^, .-^^ 
 
 
 a 0^ 
 
 
 v^^"V 
 
 .-V 
 
 
 xoo,, 
 
 
 
 -^.^ 
 
 
 v-^^ -^ 
 
 '\^' '^^^ 
 
 

 '^^'" ' ■■^^' ,^^'' 
 
 
 
 
 \0 c> 
 
 
 "^.s" 
 
 
 >'^ 
 
 V\ ., V ' ' 
 
 oo^ 
 
 
 
The Story of the 
 
 An E 
 
 History 
 
 t\ 
 
 By 
 Sanford H. Cobb 
 
 New York & London 
 G. P. Putnam's Sons 
 
 1897 
 
 Bj transfer 
 
Pi3 
 
 '^ 
 
 L. '— ''^ 
 
 Copyright, 1897 
 
 BY 
 
 G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
 Entered at Stationers' Hall, London 
 
 TEbe Itniclierbocher prces, flew fiork 
 
TO THE 
 
 CHILDREN OF THE PALATINES 
 
 MY 
 
 OLD PARISHIONERS 
 
 IN THE 
 
 HIGH-DUTCH CHURCHES 
 
 OF 
 
 SCHOHARIE AND SAUGERTIES 
 
PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 MANY letters, received since the fact be- 
 came known that the pubhcation of 
 this Story of the Palatines was con- 
 templated, render it proper to state, by way of 
 preface, that the book is purely historical and 
 in no sense genealogical. The sole attempt 
 has been to narrate, in as brief compass as was 
 consistent with the value and interest of the 
 facts, the story of a people. The tracing of 
 the lines of family descent did not come within 
 the scope of such a narrative. To do that for 
 all the Palatines would be work for more than 
 a lifetime ; and were it done, the record thereof 
 would be out of place in a book designed for 
 the general historical student. 
 
 Nor has any attempt been made to transfer 
 to these pages the name-lists of the several 
 immigrations. The Docjimentary History of 
 
vi Prefatory Note 
 
 New York contains the list of those who came 
 in 1 708 with Kockerthal, and also some names 
 of those settled at the two Camps. The Penn- 
 sylvania Archives contain lists of over thirty 
 thousand names of those who came to Penn- 
 sylvania. These lists have been published by 
 Rupp, who also gives names of Palatines on 
 the Hudson in 1 71 1. Beyond these the author 
 does not know of other lists accessible in this 
 country. Nor is he aware that any lists have 
 been preserved in London of the immigrations 
 to North Carolina and Virginia, and of that to 
 New York in 1710. Of this last company 
 Rupp's list of Palatines on the Hudson is a 
 very incomplete record, as many of the people 
 died on the voyage, and many on Governor's 
 Island, while about three hundred settled in 
 the city of New York. 
 
 Such lists, however, are not needed for the 
 purpose of this work. The addition of them 
 to the present volume would swell it beyond 
 reasonable limits, and defeat the chief aim of 
 its writing, viz. : the giving to the general stu- 
 dent of American history an account, not now 
 widely known, of one distinct and unique ele- 
 ment in our colonization, which some historians 
 
Prefatory Note 
 
 Vll 
 
 have entirely ignored and others have treated 
 with undeserved reproach. 
 
 The short collection of Palatine names, given 
 in Note I. at the end of the volume, is designed 
 only as a specimen list, taken almost at ran- 
 dom, to illustrate the permanency of the Pala- 
 tine stock, and the changes of form which 
 many of the names have suffered. 
 
 S. H. C. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I. Introduction 
 II. The Palatinate. 
 
 III. The Exodus 
 
 IV. The Experiment 
 V. The Failure 
 
 VI. The Promised Land 
 
 VII. The Dispersion . 
 
 Notes . 
 
 Index . 
 
 Maps : 
 
 I. The Palatine of the Rhine ... 20 
 
 II. The Palatine Settlements of the Hud- 
 son, Mohawk, and Schoharie , 148 
 
 III, Palatine Settlements in Pennsylvania . 258 
 
 20 
 
 59 
 103 
 
 148 
 
 201 
 
 258 
 305^ 
 3^3 
 
THE 
 
 STORY OF THE PALATINES 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 THE reasons for writing this Story of the 
 Palatines are several. Chief among 
 them are these three : that it has 
 never been written in its fulness, or with 
 proper regard to its historic importance ; that 
 much of the little which has been written 
 about it abounds in misunderstandings and 
 misstatements ; and that the story truly told 
 is one of such intrinsic interest and bears 
 such relation to colonial history as to make it 
 worthy of regard by every student of American 
 society and institutions. 
 
2 The Palatines 
 
 That which by most people, who know any- 
 thing about the Palatine Immigration, is sup- 
 posed to be alluded to in any reference to that 
 people, is merely the incoming of the large 
 company which landed in New York in the 
 early summer of 1 7 lo. They made the largest 
 body of emigrants coming at one time to this 
 country in the colonial period. There were 
 nearly three thousand of them, and they were 
 perhaps at once the most miserable and most 
 hopeful set of people ever set down upon our 
 shores. 
 
 But they were not all. A small band had 
 preceded them to New York ; about the same 
 time as their own coming, a company of seven 
 hundred had gone to North Carolina, and 
 another company to Virginia ; and in later 
 years they were followed by many thousands 
 of their countrymen in the Palatinate, the vast 
 majority of whom found settlement in Penn- 
 sylvania. These various immigrations make 
 in reality one story, having, as they do, one 
 source and bound together by a common im- 
 pulse, constituting a distinct episode in colo- 
 nial history well worthy of study, and quite 
 unique in its interest and character. 
 
Introduction 3 
 
 Of these immigrations there are many scat- 
 tered notes of mention in Colonial Records, 
 and many incidental and fragmentary allusions 
 in local histories, sketches, and biographies. 
 But of the movement of these people as a 
 whole, with the statement of its causes and 
 the singular experience to which a large por- 
 tion of them came in America, no full or con- 
 nected narrative has yet appeared. Much of 
 the brief mention accorded to it is with the 
 evident assumption that the movement was 
 insignificant and possessed of no features 
 v/orthy of special comment, save the almost 
 unparalleled poverty of the immigration of 
 1 710. The allusions to these people are apt 
 to lay particular emphasis on that condition. 
 They are most frequently called "the poor 
 Palatines." So to some writers they seem to 
 stand in the history as representative only of 
 pauperism, to be dismissed from discussion so 
 soon as possible with scant measure of cour- 
 tesy or respect. Thus Mrs. Lamb turns them 
 out of court with the following contemptuous 
 paragraph : 
 
 " These earlier German settlers were mostly hewers 
 of wood and drawers of water, differing materially from 
 
4 The Palatines 
 
 the class of Germans v/ho have since come among us, 
 and bearing about the same relation to the English, 
 Dutch, and French settlers of their time as the Chinese 
 of to-day bear to the American population on the Pacific 
 coast." 
 
 With this disparaging comment we may con- 
 trast the words by which Macaulay describes 
 the same people : 
 
 " Honest, laborious men, who had once been thriving 
 burghers of Manheim and Heidelberg, or who had 
 cultivated the vine on the banks of the Neckar and 
 the Rhine. Their ingenuity and their diligence could 
 not fail to enrich any land which should afford them an 
 asylum." 
 
 Such contemptuous regard as that of the 
 language first quoted is surprising to one who 
 has made even a slight study of the story of 
 these people, in which are conspicuous other 
 features than their poverty, — some worthy to 
 engage the positive interest of every student 
 of American history, and others fit to compel 
 the hearty respect of all lovers of truth and 
 manliness. It is a story of severe and unde- 
 served suffering worthily borne ; a story of the 
 stubborn and unyielding attitude of men who, 
 
Introduction 5 
 
 for home and faith, endured an almost un- 
 equalled fight of afflictions, until at last they 
 conquered peace, safety, and freedom. As 
 such, the Story of the Palatines challenges our 
 sympathy, admiration, and reverence, and is as 
 well worth the telling as that of any other co- 
 lonial immigration. We may concede that 
 their influence on the future development of 
 the country and its institutions was not equal 
 to the formative power exerted by some other 
 contingents. Certainly, they have not left so 
 many broad and deep marks upon our history 
 as have the Puritans of New England, and 
 yet their story is not without definite and per- 
 manent monuments of beneficence towards 
 American life and institutions. At least one 
 among the very greatest of the safeguards of 
 American liberty — the Freedom of the Press 
 — is distinctly traceable to the resolute bold- 
 ness of a Palatine. 
 
 But to create interest in their story it is not 
 necessary to assert a superiority of influence. 
 The historian is like the geographer in that 
 the smaller items, the minor lines and points 
 of description, claim from him fully as accu- 
 rate, though not as extended, presentation as 
 
6 The Palatines 
 
 those which are more important. The coast- 
 Hne upon the chart is not complete until it in- 
 dicates each bay or cove wherein a skiff can 
 float, and every rock or bar on which a keel 
 may grate. A river map is not finished which 
 fails to trace the course of any affluent, though 
 it be so small that the deer can cross it at a 
 bound. The lover of nature looks with differ- 
 ent, and yet equal, interest on the little brook, 
 tumbling riverward down the rocks and be- 
 neath the forests of the Catskills, and on the 
 broad bay at the river's mouth, on which the 
 navies of the world might ride. Indeed, it is 
 likely that the beauty of the former will en 
 chain his eye more strongly than the grandeui 
 of the latter. Certainly, he would deny that, 
 in order to enlist his regard, the lovely moun- 
 tain stream must put on the majesty of the 
 sea. So history finds its pleasing task in 
 tracing all the streams, both great and small, 
 which have run together in a nation's life ; of 
 which, while some will challenge admiration 
 for their volume and lasting power, others will 
 excite interest by their unique experience, not 
 to be read without more or less of a sympa- 
 thetic thrill. 
 
Introduction 7 
 
 For such reason — whatever may have been 
 the Palatine influence on our institutions — we 
 may confidently tell the story of that immigra- 
 tion as something quite worthy of regard. We 
 may speak of its character, the causes whicli 
 gave it rise, the stages of its progress, and the 
 exceptional experiences of many of these peo- 
 ple during their first fifteen years in America, 
 as making a story quite singular and unlike 
 any other contained in the history of American 
 colonization. Very emphatic are the words 
 of Judge Benton, in his Histoiy of Herkimer 
 County : 
 
 " The particulars of the immigration of the Palatines 
 are worthy of extended notice. The events which pro- 
 duced the movement in the heart of an old and polished 
 European nation to seek a refuge and home on the 
 western continent, are quite as legitimate a subject of 
 American history as the oft-repeated relation of the ex- 
 periences of the Pilgrim Fathers." 
 
 There are some general features of this 
 movement which may be fitly noted here as 
 suggestive of special interest. The volume of 
 it was very remarkable. The doors of the 
 Palatinate seemed to be set open wide, and 
 through them poured for forty years an almost 
 
8 The Palatines 
 
 continuous stream of emigrants, their faces 
 set steadfastly towards America. There was 
 nothing else like it in the colonial period, for 
 numbers and steadiness of inflow. There were 
 nearly three thousand of these people in the 
 company landed in New York in June and 
 July of 1 710. Though the arrivals in port of 
 the ships bringing them were at intervals 
 through five weeks, stormy seas having sepa- 
 rated the vessels, yet the company was one, 
 and sailed as such from England under one 
 command and with one destination. This was 
 the largest single company of immigrants to 
 this country until long after the Revolution, 
 Their number was indeed inconsiderable when 
 compared with the enormous crowds which 
 come to America in our day. But at the be- 
 ginning of the eighteenth century such an in- 
 flux was notable indeed, giving rise to amaze- 
 ment and imaginings, and occasion for alarm 
 to some timorous minds. The community in 
 city and province was set questioning as to the 
 meaning of so great an immigration — Whence 
 came they? Why in so great number, and in 
 so deep poverty ? What could be the object 
 of the home government in, not only permit- 
 
Introduction 9 
 
 ting, but encouraging such an influx of for- 
 eigners ? What shall be done with them ? 
 How can they be provided for? The ques- 
 tionings were many. There were grave specu- 
 lations as to the wisdom of introducing so 
 large a foreign element into these English 
 colonies. When in the following years it was 
 seen that this immigration of 1710 was the 
 prelude to a continuous stream of people from 
 the Palatinate and other parts of the German 
 Empire, this cautiousness found voice in 
 earnest public speech, and sought restrictive 
 power in legislative action. It was loudly de- 
 clared in some quarters that the unrestricted 
 incoming of alien people, with their strange 
 language and manners, might be dangerous to 
 colonial government and society. Coming in 
 so great numbers and so frequent accessions, 
 they might in a short time obtain the majority 
 in any community, and "subvert our institu- 
 tions." With the French upon our borders — 
 it was said — always hostile, frequently stirring 
 up the Indians against us, their peace little 
 better than an armed truce, is it wise to admit 
 other aliens to our very firesides ? 
 
 All this, indeed, did not come to expression 
 
lo The Palatines 
 
 or to thought at once upon the immigration 
 of 1 710, but, most of it, on the continuance of 
 the movement then begun ; which continuance 
 must be borne in mind in any proper under- 
 standing of the Story of the Palatines. As to 
 the immediate effect on the colonial mind of 
 the coming of this first great immigration of 
 the Palatines, it seems to have been mainly 
 one of surprise. In those days travel, by land 
 or sea, was difficult and with many hardships ; 
 the movement of large bodies of people was 
 slow ; the voyage across the Atlantic took 
 from three to five months, and was made in 
 ships devoid of all the comforts which the 
 modern traveller considers necessities. The 
 landing then of this large company was a most 
 notable thing in the history of the Port of 
 New York ; and to every on-looking New 
 Yorker, whether Dutch or English, assumed 
 either the proportions of an invasion or the 
 dignity of an exodus. 
 
 Well — it was an Exodus. As we study the 
 story of it, we see that the untaught wonder of 
 the average on-looker at the time was correct 
 in its expression. It was an exodus in the 
 full sense in which Bible story has taught us 
 
Introduction ii 
 
 to use that word — a going forth from the 
 house of bondage to a land of promise. It 
 was not the incoming of a rabble of distressed 
 humanity, hurried onward by the mere force 
 of their misery — objects only for compassion. 
 It was not a mere company of people deceived 
 by agents of colonization schemes, and to be 
 looked upon only as " objects of speculation." 
 Nor are this people to be considered as merely 
 moved by that unreasoning unrest which at 
 times takes possession of the popular mind 
 with such collective force as to set in motion 
 migrations and invasions. All of these con- 
 structions of the Palatine immigration have 
 severally been suggested and more or less em- 
 phasized by those who have alluded to it. 
 
 But it is not difficult to show that such con- 
 ceptions are unworthy and far below the real 
 dignity of the movement. Attentive regard 
 will discover in it motives and reasons far 
 higher than anything which poverty, or unrest, 
 or speculation can originate. It presents the 
 impulse, the spirit, the patience, and the hope 
 which a genuine exodus involves. These men 
 were men of principle, who had suffered much 
 for principle and steadfastness therein. The 
 
12 The Palatines 
 
 very poverty, which to some critics seems sug- 
 gestive only of opprobrium, had come upon 
 them for such steadfastness. Their story 
 rightly told must tell of statecraft and church 
 polity, of the movements and campaigns of 
 armies. It must speak of sufferings which 
 approach to martyrdom, of the dark crimes 
 possible to kings and priests, of the oppres- 
 sions wrought by unbridled power and the 
 passive resistance offered by a steadfast ad- 
 herence to truth. The Pilgrim Fathers were 
 not the only company who sought in this 
 western world " Freedom to worship God." 
 The fact is that, if ever a body of emigrants 
 came to America from under the hand of the 
 oppressor, such were these Palatines ; and if 
 ever the thought of religious liberty constrained 
 men to leave their native land for hoped-for 
 freedom in America, such hope was powerful 
 with these children of the Palatinate. Hence 
 it is, that the story of their coming hither, 
 with the bitterness and pathos of their an- 
 tecedent suffering and endurance, and the 
 sturdiness of their unconquerable faith and 
 determination to wrest fortune and happiness 
 out of the very talons of despair, is one that 
 
Introduction 13 
 
 should be better known to the student of 
 American history. 
 
 In addition to that experience of affliction 
 in the Palatinate which w-as the expelling 
 cause of the migration, there are other ele- 
 ments of the story which give it singular 
 interest and unique place in colonial annals. 
 Perhaps never were a people the objects of 
 such kindly treatment and so lavish gener- 
 osity as the first few thousands of the Palatines 
 experienced at the hands of the English, the 
 Queen and her subjects vying in the effort to 
 provide for their necessities. That chapter is 
 unexampled elsewhere in history. Equally 
 unexampled in the history of our colonial 
 period is the story of the privation, distress, 
 fraud, and cruel disappointment to which were 
 subjected that large immigration to New York 
 in 1 710. Their experience was utterly unlike 
 that of all other bodies of colonists. Those 
 of their countrymen who came in after years, 
 as did emigrants from Enoland or other Euro- 
 pean countries, met no such distresses, and 
 were under the pleasing compulsion only to 
 subdue the wilderness and make for them- 
 selves homes in a new land. But the Palatine 
 
14 The Palatines 
 
 immigrants of 1710 found, to their bitter sor- 
 row, that they had only made an exchange of 
 masters. For fifteen years they suffered, with 
 a disappointment of their hopes, a continuance 
 of afBiction ; they were cheated and oppressed, 
 and became the helpless victims of vindictive 
 and rapacious men. Much of their affliction 
 in America is set down by some writers to 
 their own ignorance and obstinacy. But it 
 will appear that their ignorance was rather an 
 unwise trust in the promises of those in power, 
 and that without their obstinacy, which in Eu- 
 rope had maintained their faith, they never, in 
 that generation at least, would have found in 
 America security of home and freedom. This, 
 to the average reader, will seem a strange 
 statement as descriptive of any community 
 in the colonial period. Of that period, the 
 most prominent conception is of an era in 
 which the oppressed of the Old World found 
 without failure an unrestrained freedom on 
 American shores. For the most part this con- 
 ception is true ; and it is the unlikeness of this 
 description to the early fate of these Pala- 
 tines in New York which makes their ex- 
 perience during the first decade and a half 
 
Introduction 15 
 
 so remarkable an episode in the history of 
 the colonies. 
 
 As to the permanent influence of this Pala- 
 tine immigration, it goes without the saying 
 that it were impossible for such sturdiness of 
 stock, such patient and firm persistence in the 
 right, such capacity for endurance, and such 
 buoyancy of hope, conjoined with such addic- 
 tion to religion, to be absorbed into American 
 life without a deep impress on the character 
 of after generations. Nor does the historian 
 wait long for its testimony. Solely on ac- 
 count of the large influx of this German, and 
 chiefly Palatine, element into Pennsylvania, 
 bringing thither their qualities of industry, 
 thrift, steadiness, and piety, the contemporary 
 historian, Mortimer, declared that " Pennsyl- 
 vania is since become by far the most popu- 
 lous and flourishing colony for its standing of 
 any in British America."* So early did the 
 beneficial efl"ects of this immigration begin to 
 manifest themselves. 
 
 And to this day we can see with small effort 
 the reproduction in the population of the Key- 
 stone State of that same moral earnestness, 
 
 * History of England, iii., 233. 
 
1 6 The Palatines 
 
 soberness of mind, and unflinching persistence 
 which composed the "staying" quaHties of 
 the early Palatines. 
 
 In like manner a similar monument is left 
 in New York, in many towns in the Hudson 
 and Mohawk valleys, and on the banks of the 
 beautiful Schoharie, wherein are found many 
 names of the early migration, families in direct 
 descent and with the same old High Dutch 
 leaven, delighting in memories of the fathers, 
 steadily ambitious to emulate their virtues, 
 thrifty, industrious, intelligent, and godly. Out 
 of this stock came many who were second to 
 none in the ardor of the Revolution. Far 
 better than most of the people of the colonies 
 they knew what it was to suffer under the 
 hand of the oppressor, and by contrast how 
 desirable were the blessings of liberty. Whole 
 companies of them went to the front, — brave 
 and loyal always, — first against the French 
 and Indians, and afterwards against the Brit- 
 ish. They were largely Palatines whom Herki- 
 mer led to the battle of Oriskany, "of all the 
 battles of the Revolution, the most obstinate 
 and murderous."* It was to the Americans 
 
 * Fiske's Am, Revolution, i,, 292. 
 
Introduction 1 7 
 
 a technical defeat, indeed, but one of those 
 defeats which rival victories ; for it shattered 
 the plans of the British campaign, sent St. 
 Leger with his regulars and Indians back to 
 Oswego, and delivered Burgoyne into the 
 hands of Gates. 
 
 Herkimer, than whom no braver man fought 
 in the War for Independence, was the son of 
 a Palatine immigrant, and lends his glory to 
 their story. Other names might be cited in 
 the same category of Palatine extraction and 
 honorable public service. A stock that pro- 
 duced such virile and widely serviceable char- 
 acters as Weiser, Herkimer, Heister, and the 
 Muhlenbergs, — of which last name no less 
 than four of those who bore it have laid 
 America under tribute for praise and honor, 
 — such a stock should not be considered the 
 least significant or influential among those 
 which have made our country what it is. 
 
 These then are the reasons for telling 
 this Story of the Palatines. We would res- 
 cue it from undeserved obloquy. The tale 
 will take us far afield. We have not only to 
 look at that miserable company — sick, dis- 
 couraged, sordid in their poverty and deci- 
 
i8 The Palatines 
 
 mated by disease — landing at New York in 
 the summer of 1710. We have to inquire 
 what thrust them into that evil case. We will 
 need to visit the land which they and their 
 followers spurned with migrating foot. We 
 must see them ground between the upper and 
 nether millstones of kingcraft and priestcraft. 
 We will have to follow the tracks of armies, 
 and listen to some of the contentions of royal 
 cabinets. Then across the sea in the new 
 land we shall note their various settlements 
 and dispersion. 
 
 The sources of information on many points 
 are far from full, leaving many gaps in the 
 narrative which the reader wishes to have 
 filled. Yet comparison of the accessible data 
 makes it possible to construct a tale, which we 
 do not hesitate to publish as the true Story of 
 the Palatines, and which is confidently offered 
 as a thing of interest and value to the student 
 of American history. 
 
 It is probable that many more items of the 
 story might be found in the papers of the 
 Lords of Trade, preserved in London, and in 
 other archives of the English Government. 
 But the labor and expense of consulting them 
 
Introduction 19 
 
 do not seem demanded by the task in hand. 
 All the main facts and much of the minute de- 
 tail are accessible in this country. It will be 
 seen from the list of authorities cited, that no 
 small pains have been bestowed to arrive at a 
 true understanding of the facts, and to place 
 this Episode in its deserved position among 
 the records of our colonial times.* 
 
 * See Note III. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE PALATINATE. 
 
 THE name of the Palatinate, as that of a 
 political division, disappeared from the 
 map of Europe before the opening of 
 the present century, the principality being 
 finally shattered by the Napoleonic wars. 
 From the thirteenth century to the close of 
 the eighteenth it maintained a varying import- 
 ance among the continental powers. Its 
 boundaries were changeable with the shifting 
 fortunes of diplomacy and war. Situated be- 
 tween the greater and rival powers of France 
 and the German princes, its soil was the frequent 
 path of armies and field of battle. Either of 
 the greater combatants, but more frequently 
 the French, was wont to appropriate what 
 towns and castles, what broad acres and treas- 
 ures of the Palatinate he thought himself able 
 
koln 
 
 HEINE-CK 
 
 PALATINATE 
 
 or the: 
 
 RHINE 
 
 BOUNDARY OF 
 
 ORd/KTUST CONTKKCTION 
 
The Palatinate 21 
 
 to retain. In the settlement of treaties, how- 
 ever, when each contestant was wearied by the 
 war, and when, more often than otherwise, the 
 status quo was re-established — proof of the folly 
 of the war — the reigning prince of the Pala- 
 tinate was apt to come to his own again. 
 
 There were, in fact, two Palatinates — dis- 
 tinguished as the Upper, or Bavarian, Palati- 
 nate, and the Lower, or Palatinate of the Rhine 
 — or the Pfalz. The latter, with which alone 
 this story is concerned, was by far the more 
 important, and so overshadowed the other that, 
 when the name Palatinate was used without 
 qualifying word, the understanding was of the 
 Rhenish province. Its boundaries may be 
 somewhat vaguely stated as the states of 
 Mainz, Treves, Lorraine, Alsace, Baden, and 
 Wurtemberg ; boundaries subject to more or 
 less of expansion and contraction, according 
 as one or other of its little provinces became 
 the spoil of war. Its lands lay on both sides 
 of the Rhine, extending from near Cologne 
 above Mannheim and containing somewhat 
 less than 3500 square miles. Its capital was 
 Heidelberg and its principal cities were May- 
 ence. Spires, Mannheim, and Worms, all of 
 
22 The Palatines 
 
 which, with still others, have obtained famous 
 place in history. 
 
 The origin of the name. Palatinate is notable. 
 Derived from the title of its ruler, it means the 
 principality of the Palatine. This title, Pala- 
 tine, is in itself peculiar, and receives its ex- 
 planation from imperial institution. It is 
 supposed by some writers to go so far back as to 
 imperial Rome and to the Palatine Hill, with 
 its palace of the Caesars.* Others date the 
 title from the time of the Merovlnoflan kinsfs 
 of France, with whose court was connected a 
 high judicial officer, called comes palatii. He 
 was Master of the royal household, " and had 
 supreme authority In all causes which came by 
 fiction to the king. When the sovereign 
 wished to confer peculiar favor upon the holder 
 of any fief under him, he granted him the right 
 to exercise the same power in his province as 
 the Comes Palatii exercised in the royal pal- 
 ace. With this function went the title Conies 
 Palatinus, Count Palatine, and from the ruler 
 the province received its name." 
 
 Butler f gives a somewhat broader explana- 
 
 * Appleton's Ani. Cyc. 
 
 \ Revolutions in Germany, Proofs and Illustrations, p. 45. 
 
The Palatinate 23 
 
 tion of the title, as one conferred by the Em- 
 peror in the Middle Ages upon those who in 
 his name administered justice to the empire. 
 Evidently the original intention of the officer 
 was with the idea of a High Court of Justice. 
 As such the title is even found in English his- 
 tory, conferred by both William I. and Henry 
 H. on nobles in the centre and west of Eng- 
 land. As an English title it soon passed away, 
 but retained its place for centuries upon the 
 Continent. Under the old Hungarian consti- 
 tution it was the title of the royal lieutenant, 
 who at a later period officiated as mediator 
 between the nation and the sovereign, and as 
 President in the upper house of the Diet. Also 
 in Poland the title obtained for the governors 
 of the larger divisions of the kingdom. None 
 of these ever achieved as Count Palatine, any 
 historical prominence. The chief significance 
 of the title is found in the story of the Palati- 
 nate, the ruler of which was a king in everything 
 but name, and frequently exercised large in- 
 fluence on European politics. 
 
 Now, the curious thing in historical nomen- 
 clature is that, unlike all other princes, the 
 ruler of the Palatinate did not receive his title 
 
24 The Palatines 
 
 from the land he governed, but from his title 
 gave the name to his dominions. Louis XIV., 
 with all his magnificence, took his title from 
 his realm and was known as King of France. 
 But the Count Palatine was not so named be- 
 cause he ruled the Palatinate, but that country 
 was the Palatinate because its ruler was a Pal- 
 atine. Another curious thing is that the peo- 
 ple of the Palatinate were described by the 
 same name as their prince. They were all 
 Palatines together, a title with him descriptive 
 of place, honor, and authority, but with them 
 only of birth and nationality. Such, indeed, 
 is the fact with respect to all the emigrants 
 from that country, though how widely the 
 name may have obtained in continental usage 
 does not appear. It is somewhat curious that 
 these people should at times be called Palati- 
 nates — a misnomer which is almost grotesque. 
 It is the same sort of absurdity as though one, 
 in speaking of Englishmen, should call them 
 Englands. Palatinate is the name of the coun- 
 try and never properly used for its inhabitants, 
 who are always to be called Palatines, with 
 their princes. As a name for the American 
 immigrants, indeed, it had obtained such vogue, 
 
The Palatinate 25 
 
 doubtless in consequence of the impression 
 made on the colonial mind by the character 
 and volume of the early immigration of that 
 people, that for many years all Germans com- 
 ing to this country, whether from the Palatin- 
 ate or other provinces of the Fatherland, were 
 called Palatines. 
 
 At the first the title of Count Palatine sig- 
 nified only a personal office, expiring with the 
 life of its possessor, and to be renewed only 
 on the pleasure of the Emperor in such per- 
 son as his favor should designate. Probably 
 under such conditions, and with such limita- 
 tion of tenure, the title may have been more 
 widely conferred as special and personal mark 
 of imperial regard. In many such cases it must 
 have been a title more of honor than of author- 
 ity. This personal and temporary character 
 certainly obtained with the Palatines of Eng- 
 land, Hungary, and Poland. As early as the 
 twelfth century, however, the title of the Pala- 
 tines of the Rhine became hereditary, and no 
 longer dependent on the favor of the Emperor. 
 Until near the end of the thirteenth century 
 the Palatines of the Rhine were the Dukes of 
 Bavaria, the last of whom to bear both digni- 
 
26 The Palatines 
 
 ties was Louis, the Severe. He died in 1294, 
 leaving two sons, Louis and Rudolph, between 
 whom he divided his dominions.* Louis, the 
 elder, took the more important and became 
 Duke of Bavaria, while his brother received 
 the Palatinate, and founded what is called the 
 Rudolphine line of the Palatine family. The 
 position of the Palatine was in all respects 
 regal, save in so far as it was limited by those 
 loose bands which bound all the German 
 States, together with Austria, in the Holy 
 Roman Empire. During the tenure of the 
 Rudolphine line, the dignity and power of the 
 Palatine were further increased by the impe- 
 rial gift of the Electorship. By reason of this 
 gift in rank and position, the title of the prince 
 was changed, who thereafter was no longer 
 Count, but the Elector, Palatine. 
 
 The Rudolphine house became extinct on 
 the death of Otho, the twelfth of the line, who 
 died without issue in the year 1559. On his 
 death the Palatinate passed to Frederick, of 
 the house of Simmeren — or Zimmern — who 
 became the founder of the so-called Middle 
 Line of the Palatines. The accession of Fred- 
 
 * Butler's Revolutions in Germany, 
 
The Palatinate 27 
 
 erick, in addition to the change of dynasty, 
 marked an epoch of importance in the history 
 of the Palatinate, in that he associated himself 
 and his house with the Reformed, or Calvin- 
 istic, branch of the Protestant Church. 
 
 The Zimmern line ended with the death of 
 the childless Charles in 1685, and gave place 
 to the related House of Neuburg in the per- 
 son of Philip William. Philip died in 1690, 
 and was succeeded by his son John William, 
 whose reign as Elector Palatine lasted until 
 1 716. It was in his reign that the Palatines 
 of our story began their exodus, and it was 
 from his hand that proceeded the last and most 
 immediate, though not the greatest, impulse 
 to that emigration. 
 
 This impulse, it may be said in passing, was 
 religious, for, while this emigration was not 
 from under a pitiless and destructive persecu- 
 tion for religion's sake, and while it may be 
 doubted whether so lar^e an exodus of this 
 people would have taken place had their re- 
 ligion only have come in question, yet it is be- 
 yond denial that among the strong incentives 
 which led them forth was the desire for religf- 
 ious liberty, free from the vexing and oppress- 
 
28 The Palatines 
 
 ive Interference of capricious monarchs. The 
 religious history of the Palatinate, so far as 
 concerns the attitude and measures of the 
 government, was indeed capricious. The situ- 
 ation of the country brought the people into 
 early contact with the Reformation and its 
 orreat teachers. Wittenbera was not far to the 
 east, and Geneva no farther on the south, and 
 the people were open-eared to both Luther 
 and Calvin. For some years before the court 
 of the Elector Palatine had pronounced its 
 adhesion to the Protestant faith the principles 
 of the Reformation had taken almost universal 
 possession of the people. Both Lutheran and 
 Reformed doctrine found a friendly and fertile 
 soil in the Palatinate. The numerical strength 
 was with the followers of Geneva, to that ex- 
 tent that for generations the Palatinate was 
 known as a stronghold of the Reformed ; 
 while the Lutheran element, found in large 
 numbers, was accorded by their neighbors of 
 the Reformed faith the charity and tolerance 
 of a common Christian brotherhood. So when 
 the people began to flock across the sea, 
 Lutheran and Reformed came together, bring- 
 ing each his own special thought and desire of 
 
The Palatinate 29 
 
 worship and doctrine. It is interesting to note 
 in the history of their settlements in America, 
 that almost in every place where they made 
 their permanent homes both forms of the 
 Protestant faith found early foothold and habi- 
 tation. Side by side they erected their humble 
 churches, since grown in many places into 
 noble temples. And to this day, in the val- 
 leys of the Hudson, the Mohawk, the Scho- 
 harie, and the Swatara, the children of those 
 Palatines, still Lutheran and Reformed, wor- 
 ship side by side as their fathers of the sixth 
 generation gone worshipped on the Rhine. 
 
 But of this unity in difference the rulers of 
 the Palatinate can not be exhibited with their 
 people as examples. They lagged behind the 
 people in breaking the bond of the Roman 
 faith, and it was not until 1546 that Frederick 
 II., the then reigning Elector Palatine, gave 
 in adhesion to the Protestant cause — especially 
 espousing the Lutheran faith. As already 
 noted, Frederick III., the first Palatine of the 
 House of Zimmern, signalized his accession to 
 power by the strenuous advocacy of the Re- 
 formed doctine. During his reign, on his 
 urgency and authority, Olevian and Ursinus, 
 
30 The Palatines 
 
 professors of divinity in the University of 
 Heidelberg, published that Catechism, which 
 under the name of Heidelberg remains to this 
 day throughout the various branches of the 
 Reformed Church, the dearest among its sym- 
 bolical books ; and is also recognized through- 
 out the Protestant world as the best and 
 choicest of the Creeds to which the Reforma- 
 tion era gave rise ; specially notable, at once, 
 for its freedom from the controversial spirit of 
 the age, and for the high tone of spiritual ex- 
 perience which it depicts. 
 
 The successors of Frederick HI. did not all 
 adhere to the Reformed doctrine and Church, 
 but with a vacillation, not recorded of other 
 rulers of their century, exhibited a change in 
 the religion of the Palatine and his court on 
 nearly every accession to the throne. A Cal- 
 vinist in the Electorship was pretty certain to 
 be followed by a Lutheran, who in his turn 
 gave place at death to another Calvinist, to be 
 followed by yet another Lutheran. It was a 
 kind of religious seesaw, in which all the power 
 of royal favor and influence of court patronage, 
 and at times the force of decrees and enact- 
 ments, were thrown now at one end of the 
 
The Palatinate 31 
 
 beam and soon again at the other, to the no 
 small confusion of the people, and in many 
 instances to their very serious discomfiture and 
 loss. For in those days throughout Christen- 
 dom obtained the old motto, " Cttjus regio, ejus 
 religio " — (whose is the country, his is the reli- 
 gion ; — or, the religion of the prince, must be 
 that of his people). This as an axiom had 
 come down from the time of Augustine, who 
 defined the first duty of the State "to buttress 
 the invisible City of God " ; and of all the 
 great minds of the Reformation period the only 
 one to break away from its dictum was the 
 Stadtholder of Holland, William the Silent. 
 Luther and Calvin, Knox and Cranmer, and 
 even the Puritans of New England acknow- 
 ledged as vital the principle that the State 
 could interfere in the religion of the subject. 
 Not only did they assent to the axiom as cor- 
 rect, but they incorporated it in their confes- 
 sions and institutions. It took not only the 
 persecutions of Papal Rome, the Holy Oflfice 
 and the sword of Alva ; but also the innumer- 
 able petty persecutions of Protestant against 
 Protestant, to teach the world the meaning and 
 divine right of religious liberty. Nor could 
 
32 The Palatines 
 
 the Old World furnish a fitting field for its dem- 
 onstration. There was needed the free soil of 
 the America, to which that band of Palatines 
 came, before this greatest of all human rights 
 could find expression in national life and law. 
 And it may be added, this definition and enact- 
 ment of Religious Liberty is as yet the great 
 gift of America to the world ; which liberty in 
 its purest form — strange as it seems at this end 
 of the nineteenth century — among all the great 
 nations of Christendom exists alone in America 
 to-day. 
 
 It is not then a matter for surprise that the 
 people of the Palatinate should suffer many dis- 
 tresses under the sway of varying religionists, 
 though all were of the Protestant faith. Each 
 successor in the throne endeavored to change 
 back again, in the interest of either Lutheran- 
 ism or Calvinism, what his immediate prede- 
 cessor had recast to his own mind. The story 
 of the Reformation tells of no other such reli- 
 gious kaleidoscope, turning over and over to 
 the constant unsettlement of the public com- 
 fort. When, in 1690, John William became 
 the Elector Palatine, he brought on the great- 
 est change of all, seeking not to turn his pec- 
 
The Palatinate 33 
 
 pie from one to other Protestant communion, 
 but to reverse the action of Frederick II., and 
 brinof the Palatinate ao-ain under the Roman 
 See. He was a man of saturnine disposition, 
 devotedly attached to the Roman Church, and 
 needing only the power of Philip II. of Spain 
 to rival his reputation as bigot and persecutor. 
 Under his rule the poor people of the Palati- 
 nate suffered in their religious affections and 
 privileges far more than the variable Protest- 
 antism of his predecessors had inflicted. To 
 him Lutheran and Reformed were alike ob- 
 noxious, and in all ways possible he signified 
 his intention to bring back his dominions to 
 their ancient faith. To the people already suf- 
 fering from the intolerable hardships which the 
 crudest of wars had thrust upon them, this per- 
 secuting spirit of their prince came as the last 
 impulse to break off their attachment to the 
 fatherland and send them to make new homes 
 in distant America. 
 
 Of the wars which wrought upon the 
 Palatines so piteously and expulsively, it falls 
 in place to make brief note. There were two 
 of them, covering almost the entire period 
 between the years 1684 and 1713, with but 
 
34 The Palatines 
 
 four years of so-called peace thrust into the 
 midst of it. The first is known as the war of 
 the Grand Alliance, and the other as that of 
 the Spanish Succession. Of the former the 
 conquest of the Palatinate was the exciting 
 cause, while in the latter, though the integrity 
 of the Palatinate was not again at stake, its 
 poor people became again the prey of a brutal 
 soldiery. Both wars were due to the over- 
 weening ambition and rapacity of Louis XI V.^* 
 The possession of the Palatinate had long 
 been the object of his most covetous desire. 
 Like all the princes of France, and almost all 
 Frenchmen from the time of Philip Augustus 
 to our own day, Louis considered that the 
 frontier of France could be properly constructed 
 only by the left bank of the Rhine. For this 
 object many battles have been fought and 
 many thousands of men have died. To the 
 mind of France one of the chief Q-lories of 
 Napoleon was that he gave to her that 
 boundary, and to-day the deep grudge of 
 France against the German is that, twenty- 
 five years ago he wrested from her the 
 Rhenish provinces. So to Louis, the modern 
 
 * MenzeVs History of Germany^ ii., 498. 
 
The Palatinate 35 
 
 Ahab, through the first half of his long reign, 
 the fertile meadows and vine-clad hills of the 
 Palatinate, its populous towns and many castles 
 with the smiling river in the midst, made a 
 Naboth's vineyard which of all things he 
 desired to call his own. Thus incited he made 
 miserable the lives of the two Electors Pala- 
 tine, Charles Louis and Charles, by every 
 deceitful art of diplomacy and by many violent 
 raids into their dominions. With the hope of 
 propitiating him Charles Louis, in 1671, gave 
 his daughter Elizabeth Charlotte in marriage 
 to Philip of Orleans, the brother of the French 
 king. But there, as in almost every other 
 instance in history, the bond of kinship proved 
 but as a rope of sand against the demands of 
 an aggressive policy of state. The insolence 
 of Louis hardly received a check. The lights 
 had hardly been extinguished upon the nuptial 
 banquet, when Turenne led an army into the 
 Palatinate to ravage the v/est bank of the 
 Rhine. This was in 1674, and in the follow- 
 ing years the policy of Louis so repeated his 
 harassments and Insults that the proud spirit 
 of the Elector Palatine, Charles Louis, at 
 last gave way, and he died "of a broken 
 
36 The Palatines 
 
 heart" in 1680. His son Charles, subjected 
 to like treatment by Louis, had but a short 
 reign, dying childless in 1685. 
 
 With the death of Charles what Louis 
 counted his great opportunity had come. The 
 bonds of family alliance, which were too weak 
 for restraint from insolence and oppression, 
 seemed quite strong enough for the transfer- 
 ence of a principality. He denied the right 
 of Philip William of Neuburg to the succes- 
 sion, and demanded the Palatinate for his 
 brother Philip, in right of his wife, the sister 
 of the dead Palatine. The demand roused 
 all the German princes in opposition. The 
 League of Augsburg was formed against Louis, 
 embracing Bavaria and all the German States, 
 and under its protection Philip William as- 
 sumed the Electorate Palatine. 
 
 Meanwhile, two other great events provided 
 strength and bitterness for the coming conflict. 
 In the autumn of 1685 Louis, incited thereto 
 by the persuasions of Madame de Maintenon, 
 revoked the Edict of Nantes, by which Henry 
 IV. had given safety to the Huguenots and 
 eighty years of prosperity to France. At once 
 began the flight of the Refugees — "best blood 
 
The Palatinate 37 
 
 of France " — to seek safety and new homes in 
 other lands. Many of them found a warm 
 welcome with the Palatine and his people, 
 against whom, for this act of harborage, the 
 wrath of Louis " smoked like a furnace." 
 Holland and England had also opened their 
 doors to the fugitives, but the Palatinate 
 especially, for the double reason that it was 
 more accessible and was itself the object of 
 his long desire, became the victim of his 
 anger. 
 
 In addition to this element of the quarrel 
 another was given by the deposition of James 
 II. from the throne of England in 1688, and 
 the accession of William of Orange. James 
 was received with royal honors at Versailles, 
 established in state at St. Germain, and made 
 a pensioner on the bounty of Louis, who both 
 refused to acknowledge William and aided 
 James in his futile efforts to recover his lost 
 crown. This precipitated the angry action 
 of the English king and parliament. England 
 with Holland joined the League against France, 
 and its name was changed to the Grand Al- 
 liance. 
 
 The war raged for nine years, and in the 
 
38 The Palatines 
 
 Palatinate with unparalleled ferocity. Louis, 
 anticipating the action of the allies, sent 50,- 
 000 men into the Palatinate under General 
 Montclas. History accredits to Madame de 
 Maintenon an insatiable rage against the Pala- 
 tine and his people for the asylum afforded to 
 the Huguenots, and to her intrigues and per- 
 suasions that Louvois urged upon the king, 
 that " the Palatinate should be made a desert." 
 Macaulay dissents from this condemnation of 
 Louis's wife and represents that she expos- 
 tulated with the king against this policy of 
 rapine, and that, having in vain interceded for 
 many cities, she at last secured the saving of 
 Treves. Possibly this view may be correct. 
 The responsibility of de Maintenon for the 
 banishment of the Huguenots is, however, 
 beyond question, but one can take pleasure in 
 thinking of this as the effect of pure religious 
 bigotry unmixed with any love of cruelty. 
 Nor, indeed, is it necessary to consider Louis 
 as overpersuaded to that atrocity by his wife, 
 or any one. The experience of vast and irre- 
 sponsible power had long since made him a 
 stranger to either pity or remorse. Neither his 
 judgment nor his will approved the Revocation 
 
The Palatinate 39 
 
 of the Edict of Nantes. He was too wise in 
 king-craft not to perceive the great material 
 damage to the kingdom involved therein. To 
 this he was overpersuaded by his wife and her 
 priests. But having yielded to their solicita- 
 tions and committed himself to their policy of 
 extermination, he needed no other incentive 
 than his own vindictiveness. Partly in revenge 
 for the Protestant welcome given to his ban- 
 ished subjects, partly in anger at not securing 
 the Palatinate for himself, and partly to render 
 the country unfit for occupancy by the allies, he 
 gave such orders as must have fully satisfied 
 the utmost passion. Montclas and his lieu- 
 tenant, Melac, were neither unwilling nor slow 
 to execute the orders of Louis with as literal 
 and complete a fulfilment as possible. Melac 
 boasted that " he would fight for his king 
 against all the powers of heaven * and of hell." 
 Says Macaulay f : 
 
 " The French commander announced to nearly one 
 half-miUion of human beings that he granted them three 
 days of grace, and that within that time they must shift 
 for themselves. Soon the roads and fields which then 
 lay deep in snow were blackened by innumerable men, 
 
 * Menzel, ii., 499. f History of England, iii., 123. 
 
 'K 
 
40 The Palatines 
 
 women, and children flying from their homes. Many 
 died of cold and hunger, but enough survived to fill the 
 streets of all the cities of Europe with lean and squalid 
 beggars, who had once been thriving farmers and shop- 
 keepers." 
 
 Every great city on the Rhine, above Cologne, 
 was taken and sacked. Worms, Spires, Ander- 
 nach, Kuckheim, Kreuznach, were laid in ashes. 
 The fortress of Philippsberg was completely 
 destroyed. Villages without number were 
 given to the flames. The Elector Philip, look- 
 ing from the walls of Mannheim counted, in 
 one day, no less than twenty-three towns and 
 villages in flames. Heidelberg suffered to some 
 extent, but its castle escaped for a few years 
 only the violence which in 1692 made it the 
 most picturesque ruin in Europe. Many of 
 the unoffending inhabitants were butchered. 
 Many were carried into France and compelled 
 to recant. In Spires the brutal soldiery, as 
 though to express their contempt for things 
 most sacred, broke open the imperial vaults 
 and scattered the ashes of the emperors. The 
 whole valley of the Rhine, on both its banks, 
 from Drachenfels to Philippsberg, was made 
 the prey of the demon of rapine and destruc- 
 
The Palatinate 41 
 
 tion. The crumbhng walls, the deserted cas- 
 tles fallen into ruin, the isolated towers, ivy 
 covered, which to-day interest the traveller on 
 the Rhine, giving associations of historic 
 beauty to almost every hill washed by its wa- 
 ters, are the marks, as yet indelible, of the 
 wrath of Louis and the rapacity of his army. 
 These ruins still remain, softened and beau- 
 tified by time, but they tell a tale of fearful 
 atrocity. And, in reality, far worse than aught 
 they witness to, was the unspeakable barbarity 
 suffered by the people. In the midst of the 
 destruction of the towns and villages, such of 
 the poor villagers as endeavored to rescue their 
 goods were slain. " Everywhere in the fields 
 were found the corpses of wretched people 
 frozen to death. The citizens of Mannheim, 
 were compelled to assist in destroying their 
 fortifications, and then driven out, hungry and 
 naked, into the winter cold, while their city 
 was burned. In the neighborhood of Treves, 
 Cologne and Julich the peasants were forced 
 in the following summer to plow down their 
 own standing crops." '^' The French, hav- 
 ing thus wrought in the Palatinate and the 
 
 * Lewis's History of Germany, p. 462. 
 
42 The Palatines 
 
 small States in the north, passed on through 
 Wurtemberg and Bavaria, on all roads with 
 fire and sword. At the end of the campaign, 
 " a list of twelve hundred cities and villages, 
 that still remained to be burned, was exhibited 
 by these brigands,""^ 
 
 In 1689 Louis attempted through Jacobite 
 intrigues the assassination of William III., and 
 this outrage, added to the ferocities of the pre- 
 vious year's campaign in the Palatinate and 
 Bavaria, at last aroused the hitherto indifferent 
 Emperor Leopold, who now made common 
 cause with the petty princes of Germany, who 
 w'jre in danger of being trodden under foot by 
 the despotic monarch of France.f He pro- 
 cured the ''decree of the Diet of Ratisbon 
 (1689) which expelled every French agent 
 from Germany and prohibited the employment 
 of French servants and any intercourse with 
 France ; the Emperor adding these words, 
 'because France is to be regarded not only as 
 the empire's most inveterate foe, but as that 
 of the whole of Christendom, nay, as even 
 worse than the Turk.'" This added new 
 
 * Menzel's History of Germany, ii., 500. 
 f Menzel, ii., 501. 
 
The Palatinate 43 
 
 fury to the war and new suffering to the poor 
 people. In 1692 the French agahi turned 
 attention to the Palatinate, as though to pick up 
 what they had left behind four years before, 
 and seizing Heidelberg, blew up its famous 
 castle, leaving it the ruin that it is to-day. 
 Thence through the valley of the Neckar and 
 the higher Rhine, they resumed the destruc- 
 tive measures of the past. 
 
 The war with varying fortunes drew out its 
 fearful length to 1697, with the balance of gain 
 and by far the most brilliant victories on the 
 side of Louis. But it was impossible of con- 
 tinuance. The finances of Louis were nearly 
 exhausted, and a new ambition was luring him 
 in view of the near death of the childless King 
 of Spain. Meanwhile, the mutual distrust of the 
 Allies was weakening their strength, and both 
 parties to the contest hastened to conclude the 
 Peace of Ryswick in 1697. This Peace makes a 
 bitter satire on the utter folly of the war. By its 
 terms Louis restored all his conquests to their 
 legitimate possessors and recognized William 
 of Orange as King of England. '' Thus ter- 
 minated," says Labberton '^' "this vast war, in 
 
 * Labber ton's Historical Atlas, p. 135. 
 
44 The Palatines 
 
 which the two parties had displayed on land 
 and sea forces incomparably greater than Eu- 
 rope had ever seen before in motion. France, 
 in order to maintain herself against this coali- 
 tion, had nearly doubled her military status 
 since the war with Holland. The result had 
 been a barren honor. Alone against all Eu- 
 rope she had contrived to conquer, but without 
 increasing her power. For the first time, on the 
 contrary, since the accession of Richelieu, she 
 had lost ground." In the midst of the war the 
 Elector Palatine, Philip William died, in 1690. 
 His son and successor, John William, as already 
 noted, was a devoted adherent of the Church of 
 Rome, and at once, while his people were still 
 smarting under the terrible sufferings of the 
 war, set himself to compel their conversion to 
 his own faith. Bishop Burnet describes him ^' as 
 "being bigoted to a high degree." He gives also 
 an interesting sketch of Herr Zeiher, the rep- 
 resentative of the Elector Palatine at the Con- 
 gress of Ryswick, as f "born a Protestant, a 
 subject of the Palatinate, he was employed by 
 the Elector Charles Louis to negotiate affairs 
 
 * Burnet s History of His Own Times, iii., 223. 
 ^ Ibid.^ iv., 63. 
 
The Palatinate 45 
 
 at the court of Vienna. He, seeing a pros- 
 pect of rising at that court, changed his rehg- 
 ion and became a creature of the Jesuits. He 
 managed the secret practice with the French 
 in the treaty of Ryswick by which the Protes- 
 tants of the Palatinate suffered so considerable 
 a prejudice." "The Elector Palatine," says 
 Menzel,* " instantly enforced the maxim, 
 Cujus regio ejus religio, throughout his domin- 
 ions, and simulated Louis XIV. in tyranny 
 towards the Protestants, who emigrated in 
 large numbers." 
 
 The peace instituted by the treaty of Rys- 
 wick had but short life. Scarcely had the sol- 
 dier put off his harness when he was summoned 
 to put it on again. Another and greater war 
 followed quickly on that of the Grand Alliance, 
 once more making all Europe a camp and once 
 more bringing desolation upon the people of 
 the Palatinate. This was the war of the Span- 
 ish Succession, the origin and objects of which 
 may be stated in few words. 
 
 Charles \\. of Spain, the last of the Haps- 
 burg dynasty, died without issue in 1 700. The 
 decision as to the succession had for years be- 
 
 * History of Germany, ii., 503. 
 
46 The Palatines 
 
 fore his death furnished large occupation to the 
 cabinets of Europe. There were three claim- 
 ants : the Dauphin, the Emperor Leopold, and 
 the Electoral Prince of Bavaria, a grandson to 
 the Emperor and as yet a child. Among these 
 claimants the Spanish people indicated no pref- 
 erence, only insisting that the empire should 
 remain undivided. It is not necessary for us 
 to detail the grounds on which the conflicting 
 claims were based. Suffice it to say, that 
 Charles, in his will, declared the young Bava- 
 rian Prince the heir to all his dominions, hop- 
 ing by such devise to forestall and prevent the 
 impending conflict. Had the young Prince 
 lived, it is possible that he might have as- 
 cended the Spanish throne without serious 
 opposition, and the fearful war have been 
 averted. But his sudden death in 1699, while 
 Charles still hovered over the grave, opened 
 the question afresh and made the war inevi- 
 table. The agents of Louis at once beset 
 Charles, to extort from his weak mind an indi- 
 cation of favor towards the French claim. To 
 these efforts was added the powerful influence 
 of the Papal Embassy. Thus they succeeded 
 in obtaining from the moribund monarch an- 
 
The Palatinate 47 
 
 other will, by which he set aside the renuncia- 
 tions of the two Infantas, mother and wife of 
 Louis, and devised the crown of the entire 
 Spanish Empire to Philip of Anjou, the grand- 
 son of Louis. At once, on the death of Charles, 
 Philip assumed the crown, under the title of 
 Philip v., and all Europe sprang to arms. 
 Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, and the smaller 
 German States formed a coalition against 
 France ; and again, as in the preceding war, 
 Louis added to the number of his enemies by 
 insolence to England. The disposition of 
 William and his parliament was to keep out 
 of the contest ; only stipulating that, though 
 the reigning houses of both France and Spain 
 might be Bourbon, the two crowns must never 
 be united upon the one head. But this pas- 
 sive attitude of England was suddenly changed 
 into fury by an uncalled-for insult from Louis. 
 While the opposing forces of the Continent 
 were as yet only preparing for the conflict, the 
 exiled James died at St. Germain, September, 
 1 701 ; and Louis acknowledged his son as King 
 of England. It is difficult to account for such 
 action, save on the ground of sheer malicious- 
 ness, for Louis was too astute a statesman to 
 
48 The Palatines 
 
 suppose that the son of James could ever as- 
 cend the English throne. It was as though, 
 having had William for a foe in almost all his 
 wars of the past, he could not regard the new 
 lists properly drav/n without his old enemy in 
 his front again. If this were his motive, he 
 succeeded to perfection. Not only William, 
 but all England was thoroughly roused, and 
 decided to take part with the coalition. Wil- 
 liam, beyond all comparison the master states- 
 man of Europe, was all powerful in Holland. 
 That sturdy nation, always fighting on Wil- 
 liam's side, whether Stadtholder or King, went 
 with England into the alliance, and again pre- 
 sented the spectacle of France fighting single- 
 handed against all the great Powers. The war 
 lasted twelve years, being terminated in 1713 
 by the Peace of Utrecht. In this war the 
 great victories were on the side of the allies. 
 Blenheim, Ramillies, and Oudenarde set the 
 names of Marlborough and Eugene among 
 the greatest of the world's generals. It is a 
 curious contrast presented by this war and the 
 preceding with regard to their results. In the 
 former all the great victories were won by 
 the armies of Louis, but he kept nothing of 
 
The Palatinate 49 
 
 all gained thereby. In the latter Louis was 
 defeated in every great battle, and yet he won 
 what he fought for, — the crown of Spain for 
 his grandson. By the treaty of Utrecht Philip 
 was confirmed in its possession, though the 
 empire was dismembered. The only other 
 power to gain anything of permanent value in 
 the war was England. She, in 1704, obtained 
 possession of Gibraltar, as yet, nearly two hun- 
 dred years after, un wrested from her grasp. 
 The heaviest fighting of the war was in Bava- 
 ria, Northern Italy, and the Netherlands ; but 
 the Palatinate came in for its full share of 
 accustomed desolations. It would seem that 
 Louis could never forgive his failure to steal 
 the principality for himself. His armies, seek- 
 ing their foes in the north and east, made 
 broad swathes of destruction across the Pala- 
 tinate, notwithstanding the favor of the Pala- 
 tine for the French and his religious sympathy 
 with Louis. In every year one or other por- 
 tion of the little State was made to suffer from 
 the brutality of the French ; and in 1 707 the 
 Marshal Villars led into it an army with the 
 intent to repeat the work of desolation wrought 
 by Montclas in 1688, having the same, though 
 
50 The Palatines 
 
 not so universal, result in burning towns and 
 impoverished people. And then began that 
 exodus which brought so many thousands of 
 the poor people to America. 
 
 At the first glance it may seem needless to 
 relate, even after so brief fashion, the forego- 
 ing story of the two wars, which made for the 
 subjects of the Palatine such a furnace of 
 affliction. But it is well to see all things in 
 their historical perspective. The cause of the 
 lowliest, the sufferings of the humblest, gain in 
 dignity — and that worthily — from association 
 which groups them with the great events of 
 history. This thought alone were sufficient 
 for setting the emigration of the Palatines in 
 its proper place as related to the councils of 
 princes and the movement of great wars. 
 This would be sufficient in telling any tale of 
 historical interest. 
 
 But, as hinted in the Introduction, there is 
 special reason for dwelling upon the influences 
 of war and religious oppression as furnishing 
 the moving causes of this migration. For 
 some reason not explained the usual under- 
 standing has been quite different. In England, 
 in the year after the migration of 1710, when 
 
The Palatinate 51 
 
 the tide of sympathy and charity had ebbed 
 which sent the Palatines on their hopeful way 
 to America, and when the Tories had dis- 
 placed the Whigs from power, a committee of 
 the House of Commons appointed to investi- 
 gate the causes of the Palatine emigration,* 
 reported that it was entirely due to land 
 speculators, who had obtained patents in the 
 colonies and had sent agents into Germany to 
 induce the peasantry to emigrate to America 
 upon the said lands. Stress is laid upon the 
 fact that the Palatines themselves had acknow- 
 ledged the receipt of papers and books con- 
 taining the portrait of Queen Anne, urging 
 their emigration and promising gifts of land. 
 No mention is made In that report of any other 
 influence leading to the emigration, and the 
 inference is made that these poor Palatines 
 were deluded " objects of speculation," whom 
 the arts of the land agents had, for their own 
 purposes, foisted on the British public, to the 
 great disturbance of home and colonial affairs. 
 This report, evidently biased by political feel- 
 ing and by disgust at the continuance of 
 appeals for aid to the emigrants, cites the 
 
 * Burnet's Own Times, iv., 258. 
 
52 The Palatines 
 
 Naturalization Act of 1 708 as among the chief 
 of the evil instruments that had precipitated 
 on English shores this great stream of people 
 from the Palatinate. 
 
 Some modern writers, who have alluded to 
 the subject, seem to have been content to take 
 this report as completely disposing of the 
 question, and quenching the title of these 
 Palatines to historic sympathy. It is remark- 
 able that so scholarly a man as Dr. Homes, 
 formerly Librarian of the State of New York, 
 should have accepted the conclusions of this 
 report as justified by the facts in the case.* 
 He intimates that not much credit should be 
 given to the Palatine claim that this people 
 became exiles because of oppression. 
 
 One can hardly fail, on full study of the 
 question, to be surprised at such conclusion ; 
 for while it may be true that agents did 
 solicit the migration, this fact is entirely con- 
 sistent with the other fact that, because of 
 sufferings endured through war and religious 
 persecution, this people became promising ob- 
 jects of such solicitation. That is to say — the 
 agents of land companies, if such there were, 
 
 * Trans. Albany Institute, vii., 106-132. 
 
The Palatinate 53 
 
 supposedly shrewd and businesslike, saw in 
 the down-trodden and oppressed people of the 
 Palatinate a field of operation, because of their 
 very afiflictions. While with an eye only to 
 business they addressed their propositions to 
 the poor Palatines, the solicitations must have 
 seemed to open " in the valley of Achor a 
 door of hope." 
 
 It is notable also that, not only in 1708 and 
 1709 were all these emigrants departing from 
 the Palatinate, and equally oppressed Swabia 
 on its southern border, but also for forty years 
 after, the vast majority of German immigrants 
 to America were from the same quarter. The 
 question is evident: Why should the land agents 
 have confined their efforts to the Palatinate, 
 and the Palatines alone have been desirous of 
 emigration, unless there had been in their con- 
 dition, and in the disposition of the govern- 
 ment under which they lived, causes of such 
 grave moment as predisposed them to leave 
 their country ? The singularity of choice by 
 the agents of the Palatinate alone, and the 
 ready disposition of the people to listen to 
 their offers, as well as the remarkable fact that 
 they alone of the Germans of their day had a 
 
54 The Palatines 
 
 desire to change their country, certainly de- 
 mand a broader and more significant explana- 
 tion than a speculative fever. But given the 
 condition of destitution resulting from the 
 French invasion and the harassing measures 
 of a Prince filled with proselyting zeal, we see 
 at once the combination that disposed the 
 people to at once accept the opportunity of 
 escape. 
 
 It is significant also that, while the Palatines 
 in London frankly stated the fact that they 
 had been urged by the agents to their migra- 
 tion, yet in all their formal statements, peti- 
 tions, and addresses to the authorities in 
 England and America they cite the cruelties 
 suffered from the French as the great cause 
 of all. Some of their statements also af^rm the 
 religious oppression in their own country as 
 another powerful influence toward emigration. 
 
 It is to be noted that Burnet, while record- 
 ing the action of the House of Commons and 
 the report of its committee, does not indicate 
 his own judgment as in accord with its conclu- 
 sions. On the contrary, in the two passages 
 already cited,* he appears to state his own 
 
 * Burnet's OiCm Times, iii., 223. iv. , 63. 
 
The Palatinate 55 
 
 opinion that the Protestant people of the Pala- 
 tinate were subjected to no small prejudice 
 and distress by the oppressive measures of 
 John William. 
 
 Further, Dr. Homes, in the article above 
 noted, objects that the claim of the Palatines 
 that the cruelties of the French had driven 
 them from their country, is not to be credited, 
 because the ruthless campaign by which Louis 
 desolated the Palatinate was in 1688, twenty 
 years before the exodus began. Were this 
 the only campaign in which the French soldiers 
 had ridden rough-shod over the fields and 
 villages of the Palatinate,, the objection cer- 
 tainly would hold good. Twenty years surely 
 were many enough to smooth out the rough- 
 nesses so caused and to reclaim the ravaged 
 land. But, while that campaign was undoubt- 
 edly the severest under which that devoted 
 land suffered, yet others followed. Again and 
 again, through the years of the war of the 
 Grand Alliance, the armies of Louis swept 
 through the country, and, although not staying 
 to wreak deliberate and wide-spread ruin, yet 
 left want and suffering on their trail. A like 
 ill fortune fell upon the principality with the 
 
56 The Palatines 
 
 opening of the War of the Succession, cul- 
 minating in the deliberate invasion of Villars in 
 1707 to emulate the rapine of Montclas and 
 Melac. It is strange that Dr. Homes should 
 have overlooked these facts. They import an 
 amount of suffering entailed upon the poor 
 people of the Palatinate not easy of estima- 
 tion, and certainly both great and immediate 
 enough to justify their statement, that they 
 left their country in consequence of the cruel- 
 ties of the French. And it is very significant 
 that the first outward movement was imme- 
 diately subsequent on the invasion of Villars 
 in 1707. That was the last burden which, 
 added to all the loss and suffering of the past, 
 set on foot the emigrating thousands ; first to 
 Holland, then to England, and finally across 
 the sea. 
 
 Still another item of disproof of the judg- 
 ment that this emigration was solely due to 
 the agents of the American Proprietaries is 
 found in the fact, that they had made no pro- 
 vision for the care and direction of the emi- 
 grants, either in transit or after reaching 
 America. The only apparent exception to 
 this statement is the existence of a committee 
 
The Palatinate 57 
 
 of assistance at Rotterdam, through whose 
 offices the Palatines were helped en route, and 
 so speedily as possible shipped to England. 
 But there is no evidence that this committee 
 was instituted by agents of the Proprietaries, 
 and it may have had its origin from the au- 
 thorities of Holland, in the same manner as it 
 became a necessity for the English authorities 
 to provide in some way for this great body of 
 straneers. This seems the most reasonable 
 supposition, for had there been anything like 
 a concerted movement of the Proprietaries or 
 Patentees in America to promote emigration to 
 their lands, it seems impossible that they could 
 have failed to provide some measures by 
 which the scheme could be effected. Of this, 
 however, there was absolutely nothing. The 
 agents, if any such there were, disappear at 
 once that the migration, supposed to have 
 been excited by them, is begun. The thou- 
 sands flocking from the Palatinate are thrown 
 naked upon England, to be cared for and di- 
 rected at the expense of the government and 
 of public charity. It was impossible for agents 
 to lay their calculation for such an issue as is 
 found in the unparalleled benevolence of the 
 
58 
 
 The Palatines 
 
 British people towards these poor Palatines. 
 We will have to conclude, that, while sundry- 
 so-called agents may have found access to the 
 Palatinate, they really represented no business 
 enterprise and undertook none such ; and that 
 the people, learning of the avenue of escape 
 from their accumulated wrongs, needed for 
 their emigration no other inducement. 
 
 I 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE EXODUS. 
 
 THE first formal note of the emigration, 
 as already begun, is found in a report 
 of the British Lords of Trade.* No 
 record exists of the starting of the people from 
 their homes upon the Rhine, as of the inception 
 of a great enterprise. Indeed, this were im- 
 possible. With whatever of undertone of con- 
 cert of action the movement was set on foot, 
 its beginnings in the Palatinate had to be in 
 quietness and stealth. The Elector Palatine 
 was of a mind to lose none of his subjects, and 
 made vigorous protests against their emigra- 
 tion. Among other deterrents he published 
 an edict threatening death to all who should 
 attempt to emigrate from his dominions. So, 
 of necessity, the departure of the emigrants, 
 
 * Dec. Hist, of N. F., iii., 327. 
 59 
 
6o The Palatines 
 
 if not "by night," was unheralded. In fact 
 for years there had been a steady though small 
 stream of the afiflicted people seeking quieter 
 countries. Northern Germany and Holland 
 had received thousands of them. And now 
 that the thoug-hts of the refucjees were turned 
 westward, they found countrymen in the cities 
 of Holland to help them on their journey. 
 
 It is probable that we should cite, as the first 
 contingent from the Palatinate to America, a 
 small band which, after much toil and disaster, 
 found settlement in New Jersey. There is but 
 small record of this company, and how much of 
 their story is due to local tradition can hardly 
 be decided. * The tale is of a company of Luth- 
 erans who, in 1705, fled from persecution at 
 Wolfenbuttel and Halberstadt. They went 
 into Holland, and thence, in 1707, embarked 
 for New York. By stress of storm their ves- 
 sel was driven to the south, and after tedious 
 delays found harbor at Philadelphia. Being 
 still determined to go to New York, the little 
 company set out to reach that city overland, 
 and had nearly accomplished their journey 
 
 * Penna. Mag. of Hist., x., 376, Story of an Old Farm, by Mel- 
 lick. Introd. 
 
 \ 
 
The Exodus 6i 
 
 when, attracted by the beauty and fertiHty of 
 the region they were traversing, they resolved 
 to go no farther. They had reached the edge 
 of the Schooley's Mountain range, and look- 
 ing off upon the land, now in the borders of 
 Morris County, they decided that no more de- 
 sirable place of habitation could be found. So 
 there they settled. Happily for them, neither 
 the crown nor the provincial government 
 seems to have been concerned about them. 
 They were left unmolested to build their homes 
 and beget a posterity still visible in many well- 
 known families of that region. 
 
 The more formal pioneers of the emigrating 
 movement were a company of forty-one who 
 came to London in the spring of 1 708, and 
 applied to the Board of Trade to be sent to 
 America. The Report, alluded to above, has 
 reference to this application, and bears date of 
 April 28, 1708. It takes the form of a Me- 
 morial to the Queen, in which the Lords 
 comment on a Petition from the Rev. Joshua 
 Kockerthal, an Evangelical minister, on behalf 
 of himself and other 
 
 " poor Lutherans, come hither from the Lower Palatin- 
 ate, praying to be transferred to some of your Majesty's 
 
62 The Palatines 
 
 plantations in America ; in number 41, viz : 10 men, 10 
 women, and 21 children ; in the utmost want, being re- 
 duced to this miserable condition by the ravages com- 
 mitted by the French when they lost all they had." 
 
 The Board notes the testimonials of good 
 character brought by the company, and on the 
 question of their location sets aside the West 
 Indies, on account of the hot climate, and pro- 
 poses " to settle them on Hudson's River, 
 where they can be made useful in the produc- 
 tion of Naval Stores and as a Frontier against 
 the French and Indians." It is further recom- 
 mended that " they be transported in the Man- 
 of-War and Transport ship to go with Lord 
 Lovelace," who had been recently appointed 
 to the governorship of New York ; that they 
 " should be supplied here [London] with nec- 
 essary tools for agriculture, and must be sup- 
 ported for awhile by the Queen's bounty, or 
 by the Province, and before departure should 
 be made Denizens of this Kincrdom." It is 
 further intimated that, if the Queen would 
 confirm the provincial act annulling certain 
 extravagant patents granted by Governor 
 Fletcher, she would be able to grant the usual 
 number of acres to these poor Palatines. The 
 
The Exodus 63 
 
 suggestions of the Lords of Trade were ap- 
 proved by the Queen in Council, and order 
 was taken on 10 May, 1708, for the naturaH- 
 zation of the Palatines and sending them to 
 New York with Lord Lovelace. 
 
 Meanwhile, before this company was em- 
 barked, another petition from Kockerthal rep- 
 resents that fourteen others had joined him 
 and his company,''^ three of whom were from 
 Holstein. He describes this company as " in 
 a Deplorable Condition, having suffered under 
 the Calamity which hap'ned last year in the 
 Palatinate by the invasion of the French," and 
 prays that they may receive from the Queen 
 the same kind treatment given to the first 
 company, and be with them sent to America. 
 This petition, which bears date of June, 1708, 
 was granted by the Queen, and the fourteen 
 Palatines were made denizens of the kino;dom. 
 
 In this petition Kockerthal also asks, in view 
 of his clerical profession, that he be given a 
 " Sallary, inasmuch as he cannot hope for a 
 competent subsistence in America." To this 
 no attention is paid by the authorities, and, on 
 the 7th July, Kockerthal addresses another 
 
 * Colonial Hist, of N. F., v., 44. 
 
64 The Palatines 
 
 petition,* again asking for a salary and for^20 
 towards an outfit. To this the Lords of Trade 
 advise the Queen, that no precedent exists 
 for granting stipends to foreign clergymen in 
 the colonies — only that the French minister in 
 New York receives annually ;^20 or^f 30, " but 
 by what order we do not find." The Board, 
 however, in consideration that Kockerthal is 
 poor, suggests that the sum desired for outfit be 
 granted to him, and as his people are poor, he 
 be given a glebe of 500 acres, with liberty 
 to sell some of it for his immediate mainte- 
 nance after reaching America. 
 
 These two companies were undoubtedly one 
 in the scheme of emigration ; for some cause 
 becoming separated on the way to England, 
 whence, being reunited, they went together 
 across the sea. It is interesting to note that 
 in the company were thirteen families and two 
 unmarried men. All the names, even of the 
 children — some of which names are still wor- 
 thily represented by their descendants f — are on 
 record. All were Lutherans in religion ; and 
 as to occupations, the majority of the men 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 62. Doc. Hist, iii., 328. 
 f See Note I, 
 
The Exodus 65 
 
 were farmers, one was a clergyman (Kocker- 
 thal), one a weaver, one a stocking-maker, one 
 a blacksmith, one a carpenter, and one a clerk. 
 The composition of the little emigration has 
 the aspect of an enterprise well planned for the 
 settling of a new community in strange scenes. 
 It would seem also that some concert must 
 have existed between this company and their 
 countrymen left behind. They went out as a 
 band of pioneers, or prospectors, to see what 
 might be the promise of other lords and a new 
 land ; and it is altogether probable that their 
 report sent home of the kind treatment re- 
 ceived by them from the English authorities, 
 will go far to account for the large influx of 
 the Palatines to England in the following year. 
 ThiT* probability becomes almost a certainty 
 from the fact — of which only an incidental note 
 is found in the epitaph on Kockerthal's tomb- 
 stone — that, having settled this first company 
 in America, he returned at once to England, 
 and came out again with the large emigration 
 of 1 710, which accompanied Gov. Hunter. Of 
 this larger emigration it will fall to speak pres- 
 ently ; but for the moment it will be more 
 
 convenient to trace the fortunes of this first 
 5 
 
66 The Palatines 
 
 company, which were quite distinct from those 
 of their following countrymen. 
 
 Kockerthal and his companions sailed with 
 Lord Lovelace in the autumn of 1708, arrived 
 in New York in the following winter, and so 
 soon as possible were settled in the district 
 then known as Quassaick Creek and Thanks- 
 kamir,* This district is part of the territory 
 of the present city of Newburgh, the name of 
 which may be a monument of this settlement 
 by the Palatines, whose prince was of the House 
 of Neuburg. The region round about on the 
 west side of the Hudson had been purchased 
 from the Indians by Gov. Dongan in 1684. 
 In 1694 it had been conveyed by patent to 
 Capt. John Evans by Gov. Fletcher, but four 
 years later this patent, together with others in 
 the province, was annulled by the legislative 
 Council of New York. The lands were after- 
 wards parcelled out in smaller grants, the first 
 of which, after much delay, was given in 1719 
 to the Palatines, under the name of the Ger- 
 man Patent. This patent covered 2190 acres, 
 which lay along the Quassaick, or Ouassey, 
 now called Chambers Creek, touching the 
 
 * Ruttenber's Hist^ of Oran^^e Co,^ p. 245. 
 
The Exodus 67 
 
 Hudson and stretching up the side of the 
 steep hills. 
 
 Shortly after their arrival, Lord Lovelace, 
 who had been especially charged with their 
 care and oversight, died in New York, and the 
 Palatines very soon began to suffer want. In 
 the fall of 1 709 they represent, by petition to 
 Lt. Gov. Ingoldsby, that the promised suste- 
 nance had not been given to them,* and appeal 
 to the compassion of the Governor and Coun- 
 cil. When this petition came before the 
 Council, it was there stated that nineteen of 
 the Palatines had abandoned their Lutheran 
 faith and had become Pietists ; and the Coun- 
 cil ordered that only the rest should be sup- 
 ported. An inquiring committee, however, soon 
 reported that no such religious troubles existed 
 and that the entire community were entitled 
 to the promised subsistence. Order was there- 
 upon taken to " victuall " all, and to distribute 
 " clothes, tools, and other necessities — such as 
 building materials, iron and steel, books, paper 
 and medicines, horses, cows and pigs." The 
 trouble for the provincial authorities in the 
 matter was, that they had entered into no 
 
 * Doc, Hist., iii., 329. 
 
68 The Palatines 
 
 obligations to subsist these people, who were 
 stipendiaries of the home government and 
 the Crown. Nor was the Council willing to 
 saddle their support upon the treasury of the 
 province. At the same time they were unwill- 
 ing that the poor people should perish almost 
 before their very eyes. They intimated their 
 willingness to afford subsistence, if any '* Gen- 
 tlemen can be found " to guarantee repayment 
 by the government. The Palatines — to whom 
 arrears are still in default — report to the Coun- 
 cil, in October, 1 709, that they have found such 
 security in the persons of Col. Nicholas Bayard 
 and Octavius Conradus, and pray for the 
 much needed relief. The lano-uaofe of their 
 petition, which is signed by John Conrad 
 Codweis, is quaint and naive enough to deserve 
 an extract. It presents " most humble prayers 
 to your Honours' Generosity, to let descend 
 Your tender Commiseration towards the pre- 
 carious and miserable circumstances of this 
 poor people, wherein they certainly shall perish 
 this Winter, if not speedily supplied, and thus 
 render all past outlay of the Government 
 useless." This touching plea wins the com- 
 passionate action of the Council, which orders 
 
The Exodus 69 
 
 the desired aid, only stipulating that the 
 Palatines themselves shall repay the advance, 
 " if England refuses, in a year ! " Within the 
 year Gov. Hunter arrived in New York, with 
 the first and only advance of the British gov- 
 ernment for the subsistence of the Palatines 
 in this country, and it may be taken for granted 
 that the Council, who allowed to escape few 
 opportunities for harassing that long-suffering 
 " Brigadeer," lost no time in presenting their 
 bill. 
 
 In the year 1713 the Governor directed the 
 Surveyor-General * to lay out for the Palatines 
 the land which, six years after, was constituted 
 the German Patent, specifying that tracts 
 should be allotted " for each of them his quan- 
 tity distinctly." Forty acres were to be re- 
 served for highways and five hundred for a 
 Glebe, and the whole was to be known and 
 called " The Palatine Parish by Quassaick." 
 
 At this time Kockerthal, who had returned 
 from England with Hunter and the immigra- 
 tion of 1 710, was already established at Quas- 
 saick. He probably brought with him to 
 Quassaick a small number of that large com- 
 
 * Ruttenber, p. 248. 
 
70 The Palatines 
 
 pany, though the great majority were settled 
 at the two Camps, fifty miles farther up the 
 river. Over the people in all the Hudson 
 settlements Kockerthal exercised very consid- 
 erable authority, partly on account of his min- 
 isterial office, but more largely because of the 
 native strength of his character. He was evi- 
 dently a shrewd man, far-seeing and careful, 
 able on a wider field, if such had been given 
 to him, to be a noted leader of men. His in- 
 fluence with his countrymen in America was 
 supreme. They looked up to him with no 
 little reverence, and the provincial authorities 
 had often to appeal to his influence in the en- 
 tanglements, which almost immediately began 
 in the settlements of East and West Camp. 
 Probably having his longer residence at Quas- 
 saick, he took the pastoral care, not only of 
 the people in that place, but also of those in 
 the settlements above. Himself a Lutheran, 
 he seems to have maintained the most harmo- 
 nious relations with that portion of the people 
 who were of the Reformed faith, among whom 
 labored a certain John Fred. Hager, one of 
 the emigration, who afterwards carried his 
 missionary efforts into the Mohawk and Scho- 
 
The Exodus 71 
 
 harie valleys, and to Pennsylvania. Kocker- 
 thal organized a Lutheran church at the Camp 
 on the west bank of the Hudson, and proba- 
 bly had some part in the similar organization 
 on the opposite side of the river. Both 
 churches are still existent and among the dozen 
 oldest ecclesiastical organizations on the con- 
 tinent. Kockerthal died in 1719 at West 
 Camp and was there buried. His grave, un- 
 til recently, was marked by a stone, bearing 
 a quaint inscription in German, of which the 
 following is an English translation : * 
 
 " Know, wanderer, under this stone rests, beside his 
 Sybilla Charlotte, a right wanderer, the Joshua of the 
 High Dutch in North America, the pure Lutheran 
 preacher of them on the East and West sides of the 
 Hudson River. His first arrival was with Lord Love- 
 lace in 1707-8, the ist January. His second with Col. 
 Hunter, 17 lo, the 14 June. His voyage back to Eng- 
 land was prevented [lit., interrupted] by the voyage of 
 his soul to Heaven on St. John's Day, 17 19. 
 
 " Do you wish to know more ? Seek in Melancthon's 
 fatherland, who was Kockerthal, who Herschias, who 
 Winchenbach ? 
 
 " B. Berkenmayer, S. Huestin, L. Brevoort, 1742." 
 
 The names Herschias and Winchenbach 
 
 * Mag. of Ajn. History, 1871, p. 15, article by Rev. J. B. Thomp- 
 son, D.D, 
 
72 The Palatines 
 
 are said by local tradition to be those of Kock- 
 erthal's sons-in-law. The last three names are 
 probably, as Dr. Thompson suggests, those of 
 the men who, twenty-three years after the death 
 of Kockerthal, erected the stone. Within the 
 year just past this stone was removed from the 
 grave and placed as a mural tablet in the in- 
 terior of the church of West Camp. 
 
 After the death of Kockerthal the story of 
 the Ouassaick Parish presents but few notes of 
 interest, and the most of these have regard to 
 the affairs of the church. From that time the 
 parish had no pastor of its own, but was min- 
 istered to on semi-annual, or annual visits by 
 the Lutheran clergyman of New York, who 
 for some years was to receive the profits of the 
 Glebe. The members at Ouassaick were re- 
 ceived into the New York church, to which 
 church they loaned the bell given to them by 
 Queen Anne, to be returned whenever the 
 people at Quassaick should be able to erect a 
 house of worship. That house was afterwards 
 built, in 1733, and was still standing until 
 within the memory of some of the oldest citi- 
 zens, and known by them as " the Glebe School 
 House." It is pleasant to know that the bell 
 
The Exodus 73 
 
 was returned, and also to note the hint sug- 
 gested of the long-headedness of Kockerthal, 
 who, before leading his first colony over the 
 sea, sought and obtained from the royal favor 
 this bell, which was to wait more than twenty 
 years for its destined place. 
 
 What may have been the after fortune of the 
 bell is not recorded, but for the most of the 
 Palatines at Quassaick it soon ceased to utter 
 its Sabbath summons. The majority of the 
 people were not satisfied with their location. 
 They found the stony hillsides more unyield- 
 ing of produce than they had hoped, and lis- 
 tened with envious ears to the tale of more 
 fertile farms to be had in Pennsylvania, whither 
 many of the settlers at the Camps and Schoharie 
 had migrated. A large proportion of them, 
 after not long debate, sold their farms upon 
 the Quassaick, and departed to join their com- 
 patriots in the valleys of the Swatara and Tulpe- 
 hocken. The sale of these farms brought 
 many of them, indeed the most of them, into 
 the possession of others than Palatines, who 
 were called by the original settlers, *' Dutch 
 and English new-comers." With these began 
 the influx of immigrants of other stocks, an in- 
 
74 The Palatines 
 
 coming promoted by Governor Golden, whose 
 son Alexander had large holdings in the neigh- 
 borhood, with the result that in a short time 
 the few remaining Palatines were very largely 
 outnumbered by the Dutch, Scotch, and Eng- 
 lish. It was but a natural issue that the direc- 
 tion of vicinage and church affairs should soon 
 pass from the hands of the Palatines. Men of 
 Enoflish blood were chosen in Parish Meetino- 
 as Trustees of the Glebe and Church, and steps 
 were at once taken to brino- the Church into 
 connection with the Church of England. This 
 took place in 1743 and thereupon the " Pala- 
 tine Parish by Quassaick " ceased to exist, 
 though it was not until 1751 that the Glebe 
 was finally turned over by Letters-Patent to 
 the Church of England. 
 
 And this must end our story of the New- 
 burgh Palatines, the majority of whom had 
 sought other and distant homes. But they left 
 behind them a sturdy stock who, though soon 
 absorbed into the general life of the non- 
 Palatine community, have left monuments of 
 their worth. Themselves and their descend- 
 ants — not a few of whom have to-day, in the 
 fair city of Newburgh, names on the roll of 
 
The Exodus 75 
 
 Kockerthal's companions — were "not a whit 
 behind " the men of other stock in the expres- 
 sion of soHdity of character, intellectual alert- 
 ness, love of freedom, and moral worth, — 
 equal factors in building up the civil and re- 
 ligious institutions of their city and State. 
 
 We turn now to the far more extensive 
 migration which, in the year after the depart- 
 ure of Kockerthal and his first company from 
 the country of the Rhine, followed them to 
 England. Of this movement, as of its pre- 
 cursor, no records are extant, or accessible, 
 detailing its organization and departure from 
 the Palatinate. Among the influences helping 
 the decision to emigrate at that time, Conrad 
 Weiser — himself one of the emigrants and 
 twelve years of age at the time — in an auto- 
 biography written in his old age instances the 
 severities of the winter of 1708-9. "Birds 
 perished on the wing, beasts in their lairs, and 
 mortals fell dead in the way."''^' 
 
 The first mention of the exodus as begun is 
 in the recorded presence of the Palatines in 
 London in surprising numbers, to the no small 
 astonishment of the English people and the 
 
 * Life of Conrad IVeiscr. 
 
76 The Palatines 
 
 equal perplexity and embarrassment of the 
 authorities. The migration was evidently a 
 concerted one at home, with lines stretching 
 into all parts of the principality. The impres- 
 sion made by it at Rotterdam and London 
 was such as would be caused by the irruption 
 of an entire tribe. Weiser has a fine bit of 
 fervid description. " A migrating epidemic 
 seized on the stricken people, and, as a wave, 
 thirty thousand Germans washed along the 
 shores of England. Israel was not more as- 
 tounded at the armored carcasses of the Egyp- 
 tians lying by the banks of the Red Sea, than 
 were the people of England at this immense 
 slide of humanity." 
 
 Both for charity's sake and in their own 
 defence, the people of Rotterdam speeded 
 them over the channel into England and to 
 London, where their swarming numbers put to 
 the proof, not only the ingenuity of the gov- 
 ernment to devise their future destination, but 
 also its ability to provide for their pressing 
 and immediate needs.* They began to arrive 
 in London in May of 1709, and by the end of 
 June their numbers amounted to five thousand. 
 
 * Trans. Alb. Ins., 1871, p. 106. 
 
The Exodus "j^ 
 
 Before August was passed this number was 
 nearly doubled, while thirteen thousand is set 
 as the aggregate by the end of October. In 
 the London of to-day such an influx would be 
 little more than a drop in the bucket ; and yet, 
 even to-day, were a horde of thirteen thousand 
 men, women, and children to suddenly throng 
 its streets, most of them without a penny to 
 pay for food or lodging, many of them in rags 
 and tatters, there might be furnished something 
 of perplexity in finding a solution to the prob- 
 lem of their immediate care. In the London 
 of two hundred years ago the facilities for car- 
 ing for the traveller and the stranger were 
 of the crudest and most limited description. 
 Those who could pay their way must put up 
 with many discomforts in the inns, which were 
 few and of small capacity. The city was en- 
 tirely unprovided with ready means to meet 
 the demands thus suddenly made by the flock- 
 ing Palatines, who, pouring in such crowds 
 upon London, threw themselves upon the gen- 
 erosity of the English government and people. 
 They seemed to say : " Here we are. What 
 are you going to do for us ? What are you 
 going to do with us ? " 
 
78 The Palatines 
 
 It is difficult to imagine the state of per- 
 plexity which at the first must have filled the 
 official mind. In the past it had not been 
 accustomed to deal with such problems, or to 
 concern itself about the poverty or destruction 
 of the poor. But this problem was so great 
 and the appeal of the Palatines so strident, 
 that a hearing ear and active hand were com- 
 pelled. The impression made upon all the 
 English was profound, and the interest in this 
 great company of refugees was felt, far beyond 
 the limits of the capital, in many parts of the 
 kingdom. Beyond all cavil, whatever may 
 have been the neglect and aversion in a follow- 
 ing year, the immediate response of the Eng- 
 lish court and people to this appeal, was nobly 
 generous, to such extent that nothing else like 
 it can be cited from the history of centuries 
 before our own. No doubt one strong motive 
 with the authorities was found in the absolute 
 necessity of the case. They could not have 
 these Palatines perish by starvation in their 
 streets. Something must be done to keep life 
 in them while in London, and something also 
 to rid London of their burden. But far more 
 than this, which the closest self-interest would 
 
The Exodus 79 
 
 demand, the appeal seems to have touched the 
 chord of sympathy in the EngHsh heart in 
 both city and country. Queen Anne, who, 
 though lacking in many of the qualities needful, 
 not only for a monarch, but also for a strong 
 character, was of tender heart, became greatly 
 interested and took the poor people under her 
 special care. This care aided them effectively 
 at the first, and would have protected them 
 against some of the oppressions of the near 
 future, had she possessed tenacity of purpose 
 and strength of will to resist squabbling poli- 
 ticians. 
 
 The immediate needs of the people were 
 met in a way which for that day must be ac- 
 counted magnificent. The Queen allowed 
 ninepence each per day for present subsistence, 
 and lodgings were provided in various parts 
 of London. One thousand tents, taken from 
 the army stores and pitched on the Surrey 
 side of the Thames, sheltered the greater 
 number. Fourteen hundred were lodged for 
 four months in the warehouses of Sir Charles 
 Cox. Many occupied barns until they were 
 needed for the crops. A smaller number 
 found lodgment in empty dwellings, while the 
 
So The Palatines 
 
 few among them with means obtained quarters 
 at the inns. In some instances buildings were 
 put up for them, of which a monument still 
 remains in a hamlet at the west of London, 
 where four buildings, yet called "the Palatine 
 Houses," were erected for these people by the 
 Parish of Newington. Much of this generous 
 provision was due to the kindly interest of the 
 Queen, who not only gave of her own purse, 
 and incited her government to similar action, 
 but issued briefs calling for collections through- 
 out the kincrdom. It is estimated that the 
 sums, expended by the government and contrib- 
 uted by the people of England for the sup- 
 port and final establishment of the Palatines 
 In Ireland and America, aggregated the enor- 
 mous amount of ;^i 35,000.* 
 
 Of course, the question of the future dispo- 
 sition of these people was as urgent as their 
 Immediate subsistence. Mortimer says that 
 there was no settled plan (among the Palatines) 
 for their settlement anywhere. Burnet seems 
 to agree with him, and represents that the 
 people In the Palatinate were "so ravished" 
 
 * Trans, Alb, Ins., 1871, p. 107. Burnet, iv., 63. Mortimer, 
 iii., 233. 
 
The Exodus 8i 
 
 by the report of what kindness had been 
 shown to Kockerthal and his companions 
 in London, that these thousands pressed 
 thither to throw themselves in Hke manner 
 on the bounty of the Queen. The intima- 
 tions, however, are numerous in the colonial 
 records that the emigration was with the 
 intention of reaching America at last. To 
 be sent thither was the first request of Kock- 
 erthal, and the first request also of this larger 
 body of emigrants. America evidently was 
 to them the land of promise, where only 
 their exodus could find its object. True, in 
 their destitution of all means towards reach- 
 ing their hope, they had to put themselves 
 on the generous consideration of the English 
 government, — and were compelled also to sub- 
 mit themselves to its discretion and direc- 
 tion. Yet a settlement in America was the 
 constant object of their desire. The long 
 delay of months in London acted upon some 
 of them as a discouragement, and they were 
 quite ready to turn their steps towards other 
 locations. Not a few of the men enlisted in 
 the British army, and perhaps a few hundreds, 
 wandering singly — or in small companies — 
 
82 The Palatines 
 
 through the rural parts of England, found 
 permanent homes in its scattered towns and 
 villages. Some also remained in London, 
 going into domestic service or finding engage- 
 ments in their special handicrafts. Some 
 were sent by the authorities back to their 
 native country, on account of their religious 
 faith.* It was stated that about one tenth of 
 the emigrants were Roman Catholics, whose 
 presence among their Protestant countrymen 
 can be easily explained by the natural desire 
 for either adventure or improvement of con- 
 dition. The government would not send men 
 of their faith into the colonies, neither was it 
 willing to permit their prolonged residence 
 in England. In consequence of this dispo- 
 sition and the pressure thereby brought to 
 bear upon these Romanists, many of them 
 became Protestants, while those who were 
 tenacious of their faith were returned under 
 government passports to the Palatinate. 
 
 But, though the reduction in numbers by all 
 these means was considerable, the great mass 
 still remained to tax the ingenuity of the 
 authorities. The emphatic recognition of the 
 
 * Luttrell's Z'/rt';'/, vi., 473, 4S9. 
 
The Exodus 83 
 
 grave character of the situation is well ex- 
 pressed by the high rank of those who were 
 at first charged with the care of these people. 
 The receipt and distribution of money for 
 their relief, and the duty of considering and 
 suggesting plans for their disposal, were put 
 into the hands of a committee, appointed by 
 the Queen, on which were persons of so 
 exalted station as the Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury and the Lord High Chancellor. 
 
 The first suggestion was to settle the peo- 
 ple in various parts of England as, if feasible, 
 attended by the least expense. By parcell- 
 ing them out in small companies among the 
 hundreds of the English counties, the entire 
 volume could easily be absorbed into the com- 
 munity, and in time would add to the national 
 wealth. The nature of the Parish Laws, how- 
 ever, was such as to present so many obstacles 
 to the scheme, that it was decided to be im- 
 practicable. 
 
 It was also proposed to settle them in a 
 body in the New Forest of Hampshire, where ''' 
 lands could be parcelled out to them by shares 
 or lots from the royal demesnes. This also 
 
 * Mortimer's ^«^/<T«a', iii., 233. 
 
84 The Palatines 
 
 proved only a futile suggestion. To establish 
 a foreign community in the heart of England 
 was regarded as dangerous to the welfare 
 of the nation. Doubtless also the tenacity 
 with which the great majority of the Palatines 
 held to their desire of transportation to 
 America, went far to discourage all attempts 
 to make for them an English domicile. Lut- 
 trell * states that the merchants of Bedford 
 and Barnstaple, who were engaged in the 
 New Foundland fisheries, designed employing 
 five hundred of them in their service. This 
 may have been done, — and it is altogether prob- 
 able that in such ways many of the people 
 were provided for. Indeed, some disposition 
 of the kind, the employment on land and sea 
 in various trades, must have taken place with 
 regard to a very considerable number. Other- 
 wise we cannot account for the disparity 
 between the numbers reported in London in 
 October of 1709, and the aggregate of the 
 several recorded shipments of them out of 
 England. These amount to the sum of seven 
 thousand and five hundred persons. This 
 aggregate, in case the statement is correct 
 
 *J')iiiry, vi., 41^6. 
 
The Exodus 85 
 
 that the number coming into England was 
 thirteen thousand, would leave over five thou- 
 sand to be otherwise accounted for. But of 
 this there is no record, and their final dis- 
 position must be set down to the score of 
 various employments within the kingdom, and 
 unrecorded dispersions into many parts of the 
 country. 
 
 There were three large shipments of the 
 people, of which record is made. The first 
 was to Ireland, of which only brief account 
 need be here made. To the Commissioners, 
 pondering over the problem of the proper 
 disposition of the Palatines, the Lord Lieu- 
 tenant of Ireland represented that land and 
 occupation for a large number of them could 
 be found in his government. The proposition, 
 being approved by the Commissioners and the 
 Queen, was laid before Parliament, which 
 voted ;!^24,ooo for the transportation of the 
 company sent thither and their immediate 
 subsistence upon arrival.* Five hundred fam- 
 ilies, comprising thirty-eight hundred souls 
 were at once sent over. Luttrell writes, under 
 
 * Mort. Etig., iii. , 233, 
 
 Luttrell's Diary, vi., 474. 
 
 Larned's Hist, for Heady Reference, \v., 2^12. 
 
86 The Palatines 
 
 date of 9th of August, 1 709, " An abundance 
 of them are gone hence in waggons for Ches- 
 ter, to embark for Ireland." They were set- 
 tled in Munster, where, being provided with 
 land, they soon made for themselves homes 
 and became a sturdy stock, useful and influ- 
 ential in the country.* The English traveller, 
 Farrar, writes of them, early in the present 
 century : " They [their descendants] have left 
 off sauer-kraut and taken up potatoes, tho 
 still preserving their own language. . . 
 Their superstitions still savor the banks of the 
 Rhine, and in their dealing they are upright 
 and honorable." Kohl, a German traveller, 
 in 1840, writes of them that "they had not 
 lost their home character for probity and 
 honor, and are much wealthier than their 
 neighbors." 
 
 The second large shipment of the Palatines 
 was to the Carolinas. They sailed from Eng- 
 land in the early autumn of 1 709. The expe- 
 dition was at the suggestion of two natives of 
 Berne, one a nobleman named Cristopher de 
 Graffenried, and the other Lewis Michell, a 
 merchant. Of the two, De Graffenried was 
 
 * Penn, Hist. Mag., x., 381. 
 
The Exodus 87 
 
 the controlhng spirit in their associated affairs, 
 and finally, for some reason which does not 
 appear, seems to have engrossed them all, as 
 in the subsequent story he alone appears to be 
 considered as of responsibility and authority. 
 Michell, at this time a resident in London, 
 had spent years in America, having been sent 
 thither by the Canton of Berne to look for a 
 location for a colony. The two associates had 
 bought of the Carolina Proprietaries ten thou- 
 sand acres of land between the Neuse and 
 Cape Fear rivers, paying for them twenty 
 shillings sterling for each one hundred acres, 
 and at a yearly rental of six pence per one 
 hundred acres.* They had also agreed with 
 the authorities that the Surveyor General 
 should lay out for them in addition to this 
 tract one hundred thousand acres more, to be 
 held for them twelve years, probably with an 
 option to assume the ownership thereof accord- 
 ing as the success or failure of the colonizing 
 scheme might dictate. It is noted that the 
 title to these lands was vested in De Graffen- 
 ried alone, and because of this great estate, 
 together with his semi-lordship over the colon- 
 
 * Hav.-ks's N. Carolina, ii., 86. 
 
88 The Palatines 
 
 ists, he received the title of Landgrave. In 
 many of the colonial references he is called 
 Baron. 
 
 Williamson * writes : " This company, hav- 
 ing secured the lands, wished to make them 
 productive by settling them with tenants, and 
 the poor Palatines presented themselves as an 
 object of speculation." To this language Hawks 
 makes strenuous exception, as quite careless 
 and also unworthy of the circumstances. Such 
 objection were certainly valid if it were to be 
 considered as reflecting upon the Palatines and 
 the worthiness of their cause. But this reflec- 
 tion is not necessarily involved, and so far as 
 De Graffenried's subsequent conduct can de- 
 clare his motive at the beginning of the en- 
 terprise, the language can hardly be declared 
 unjust as applied to him. It would appear that 
 the two associates, having gotten possession 
 of the land for the projected colony, reported 
 thereon to the cantonal authorities of Berne, 
 by whom Michell had been sent on his pros- 
 pecting tour. For, when they enter into the 
 story of the Palatines, they are already ac- 
 companied in London by a considerable num- 
 
 * History of N. Carolina, i., 1S3. 
 
The Exodus 89 
 
 ber of Swiss, who may be supposed to have 
 been attracted to their enterprise by their re- 
 port. Possibly some of these Swiss, if not all, 
 may have been sent by the government of 
 Berne, in pursuance of the plan which had 
 suggested sending an agent to America. 
 However that may be, the beginnings of the 
 Swiss colony were with De Graffenried and 
 Michell in London in the summer of 1709, at 
 the time when the Queen and Council, the 
 Lords of Trade and the Parliament were trying 
 to solve the problem of the Palatines. Of 
 the volume of this Swiss contingent no exact 
 record is preserved. One account sets it at 
 fifteen hundred, but this can hardly be consid- 
 ered as correct. Probably their number was less 
 than half so great ; at all events, sufficiently 
 small not to dominate the Palatine element in 
 the new settlement ; for whatever their number, 
 that settlement was constantly known as Pala- 
 tine, so spoken of by De Graffenried and by the 
 Carolina authorities. It is safe to suppose that 
 the associates looked upon this Swiss emigra- 
 tion as not large enough for the needs and 
 success of their enterprise. Hence they were 
 quick to see the advantage presented by the 
 
90 The Palatines 
 
 Palatines seeking a home and the authorities 
 seeking relief from the burden of their support. 
 They soon approached the Commissioners with 
 propositions to take some of this " poor people " 
 to their new plantation in Carolina. Luttrell* 
 records, under date of 6 Oct. 1709, that "the 
 Commissioners about the poor Palatines had 
 resolved to send forthwith 600 to Carolina," 
 Another hundred should be added to this as 
 the number of the Palatines who came to this 
 country with De Graffenried. 
 
 The Articles of Agreement between "the 
 Commissioners and Trustees under the Queen's 
 bounty for the subsistence and settlement of 
 the German Palatines," and the two associates, 
 make a very interesting document, as illustrat- 
 ing not only the destitute condition of that 
 people, but the large spirit of generosity and 
 care toward them, which at first possessed the 
 English mind. Some of its expressions and 
 provisions should be here quoted.f It recites 
 the purchase of land by De Graffenried and 
 Michell, " now waste and good for settlement," 
 and says that the Commissioners 
 
 * Diary, vi., 496. 
 f llawks's A'. Carolina, ii., 54. 
 
The Exodus 91 
 
 *' thought fit to dispose of, for this purpose, six hundred 
 persons of the said Palatines, which may be ninety-two 
 families more or less — they have laid out and disposed 
 of to each of the said six hundred poor Palatines the sum 
 of twenty shillings in clothes — and likewise paid to said 
 De Graffenried and Michell the sum of five pd. ten sh. 
 for each, for transportation to North Carolina and com- 
 fortable support there." 
 
 The agents are " within two days to embark 
 them in two ships, for North Carolina, and 
 provide for them on the way." After arrival 
 in the new settlement the agents are " within 
 three months to have surveyed two hundred 
 and fifty acres for each family, to be divided to 
 each by lot, to be contiguous for the sake of 
 society and of religion." This land was to be 
 given to them in fee, to hold free of rent for 
 five years, and afterwards at a rental of two 
 pence per acre. 
 
 During the first year the partners were to 
 supply to the "said poor Palatines sufificient 
 quantities of grain and other provisions and 
 necessaries for their comfortable support and re- 
 lief," — such outlay to be repaid by the Palatines 
 at the end of three years. Also, "within four 
 months" they were to " provide to each family 
 two cows, two calves, two sows with their last 
 
92 The Palatines 
 
 litter, two ewe sheep and two lambs, with a 
 male of each of said kind of cattle to propagate 
 and increase." This is to be repaid by the 
 Palatines at the end of seven years. In ad- 
 dition the partners, " immediately after the 
 partition of the land, shall give and dispose of 
 gratis a sufficient quantity of tools for working 
 the ground and building houses." It is also 
 directed that "the conveyances of land shall be 
 registered," and that " beyond what stipulations 
 are herein contained " De Graft'enried and 
 Michell, their heirs and assigns, shall have no 
 further claim against the settlers. Then, as 
 making still more positive the benevolent pur- 
 poses of the Commissioners, it is further en- 
 joined that "these articles are to be construed 
 in the most favorable sense for the ease, com- 
 fort, and advantage of the said poor Palatines, 
 and in cases of difficulty the Governor of North 
 Carolina shall decide in conformity with this 
 agreement and contract." 
 
 Evidently, thus far in their migration, the 
 poor people had fallen into very kindly hands, 
 and one can hardly imagine more favorable 
 disposition towards a band of destitute emi- 
 grants. To the extent that a formal agreement 
 
The Exodus 93 
 
 could effect, the estabhshment of this colony 
 was under most auspicious conditions. These, 
 however, were not all fulfilled. 
 
 The voyage across the Atlantic, begun early 
 in October and completed late in December, 
 1709, was remarkably quick for that day of 
 ocean travel. The expedition ascended the 
 Neuse River to the junction of the Trent, and 
 there landing began their first settlement, to 
 which they gave the name of New Berne, in 
 memory of the native city of the two Swiss 
 partners. Here and in the neighboring coun- 
 try, chiefly on the borders of the streams, the 
 people settled down, cleared portions of the 
 land and built their humble homes, confident 
 of present safe harborage at last and hopeful 
 of a prosperous future. Not all things, how- 
 ever, were consonant with this hope. 
 
 The partners — or, more properly speaking, 
 De Graffenried, for we hear no more of 
 Michell in the affair — proved unfaithful to 
 the contract. The particulars are but meagre, 
 and it may be that the Baron provided for 
 the immediate necessities of the people, but 
 it is certain that he never fulfilled the aeree- 
 ment to allot lands to them in fee. The 
 
94 The Palatines 
 
 Minutes of the Council of North Carolina,* 
 under date of 6th Nov. 1714, contain a 
 petition from the Palatines, setting forth that 
 " they were disappointed of their lands," and 
 praying the Council that each family, " now 
 greatly impoverished by the Indian War," 
 might be allowed to take up four hundred 
 acres, on two years' payment. This petition 
 was favorably received by the Council and the 
 case represented to the Proprietaries, with 
 recommendation that the prayer be gt;anted. 
 We may suppose, with no injustice to De 
 Graffenried, that he at no time intended to 
 give titles to the Palatines. By what way 
 he procured the sole title to the entire tract 
 as vested in himself, to the exclusion of his 
 partner, Michell, does not appear. But the 
 fact that it was so, and that Michell soon 
 disappears from the enterprise, as tho crowded 
 out of participation, together with the failure 
 to give the promised titles to the Palatines, 
 argue ambitious schemes on the part of De 
 Graffenried, similar to those entertained by 
 other great landholders in the colonies, to 
 found a Barony in North Carolina. To this 
 
 * tiavvks, ii., 87. 
 
The Exodus 95 
 
 end he would refrain from conveying any of 
 the land to other possession than his own, 
 and keep the entire settlement as tenants on 
 his Manor. However diverse this is from 
 his own agreements, it does not seem too 
 severe a judgment on the facts in hand. On 
 one occasion he called himself the " Kinsf of 
 the Palatines" — perhaps only to be regarded 
 as a clever ruse to save himself out of the 
 murderous hands of the Indians. Yet, taken 
 in connection with the other facts just noted, 
 the assumption of that title would indicate 
 a habit of thought more permanent than a 
 moment of peril. 
 
 The peril, which moved him to assume a 
 royal style, proved the means of his early 
 separation from the Palatines and America. 
 It came upon him suddenly, while exploring 
 the lands up the Neuse River, which the 
 Indians regarded as their own and not to be 
 encroached upon by the whites. De Graf- 
 fenried was accompanied on this expedition 
 by a negro servant, and by John Lawson, 
 who had recently been made Surveyor Gen- 
 eral of North Carolina.* The Indian tribes 
 
 * Williamson's iV. Car., i., i88. 
 
9^ The Palatines 
 
 along the coast had already been decimated 
 by disease, rum and conflicts with the Eng- 
 lish, and were able to offer no further opposi- 
 tion to the advance of the settlements. But 
 the Tuscaroras, who had had little contact 
 with the whites, still abode in their strength. 
 Lawson was already familiar to them and 
 obnoxious. He had not long since surveyed 
 two larger tracts, which to the Indians seemed 
 to threaten their own title, and excited their 
 anger against him. For this reason they laid 
 in wait and captured Lawson and his com- 
 panions, when they had gone some distance 
 up the Neuse. The prisoners were dragged 
 before the Indian Council and condemned to 
 death. It was then that De Graffenried saved 
 his life by claiming a royal rank, assuring the 
 Indians that he was not English and had 
 naught to do with the encroachments of the 
 English, but was the King of the Palatines, 
 a peaceful folk, who had recently come to the 
 country. The assumed dignity imposed upon 
 the Indians, who spared his life. But it was 
 not a bar to the slaughter of his compan- 
 ions. They killed both Lawson and the 
 negro, with the usual refinements of Indian 
 
The Exodus 97 
 
 executions, and after five days suffered De 
 Graffenried to depart. He is said during 
 these days to have formed a treaty with the 
 Indians for the protection of the Palatines, 
 who were not disturbed on the occasion of 
 the massacre at Bath. Some of the terms of 
 the treaty bind the contracting parties "to 
 show friendship towards each other." " No 
 land is to be taken up by the Baron without 
 the consent of the Indians." In case of war 
 between the English and the Indians, the 
 Palatines were to remain neutral. In regard 
 to this last provision, I note that a petition 
 of the Palatines, of somewhat later date, 
 alleges that they "were called out to defend 
 the country, by orders from Edenton (z. e., the 
 Governor), while their Trustee was a prisoner 
 among the Indians." 
 
 And so the Baron saved himself alive and 
 returned to his city of New Berne. But the 
 experience seems to have completely disgusted 
 him with America and all schemes of coloni- 
 zation. Shortly thereafter he departed for 
 Virginia or Switzerland, never to come back 
 again to his Palatine kingdom. What he did 
 with his land-title is by no means clear. Wil- 
 
98 The Palatines 
 
 liamson says that he mortgaged his whole tract 
 to Thomas Pollock for ^800. This is denied 
 by Hawks. Another and unknown writer,* 
 says that he sold his estate to Pollock for ;!f 800, 
 and moved to Virginia, to the settlement of 
 Germans established by Governor Spotswood 
 at Germanna. It is very probable that the 
 transaction with Pollock was a sale, but the 
 removal of De Graffenried to Virginia seems 
 to be predicated only on the presence there, 
 fifty years after, of a Metcalf De Graffenried, 
 probably a grandson of the Baron. At all 
 events, the Swiss leader disappears from the 
 Palatine affairs. 
 
 After his departure, the people, as William- 
 son writes, 
 
 " being industrious and living in a country where 
 land was plenty and cheap, increased in number and 
 acquired property. After many years, upon their peti- 
 tion to the king, they were in some measure indem- 
 nified by a grant of land of ten thousand acres, free 
 from quit-rents for ten years." f 
 
 The treaty of the Baron with the Indians 
 did not effectually protect the settlement which, 
 two years afterwards, suffered a loss by mas- 
 sacre of one hundred and twelve.;^ In con- 
 
 '^ Virginia Historical Coll. New Series, v., 134, 135. 
 f v., 185. X Martin s //i St. of N. Car,, i., 245. 
 
The Exodus 99 
 
 sequence of this severe experience many of 
 the people are said to have removed to the 
 less exposed settlement in Virginia, where 
 many of their countrymen had already found 
 a home. But by far the greater number re- 
 mained to build up the city and country of their 
 first settlement, where many local marks and 
 living names bear witness of their foundation. 
 Of the Palatine settlement in Virginia a few 
 words should be written, and only a few words 
 are possible, so indefinite are the notices of it 
 on public record and in colonial history. The 
 settlement was a special pet of Governor Spots- 
 wood, and was by him "founded on a horse- 
 shoe peninsula of four hundred acres in the 
 Rapidan. The little town was called Ger- 
 manna, after the Germans sent over by Queen 
 Anne and settled in that quarter." * This was 
 a " settlement of German Protestants, recently 
 effected under the Governor's auspices in a re- 
 gion hitherto unpeopled on the Rapidan." f 
 This is about all that is recorded of the oriofin 
 of the settlement at Germanna. But it is not 
 difficult to supply some items by means of the 
 argument of probabilities. Gov. Spotswood 
 
 * Vir^. Hist. SW., i.,pp. x., xiii. 
 f Campbell's //isi. of Virginia, p. 381. 
 
 LOFa 
 
loo The Palatines 
 
 was in London, and was appointed to his govern- 
 ment of Virginia, at the time when the Pala- 
 tines were awaiting in that city the disposition 
 to be made for them by the government. The 
 large companies to Ireland and North Carolina 
 had already been forwarded, and matters were 
 in train for shipping to New York with Gover- 
 nor Hunter some three thousand more. As 
 Spotswood arrived in Virginia in June of 1710, 
 the same month in which Hunter landed at 
 New York, his departure and Hunter's from 
 England must have been at about the same 
 time : and although there is no record accessi- 
 ble of any contract or orders to him to care for 
 a colony of Palatines, it seems to be certain 
 that the Queen and the Commissioners did not 
 fail to avail themselves of the opportunity af- 
 forded by his departure to provide for still 
 another portion of that people. How large 
 the company was we have, of course, no means 
 of telling, but they doubtless came over with 
 Spotswood under the commendation and at 
 the expense of the Queen. Spotswood him- 
 self was a man of generous nature, felt a sym- 
 pathy for the suffering and destitute people, 
 took constant interest in them and opened iron 
 
The Exodus loi 
 
 mines in the vicinity, both for their employment 
 and his own profit. At the expiration of his 
 official life he did not return to England, but 
 retired to Germanna, among his beloved Pala- 
 tines, and there built for himself a home of 
 palatial proportions for the day and place, de- 
 scribed by Spotswood's friend, Col. William 
 Byrd * as " an enchanted castle." The locality, 
 the fortunes of the first settlers and the charac- 
 ter and hospitality of Spotswood, seem to have 
 made this settlement of the Palatines the sub- 
 ject of much tradition, very little of which has 
 gone upon record. Conway says,f " The Ger- 
 mans he [Spotswood] imported had a curious 
 story, yet to be told ; and the town Germanna 
 which he founded on the upper Rappahannock 
 is the haunt of romance." 
 
 Some ten or fifteen years after Spotswood's 
 retirement to Germanna, a company of Ger- 
 mans came into Virginia from Pennsylvania, 
 doubtless Palatines from Berks County. They 
 took up forty thousand acres in the lower 
 Shenandoah valley, and founded the town of 
 Strasburg, just over the mountain from Ger- 
 
 * Magill's Hist, of Virginia, p. 122. 
 \ Barons of the Potomac, p. 18. 
 
 Lorc. 
 
I02 The Palatines 
 
 manna.* It is not only of this later immigra- 
 tion, but also of its predecessor, that we are 
 to understand Cooke's words : " To this day, 
 the Germans constitute an element of the pop- 
 ulation, and in some places the language is 
 still spoken." In a spirit of high commenda- 
 tion of this stock. Prof. Henneman f (whose 
 name would seem to indicate for himself a 
 Palatine extraction) says : 
 
 " The German element seems at first sight not to have 
 been so pronounced as might have been expected from 
 their early contact. This is due in large measure to their 
 natural conservatism and their contentment, clustering by 
 themselves, to lead simple, thrifty, and comparatively se- 
 cluded lives. In reality the geography of the State has 
 been deeply affected, as the number of post-offices bear- 
 ing German appellations testify. William Wirt, Judges 
 Conrad and Sheffey J and Governors Kemper, Koiner 
 and Speece are among the prominent representatives of 
 this race." 
 
 * Cooke's Hist, of Virginia^ p. 323. 
 
 f Virg. Hist. Coll. New Series, xi., 30. 
 
 X Probably a derivative from the name Schoeffer. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE EXPERIMENT. 
 
 WE return now to London, and the incep- 
 tion of that enterprise, which brought 
 with Governor Hunter to New 
 York nearly three thousand of the Palatines. 
 This is the special immigration of these people, 
 which is best known, and generally supposed 
 to be referred to when any allusion is made to 
 the coming of the Palatines to this country. 
 The story of it is well worth exactness of 
 narrative, by which sundry misunderstandings 
 may be corrected. 
 
 While the Palatines were yet in London, 
 and the authorities perplexed as to the best 
 way in which to "dispose of" them, there 
 came to England an important delegation from 
 the Province of New York. The chief per- 
 
 103 
 
I04 The Palatines 
 
 sons in it were Peter Schuyler, the Mayor of 
 Albany, and Col. Nicholson, one of Her Majes- 
 ty's officers in America. Their mission was 
 to urge by personal presence and speech, more 
 urgently than was possible to any written ap- 
 peal, the need of more generous measures on 
 the part of the home government for the de- 
 fence of the province against the French and 
 their allied Indians. In the recent past the 
 attacks of these foes had been very persistent 
 and severe, while the colonists felt that the 
 government of England had neglected to 
 afford them all the support and aid which were 
 their due. Col. Schuyler, by a happy and in- 
 ventive thought, conceived the idea that the 
 cause would be greatly furthered by taking to 
 England some Indian chiefs and exhibiting them 
 "in their barbaric costume,* knowing that the 
 movements of nations are often caused by the 
 veriest trifles." He succeeded in inducing five 
 Sachems of the Mohawks to go with him, and 
 speedily found that he had contrived a very 
 efficient scheme. " The arrival of the Sachems 
 occasioned great observation throughout the 
 
 *Dunlap's Hist, of Neiu York, i., 269. 
 
 See also Parkman, Half Century of Conflict, i., 141. 
 
The Experiment 105 
 
 kingdom." * Crowds followed them in the 
 streets, and small pictures of them were widely 
 sold. " The court was in mourning for the 
 Prince of Denmark, and the Indians were 
 dressed in black underclothes, but a scarlet 
 inofrain cloth mantle was thrown over all other 
 garments." The English and the Indians 
 alike were delighted with the exhibition. The 
 Guards were reviewed for their entertainment, 
 and they were taken to see the plays in the 
 theatres. They were given an audience by the 
 Queen, to whom they presented belts of wam- 
 pum, and represented that, not only the Eng- 
 lish colonists, but also the friendly Indians, 
 needed a more efficient defence against the 
 French. " The reduction of Canada," they 
 urged, " would be of great weight to our free 
 hunting." It is interesting to note that, so far 
 as promises would go, the scheme of Schuyler 
 was very successful, and the " government en- 
 gaged to send to New York a sufficient arma- 
 ment for the conquest of Canada," which was 
 not done at that time. 
 
 It is possible that one or two of the five 
 sachems may have been Mohican. f Hopkins 
 
 * Holmes's Annals, i., 503. 
 
 \ Historical ]\Ie)iioirs Relating to the Ilousatunnuk Indians, p. 16. 
 Ruttenbei's Indian Tribes of HudsoTt's River, p. 188. 
 
io6 The Palatines 
 
 relates that Mr. Sergeant, missionary to the 
 Indians about Stockbridge, took to New Haven 
 for education two lads, one of whom was named 
 " Etowankaum, who, by the way, is Grandson 
 by his mother to Etowankaum, chief of the 
 River Indians [Mohicans], who was in England 
 in Queen Ann's Reign." 
 
 One of the five died on the passage to Eng- 
 land. Addison in No. 50 of the Spectator, 
 and in No. 171 of the Tatler, refers to this 
 embassy. The former reference is worth 
 quoting as stating that Addison himself fol- 
 lowed Xki^four Indian chiefs about, to observe 
 their manners and their effect upon the popu- 
 lace. He gives the names of two of them ; 
 Sa Ga Yean Qua Rash Tow, and " E Tow O 
 Koam, King of the Rivers." The forms of 
 these names would almost suggest that they 
 were invented by Addison, but the likeness of 
 the latter to Etowankaum makes them rather 
 illustrative of the gentle essayist's struggles 
 with an unknown tongue. Doubtless the 
 former also was an honest effort to anglicize a 
 genuine name, tho its proper form does not 
 appear. Addison goes on to give portions of 
 a writing by Sa Ga Yean Qua Rash Tow, left 
 
The Experiment 107 
 
 by him at his lodging-place in London. It 
 purports to be a comment on the sights of 
 London and the manners of the people, but is 
 evidently a pure invention of Addison himself, 
 using the occasion to indulge his amiable satire 
 upon the foibles of English life, and as a sup- 
 posed Indian repartee for the abundant com- 
 ments on themselves by the curious English 
 mind. 
 
 Now, the connection between this Indian 
 embassy and the Palatines is found in a cir- 
 cumstance, of which the government made 
 small account, but which exercised a great 
 and determining influence on their fortunes. 
 It so happened that while these chiefs were in 
 London they came in contact with the Pala- 
 tines. "In their walks in the outskirts of Lon- 
 don they saw the unenviable condition of the 
 houseless and homeless Germans ; and one of 
 them, unsolicited and voluntarily, presented the 
 Queen a tract of his land in Schoharie, N. Y., for 
 the use and benefit of the distressed Germans."* 
 
 Weiser in his autobiography says, that 
 "five chiefs of the Mohawk Indians saw and 
 pitied the wretched condition of the people, 
 
 *Rupps's Berks Co., p. 1S9, quoted from Hallishe Nachrichten. 
 
io8 The Palatines 
 
 and offered to open to the perishing mass their 
 hunting grounds beyond the sea." 
 
 This incident, notable and pathetic, seems 
 at first thought quite improbable. We are 
 not wont to think of the Indian as a pitiful 
 benefactor. And yet, tho no other formal 
 record of it is found, we may safely conclude 
 that the story is substantially true. As will 
 be seen, the English authorities, at the out- 
 set of the emigration to New York, had in 
 mind that Schoharie was to be the location of 
 the new settlement. We find also frequent 
 references afterwards by the Palatines them- 
 selves to Schoharie as "given to the Queen, 
 for them," and as a land already promised to 
 them by the Queen, to which they should be 
 allowed to depart from their desolate condition 
 on the Hudson. It is difTficult to account for 
 the prepossession towards that exquisite valley 
 on the frontier, except on the supposition that 
 this gift by the Indian Sachem was actually 
 made. Certainly, the larger portion of these 
 three thousand emigrants left London with 
 Schoharie as the synonym of their hope, and 
 were not satisfied until they looked on its level 
 meadows and lordly hills. 
 
The Experiment 109 
 
 The Commissioners, having sent off to Ire- 
 land that large colony, noted in the last chap- 
 ter, immediately set themselves to devising 
 means for the disposition of the rest of the 
 people. Two days after the contingent bound 
 for Ireland had left London, the Board of 
 Trade made to the Queen additional * sugges- 
 tions, to the effect that the remainder of the 
 Palatines, or so many of them as possible, be 
 transported at government's cost to America, 
 and be settled on Hudson's River; — that they 
 should be supported for one year and be sup- 
 plied with all needed tools, and that the Queen 
 should grant to every one, "without fee or 
 reward, the usual and like number of acres as 
 was granted, or directed to be granted, to every 
 one of the Palatines f lately sent thither, and 
 under like conditions." It is suggested tenta- 
 tively that the people might find employment, 
 alike advantageous to themselves and the 
 government, in the production of Naval Stores. 
 And then, with a startling buoyancy of imagi- 
 nation, the grave Lords of Trade, premising 
 that the colony of Virginia produces many 
 wild grapes, suggests that such of the Palatines 
 
 * Col. Hist, of N. F.,v.,72. f Kockerthal's first company. 
 
no The Palatines 
 
 as had been accustomed to viticulture might 
 be sent to that plantation, so that through the 
 wine to be made by them " a new and profitable 
 trade might be introduced to the benefit of this 
 Kingdom." This is but one of several tokens 
 that the authorities, at the beg-inninor of their 
 ventures with the Palatines, had very high an- 
 ticipations of great returns to be made from the 
 enterprises undertaken. Of this prospective 
 wine trade we hear no more ; but it is not at all 
 improbable, that it occupied place in the plans 
 under which, in the following winter. Spots- 
 wood took with him to Virginia the colony 
 which settled at Germanna. 
 
 This action of the Board of Trade was taken 
 in August, but a delay of several months oc- 
 curred before any further steps were made 
 towards the execution of its purpose. Mean- 
 while the Commissioners were interested in 
 sending out the emigration to North Carolina 
 under De Graffenried and Michell ; and the 
 authorities were exercised about the choice of 
 a new governor for the Province of New York, 
 that office having recently become vacant 
 through the death of Lord Lovelace, after a 
 tenure of only a few months. 
 
The Experiment iii 
 
 Their choice settled upon Col. Robert Hun- 
 ter, a man eminently fitted for the position, 
 and, as it proved, without a superior among 
 all the royal governors in the American prov- 
 inces. He was born in Scotland, of poor 
 and humble parentage, and while yet a boy 
 was apprenticed to an apothecary."^' Of an 
 exceedingly active mind, he must have ap- 
 plied himself to its improvement with con- 
 siderable diligence, for, while not possessed of 
 any special external educational advantages, 
 he gives proof of an intellectual cultivation 
 far above his station and in after life be- 
 came the friend of Addison, Steele, Swift, and 
 the other wits of that day. Of an ambi- 
 tious nature, disdaining the obscure and plod- 
 ding trade to which he had been bound, he 
 ran away and enlisted as a common soldier. 
 He was possessed of great personal beauty and 
 fine soldierly bearing, qualities which at once 
 attracted notice, commending him to the favor 
 of his superiors and resulting in his speedy 
 promotion from the ranks to high commission. 
 They also procured for him the attention and 
 regard of Lady Hay, widow of Lord Hay, who 
 
 * Dunlap's Hist, of N. F, , p. 270. Booth's Hist, of N. Y. , p. 286. 
 
112 The Palatines 
 
 was the owner of a large fortune. The affection 
 between the two soon ripened into marriage, 
 the beginning of a wedded life of rare devotion 
 and happiness, and the termination of which, 
 by the death of Lady Hunter in 1716, made 
 for the Governor an incurable wound. In 1707 
 he was appointed Lt. Governor of Virginia, 
 and at once sailed for the colony. His ship, 
 however, was captured by a French privateer 
 and taken to France, in which country Hunter 
 was detained prisoner for several months. He 
 was exchanged for the Bishop of Quebec, and 
 returned to London about the time of the 
 Palatine sojourn in that city, and was appointed 
 to succeed Lovelace in the government of New 
 York. It is said that he owed this appoint- 
 ment to his friend Addison, at that time Under 
 Secretary of State, which may be in a measure 
 true. If so, we may take it as a proof that 
 favoritism can at times make the most judicious 
 choice, for there is small doubt that the honor 
 and duty of the position could have found no 
 worthier or better-fitted shoulders on which to 
 rest. Nor can there be much doubt that, had 
 Gov. Hunter been properly supported by the 
 home government, and had its pledges to him 
 
The Experiment 113 
 
 been fulfilled, his administration of the Province 
 would have been singularly notable for success. 
 With the Governor's office the rank of Briga- 
 dier General was also conferred upon Hunter, 
 who at once set himself to consider and con- 
 sult about the affairs of his new government, 
 prominent among which was the disposition of 
 the Palatines. For it was evidently settled in 
 the mind of the Lords of Trade that New York 
 must be the destination of a large number of 
 that people, and one may easily suppose that 
 this thought had large place in the selection 
 of Hunter for the government of that Province, 
 on the ground of his well-known capacity. 
 As the result of his study upon the question, 
 he made a proposition to the Lords of Trade, 
 under date of 30 Nov. 1 709,* that three thou- 
 sand of the Palatines be sent with him to New 
 York, to be employed there in the production 
 of Naval Stores ; but he does not suggest in 
 this note any particular location in the Province. 
 Some special details are entered into, as that 
 four persons should be sent out to instruct 
 the people in the proposed manufacture, and 
 that he should have leave to employ such clerks 
 
 * Col, Hist., v., 112. 
 
114 The Palatines 
 
 and other agents as should be needed ; and 
 that utensils, tents, fire-locks, hemp-seed, and 
 other necessaries should be provided. On the 
 next day he addressed another letter to the 
 Board suggesting that it was well to 
 
 " consider whether it be advisable that they [the Pala- 
 tines] be servants to the Crown for a certain term, or at 
 least 'till they have repaid the expense the Crown is at 
 in settling them at work and subsisting them whilst they 
 cannot subsist themselves ; and afterwards the lands they 
 possess be granted them in fee, with the reservation of 
 a reasonable Quit-Rent to the Crown." 
 
 These suggestions of Hunter bear fruit in 
 a few days in a report by the Board of Trade 
 to the Queen. In this they note that New 
 York is the "most advanced frontier," as 
 against the French and hostile Indians, and 
 that the Palatines, if properly located, might 
 add greatly to the defence of the province. 
 As to the place of their settlement, the Board 
 proposes the region of "the Mohaques and 
 Hudson's Rivers, where are great numbers 
 of Pines fit for the production of Turpentine 
 and Tarr, out of which Rozin and Pitch are 
 made." They specially indicate "a Tract of 
 land lying on Mohaques River, fifty miles by 
 
The Experiment 115 
 
 four, and a Tract lying upon a Creek [undoubt- 
 edly the Schoharie] which runs into said River, 
 between twenty-four and thirty miles in length, 
 of which your Majesty has possession." This 
 possession by the Queen is not here attributed 
 to the gift of the Indian chief, but to "the 
 vacating of several extravagant grants." * But 
 it may not be contended that such description 
 disproves the story of a gift, which had so 
 taken possession of the Palatine mind. On 
 the contrary, it might be argued that the 
 Indian offer furnished the reason for select- 
 ing that locality. 
 
 The report goes on to advise that the Gov- 
 ernor be " empowered to settle them on these 
 or other lands, in a Boddy, or in separate 
 settlements, as most fit." Each family should 
 receive forty acres, "after they shall have 
 repaid the government." They should be 
 prohibited from engaging in " the manufac- 
 ture of Woollen." After their houses are built 
 
 *This vacating was enacted in 1698 by the provincial legislature 
 and was afterwards approved by the Queen. It voided several 
 enormous patents given by Col. Fletcher, while he was Governor of 
 New York. Among these was one to a certain Col. Nicholas 
 Bayard, which conveyed the entire valley of Schoharie. We shall 
 meet this Bayard again in connection with the Palatine fortunes. 
 
ii6 The Palatines 
 
 and the ground cleared, they should "be em- 
 ployed in the making of Turpentine, Rozin, 
 Tarr, and Pitch." And the premium to en- 
 courage the importation of Naval Stores should 
 be given " to the Factor or Agent, to and 
 for the sole Benefit of such Palatines, who were, 
 the Manufacturers of such stores." * Finally 
 they should be naturalized and "made deni- 
 zens of this Kingdom." This report with its 
 advice was approved by the Queen, and steps 
 were at once taken to put the scheme into 
 execution. 
 
 In the arrangements made, a new element 
 appears, not found or suggested in the previ- 
 ous shipments of the Palatines from London. 
 With the colonies sent to Ireland, North 
 Carolina, and Virginia the government made 
 no contract for service. The people were 
 simply recipients. There was, indeed, a con- 
 tract in regard to the North Carolina colony, 
 but the parties in contract with the govern- 
 ment were the Swiss partners, who were bound 
 to great care and kindness in their treatment 
 of the emigrants. With regard to the colony 
 
 * This premium was, some years before, offered by the govern- 
 ment to incite the colonists to such manufacture. 
 
The Experiment 117 
 
 to go out with Hunter the course of govern- 
 ment was different. The first measure towards 
 setting his scheme on foot was the making of 
 a contract, not with Hunter or the provincial 
 authorities, but with the Palatines themselves. 
 It is plain from that agreement that the gov- 
 ernment had an eye, no longer solely to the 
 benefit of these people, but to its own profit 
 and advantage. Nor could such purpose be 
 condemned, the hardships to the Palatines 
 proceeding not from the then intention of the 
 government, but from its subsequent failure 
 to fulfil its own part of the contract ; and 
 also from the fact that the whole transaction 
 was foredoomed to failure, because involving 
 the presumption that Naval Stores could be 
 produced in places where the natural conditions 
 forbade. By this contract the Palatines bound 
 themselves to become, as Hunter suggested, 
 " Servants to the Crown." The government 
 was to transport them to America and subsist 
 them there ; they were to " settle in such 
 place as should be allotted to them " ; were to 
 engage in making Naval Stores, all of which 
 they should suffer to be put into her Majesty's 
 storehouses ; they were not to attempt the 
 
ii8 The Palatines 
 
 making of any woollen goods ; nor to quit the 
 settlement without the permission of the gov- 
 enor. After they had by their labor repaid 
 the government for the expenses undertaken 
 for them, they should receive ^5 and forty 
 acres of land for each family.* 
 
 We may fitly note in this place that the 
 production of Naval Stores in some portion of 
 the Queen's dominions was looked upon by 
 the government as among the most desirable 
 and necessitous of things. Already had Eng- 
 land made great advance towards the complete 
 mastery of the sea, fulfilling more and more, 
 in almost each succeeding reign, the promise 
 of Frobisher and Drake. Her merchant ships 
 traversed all ocean paths, and her floating 
 fortresses declared her powers in the most dis- 
 tant seas. To her Admiralty it was a constant 
 burden, that for so many of the materials es- 
 sential to the making of ships, England had to 
 depend on other nations. Her tar and pitch, 
 and many of her masts and spars, she was 
 forced to buy from Norway, Sweden, and 
 Russia ; while most of the hemp for her cord- 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 117-121. 
 Doc. Hist., iii., 382 et seq. 
 
The Experiment 119 
 
 age was grown on continental fields. The 
 expense was a heavy tax upon her exchequer, 
 and the necessity of buying in a foreign mar- 
 ket was as heavy a burden to her pride. 
 Hence, as her new empire in America came 
 to be explored and to disclose something of 
 its vast resources, one of the chief objects of 
 search, and a most frequent subject of remark, 
 was the promise of Naval Stores from the for- 
 ests of the New World. On this the attention 
 of the Lords of Trade and the government is 
 frequently engaged, and diligence to further 
 this "most noble and laudable work " is urged 
 upon the colonial authorities with much and 
 frequent emphasis. In the despatches the 
 words, Naval Stores, are usually dignified with 
 capital initials, expressive of the important 
 nature of the subject. 
 
 Many years before the period of the Pala- 
 tine Immigration the Board of Trade and Co- 
 lonial governors corresponded in regard to it. 
 Lord Bellomont, in 1699 {Col. Hist., iv., 501), 
 writes in lengthened discussion of the feasi- 
 bility of producing tar and pitch in his Province 
 of New York. He is enthusiastic over the 
 certainty of inexhaustible quantities of tar in 
 
I20 The Palatines 
 
 the New York forests, and of success in the 
 enterprise, if it is attempted in the right way. 
 He goes into detailed calculations as to 
 methods, cost, and amount of expected returns, 
 and advises the employment of soldiers in the 
 manufacture. 
 
 The instructions to Lord Lovelace * — 20 
 July, 1708 — urge upon him 
 
 " to prevent any impediment to this good work, and to 
 take care that in all new patents for land there be inserted 
 a clause restraining the grantees from Burning the 
 Woods to clear the land, under Penalty of forfeiting 
 their Patent. Likewise a clause making a Particular 
 Reservation to us. Our Heirs and Successors, of all 
 Trees of the diameter of 24 inches and upward, at 12 
 inches from the ground, for Masts for Our Royal Navy, 
 as also of such other Trees as may be fit to make planks, 
 Knees, etc., for the use of our said Navy." 
 
 At a later date Lovelace is directed to use his 
 influence with the colonists towards inducing 
 them to undertake the manufacture of tar and 
 pitch, and other naval stores ; and to offer a 
 premium to all persons who shall send such 
 stores to England. 
 
 With the desire for such returns from the 
 colonies thus strong in the governmental mind, 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 55. 
 
The Experiment 121 
 
 we can understand the ardor with which the 
 Lords of Trade seized upon the proposition of 
 Gov. Hunter. For some reason the colonists 
 had not been moved to the manufacture of the 
 desired stores, nor had the offered premium 
 been able to attract them from their fisheries 
 and farms. But now the whole matter lies in 
 the hand of the government. Here in London 
 is this great company of Palatines, seeking 
 asylum and occupation. There in the colonies 
 were vast forests of pine, whose shapely stems 
 and resinous gums waited only for the wood- 
 man's axe and the tar-bucket. On the banks 
 of Hudson's and Mohaques rivers were mil- 
 lions of noble trees, any one of which was fit 
 
 " To be the mast 
 Of some great ammiral." 
 
 How fortunate the conjunction of circum- 
 stances, which, while the great pines of America 
 waited to be felled, brought to England these 
 fugitives crying for support ! How fine the 
 opportunity by which the Admiralty can at 
 last realize its long-cherished, but hitherto dis- 
 appointed, dream ! The workers must be 
 brought to the work. It is interesting and 
 
122 The Palatines 
 
 amusing to note the ardor and enthusiasm with 
 which the authorities adopted the scheme of 
 Hunter, and with what glowing- anticipations 
 of assured success they discounted the future. 
 In the Report, in which the Board commends 
 Hunter's proposition to the Queen, they 
 
 "take leave to observe that one man may make by his 
 own labor 6 tunns of these Stores in a year, and we have 
 been informed that a number of men, assisting each 
 other, may in proportion make double tliat quantity, so 
 that, supposing 600 men to be employed in this v/ork, 
 they may produce 7000 tunns of these goods a year : and, 
 if in time a greater quantity of these Stores should be 
 made there than shall be consumed in your Majesty's 
 Dominions, we hope the overplus may turn to a very 
 beneficial trade with Spain and Portugal." 
 
 There seems to have been no doubt in the 
 mind of the Lords of Trade that the pines of 
 the Hudson and the Mohawk would furnish all 
 the tar and pitch that England could forever 
 need. The thought was shared by the officials 
 in this country. Thus Hunter, a year after- 
 wards, writes from New York,* — " This great 
 and useful design of providing England for- 
 ever hereafter with Naval Stores cannot fail 
 other ways than by being let fall at home. — 
 
 *Col. Hist., v., 171. 
 
The Experiment 123 
 
 Here is enough for all England forever." 
 And Du Pre, the Commissary, writes,* 
 
 " I am confident that it cannot fail of good success, and 
 nothing else than the want of support at home can pre- 
 vent it. There are Tar and pitch enough for supplying, 
 not only the Royal, but even the whole, Navy of Eng- 
 land : and it will give such a life to the Trade of this 
 Country as may very much contribute to encourage the 
 Woollen Manufactory at Home, and discourage of it in 
 the Plantations, by making the returns from this so far 
 exceed the import, that it will make this Port [New 
 York] the emporium of the Continent of America." 
 
 There is, indeed, no doubt that New York 
 has become such emporium; but despite the 
 efforts and prophecies of the Lords of Trade 
 and their subordinates, its achievement of 
 that position cannot be set down to the pro- 
 duction of Naval Stores. One other glow- 
 ing prediction is worthy of place here. It is 
 from the pen of John Bridger, the Instructor 
 of the Palatines in tar-making, who writes to 
 the Board of Trade, f " There is enough for 
 all Britain and this Government [New York], 
 with the others on this Continent — and it will 
 be capable of making Great Britain the mart 
 of all Europe for Naval Stores." 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 172. Doc. Hist., iii., 390. f Col. Hist., v., 174. 
 
124 The Palatines 
 
 Hence the instructions of the Queen to 
 Hunter, on the eve of starting for New York, 
 lay great stress upon this scheme, which at the 
 time of his setting forth was regarded by the 
 Home government as the most important duty 
 of his commission, and which, for several years 
 after the London authorities had ceased to 
 interest themselves in it, still retained its hold 
 upon the opinion and desire of the Governor. 
 The royal orders recite,* 
 
 " We being informed that our Province of New York 
 do's abound with vast numbers of Pine Trees proper for 
 the production of Pitch and Tar — [and] Masts for our 
 First-rate ships of War, and Oaks and other Trees fit for 
 beams, knees, planks, and otlier uses of our Navy Royal 
 — you are to apply your utmost care and diligence 
 towards the promoting of so necessary a Work." 
 
 There is an uncertainty as to the precise 
 date of Hunter's departure from England with 
 the Palatines. Luttrell, on 29 Dec, 1709, 
 writes, " Collonel Hunter designs, next week 
 to embark for his government at New York, 
 and most of the Palatines remainingf here sfoe 
 with him to people that colony." Weiser's 
 reminiscences relate, " About Christmas-day 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 141. 
 
The Experiment 125 
 
 (1709) we embarked, and ten ship loads with 
 about four thousand souls were sent to Amer- 
 ica." As Weiser was but a boy of twelve at 
 the time, there might easily have been some 
 confusion, as to the exact date, in his later 
 years, as there was in regard to numbers. 
 The royal instructions to the new Governor 
 bear date of 20th January, 17 10, and presum- 
 ably were committed to him in London. 
 
 Towards the end of January, then, we 
 may suppose this largest of immigrations to 
 America in the colonial era to have left the 
 shores of England. The people were in ten 
 ships, which made an unusual and imposing 
 fleet. The number of the Palatines embarked 
 must be set much below the figures given by 
 Weiser. In reality there were about three 
 thousand of them. Discrepancies exist in the 
 various statements upon this point, and no 
 official record of the number actually embarked 
 has been preserved. But their number was 
 large enough to crowd the small ships of that 
 day almost to suffocation, and, pitiful as the 
 tale is, it brings no surprise to learn that nearly 
 one sixth of the whole number perished by the 
 way. The voyage was longer than usual by 
 
126 The Palatines 
 
 reason of heavy storms and contrary winds. 
 From near the end of January until after the 
 beginning of June, and for some until into 
 July, the weary people were battling their slow 
 way across the Atlantic. The crowded quar- 
 ters, the foul air and insufficient food, made 
 them the easy prey of disease, so that every day 
 witnessed the consigrnment of their dead into 
 the sea. The mortality was terrible and must 
 have covered the fleet as with the shadow of 
 death. Hunter writes from New York on 
 i6th June, 1710, "I arrived here two days 
 ago. We want still three of the Palatine 
 ships, and those arrived are in deplorable 
 sickly condition." 
 
 The ships were separated by the weather, 
 and the first to arrive at New York, anticipat- 
 ing the vessel which carried the Governor, was 
 the ship Lyon, loaded with Palatines. The 
 authorities of the town were alarmed by the 
 unhealthful condition of the emigrants, among 
 whom, it was reported, were " many contagious 
 diseases " (cases). It was decided to keep 
 them out of the city and to land them on Nut- 
 ten (now Governor's) Island, and to build huts 
 for them. The full tale of the ships was not 
 
The Experiment 127 
 
 made out until near the end of July, when 
 Hunter writes that 
 
 " All the Palatine ships, separated by the weather, are 
 since arrived, except the Herbert Frigate. She was cast 
 away on the East end of Long Island, on the 7th July. 
 The men are safe, but our goods are much damaged. 
 The poor people are mighty sickly, but recover apace. 
 We have lost above 470 of our number." * 
 
 This loss of the Herbert is undoubtedly the 
 historical incident, which gave rise to the legend 
 of the Palatine Ship and Light. The legend 
 is localized on Block, or Manisees, Island, 
 rather than Long Island, but such transfer- 
 rence is easy to legendary lore : and, indeed, it 
 is not impossible that, despite the Governor's 
 statement, the ship may have gone ashore on 
 the former island. The legend by a curious 
 heterophemy gives the name of the people to 
 the ship, which becomes in the story, not the 
 frigate Herberty but the ship Palatine, supposed 
 to be a merchantman laden with goodly cargo. 
 The tradition represents that the vessel was 
 decoyed ashore by false beacons, and then 
 rifled and burned by the islanders, who steadied 
 themselves for their crime by saying to each 
 
 * Col. Hist,, v., 166. 
 
128 The Palatines 
 
 other that " dead men tell no tales." But the 
 spirits of the lost ship and crew do not suffer 
 the wreckers to rest without a frequent re- 
 minder of their villainy.* 
 
 " A light is at times seen from the island 
 upon the surface of the ocean, which in its form 
 has suororested to the imao^ination a resemblance 
 to a burning ship under full sail ; and it is called 
 the Palatine Light and Palatine Ship." 
 
 Hunter says that "the men were saved." 
 He may have meant by this the English sail- 
 ors, while some of the Palatines were lost. 
 This is suggested by the fact that to this day 
 are shown on the west shore of Block Island 
 some almost obliterated graves, said to be of 
 lost seamen of the ship Palatine. 
 
 Whittier has set the legend in his exquisite 
 poem, " The Palatine," in which he also gives 
 the name of the people to their ship : 
 
 " Into the teeth of death she sped : 
 (May God forgive the hands that fed 
 The false lights over the rocky Head !) 
 
 But the year went round, and when once more, 
 Along their foam-white curves of shore. 
 They heard the line storm rave and roar, 
 Tenn. Mag. of Hist., xi., 243. 
 
The Experiment 129 
 
 Behold ! again with shimmer and shine, 
 Over the rocks and the seething brine, 
 The flaming wreck of the Palatine ! 
 
 For still, on many a moonless night, 
 
 From Kingston Head and from Montauk light. 
 
 The spectre kindles and burns in sight. 
 
 Now low and dim, now clear and higher. 
 Leaps up the terrible Ghost of Fire, 
 Then, slowly sinking, the flames expire. 
 
 And the wise Sound skippers, though skies be fine. 
 Reef their sails when they see the sign 
 Of the blazing wreck of the Palatine ! " 
 
 As the several ships of the fleet came Into 
 port, the Palatines were all landed upon Nut- 
 ten Island, at first for the purposes of quaran- 
 tine, and afterwards for convenience sake. 
 Their numbers were quite sufficient for a com- 
 munity by themselves, and altogether too large 
 for the little city of New York to care for in 
 its homes and inns. Proclamation was made 
 to prevent extortion in the price of bread and 
 other provisions. The Attorney-General was 
 instructed to devise a plan for the government 
 of the Palatines, and commissions as Justices of 
 
 the Peace were issued to some of their own 
 
 9 
 
130 The Palatines 
 
 number "to hear small causes," such as might 
 arise among themselves. 
 
 The chief one of these Justices, and the 
 most prominent and influential man in the 
 entire company, was John Conrad Weiser. 
 He was the father of the Conrad Weiser to 
 whom reference has been made, and was him- 
 self the son of a magistrate of Great Anspach, 
 a town in the Duchy of Wurtemburg. He 
 was educated, followed for a while the voca- 
 tion of a baker, and in his turn rose to the 
 magistracy of the town. He married Anna 
 Magdalena Uebele, whose character was such 
 as to impress her son Conrad with a profound 
 and life-long reverence. She died in 1709, 
 while giving birth to her sixteenth child. Her 
 death was the crowning affliction for her hus- 
 band. Personal and domestic sorrow was 
 added to national calamities, and by stress of 
 it he was led to join the emigrating thousands, 
 bringing with him all of his children save two 
 daughters, who had married. 
 
 It is possible, as noted in the last chapter, that 
 Kockerthal was with this large company. If so, 
 Weiser shared in his counsels and exercised an 
 equal influence upon the people. It is probable 
 
The Experiment 131 
 
 also that, on arrival at New York, Kockerthal 
 went to his parish and glebe at Quassaick, leav- 
 ing Weiser easily the chief among his people. 
 Many complaints were afterwards made about 
 Weiser by the authorities and others inter- 
 ested in oppressing the Palatines. He is 
 called, "rascal," "villain," "riotous," "ring- 
 leader of all mischief " ; and at one time a 
 warrant was issued for his arrest on a charge 
 of sedition. But the truth was, that those 
 actions, which earned such epithets and atten- 
 tion, were due to the oppressions under which 
 the Palatines were made to suffer. Weiser's 
 bold, free spirit refused to submit to the semi- 
 slavery in which the authorities proposed to 
 hold the people, and he chose such means of 
 resistance as lay ready to his hand. He was 
 seditious only as every revolutionary patriot 
 was seditious. 
 
 The sojourn of the people on Nutten 
 Island continued through five months, while 
 the Governor was examining and prospecting 
 after the most promising spot for their per- 
 manent establishment. There is an added 
 proof, that the tale of the Indian gift of 
 Schoharie was at least partially true, in the 
 
132 The Palatines 
 
 fact that* Hunter, very soon after arrival, 
 despatched the Surveyor-General of the prov- 
 ince "to survey the land on the Mohaques 
 River, particularly the Skohare, to v/hich the 
 Indians have no pretence." Certainly, it is 
 significant that this should have been the 
 first spot looked at ; and no great pressure 
 is needed upon the words, ** have no pre- 
 tence," to see in them a recognition of the 
 fact, that the Indians by their gift had sur- 
 rendered all title to those lands. 
 
 While waiting the return and report of the 
 Surveyor, the Governor issued an order for 
 apprenticing children of the Palatines, which 
 may be set down as the first of the oppressive 
 actions of the government towards those peo- 
 ple. Hitherto, it would seem that all the 
 measures of the authorities in regard to them 
 had been under the law of kindness. Beyond 
 question the treatment dealt to them in Eng- 
 land was munificent, and no objection could 
 lie against the contract of service, supposing 
 it to be faithfully and fairly executed. Nor 
 could the sufferings and mortality of the 
 voyage be chargeable to the authorities. 
 
 '■^' Col. Hist., v., 167. 
 
The Experiment 133 
 
 They were more truly due to the stormy seas 
 which protracted the voyage to nearly double 
 the usual length of time. But there was 
 something in this apprenticing of the children 
 which the Palatines seemed to have regarded 
 as peculiarly oppressive. In their statement 
 of grievances, made some years later, they 
 recite with much pathos, " He took away our 
 children from us without and ao;ainst our con- 
 sent." But the probabilities are that the 
 Governor was helpless in the matter. Many 
 of the children were orphans, one or both 
 of the parents having died upon the ocean. 
 These the authorities could not keep depend- 
 ent on public support, nor could their poor 
 fellow-countrymen provide for them. The 
 only thing possible was to put them to service 
 or trades, and thus in homes, where they 
 would be cared for and would learn to support 
 themselves. It is possible that some of the 
 children were taken from parents unwilling 
 to let them go, but of this we have no proof 
 beyond the statement just quoted, the force 
 of which is qualified by the presumption that, 
 in the complaint against the government every 
 available aro-ument and item would be used. 
 
 o 
 
134 The Palatines 
 
 Not improbably the action of the Governor 
 was with an arbitrary and imperious manner, 
 but it does not appear that anything else could 
 have been done under the circumstances.* 
 There is preserved in the colonial documents 
 a list of some of these apprenticed children, 
 possibly all of them, eighty-four in number, 
 giving their names and ages, and the names 
 and residences of their masters. In the list 
 some things may be noted with interest, as 
 that two sons, George and Frederick, of John 
 Conrad Weiser were among those bound out. 
 Also that Robert Livingston of the Manor 
 had indentured to him no less than seven of 
 the children. We observe also that the places 
 of residence of the masters are widely scat- 
 tered, from Albany to Long Island, from 
 Rhode Island to New Jersey. These dis- 
 tances, of course, meant at that time much 
 more of separation than they would to-day. 
 With many of these children the distance 
 effected life-long separation from, and ignor- 
 ance of, their kindred. Conrad Weiser said 
 in later years that, when his brothers v/ere 
 apprenticed, they were lost to the family 
 
 ■^Doc. Hist., iii., 341. Sec Note II. 
 
The Experiment 135 
 
 forever, and he knew not what had become 
 of them. 
 
 But the chief note of interest in this Hst is 
 found in a certain lad, thirteen years of age, 
 John Peter Zenger by name, whose father had 
 died at sea, and who was apprenticed to one 
 WilHam Bradford, a printer of New York. 
 The name of this lad it behoves every lover of 
 American liberty to remember, and no apology 
 is needed to arrest the current of our imme- 
 diate story in order to tell in few words what 
 he did for the country of his adoption.* 
 
 After Zenger had grown to manhood, there 
 arose a fierce quarrel between Governor Cosby 
 and the Council on the question of salary, 
 which was ever a mooted question between 
 the Royal Governors and the Provincial legis- 
 lature in New York, and often employed by 
 the latter for the malicious harassment of the 
 Governor. On this occasion the quarrel waxed 
 so strong that the Governor carried it into the 
 court for a mandamus requiring the concession 
 of his claim. The court, supposed to be 
 biassed by reason of the fact that the Chief- 
 Justice, De Lancey, and Justice Philipse sat 
 
 * Booth's Hist, of N'ew York, p. 329 et seq. 
 
136 The Palatines 
 
 upon the bench by the Governor's appoint- 
 ment and at his pleasure, decided against the 
 Council, and issued the mandamus. At this 
 decision the whole city was roused, and the 
 popular indignation found voice at the hand 
 of Zenger. His former employer, Bradford, 
 published the Nezv York Gazette, which es- 
 poused the Governor's cause ; and in opposition 
 thereto, Zenger, who had gone into business 
 as a printer for himself, and was also the Col- 
 lector of Taxes, started a newspaper, the New 
 York Weekly Journal, which was first issued 
 on the 5th of Nov. 1733, and at once assailed 
 the Governor. It abounded in "caustic arti- 
 cles satirizing the Court. All colonial griev- 
 ances were taken up and fearlessly discussed." 
 The authorship of the articles was attributed 
 to William Smith and James Alexander, advo- 
 cates, who through government influence had 
 been defeated as candidates for the Council. 
 The government was highly incensed by the 
 Journal, and ordered four numbers of it to be 
 publicly burned by the hangman, in the pres- 
 ence of the Mayor and city magistrates. But 
 the city courts refused to receive the order 
 and forbade its execution by the hangman ; 
 
The Experiment 137 
 
 and the only way in which the order was 
 carried out was by a negro slave of the Sheriff, 
 in the absence of the magistrates. This could 
 not satisfy the government, which promptly 
 arrested Zenger and threw him into prison, 
 denying to him pen, ink, and paper. Being 
 brought up on habeas co7^_pus, the court de- 
 manded so excessive bail, that he had to re- 
 turn to prison, where he continued to edit his 
 paper, whispering his instructions to his em- 
 ployees through the chinks in the door. The 
 Grand Jury refused to indict him, but the 
 Attorney-General filed an Information for 
 Seditious Libel against him, and he was ar- 
 raigned for trial by the court he had satirized. 
 His council were Smith and Alexander, who 
 began by excepting to the commissions of 
 the Chief-Justice and Justice Philipse, because 
 they ran "during pleasure." This objection 
 so enraged the court that the advocates were 
 at once disbarred, and the case adjourned. 
 There was no other advocate in the city who 
 dared to appear for Zenger, whose friends sent 
 to Philadelphia, and secured the services of 
 the celebrated Andrew Hamilton, long at the 
 head of the Pennsylvania bar and without a 
 
13S The Palatines 
 
 superior in all the colonies. At this time he 
 was eighty years old, but still in full vigor of 
 both mind and body. Without impugning in 
 any way the character or integrity of the Court, 
 Hamilton's plea was a triumphant defence of 
 his client and "the first vindication of the li- 
 berty of the Press in America." " The verdict 
 of acquittal will stand as the first trumpet of 
 American Independence." 
 
 The main items of the story — the attack of 
 the government on the press and the triumph- 
 ant vindication of its rights and liberty by 
 the great lawyer and patriot — are well known 
 to most Americans. Not so many know that 
 the first blows in the struggle — so pregnant for 
 the future of American freedom and citizen- 
 ship — were struck by the hand of a Palatine. 
 The story of his countrymen, coming hither 
 in their poverty and distress, has been often 
 slighted and disesteemed, and yet it cannot be 
 properly told without the tale of Zenger's bold- 
 ness, tenacity and love of right, wherefrom 
 thus early came into American institutions one 
 of their greatest blessino-s and bulwarks. To 
 ofet established that for which he fought were 
 worth all the expense, suffering, and labor of 
 
The Experiment 139 
 
 the Immigration. It may be said, indeed, that 
 Zenger himself can hardly be credited with any 
 deep consciousness as to the principle involved, 
 or with any far-reaching plan to define and con- 
 serve the rights of humanity. This doubtless 
 is true ; but the same is true also of the vast 
 majority of men who have risen against wrong 
 and oppression, and by their work have laid 
 the generations under tribute. They have 
 simply known where the yoke galled them, and 
 have striven to throw it off. Few leaders of 
 men are like Sam. Adams, who was almost 
 unique in his foresight of the end from the be- 
 ginning. To most it falls only to give occa- 
 sion by their resolute fearlessness for the advent 
 of a blessing, of the full form of which they 
 have small conception. So it is that to have 
 given occasion for the establishment of a Free 
 Press is an imperishable honor to be set down 
 to the credit of Zenger, and to be noted as 
 among the benefits ministered to America by 
 the children of the Palatines. 
 
 We return again to the company on Nutten 
 Island, whose settlement in a permanent home 
 was giving the Governor no little trouble. The 
 report of the Surveyor, or the attractiveness 
 
HO The Palatines 
 
 of some other place, dislodged from his mind 
 the idea of placing them at Schoharie. He 
 writes, " It is no wise fit for the design in hand. 
 There is good lands, but no pine." At a later 
 period he admits that pine may be found in 
 that region. Du Pre, who went to London in 
 the Governor's interest, alleged that the Mo- 
 hawk had a " fall of six hundred feet," so that 
 the transportation of the tar and pitch to tide- 
 water would be very difficult. By this " fall," 
 of course, he did not mean a cataract, but the 
 descent of the stream from the confluence of 
 the Schoharie to the Hudson. The exaggera- 
 tion may have been made in ignorance and 
 from oruess-work. The actual descent is not 
 much above two hundred feet. After the fail- 
 ure on the Hudson, and the departure of many 
 of the people to the Schoharie — both to be yet 
 narrated — the Governor suororests that those 
 who had gone thither " might be employed in 
 the vast phie forests near Albany." 
 
 It is probable that the great distance of Scho- 
 harie from New York had about as much influ- 
 ence as any other consideration on his mind. 
 He is confident that he " will be able to carry 
 it on elsewhere. There is no want of Pine, but 
 
The Experiment 141 
 
 the Pine land being good for nothing, the diffi- 
 culty will ly in finding such a situation as will 
 afford good land for their settlements near the 
 Pine lands." Then he says, " I am in terms 
 with some who have lands on Hudson's River 
 fitt for that purpose." Presently, on October 
 3d, he reports a purchase of land, and on No- 
 vember 14th writes, " I have just returned from 
 settling the Palatines on Hudson's River," and 
 describes the location as a tract of six thousand 
 acres which he had bought from Robert Livino-- 
 ston, for " 400 pds. this country money = ^266 
 English, adjacent to the Pines." Also, as this 
 tract was not large enough for settling and em- 
 ploying all the people, he had placed some of 
 them on a tract "over against it," on the west 
 side of the river, "near Sawyer's Creek," on 
 lands " a mile in length " and having about 
 eight hundred acres, " belonging to the Queen." 
 The Governor writes of the two settlements - 
 
 '* Each family hath a sufficient lot of good arrable land, 
 and ships of fifteen foot draught of Water can sail up as 
 far as their Plantations. They have already built them- 
 selves comfortable huts and are now imployed in clearing 
 the ground. In the Spring I shall set them to work in 
 preparing the trees." 
 
142 The Palatines 
 
 Here again he gives voice to his confidence in 
 this unfaiHnof source of naval stores, 
 
 " I myself have seen Pitch Pine enough upon 
 the river to serve all Europe with Tarn" 
 
 The people were settled by the Governor 
 in five villages, three of them on the east side 
 of the river. The number of villages was 
 shortly increased to seven, and their names 
 appear as Hunterstown, Queensbury, Anns- 
 bury, and Haysbury, on the east side, while 
 Elizabeth Town, Georgetown, and New Vil- 
 lage were situated on the opposite side of 
 the river. Of these names not one remains. 
 They had vogue but for a very few years. 
 Germantown embraced afterwards all the vil- 
 lages on the east side of the river, while those 
 upon the west were all lost in the town of 
 Saugerties. The two names of locality in use 
 among the Palatines, which have survived 
 until now, are East Camp and West Camp, 
 though the former only lives in local speech. 
 West Camp is still a distinct village, and ap- 
 pears on every good map of Ulster County. 
 In addition to these names, very soon after 
 the settlement at West Camp, another name, 
 still surviving, though not appearing in the 
 
The Experiment 143 
 
 official records, Kaatsbaan, was affixed to a 
 locality about two miles to the westward. 
 The old stone church, built there on a rocky 
 knoll in 1732, has bequeathed to its successor 
 of the present day its rear wall, a yet stand- 
 ing witness to the settlement and piety of the 
 Palatines. Besides this, another name, Rhine- 
 beck, on the east side of the river, owes its 
 origin to Palatines who, after the explosion at 
 East Camp, looked a little southward for their 
 homes. This the name of the town implies, 
 while in families still surviving in the town 
 names appearing on the lists of the immigra- 
 tion are represented to this day. 
 
 The settlements on the east side were within 
 the domain of the famous Manor of Livine- 
 ston, which, by various acquisitions at sundry 
 times, by purchase from the Indians, and by 
 royal grants, had become baronial in its pro- 
 portions. It measured sixteen miles on the 
 river-bank, and stretched eastward twenty-four 
 miles to the Massachusetts line, including the 
 territory now forming the seven townships 
 of Livingston, Copake, Taghkanic, Ancram, 
 Gallatin, Clermont, and Germantown. The 
 first patent covering the most of this domain 
 
144 The Palatines 
 
 was issued to Livingston in 1686 by Governor 
 Dongan, and in 1714 Hunter gave him a new 
 patent, erecting the demesne into " one Lord- 
 ship or Manor," and investing Livingston with 
 baronial rights, " with power and authority to 
 establish one Court Leete and one Court 
 Baron," to try causes arising on the Manor 
 and to impose fines and penalties.* Hunter's 
 six thousand acres were mostly within the 
 limits of the present Germantown — the name 
 evidently a memorial of this first settlement — 
 between the river and Roelof Jansen's Kill, 
 a stream running northwesterly and emptying 
 into the Hudson near the Manor-House. 
 Here were settled about two thirds of the 
 Palatines. 
 
 It should be noted that, according to a list 
 preserved on record, 339 of the refugees 
 were domiciled in the city of New York. 
 There were about one hundred more. The 
 most of them were widows, single women, 
 and children, unfit for the " great and good 
 design " of making tar and pitch. In a few 
 years they were able to build a Lutheran 
 church. The structure was near Trinity 
 
 '* Doc. Hist., iii., 416. 
 
The Experiment 145 
 
 Church, and was destroyed by the great fire 
 of 1776. On its site was afterwards erected 
 the first building of Grace Parish.* This 
 New York company seems to have suffered 
 great mortahty in the first year, as in Septem- 
 ber of 1 71 1 a petition from an undertaker in 
 the city, praying payment for two hundred 
 and fifty coffins suppHed to the Palatines, is 
 presented to the Governor. Part of these 
 must have been furnished while the great body 
 of the immigrants was on Nutten Island. In 
 any event, this item, together with the account 
 of loss during the voyage, makes a somewhat 
 terrible record. Within eighteen months fully 
 one quarter of the entire number had died. 
 
 It should be further noted that in the after 
 experience of trouble and disaster, which came 
 to the settlers up the Hudson, those on the 
 Manor were almost solely involved. It does 
 not appear that any serious effort was made 
 towards the manufacture of naval stores on 
 the west side of the river. Save when the 
 summons was issued for volunteers to serve 
 in the campaign of 1711 against Canada, the 
 more fortunate settlers on this side were, for 
 
 * Dunlap's New York, p. 270. 
 
146 The Palatines 
 
 the most part, left free to build their homes 
 and turn the forest into farms. Here they 
 subdued the wilderness and founded families, 
 many of which live to-day on the ancestral 
 acres, a sturdy, diligent, thrifty, and God-fear- 
 ing community. 
 
 It is on the East Camp that our attention 
 must be fixed, and on the effort to turn the 
 forests of the Hudson into the navy of Eng- 
 land. It was a great experiment, well worthy 
 of attempt under right conditions. Its success 
 would beyond doubt have ministered im- 
 mensely to the advantage of the government. 
 But it was fore-doomed to disastrous failure. 
 By a very strange obliquity, the scheme, which 
 had for so many years engaged the attention 
 of the Home government and the Lords of 
 Trade, which had enlisted the enthusiasm and 
 diligence of Governor after Governor, which 
 had provided so engrossing a topic for corres- 
 pondence and calculation, and for its initiation 
 had cost the government so large an outlay of 
 money, was no sooner set on foot than the 
 London authorities lost all interest in it and, 
 without waiting for any demonstration of suc- 
 cess or failure, refused to have anything more 
 
The Experiment 
 
 147 
 
 to do with the undertaking. Hunter seems to 
 have been the only one, whose continuance of 
 regard for the attempt bore any proper relation 
 to the zeal of its beginning. As we shall see, 
 to him it brought increasing annoyance and 
 embarrassment, a ruined fortune and reputa- 
 tion and a broken heart ; while to the poor 
 Palatines it occasioned severe suffering, cruel 
 oppression, mutiny, and flight. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE FAILURE. 
 
 THE three villages in the East Camp con- 
 tained about twelve hundred people ; 
 men, women, and children, among 
 whom the number of able-bodied men must 
 have been not large. They constituted a 
 small force with which to carry on " the good 
 and useful design," supposing that success 
 therein was among the possibilities. As the 
 result proved, there were quite enough of them 
 to demonstrate the futility of the attempt. 
 The work could not begin at once. The sea- 
 son of their establishment on the Manor was 
 well advanced into the late fall, no work on 
 the trees was possible at that time of year, and 
 the first labors of the people had to be directed 
 towards housinof themselves for the winter. 
 During that winter, if we are to receive the 
 
 148 
 
THE 
 PALATINE 
 SETTLEMENTS 
 
 OF THE 
 HUDSON, MOHA WH 
 AND SCHOHAFKIE 
 
The Failure 149 
 
 statements of the Palatines themselves, they 
 suffered greatly from the severity of the cold 
 and the insufficient supply of clothing from the 
 government. They complained also bitterly 
 that the supply of food furnished to them was 
 short of their need and of poor quality. 
 These statements should, perhaps, be taken 
 with some grains of allowance, as the unfamil- 
 iar surroundings and the immediate prospect of 
 unrequited and compulsory toil may have very 
 soon moved the people to discontent. In 
 their extemporized huts, shivering with the 
 unwonted cold, they had leisure to contrast 
 their situation and outlook with the good their 
 fancy had painted, and in pursuit of which they 
 had come hopefully over the sea, bearing with- 
 out murmur the sufferings and sorrows of the 
 voyage. They dwelt in thought on the lands 
 of the Schoharie, which, they said, " the Queen 
 had given them " ; and considered that any 
 action was oppressive which hindered entrance 
 into that possession. They looked upon their 
 detention on the Manor as a virtual bondage, 
 and their obligation to work under the orders 
 of the authorities as little short of slavery. 
 This feeling was undoubtedly intensified by the 
 
I50 The Palatines 
 
 treatment received from the Governor's agents, 
 who carried themselves as masters among 
 serfs, an attitude and disposition not easily 
 tolerable by men who had resisted oppression 
 and tyranny in the Old World, and for the 
 sake of freedom had come to the new. The 
 discontent found early expression. The snows 
 had hardly disappeared and the people been 
 able to begin the work upon the trees, when 
 Mr. Cast, one of the commissioners over the 
 Palatines, wrote to Governor Hunter, March 
 171 1 : 
 
 " The people contemplate their present settlement for 
 a couple of years, I asked Mr. Kockerthal how his peo- 
 ple behave. He tells me all are at Avork and busy, but 
 manifestly with repugnance and merely temporarily ; that 
 the tract intended for them is in their mind a land of 
 Canaan. It is a dangerous time to settle (in Schoharie), 
 and they are willing to have patience for two years. 
 But they will not hear of tar-making." 
 
 Mr. Cast's next letter, a few days later, sug- 
 gests that he had had some trouble with the 
 people, by telling of a better mind in them at 
 that writing. * He writes to Hunter, who 
 seems to have made a visit to allay the trouble, 
 that the people were behaving 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 212. 
 
The Failure 151 
 
 " as well as could be desired. Those of Queensbury, 
 previously the most perverse, came to tell me they would 
 take the remainder of their share of the Salt-Beef, and 
 had got the people to submit to the overseer. A great 
 many from all the villages came to receive the tools, and 
 all without exception evinced a modesty, civility and 
 respect, which surprized as much as it delighted me. 
 Nothing more is heard about moving elsewhere." 
 
 In another letter, written a few days later, 
 he recognizes that the discontent is not entirely 
 dissipated, and relates bits of a conversation 
 overheard by him between five Palatines sit- 
 ting around a fire, who all 
 
 " agreed that the settlement at the Manor was a good 
 plan (for the present). But they wanted more land. 
 One counseled submission. Another said, ' We came to 
 America to establish our families, and to secure lands 
 for our children, on which they may be able to support 
 themselves after we die. This we cannot do here.' 
 One advised patience and hope. Another replied, ' Pa- 
 tience and Hope make fools of those who fill their bellies 
 with them.' At this they all laughed and changed the 
 conversation." 
 
 In several of the letters of Cast, Hunter 
 and Secretary Clarke the statement is made 
 that the discontent of the Palatines was due 
 to malicious mischief-makers in the neighbor- 
 
152 The Palatines 
 
 hoocL The last named wrote to the Lords of 
 Trade : 
 
 " It 's hardly credible that men, who reap so great a 
 benefit by these people, should be so malicious as to 
 possess them with notions so injurious to themselves and 
 prejudicial to her Majesty's interest ; and yet it is so. 
 Great pains have been taken to magnify the goodness of 
 that (land) at Schohary above this." 
 
 Little credit, however, can be given to this 
 complaint. At the least, it is disingenuous. 
 At that time that district was almost uninhab- 
 ited and could furnish but few agents of dis- 
 order to this people, who needed no other 
 influences than their own destitute condition 
 and their defeated hopes. 
 
 The allusion in Cast's letter to the danger 
 in settling Schoharie, was because of the im- 
 mediate prospect of renewed hostilities with 
 the French. The Schoharie valley was be- 
 yond the English settlements and, if occupied, 
 would become the " most advanced frontier of 
 the Province." While prudence required delay 
 in going to that land of promise, there is not- 
 able evidence that fear and cowardice had little 
 to do with that decision. The military returns 
 of enlistment for the war from the Palatine 
 
The Failure 153 
 
 villaofes show a remarkable readiness and de- 
 votion. From the three villages on the east 
 side of the river went three companies, of one 
 of which John Conrad Weiser was captain. 
 The force of the three companies was one 
 hundred and five men, fully one third of all 
 the able-bodied men in the settlement. We 
 need not follow their fortunes in the war. 
 They were bloodless and involved little more 
 than marching up to Albany and back again, 
 the whole campaign of that year being a com- 
 plete fiasco. But this large proportional en- 
 listment of the Palatines proves the quality of 
 the people, whom the authorities were endeav- 
 oring to subject to a state of vassalage, as yer\' 
 far above that low and squalid nature which 
 some comments seem to intimate. They seem 
 in this respect, whatever may have been the 
 issue of the tar experiment, to have more 
 than justified one of the hopes of the Lords 
 of Trade, who coupled with their scheme for 
 naval stores that of so planting the Palatines, 
 that they should be "a barrier against the 
 French and Indians and a defence to the 
 Province." In the Hudson valley they nobly 
 showed their manly spirit, and aftenvards on 
 
154 The Palatines 
 
 the Mohawk did yeoman's service in protect- 
 ing the Hberties of their new country. 
 
 On the return of the volunteers the work 
 among the trees, in preparing them for the 
 production of tar, began again ; and with it 
 was again heard the voice of Palatine discon- 
 tent, to which was added another item of com- 
 plaint : that while the volunteers went willingly 
 to the war, "leaving their wives and little 
 children bare of necessities," they were not 
 paid for their military services. It is not at 
 all unlikely that the authorities regarded that 
 service, tho not in the contract, yet as con- 
 suming its time, fully paid for by the past ex- 
 pense of government on the Palatine account. 
 So early as in May the murmur among the 
 people had reached such proportions, that the 
 commissioners sent to New York for the Gov- 
 ernor to come up to the Manor, when he found 
 on arrival a state of things not far removed 
 from mutiny. On inquiry of the people them- 
 selves, they told the Governor, that the lands 
 allotted to them on the Manor were good for 
 nothing, and demanded that he send them to 
 " Scorie,* to the lands given to the Queen for 
 
 * Doc. Hist., iii, 396, 423. 
 
The Failure 155 
 
 them." " They would rather lose their lives 
 than remain where they are. They had been 
 cheated by the contract, which was not the 
 same as that read to them in England. A great 
 many things promised them they had not re- 
 ceived. The true contract they were willing 
 to perform, but to be forced by another con- 
 tract to remain on these lands all their lives, 
 and work for her Majesty for the ships' use, 
 that they will never do." The Governor ar- 
 gued with them, and showed them the diffi- 
 culties of settlement at Schoharie, that "they 
 would be compelled on that frontier to labor 
 as the Israelites did of old, with a sword in 
 one hand and an ax in the other." 
 
 With this the Governor pacified them for the 
 moment, and, thinking quiet to be restored, 
 set out on his return to New York ; but before 
 he reached the city, he was overtaken by a 
 messenger with the tidings that the mutiny 
 had broken out afresh. Whereupon he turned 
 back towards the Manor in no very amiable 
 frame of mind. An order was at once de- 
 spatched to Albany for Colonel Nicholson and 
 a company of British soldiers ; and the Gov- 
 ernor, getting the heads of the people together, 
 
15^ The Palatines 
 
 rated them soundly for their breach of con- 
 tract, and demanded " how they dared to 
 disobey him." He had "the contract read in 
 High Dutch, and then asked, Would they 
 fulfil it ? that he might know what he should 
 do." At first, the people, cowed by the de- 
 termined attitude of Hunter, replied that they 
 would fulfil the contract. But by the next 
 morning they had gathered courage and 
 changed their mind, and told the Governor 
 that they wished to go to Schoharie. Again 
 there was more argument and more threat 
 from the Governor, who dismissed the chiefs 
 of the people, with the order to think over 
 the matter and consult with their people, and 
 to give him a final answer on the morrow. By 
 the morrow the soldiers had arrived upon the 
 scene, and Hunter felt confident of subduing 
 the outbreak. Summoning the Palatine chiefs, 
 he demanded their final reply, and they an- 
 swered with the same demand, " Scorie. They 
 would have the lands appointed for them by 
 the Queen." On this Hunter altogether lost 
 his patience. He in a passion stamped upon 
 the ground and said,* " Here is your land 
 
 * Doc, Hist., iii., 424. 
 
The Failure 157 
 
 (meaning the almost barren Rocks) where you 
 must live and die." 
 
 Meanwhile, as the " Deputies" were confer- 
 ring- with the Governor, the people took alarm 
 from his evident anger and the presence of the 
 soldiers. Some of the volunteers, who had 
 been permitted to retain their arms, gathered 
 and took their station not far removed from 
 the Governor's quarters. They alleged that 
 this movement was only for the protection of 
 their chiefs, whom they supposed to be in dan- 
 ger, but the Governor was so incensed that he 
 deployed the troops, and under threat of their 
 fire disarmed the Palatines. This broke the 
 spirit of the malcontents, who saw that further 
 resistance was impossible. Forced to submit, 
 they dispersed to their several villages, to wait 
 until deliverance should come to them by an- 
 other way. 
 
 Meanwhile they took up their task and 
 wrought at it, if not contentedly, at least 
 steadily, through the following summer, but 
 now and then allowing some murmurs of dis- 
 content to escape them ; while the Governor 
 and the agents congratulated themselves on 
 the progress made, and the glowing promise 
 
158 The Palatines 
 
 of success " in this good and useful design." 
 There is no need for our following the course 
 of this work, now not far from a total and ig- 
 nominious failure ; but two quotations from 
 the correspondence of the summer may shov/ 
 the highest point reached towards success. 
 Thus Sec'y Clarke wrote to the Board of 
 Trade in June :* 
 
 " The Palatines are now demonstrating sincere repent- 
 ance. They are at work on the Trees, of which they 
 prepare fifteen thousand a day. The children are busy 
 in gathering up Knots, which will be burnt this year, and 
 I doubt not a considerabe quantity of Tar made of them. 
 
 . . . The people work with all the cheerfulness 
 imaginable." 
 
 In September Hunter wrote : 
 
 " The tumults raised among them by the ill arts of 
 such as had a mind to crush the design, have had a quite 
 contrary effect, for since that time and a new modell off 
 management, they have been very busy and obedient. 
 I have now prepared near a hundred thousand trees, and 
 in the fall will sett them to work on the second prepara- 
 tion. That noe hands may be idle, wee imployed the 
 Boys and Girls in gathering knotts, out of which he 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 250. 
 
 f This refers to the putting Richard Sackett as Instructor in the 
 place of Bridger. 
 
The Failure 159 
 
 (Sackett) has made about 3 score barralls of good Tarr, 
 and hath kills ready to sett on fire for as much more, so 
 soon as he gets casks ready to receive it." 
 
 A curious and sharp comment on this last 
 statement occurs in the reply of the Lords of 
 Trade, who say : " We desire you to inform 
 us how and out of what Funds those Casks are 
 provided." To which the Governor answered 
 that he had taken that cost out of the funds 
 for the subsistence of the Palatines ! In an- 
 other letter Hunter intimated that other ne- 
 cessities, such as the salaries of the agents, had 
 been provided for out of that same subsistence 
 fund, and one can easily conceive that the 
 complaints of the Palatines as to quantity and 
 quality of their food had abundant justifica- 
 tion. 
 
 Towards the end of the fall it became evi- 
 dent that the Palatines had nearly reached the 
 limit of their patience, and hints are frequent 
 that the agents are meeting with increasing 
 trouble. By an order of Hunter a court was 
 established, " to regulate and govern the Pala- 
 tines." The court had seven members, of 
 whom were Livingston, Sackett, Cast, and "the 
 Officer commanding the troops at the Living- 
 
i6o The Palatines 
 
 ston Manor." Evidently the people were of 
 such refractory spirit that the constant presence 
 of soldiers was necessary. In the following 
 spring Hunter ordered from Albany to the 
 Manor an additional force of " a Lieutenant 
 and thirty men." The coopers "are to be 
 kept to their work by as many soldiers as 
 needed." The court was to make the people 
 understand that, " by her Majesty's orders and 
 their own contract they are obliged to follow 
 the manufacturing of Naval Stores." It was 
 empowered to " punish by confinement or cor- 
 poral punishment, not extending to life or 
 mutilation ; and to take cognizance of all 
 Misdemeanors, Disobedience, or other Wilful 
 Transgression." * The List-Masters — of whom 
 Weiser was one — were to give to Sackett lists 
 of such men as were fit for any proposed work, 
 of whom Sackett " shall send for as many as 
 he please, and if they refuse they shall be pun- 
 ished." The court should meet "once a week, 
 or oftener, for punishing the delinquents. If 
 any of the people are negligent or Lazy," Mr. 
 Sackett is to "punish in such manner as he 
 shall judge fit." There would seem to be 
 
 * Doc. Hist., iii., 401, 406. 
 
The Failure i6i 
 
 small room for doubt that the Palatines were 
 held to a semi-slavery. However the terms of 
 the contract and the obligations incurred 
 through the outlay of the government could 
 rightly require the performance of the stipu- 
 lated work, the harsh, imperious, and cruel 
 proceedings of the authorities go far to justify 
 the Palatines in repudiating their share of obli- 
 gation. A more faithful and kinder discharge 
 of the governmental obligations would have 
 met a much more docile mind. As it was, the 
 people considered themselves as cheated in 
 every way ; neither money nor land promised 
 had been given ; the food was not sufficient 
 or good ; the clothing too scanty for comfort 
 or decency, while their superiors were to them 
 as hard taskmasters, whose rule was cruel and 
 oppressive. There is no room for wonder 
 that they were in a chronic state of revolt. 
 
 In such condition they entered upon their 
 second winter on the Manor, and in the cessa- 
 tion of their work upon the trees had plenty 
 of leisure to suffer, reflect and conspire."^ In 
 the " Statement of Grievances," laid by them 
 before the King in 1720, they describe this 
 
 * Doc. Hist., iii,, 423. 
 
1 62 The Palatines 
 
 winter in harrowing terms and language almost 
 grotesque. It was, 
 
 ** very severe, and no provision to be had, and the 
 people bare of Clothes, which occasioned a terrible 
 Consternation among them, and particularly from the 
 women and Children the most pitifuU and dolerous 
 Cryes and lamentations that have perhaps ever been 
 heard from any persons under the most wretched and 
 miserable Circumstances, so that they were at last, much 
 against their wills, put under the hard and greeting 
 necessity of seeking relief from the Indians." 
 
 This statement of relief from the Indians 
 alludes to a deputation sent to the Indians of 
 Schoharie, which did not go on its mission 
 until the following autumn, and of which more 
 will be mentioned hereafter. It is probable 
 that the resolution to send such deputation 
 was made in the consultations of this winter 
 of hardship, and waited a convenient season 
 for putting it into execution. It is evident 
 that in these months they came to the decision 
 to endure the miseries of their situation and 
 the service, which they felt to be a bondage, 
 no longer than necessity compelled. Thus 
 they came into the spring with a determina- 
 tion to resist and break away so soon as pos- 
 
The Failure i6 
 
 v5 
 
 sible. The agents had a sorry time with 
 them through the following months. In April, 
 1 71 2, some of them deserted the Manor and 
 crossed the river, seeking a refuge among the 
 Dutch and their countrymen on the west side. 
 Undoubtedly to check such desertion, the 
 Justices of Kingston* — probably in response 
 to a demand of Hunter or Sackett — ordered 
 the constables " to take back to the Palatine 
 villages any of the Palatines who have left 
 and settled in sundry villages." The authori- 
 ties were not minded that the Manor settle- 
 ments should be diminished, or any of the 
 Palatines should slip from underneath their 
 hands. There is another curious token of 
 this intention later in the year — made more 
 curious by its accompanying the practical 
 abandonment of the enterprise. The Gov- 
 ernor, in writing to the commissioners at the 
 Manor that the work must be suspended 
 because of lack of funds, and giving permis- 
 sion to the Palatines to leave the Manor in 
 search of occupation, forbids their going out 
 of the New York and New Jersey provinces. 
 " If any do, measures shall be taken for their 
 
 * Doc. Hist. , iii. , 404. 
 
164 The Palatines 
 
 rendition and punishment as deserters." Each 
 man leaving the Manor must obtain a Ticket 
 of Leave for a named place, a record of which 
 shall be kept, "so that if he abandon that 
 place he may be brought back and punished." 
 If any depart without a ticket, "apply to the 
 next Justice of the Peace for a Hue and Cry, 
 in order to pursue and bring him back, and 
 place him in confinement." * 
 
 The opening spring of 171 2 found the 
 Palatines quite ready for any scheme which 
 would thwart the oppressive plans of the Gov- 
 ernor. Not many notes are preserved, but 
 what little has been put on permanent record 
 shows that the difficulties of the undertaking 
 were increasing. Money to carry it on was 
 lacking, and the spirit of the people was be- 
 coming more and more obstructive. Sackett 
 builds a bridge over the Kill, " for the con- 
 veyance of Tar to the River side, and the 
 people say it will rot before it is put to that 
 
 use."t 
 
 The Governor's description of the situation 
 is very suggestive. J 
 
 *Doc. Hist., iii., 410. \ Doc. Hist, iii., 403. 
 
 X Col. Hist., v., 301. 
 
The Failure 165 
 
 " I employed," he wrote in January, 17 12, " three hun- 
 dred in the land forces. On return I disarmed them. They 
 are planted where they are covered every way, and whilst 
 they are armed they are ungovernable. What from the 
 instigation of ill neighbors, and what from the natural 
 turbulence of their temper, I find it hard to keep the 
 generality of them to their duty and contract without 
 force." 
 
 He claims that, despite such untoward circum- 
 stances, "the work is in great forwardness." 
 
 Later in the year he wrote with more hope- 
 fulness to the Lords of Trade : " Their work 
 comes fully up to expectation. ... I hear 
 no complaints of late. The people work cheer- 
 fully since they understood that they should 
 have one half of the profits of the manufac- 
 ture." This arrangement was evidently a 
 change in contract, introduced by Hunter him- 
 self to persuade the recalcitrant people. If such 
 co-operative feature had been in the original 
 contract, it is likely that more docility and 
 more success would have marked the experi- 
 ment. 
 
 In May the commissioners despatched a 
 note to Colonel Ingoldsby, " Att the fort att 
 Albany," in which they said, " finding that 
 there is no good to be done with these peo- 
 
1 66 The Palatines 
 
 pie, who will obey no orders without compul- 
 sion, we desire your Hon' to despatch s'' 
 Detachment as soon as possible." Evidently, 
 so far as the temper of the Palatines was con- 
 cerned, the situation was becoming impossible 
 of continuance. 
 
 Supplies were failing on account of lacking 
 funds, and Livingston, who had the contract 
 for furnishing bread and beer to the people, 
 finds difficulty in carrying it on. There is a 
 curious note of his to Lawrence Smith in 
 New York, in which he complains of the diffi- 
 culty in "supplying flower to the Palatines," 
 and also insists upon his own advantage in 
 not wanting any paper money, but hard silver. 
 " Send it by first opportunity, els am quite 
 untwisted." * 
 
 The contract was taken by Livingston from 
 the date of the Palatines' arrival at the 
 Manor. It demanded " for each person each 
 day a quantity of Bread equal to -^ of a loaf 
 commonly at price of 4^d. in New York, and 
 one quart of Beer, such as is usually called 
 Ship's Beer, of the price of £2, for each Tun- 
 All." The bill rendered by Livingston for 
 
 * Doc. Hist., iii., 391. 
 
The Failure 167 
 
 the first four months of such supply was 
 
 ;f5 703-1 3-6. 
 
 As the summer of 1 71 2 brought depletion of 
 funds the Governor sought to economize, and 
 wrote to Livingston that he should supply 
 "beer only for the men that work and not for 
 their families. I believe there are a great many 
 widows and Orphans among the people. I wish 
 I could know how many, that they might be 
 turned to some use, or be no longer a burden." '^ 
 The tone of this note and the somewhat cruel 
 suggestion at its close that, unless the widows 
 and orphans could be "turned to some use," they 
 must be turned adrift, make strong exhibit of 
 the sore financial straits into which Hunter and 
 his enterprise had come. In fact the financial 
 difficulties began before the first winter at the 
 Manor was over, and through the next year 
 and a half the Governor was put to all man- 
 ner of hazardous measures to provide for the 
 prosecution of the work. By the end of that 
 period he came to the end of all his resources 
 both for patience and money. In September 
 of 1 712 he wrote to Cast : 
 
 " I have exhausted all the money and credit I was 
 *I6id,, p. 409. 
 
1 68 The Palatines 
 
 master of for the support of the Palatines, and embar- 
 rassed with difficulties which I know not how to 
 surmount, if my bills of exchange be not paid. ... I 
 have no desire that the people quit their establish- 
 ments, now that the work has arrived at such a point of 
 perfection." * 
 
 Then he proposed "this expedient," that Cast 
 should call the people together, and tell them 
 the state of affairs, and that they must shift 
 for themselves. Those who can support them- 
 selves on the Manor should remain there. 
 As to the others, " I wish they would accept 
 any employment from farmers and others in 
 this Province or New Jersey, until recalled by 
 Proclamation or other notice. The contract 
 is still binding and they must return on call." 
 Then, after defining the police regulations al- 
 ready quoted, the Governor proceeds : 
 
 " I hope to have advices between this and spring of 
 the payment of my bills of exchange, which will again 
 enable me to support the whole of them. They must 
 therefore not calculate on being dispersed for any greater 
 length of time, . . . You see the necessity to which I 
 am reduced. It causes me much uneasiness, because I 
 am convinced that the work can not fail, were the peo- 
 ple on the spot to prosecute it. I have the testimony of 
 a good conscience in having done all that depended on 
 * Doc. Hist., iii., 410. 
 
The Failure 169 
 
 me for their support and prosecuting the work for which 
 they were destined." 
 
 This was the end of the experiment, a fail- 
 ure total and in some respects disgraceful. 
 The Palatines so understood it, and more than 
 half of them set out on their journey to " the 
 promised land of Scorie," as will presently be 
 detailed. To the Governor this large migra- 
 tion was both a grief and a displeasure. He 
 wrote again to Cast : 
 
 " Do your best to retain as many as possible of these 
 poor people within their duty, and I shall distinguish 
 them from the rest by all the grants of land in my power. 
 As to the others, I only pray God to turn away the Ven- 
 geance, which menaces them, and which they have richly 
 deserved. Distribute as soon as possible whatever you 
 have among the sick and indigent." 
 
 Inasmuch as the only Vengeance which men- 
 aced them was of the Governor's own inven- 
 tion, it does not appear that he need ask the 
 Lord to turn it away. 
 
 In fact, the departure of this large company 
 from the Manor seems to have rufHed and 
 exasperated the Governor more than any other 
 incident of the enterprise, and his after-con- 
 duct towards the Schoharie settlers was char- 
 
I70 The Palatines 
 
 acterized by a vindictlveness altogether without 
 excuse. It is the only part of his relations to 
 the Palatines in which his conduct challenges 
 decided reproach. It was also unlike himself, 
 as we understand his nature, and Is only to be 
 explained by the intensity of his sense of dis- 
 appointment on the failure of the "good and 
 useful design," which he had proposed to the 
 Board of Trade and had undertaken with ar- 
 dor. In which he had sunk his entire fortune 
 and had taken on himself debts that he could 
 never meet. Undoubtedly the Governor felt, 
 under the circumstances, that his honor was 
 specially Involved, not only with regard to 
 financial obligations, but also as affected his 
 reputation as a man of affairs and as governor 
 of a province. He wrote, while the work was 
 yet In progress, that from It he derived his sole 
 pleasure from his office ; and from the success 
 of the experiment he evidently counted on 
 reaping both distinction and wealth. When 
 the disastrous failure ensued he felt that. In 
 place of becoming the object of great honor 
 as the man who had conferred sla^nal blessinsfs 
 on the Navy of England, he had rather be- 
 come the butt for ridicule ; and. Instead of re- 
 
The Failure 171 
 
 couping himself for his unv^ise advances — 
 unwise as too blindly trusting in the good 
 faith of the Home government — he had rather 
 plunged himself into a pit of irretrievable 
 bankruptcy. One can have sympathy for a 
 person in such circumstances, but at the same 
 time condemn his persecution of the Palatines, 
 whom he seems to have regarded as the sole 
 cause of the great failure. 
 
 The true cause of this failure should be 
 noted before following the Palatines who 
 sought the Schoharie. Among them is to be 
 placed the fact that the whole scheme was 
 based on a mistake as to material. It was 
 too easily taken for granted that the pines of 
 the Hudson could be made to produce tar 
 and pitch in such quantities as to bring re- 
 munerative returns for the pecuniary outlay. 
 This was a mistake and fatal to the enterprise. 
 Had there been no other obstruction, had the 
 Palatines been completely docile and unmur- 
 muring, had the English Treasury taken up 
 all of Hunter's bills and furnished all the 
 funds needed, still three or four years would 
 have demonstrated that the work could not 
 be prosecuted at a profit. The only recorded 
 
172 The Palatines 
 
 return of the manufacture is of the "three 
 score barrells of good Tar," which Hunter 
 reports as made from the pine knots gathered 
 by the children, concerning which we can be 
 somewhat sceptical as to the quality of the 
 product. Beyond this all the return is in 
 promises and prophecies. Much stress is 
 frequently and justly laid on the necessity 
 for two years' "preparation of the trees," 
 before the tar and pitch can be produced. 
 This preparation is a peculiar process, by 
 cutting and barking, through which the sap 
 of the pine is concentrated. Then, after the 
 proper length of time, the tree is felled and 
 the wood burned in a kiln, in which the resin- 
 ous gums flow out and the fibre is changed 
 to charcoal. Up to the time of the break- 
 down the work had not gotten beyond the 
 period of preparation, so that, except for the 
 small amount of tar derived from burning the 
 knots — which in all varities of pine have more 
 or less of resin ready to hand, as one may 
 say — there had as yet been no means of 
 exhibiting the finished product. Hunter could 
 write honestly, " the tar work was brought 
 to all the perfection possible in the time." 
 
The Failure 173 
 
 There is in connection with this statement 
 an amusing reply of Hunter to sundry critical 
 "friends in England," who wished to "see 
 some of the tar," and who, he says, "must 
 take your Lordships' and my word for it." * 
 
 But neither their Lordships' nor Hunter's 
 word could make tar and pitch in paying quan- 
 tities from trees that did not produce them. 
 The great tar-bearing tree of this continent is 
 the Pinus australis, which is not found north 
 of the southern borders of Virginia. Thence 
 southward to the Gulf and within 150 miles 
 of the coast it abounds in great forests, and is 
 familiarly known as the Georgia Pine. So far 
 as the Palatine immigration was concerned 
 with the production of tar, if the North Caro- 
 lina colony had been set to such work, the gov- 
 ernment might have looked for profitable \ 
 returns. But the Hudson valley could not 
 answer. The most common of the northern 
 pines is the Pinus Strobus, — the ordinary white 
 pine — much of which has almost no resin 
 whatever, while none of it is rich enough in 
 gum to make its burning an object. Besides 
 this variety is the less common Pinus rigida, 
 
 * Col, Hist., v., 347. 
 
174 The Palatines 
 
 tho frequently found from Maine to Georgia. 
 This tree is quite resinous, but does not grow 
 to such size or occur in so large masses as to 
 justify in any one spot so large expense as was 
 involved in this attempt at tar-making by the 
 Palatines. There was, indeed, during the 
 Colonial period — and may be down to this 
 time — no little tar made in New England from 
 the Pinus rigida.* Williamson says, " Pitch 
 and tar were made and exported in great quan- 
 tities." But these " great quantities " must be 
 understood as the aggregate of these products, 
 made in small quantities and separate parts of 
 the country, and constituting for the woodsman 
 or farmer an avocation in the midst of his reg- 
 ular pursuits. This tree could not furnish 
 the base for an extensive " plant " in any one 
 place. 
 
 It seems somewhat strange that these facts 
 were not sufficiently well known to prevent 
 the undertaking. And yet the very fact 
 of getting any tar at all from the northern 
 pines might easily suggest to inexperience the 
 thought, that much more would be produced 
 by the larger number of people employed. 
 
 * Hist, of Maine, ii., 95. 
 
The Failure 175 
 
 Then, too, it is Hkely that neither Hunter nor 
 the Lords of Trade knew any marked dis- 
 tinctions among the pines. In their minds, a 
 pine was a tar-bearing tree, and that was 
 about all they knew in regard to the matter. 
 It is also reasonably certain that, after his 
 arrival in America, the Governor was misled by 
 the man, John Bridger, whom he put into the 
 place of Instructor to the Palatines."^ This 
 Bridger had been commissioned, some fifteen 
 years before, by the Board of Admiralty to ex- 
 amine into the capacity of the American colo- 
 nies for the production of naval stores — to 
 survey the woods, and discover the forests 
 most productive of material for masts, spars, 
 tar and pitch. He went first to Barbadoes, 
 and thence with Lord Bellomont to New York, 
 in 1698. He was sent into New England to 
 instruct its people in the process of tar-making ; 
 and on Hunter's coming with the Palatines 
 was recalled to New York. He went with that 
 people to the Manor, gave some instructions 
 in the manufacture, began the "preparing " of 
 some trees, and then returned to New England. 
 In the following season Hunter wrote for him 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 175, note. 
 
176 The Palatines 
 
 to resume his work among the Palatines. But 
 Bridger refused to return, alleging various ex- 
 cuses to the Governor. He did not, however, 
 tell him — what was probably his real reason — 
 that the attempt being made on the Manor 
 was hopeless from the start. It is probable 
 that he early discovered the mistake made in 
 that project, and so hastened to absent himself, 
 either not wishing or not daring to enlighten 
 the Governor as to the true state of facts. 
 His refusal to return was the occasion of great 
 anger on the part of Hunter, who lost very few 
 opportunities for speaking of him in very dis- 
 paraging words. " Ignorant, incompetent, un- 
 worthy, disobedient," are the best words which 
 Sec'y Clarke can apply to him, while Hunter 
 writes of his "wickedness and baseness," and 
 with a fine scorn describes " his last letters, 
 which denote a greater attention to his private 
 profit than to the Publick Service." Bridger 
 remained in New England, and was by the 
 Massachusetts government made Surveyor- 
 General of the Woods. In 1 7 1 8 he was accused 
 before the General Court of oppression and 
 corruption, the charges being that he forbade 
 the people felling trees fit for masts on their 
 
The Failure 177 
 
 own lands, and then accepted bribes for per- 
 mission so to do. On his trial he had the 
 powerful protection of Governor Shute, and 
 escaped conviction. The quarrel caused by 
 the proceeding was very great, producing 
 " difficulties which disturbed the province for 
 a series of years," and in consequence of 
 which, " at last the Governor was forced to 
 leave the province." * 
 
 Had this mistake not been made, however, 
 and had all the conditions, save the financial, 
 justly promised a good success, the utter fail- 
 ure of monetary support was enough to wreck 
 the enterprise. And for this, while reasons 
 are plenty, there can be found no justification. 
 In fact, the celerity with which the English 
 government forgot all its engagements with 
 Hunter, so soon as he and his Palatines were 
 out of sight, and the nonchalance with which 
 the Ministry treated their own pledges and 
 Hunter's appeals, make a very curious record. 
 The action of the EnorHsh authorities was 
 nothing less than a most unprincipled breach 
 
 * Williamson's Hist, of Alaine, ii., 94. 
 Barry's Hist, of Mass., ii., 109. 
 Hutchinson's Mass. Bay, ii, , 222. 
 
i;^ The Palatines 
 
 of faith, and a shameful abandonment of a 
 worthy servant of the crown, who was faith- 
 fully endeavoring to carry out the instructions 
 and orders of the government. Great as was 
 his blunder in supposing that tar and pitcli 
 could be profitably made in the valley of the 
 Hudson, he made a greater mistake in taking 
 for granted that the Home government was 
 composed of honest men. 
 
 The governmental advance of ;^8ooo, with 
 which in hand he left England, was the last 
 monetary outlay by the government on the 
 Palatine account. But this amount was soon 
 exhausted in subsisting the large body of that 
 people on Nutten Island. Before their re- 
 moval to the two Camps every penny was ex- 
 pended, and the Governor was compelled to 
 use his personal fortune and credit towards 
 their support. After having settled them up 
 the river, he wrote to the Board of Trade : 
 
 " I hope your Lordships will think yourselves con- 
 cerned to take care that what Bills I shall draw for their 
 future subsistence, be duly comply'd with, lest by their 
 failing the whole design prove abortive. ... I am directed 
 to subsist them at 6d. for all adult persons and 4d. for 
 young persons, /^r day. . . . I compute that ^15000 a 
 
The Failure 179 
 
 year for two successive years will be sufficient to defray 
 the expense." * 
 
 This, it would appear, included not only the 
 cost of subsistence, but also that of offices, 
 salaries and all contingent expenses. 
 
 As a matter of course, when the money ad- 
 vanced was expended, the Governor, in reliance 
 on the good faith of his superiors, made ar- 
 rangement by bills of exchange for the imme- 
 diate necessities. He also spent in this service 
 his own entire fortune, confidently expecting 
 reimbursement from home. Thus, with his 
 own money he bought the land from Living- 
 ston, and from the same source drew money 
 for the people's support, and from that time to 
 the end of the experiment all the money spent 
 in the work was of his providing, either from 
 his own purse, or from loans for the payment of 
 which he made himself responsible. His bills 
 of exchange on London came back dishonored. 
 The British Treasury would have none of 
 them, and, so far as any record shows, never 
 repaid to Hunter a single penny of the enor- 
 mous sums advanced by him for the support 
 of the enterprise. The Governor's appeals 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 180. 
 
i8o The Palatines 
 
 for relief are frequent in the correspondence, 
 and many of them are quite pathetic. Thus, 
 he wrote in the spring of 1712, expressing his 
 
 " uneasiness, having heard nothing from your Lordships 
 since last summer, neither have advice of the payment of 
 any of my bills on account of the Palatines, but go on 
 with the work as though I had, having (as your Lord- 
 ships well know) her Majesty's commands to that effect." 
 
 Some months later he wrote to Sec'y Popple, 
 of the Board of Trade : 
 
 *' Inform me whether they (the Treasury) have any 
 inclination to apply the proper remedy, that I may take 
 my measures accordingly, for I would shun, if possible, 
 the danger of being a prisoner for life." Then again, 
 " What I have done in that matter was by Her Majesty's 
 special order and instructions, which shall ever be sacred 
 to me." Again, " My credit — is exhausted, none of my 
 bills of any kind being paid at home, and I myself re- 
 duced to very hard shifts for bare subsistence." 
 
 In one letter is a touch of bitter humor, refer- 
 ring to the affairs of 
 
 " the Palatines (asking your Lordships' pardon for men- 
 tioning them). . . . My Lords, I have done my 
 best in my station and apprehend no scrutiny on earth. 
 God, who knows my heart, will acquit me elsewhere. I 
 have served faithfully, suffered patiently, and shall re- 
 sign cheerfully whenever it shall be her Majesty's 
 
The Failure i8i 
 
 pleasure." ** I stand indebted upon that score more than 
 I shall ever be able to pay in my life, without her 
 Majesty's gracious assistance. . . who suffers, if he 
 must suffer, for having strictly observed and executed 
 her Majesty's orders." "I have beg'd for one half of 
 what is due on the Palatine accounts. I am sure that 
 no man has suffered more than I have done." 
 
 He reports the amount due to him as over 
 ;^20,ooo, while the Province owed him, for 
 arrears of salary, ^5000, and says, " My Gov- 
 ernment [2>., office as Governor] protects me 
 from arrest, but, whilst that remains over my 
 head, I can dream of nothing but starving in 
 a gaol and seeing my innocent infants perish 
 for want before my eyes." * 
 
 These quotations are made almost at ran- 
 dom from the Governor's letters, and describe 
 in sufficiently graphic language the evil case 
 into which he had fallen, and one very effi- 
 cient cause of the failure. In justice to the 
 Lords of Trade it should be stated that their 
 good offices were not lacking to the effort to 
 secure justice for Hunter, but they were met 
 by stubborn resistance at the Treasury and in 
 Parliament. They write, 25th February, 1718. 
 "You will be sure to receive all the assistance 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 305, 351, 353, 358, 366, 380, 452. 
 
1 82 The Palatines 
 
 we can give you. It has not been possible to 
 do anything in that matter, this session of 
 Parliament." 
 
 Hunter's enemies in England used this op- 
 portunity to his great disadvantage. Not only 
 did they succeed in obstructing the payment 
 of his bills, but also insinuated that he was un- 
 truthful in his representations about the work. 
 That he was mistaken in judgment is clear 
 enough, but there is nothing in the whole 
 transaction to show a lack of integrity on the 
 Governor's part. On one occasion he grows 
 furious over these insinuations and writes to 
 Sec'y Popple : 
 
 " I have ordered Mr. Sackett and one of the Commis- 
 sioners to go immediately to the woods, fell some of the 
 prepared Trees and bring them down hither — I mean the 
 loggs where the turpentine has settled — and I '11 have 
 them burnt in the sight of the world, or exposed to 
 view, that I may not be imposed upon or be thought to 
 impose upon others." 
 
 Writing to Lord Stair in October, of 1715, 
 he recites the story of his efforts with the pro- 
 ject, and describes " the recommendation of the 
 Lords of Trade for imploying 3000 Palatines 
 [as] turned into instructions by her Majesty's 
 
The Failure 183 
 
 letter, under her signet and sign manual," and 
 avers that he had used such economy as to 
 have saved ^1500 a year out of the subsist- 
 ence fund, to pay salaries and other expenses. 
 " There is due to me upwards of ;/^20,ooo. 
 
 . . Meanwhile I was left to beg my 
 daily bread from a hard hearted Assembly 
 here." Truly the poor Governor had an 
 abundance of trouble, — and the most of it un- 
 deserved. It is reasonably certain that his 
 motives were pure. No attack can be made 
 on his integrity. Weiser, in speaking of the 
 settlement of the people on the Manor, says 
 that Hunter and Livingston delayed the con- 
 summation of the Queen's intention until land 
 should come under their control, and " artfully 
 and wickedly changed the course and destiny 
 of the unsuspecting colony." This, so far as 
 Hunter's purpose was concerned, may be set 
 down to the not unnatural misjudgment to 
 which the difficulties at the Manor would give 
 rise in the mind of a Palatine. 
 
 Aside from the disastrous failure of the 
 ** great design to make tar for the Royal 
 Navy," the administration of Hunter was 
 with great honor and success. He took the 
 
1 84 The Palatines 
 
 government in an ill time. The quarrels sub- 
 sequent to the Leisler incident were still rife 
 and bitter. Not only the politics, but the 
 social life of New York, were rent by sharp 
 factional fights. Both parties vied in the 
 effort to win the special favor of the Gov- 
 ernor, and Hunter's predecessors had erred in 
 yielding to such persuasions. He refused to 
 be drawn into the partisan strife, or to show 
 preference for either party. By such prudent 
 course, while "he found the province in a low 
 condition, he left it peaceful and prosperous. 
 Party spirit had been subdued and factions 
 were reconciled. He did more to quiet the 
 people than any, or all of his predecessors."* 
 
 Notwithstanding this wise management of 
 the Governor, he had a chronic trouble with 
 the provincial Assembly, on the question of 
 support both for himself and his administra- 
 tion. Long before his time the colonies had 
 learned impatience of dictation from England 
 or the royal governors, and quarrels were con- 
 stantly in progress over the matters of taxa- 
 tion, impost and supply. Hunter's letters to 
 London abound with statements of these 
 
 * Schuyler's Colonial A^ew Yorky ii., 63. 
 
The Failure 185 
 
 struggles, with here and there a flash of satire 
 on the colonial disposition. He writes : 
 
 " I acquainted them [the N. Y. Assembly] with your 
 Lordships' representation to her Majesty that the Pala- 
 tines should, upon arrival here, be naturalized without 
 Fee or Reward, but they have declined it, for no reason 
 that I can guess but that it was recommended to them, 
 seeing they themselves were to be the chief gainers 
 by it."* 
 
 Sec'y Clarke describes this disposition of 
 the Assembly in similar caustic words, " He 
 [Hunter] has met with all the opposition and 
 discouragement which a people devoid of duty 
 and ripe with defection could give." In this 
 letter of Clarke is a reference to " the Tar- 
 work," which, in view of the issue of that enter- 
 prise and of the Governor's annoyances from 
 the Assembly, makes something of a demand 
 upon the reader's sympathy. The language 
 is : 
 
 " It is almost the only satisfaction his Excellency has 
 in this Province to see this great work goe on with that 
 promising success it does. . . He has the pleasure 
 of serving the best of Queens. That, therefore, and the 
 hopes of bringing this great affair of Pitch and Tarr 
 to perfection he must comfort himself with." 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 184, 250. 
 
1 86 The Palatines 
 
 The Governor himself says, " It is some small 
 comfort to me that I have brought the 
 great undertaking to all the perfection that 
 human power or industry could do in that 
 time." 
 
 The complete collapse of the scheme, bring- 
 ing the ruin of this only comfort to the 
 Governor, already harassed to distraction by 
 the political turmoil of the province, moves us 
 to a compassionate mood. His experience in 
 America had indeed a sad issue. He strug- 
 gled on through nine years full of disappoint- 
 ment and burdens, to which in 1716 was added 
 the death of his wife, a climax to his afflictions 
 harder to bear than all the rest. In the year 
 1 719 he obtained leave of absence and went 
 to England, thinking that his personal pres- 
 ence could do much in defence against his 
 enemies at home and in obtaining justice for 
 himself. It does not appear that the govern- 
 ment ever repaid him. He did not return to 
 New York, but resigned his office and retired 
 to private life. His character cannot fail to 
 command respect, for generosity and consci- 
 entiousness. The not unnatural irritation of 
 affairs, and especially the staggering blow of 
 
The Failure 187 
 
 disappointment in the "great design of Tar," 
 betrayed him into some actions not to be 
 defended ; but for the most part he carried 
 himself with admirable dignity and self-control. 
 There is nothing finer in the Colonial History 
 than his letter to Popple, written three years 
 after the failure.^' He reviews the Palatine 
 ventures and, maintaining that there was no 
 mismanagement on his part, says : 
 
 "About 13 Sep. 1712, I had certain advice that none 
 of my bills would be paid, and then I stopt short, tho 
 too late, . . All imaginable arts were used to stifle 
 that project, I was sensible that I was struggling against 
 a very rappid stream. But the interest of the Nation 
 was so apparent, the reputation of those worthy Patriots 
 who employed me was so much concerned, that I re- 
 solved to run all hazards, rather than have reason to 
 accuse myself of having omitted any one thing in my 
 power to bring it to perfection," 
 
 It was a great pity that "those worthy Patriots 
 who employed" him were not equally careful 
 for the reputation of their servant. 
 
 The extent to which Hunter had involved 
 himself was, especially for that day, enormous. 
 No full accounts are accessible, if extant ; but 
 
 * Col. Hist., V,, 447. 
 
1 88 The Palatines 
 
 the bills presented by Livingston for subsist- 
 ence are suggestive that the grand total of 
 expense was very large. The contract of 
 Livingston covered the period from the arrival 
 of the Palatines at the Manor, in Nov., 1710, 
 to the break-down in Sep., 1712. His bills, 
 presented quarterly, amount to ^16,056-18-4 
 There are, however, three quarters, the bills 
 for which have not been preserved, but which 
 it is impossible to suppose were not pre- 
 sented. It is safe to add to the above amount 
 ;^ 1 0,000 for those three quarters. Besides 
 these large items a smaller one of ;^366-i-ii^ 
 represents his charges for " Salary " and 
 storage of provisions ! Thus the whole sum 
 paid to Livingston must have been over 
 ;/^26,ooo. In addition to this great sum the 
 Governor had other expense for the Palatines, 
 such as subsistence at New York, and trans- 
 portation up the river — all of which he was 
 compelled to meet at private cost, after the 
 small advance from London had been ex- 
 hausted. So it is evident that when he said 
 that "upwards of ;f 20,000 " were due him, 
 the real sum must have been largely in 
 excess of that amount. 
 
The Failure 189 
 
 This failure to support Hunter and this 
 abandonment of the enterprise by the govern- 
 ment were so remarkable, that the reader is 
 made curious for the reasons of so atrocious 
 bad faith. Fortunately, these reasons are not 
 far to seek. There are two of them : one per- 
 sonal and the other political. Strangely 
 enough the personal reason found its object- 
 ive, not in Governor Hunter, but in Robert 
 Livingston, who had sold the land for the 
 Palatine settlement and had taken the con- 
 tract for the supply of bread and beer. The 
 method, by which a personal dislike of Living- 
 ston was able to reach so far as the ruin of a 
 great enterprise and the bankruptcy of Gov- 
 ernor Hunter, is somewhat curious. 
 
 When the bills given by Hunter came to 
 London they were promptly presented by the 
 Board of Trade to the Treasury for payment. 
 But the Lords of the Treasury, instead of 
 honestly meeting an expense authorized by 
 the government, delayed payment until fur- 
 ther advisement. This advisement was sought 
 by Lord Dartmouth of the Treasury from the 
 Earl of Clarendon, to whom he sent the state- 
 ments of Hunter, desiring the opinion of the 
 
iQo The Palatines 
 
 Earl on the whole affair.* This resort to 
 Clarendon was doubtless because, in his chrys- 
 alis state of life as Lord Cornbury, he had 
 been Governor of New York. It was sup- 
 posed that he knew enough of the province 
 and its forests to be able to advise. As it 
 happened, he knew Livingston and did not 
 love him, and was in no mood to approve any- 
 thing which could issue to his advantage. Un- 
 fortunately, his dislike punished the wrong 
 victim, for Livingston got his money, and it 
 was the poor Governor who suffered. The 
 Earl replied to Dartmouth : 
 
 " I think it very unhappy that Col. Hunter, on his 
 first arrival, fell into so ill hands, for this Levinston has 
 been known many years in the Province for a very ill 
 man. He formerly victualled the forces at Albany, in 
 which he was guilty of most notorious frauds. He has a 
 Mill and Brewhouse upon his land, and, if he can get 
 the victualling of the Palatines, he will make a very good 
 addition to his estate." 
 
 The Earl argues that Livingston's lands are 
 not a good selection : 
 
 " Hudson's River above Albany, and Mohawks River, 
 Schenectady, are well known to be best." He objects 
 * Col. Hist., v., 195. 
 
The Failure 191 
 
 that " the Bills drawn are computed on the numbers who 
 landed at New York, of whom many are dead " [forget- 
 ful of the fact that these many had to be subsisted be- 
 fore they died]. " I am of the opinion that if the 
 subsistence proposed be allowed, Levinston and some 
 others will get estates, the Palatines will not be the 
 richer, but will be confirmed in that laziness they are 
 already too prone to, and will persuade themselves that 
 they can obtain two years' more subsistence after the 
 first two are gone." 
 
 He then goes on to ridicule the employment 
 of the Palatines, and referring to the " Act for 
 encouraging the importation of Naval Stores," 
 says, "There was no fund provided for the 
 payment of that reward, else that Act would 
 have had a better effect than ten times the 
 number of Palatines." So the Earl voided his 
 hatred of Livingston in a letter sufficiently un- 
 principled, willing to sacrifice all other inter- 
 ests for the sake of thwarting that American 
 baron. It had the effect intended in locking- 
 fast the treasury against all the appeals of 
 Hunter and the intercessions of the Board of 
 Trade. 
 
 The causes of Clarendon's bitterness against 
 Livingston do not appear, nor is it easy at this 
 late day to either justify or disprove his accus- 
 
192 The Palatines 
 
 ations. Certainly, Livingston was one of the 
 ablest men of his time in the colony, a most 
 shrewd man of affairs and capable of a vast 
 amount of work. To his discredit it must be 
 conceded that all his energies were turned 
 towards his own benefit and aggrandizement, 
 though it is not clearly shown that he was 
 ever guilty of open dishonesty.* Born in 1654 
 in Ancram, Scotland, the son of a clergyman, 
 he came to America when twenty years of age. 
 He went to Albany, and in the following year 
 was made Town Clerk and Secretary for In- 
 dian Affairs. He held this office for fifty 
 years. In 1683 he married Alida Schuyler, 
 widow of Rev. Nicholas Van Renssalaer, and 
 in 1686 laid the foundation of his enormous 
 estate, by obtaining the Patent to the Manor 
 from Governor Dongan. He was a prominent 
 Jacobite in the Revolution of 1688, and was 
 driven from the province by the Leisler party. 
 On the downfall of Leisler he returned and 
 was restored to his offices, to which were added 
 those of Collector of Excise and Quit Rents, 
 Clerk of the Peace and Clerk of the Court of 
 Common Pleas. He became associated with 
 
 ♦ Doc, Hist,, iii,, 434 note. 
 
The Failure 193 
 
 Bellomont and Captain Kidd, and thereby- 
 added to his fortunes. In 1 701 the Leisler party 
 returned to power in New York and called 
 on Livingston to account for large sums of 
 money, said to have passed through his hands, 
 and on his failing to comply, he was deprived 
 of his offices, and his estates were confiscated. 
 He fled to England, but on the voyage was 
 captured by the French and '* treated barbar- 
 ously." At last released, he went to London 
 and obtained from the Queen a restoration of 
 his offices. He returned to New York in 1709, 
 became a member of Assembly, and in 171 1 
 secured a repeal of the act confiscating his es- 
 tates. He secured a seat in the Assembly for 
 his own Manor in 1716, and from 1718 to 1725 
 served as Speaker of that body. In 1721 he 
 resigned all his offices in Albany in favor of 
 his son Philip, and in 1726 retired from the 
 Assembly. Two years thereafter he died. 
 Evidently he was a man of so unique a per- 
 sonality and force, that these notes of his life 
 are quite in place here. Dr. O'Callaghan 
 sums up his story in these words : 
 
 "A man of unquestionable shrewdness, perseverance, 
 
 and large acquisitiveness. His main efforts, whether 
 13 
 
194 The Palatines 
 
 in or out of the legislature, seem to have been di- 
 rected principally to securing for himself wealth, office, 
 and special privileges ; and every opportunity was seized 
 by him to get the government and the legislature to rec- 
 ognize his Manor of Livingston." 
 
 He seems to have been an " ill man " to be as- 
 sociated with. None of the royal governors, 
 save Hunter and Dongan, could get on with 
 him. Those who had dealings with him were 
 apt to find more or less of trouble, and even his 
 friends spoke of him with a covert contempt. 
 Bellomont * writes, in 1701, "I am told that 
 Livingston has on his great grant of sixteen 
 miles long and twenty-four broad, but four or 
 five cottagers, men that live in vassalage under 
 him, and are too poor to be farm.ers, having 
 not wherewithal to buy Cattle to stock a farm." 
 There was plainly something of a sting in the 
 word " vassalage," as Bellomont designed it. 
 
 At the time of Hunter's arrangement with 
 him about the Palatines it was openly said 
 that " he would cheat the Governor. But 
 there appears no indication of such action in 
 his accounts. They are made with much par- 
 ticularity, such as a straightforward business 
 
 *Col. Hist., iv., S22. 
 
The Failure 195 
 
 man \YOuld render, methodically, neatly, accu- 
 rately." * 
 
 It is clear, however, that he had the best of 
 the bargain and was the only man who received 
 any benefit from the affair, of the Palatines. 
 In 1 71 1, one of the agents at the Manor com- 
 plained to the Governor of Livingston's grasp- 
 ing disposition, saying that he wanted to get 
 into his hands the entire control of supplies, 
 intimating also that he was endeavoring to un- 
 dermine the Governor himself by whispers in 
 high quarters and unfriendly messages sent to 
 England. This aroused Hunter's wrath. Writ- 
 ing to General Nicholson, then in London, he 
 speaks of Livingston's conduct as " base and 
 villainous practice. . . . He is under many 
 obligations to me, but I know him to be the 
 most selfish man alive. If any man has any 
 advantage by the Palatines being here, it is 
 he."'!' By some means Livingston was able 
 to appease the Governor's resentment, for we 
 find them afterwards upon cordial terms. 
 Whether Livingston was worthy, or not, of the 
 condemnation of history, it is clear that the 
 
 * Schuyler's Col. N. Y.,\., 78. 
 f Doc. Hist., iii., 405. 
 
196 The Palatines 
 
 personal hatred of Clarendon towards him was 
 a powerful, if not the most powerful, cause of 
 the ruin of the Palatine experiment. 
 
 The other great cause of the failure obtain- 
 ing in England was political. When Hunter 
 and his Palatines left England the Whig ad- 
 ministration, after a long lease of power, was 
 already tottering, and before the expedition 
 had reached America gave place to the Tories, 
 who had no sympathy with the Palatines. In 
 that age an incoming party did not have so 
 much of conscience, as is supposed to exist to- 
 day, about meeting the obligations incurred 
 by its predecessors. Politcs was a fine game to 
 play, however the country fared and whoever 
 paid the piper. So, when these Tories came 
 in, everything that the outgoing Whigs had 
 done came up for review, criticism and, if pos- 
 sible, reversal. As it happened, the Palatine 
 affairs made one great subject of criticism by 
 the Tories. The Tory mind was, at the out- 
 set, affected against the cause of those refu- 
 gees and opposed to the assisting hand of the 
 government, and the following events very 
 soon committed them strongly against the past 
 sympathy and all future assistance. 
 
The Failure 197 
 
 Before the Palatines were embarked for the 
 colonies, murmurs of jealous discontent on the 
 part of the poor of London began to be heard. 
 Says Burnet, * " Some things concurred to 
 put the vulgar into ill humor : it was a time of 
 dearth and scarcity, so that the poor were much 
 pinched." The aid given to the Palatines " by 
 the Queen and voluntary charities of good peo- 
 ple filled our own poor with great indignation, 
 who thought that these charities, to which they 
 had a better right, were intercepted by stran- 
 gers." The House of Commons, after the 
 accession of the Tory government, " finding 
 the encouragement given to the Palatines so 
 displeasing to the people, ordered a Commit- 
 tee to examine into the matter." 
 
 The Report of this Committee has already 
 been noticed. It was marked by much unfair- 
 ness of judgment. The blame for the whole- 
 sale immigration was laid on the Naturaliza- 
 tion Act of 1708, a measure passed by the 
 Whigs after the arrival of Kockerthal with 
 the first company from the Palatinate. There 
 can be no doubt that the act was made be- 
 cause of that arrival, and with the hope of 
 
 * Hist. Own Time, iv,, 230, 258. 
 
igS The Palatines 
 
 attracting to England still larger numbers of 
 that distressed people. The bill 
 
 "was debated in both houses with great vehemence. 
 The Whigs argued that it would be an effectual means 
 to encourage industry, improve trade and manufactures, 
 and repair the waste of men occasioned by the war. 
 The Tories objected with many dangerous consequences. 
 Spies and informers would come with the immigrants. 
 The strangers would insinuate themselves into positions 
 of trust, and would contribute to the extinction of the 
 English race. They would greatly increase the number 
 of our poor, already so great a burden." * 
 
 It is a curious fact that, though this act was 
 undoubtedly passed to encourage the emigra- 
 tion of the Palatines, and though that people 
 came in crowds during the next year, yet it is 
 doubtful whether the act had anything to do 
 with that popular movement. Very few of 
 the Palatines sought to be naturalized in Lon- 
 don, and probably a still smaller number of 
 them were attracted thither by a knowledge 
 of that act. The bait which drew them was 
 in the tidingrs of the kindness shown to Kock- 
 erthal and his companions, and in the pros- 
 pect of being sent to America. However, the 
 coincidence of the act with the immigration 
 
 * Mortimer's England, iii., 232. 
 
The Failure 199 
 
 gave the Tories a trenchant weapon for 
 attack upon the Whigs, and the House Com- 
 mittee made the most of it. Every objection- 
 able feature of the matter was emphasized and 
 exaggerated. " It happened," says Burnet, 
 "at a bad season. Bread was at double the 
 ordinary price. The time of sailing to the 
 plantations was at a great distance." The 
 sojourn in London was for eight months, with 
 constant accessions and the depletions made 
 by the Irish and Carolina settlements. Dur- 
 ing all this time the people were subsisted at 
 public cost. ** The poor complained that such 
 charities went to strangers, when they needed 
 much . . . Some [Palatines] were both 
 inactive and mutinous, and this hightened the 
 outcry against them." The Tories made use 
 of all to discredit the Whigs. Smollett {Hist- 
 ory of England, ii., loi, 102) says : 
 
 " The inhabitants of St. Olaves and other parishes pre- 
 sented a petition, complaining that a great number of 
 Palatines, inhabiting one house, might produce a con- 
 tagious distemper, and in time become a charge to the 
 public, as they were destitute of all visible means of 
 subsistence. This petition had been procured by the 
 tories, that the House of Commons might have another 
 handle for attacking the late ministry." 
 
200 The Palatines 
 
 They managed to bring the House to a 
 sudden vote that the Palatines were 
 
 "an extravagant and unreasonable charge to the King- 
 dom, and a scandalous misapplication of public money, 
 tending to the increase and oppression of the poor, and 
 of dangerous consequence to the constitution of Church 
 and State, and whoever advised their being brought over 
 was an enemy to the Queen and Kingdom." 
 
 The repeal of the Naturalization Act took 
 place in 171 2. The former vote of condem- 
 nation was taken in 1711, while the work on 
 the Manor had just begun, and Hunter was 
 already pressing for payment of his advances. 
 To the official mind in England the entire un- 
 dertaking was thus thoroughly discredited, and 
 all its obligations were repudiated, without 
 regard to the good faith of government or the 
 pitiable plight of the New York Governor. 
 It may be that, after his return to England, 
 Hunter obtained some redress from a later 
 administration ; but no record thereof is found 
 in the colonial documents, nor would it be 
 likely to there obtain statement. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE PROMISED LAND. 
 
 THE letter from Hunter to Cast, written 
 in September, 171 2, saying that he had 
 " exhausted both substance and credit," 
 gave the finishing stroke to the "great and 
 good design," Nor was the work ever re- 
 sumed. The cost of it was accounted as so 
 much money thrown away. At sundry times, 
 through the remainder of Hunter's government 
 of the province, references to the scheme were 
 made in the correspondence with the Board of 
 Trade. The Governor laments over the fail- 
 ure and never loses his confidence that a noble 
 and most beneficent success would have been 
 achieved, had the effort been properly sup- 
 ported. At one time the Lords of Trade were 
 stirred to languid interest in the subject, and 
 inquired of Hunter as to the condition of the 
 
202 The Palatines 
 
 trees already prepared, and the prospects of 
 any new engagement in the work. Their let- 
 ter came to Hunter as the breath of hope, and 
 was responded to with some enthusiasm. He 
 replied : 
 
 " Since your Lordships have hinted an intention to re- 
 sume the project, in this Province there is Pitch Pine 
 trees enough to yield a quantity of stores sufficient for 
 the uses of all the Navigation of England. . . . One 
 of the Commissioners has returned. He has brought 
 along with him some chips cut by him from several of 
 the prepared trees, by which I may reasonably compute 
 that about a third of the Trees will yield well. . , . 
 I can think of no solid way of preventing the total de- 
 cay of trade, and consequently the ruin of the Provinces, 
 but by setting on foot and carrying on vigorously the 
 production of Naval Stores mentioned." 
 
 The Governor's hope certainly dies hard. 
 
 In his next letter on the subject, however, 
 he tunes a more dolorous note. Under date 
 of October 2, 1716, he wrote : 
 
 " I am at a loss for the true cause of the disappointment 
 from the Trees prepared for tar. What I chiefly guess 
 to be the cause of this miscarriage is this, that the Trees, 
 being barked by an unskilful and unruly multitude, were 
 for the most part pierced in the inward rind, by which 
 means they became exhausted by the sun's heat in the 
 succeeding summer. Many of them are good, but not 
 in that quantity that will answer the expence and labor." 
 
The Promised Land 203 
 
 Then he reiterates his former statements as 
 to the vast capabiHties of the province for this 
 production, and concludes, "but after the dis- 
 appointment I have met with, I cannot advise 
 the renewing of the project until we have per- 
 sons skilled and practiced." This reads like 
 an epitaph and moves one to sympathy with 
 the Governor in this burial of his most cher- 
 ished hope, out of which, he tells us, he had 
 taken more comfort than from auorht else in his 
 government in America. But this is the end, 
 and we read no more of naval stores as the 
 expected product of New York. 
 
 Meanwhile the Palatines on the Manor re- 
 cognized their freedom, and at once took steps 
 towards making of it the best use possible. 
 There are no records of any general plan of 
 action, but subsequent events would indicate 
 that the disposition of the entire company was 
 outlined in council. Some were to stay on the 
 Manor — a little less than one third of their 
 number — and make for themselves permanent 
 place ; seeking subsistence from the soil and 
 from hirinor themselves to neio-hborinor farmers. 
 Among this number also were those — women 
 and infirm — who did not esteem themselves 
 
204 The Palatines 
 
 equal to further migration and to new strug- 
 gles with unknown conditions. The rest of 
 the people girded themselves for their journey 
 to "the promised land of Scorie." 
 
 Of the quota remaining on the Manor not 
 many notes need here to be made. They 
 settled down to farming and such other voca- 
 tions as were needed, and were the fathers 
 of a like permanent and sturdy stock to that 
 which for generations has peopled the lands on 
 the west side of the river. There appears in 
 the Documentary History (iii., 421), under 
 date of 8 Oct. 1 71 5, a petition to the Governor 
 from John F. Hager, on the part of himself 
 and sixty families of the Palatines on the 
 Manor, asking "license to build a church in 
 Kingsbury, 60 feet in length and 40 feet 
 wide, to Perform Divine Service, according to 
 the Liturgy and Rites of the Church of Eng- 
 land as by Law established . . . also 
 liberty to Crave the favour and charity of well- 
 disposed People for aid and assistance." Inas- 
 much as this Hager was himself a clergyman — 
 either Lutheran or Reformed, to which two 
 forms of the Protestant faith all the Palatines 
 adhered — it is probable that the stipulation as 
 
The Promised Land 205 
 
 to the Church of England was designed and 
 understood as merely a legal fiction. What- 
 ever action was taken by the Governor on this 
 petition, the church contemplated could not 
 have been erected, for in 1 72 1 Governor Burnet, 
 who succeeded Hunter in the province, issued 
 a brief to Robt. Livingston, permitting him "to 
 make collections for preparing or building a 
 church on his Manor, and to call a Pious Re- 
 formed Protestant Minister from Holland." 
 This was the beginning of the still existent 
 Reformed Church of Germantown. 
 
 Another interesting item, is found in a 
 " Petition of Jacob Sharpe, Christophel Haga- 
 torn and Jacob Shoemaker, in behalf of them- 
 selves and other Palatines on the Livingston 
 Manor," asking for a grant to them and their 
 heirs of the lands purchased by Governor Hun- 
 ter from Livingston. This petition bears date 
 of June 13, 1724, and to it the Council replied 
 by directing the Surveyor-General, Cadwalla- 
 der Colden, to inquire what families, and how 
 many, were on the land and willing to take 
 His Majesty's grant. He presently reported 
 the number of families as sixty-three, " not all 
 having a like quantity in possession," and 
 
2o6 The Palatines 
 
 recommended that it was " wise to grant the 
 said land " to the petitioners named and other 
 principal men, in trust for the whole company. 
 Inasmuch as this land belonged to Hunter, 
 who paid good money for it out of his own 
 purse, one is moved to wonder if any compen- 
 sation was made to him therefor. The land 
 seems to be regarded as tho, by his departure 
 from the province, it had escheated to the 
 crown. It does not appear, however, that the 
 advice of Colden was followed by the Assem- 
 bly, nor do we here need to inquire farther 
 about it. 
 
 About thirty families on the Manor moved 
 a few miles southward and settled on lands cov- 
 ered by the patent given to Henry Beekman. 
 It is said — a statement difficult to verify — that 
 their movement was due to Livingston's un- 
 willingness to give them titles to the lands oc- 
 cupied by them. He did not wish to alienate 
 the fee, and would only agree to a lease for 
 three lives. This, of course, must refer to 
 such of the people as had sought a freehold 
 outside of the tract purchased by Hunter, un- 
 less Livingston, after Hunter's departure, had 
 attempted to assert a right over that tract. 
 
The Promised Land 20). 
 
 These thirty families found a more liberal dis- 
 position in Henry Beekman, who sold them 
 lands in fee, in that part of his patent which is 
 covered by the town of Rhinebeck. The name 
 of that town is distinctly Palatine, as in its 
 first syllable a memorial of the much-loved 
 river in the old country. As the last syllable 
 was formerly written, " beek," it has been 
 thought to have been taken from the name of 
 Beekman, in honor of his fair dealings with 
 these people. 
 
 Whatever may have been the difficulty on 
 the land question, or the origin of the latter 
 lialf of " Rhinebeck," it is certain that that 
 town was founded by these Palatines, many of 
 whose names still obtain in the locality. From 
 Rhinebeck also the descendants of these people 
 found various and scattered homes throuofh- 
 out Dutchess County, and have given to the 
 State and nation many men of prominence and 
 usefulness. 
 
 Those of the people who went to the Scho- 
 harie valley had for several years an experi- 
 ence of further affliction. Some writers have 
 charged these troubles to their ignorance ; but 
 beyond denial the origin of them is found in 
 
2o8 The Palatines 
 
 the anger of the Governor and the cupidity of 
 designing men, to whom the Governor, in the 
 first heat of his resentment, surrendered them 
 as victims. The chief man among them, John 
 Conrad Weiser, educated and an ex-magistrate, 
 cannot be reckoned as an ignorant person. 
 However "riotous and rebelHous " he may 
 have been in resisting the Governor and his 
 agents, he was not Hkely to sacrifice the inter- 
 ests of his people through sheer ignorance of 
 common law. 
 
 As already noted several times in this narra- 
 tive, the thought of the supposed original des- 
 tination of the Palatines had not lost its charm 
 to the minds of very many of them. To all 
 remonstrances and arguments of the Governor 
 and Cast they answered with one word — Scho- 
 harie. They called it, " Schorie." This to 
 them was the land of promise. They talked 
 of Schorie ; they dreamed of Schorie, and to 
 Schorie would they go. In their last winter 
 on the Manor they had planned for ways to 
 reach that country of blessing, and through 
 the following spring and summer waited for 
 fitting opportunity to put their plans in opera- 
 tion. They must proceed with caution, as 
 
The Promised Land 209 
 
 any general or large migration, while the tar- 
 work was in progress, would be promptly 
 checked by the military kept at the Manor to 
 compel the submission of the people. Even 
 individual deserters were brought back and 
 punished. 
 
 Thus waiting, they hailed the order to cease 
 the work and for the people to shift for them- 
 selves, as a proclamation of freedom. They 
 at once despatched to Schoharie seven dep- 
 uties — principal men among them — and the 
 " List men," of the villages, of whom Weiser 
 was chief. These men were to visit the valley, 
 examine its land, deal with the Indians in the 
 neighborhood, and find the best route for the 
 people to take thither. The visit of these 
 deputies must have been made in the early 
 fall, and according to their own report they 
 were received by the Indians in the valley with 
 the utmost friendliness. 
 
 Brown * says — a statement probably drawn 
 from tradition, for he gives no authority — that 
 the first inhabitant of the Schoharie valley was 
 a French Indian, Karigondonte, who had mar- 
 ried a Mohawk squaw, in consequence whereof 
 
 * Sketch of Schoharie, p. 52. 
 14 
 
2IO The Palatines 
 
 he was forced to leave his tribe. He took pos- 
 ession of the Schoharie valley and seems to 
 have established there a sort of Cave Adul- 
 1am, attracting thither from the surrounding 
 tribes " such as were discontented and such as 
 were in debt." Presently, he had gathered 
 about him " a nation three hundred strong," 
 which took the name of their chief, and was 
 made up of Mohawks, Mohegans, Discororas, 
 and Delawares. 
 
 That section of the valley occupied by these 
 Indians and given to the Palatines, afterwards 
 described as the Schoharie Flats, 
 
 " began on the Little Schoharie Creek, in the present 
 town of Middleburg, at the high-water mark of the Scho- 
 harie river, and at an oak stump burned hollow — which 
 stump is said to have served the Mohawk and Stock- 
 bridge Indians as a corn-mill — and ran down the river 
 to the north, on both sides, a distance of ten miles, and 
 containing about twenty thousand acres. By the side of 
 this stump was erected a pile of stones, still standing after 
 1800. Upon the stump were cut the figures of a turtle 
 and a snake, the sign of the Karighondonte tribe, as a 
 seal of the contract." 
 
 Sims,* from whose history the above quotation 
 is taken, represents this contract as one made 
 
 * Hist, of Schoharie Co., p. 47. 
 
The Promised Land 211 
 
 by the Indians with " an agent of the Queen, 
 to prevent hostiHties between them and the 
 Germans." This, as we know, is a mistake. 
 No agent of the Queen made such a contract. 
 On the contrary, all the Queen's representatives 
 in the province, who had any relation to the 
 matter, did their best to prevent the Palatines 
 going to Schoharie, and, after they had gone 
 thither, to render residence there as uncomfort- 
 able as possible. If there was any such stump 
 and any seal of contract engraved thereon, the 
 "party of the second part" must have been, 
 not the Queen's agent, but the Palatine dep- 
 uties from the Manor. 
 
 These seven " Chiefs," — as they are termed 
 in some parts of the narrative, — headed by 
 Weiser, proceeded on their mission by way of 
 Albany, and there obtained an Indian guide. 
 He led them over the Helderbergs and down 
 the Fox Creek to its junction with the Schoha- 
 rie, in the very heart of their chosen valley. 
 Entering it in the early fall, they must at once 
 have realized that their dreams had not played 
 them false, for certainly fairer sight their eyes 
 had not beheld since they left their old country 
 on the Rhine. It is a deep valley, where the 
 
212 The Palatines 
 
 copious dews from April to October make a 
 constant and luxuriant verdure. The hills on 
 either side, here sloping gently upward, and 
 there standing in bold bulk of precipitous rock, 
 seemed to promise bulwarks of defence and 
 protection from further foes. The broad 
 alluvial flats prophesied plenty on the farms 
 that were to be, while the river, like a broad 
 silver ribbon, wound its way among the level 
 meadows, its full and quiet flood an image of 
 contented peace. 
 
 The Palatine statement tells of most hospi- 
 table treatment of the deputies by the Indians. 
 The deputies " intreated them [the Indians] 
 to give 'em permission to settle on the tract 
 of land called Schorie." This the Indians 
 readily granted, saying that " they had formerly 
 given this land to Queen Anne for them." 
 This last statement provokes a smile, for what- 
 ever may be the truth about that gift to the 
 Queen, it is pretty certain that the company 
 of Karigondonte had nothing to do with it. 
 However, he and his nondescript tribe seem to 
 have had the friendliest disposition. 
 
 When the deputies returned to the Manor 
 and made report of the welcome extended, "it 
 
The Promised Land 213 
 
 put the people in heart. All hands fell to 
 work, and in 2 weeks' time cleared a way thro' 
 the woods of 1 5 miles long, with the utmost 
 toyle and labour." The locality of this " way 
 thro' the woods" is somewhat uncertain, tho 
 it is probably to be found near the end of the 
 journey, and not at the beginning, as the narra- 
 tive would imply. The unbroken wilderness, 
 through which the pioneer's axe must make a 
 road, was rather on the Helderbergs than on 
 the bank of the Hudson. The migration of 
 the people was in two companies. The first 
 company was composed of fifty families, which, 
 so soon as possible after the return of the 
 deputies, set out upon the journey. Whether 
 they travelled by boats to Albany or trooped 
 the way on foot the " statement " does not 
 tell. It was doubtless a sorry-looking company 
 and poorly furnished, appealing in the poverty 
 of their resources to the charity of the good 
 people of Albany. And in the immediately 
 subsequent months, their need received much 
 help, not only from the Dutch in Albany, but 
 also from the Consistory of the Dutch Church 
 in the city of New York. 
 
 Hardly was the toilsome journey over before 
 
214 The Palatines 
 
 a new and different trouble began, the tale of 
 which beginning may best be told in their own 
 words : 
 
 " Being arrived and almost settled, they received orders 
 from the Gov.°"' not to goe upon the land, and he who 
 did so should be declared a Rebell. . . This Message 
 sounded like thunder in their ears and surprised them 
 beyond expression ; but having seriously weighed mat- 
 ters amongst themselves, and finding no manner of like- 
 lihood of subsisting else\vhere,but a Certainty of perishing 
 by hunger, cold, etc., if they returned, they found them- 
 selves under the fatall necessity of hazarding the Gov" Re- 
 sentment, that being to all more eligible than Starving.* 
 
 It does not appear why the Governor should 
 have sent this order, or have had any just 
 objection to the settlement in Schoharie. 
 Certainly, in his message abandoning the " tar- 
 work," he had told the people to shift for 
 themselves, and had only limited their choice 
 of location to the two provinces of New York 
 and New Jersey. He had, indeed, required 
 that those who left the Manor should obtain 
 tickets of leave, and this formality, probably, 
 the people did not observe. Nothing, how- 
 ever, is said about such dereliction, tho it is clear 
 
 * Doc. Hist., iii., 425. 
 
The Promised Land 215 
 
 that the people departed without asking the 
 Governor's permission to go to Schoharie. The 
 whole aspect of the movement to his mind was 
 of a refractory body withdrawing from under 
 his immediate eye and authorty, and going 
 behind the barriers of forest into a retired 
 valley, whither the obligations of the contract 
 could not easily follow them. He was ap- 
 prehensive lest, if that precious project should 
 be resumed, he might not be able from that 
 distance to bring his workers. Besides, and 
 fully so powerful, was a sentimental considera- 
 tion : that for two years that " tract of land 
 called Schorie" had been as a bone of conten- 
 tion between him and the Palatines. They, 
 like Israel in Egypt, had been incessantly cry- 
 ing, " Let us go ; " and he as constantly reply- 
 ing, " I will not let you go." And now the 
 Governor saw himself outwitted, more by the 
 hardness of events than by the cunning of the 
 people ; and yet, however brought about, a 
 thing to be resented. There was much in- 
 justice in the Governor's thought, and more in 
 his subsequent conduct, and yet it is quite in- 
 telligible that, with all his soreness of spirit 
 over the great failure, and his irritation at the 
 
2i6 The Palatines 
 
 self-determined methods of the Palatines, he 
 should resolve that, whatever happened, they 
 should not possess that coveted valley. 
 
 But for the present he was powerless. The 
 first band of the emigrants had reached the 
 Schoharie, and the winter had closed in upon 
 them. Nor in any case could the Governor 
 drive them out by force. We shall see that 
 he adopted other means, far more worrying. 
 
 In the meantime the settlers suffered many 
 privations through the winter. The " barbar- 
 ous people showed them no little kindness," 
 and out of their own scanty stores of maize 
 gave freely to them. Young Weiser writes : 
 ** They broke ground enough (in the spring) 
 to plant corn for the use of the next year. 
 But this year our hunger was hardly endura- 
 ble." The Indians showed them where to find 
 many edible roots. " Many of our feasts were 
 of wild potatoes (oehmanada) and ground- 
 beans (otagraquam)." In the opening spring 
 the other company, about one hundred fami- 
 lies, made their way to the valley. The quaint 
 narrative says : 
 
 " In the same year in March (17 13) did the remainder 
 of the people (tho treated by the Governor as Pharaoh 
 
The Promised Land 217 
 
 treated the Israelites) proceed on their journey, and by 
 God's Assistance travell'd in [a] fourtnight with sledges 
 thro' the snow, which there covered the ground above 3 
 foot deep, cold and hunger, Joyn'd their friends and 
 countrymen in the promised land of Schorie." 
 
 This comparison of Hunter to Pharaoh may 
 allude to some unrecorded actions of the Gov- 
 ernor by which he essayed to detain the people 
 on the Manor. If so, the determined migra- 
 tion served to add to his resentment. He had 
 time to lay his plans while the people made 
 their settlements. 
 
 They disposed themselves in seven villages — 
 dorps or dorfs — along the Schoharie, naming 
 each from one of their seven chiefs. Of these 
 the more considerable were Weiser's dorp, in 
 the present Middleburgh ; Fuchs's dorp (after- 
 wards anglicized to Fox), at the junction of 
 the Fox Creek with the Schoharie ; and Knis- 
 kern's dorp at the mouth of the Cobleskill. 
 On the site of the present Court House village 
 was an eighth hamlet called Brunnen dorp, from 
 the springs in the hill-side, and from which the 
 hamlet was afterwards called Fountaintown. 
 At Fuchs's dorp was the centre of the settle- 
 ment. On the Fox Creek was built the first 
 
2t8 The Palatines 
 
 mill which freed the people from carrying their 
 grain to Schenectady. It was at the Fuchs's dorp 
 that the people gathered for Sunday worship ; 
 and on the sightly bluff, which divides the Fox 
 from the Schoharie, was, in 1772, built the Old 
 Stone Church — or Fort — which still stands, 
 one of the most picturesque historic buildings 
 in the State. 
 
 The people had not long been in Schoharie 
 and were still suffering through the privations 
 incident to their new settlement, when the first 
 of their troubles about their lands was put upon 
 them by the son of the Colonel Nicholas Bay- 
 ard, who, about twenty-five years before this 
 time, had received from Governor Fletcher a 
 patent to a "certain tract of land called Sko- 
 hare, beginning at the mouth of the Skohare 
 river and runs to head of said river." * Inas- 
 much as the Schoharie is about fifty miles long, 
 this Bayard patent may well be rated among 
 the "extravagant grants" given by Fletcher.f 
 Colden describes this governor's " liberal hands, 
 with which he gave away lands. The most ex- 
 traordinary favors of former governors were 
 but petty grants in comparison with his." We 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 634, f Doc. Hist., i., 250. 
 
The Promised Land 219 
 
 are not to understand that these grants by 
 Fletcher were given without "a considera- 
 tion." He was notoriously corrupt. '^ Bello- 
 mont wrote, in 1701, "I believe not less than 
 seven millions of acres were granted in thirteen 
 grants, and all uninhabited except Mr. Rans- 
 lear's." He said also that Fletcher had made 
 a fortune of ;!^3o,ooo by his corrupt practices. 
 
 The London Board of Trade was alarmed 
 by this extravagance of Fletcher and laid the 
 matter for advice before the Lords Justices of 
 England, v/ho declared such grants improper 
 and that they should be annulled. Bellomont 
 was instructed to obtain from the provincial 
 Assembly an act voiding all the grant patents 
 issued by Fletcher. As already noted, such 
 act was passed in 1698, and Colonel Bayard lost 
 his immense estate. On several occasions ef- 
 forts were made to get this act repealed — and 
 several petitions of Samuel Bayard are pre- 
 served, requesting to be restored to his father's 
 lands. 
 
 What this Bayard expected to realize among 
 the Palatines is not quite clear, but there can 
 be no doubt that his scheme was not charged 
 
 * Col. IIist.,iw., 822, 826. 
 
220 The Palatines 
 
 with beneficence to the new settlers. Sims 
 and others speak of him as " an agent of the 
 Queen." Their account runs that he came 
 to Schoharie and published a notice " to every 
 householder, who would make known the 
 boundaries of land taken by him, that he 
 would give a deed in the name of the Sove- 
 reign." * The statement is absurd. Bayard 
 could not have been an agent of the Queen. 
 He was not in government favor in the pro- 
 vince, and had no relations to the govern- 
 ment in England, while all the properly 
 accredited agents of the Queen and the home 
 government were distinctly unfriendly to the 
 Palatines and in no mood to arrange that 
 their titles to the Schoharie lands should be 
 made clear. The story quoted proceeds to 
 say that the Palatines were enraged at Bayard, 
 supposing that he had come in the interest 
 of their oppressors, and mobbed him, driving 
 him out of the valley ; that he went to 
 Schenectady, and thence sent back a message 
 to Schoharie, "offering to give to such as 
 should appear there with a single ear of corn, 
 acknowledge him as royal agent, and name 
 
 * Sims, Schohaire Co., p. 60. 
 
The Promised Land 221 
 
 the bounds of it [their land], a free deed and 
 lasting title." It appears that Bayard's pa- 
 tience and generosity were extensive after 
 such treatment as he had received. But they 
 were not proof against the contemptuous 
 refusal of the Palatines to take any notice 
 of this offer, for the tale concludes that, since 
 nobody from Schoharie appeared to take 
 advantage of his kindness, he went to Albany 
 and sold the lands to Myndert Schuyler, Peter 
 van Brugh, Robert Livingston Jr., John 
 Schuyler, and Henry Wileman. These gentle- 
 men did, indeed, come into possession of titles 
 to Schoharie, but not by means of such pur- 
 chase from Bayard. 
 
 The reflection upon this story by those who 
 record it for sober history is that the hos- 
 tile action of the Palatines was due to their 
 ignorance, in consequence of which they de- 
 prived themselves of secure titles and brought 
 on all their subsequent troubles. But we may 
 set that aside as quite impossible, for Weiser 
 and the chiefs were intelligent men, and un- 
 doubtedly judged correctly that Bayard's mis- 
 sion was not of a friendly nature, and that any 
 titles taken from him would be of no value. 
 
222 The Palatines 
 
 It is far more probable that, in place of offering 
 them titles from the Queen, Bayard planned 
 to practise upon their supposed ignorance, and 
 on the ground of his father's annulled patent 
 to induce them to either buy or take leases 
 from himself. Nor can we suppose that the 
 " Gentlemen of Albany," who were afterwards 
 called the " Five Partners," were ignorant 
 enough to buy from Bayard land which had 
 been taken from him by legislative enact- 
 ment. They took their title from under the 
 hand of Gov. Hunter, tho it may be that 
 the suggestions of Bayard had something to 
 do with their application.* 
 
 Bayard had not long disappeared from the 
 valley, when another claimant to Schoharie 
 lands came on the scene, in the person of 
 Adam Vroman, of Schenectady. The land 
 to which he had title was situated well up 
 the valley, embracing the most of what is 
 now the township of Middleburgh. His 
 patent is still outlined on the county maps, 
 and he has a more enduring monument in 
 
 * This Bayard was in some way connected with the Leisler Rebel- 
 lion in New York, was tried for high treason and condemned to 
 death, but was pardoned. Cornbury declared that the action against 
 him was very unjust {Col. Hist., iv., 974). 
 
The Promised Land 223 
 
 the name of one of the mountains at its side, 
 a bold, high, and rocky headland, called Vro- 
 man's Nose, jutting out into the Flat and 
 dominating the valley for miles, both south 
 and north. He is said to have purchased 
 his lands from the Indians in 171 1, but his 
 chief reliance for title rests on the patent 
 given by Gov. Hunter in August, 1714 — a 
 date eighteen months later than the Scho- 
 harie migration of the Palatines. 
 
 Vroman came to take possession of this land 
 in the year after the issuance of the patent, 
 and had a rather hard time of it, as appears 
 from his complaint to the Governor. We can 
 let him tell his story in his own words, which 
 were written at Schenectady, "9 July 1715. 
 In hast." He writes, "The Palatines threat- 
 ened in a rebellious manner, if I should build 
 or manure the Land at Schore that your 
 Excellency was pleased to grant me a Patent 
 for." He had manured and sowed some of 
 the land, and " they still drove their horses 
 on it at night." He was 
 
 " building a stone house 23 feet square and so high so I 
 had Layd the Beames of the Chamber, they had a Con- 
 tryvance to tie bells about horses' necks and drive them 
 
224 The Palatines 
 
 to and fro. In which time they pulled my house Stones 
 and all to the Ground. ... They used such rebel- 
 lious expressions that was never heard of. . . . John 
 Conradus Wiser has been the Ring Leader of all fac- 
 tions. . . . They made the Indians drunk to that 
 degree to go and mark off land with them. ... I 
 am no wayes secure of my life. They went and pulled 
 my son off of the waggon and beat him and said they 
 would kill him or his father or any body else who came 
 their, . . . Wiser and two or three more has made 
 their escape by way of Boston and have said they would 
 go for England, but has left his Son which is their In- 
 terpreter to the Indians and every day tells the Indians 
 many Lyes, whereby much mischief may ensue more 
 than we now think off and is much to be feared . . . 
 I don't find a Great many Concerned with this Wiser 
 and his son in their disobedient, unlawful, and Rebellious 
 proceedings . . . Those that are good subjects 
 among them and will not Joyn with them are afraid the 
 others will Burn their houses down by their threatening 
 words." 
 
 They must have been hot words Indeed. 
 
 One can have considerable compassion for 
 Vroman in this evil case, without at the same 
 time condemning very severely the conduct of 
 Weiser and his companions. Their proceed- 
 ings were, of course, irregular and unlawful, 
 but they were the only means left to them for 
 defending what they not unjustly considered 
 
The Promised Land 225 
 
 their rights. They knew that no complaints 
 of invasion on those rights would be enter- 
 tained by the Governor for a moment. They 
 perceived that the Vroman patent was but one 
 item in a plan to deprive them of all hope of 
 possession in their promised land. So in the 
 absence of any friend at court, without any 
 legal title to the land they had occupied, but 
 which they believed to be morally their own, 
 they adopted the policy of worrying and fright- 
 ening off the intruders. It was a weak policy, 
 but all they could adopt. Nor did it succeed. 
 The Dutch blood of the Vromans had too 
 much staying quality for that. 
 
 One other measure, indeed, they did attempt 
 — ^a purchase on their own account from the 
 Indians. Their "statement of Grievances" 
 relates that, when some people from Albany 
 endeavored to obtain land "round them so as 
 to close them up," they themselves "bought 
 the rest of the land at Schorie, being woods. 
 Rocks and pasturidg, for 300 pieces of eight." 
 This is the transaction to which the complaint 
 of Vroman alludes, " getting the Indians drunk 
 so as to mark off land with them." The 
 younger Weiser speaks of this purchase for 
 
226 The Palatines 
 
 three hundred dollars, as tho that sum were 
 paid for the entire valley, and on the visit of 
 the deputies to the Indians. 
 
 But neither this purchase not the persecu- 
 tion of Vroman aided them. They were evi- 
 dently the victims of the Governor's resentful 
 purpose to leave them not a foot of ground to 
 stand upon in Schoharie. There is no injustice 
 to Hunter in so speaking. However incon- 
 sistent with his general character this conduct 
 of the Governor was, it yet finds plenty of evi- 
 dence. Beyond question the right thing for 
 him to have done under the circumstances was 
 to give to the Palatines land in Schoharie. 
 They had come over under a contract, part of 
 which promised to them land, and the failure 
 of the tar project through no fault of theirs 
 did not absolve the government from its prom- 
 ise to give them forty acres for each family. 
 Besides, whatever may have been the founda- 
 tion in fact for the Palatine dream of Scho- 
 harie, it is certain that others than themselves 
 considered that valley as their destined place. 
 Hunter himself admitted this, but alleged the 
 difficulty of tar-making in that locality as a 
 reason for settling them on the Hudson. 
 
The Promised Land 227 
 
 When, therefore, that design was abandoned, 
 and a large majority of the Palatines had 
 found their way to Schoharie, the only proper 
 thing for Hunter to do, was to confirm them 
 in possession, if not of the whole valley, at 
 least of so much acreage as would satisfy the 
 conditions of the contract. 
 
 But the fact was that the Governor did not 
 exercise a judicial mind. He seems to have 
 visited on the poor Palatines all his wrath be- 
 cause of the great failure, for which they were 
 in no wise to blame. He should have visited 
 his anger on the British Treasury ; and on 
 Clarendon, who involved Hunter in his hatred 
 of Livingston ; and perhaps on Livingston, who 
 may have cheated him and certainly did get all 
 the profit there was in the business for any- 
 body. The Palatines he should have acquitted 
 of blame and settled them peacefully and un- 
 disturbed. Instead, he pursued a course alike 
 reprehensible and unworthy of himself. Per- 
 haps it would not be correct to say, that 
 the course of events, by which the Palatines 
 found settlement at Schoharie difficult and 
 more than half of them were driven from the 
 valley, was in consequence of any prearranged 
 
228 The Palatines 
 
 plan of the Governor. At the same time it 
 is clear enough that he did not hesitate to 
 embrace the opportunity offered by the cupid- 
 ity of land-grabbers to make his spite against 
 that people effective. This situation is well 
 expressed by E. M. Smith — the only writer 
 who seems to have formed a correct judgment 
 of these transactions — in his History of Rhine- 
 beck. He there says : * 
 
 " There was evidently a purpose, favored by Gov. 
 Hunter, that the land of Schoharie, which they claimed 
 and whither they had gone, should not be owned by 
 these people, but that it should be owned by some non- 
 resident favorites, perhaps for a personal consideration, 
 to whom they should for ever remain mere ' hewers of 
 wood and drawers of water.' " 
 
 This conclusion is fully justified on careful 
 comparison of dates. Thus the voiding of the 
 Bayard grant took place in 1698, from which 
 time, whether with or without the ground of 
 an Indian gift, the lands were looked upon as 
 belonging to the Queen. Until the entrance 
 of the Palatines in the late fall of 171 2, no 
 white man had attempted possession and no 
 claim of ownership had been asserted, unless 
 
 * p- 91. 
 
The Promised Land 229 
 
 we except the possible purchase from the In- 
 dians of a portion of the lands by Vroman in 
 1 71 1. On any right so acquired, however, it 
 is significant that Vroman himself does not 
 lay stress, but founds his title on the patent 
 given by Hunter in the summer of 1714. This 
 was a year and a half after the Palatines had 
 gone to the valley. * The Vroman patent 
 covered the lands of Weiser's dorp, and also 
 those of Ober- Weiser's dorp, another hamlet 
 soon established at a little distance up the 
 stream. There is not much of detraction from 
 the sinister quality of this grant in the fact 
 that Vroman's petition for the grant was 
 made a year before the patent issued. That 
 also was subsequent to the Palatine occupa- 
 tion, by several months ; and one needs not 
 to draw severely on imagination to suppose, 
 that the Palatine entrance was the means of 
 turning the attention and cupidity of Vroman 
 towards Schoharie. But, however that may 
 be, there is no doubt that Hunter gave to 
 Vroman lands which he knew were already in 
 
 * For dates of Petitions and Patents for Land, here alluded to, 
 see " Calendar of N. Y. Land Papers," pp., 142-182. The Papers are 
 in vols, v.-x., of " Land Papers" in the office of the Secretary of 
 State. 
 
230 The Palatines 
 
 possession of the Palatines. To suppose that 
 Vroman paid him for the lands, as the Pala- 
 tines were unable to do, is only to add the 
 charge of corruption to that of cruelty. The 
 only pecuniary condition for a patent allowed 
 by law was the payment of an annual Quit 
 Rent to the crown, whatever may have been 
 done by way of purchase from the Indians. 
 Hunter was an honest man, and we cannot 
 suppose him guilty of those practices which 
 disgraced his predecessor, Fletcher. Undoubt- 
 edly, beyond extinguishing the Indian title, 
 and the clerical fees, Vroman paid nothing for 
 his patent. As to the necessary Quit Rents, 
 the Palatines would have eno-asfed for those 
 as readily as he. There can be no reason, 
 save that of the Governor's pleasure, for the 
 preference of Vroman to the Palatines. Vro- 
 man did not attempt to enter on possession 
 until more than two years after the people 
 had settled on the lands. 
 
 But this is not all. Whatever may have 
 been the nature of the transactions between 
 Bayard and the " Five Partners," those gen- 
 tlemen did not consider their title secured, 
 save by a patent from under the Gov- 
 
The Promised Land 231 
 
 ernor's hand. Their petition was presented 
 in May, 1714, and the patent was issued in 
 the following November. " The patent began 
 at the northern limit of Vroman's patent on 
 the west side, and at the Little Schoharie kill 
 on the east side, and ran north on both sides 
 of the river to beyond the Coble's Kill." * 
 This finished the legal expulsion of the Pala- 
 tines begun by the Vroman patent. The two 
 patents together granted away from them the 
 ground upon which they had built their houses 
 and every foot of land which they had broken 
 for seed. The action would seem to justify 
 the language of Weiser, '' as the hawk pounces 
 on the dove cote, these powerful parties fell 
 on the victims." 
 
 There appears under date of the same 
 November a license to "Samuel Staats and 
 Rip Van Dam to purchase 2000 acres each at 
 a place called Foxes Creek in the county of 
 Albany." Foxes Creek was an affluent of the 
 Schoharie and the "place" is near to Fuchs's 
 dorp at the junction of the two streams. 
 There is no record of a patent having been 
 issued for the described purchase, but we hear 
 
 * Sims's Schoharie Co. 
 
232 The Palatines 
 
 of it again in an application to the Governor 
 by Philip Schuyler,* "for himself and the rest 
 of the heirs of Dr. Staats," for a license to 
 purchase lands at Schoharie. This application 
 was made in 1716. In the next year a survey 
 was ordered for Rip van Dam and Philip 
 Schuyler "for himself." What became of 
 *' the rest of the heirs " does not appear. Nor 
 does it appear that these two men ever came 
 into possession of Schoharie lands. The 
 items are noted as suggestive of the kind of 
 discipline the Palatines were being subjected to. 
 
 A more notable suororestion is found in a rec- 
 ord that in 1716, Feb. 10, John Christ Gerlach 
 petitioned for license to purchase 150 acres of 
 vacant and unappropriated lands at Schoharie. 
 This Gerlach was probably of the family of 
 the head man of Garloch's drop. No action 
 was taken on this petition, and no license 
 granted. It begins to be evident that with 
 the Governor's good-will no Palatine should 
 secure a title in Schoharie. 
 
 Schuyler writes that there was also a patent 
 for land in Schoharie valley issued to Gover- 
 nor Hunter and called Huntersfield. This 
 
 ♦Schuyler's Col. N. F.,ii., 433. 
 
The Promised Land 233 
 
 does not appear among the "Land Papers," 
 but the name Huntersfield obtained for a por- 
 tion of the valley between the present villages 
 of Middleburgh and Schoharie, and was in 
 frequent use until within the memory of men 
 now living. How the name could originate 
 without such patent, or whether the name, 
 arising in some other way, gave currency to 
 the statement that the patent existed, are 
 questions that need not detain us. 
 
 Not until more than five years after Hunter's 
 return to England does it appear that any 
 Palatine obtained title to land in the valley, 
 save by purchase from the five partners. 
 Then, in 1725, "William York and Lewis 
 York, Palatines," obtained a warrant of survey 
 for 600 acres, south of the Vroman and 
 Schuyler patents. Possibly an exception to 
 this statement exists in the record that God- 
 freid De Wolven, undoubtedly a Palatine, 
 in May, 1722, petitioned for a grant of " 150 
 acres of the land lying vacant and unappro- 
 priated in this province." Within sixty days 
 he received both a warrant of survey and a 
 certificate for "150 acres in the County of 
 Albany." This entry does not show that De 
 
234 The Palatines 
 
 Wolven's land was at Schoharie, tho there 
 is nothing to indicate to the contrar)', the 
 valley of Schoharie being at that time part of 
 Albany County. 
 
 One other land patent remains to be noted. 
 This, after several petitions and warrants, was 
 finally granted to Lewis Morris, Jr., and An- 
 dries Coeymans. These men, from New York, 
 discovered that the lands along Fox Creek were 
 not included in the patent of the five partners, 
 and at once applied for them. The land was 
 the same as that applied for, but not obtained 
 by Van Dam and Philip Schuyler. For some 
 reason, Morris and Coeymans were more suc- 
 cessful. They secured the title in 1726, and 
 at once made common cause with the five 
 " Gentlemen of Albany." The two companies 
 together were thereafter spoken of as the 
 " Seven Partners." We should note, how- 
 ever, that this union of the companies did 
 not occur until the dispute with the Palatines 
 was practically over. A large portion of that 
 people had already retired from the valley, 
 while those who remained had settled their 
 minds to make the best of the situation with- 
 out further contention. 
 
The Promised Land 235 
 
 A curious item in the Land Papers is a 
 " List of names to be inserted in the Patent 
 for Lawyer's purchase at Schoharie, contain- 
 ing by estimation about 40,000 acres." This 
 bears date of June, 1723. It is impossible to 
 identify such purchase, tho in the next few 
 years purchases by Lawyers — all Palatines — 
 are noted as being allowed by the government. 
 The estimate of acreage is absurdly exagger- 
 ated. But this, and the following records 
 referred to, show the change of disposition 
 towards the Palatines which had come to the 
 gubernatorial mind after Hunter's depart- 
 ure. 
 
 From the grants given by Hunter, we per- 
 ceive that all that portion of the valley occu- 
 pied by the Palatines was so deeded away 
 from them, that they could retain the meadows 
 they had broken and the homes they had 
 builded only by purchase or lease from a com- 
 pany of land-grabbers. There were involved 
 in this the most unscrupulous greed, and the 
 most inexcusable oppression recorded of col- 
 onial times. Had not Hunter's disappoint- 
 ment and anger so blinded him, he could 
 never have set his hand to instruments of 
 
236 The Palatines 
 
 such injustice. So doing was altogether un- 
 like his better self. 
 
 The character of these transactions has 
 rarely been understood. The Palatines have 
 been represented as squatting on lands which 
 did not belong to them, and refusing to pay 
 either purchase-money or rent to the rightful 
 owners. This is true only by a legal fiction. 
 The Palatines should have been the legal 
 owners. The legal title was originated by 
 the Governor's patent, which should have 
 issued to the Palatines. There was no reason, 
 other than the Governor's will to harass that 
 people, for the granting said patents to the 
 five partners. They are also described as 
 "riotous, turbulent, and rebellious," when in 
 fact they were simply contending for the right 
 to live as freemen. For fifteen years from 
 the day of their landing on Nutten Island 
 they were forced to struggle for their rights 
 against tremendous odds. It is true that for 
 the first two years the government subsisted 
 them, but at the same time, while doling out 
 this "charity" with one hand, the authorities 
 were with the other pressing upon them with 
 no little severity. In the end, the people 
 
The Promised Land 237 
 
 never obtained what they regarded, and we 
 also must regard, as their just due. Those 
 who remained in Schoharie were compelled 
 at last to purchase their titles from the 
 partners, while the majority, wearying of 
 the struggle and too high-spirited to yield to 
 the demands of the usurpers, departed from 
 the land which had broken its promise to 
 their hope. 
 
 There can be little doubt as to the rise of 
 their trouble. So large a settlement as that 
 at the Manor must have drawn the attention of 
 the entire colony, a regard more interested 
 because of the peculiar relation of the govern- 
 ment to the settlers. When the "desiofn" 
 broke down and this body of Palatines, at 
 least seven hundred strong, passed up the river 
 and through Albany, on their way to "the 
 land of promise," curiosity was at once excited 
 as to the quality of that valley which had exerted 
 such magnetic power. The Palatines were 
 the real openers of the valley and by going 
 thither advertised it to the notice of the 
 " Gentlemen at Albany," who early discovered 
 both the Palatines' lack of title and the Gov- 
 ernor's resentful temper. Thus the former 
 
238 The Palatines 
 
 became an easy prey and the latter most sup- 
 ple an instrument for their greed. One read- 
 ing the disgraceful tale can but dwell upon the 
 pity of the fact that, while the Governor could 
 justly claim the protection and guidance of the 
 Queen's command in all the business of the tar, 
 he should so completely have forgotten her 
 other command, to have special concern for 
 "the comfort and advantage of the Palatines." 
 In I 718, he made a statement of the situation, 
 which he knew to be false, to the effect that 
 the people " went and took possession of Lands 
 granted to several persons at New York and 
 Albany Against repeated Orders." This was 
 written to the Board of Trade as an offset to 
 the " Statement of Grievances," which Weiser 
 had presented in petition to the king. Hardly 
 any statement could be more disingenuous. 
 Taken as Hunter meant it to be understood, 
 it justified all the afflictions of the Palatines ; 
 while taken as the succession of events re- 
 quired, it condemned every action against 
 them.* In the same letter the Governor says : 
 
 " In compassion to the Innocent Women and children 
 I prevailed with the proprietors of these lands to make 
 * Doc. Hist., 'in., 422 ; Col. Hist., v., 509. 
 
The Promised Land 239 
 
 them an offer of the Lands, free from all rent or ac- 
 knowledgment for ten years, and ever after at a very- 
 moderate Quit Rent. The Majority accepted the con- 
 ditions, but durst not, or could not, execute the agree- 
 ment for fear of the rest." 
 
 The Governor then proposes to move the 
 people again, and settle them " on a great 
 tract of land, very remote on the Frontiers, 
 formerly granted to Dominie Dellius, of fifty 
 miles square, and resumed by Act of Assembly." 
 Of this proposed removal we shall hear again. 
 Meanwhile the " Five Partners " proceeded 
 to assert their rights to the lands which the 
 Palatines had occupied. They informed the 
 poor people, that they had obtained the land 
 from the Governor, and that all living upon it 
 must either buy or lease their holdings, and 
 that such as were unwillinof to do either must 
 leave the valley altogether. The reply of the 
 Palatines was that the lands of Schoharie had 
 been set apart for them by Queen Anne, and 
 that now it was the King's, and they could not 
 "agree with any body about the King's land." 
 This was sufficiently explicit, but not satisfac- 
 tory to the " Gentlemen of Albany," who 
 promptly made their appeal to the courts. 
 
240 The Palatines 
 
 However inequitable or unjust their claim, yet 
 their legal title was clearly defined, and the 
 court could do no otherwise than to enforce it. 
 In consequence of the orders of court, Sheriff 
 Adams of Albany County, presently appeared 
 in Schoharie, provided with appropriate legal 
 documents, to summons the recusant settlers, 
 to "affix papers on the land," and to arrest the 
 more turbulent of the people. Among his 
 papers was a special warrant, addressed to the 
 Justices of the Counties of Albany and Dutch- 
 ess, for the arrest of "John Conrade Wiser," 
 who is described as " a Covenanted Servant 
 of his Majesty, who has been Guilty of Sev- 
 eral Mutinous, Riotous, and other disobedient 
 and illegal practices, now skulking in your 
 County to avoid punishment." 
 
 It was unfortunate for the sheriff that he had 
 not provided himself with a posse as well as 
 with papers, for the people showed no respect 
 for his papers, and in the absence of defenders 
 wrought a very rough will upon him. 
 
 The chief culprit, Weiser, had disappeared, 
 but Adams undertook the arrest of the others. 
 The first attempt, made at Weiser's dorp, 
 brought on a riot in which the women took 
 
The Promised Land 241 
 
 vigorous and leading part. Led by Magdalena 
 Zeh, the women attacked the sheriff, knocked 
 him down and beat him ; then they dragged 
 him through the nastiest puddles of their barn- 
 yards, and, putting him on a rail, " rode him 
 skimington " through the settlements, a dis- 
 tance of seven miles or more, and finally left 
 him, with two broken ribs, on a bridge well 
 out on the road to Albany. So tradition, as 
 recorded by Sims, enters into detail. Very 
 likely the story is exaggerated, tho so far 
 as the female actors are concerned it may easily 
 find belief. The Palatine women were stal- 
 wart as the famous " women of Marblehead." 
 It was no uncommon thing for them, while as 
 yet for two or three years no mill was built 
 at Schoharie, to carry on their backs their corn 
 to the mill at Schenectady, going thither and 
 returning in one day. 
 
 When the sheriff returned to Albany and 
 reported to the partners, they were at a loss 
 for further proceedings which might be effect- 
 ive. For a while they pursued a policy of 
 silence and left the people unmolested, refrain- 
 ing from further coercive measures until the 
 
 Governor should come to Albany. This visit 
 
 16 
 
242 The Palatines 
 
 of Hunter was made in 171 7, for the double 
 purpose of holding a conference with the In- 
 dians and settling this business of the Pala- 
 tines. He sent orders to Schoharie for a 
 deputation of three men from each village to 
 meet him at Albany, and particularly that 
 Captain Weiser should be of the deputation. 
 Inasmuch as the Governor had publicly said 
 that he would hang Weiser, if he got hold of 
 him, very naturally the captain did not present 
 himself with the deputies. The others ap- 
 peared before the Governor and were sharply 
 rated for their refractory conduct. There is a 
 series of three questions and answers very 
 succinctly put in the Palatine Statement, which 
 shows that in the encounter of wits they got 
 the better of the Governor. 
 He asked the deputies : 
 
 1. Why they went to Schoharie without his 
 orders ? 
 
 2. Why they did not agree with the Gentle- 
 men of Albany ? and 
 
 3. Why they concerned themselves so much 
 with the Indians ? 
 
 To these the deputies replied : 
 
 I. The Governor had told them to shift for 
 
The Promised Land 243 
 
 themselves, and they were compelled to go 
 somewhere and do something. 
 
 2. The demands of the Albany Gentlemen 
 were extravagant — while the Palatines had re- 
 ceived the lands from the King. If they 
 served anybody, it must be the King, and not 
 private persons. 
 
 3. It was necessary for them on that ex- 
 posed frontier, to be in good terms with the 
 Indians as a protection against the French and 
 hostile Indians. 
 
 Clearly the deputies had the best of the ar- 
 gument, but this availed nothing with the 
 Governor, who finished the hearing by sharply 
 commanding them to either ao;ree with the 
 Albany Gentlemen or leave the valley, and 
 forbidding them to plow and sow the ground 
 until the necessary agreement with the five 
 partners had been made. With this the dep- 
 uties returned to Schoharie and Hunter to New 
 York. In the following winter — no agreement 
 with the partners having been made — the peo- 
 ple sent three men to New York to ask per- 
 mission from the Governor to plow the lands 
 in the coming spring. The "Statement" 
 represents the Governor as replying to this 
 
244 The Palatines 
 
 request, in a Pilate-like brevity, " What is 
 said, is said." Then in its amusingly pathetic 
 grandiose style, the account goes on : 
 
 " This was a thunder-clap in the ears of their Wifes 
 and children and the lamentation of all the people in- 
 creased to such a hight, and their necessity grew so 
 great, that they were forced for their own preservation 
 to transgress those orders, and sow some summer corn 
 and fruits or else they must have starved." 
 
 There is in a letter of Sec'y Clarke to 
 Mr. Walpole, written in November of 1722,* 
 an almost open confession that in these and 
 previous proceedings the Palatines had been 
 treated with injustice. He refers to a form of 
 certificate sent by Hunter, after his return to 
 England, for the signatures of the Palatines. 
 It will be remembered that one reason of 
 Hunter's return home was that he might pros- 
 ecute his claim for reimbursement for ad- 
 vances on the Palatine account. There the 
 Lords of the Treasury demanded as vouchers, 
 not only the receipts of Livingston for the mon- 
 eys paid, but the acknowledgment of the Pala- 
 tines themselves, that they had been subsisted 
 according to contract and the Queen's orders. 
 
 * Doc. Hist., iii., 429. 
 
The Promised Land 245 
 
 But such certificate they were, as the Secretary 
 says, "most unwilling to sign, fearing new 
 snares and contracts." He notes that a great 
 many of them had already purchased land in 
 Pennsylvania and were determined to go 
 thither ; and concludes, " Thus the Brigadeer 
 is baulked, and this province deprived of a 
 good frontier of hardy and Laborious people. 
 His claim is Just, his request reasonable, but 
 that threatening manner of proceeding has in- 
 jured him beyond expression." There can be 
 no doubt that, had Hunter pursued a just 
 course towards the Palatines, they would not 
 have denied him the certificate demanded, and 
 himself would have come nearer to just treat- 
 ment by the Treasury. 
 
 In the spring of 1718, when the people 
 found themselves "forced to sow some sum- 
 mer corn and fruits," they came to the conclu- 
 sion that neither kindness nor justice was to 
 be expected from the Governor or the Gentle- 
 men of Albany, and that appeal must be made 
 to a higher power. To this end they appointed 
 three of their best men to go to London and 
 lay their grievances before the King. Their 
 statement, from which copious quotations have 
 
246 The Palatines 
 
 already been made, was probably written by 
 the elder Weiser. Tho amusing by its 
 quaint turgidity and also overstrained by the 
 bias of the writer, it gives marked token of 
 intellectual power. No ignorant hand put 
 together that effective document, which is 
 both logical and graphic, and allowing for the 
 exaggeration of style, adheres much more 
 closely to the truth than did Governor Hunter. 
 This appeal to the justice and kindness of 
 King George was carried to London by Weiser, 
 Scheff, and Walrath. These two companions 
 of Weiser find mention only in connection 
 with this mission. Walrath died in London, 
 before the mission was completed. Scheff, 
 after Walrath's death, quarrelled with Weiser 
 and returned to America in 1721, and six 
 months after his arrival died in New York 
 city. 
 
 The departure of the deputies from Scho- 
 harie had to be by stealth. Probably Weiser 
 had disappeared from the valley several months 
 before, and was joined by his companions at 
 some place on the route to Philadelphia. From 
 that city they set sail for England ; but their 
 ship had hardly issued from between the Capes, 
 
 i 
 
The Promised Land 247 
 
 when it was taken by " pirates." These seem 
 to have been milder-mannered men than the 
 average of the sea-rovers. They neither 
 scuttled the ship nor cut a throat, preferring 
 robbery without murder and wreck. They 
 stripped the ship of everything valuable, leav- 
 ing to its crew and passengers only clothing 
 sufficient for their nakedness and food to sub- 
 sist them until they could reach Boston. They 
 took the money of the Palatine deputies, and, 
 not regarding it as enough, triced up Weiser 
 and scourged him to compel a confession of a 
 hidden purse. This discipline was suffered 
 three times, when at last the pirates were in- 
 duced to believe Scheff 's tearful protestations, 
 that the entire money of the company was in 
 the purse taken from himself. When released 
 by the robbers, the ship sailed to Boston and 
 thence, being resupplied, resumed its voyage 
 to England. Weiser and his companions 
 reached London absolutely penniless. They 
 sent home for such remittances as their friends 
 could forward, and meanwhile had to live as 
 best they could on kindness and credit. These 
 did not stead them very long, the hoped-for 
 supply of funds from America was delayed, 
 
248 The Palatines 
 
 and the poor unfortunates were thrown Into 
 the debtor's prison. There they suffered great 
 misery, in the midst of which, and by force of 
 which, Wahath died. To this also may be 
 attributed the death of Scheff, a few months 
 after his liberation. 
 
 In their prison the deputies found means of 
 reaching the ears of the authorities on the 
 matters of their mission. Their petition was 
 presented to the government and, apparently, 
 was referred to the Lords of Trade for con- 
 sideration and the advisement of the Kinof. 
 In response the Board of Trade made a com- 
 ment of some length.* They recite that, un- 
 der the terms of settlement, the Palatines were 
 " to be maintained at her Majesty's expense 
 until so settled as to provide for themselves." 
 Then alluding to the failure of the experiment, 
 the protesting of Hunter's bills, and the dis- 
 persion of the Palatines, they state that " they 
 settled themselves in a riotous manner on 
 lands belonging to other persons." Thus the 
 false representations of Hunter had found cre- 
 dence — and most naturally — in the minds of 
 the Lords of Trade, and were final in the non- 
 
 * Col, Hist., v., 601. 
 
 i 
 
The Promised Land 249 
 
 suiting of the Palatines. By the time, also, 
 that their petition came up for hearing, 
 Hunter* himself was in England and, tho he 
 had not influence enough to secure justice for 
 himself, he was able to confirm the injustice of 
 his own treatment of the poor people, whom 
 " the Queen's clemency " had committed to his 
 care, with the strict charge that everything 
 should be done " with a view to the comfort of 
 the poor Palatines." Destitute of all friends 
 at court and without means to procure talents 
 to plead their cause, it was inevitable that the 
 mere statement of the poor debtors, languish- 
 ing in prison, should be light as air in the 
 scales against the assertion of so high a ser- 
 vant of the crown as the Governor of the prov- 
 ince, who, we may readily believe, did not 
 fail to embellish his narrative with a descrip- 
 tion of the riotous and rebellious character of 
 the Palatines. His influence was fatal to the 
 petition. There is some satisfaction to the 
 reader's sense of poetic justice in the reflection, 
 that the very means with which the Governor 
 effected this oppression of the people, proved 
 the knife which cut the throat of his own 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 552. 
 
250 The Palatines 
 
 hopes. The crisis of his own cause turned 
 against him through the lack of their testi- 
 mony. 
 
 The long-delayed remittances from America 
 at last arriving, the surviving deputies were 
 liberated from prison. Shortly afterwards 
 Scheff parted from Weiser and addressed an 
 independent petition to the Board of Trade.* 
 He recites the same facts as the former state- 
 ment, tho in less ambitious style and with 
 some added items of interest. He says that 
 there are "about 160 families, and about 
 1000 souls at Schoharie . . . they had 
 built huts, houses, and mills, improved the 
 ground, and had made a road about 24 miles 
 to Albany." He further says that there were 
 about five hundred Palatine families, or three 
 thousand souls, in the province, and asks that 
 "they all be settled above, below, or round 
 about the valley of Schorie." Then he pro- 
 tests against the patents given for the Scho- 
 harie lands as acts of bad faith, in the following 
 words : 
 
 " And considering that the grant of the valley of 
 Schorie, supposed to be given to some Gentlemen of Al- 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 557. 
 
The Promised Land 251 
 
 bany, having been made some time after the said Germans 
 had seated themselves thereon, at first to one and after- 
 wards to two other persons, was, as they humbly conceive, 
 against the Plantation Laws, for the truth of which they 
 humbly appeal to the proceedings of the Assembly of 
 the Province, and those of the Governor and Council." 
 
 Here Scheff exposes the real nature of the 
 wrong. He also deprecates removal from 
 Schoharie on account of the unavoidable ex- 
 posure of the women and children to the dan- 
 gers of another transportation. If, however, 
 they are to be removed, he claims that they 
 should receive compensation for the better- 
 ments made by them in the valley. 
 
 Having lodged this petition, Scheff returned 
 homeward, broken both in spirit and in health. 
 Weiser remained in London two years longer, 
 apparently " hoping against hope " that he 
 might yet in some way secure an influence, b}^ 
 which relief could come for his people and him- 
 self. It was not until 1723, after five years of 
 sojourn in London, in the midst of great suf- 
 fering, that he finally gave up the struggle and 
 returned to America. 
 
 Meanwhile, during his absence, the people 
 had remained at Schoharie. They "continued 
 
252 The Palatines 
 
 to improve the land," they plowed and planted 
 and reaped, not much molested by the " Part- 
 ners," who were biding their time, but conscious 
 that their tenure was very slight, destitute of 
 any rights of freehold which the law could 
 sustain. For a lono- time after the maltreat- 
 ment of the sheriff they were very "shy" of 
 Albany. Sims states that the men of the 
 valley would not go to Albany on any business, 
 and sent the women thither for salt and other 
 such necessities, themselves venturing to the 
 city only upon Sundays, when they supposed 
 that process could not be served upon them. 
 After some months, however, during which the 
 partners had made no sign, the people began 
 to think that the trouble had blown over and 
 that the violence to the sheriff was forgotten. 
 So thinking, a party of the men went to Albany 
 on a week-day, and were promptly arrested and 
 thrown into oraol. The chargfes aofainst them 
 were of riot and trespassing. There seems 
 to have been no pretence of a trial, the arrest 
 being simply a means of coercion by the part- 
 ners, to compel the settlers to acknowledge their 
 title. The prisoners, among whom was young 
 Conrad Weiser, were kept in gaol for several 
 
The Promised Land 253 
 
 days, and finally released on the agreement of 
 most of them to acknowledge the title of the 
 Albany Gentlemen, and to take their holdings 
 at Schoharie, either by purchase or on lease. 
 This scored the first victory of the partners, 
 and in moral effect on the Palatines it was com- 
 plete. It broke the front of opposition by 
 the people, and made the enforcement of the 
 legal claim upon the lands a hundred-fold easier. 
 The spirit of resistance was curbed by this 
 defection, and the poor people realized at last 
 that they must yield to the stronger. 
 
 There seems to have obtained in some minds 
 a disproportionate idea of the discontent and 
 disorder of the Palatines, which, unless they 
 were guilty of lawless actions not recorded, is 
 quite unjustified. The treatment given to 
 Adams stands alone in violent character. In 
 all the rest of the story — their enemies being 
 recorders — the movements of opposition were 
 simply the refusal of manly spirits to submit 
 to oppressive and unjust demands. The re- 
 fusal was made the more sturdy by a con- 
 sciousness of constant fraud in the action of 
 governmental agents towards them. Dr. 
 Homes comments on their "discontent," as 
 
254 The Palatines 
 
 though it were blameworthy. But on a faith- 
 ful presentation of the facts there is room for 
 wonder, that their discontent did not receive 
 a more frequent and more violent expression. 
 Certainly, nothing in their conduct, other 
 than the incident of the sheriff's experience, 
 could justify the following language of 
 Hunter : 
 
 " They might be usefully employed there [Schoharie], 
 but there must be a Fort or two, as well to cover them 
 as to keep thein in order, which I know to be a hard 
 task by dear bought experience, and this will require an 
 augmentation of our Forces."* 
 
 Near the end of Hunter's term, on the 
 request of the Board of Trade, a census of the 
 Palatines was made, the Governor having 
 applied to the two clergymen, Kockerthal and 
 Hager, to procure the statistics. They re- 
 ported in 1 718 — that the numbers in the Prov- 
 ince of New York were as follows — 
 
 East side of Hudson River. .126 Families : 499 Persons. 
 
 West side of the River 68 " 372 " 
 
 New York city 30 " 150 " 
 
 "Skohare" 170 " 680 
 
 Total, 394 " 1601 
 ♦ Col. Hist. V. 509. 
 
The Promised Land 255 
 
 The reverend census-takers state that this 
 enumeration does not include the widows and 
 orphans ! — a somewhat curious fact, which 
 gives room for questioning the correctness of 
 their "hst" in other particulars. We may 
 suppose that Scheff's statement of the num- 
 ber as three thousand is above the truth. But 
 this estimate given to Hunter must have been 
 equally below it. Considering that not less 
 than twenty-five hundred were landed on Nut- 
 ten Island in 1 710, unless there was an unusual 
 and unrecorded m.ortality among the people, 
 the natural increase would have made them 
 at least hold their own in numbers. They 
 were a prolific people, and children were plen- 
 tiful in their homes. An interesting record 
 states that within the first fortnight after reach- 
 ing Schoharie, the houses of Earhart, Lawyer, 
 and Bouck were enriched by births. Of these 
 three names two are still well known in the 
 valley to-day. Certainly, we cannot be far 
 wrong when estimating the Palatine population 
 at Schoharie as above eight hundred. Nearly 
 seven hundred composed the immigration of 
 1 71 2-13. In six years the children born and 
 the excepted widows and orphans could hardly 
 
256 The Palatines 
 
 fail of bringing the total to the suggested 
 number. This was a large company to be 
 settled together " on the frontier," and the 
 fancy can paint a glowing picture of what 
 plenty and prosperity, what commercial growth 
 and power might have ensued, had this people 
 been suffered to remain unmolested together, 
 to work out a destiny for themselves and this 
 valley of their promise and delight. 
 
 But that was not to be. Fully two thirds of 
 the people went forth, making for them a third 
 migration, to seek yet other homes. Those 
 who remained preferred submission to further 
 unsettlement. But this large majority could 
 not be content to buy from the hand of the 
 oppressor what they knew to be morally their 
 own. 
 
 As we recall the frequent expression of their 
 hope when they set out for America ; the con- 
 stancy, like that of the needle to the pole, with 
 which their thought regarded " the promised 
 land of Schorie " ; and the elation with which 
 they passed within the embrace of its glorious 
 hills, — entering the kingdom through much 
 tribulation, — we can understand something of 
 the tenacity of their ten years' struggle against 
 
The Promised Land 257 
 
 their foes, and something of the pang with 
 which they turned their backs on "Schorie." 
 Poetry and art have done their best to depict 
 the sorrows of Acadia and its exiled people. 
 And there was, indeed, a tragic quality to their 
 experience, an intrusion of ruthless and brutal 
 force, which are lacking happily from the Story 
 of the Palatines. Thus there was a dignity in 
 the sufferings of the poor Acadians, which also 
 is lacking in the lot of the Palatines. And yet 
 the latter suffered, if not so severely, certainly 
 as wrongfully. Somehow — no one can explain 
 it — to suffer at the bidding of military neces- 
 sity adds honor to the pangs ; while they, who 
 are the helpless victims of spite and greed, 
 seem to be smirched with the baseness of their 
 foes, and to appeal in vain to the sympathies 
 of history. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE DISPERSION. 
 
 THE beginning of the dispersion and final 
 migrations of these people is found in 
 the instruction of the Board of Trade 
 to Governor Burnett, shortly after his coming 
 to New York. Sec'y Popple's letter, dated 
 29 Nov. 1720, directed the Governor to "set- 
 tle those among the Palatines, who behave 
 themselves with due submission to His Ma- 
 jesty's authority and are destitute of means of 
 subsistence, upon such convenient lands as are 
 not already disposed of." Possibly the peti- 
 tion of Weiser did so much of good as to con- 
 vince the government that, if they could not 
 right the wrongs of the Palatines, they must 
 at least find them a place of unmolested habi- 
 tation. 
 
 Burnett's thought,* as he wrote to London, 
 
 * Col. Hist., v., 634. 
 253 
 
The Dispersion 259 
 
 v/as to settle them " in the middle of our In- 
 dians. But they could not be brought to that. 
 I have granted their request to pur- 
 chase of the Mohocks." This so pleased them 
 that " all who did live in a lawless manner on 
 the Land of Schokerry, which had been granted 
 to other proprietors, have now actually taken 
 leases and attorned Tenants." Evidently, the 
 Governor, in his desire to report the establish- 
 ment of peace, was not conscious of the absurd- 
 ity of this statement. If the recalcitrant people 
 had all taken leases at Schoharie, the need of 
 any purchases among the "Mohocks" could 
 not have been very pressing. Undoubtedly, 
 the mood of Burnett was much more amicable 
 towards the Palatines than was that of Hunter, 
 tho it is clear that the statements of the latter 
 had moulded his opinions as to the character 
 of the people and the situation. Weiser 
 writes : 
 
 "The new Governor felt like conciliating the disaf- 
 fected, but they were nevertheless obliged to see their 
 best acres abandoned, or retained at enormous prices. 
 Some made a virtue of necessity and fell in with the new 
 order, even at the expense of their manhood. Others 
 would rather scatter here and there over the Province." 
 
26o The Palatines 
 
 The " Land Papers " show that under this 
 pressure the minds of many of the people were 
 turned towards the Mohawk valley as the only 
 way of escape. In the year 1722 various rec- 
 ords were made of petitions for license to pur- 
 chase land on the Mohawk, of warrants of 
 survey, of Indian deeds, and of drafts of 
 patents given to Palatines. We do not need 
 to particularize in detail. One grant issued 
 to Garlock, whose petition for Schoharie land 
 had failed ; another to Conrad Weiser, Jun. ; 
 and yet another to Hartman Vinedecker, one 
 of the chiefs from whose first name the name 
 of Hartman's dorp was made. Several of 
 these permits recite often the names of the 
 principals, " and other distressed Palatines," 
 which may perhaps suggest some slight com- 
 punctions of the official conscience as to the 
 distresses of that people. One license permits 
 young Weiser to " purchase in the Mohawks 
 country, three miles distant from any part of 
 the Mohawks river," — and this might suggest 
 a desire, on the Governor's part, that so trouble- 
 some a stock as that of Weiser might be put 
 off into the woods and as far as possible from 
 the natural channels of communication. One 
 
The Dispersion 261 
 
 of the Indian deeds is much more Hberal, 
 ceding to the same Weiser lands stretching 
 " westerly 24 miles on Mohawk's River to Gan- 
 endagaran [Canajoharie ?], on both sides of 
 the river, and [north and south] as far as said 
 Palatin or High Dutchmen, please." 
 
 To these various warrants and licenses Bur- 
 nett alludes when he writes — November 21, 
 1722 : "I have given them leave to purchase 
 land from the Indians, between the present 
 English settlements near Fort Hunter and 
 part of Canada [?], on a creek called Canada 
 Creek." He defines this leave as given to 
 " about sixty families, who desired to be in a 
 distinct tract from the rest, and were those 
 who all along had been most hearty for the 
 government." This latter statement is another 
 of Burnett's absurdities, for those who were 
 most submissive and hearty to the government 
 had contented themselves in taking leases in 
 Schoharie. 
 
 Burnett sees much value in planting the 
 Palatines on the Mohawk, as they will there 
 be "a barrier against sudden incursions of the 
 French, who made this their road when they 
 last attacked and burned the Frontier town 
 
262 The Palatines 
 
 called Schonectady." In this letter Burnett 
 speaks very disparagingly of the Palatines. " I 
 find very little gratitude for favors done them." 
 Under all the circumstances this is explicable, 
 without reflecting severely on their character. 
 Evidently, the Governor was somewhat vexed. 
 He had gone up to Albany about this and 
 other business, and had expected, as he wrote 
 in this same letter, 
 
 " to fix the Palatines in their new settlements which I 
 had obtained of the Indians [!] at a very late purchase, 
 but I found them very much divided into Parties. They 
 said that the lands were not enough, the cunningest 
 among them fomenting their Divisions, in order that 
 the greatest number might leave the Province, and then 
 the great Tract of Land lately purchased would make 
 so many considerable estates to the few Families that 
 should remain. . . . This is managed by a few cunning 
 persons who lead the rest as they please, who are for the 
 generality a laborious and honest, but headstrong and 
 ignorant, people." 
 
 Burnett seems to have possessed an invent- 
 ive mind ; and yet this letter is not consistent 
 with itself. Nor is it consistent with the fact 
 that " the cunningest among them," such as 
 Weiser and Vinedecker, did not go to that 
 ** great Tract" at all. They tarried yet a while 
 
The Dispersion 263 
 
 in Schoharie and then themselves, not their 
 dupes, left the province altogether and went 
 into Pennsylvania. 
 
 The origin of that migration to Pennsylvania 
 has some connection with the other business 
 which brought Burnett to Albany in 1722. 
 That was attendance at one of the frequent 
 councils with the Indians. Albany was the 
 point at which the negotiations with the 
 friendly tribes were carried on, the scene of 
 many a long palaver, and the emporium of 
 the Indian trade. Here was the official resi- 
 dence of the provincial Secretary for Indian 
 affairs, and hither came the Governor to meet 
 his " Brothers " of the tribes in solemn con- 
 clave. The Council of this year was of more 
 than usual importance, because of movements 
 and agreements among the Indians, by which 
 the tribes beyond the borders of New York 
 were affected. This larg-er interest and im- 
 portance of the Council drew to its delibera- 
 tions, not only the Governor of New York, 
 but also Sir William Keith, the Governor of 
 Pennsylvania. While at Albany Keith be- 
 came acquainted with the Palatine affairs. 
 Probably Burnett discoursed to him of the 
 
264 The Palatines 
 
 trouble they had given to Hunter and himself, 
 and some of the leading Palatines told him of 
 their afflictions and unrest. In whatever way 
 Keith may have been informed, he was moved 
 to compassion towards the distressed people, 
 and offered to them an asylum from all perse- 
 cution in his own province. Weiser * says 
 that he, "hearing of the unrest of the Germans, 
 lost no time to inform them of the freedom and 
 justice accorded to their countrymen in Penn- 
 sylvania." 
 
 This "afforded" alludes to the kindly re- 
 ception already given to immigrants from the 
 Palatinate directly to Pennsylvania. In 1 7 1 7 f 
 five years before the visit of Keith to Albany, 
 and while the Schoharie troubles were at their 
 height, three ship-loads of Palatines were 
 landed at Philadelphia. The captains of the 
 ships reported their arrival, furnished a list of 
 their passengers, and, as though aware that 
 such an influx was unusual for both numbers 
 and nationality, requested from the council 
 permission to land the people. This was at 
 once given, while the names of the immigrants 
 were put on record and are still preserved, 
 
 *■ Life of IVeiser, p. 28. \Pcnu. Col. Records, iii., 2y. 
 
The Dispersion 265 
 
 together with the names of over thirty thou- 
 sand of their countrymen from the Palatinate 
 and other parts of Germany, who during the 
 next thirty years came from the old country 
 directly to Pennsylvania. The peculiarity of 
 this record of names consists in the fact, that 
 such was not kept of other immigrants into 
 that province. We may suppose that the un- 
 usual nationality of this first company, or its 
 numbers (363), suggested the propriety of the 
 record ; the continuance of which was regarded 
 as important, because of the volume of the 
 incoming during the next three decades. For 
 whatever reason caused, the Palatines in Penn- 
 sylvania have this distinction, — that they alone 
 among the early settlers of that commonwealth 
 have, name by name, their place in the records 
 of the colony. 
 
 There can be little doubt that the change 
 of direction on the part of this company of 
 1 71 7 from New York to Philadelphia, was due 
 to the report of tribulations sent home by the 
 Palatines of the Manor and Schoharie. The 
 treatment they had received, the harsh service, 
 and the unrelenting persistence which denied 
 a foothold, convinced the newcomers that 
 
266 The Palatines 
 
 New York Vv^ould not afford them hospitable 
 welcome or happy homes. So they bethought 
 them of the invitation sent to the oppressed 
 in Europe, thirty years before, by William 
 Penn, offering a welcome refuge in his new 
 colony in America. They sailed directly to 
 Philadelphia from Rotterdam, touching neither 
 at any English port nor at New York. So 
 doing, they became more successful pioneers 
 for their countrymen than were the settlers 
 on the Hudson and the Schoharie. After 
 their experiences no company of Palatines 
 came of their own accord to New York. To 
 this there is one apparent exception. 
 
 In 1722* a single ship with a large com- 
 pany of people arrived at New York, having 
 "touched in England" on the way from Hol- 
 land. But its going thither may be set down 
 as compulsory, by reason of general and 
 severe sickness on board. The inspecting 
 physicians reported to the Governor and 
 Council that there was no " Contagious Dis- 
 temper on Board the said Vessell," but sug- 
 gested that the "quantity of Cloaths may have 
 contracted Noisome Smells," because of the 
 
 * Doc. Hist., iii., 428. 
 
The Dispersion 267 
 
 large number of the sick and " the Length of 
 the Voyage." So it was ordered by the Gov- 
 ernor and Council that no person from the 
 ship should "come on Shoar on this Island 
 [N. Y.] with any Cloaths, Chests or other 
 furniture till the same have been thoroughly 
 air'd upon Nutton Island during the space of 
 six hours at least." 
 
 On this ship, it may be noted in passing, 
 were four men of the name of Erghimer, the 
 son of one of whom, to the glory of the New 
 York Palatines, was Nicholas Herkimer, the 
 hero of Oriskany. With this one exception 
 of a ship probably carried out of its intended 
 course, all the Palatine immigrations after 
 1 710 landed at Philadelphia. And it is well 
 to note that, so large was the Palatine element 
 in these immigrations, all the natives of other 
 German States, coming with them, were called 
 by the same name. Thus, though the Pala- 
 tinate covered but a small portion of the 
 German Empire, yet for forty years in Penn- 
 sylvania nomenclature all Germans were Pala- 
 tines. 
 
 It should be noted here that, previous to the 
 migration from Schoharie and the consequent 
 
268 The Palatines 
 
 large influx directly from the old country, sev- 
 eral companies of Germans had come to Penn- 
 sylvania. Most of them were small bands of 
 religionists, whose peculiar views made life a 
 burden to them in the fatherland. So early as 
 1685 a band of Mennonites settled at German- 
 town, giving the spot its name. About the 
 same time Labadists from Frieseland settled 
 in Newcastle County, Delaware, then a part 
 of Pennsylvania. Ten years after, Kelpius 
 brought a company of Pietists and settled them 
 on the Wissahickon ; and in 1719 a band of 
 Dunkers settled in Germantown by the side of 
 the Mennonites. Other religious sects were 
 added in the next few years, — the Newborn, the 
 Disciples of Ephrata, and the Schwenkfelders, 
 closing the list with the large and beneficent 
 incoming of the Moravians, which began in 
 1 735.* About 1 705 or 1712, came to Philadel- 
 phia that distinct company of Germans, who 
 passed over into New Jersey, having New 
 York as their objective, but were so charmed 
 by the rolling lands of Morris County that 
 they quietly took possession. f 
 
 * Mellick's Sto>y of an Old Farm ; Sachse's German Pietists of 
 Pennsylvania ; Rupp's Collection. \ See page 60. 
 
The Dispersion 269 
 
 It is probable that this last-mentioned com- 
 pany were Palatines. If in 171 2, they may 
 have landed at Philadelphia instead of New 
 York by stress of storm, having in mind to 
 join their countrymen on the Hudson, of 
 whose hard fortunes they had not yet heard. 
 It is not unlikely that the tidings of those 
 afflictions, met on their journey overland, made 
 them all the more ready to yield to the attrac- 
 tions of the Jersey hills. But, except for this 
 and the immigration of 171 7 already noted, it 
 is impossible to connect any of these other com- 
 panies with the Palatines. They came from 
 other parts of Germany and from diverse mo- 
 tives. At the same time it is clear that the 
 immense tide of German immigration, which 
 after 1720 set into Pennsylvania, was domi- 
 nantly Palatine, and was controlled as to its 
 destination by the kindly treatment received 
 by its forerunners at the hands of the Quakers. 
 
 Governor Keith could truthfully tell the men 
 of Schoharie that their countrymen had been 
 "afforded freedom and justice" in his pro- 
 vince. The bands of religionists had been in 
 no way molested. The immigrants of 171 7 
 also had been received with the utmost kind- 
 
270 The Palatines 
 
 ness, and the people had been allowed to choose 
 their places of residence. The most of them 
 settled about sixty miles west of Philadelphia, 
 and were subjected to no other trials than 
 those incident to a new settlement in the forest 
 in the vicinage of capricious Indians. This 
 invitation of Keith found open ears with many 
 of the Palatines at Schoharie, whose formal 
 petition to Governor Keith and the Assembly 
 of Pennsylvania was soon forwarded to Phila- 
 delphia. * The petition was from fifteen (heads 
 of family ?) at Schoharie, who recited in brief 
 their experiences since leaving Europe, stated 
 that they had heard of the generous treatment 
 shown to their countrymen in Pennsylvania, 
 and prayed that lands might be set aside for 
 them on the Tulpehocken, which lands they 
 declared themselves ready and able to pur- 
 chase. This petition was not immediately 
 acted on by the Assembly, but it appears f from 
 a similar petition presented three years after- 
 ward, and after the first company from Scho- 
 harie had already come into Pennsylvania, that 
 the immigration thither was with the full con- 
 sent of the authorities. The fact that the 
 
 * Rupp's Berks Co., Fa., p. 98. f Penn. Col, Records., iii., 322. 
 
The Dispersion 271 
 
 presence of the people was on invitation of 
 Keith is noted by the Assembly, and steps are 
 taken towards satisfying the claims of Chief 
 Sassouan, who had protested against the oc- 
 cupancy of the Tulpehocken lands. 
 
 These various statements show that in 1723 
 the settlers at Schoharie were divided in three 
 parts. The one resolved to remain in the val- 
 ley at the cost of whatever " agreement " they 
 could make with the usurpers of their lands. 
 The others could not bring themselves to sub- 
 mit to such humiliating conditions, and "girded 
 up their loins " for a third removal — one part 
 of them to the Mohawk, and the rest into 
 Pennsylvania. Of the numbers in these several 
 sections of the people it is impossible to speak 
 with any exactness. 
 
 Probably about three hundred remained in 
 Schoharie. Their life there was uneventful, 
 so far as any incident is presented for record 
 here. For the most part, having made terms 
 with the patentees, they were suffered to live 
 out their lives in peace. Occasionally roving 
 bands of Indians extended their depredating 
 tours into the valley, but, happily for the set- 
 tlers, its secluded situation, southward from the 
 
272 The Palatines 
 
 great Indian thoroughfare along the Mohawk 
 and sheltered among the mountains, saved 
 them from the refluent tide of war, which so 
 often for thirty years made the Mohawk and 
 the northern country a bloody ground. In the 
 Revolution, Brandt with his Indians and Eng- 
 lish allies went down the valley. He made a 
 sharp attack on the fort at Middleburgh, and 
 was beaten off, and left as memento of his 
 raid a cannon ball in the freize of the old Stone 
 Church at Fox's dorp, which still can be seen 
 by the visitor of historic taste, held fast in the 
 spot where Brandt placed it. Much romance 
 finds its home in the valley, and many tales of 
 adventure are related of Murphy, the Indian 
 fighter, whom Brown styles the " Benefactor 
 of Schoharie." The Schoharie people were a 
 quiet folk, content to farm their lands and ed- 
 ucate their children, and have left no special 
 marks upon the history of the State, save in the 
 person and life of William C. Bouck, a man 
 of very considerable ability, of direct Palatine 
 descent, who held various public ofifices of 
 trust and honor from the State, and served 
 with dignity as its governor from 1843-45. 
 There was in vogue, some forty years ago, the 
 
The Dispersion 273 
 
 bye-word, " Ignorant as a Schoharie Dutch- 
 man." How this shghting comparison origi- 
 nated it is hard to tell, but there is no doubt 
 of its injustice, for it can be successfully main- 
 tained that, for general intelligence, sobriety, 
 probity, and industry the villages on the Scho- 
 harie were not a whit behind the average rural 
 community of New York State. 
 
 We turn now to the Mohawk, whither mi- 
 grated at least a third of the Palatines of Scho- 
 harie, to whose number were added many from- 
 the solitary ship which arrived in New York 
 in 1 722, among them the families of Erghimer. 
 The leader of the men from Schoharie was 
 EHas Garloch, one of the seven chiefs or dep- 
 uties, who came as prospectors from the Manor. 
 He was the head of Garloch's dorp in the val- 
 ley, and, as already noted, had unsuccessfully 
 applied for a patent in Schoharie. While in 
 Schoharie he occupied the position of magis- 
 trate, either by appointment from Albany or 
 by choice of his countrymen. One of the 
 many whose sense of right and manhood would 
 not permit them to make any composition with 
 the unjust patentees, he resolved to give up the 
 long-cherished hope which had made Schoharie 
 
2 74 The Palatines 
 
 as a land of promise, to abandon the home he 
 had built and the improvements made through 
 twelve years' labor in the valley, and set out 
 again to find still another settlement. 
 
 Of course, Garloch was not singular in this 
 feeling and resolution. At least two thirds of 
 the eight hundred people in Schoharie were in 
 perfect sympathy and agreed with him therein.- 
 This fact is notable. And this is not to be 
 explained by any supposition of an unreason- 
 able and unruly spirit. Such explanation 
 would be reasonable for the wayward conduct 
 of a mere handful of men. But it will not do 
 for two thirds of a community, to the number 
 of five hundred and more. For eight years the 
 question had been mooted, the patentees had 
 asserted their claim, and offered easy terms of 
 settlement, so that some among the Palatines 
 were seduced into compliance. But to these 
 terms this great majority had returned only a 
 stubborn negative, They refused to either 
 lease or buy the lands which, in all justice, 
 were their own. The lands were cheap 
 enough. They could secure titles to them at 
 less cost than the expense of removing else- 
 where, but in no way would they admit the 
 
The Dispersion 275 
 
 claim of the patentees. When after these 
 years of quiet struggle, in which occurred but 
 one outbreak, they found that permanent settle- 
 ment in Schoharie was only possible at the 
 loss of self-respect, they set out for other 
 dwelling-places. It was not done "in a pet," 
 nor in disorder, but in the quietness of de- 
 termined resistance to wrong. Such is the 
 only proper understanding of their course. 
 Some have flippantly spoken of it as ignorant 
 and stubborn. Ignorant these people cer- 
 tainly were not, but had clear view both of 
 right and truth. As to stubbornness, theirs 
 was of the same sort as that which emptied 
 the tea chests into the waters of Boston harbor. 
 We have already noted the fact that war- 
 rants of survey and for patents of land in the 
 " Mohawks country " had been issued to Gar- 
 loch, Winedecker, Weiser, and others before 
 1723. Of these three only the first entered 
 upon the land so granted, the attention of 
 Winedecker and Weiser having been turned 
 towards Pennsylvaina. In the latter part of 
 1725 a patent was issued for lands on the 
 Mohawk, "twenty-four miles westerly from 
 Little Falls, on both sides of the river," to 
 
276 The Palatines 
 
 William Burnett and others. This Burnett 
 was undoubtedly the Governor and the 
 "others" were Palatines, ninety-two of whom 
 are named in the instrument. We understand 
 that these ninety-two were mainly heads of 
 families, so that this migration must have in- 
 cluded over three hundred persons. The 
 patent is called the Burnetsfield patent, from 
 the name of the Governor, the inclusion of 
 which in the instrument was for some purpose 
 not mentioned. Certainly, he made no claim 
 of personal title to these lands, to the distress 
 of the Palatines, after the manner of the five 
 partners in Schoharie. His purpose in associat- 
 ing himself with the Palatines in this patent 
 was, probably, with a view of facilitating the 
 partition of the lands among the settlers. 
 The patent recites that " one hundred acres 
 were to be given to each person, man, woman, 
 and child." This amount was a free grant, 
 subject only to the usual quit-rent to the crown. 
 In addition to this, others, like Garloch and 
 Eckaard, had independent patents and were 
 able to purchase lands beyond. 
 
 To this region the people removed in 1725- 
 26, and made new homes which, happily, were 
 
The Dispersion 277 
 
 to be permanent, and gave to various localities 
 the names which to-day testify of their posses- 
 sion. For twenty-five or thirty miles the Mo- 
 hawk is to-day a Palatine, or German, river. 
 A glance at the map will show how true this 
 is, with its names of towns which this people 
 knew in the fatherland, monuments of their 
 early possession and settlement. Thus the 
 two towns of Palatine and Palatine Bridge 
 show clearly the source of their names. 
 Mannheim, Oppenheim, Newkirk, and others 
 are as clearly marked with a German origin. 
 The level meadows, unsurpassed for fertility, 
 stretching along the south side of the Mohawk, 
 are still known as the German Flats, while 
 over against them on the north side was the 
 settlement, which in after-years received the 
 name of Herkimer, from the bluff General, the 
 most celebrated among the Palatines of the 
 Mohawk. And not only on the river, but for 
 long distances on either side remain like tokens 
 of this permanent German possession. 
 
 For thirty years the people had undisputed 
 occupancy and were unmolested, so that they 
 enjoyed a long period of rest and peace and 
 prosperity, after the toils and afflictions expe- 
 
278 The Palatines 
 
 rienced in the old country and, as well also, 
 for fifteen years in the new.* "The people 
 were seated on as fertile a spot as any in the 
 State. They had good buildings on their 
 farms and were generally rich." Upon all 
 this prosperity, however, came that ruin which 
 visited and destroyed so many of the frontier 
 towns durinor the French and Indian War. 
 In November, 1757, occurred the raid of M. 
 de Belletre, whose force, composed of 300 
 Indians and Canadians, came up the Black 
 River valley, and emerging from the mountain 
 forests, fell without warning on all the Pala- 
 tine settlements on the north side of the 
 Mohawk. They made a clean sweep, burning 
 every building — alike the houses of the people 
 and the barns stuffed with the gathered crops, 
 while most of the stock, horses, cattle, sheep, 
 and swine were killed. Some of the people 
 were slain and nearly one hundred carried off 
 as prisoners. The majority of the people 
 saved themselves by flight, crossing the river 
 and seeking refuge in the fort on the south 
 side. The enemy did not pursue, but busying 
 themselves with the work of destruction, retired 
 
 * Benton's Herkitner Co., p. 58. 
 
The Dispersion 279 
 
 at nightfall with their booty and their prisoners, 
 satisfied for that occasion. 
 
 But this satisfaction lasted only until the 
 following spring. In April of 1758, another 
 band of marauders, composed of a small num- 
 ber of French and a much larger body of 
 Indians, attacked the settlements on the south 
 side of the river. This party did not succeed 
 in approaching the settlements with entire 
 surprise. Warning was in some way given, 
 and Captain Herchamer"^ — the future Gene- 
 ral — who was in command of the fort, was able 
 to collect behind its defences the great major- 
 ity of the settlers. The attack on the fort 
 failed, but the invading force killed thirty of 
 the Palatines and rivalled, in the destruction of 
 the unprotected farmsteads, their comrades' 
 work of the preceding autumn. 
 
 In the following year the fall of Quebec, 
 and the coincident collapse of the French 
 power in America, brought peace to the much- 
 suffering frontiers. The Palatines were able 
 to rebuild their houses and barns. The cap- 
 tives returned, and prosperity came back again 
 
 * Note the evolution of the name : Erghimer, Herchamer, Her- 
 kimer. 
 
28o The Palatines 
 
 to stay. In all this period this people were 
 notable for their bravery and devotion. From 
 the settlements stretching from the Flats to 
 Palatine a sturdy body of yeomanry was or- 
 ganized in nine companies by Sir William 
 Johnson, who counted much upon them for 
 his measures of defence during the French 
 War. In the after-struggles of the colonies 
 with England, they were very patriotic, and 
 resolutely refused to be drawn away by Guy 
 Johnson to the cause of the King. They were 
 described as "very hearty in the present strug- 
 gles for American liberty." In all the dis- 
 tricts of Tryon County committees of Public 
 Safety were appointed, and among them, says 
 Benton, the committees of Palatine and Cana- 
 joharie seem to have taken the initiative and 
 the lead. Guy Johnson, recognizing the 
 strength to the royal cause which would come 
 by winning over these people, did his utmost 
 to secure their defection from the popular 
 cause. To all his appeals and arguments the 
 Palatines were deaf, and in a formal letter, 
 delivered by Nicholas Herkimer and Edward 
 Wahl,* " announced their resolution of stand- 
 
 * Benton's Herkimer Co., p. 68. 
 
The Dispersion 281 
 
 ing by the country until all grievances were 
 redressed." On receipt of this letter Johnson 
 perceived that all present occupation for him 
 in the Mohawk valley was gone, and retired to 
 Canada. Thence in 1777, he came with St. 
 Leger, only to turn back again after the baf- 
 fling victory of the Oriskany. How bravely 
 and stanchly the Palatines maintained their 
 resolution that battle shows. To them and to 
 their brave Herkimer, whose life was there 
 forfeit to his glory, belongs large credit of 
 making possible the supreme victory of Sara- 
 toga, by which was ended the struggle for the 
 Hudson, and the vital union of the northern 
 colonies secured. 
 
 It only remains to narrate the fortunes of 
 the migration to Pennsylvania. The MSS. of 
 the younger Weiser state that "the people 
 got news of lands on the Swatara and Tulpe- 
 hocken." In what way such news reached 
 them he does not tell, but it is not at all im- 
 probable that the locality was suggested as ap- 
 propriate by the hospitable Keith. Certainly, 
 the tidings proved attractive, and together 
 with the Governor's invitation opened a way 
 of escape from the toils of Schoharie. To 
 
282 The Palatines 
 
 many of them it was far more desirable than 
 any new location within the province of New 
 York. The experiences of the people in New 
 York and the disposition of the authorities 
 towards them were of such a character, that at 
 least a third of the Schoharie population read- 
 ily embraced the first opportunity of establish- 
 ment beyond the jurisdiction of the colony in 
 which they had found such troubles. This we 
 may take as accounting for the sudden change 
 of plan on the part of Vinedecker and Weiser, 
 both of whom had obtained licences for land 
 on the Mohawk and were preparing to remove 
 thither. On the opening of this new prospect 
 into the colony of Pennsylvania, they either 
 abandoned or transferred to others their rights 
 under these licences, and began to arrange for 
 a departure to the southward. About sixty 
 families, or about three hundred persons, went 
 from Schoharie to the Tulpehocken region. 
 This migration, however, was not in one body, 
 the first detachment starting in the spring of 
 1723, not more than eight months after the in- 
 vitation by Governor Keith, and the rest in 
 1728. 
 
 The leader of the first company was Hart- 
 
The Dispersion 283 
 
 man Vinedecker, the head of Hartman's dorp, 
 whom ahiiost his entire village followed into 
 Pennsylvania. The emigrants ascended the 
 Schoharie for a few miles, and then under the 
 conduct of an Indian guide crossed the moun- 
 tains southwestwardly to the upper waters of 
 the Susquehanna. On the bank of this river 
 they constructed canoes for the carriage of the 
 most of their number, with the women and 
 children and furniture. In these canoes, while 
 some of the men drove the horses and cattle 
 on the land, the majority of the party floated 
 down the Susquehanna so far as to the mouth 
 of the Swatara. Turning into this stream they 
 followed its upward course, until in the region 
 of hills and vales and fertile meadow-lands, in 
 which both the Swatara and Tulpehocken have 
 their rise, they found at last the object of their 
 journey and a place of permanent habitation. 
 To their first settlement they gave the name 
 of Heidelberg, and thence sent back word to 
 their friends at Schoharie of the prosperous 
 issue of the journey. Sims has a curious tale 
 — gathered from some unknown source, and 
 hardly capable of proof or credence — that, 
 some months afterwards, twelve of the horses 
 
284 The Palatines 
 
 of this company found their own way back to 
 the Schoharie valley. The memory of the 
 sweet clover on the " clawver wy " — the flats 
 on the Little Schoharie kill — proved superior 
 to all the attractions of the Tulpehocken 
 meadows ! 
 
 The other, and probably the far smaller, 
 portion of the Pennsylvania migration tarried 
 yet five years in Schoharie, as tho with linger- 
 ing hope that some happy chance might yet 
 save them from the necessity of removal from 
 the beloved valley. Not until the spring of 
 1728 did they finally decide to join their coun- 
 trymen in the south. No account is left of 
 the route or method of their journey, but it is 
 probable that they followed the course already 
 described by the former company. Their 
 leader and chief was Conrad Weiser, of whom 
 some things should be written, as of a charac- 
 ter and influence worthy of very high regard. 
 
 We have noted that he was twelve years old 
 at the time of the emigration of his people from 
 the Palatinate, having had his birth at Herren- 
 berg on November 2, 1696. He was kept at 
 school through boyhood until the departure of 
 the family to England, and in after-life he 
 
The Dispersion 285 
 
 gave abundant proof of a well-disciplined and 
 thoughtful mind. There are, indeed, many 
 writings from the hands of the two Weisers 
 which furnish evidence of a high degree of 
 intellectual and moral culture, and, for them- 
 selves at least, rebut the imputation of ignor- 
 ance cast at all this people. In the first 
 months of the settlement at Schoharie, a friend- 
 ship was formed by the Weisers with an Indian 
 chief of the Mohawks, named Quagnant, who 
 conceived a special liking for Conrad, then six- 
 teen years of age, and proposed to take the 
 lad into his own country and teach him the 
 Indian langfuaee. The father consented, and 
 young Conrad himself, seeing a prospect of 
 adventure, was nothing loathe. He spent a 
 large part of the winter and following spring 
 in the lodge of Quagnant, and made such pro- 
 gress in his study of the Indian language that, 
 at once on his return, his services as inter- 
 preter were in demand. This service found fre- 
 quent demands, not only at Schoharie, but in 
 Pennsylvania in his later years. He endured 
 great hardships among the Indians, not from 
 any hostility — tho several times in danger 
 of death by the hand of drunken braves — but 
 
286 The Palatines 
 
 from the manner of life he was compelled to 
 lead. The food was unwholesome and scanty, 
 and his clothing was insufficient ; but the lad 
 showed no little grit in remaining until he had 
 completed his linguistic task.* From this so- 
 journ Conrad retained a constant friendship 
 for the Indians, and at various times made pro- 
 tracted visits among them. It is supposed that 
 much of the time between the departures of 
 the first and second companies to Pennsylvania 
 was so spent by him, as his known position 
 and influence had made him specially obnoxious 
 to the five partners. 
 
 Out of this intimacy with the Indians came 
 the tale that the wife of Conrad was an In- 
 dian, to which tale the fact that the woman's 
 patronymic is not recorded gives color. Con- 
 rad wrote, "In 1720, while my father was 
 in England, I married my Anna Eve, and 
 was given in marriage by the Rev. John Fr. 
 Hager, a Reformed clergyman, on the 23d 
 of November, in my father's house at Scho- 
 harie." In the families of Weiser and Muhl- 
 enberg there has been no little dispute as 
 to the Indian origin of this Anna Eve. The 
 
 * Rupp's Berks Co., p. 195 ; Lije of Weiser, 
 
The Dispersion 287 
 
 arguments in favor are found in the Indian 
 friendship and sojourns of young Weiser, the 
 absence of a surname, and the fact that the 
 marriage took place at the home of the groom, 
 as tho the bride had no Christian home of 
 her own from which to go to her husband. 
 These are foundation enough for a legend, 
 but furnish little by way of proof, and are fully 
 met by the supposition that the young woman 
 may have been a Redemptioner, bound out to 
 service until the amount of her passage-money 
 had been paid. Among the Germans coming 
 to this country, during the early years of the 
 last century, there were very many so indent- 
 ured, whose surnames were lost, and after- 
 wards had no other home or surname than 
 those of their masters. As to Conrad's wife, 
 her son-in-law, Muhlenberg, in the Hallische 
 Nachrichten, declares that she was " a German 
 Christian maiden of Evangelical parentage." 
 This would seem to be with sufficient authority, 
 and to justify the language of Weiser's biog- 
 rapher : " We hesitate not to write her a full- 
 blooded Palatine woman." 
 
 After Weiser's removal to Pennsylvania 
 and settlement at Womelsdorf, to which place 
 
288 The Palatines 
 
 he gave beginning and name, he soon acquired 
 position and influence. He was recognized 
 as the chief person in the German settlements, 
 and was frequently employed on important 
 missions by the Governor and Council, espec- 
 ially upon those in which his knowledge of 
 the Indian tongue made him useful. He has 
 left several very interesting treatises on the 
 Indian character, in which his special inquiry 
 is as to the openness of the mind of the red 
 men to the approach of religious teaching. 
 There was evidently much of a missionary 
 spirit in the man, and he is described as of 
 "unbounded benevolence, a man of integrity, 
 and universally respected." In many ways, 
 not only his own community, but the provincial 
 authorities relied greatly on his knowledge, 
 judgment, and efficiency in all affairs committed 
 to him. He was associated with Franklin and 
 other men of importance in various matters of 
 public concernment. Shortly after his settle- 
 ment in Pennsylvania the Governor gave him 
 a commission as colonel ; and both in the fre- 
 quent Indian difficulties and through the dis- 
 turbances of the French War he proved the 
 worthiness of his rank. The only recorded 
 
The Dispersion 289 
 
 act of Weiser, which seems to reflect discredit, 
 is his signing the petition for the disarming of 
 the Roman CathoHcs, at the time of the 
 French War. The aspect of this petition was, 
 of course, quite contrary to the spirit of Penn, 
 and also to the usual feelings of Weiser him- 
 self. The intent of it — and this needs to be 
 noted — was not for religious ends, but for the 
 protection of the colony. There were many 
 Roman Catholics in the province, about whom 
 public rumor busied itself with the suspicion 
 that they would ally themselves, with their fel- 
 low-religionists from Canada, against the peace 
 of the colony and the rights of King George. 
 The suspicion was utterly baseless, and may 
 be reckoned as one of those unreasonable 
 " scares," which are apt to take possession of 
 the mind in times of public excitement. For 
 the moment this suspicion obtained wide cre- 
 dence ; and a bill in accord with the petition 
 was passed by the Assembly. The law, how- 
 ever, was not generally executed, the second 
 thought of the government having discerned 
 its needlessness. 
 
 Weiser was of positive religious convic- 
 tions and, save for a short period, a staunch 
 
 19 
 
290 The Palatines 
 
 Lutheran. His friend and pastor, John Peter 
 Miller, a native of the Palatinate and graduate 
 of Heidelberg, led Weiser with himself into 
 the Seventh Day Baptist Association at 
 Ephrata. Miller remained in that commun- 
 ion until his death in 1796, but Weiser soon 
 retired. His house became the home of 
 Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, the "Patriarch 
 of Lutheranism " in America, from the time 
 that that apostle came to this country in 1742. 
 Not long thereafter — and this is part of 
 the story of the Palatines no less than of 
 the sketch of Weiser — Muhlenberg married 
 Weiser's daughter and became the father 
 of a celebrated progeny. No less than three 
 of his. sons were alike clergymen, soldiers, 
 and statesmen, serving with distinction in pul- 
 pit, army. Congress, and other civil offices. 
 Frederick was Speaker of the first national 
 House of Representatives. One brother was 
 a foreign minister. Another was distin- 
 guished as a writer and scientist. Of the 
 eldest, Peter, it is told that he was, at the out- 
 break of the Revolution, a pastor in Virginia, 
 and took leave of his church in most dramatic 
 fashion. Urged by Washington, who was a 
 
The Dispersion 291 
 
 personal friend, to accept a commission as 
 colonel in the Continental army, he consented 
 and at once preached his farewell to his peo- 
 ple. He told them that there was a time for 
 everything — "a time to preach and a time to 
 pray ; but there is also a time to fight, and 
 that time has now come." So saying, he 
 threw off his gown and stood full dressed in 
 his colonel's uniform. Going down from the 
 pulpit and out of the church, he bade the 
 drums to be beat for recruits, when more than 
 three hundred of his congregation enlisted on 
 the spot. 
 
 A great grandson of the Patriarch Muhlen- 
 berg was the sainted William A. Muhlen- 
 berg, so long known, venerated, and loved 
 in New York, and whose name has to-day so 
 sweet a fragrance in the entire American 
 Church. There have been few families in 
 American annals that have been more illus- 
 trious than that of the Muhlenbergs. The 
 founder of it, tho dead over a hundred 
 years, is still spoken of as " Father Muhlen- 
 berg" throughout Pennsylvania. Many of 
 his descendants have laid their country under 
 debts of gratitude and reverence ; and it will 
 
292 The Palatines 
 
 be borne in mind, as one reason of their men- 
 tion here, that in those descendants the blood 
 of Weiser had equal share with that of him 
 whose name they bore. And, indeed, without 
 this Weiser infusion, the Muhlenbergs would, 
 of themselves, come within the claims made on 
 our respect and gratitude by the German and 
 Palatine contingents to our American society 
 and state. 
 
 Of the elder Weiser, John Conrad, but 
 little mention is made after his return from 
 England in 1723. His place as leader had 
 during his absence been taken by his son, who 
 tells in his private journal of a mission to 
 New York : 
 
 " I was sent," he writes, " in the early part of 1721 
 to New York, to Gov. Burnett to hand him a petition. 
 He received me kindly, and informed me that he had 
 received instructions from the Lords of Trade, which 
 he had resolved to follow implicitly." 
 
 This petition doubtless had reference to the 
 Palatine claim to Schoharie, and the instruc- 
 tion must have been that, already alluded to, to 
 settle the Palatines " on such convenient lands 
 as are not already disposed of." John Conrad 
 on his return to Schoharie seems to have been 
 
The Dispersion 293 
 
 quite willing to yield all leadership to the 
 more active Conrad. It is not at all improb- 
 able that he came back broken in health and 
 spirit. Certainly, he was hampered in domes- 
 tic life. While yet upon the Manor he had 
 married again, and most unfortunately for his 
 own peace and his children's welfare. To them 
 the woman was cruel, and to him an Irritation, 
 destroying both contentment and usefulness. 
 It is probable that he went with his son to 
 Pennsylvania, where, however, he did not re- 
 main. The details of his after-life and the 
 time and place of his death are not recorded. 
 As for the son, Conrad ; after twenty years of 
 useful and beneficent service in Pennsylvania, 
 he died at Womelsdorf in i 760. 
 
 The number of families p^olno- from Scho- 
 harie to Pennsylvania was about sixty. These 
 established themselves in the region of the 
 Tulpehocken and Swatara. There they found- 
 ed a community, which from the first was 
 prosperous, and soon exerted a magnetic 
 power to draw thither thousands of their coun- 
 trymen from over the sea. The treatment 
 received from the authorities was kindly and 
 generous. Shortly after their settlement, the 
 
294 The Palatines 
 
 chief, Sassouan, complained to the Council at 
 Philadelphia of their intrusion on the Tulpe- 
 hocken lands. He was grown old, he said, 
 and had never been paid for the lands, and his 
 children now had no place to live in. His 
 claim was satisfied and the Germans confirmed 
 in possession of the lands. To these lands, 
 which afterwards were delimited as Lebanon 
 and Berks counties, came a large proportion of 
 the German immigration, which at once began 
 to flow in with so great a volume. The map 
 of these counties, as that of the Mohawk, 
 shows in the names of its towns, many of which 
 names were brought from the Palatinate, how 
 almost exclusively this Palatine and German 
 element has peopled that country. 
 
 As already noted, the influx from the old 
 country had begun before the company had 
 gone from Schoharie. The movement was 
 accelerated and increased by the reports sent 
 back to Europe of the kind treatment accorded 
 by the Pennsylvania authorities to the immi- 
 gration of 1 71 7 and to the colony from 
 Schoharie. The poor and oppressed of the 
 Palatinate and neighboring States realized that 
 at last a secure asylum was opened. Into it 
 
The Dispersion 295 
 
 they flocked in a steady stream. Within 
 twenty years of the settlement at Tulpehocken 
 their number in the province had increased to 
 nearly fifty thousand, of whom a list of over 
 thirty thousand names is preserved in the 
 State archives at Harrisburg. Very many of 
 them were poor and unable to pay for their 
 passage, and on arrival at Philadelphia were 
 put up at public auction to serve for a term of 
 years, and thus became " Redemptioners." 
 "They were usually sold at ;/^io for from 
 three to five years' servitude. Many, after 
 serving their time faithfully, became some of 
 the most wealthy and influential citizens of the 
 state." 
 
 The unanimity with which these thousands 
 avoided New York is remarkable, and is com- 
 mented on in an interesting way by Peter 
 Kalm, the Swedish traveller and naturalist. 
 Speaking of the colony from Schoharie, he 
 goes on to say : 
 
 " Not satisfied with being themselves removed from 
 New York, they wrote to their friends and relatives, if 
 ever they intended to come to America, not to go to New 
 York. This advice had such influence that the Ger- 
 
 * Rupp's Berks Co., p. 92. 
 
296 The Palatines 
 
 mans, who afterwards went in such numbers to America, 
 constantly avoided New York and went to Pennsylvania. 
 It sometimes happened that they were forced to take 
 ships bound for New York, but they were scarce got on 
 shore when they hastened to Pennsylvania, in sight of all 
 the inhabitants of New York'' * 
 
 The enormous — for those days — influx of 
 these people into Pennsylvania occasioned at 
 times no small alarm in the minds of some of 
 the authorities and Enorlish inhabitants of the 
 province. James Logan, the Secretary of the 
 Province, wrote in 171 7, when the immigration 
 had just begun, " We have of late great num- 
 bers of Palatines poured in among us, without 
 recommendation or notice, which gives the 
 country some uneasiness, for foreigners do not 
 so well among us as our own English people. "f 
 The alarm did not spread to Jonathan Dick- 
 inson, who, some years later, wrote : " We are 
 daily expecting ships from London, which 
 bring over Palatines, in number about six or 
 seven thousand. We had a parcel who came 
 out about five years ago, and proved quiet and 
 industrious." These six thousand must be the 
 immigration to which Logan refers in another 
 
 * Penn, Hist. Mag., x., 388. f Rupp's Berks Co., p. 92. 
 
The Dispersion 297 
 
 letter, in which he expresses a " fear lest the 
 colony be lost to the crown " by reason of 
 these foreigners. 
 
 The desire for emigration seemed to be en- 
 tirely appeased in the Palatinate from 171 7 to 
 1 726. Then, and probably on account of let- 
 ters from Tulpehocken, it assumed new and 
 steadier force, which was increased by the im- 
 position of heavier burdens by the Elector. 
 For twenty years and more there was a steady 
 outflow, and the ships, which brought the people 
 to America, "plied between Rotterdam and 
 Philadelphia with almost the regularity of a 
 ferry." In consequence of this large and con- 
 tinuous incoming of foreigners the authorities 
 of the province felt called upon to take action 
 such as no other immigration had compelled. 
 The arrival of each ship, the numbers and 
 names of the Palatines on board, were reported 
 to the Council and put upon record. A special 
 form of oath was devised for subscription by 
 the newcomers, which recited, among other 
 words : 
 
 '' We Subscribers, Natives and late Inhabitants of the 
 Palatinate upon the Rhine & Places adjacent . . . will 
 be faithful and bear true allegiance to his present Ma- 
 
298 The Palatines 
 
 JESTY King George the Second, and his Successors, 
 Kings of Great Britain, and will be faithful to the Pro- 
 prietor of this Province : and will demean ourselves 
 peaceably , . . and strictly observe and conform to 
 the Laws of England and of this Province." * 
 
 This form was devised as a protection to the 
 province, which the Council considered as pos- 
 sibly " endangered by such numbers of stran- 
 gers daily poured in, who being ignorant of 
 our Language & Laws, & settling in a body 
 together, make, as it were a distinct people 
 from his Majesties Subjects." The subscription 
 to this oath was required of all Germans com- 
 ing to Pennsylvania until after 1750. The 
 original lists, giving names of subscribers, the 
 ships in which they were brought, and the dates 
 of arrival, are still preserved at Harrisburg, 
 and have been published in the Pennsylvania 
 Archives, 2d Series, vol. xvii. They have 
 also been published by Rupp. These lists con- 
 tain over thirty thousand names. From the 
 fact that all the subscribers were men, and 
 presumably many of them heads of families, it 
 is safe to conclude that this Palatine immigra- 
 tion brought to the province, by the middle of 
 
 * Poin. Col. Records, iii., 283. 
 
The Dispersion 299 
 
 the eighteenth century, over sixty thousand 
 souls. 
 
 This outward flow from the Palatinate was so 
 great that the committee at Rotterdam became 
 alarmed. Their resources for forwarding the 
 people and for caring for them while awaiting 
 shipment were overtaxed, and they endeavored 
 to discourage the spirit of emigration by the 
 most forbidding tales of sorrowful experiences 
 undergone by the emigrants, of which tales 
 the following is a sample : 
 
 " We learn from New York that a ship from Rotterdam, 
 going to Philadelphia with one hundred and fifty Pala- 
 tines, wandered twenty-four weeks at sea. When they 
 finally arrived at port they were nearly all dead. The 
 rest were forced to subsist on rats and vermin, and 
 were very sick and weak." * 
 
 This horrible example, however, did not prove 
 a very powerful deterrent. The stream still 
 kept on. 
 
 Notwithstanding the alarm at first felt in the 
 province because of so great importation of 
 foreigners, the value of it to the community 
 was not long in coming to official statement. 
 In 1738 Lieutenant-Governor Thomas, making 
 
 * Penn. Hist. Mag., ii. , 131. 
 
300 The Palatines 
 
 an address to the Council touching some pro- 
 posed measures of restriction, used the follow- 
 ing most emphatic language : 
 
 " This Province has been for some years the Asylum 
 of the distressed Protestants of the Palatinate and other 
 parts of Germany, and I believe it may with truth be 
 said, that the present flourishing condition of it is in a 
 great measure owing to the Industry of those People ; 
 and should any discouragement divert them from com- 
 ing hither, it may well be apprehended that the value of 
 your Lands will fall, and your advance to wealth be much 
 slower." * 
 
 Some years afterwards there were certain out- 
 croppings of disfavor towards the Palatines, 
 which seem to have been of a political charac- 
 ter. In 1755 Samuel Wharton published a 
 pamphlet, in which he expressed great dread 
 of German preponderance, and represented that 
 that people were hostile to the government. 
 " Instead of peaceable, industrious people as 
 before, they have become insolent, sullen, and 
 turbulent." In January of the same year a 
 bill was introduced into the Council to limit 
 the importation of Palatines. The Governor 
 objected that the measure was inhuman. The 
 bill caused great discussion both in the Coun- 
 
 * Penn. Col. Jieconis, iii., 315. 
 
The Dispersion 301 
 
 cil and out of it, and was referred to a com- 
 mittee which presently reported it back with 
 amendments, and also said, " But, as the differ- 
 ence in sentiment was very great, and on points 
 which the Assembly were very fond of, it was 
 thought best to keep the Bill for some time, 
 lest the Amendments might add to the Heat, 
 already too great." In the following April — 
 probably because "the Heat" had lessened — 
 the bill was taken up and passed. But it was 
 vetoed by the Governor ; * and that is the last 
 we read of opposition to the Palatines in Penn- 
 sylvania. By their steadiness, industry, frugal- 
 ity, religious habitudes and patriotic devotion 
 to their new country, they not only established 
 their own prosperity, but also won their way 
 to the regard of the province, upon which their 
 coming had brought unmeasured blessing. Of 
 such influence and impression most weighty 
 testimony is borne by no less competent a 
 judge than Benjamin Franklin, f who, in 1766^ 
 testified before a committee of the British 
 House of Commons that of the one hundred 
 and sixty thousand whites in the Province of 
 
 * f'enn. Col. Records, iv. , 225, 345 et seq. 
 f Penn. Hist. Mag., x,, 391. 
 
302 The Palatines 
 
 Pennsylvania about one third were Germans, 
 and described them as "a people who brought 
 with them the greatest of all wealth, — industry 
 and integrity, and characters that had been 
 superpoised and developed by years of suffer- 
 ing and persecution." * 
 
 At a much later day, after a hundred years 
 had shown the fruitage of this Palatine seed, 
 Judge Pennypacker, himself an offshoot of that 
 stock, thus wrote : 
 
 " No Pennsylvania names are more cherished at home 
 and more deservedly known abroad than those of Wister, 
 Shoemaker, Muhlenberg, Weiser, Heister, Keppile, and 
 Keim, . . . and there are few Pennsylvanians, not com- 
 paratively recent arrivals, who cannot be carried back 
 along some of their ancestral lines to the country of the 
 Rhine. . . . Pennsylvania is deeply indebted to the 
 German settlers, who found a home within her borders, 
 for the rapid advances which she early made towards 
 prosperity. ... It is eminently proper that we of 
 the present day should consider these causes — and the 
 incentives which prompted these [people] from Switzer- 
 land, Alsace, and the Palatinate, whose industry, frugal- 
 ity, and integrity proved so beneficial to the Colony." 
 
 Had this address of Judge Pennypacker 
 been made in still more recent day, he might 
 have added to his list of Pennsylvania's Pala- 
 
 * Penn. Hist. Mag., iv., 3. 
 
The Dispersion 303 
 
 tine worthies the names of Zollicoffer, Heint- 
 zelman, and Siegel — names of honor among 
 the soldiers of the Union in the War of the 
 Rebellion. Worthy to be set also with these 
 is that of Hartranft — borne by one of the 
 most efficient governors of the State, and also 
 by one of the most scholarly divines of the 
 American Church. 
 
 And to these, others of equal honor might 
 be added. But there is no need. The story 
 of these Palatine folk in Pennsylvania and in 
 New York is in itself a sufficient evidence that, 
 when they came over the sea, they brought 
 with them qualities and virtues which any land 
 might be glad to welcome, and that, like men 
 of other stock, — the Puritan, Dutch, Hugue- 
 not, — they conferred upon their new country 
 blessings which it could not afford to lose. 
 
NOTE I. 
 
 The following list of names, found in the records of 
 the Palatine Immigrations and still common in the 
 places settled by these people, suggests the sturdy and 
 permanent quality of that stock. This list, be it said, 
 is only fragmentary and suggestive, there being no need 
 of complete transcription of those preserved in the rec- 
 ords and archives of New York and Pennsylvania. The 
 most of these names, it will be noted, retain to-day their 
 original form. Any special changes from that form in 
 modern use are noted with their originals : 
 
 Becker. 
 
 Kelmer, Kilmer. 
 Wolleben and de Wolleben, 
 
 Wolven. 
 Man, Mann, 
 Kremer, Kromer. 
 Marterstork, Manterstock. 
 Froelich, Freligh, Fralick, 
 Egner. 
 \/Richart, Rickard. 
 Eckertin, Eckard, Eckert, 
 ^Emrich, Emerick. v 
 
 305 
 
 Werner, Warner 
 
 Scheerer, Schearer. 
 
 Kneiskern, Kniskern. 
 
 Hart man. 
 
 Conrad. 
 
 Christian. 
 
 Heiser. 
 
 Herttranftt, Hartranft. 
 
 Schnell. 
 
 Schell. 
 
 Nelles, Nellis. 
 
 Dachstader, Dochstater. 
 
3o6 
 
 The Palatines 
 
 Meyer, Myer, Myers. 
 
 Bellinger. 
 
 Kuntz. 
 
 Widerwachs, Weatherwax. 
 
 Dietrich, Dedrick. 
 
 Hagedorn. 
 
 Turck. 
 
 Schaffer, Schaeffer and 
 
 Mynderse, 
 
 Schoeffer, Shaver. 
 
 Dietz. 
 
 Leyer, Lawyer. 
 
 Richtmeyer, Rightmyer. 
 
 Kuhn, Koon, Coon. 
 
 Seller. 
 
 Winter. 
 
 Wirtman, Wortman. 
 
 Linck, Link. 
 
 Sype. 
 
 Schneider, Snyder, 
 
 Bronner. 
 
 Bauch, Bouck. 
 
 Albrecht, Allbright. 
 
 Kyser, Keiser, Keyser. 
 
 Lichtner, Lintner. 
 
 Segendorf. 
 
 Aappell, Appell. 
 
 Laux, Loucks. 
 
 Acker, 
 
 Fuchs, Fox. 
 
 Bower. 
 
 Webber, Weaver. 
 
 Schurtz. 
 
 Bernhard, Bernard. 
 
 Muller. 
 
 Arendorff, Allendorph. 
 
 Deichert, Decker. 
 
 Weygandt, Wygant, and 
 
 Hoffman. 
 
 many other forms. 
 
 Ehle, Ehl, Uhl.* 
 
 Christler. 
 
 Jung, Young. 
 
 Yeager. 
 
 Nehr, Neahr. 
 
 Brunner. 
 
 Reisch, Rish. 
 
 Hess, 
 
 Hager. 
 
 Wagner. 
 
 Houck. 
 
 Neff. 
 
 Bergman. 
 
 Funk, 
 
 Weiser. 
 
 Stickler, 
 
 Angle, Angell. 
 
 Gertner. 
 
 ♦From this stock in Dutchess Co., N, Y,, came Edwin F, Uhl, 
 U. S. Ambassador to Berlin in 1896-7. 
 
Notes. 
 
 307 
 
 / Schiltz, Schultz, Schultis. 
 J Wolfe. 
 
 Schumacher, Schoemaker. 
 
 Schoonmaker. 
 
 Baer. 
 
 Wannermaker, Wana- 
 
 maker. 
 Newkirk. 
 Klein, Cline. 
 Planck, Plank. 
 Sieknerin, Siekner, Signer. 
 Bronck, Brink. 
 Wormser. 
 
 Hayd, Haight, and Hayt. 
 Dill. 
 
 Gentner. 
 
 Schenefeldt, Shufelt. 
 
 Keim. 
 
 Dillinger, 
 
 Schoup. 
 
 Benker, Banker. 
 
 Sullenger, Sellinger. 
 
 Swartz, Swart. 
 
 Michaells. 
 
 Kiener, Keener. 
 
 Diebenderf, Devendorf. 
 
 Simmierman, Zimmerman, 
 
 Siegler. 
 
 Zollicoffer. 
 
 Timmerman. 
 
 This list might be indefinitely prolonged, but it is 
 already sufficient for the purpose of illustration. 
 
SoS The Palatines 
 
 NOTE II. 
 
 The original Indentures by which Gov. Hunter ap- 
 prenticed eighty-four of the Palatine children are pre- 
 served in the Library of the State of New York, bound 
 together in one volume. They are all alike, save as to 
 dates, names, and sex. Some of them are signed by the 
 Governor as party of the first part, and in others his 
 name is signed without the signature of the master. 
 None of the children, however, was bound to him. Most 
 of the indentures are witnessed by J. S. Wileman, who 
 occupied the office of Register. A specimen is given 
 below. As the Indenture which bound Zenger to Brad- 
 ford, it has a special interest of its own, 
 
 " This Indenture, made the Twenty Sixth Day of 
 October, A/ino Domini, 1710, and in the Ninth Year of 
 the Reign of our Sovereign Lady Anne by the Grace of 
 God of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Queen, De- 
 fender of the Faith, &c. Between Flis Excellency 
 Robert Hunter, Esqr ; Capt. General and Governor in 
 Chief of the Provinces of New York, New Jersey, and 
 Territories depending thereon in America, and Vice- Ad- 
 miral of the same &c., of the one part. And William 
 Bradford of the City of New York Printer, of the other 
 part. Whereas his said Excellency in Council having 
 determined the putting out of the Orphans of the Pala- 
 tines (and some of those other Children whose Parents 
 have too many to look after them and mind their La- 
 bour) for a certain time, upon the Conditions following, 
 {to wit) The Boys till they arrive at the Age of Twenty 
 one years, and the Girls till they arrive at the Age of 
 Nineteen years ; The Persons taking them entring into 
 
Notes. 309 
 
 Indentures, and Bond with Surety, in the Secretary's 
 Office, to provide them with good and wholesome Meat, 
 Drink, Lodging and Cloathing, and at the Expiration of 
 the time to Surrender them to the Government ; his 
 Excellency and Council engaging they shall respec- 
 tively Serve till they arrive at the Ages aforesaid. Now 
 this Indenture IVitnesse/h, That John Peter Zenger of 
 the Age of Thirteen years, or there-abouts, Son of Han- 
 nah Zenger Widdow, one of the Palatines aforesaid, of 
 his own free and voluntary Will by the Consent of the 
 said Mother, and also By the consent and approbation 
 of his Excellency, hath put himself out to the said Will- 
 iam Bradford, his executors and administrators, with him 
 and them to dwell and serve from the day of the date 
 hereof for and during and unto the full end and term of 
 Eight years from thence next ensuing and fully be Com- 
 pleat and Ended, for all which said Term of Eight years 
 the said John Peter Zenger the said William Bradford 
 his executors, and administrators well and truly shall 
 serve, his and their Commands lawful and honest every- 
 where he shall do : The Goods of his said master his exe- 
 cutors and administrators he shall not waste or destroy, 
 nor from the Service of his said master his executors or 
 administrators day nor night shall absent or prolong 
 himself, but in all things as a good and faithful servant 
 shall bear and behave himself towards his said master 
 his executors & administrators during the said Term 
 aforesaid. And the said William Bradford for himself 
 his Executors and Administrators and every of them 
 doth Covenant, Promise and Grant to and with his said 
 Excellency and his Successors, that the said William 
 Bradford his executors and administrators shall and 
 
3IO The Palatines 
 
 will during all the said Term of Eight years find and 
 provide for the said John Peter Zenger good, sufficient 
 and wholesome Meat, Drink and Cloathing ; And also 
 shall and will at the end and Expiration of the said 
 Term of Eight years surrender and deliver up the said 
 John Peter Zenger well Cloathed to his said Excellency, 
 or to the Governour or Commander in Chief of the said 
 Province of New York, for the time being. 
 
 " In Witness whereof his said Excellency and the said 
 William Bradford have hereunto Interchangeably set 
 their Hands and Seals the day and year first above 
 Written. 
 
 "Will. Bradford, (seal) 
 
 " Sealed and Delivered in the Presence of [the several 
 interlineations aforesaid of ye words, Executors and 
 Administrators being first Interlined.] 
 
 " J. S. WiLEMAN.". 
 
 Tho the form of indenture calls for the signature of 
 the Governor, yet his name is not affixed to the paper 
 under which Zenger was bound. A special and curious 
 clause of the indenture is that which requires the sur- 
 render to the Governor of the apprentices, on the expira- 
 tion of their terms, instead of the usual turning over to 
 their own mastership and guidance. What the Governor 
 proposed to do with the young men and women thus 
 returned to him does not appear, and it is not probable 
 that he was at any time called upon to take further or- 
 der about these boys and girls. By the time that their 
 terms of service had expired his Excellency had quite 
 given over any paternal care of the Palatines. 
 
Notes. 3" 
 
 NOTE III. 
 
 List of the authorities consulted and cited : 
 
 Menzel's History of Germany. 
 
 Lewis' History of Germany. 
 
 Butler's Revolutions in Germany. 
 
 Labberton's Historical Atlas. 
 
 Macaulay's Essay on the War of the Succession. 
 
 Macaulay's History of England. 
 
 Mortimer's History of England. 
 
 Smollett's History of England. 
 
 Burnet's History of His Own Time. 
 
 Luttrell's Diary. 
 
 Learned's History for Ready Reference. 
 
 Transactions of the Albany Institute, vol. vii. Article 
 by Dr. Homes. 
 
 Hawks' History of North Carolina. 
 
 Martin's History of North Carolina. 
 
 Williamson's History of North Carolina. 
 
 Rumple's Rowan County, N. C. 
 
 Virginia Historical Collections. 
 
 Virginia Historical Society Papers. 
 
 Campbell's History of Virginia. 
 
 Cooke's History of Virginia. 
 
 Magill's History of Virginia. 
 
 Conway's Barons of the Potomac. 
 
 Colonial History of the State of New York. 
 
 Documentary History of the State of NewYork. (Quarto 
 edition.) 
 
 Lamb's History of the City of New York. 
 
 Schuyler's Colonial New York. 
 
 Booth's History of New York. 
 
312 The Palatines 
 
 Smith's History of New York. 
 
 Dunlap's History of New York. 
 
 Calendar of Land Papers of New York. 
 
 Magazine of American History, 187 1. 
 
 Holmes' Annals. 
 
 Addison's Spectator. 
 
 Ruttenber's History of Orange County, N. Y. 
 
 Ruttenber's Indian Tribes of Hudson River. 
 
 Smith's History of Rhinebeck. 
 
 Mellick's Story of an Old Farm. 
 
 Sims' History of Schoharie. 
 
 Brown's Sketch of Schoharie. 
 
 Hopkins' Historical Mefnoirs of the Housattmnock 
 
 Indians. 
 
 Barber and Howe, Historical Collections. 
 Parkman's Half Cenitiry of Conflict. 
 Benton's History of Herkimer County, N. Y. 
 Frothingham's Montgomery County, N. Y. 
 Williamson's History of Maine. 
 Barry's History of Massachusetts. 
 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay. 
 Pennsylvania Colonial Records. 
 Pennsylvania Historical Magazine. 
 Pennsylvania Magazine of History. 
 
 Rupp's History of Berks County, Pa. 
 
 C Z Weiser's Life of Conrad Weiser. 
 
 H A. Muhlenberg's Life of Gen. Peter Muhlenberg. 
 
 Miss Ayres' Life of Dr. IV. A. Muhlenberg. 
 
 Sachse's German Pietists of Provincial Pennsylvania. 
 
 Rupp's Collection of Thirty Thousand Names of Immi- 
 grants to Pennsylvania. 
 
 Various Cyclopaedias. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Acadians, 257 
 Adams, Samuel, 139 
 Adams, Sheriff, abused, 240 
 Addison, Joseph, 106, m 
 Alarm in Pennsylvania, 7, 296- 
 
 300 
 Albany, Charity of Dutch in, 
 
 213 
 Albany, Councils at, 242, 262, 
 
 263 
 Albany," "Gentlemen of, 222, 
 
 234. 252 
 Alexander, James, 136, 137 
 Alsace, 21 
 Andernach, 40 
 Anne, Queen, 51, 79, 83 
 Annsbury, 142 
 Apprenticing children, 132 
 Archives at Harrisburg, 295, 2()8 
 Arrest of Palatines at All)any, 
 
 252 
 Atrocities of the war, 38 
 Augsburg, League of, 36 
 Augustine, 31 
 Austria, 47 
 Authorities, 18, Note III 
 
 Baden, 21 
 
 Bad Faith of Home Government, 
 
 146, 177, 183, 189 
 Barnstaple, 84 
 Bavaria, 25, 36, 47 
 
 Bayard, Col. Nicholas, 68, 115, 
 
 note, 218, 228 
 Bayard, Samuel, 218-222 
 Bedford, 84 
 Beekman, Henry, 206 
 Bell, Church, 72 
 Belletre, M. de, 278 
 Bellomont, Lord, 119, 175, 219 
 Benton, Judge, 7 
 Berks County, Pa., 294 
 Births at Schoharie, 255 
 Blenheim, Battle of, 48 
 Block Island, 127 
 Boston, 224, 247 
 Bouck, Gov. W. C, 272 
 Bradford, William, 135 
 Brandt's raid, 272 
 Bread and Beer allowance, 166 
 Bridger, John, 123, 175 
 Brunnen-dorp, 2x7 
 Burgoyne, 47 
 Burnet, Bishop, 54 
 Burnett, Gov., 205, 25S, 262, 
 
 276, 292 
 Burnetsfield Patent, 275 
 Byrd, Col. William, loi 
 
 Calvin 28 
 
 Camps, East and West, 70, 142 
 
 Canada Creek, 261 
 
 Canajoharie, 261 
 
 Cape Fear River, 87 
 
 313 
 
314 
 
 Index 
 
 Carolina, Settlement in, 86 
 Casks for tar, 159 
 Cast, Mr., 150, 159, 168 
 Certificate refused by Palatines, 
 
 244. 245 
 Chambers Creek, 66 
 Charles, Elector Palatine, 27, 35 
 Charles Louis, Elector Pal., 35 
 Charles II. of Spain, 45 
 Churches at the Camps, 71, 204, 
 
 205 
 Clarendon, Earl of, 189-191, 
 
 227 
 Clarke, Sec'y, 152, 158, 185, 244 
 Coble's Kill, The, 217, 231 
 Codweis, John Conrad, 68 
 Coeymans, Andries, 234 
 Colden, Cadwallader, 74, 205, 
 
 218 
 Cologne, 21, 40, 41 
 Commissioners, English, 83 
 Commission to England, 245 
 Complaints at the Manor, 149 
 Conradus, Octavius, 68 
 Consistory of N. Y. Dutch 
 
 Church, 213 
 Contracts, go, 116, 155 
 Cornbury, Lord, 190, 222, ttole 
 Cosby, Gov. 135 
 Court on the Manor, 159 
 "Cujus regio, ejus religio," 31, 
 
 45 
 
 Dartmouth, Lord, 189 
 De Lancey, Ch. Justice, 135 
 Dellius, Dominie, 239 
 Departure to Schoharie, 213 
 Deputies from Schoharie, 245- 
 
 251 
 Desertions from the Manor, 163 
 Dickinson, Jonathan, 296 
 Disciples of Ephrata, 268 
 Discontent, 150, 161, 170, 253, 
 
 259, 262, 274 
 Dispersions in England, 81 
 Dongan, Gov. 66, 144, 192 
 Dorps at Schoharie, 217 
 
 Drachenfels, 40 
 
 Dunkers, 268 
 
 Du Pre 123, 140 
 
 Dutch Church in N. Y., 213 
 
 Elizabeth Charlotte, 35 
 Elizabeth Town, 142 
 Ephrata, 268, 290 
 Erghimer, 267 
 Eugene, Prince, 48 
 Evans, Capt. John, 66 
 Expenses on Palatine account, 
 79, i83 
 
 Failure, Causes of, 171 
 Farrar, 86 
 
 " Five Partners," see Partners 
 Fletcher, Gov. 62, 66, 115, note, 
 
 218 
 Fountaintown, 217 
 Fox Creek, 211, 217, 231 
 Franklin, Benjamin, 288, 301 
 Frederick III. of Zimmern, 26, 
 
 29 
 French and Indian attacks on 
 
 Mohawk, 278, 279 
 French War, 152, 289 
 Fuch's Dorp, 217 
 
 Ganendagaren, 261 
 
 Garloch's Dorp, 273 
 
 Garloch, Elias, 260, 273 
 
 Gates, General, 17 
 
 Gazette, New York, 136 
 
 Genealogy, v 
 
 Generosity of England, 13, 79, 92 
 
 Geneva, 28 
 
 Georgetown, 142 
 
 Gerlach, John Christ, 232 
 
 German Flats, 277 
 
 Germanna, 98, 99 
 
 German Patent, 66, 69 
 
 Germantown, N. Y., 145, 205 
 
 Germantown, Pa., 268 
 
 Gibraltar, 49 
 
 Glebe, 64, 69, 74 
 
 Glebe School House, 72 
 
Index 
 
 315 
 
 Governor's Island, 126 
 Graffenried, Cristopher de, 86 
 Giaffenried, Metcalf de, 98 
 Grand Alliance, 37 
 Grants, Fraudulent, 62, 66, 218, 
 
 239 
 Grievances," "Statement of, 
 161, 225, 237, 242, 243, 246 
 
 Hagatom, Christophel, 205 
 Hager, Rev. John Fred., 70, 
 
 204, 254, 286 
 Halberstadt, 60 
 Hamilton, Andrew, 137 
 Hartman's Dorp, 260 
 Hartman Vinedecker, 262 
 Hartranft, 303 
 Hay, Lady, iii, 122 
 Haysbury, 142 
 Heidelberg, 21,40, 43 
 Heidelberg Catechism, 30 
 Heidelberg, Pa., 283 
 Heintzelman, 303 
 Helderburg Mts., 211, 213 
 Henneman, Prof., 102 
 Herbert Frigate, 127 
 Herkimer, Nicholas, 17, 267, 
 
 277, 279, 280, 281 
 Herkimer, City of, 277 
 Herrenberg, 284 
 Herschias, 71 
 Historian, Duty of, 5 
 Holland, 37, 57 
 Holstein, 63 
 Homes, Dr. 52, 55, 253 
 Horses, Return of, 283 
 House of Commons, Report to, 
 
 51, 197-200 
 Hudson River, 114, 141 
 Huguenots, 36 
 Hunter, Gov., 103, 1 11, 156, 170, 
 
 178-187, 242, 244 
 Huntersfield, 232 
 Hunter's Resentment, 214, 226, 
 
 235, 238, 243, 249, 254 
 Hunterstown, 142 
 
 Ignorance, Charge of, 4, 207, 221, 
 236, 273 
 
 Immigration to New Jersey, 60 ; 
 of 1709,63; of 1710, 2, 3, 
 chap. iv. ; of 1717 to Pennsyl- 
 vania, 264 ; of religionists to 
 Penna. , 268 ; character of, 10 ; 
 causes of, chap, ii., 75 ; vol- 
 ume of, 7, 76, 84, 265, 294-298 
 
 Indentures of children, 132, 
 Note II 
 
 Indian Councils at Albany, 242, 
 262 
 
 Indian Embassy to England, 104 
 
 Indian Gift of Schoharie, 107, 
 115, 131, 212, 228 
 
 Indians of Carolina, 96 
 
 Influence of Palatines, 5, 15, 299, 
 301 
 
 Ingoldsby, Col., 165 
 
 Ingoldsby, Lt. Gov., 67 
 
 Ireland, Settlement in, 85 
 
 Iron mines in Virginia, 100 
 
 James II. of England, 37, 47 
 Johnson, Guy, 280, 281 
 Johnson, Sir William, 280 
 John William, Elector Palatine, 
 
 27, 44, 55. 59. 297 
 yoiirnal^New York Weekly, 136 
 Julich, 41 
 Justices, Palatine, 129 
 
 Kaatsbaan, 143 
 
 Kalm, Peter, 295 
 
 Karigondonte, 209 
 
 Keith, Sir William, 263, 281 
 
 Kelpius, 268 
 
 Kidd, Captain, 193 
 
 Kill, Roeloff Jansen's, 144 
 
 " King of the Palatines," 95 
 
 Kingsbury, 204 
 
 Kingston, Justices of, 163 
 
 Kniskern's Dorp, 217 
 
 Kockerthal, 61, 65, 70, 130, 254 
 
 Kohl, 86 
 
3i6 
 
 Index 
 
 Kreuznach, 40 
 Kuckheim, 40 
 
 Labadists, 268 
 
 Land agents in Palatinate, 51, 
 
 53. 56 
 
 Land Grants, Extravagant, 62, 
 66, 218, 239; at Schoharie, 
 228-235 ; on the Mohawk, 
 239, 260, 261, 275, 282 
 
 Land troubles at Schoharie, 218, 
 
 239 
 Lawson, John, 95 
 Lawyer's Purchase, 235 
 Lebanon County, Pa., 294 
 Legend of Palatine Light, 127 
 Leisler, 184, 192 
 Leopold, Emperor, 42, 46 
 List-masters, 160 
 Livingston Manor, 143, 194,205, 
 
 206 
 Livingston, Robert, 134, 141. 
 159, 166, 189, 190-196, 205, 
 227 
 Livingston, Robert, Jr., 193, 221 
 
 Logan, James, 296 
 
 London, Palatines in, 76 
 
 Long Island, 127 
 
 Lorraine, 21 
 
 Louis the Severe, 26 
 
 Louis XIV., 34 
 
 Lovelace, Lord, 62, 69, no, 120 
 
 Lutheran Church in N. Y., 144 
 
 Lutheranism in the Palatinate, 28 
 
 Lyon, Ship, 126 
 
 Macaulay, 4, 39 
 
 Maintenon, Mad. de, 36, 38 
 
 Mainz, 21 
 
 Manisees Island, 127 
 
 Mannheim, 21, 40, 41 
 
 Mannheim, N. Y., 277 
 
 Marlborough, 48 
 
 Melac, 39 
 
 Mennonites in Pennsylvania, 268 
 
 Michell, Lewis, 86, 94 
 
 Middleburgh, N. Y., 210,222, 
 
 217, 272 
 Middle Line of Palatinate, 26 
 Migration from Newburgh, 73 
 Miller, Rev. John Peter, 290 
 Misunderstandings, i, 50, 236 
 Mohawk River, 114, 122, 260; 
 Fall of, 140 ; German names 
 on, 277 ; Settlement on, 272, 
 277-281 
 Money, Failure of, 164, 169, 170, 
 
 177--183, 244 
 Montclas, 38, 49 
 Moravians, 268 
 Morris Jr., Lewis, 234 
 Mortality at sea, 125 ; in first 
 
 year, 145 
 Muhlenberg, Frederick, 290 
 Muhlenberg, Henry Melchior, 
 
 17, 286, 290-292 
 Muhlenberg, Peter, 291 
 Muhlenberg, William A., 291 
 Munster, 86 
 Murmurs of London poor, 197, 
 
 199 
 Murphy, the Indian fighter, 272 
 Mutiny on the Manor, 150 
 
 Name-Lists, vi., vii., 265, Note 
 
 1. 
 Nantes, Edict of, 36, 38 
 Naturalization Act, 52, 63, 197- 
 
 200 
 Naval Stores, 62, 109, 114, "6, 
 
 118, 140, 142, 146, 158, 165, 
 
 171-175, 191, 201-203 
 Neuburg, House of, 27, 66 
 Neuse River, 87, 93, 95 
 New Berne, 93 
 Newborn, 268 
 Newburgh, 66, 74 
 New Forest of Hampshire, 83 
 New Foundland fisheries, 84 
 Newington, Parish of, 80 
 New Jersey, Settlement in, 60, 
 
 263 
 Newkirk, 277 
 
Index 
 
 317 
 
 New Village, J42 
 
 New York, Avoidance of, 295 
 
 New York, Influence of Palatines 
 
 on, 16, 74, 146, 207, 271, 277 
 Nicholson, Col., 104, 155 
 Number of Palatines in 1718, 
 
 250-255 
 Nutten Island, 126, 129, 131, 
 
 267 
 
 Oath subscribed by Palatines, 
 
 297 
 Ober-Weiser's Dorp, 229 
 Old Stone Church at Schoharie, 
 
 218, 272 
 Olevian, 29 
 
 Oppenheim, N. Y., 277 
 Oppression in America, 14, 
 
 chaps, v., vi. 
 Oriskany, Battle of 16, 281 
 Otho, Count Palatine, 26 
 Oudenarde, Battle of, 48 
 
 Palatinate, Division of, 26 ; Ori- 
 gin of name, 22 
 
 Palatine, Bridge, 277 ; Town of, 
 277 ; Count, 22 ; Count, in 
 England, 23 ; in Hungary, 23 ; 
 Elector, 26 ; Light and Ship, 
 Legend of, 127 ; Houses, 80 ; 
 Parish by Quassaic, 69, 74 ; 
 Poem of The, 128 
 
 Palatines in French and Indian 
 War 277, 278 , in Revolution, 
 280, 281 
 
 Partners," " Five, 222, 239, 241, 
 252 ; Seven, 234 
 
 Patents at Schoharie, 228-235 
 
 Pennsylvania, Influence of Pala- 
 tines on, 12, 299-303 
 
 Pennsylvania, Migration to, 73, 
 263, 269-271, 281, 284, 293 
 
 Pennypacker, Judge, 302 
 
 Pfalz, The, 21 
 
 Philadelphia, 60, 266 
 
 Philip of Anjou, 47, 49 
 
 PhlHp of Orleans, 35 
 
 Philip V. of Spain, 47 
 
 Philip William, 27, 40, 44 
 
 Philippsberg, 40 
 
 Philipse, Justice, 135 
 
 Pietists, 268 
 
 Pine, see Naval Stores 
 
 Pine, varieties of, 173 
 
 Pirates, 247 
 
 Pitch, see Naval Stores 
 
 Political foresight, 139 
 
 Politics, Relation to English, 196 
 
 Pollock, Thomas, 98 
 
 Poor of London, Murmurs of, 
 
 197, 199 
 Popple, Sec'y, 182, 187, 258 
 Poverty of immigrants, 3, 77, 
 
 295 
 Premium on Naval Stores, 116, 
 
 120, 191 
 Press, Freedom of the, 5, 135- 
 
 139 
 Prussia, 47 
 
 Punishments on the Manor, 160 
 Purchase at Schoharie, 210, 225 
 
 Quagnant, Chief, 285 
 Quassaick, 66 
 Quebec, 279 
 Queensbury, 142 
 Quit-rents, 230 
 
 Ramillies, Battle of, 48 
 
 Ratisbon, Diet of, 42 
 
 Redemptioner, 287, 295 
 
 Reformed Church at German- 
 town, N. Y., 205 
 
 Religious, liberty, 12, 31 ; sects 
 in Pennsylvania, 268 ; troubles 
 in the Palatinate, 27-33, 55 
 
 Restrictive legislation, 9, 59, 
 297-301 
 
 Revolution, Palatines in the, 16, 
 280, 281 
 
 Rhine, The, 21, 34, 41 
 
 Rhinebeck, 207 ; History of, 228 
 
 Roman Catholics among the 
 
 emigrants, 82 ; in Pennsyl- 
 
 I vania, petition to disarm, 289 
 
3i8 
 
 Index 
 
 Rotterdam, Committee at, 57, 
 
 76, 266, 299 
 Rozin, see Naval Stores 
 Rudolf and Rudolphine Line of 
 
 the Palatinate, 26 
 Ruins on the Rhine, 41 
 Rupp, vi., 298 
 Ryswick, Peace of, 43 
 
 Sackett, Richard, 158, 159 
 
 "Sallary" for Kockerthal, 63 
 
 Sassouan, Chief, 271, 293 
 
 Saugerties, 142, 145 
 
 Sawyer's Creek, 141 
 
 Scheff, 246, 250 
 
 Schemes for settlement, 83 
 
 Schenectady, 218, 241 
 
 Schoharie, 107, 108. 115, 132, 
 140, 149, 154, 156, 169, 208, 
 211, 216, 218, 239, 250, 271- 
 
 273 
 Schuyler, John, 221 
 Schuyler, Myndert, 221 
 Schuyler, Peter, 104 
 Schuyler, Philip, 232, 234 
 Schwenkfelders, 268 
 "Servants to the Crown," 114, 
 
 117, 149, 161 
 "Seven Partners," 234 
 Seventh-Day Baptists of Eph- 
 
 rata, 290 
 Sharpe, Jacob, 205 
 Shenandoah Valley, loi 
 Sheriff of Albany, 240 
 Shoemaker, Jacob, 205 
 Shute, Governor, 177 
 Siegel, General, 303 
 Simmeren, see Zimmem 
 Sims, J. R., 220, 283 
 Smith, E. M., 228 
 Smith, Lawrence, 166 
 Smith, William, 136, 137 
 Soldiers on the Manor, 160, 165 
 Soldiers, Palatine, 280 
 Sources of information, 18 
 Spanish Succession, 46-50 
 Spectator^ The, 106 
 
 " Speculation, Objects of," 11, 
 
 51 
 Spires, 21, 40, 41 
 Spotswood, Governor, 99 
 Staats, Samuel, 231, 232 
 St. Germain, 37, 47 
 St. Leger, 17, 28 
 St. Olaves, 199 
 Strasburg, Va. , loi 
 Subsistence, Contract for, 166 
 Sufferings, at Newburgh, 67 ; in 
 
 Schoharie, 216 ; on the Manor, 
 
 149, i6i 
 Suspension of work, 163 
 Susquehanna River, 283 
 Swabia, 53 
 
 Swatara River, 281, 283, 293 
 Swiss Colonists, 89 
 
 Tar, see Naval stores 
 Tattler, The, 106 
 Thankskamir, 66 
 Thomas, Lt. Gov., 297 
 Treves, 21, 38, 41 
 Tulpehocken, The, 270, 283, 
 
 293 
 Turenne, 35 
 
 Turpentine, see Naval Stores 
 Tuscaroras, 96 
 
 Ursinus, 29 
 Utrecht, Peace of, 48 
 
 Van Brugh, Peter, 221 
 
 Van Dam, Rip, 231, 232, 234 
 
 Van Rensselaer, Rev. Nicholas, 
 
 192 
 Versailles, 37 
 Villages in Schoharie, 217 ; on 
 
 the Hudson, 142 
 Villars, Marshall, 49 
 Vinedecker, Hartman, 262, 282 
 Violence at Schoharie, 241, 253 
 Virginia, Settlement in, 99 
 Volume of immigration, 7, 76, 
 
 84, 265, 294-298 
 
Index 
 
 319 
 
 Volunteers, Palatine, 145, 153, 
 
 157 
 Vroman, Adam, 222-225 
 Vroman Patent, 229 
 Vroman's Nose, 223 
 
 Wahl, Edward, 280 
 
 Walpole, 244 
 
 Walrath, 246 
 
 War of the Grand Alliance, 34 ; 
 
 of Spanish Succession, 45-50 
 Weiser, Conrad, 17, 75, 76, 124, 
 
 224, 225, 252, 259, 262, 282, 
 
 284-293 
 Weiser, John Conrad, 130, 131, 
 
 134. 153. 160, 224, 240, 242, 
 
 246-251, 292 
 Weiser's Dorp, 217, 229, 240 
 Wharton's pamphlet against the 
 
 Palatines, 300 
 Whittier, 128 
 Wileman, Henry, 221 
 Wileman, J. S., 306 
 William the Silent, 32 
 
 William III. of England, 37, 42, 
 
 43, 47 
 Winchenbach, 71 
 Wine culture, no 
 Wissahickon, 268 
 Wittenberg, 28 
 Wolfenbuttel, 60 
 Wolven, Godfried De, 233 
 Womelsdorf, 2S7 
 Women, Palatine, 241 
 Woollen manufacture, 115, iiS 
 Worms, 21 
 Wurtemburg, 21, 42 
 
 York, Lewis, 233 
 York, William, 233 
 
 Zeh, Magdalena, 241 
 
 Zeiher, Herr, 44 
 
 Zenger, John Peter, 135-139, 
 
 Note II 
 Zimmern Line of the Palatinate, 
 
 26, 27 
 ZoUicoffer, General, 303 
 
 'iiiS^'^ 
 
tTbe Stori^ of tbe IFlationa 
 
 Messrs. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS take pleasure in 
 announcing that they have in course of pubhcation, in 
 co-operation with Mr. T. Fisher Unwin, of London, a 
 series of historical studies, intended to present in a 
 graphic manner the stories of the different nations that 
 have attained prominence in history. 
 
 In the story form the current of each national life is 
 distinctly indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy 
 periods and episodes are presented for the reader in their 
 philosophical relation to each other as well as to universal 
 history. 
 
 It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to 
 enter into the real life of the peoples, and to bring them 
 before the reader as they actually lived, labored, and 
 struggled — as they studied and wrote, and as they amused 
 themselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths, with 
 which the history of all lands begins, will not be over- 
 looked, though these will be carefully distinguished from 
 the actual history, so far as the labors of the accepted 
 historical authorities have resulted in definite conclusions. 
 
 The subjects of the different volumes have been planned 
 to cover connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive 
 epochs or periods, so that the set when completed v/ill 
 present in a comprehensive narrative the chief events in 
 
the great Story OF THE Nations ; but it is, of course, 
 not always practicable to issue the several volumes in 
 their chronological order. 
 
 The " Stories " are printed in good readable type, and 
 in handsome i2mo form. They are adequately illustrated 
 and furnished with maps and indexes. Price, per vol., 
 cloth, $1.50. Half morocco, gilt top, $1.75. 
 
 The following are now ready : 
 
 GREECE. Prof. Jas. A. Harri- 
 son. 
 
 ROME. ArthurGilman. 
 
 THE JEWS. Prof. James K.Hos- 
 mer. 
 
 CHALDEA. Z.A. Ragozin. 
 
 GERMANY. S. Baring-Gould. 
 
 NORWAY. Hjalmar H. Boye- 
 sen. 
 
 SPAIN. Rev. E. E. and Susan 
 Hale. 
 
 HUNGARY. Prof. A.Vambery. 
 
 CARTHAGE. Prof. Alfred J. 
 Church. 
 
 THE SARACENS. Arthur Gil- 
 man. 
 
 THE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stan- 
 ley Lane-Poole. 
 
 THE NORMANS. Sarah Orne 
 Jewett. 
 
 PERSIA. S. G. W. Benjamin. 
 
 ANCIENT EGYPT. Prof. Geo. 
 Rawlinson. 
 
 ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. Prof. 
 J. P. Mahaffy. 
 
 ASSYRIA. Z. A. Ragozin. 
 
 THE GOTHS. Henry Bradley. 
 
 IRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless. 
 
 TURKEY. Stanley Lane-Poole. 
 
 MEDIA, BABYLON, AND PER- 
 SIA. Z. A. Ragozin. 
 
 MEDl/EVAL FRANCE. Prof. 
 Gustave Masson. 
 
 HOLLAND. Prof. J. Thorold 
 Rogers. 
 
 MEXICO. Susan Hale. 
 
 PHGENiCIA. Geo. Rawlinson. 
 
 THE HANSA TOWNS. Helen 
 
 Zimmern. 
 EARLY BRITAIN. Prof. Alfred 
 
 J. Church. 
 THE BARBARY CORSAIRS. 
 
 Stanley Lane-Poole. 
 RUSSIA. W. R. Morfill. 
 THE JEWS UNDER ROME. W. 
 
 D. Morrison. 
 SCOTLAND. John Mackintosh. 
 SWITZERLAND. R. Stead and 
 
 Mrs. A. Hug. 
 PORTUGAL. H. Morse Stevens. 
 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. C. 
 
 W. C. Oman. 
 SICILY. E. A. Freeman. 
 THE TUSCAN REPUBLICS. 
 
 Bella Duffy. 
 POLAND. W. R.iMorfill. 
 PARTHIA. Geo. Rawlinson. 
 JAPAN. David Murray. 
 THE CHRISTIAN RECOVERY 
 
 OF SPAIN. H.E. Watts. 
 AUSTRALASIA. Greville Tre- 
 
 garthen. 
 SOUTHERN AFRICA. Geo. M. 
 
 Theal. 
 VENICE. AletheaWiel. 
 THE CRUSADES. T.S.Archer 
 
 and C. L. Kingsford. 
 VEDIC INDIA. Z.A. Ragozin. 
 BOHEMIA. C.E.Maurice. 
 CANADA. J. G. Bourinot. 
 THE BALKAN STATES. Wil- 
 liam Miller. 
 BRITISH RULE IN INDIA. R. 
 
 Wi Frazeri 
 
HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 THE STORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 
 
 A Concise Account of the War in the United States of America between 
 1861 and 1S65. By John Codman Ropes, author of " The Army 
 Under Pope," " The First Napoleon," etc. To be completed in three 
 parts, printed in three octavo volumes. Each part will be complete in 
 itself and will be sold separately. Part I. Narrative of Events to the 
 Opening of the Campaign of 1862. With 5 maps, Bvo, $1.50. 
 
 " His (Mr. Rope's) name bespeaks for him instant attention on any subject on which 
 he may write. He is putting the student of American history under immeasurable obli- 
 gations by laying this philosophical, two-sided, and expert disquisition on our civil 
 war before him. A just narrator and critic." — Detroit Free Press. 
 
 FRANCE UNDER MAZARIN. 
 
 With a Sketch of the Administration of Richelieu. By James Breck 
 Perkins. With photogravure portraits of Mazarin, Richelieu, Louis 
 XIII., Anne of Austria, and Conde. Two volumes, Bvo, $4.00. 
 
 "Our pleasure in reading it has been so great that we fear only that we shall use 
 language that seems too laudatory. . . . ' France under Richelieu and Mazarine will 
 introduce its author into the ranks of the first living historians of our land. He is never 
 dry, he never lags, he is never prolix ; but from the first to the last, his narrative 
 is recorded airrente calaino, as of a man who has a firm grasp upon his materials," — 
 N. Y, Christiaii Lhiion. 
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL: A HISTORY. 
 
 Comprising a Narrative of his Life, with Extracts from his Letters and 
 Speeches, and an Account of the Political, Religious, and Military 
 Affairs of England during his Time. By Samuel Harden Church. 
 With portrait and plans of Marston Moor and Naseby. 8vo, $3.00. 
 
 THE WINNING OF THE WEST 
 
 And Southwest, from the Alleghanies to the Mississippi, 1 769-1 790. By 
 Theodore Roosevelt. With maps. 3 vols., 8vo, each, $2.50. 
 
 A HISTORY OF THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 
 
 By Anton Grindely, Professor of German History in the University of 
 Prague, Translated by Andrew Ten Brook, recently Professor of 
 Menial Philosophy in the University of Michigan. With twenty-eight 
 illustrations and two maps. With an introductory and a concluding 
 chapter by the Translator. 2 vols., Bvo, $3.50. 
 
 THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS PAINE. 
 
 Political, Sociological, Religious, and Literary. Edited by Moncure 
 Daniel Conway, with introductioii and notes. To be completed in 
 four volumes, uniform with Mr. Conway's " Life of Paine." Price per 
 volume, cloth, $2. 50. Vols. I., II., and III., now ready. 
 
 GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS, 
 
 And the Struggle of Protestantism for Existence. By C. R. L. Fletcher, 
 M.A., Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. 8vo, fully illustrated. $1.50 
 
 "We know of no book that so clearly and satisfactorily covers this confused but 
 deeply significant period of European history, and we know of no more consistent and 
 intelligent account of one of its master spirits. — Christian Union. 
 
 G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS - - Publisiers 
 
FRENCH HISTORY. 
 
 OLD COURT LIFE IN FRANCE. 
 
 By Frances Elliot, author of " The Diary of an Idle Woman in 
 Italy," etc., etc. Two volumes, illustrated with portraits and 
 views of some of the old chateaux. Small 8vo . . $4.00 
 Half calf extra, gilt tops ...... 8.00 
 
 One hundred copies on Large Paper, with Pi-oofs of the 
 Illustrations on yapanese Vellum Paper. These copies are 
 numbered, and bound in buckram, with gilt tops and rough 
 edges. Two vols, royal octavo, in box . . . $15.00 
 
 WOMAN IN FRANCE DURING THE EIGHTEENTH 
 CENTURY. 
 
 By Julia Kavanagh. Two volumes, illustrated with portraits on 
 
 steel. Small Svo $4.00 
 
 Half calf extra, gilt tops ...... 8.00 
 
 One hundred copies issued on Large Paper, with Proofs of the 
 Illustrations on India Paper, These copies are numbered, and 
 bound in buckram, with gilt tops and rough edges. Two vols, 
 royal octavo, in box ....... $15,00 
 
 NAPOLEON, 
 
 Warrior and Ruler, and the Military Supremacy of Revolutionary 
 France. By W. O'Connor Morris. Fully illustrated. Cloth, 
 
 $1.50 
 Half leather, gilt tops ....... 1.75 
 
 NAPOLEON. 
 
 By Alexandre Dumas. Translated from the French by John B. 
 Larner. Cloth $1.50 
 
 •y^ FRANCE UNDER MAZARIN. 
 
 With a sketch of the administration of Richelieu. By James Breck 
 Perkins, author of "France under the Restoration," etc., etc. 
 With photogravure portraits of Mazarin, Richelieu, Louis XIII., 
 Anne of Austria, and Conde. Two volumes, Svo . $4.00 
 
 \ 
 
 G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
 
 new YORK LONDON 
 
 37 WEST TWENTV-THIRD ST. I.j PFDFORD ST., STRANP 
 
/.* ■r''^^ 
 
 * .'X 
 
 
 -^.^ v"^ 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 .0- 
 
 
 
 .-^ 
 
 V <"""♦, O- 
 
 P" V 
 
 ■* 
 
 / 
 
 y>^j_ 
 
 ^ 
 ^ ^^. 
 
 '^^ v^ 
 
 iN 
 
 
 
 
 V </^, 
 
 •^ V 
 
 x"^ r"^' 
 
 X^^ '^<> 
 
 
 "^y V^ 
 
 V^^ 
 
•^% 
 
 .^^ 
 
 ^ V « " '■ ♦ 'b. 
 
 
 .^' - xN^- ^, V%> 
 
 
 
 .^-^i^^^- .^ „•> 
 
 
 
 
 . c-i << 
 
 
 
 .\^" '^ 
 
 
 
 
 ,0o. 
 
 
 
 .>^ •% 
 
 % 
 
 8 1^" \^ 
 
 
 .^^ 
 
 .>>^^ ■ •>; 
 
 ,-> 
 
 
 
 ■'V- K' 
 
 
 '^ ^ '^ ■ '/^ ^ ,0- ■ ' " 
 
 
 I 
 
 x'^^' "^^ 
 
 
 '-^^ c 
 
 ^^^ •% 
 
 •i* 
 
 •■^ 
 
 
 
 
 ,<^^