V ^^^ INDIANA 46962 J ^