LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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 JOSEPH SEGAR, 
 
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 VOTERS OF THE ITORFOLK DISTRICT. 
 
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 [Prom the Norfolk Day Book. J 
 
 WASiriN(!TON, D. C, Auf/Hs/ •}'.). ^A'6. 
 J. A'. Hailiau-ay, Esij., Edi/<>7- Day liooh, Norfdli, Va. 
 
 My Dear Sir: Yam- |)ii|)ei- of yestfrilay's ilate was rpc.eivi'd to-ilay. 
 foi- the kiml expressions olwiiieli I owe yon viTy iiiiiiiy tlmiiks. 
 
 Your impression that I am not a resident of the District, anj tliere- 
 fore not eligiljle as its representative in Congress, is, I assure you, wholly 
 erroneous. 
 
 Unwilling to lose my vote, and certainly never designing to al)an- 
 <lon permanently the land of ray fathers, I iirouglit the matter last year 
 t.o the notice of tlie county judge of my county, and the result was a 
 judgment that 1 had done nothing to forfeit residence in Virginia, and 
 that at this moment my name is on the registration lists of Elizabeth 
 City county, and 1 most certainly design, if life lasts till election day in 
 Noveml)er, to cast my vote at its polls. 
 
 I am quite willing, my dear sir, and, to be candid, quite as anxious, to 
 serve our State in Congress, if the people of the District shall sec tit so to 
 honor me. I have devoted, as you well know, many years of my life to 
 the study of her interests, and suppose that I am pretty well imbued 
 with a sense of them. I would like to help her in this her hoar of sore pros- 
 tration, and I am very sure I can nowhere so help her as in the Halls of 
 Congress. Her depression is tooseiious to rally fiom by her own unaided 
 means and inHucnce. She can only be raised up to essential recuperation 
 by the .strengthening vigor and redeeming power of the Federal Union — 
 in a word, by the operation of Federal legislation. 
 
 What the State*wants and must have is immigration and capital, and 
 these must be alhu'ed to her bj' general and resistless causes. Pi-inted 
 circuUrs and newspa))er paragraphs, personal explanations, and apjieals 
 of laud companies and land agents, are of no avail. Shrewd men, look- 
 

 i ng to a change of settlement, will not be led or misled ))y an\' sueh 
 decoys. 
 
 But canals and railroads are things not to be mistaken or misunder- 
 stood. The}' are seen with the naked eye as instrumentalities that ensure 
 rapid and cheap transportation to market, and t)ring cheap and quick 
 returns; anrt so the immigrant pitches his tent in the land of the canal 
 and tlie railroad. 
 
 So that we need, first of all, for the redintegration of our languishing 
 State the completed canal and the ramified railroad. Reliance upon any 
 less active agency will be a sure miscalculation. 
 
 We want, by all means, ;i,nd we will have, if we manage well, the 
 Soutlieru Pacitio Railroad. Congress has granted hundreds of millions 
 worth of land and money to the West and Northwest imtil half a dozen 
 Pacific railroads lie between the Lakes and the Mississippi, and the Pacific 
 shores. It is high-time the South was thought of in this blessed con- 
 nection. 
 
 The commonest justice and incontrovertible right demand that 
 we of the So\ith sliall share the means from the national liouuty 
 of liuilding one of these tran.s-continental railways from the Fatlier 
 of Waters to the Pacific. Virginia has, in particular, a claim in thi< 
 reg.ird unimpeacliabli- in human chancer}'. Without money and witliom 
 price, slie gave away for the common good, and at a crisis of trying peril, 
 a very empire of territory, constituting now live of tli<' most populous, 
 and nourishing, and richest States of the Union. If we play oiu' pare 
 well, we too, will have one of the.-ie magnificent thoroughfares that, for 
 travel and tratfic. will put fiir in the shade all the other Pacific railroads, 
 and give us our share, perhaps tlie lion's share, of the trade of the I'aeific 
 coast, and of the Ea.st Indies and China and Japan. 
 
 Now, about this Southern Pacific Railroad, I think I may claim to be 
 pretty well posted. I believe I maile of it the first exposition but one, 
 and delivered immediately after the war the first public speech ever maile 
 in its favor. The late Jo.seph S. Wilson, then Commissioner of the General 
 Land Office, a gentleman of no cramped views, has the honor, so far a.-; 
 1 know, of having made the first demonstration. I followed in his lea<l, 
 and have watched the gteat enterprise with unceasing interest u]) to tills 
 moment. 
 
 I say, I think I know all about this Southern Pacific Railroad. We 
 need have no fear of Tom. Scott or any other competitor for the v;i.st 
 traltic of this grand avenue. We can, if we are smart, put the briihe 
 on Mr. Tom. Scott, and so guide him, that should he scheme to harm us — 
 which 1 do not believe he will attempt — he cannot damage us. 
 
 It can be made of countless value to Virginia and all the South. Its 
 eastism termin\is ought to be at Norfolk, for that is the point marl<ed out 
 by nature as the .shipping port of the Pacific and eastern trade. 
 
 .\ud the details of the scheme m:iy be so aranged, if we have the 
 right sort of representatives in Congress, tliat every Southern trade- 
 centre shall have its just sliare of tlie benefits. Should I be your reprc- 
 ■seiitative, every elfort I am capable of shall be made to give the great 
 work that direction and scope. 
 
 We want also, in order to make the iiillux of immigrants and capital 
 irresistibly sure, the completion of the great water line of Virginia, the 
 .l.ames river and Kanawlia canal. 
 
 We are not to suppose for a moment that this noblest of th(^ 
 commercial avenues of the Union is done for. Those who entertain 
 this idea liave but to read the great n'piorts and Speeches of Senator 
 Windom on the subject to be satisfied tliat the work is not abandoned by 
 the United States, but is only delayed for more propitious times. 
 
Evpn now, approjiriations arr actually mailc, as for srvcral years past. 
 ■'^ for improving the Kanawha river, which is but a part, arul most important 
 ri part, of our water line. 
 
 ^ When tlic projier time comes, the people of the great West will take 
 ^^ no denial from Congress as to the completion of the central waterway. 
 C To them it will be an overpowerini;-, irresistible necessity, and have it 
 <o they will, as I endeavored to demonstrate in an elaborate ar- 
 gument published some years since in the Xortblk Journal. I 
 stand yet by the reasoning of that argument. It is founded in eternal 
 truth, "and its conclusions will be as certainly realized as the elements 
 sliall last. 
 
 What we want and siial! gain by the water line is a depot on tide 
 water for the collection and shipment of the cannel coal of the Kanawha 
 valley, andotlicrheavy frcightsof the West. And for this the canal will be 
 ail absolnle guarantee. 
 
 And what we want as a nation, and on our own State account, is the 
 furnishing by clu'ap transportation of the cereals of the West toEngland 
 andothei' European countries. A market is indeed already made there for 
 western grain and other staples. IJccent statistics show that an immense 
 increase of supplies to England and Germany from the United States 
 has already taken pl.ace. W'c have, by cheapened transport rates, and 
 other advantages, underbid Russia until wehavequite the lion's share of 
 the cereal trade, and it is all the time increasing. The very low traius- 
 portation on our water line will, as sure .as fate, establi.sh an invaluable 
 trans-atlaulic niai'ket for Americ-in bread .~t uffs and other productions. 
 
 Virginia will be a great beneliciary in this: that she will .seciuvin her 
 tide watcis tlie foreign shipping port, and will have passing through her 
 territory, an<l by her own thoroughfare both ways, the measurele.ss 
 traffic involved in this new European trade. 
 
 If I understand any subject perfectly — see it in all its philosophies 
 and conseiiuences — it is this .lames river and Kanawha canal. For long 
 years I struggled for it as if for the life of the Stale or of the nation. 
 And I clierisb the solacing liclief that, under the J'rovidence of God, I 
 have been souiewbat instrumental in rescuing from destiurtion this most 
 magnilicent of all American inlcrnal trade enterpri.~es, and held it in re- 
 serve for a lirilliant and imperial destiny. 
 
 Will you send me to < 'ongress to continue my labors in this great cause '! 
 
 We must have, too, cheap transportation to its fullest extent, .ludgc 
 Hughes said in one of his powerful papers on the subject that, "cheap 
 lianspoi'tation is the great need of the West."' It is the great need fif 
 the whole country — of every .State, couitty, and. neighliorhnod It is food 
 and raiment, thrift, comt'ort. inileiiendencc — necessary and hixuiy alike. 
 This immeasurable individual and ii.atioiial good we can reach only hy 
 improving f>ur water-ways, and using natiunal h'gisl.aiion to regulate the 
 rates of railroad transportation. 
 This will involve a hard struggle in Congicss. 
 
 .Mready a Democratic House of Uepresentativcs is exhibiting opposition 
 to this grand policy by unestioning the power of ( oiigre^s lo interfere 
 with tlie regulations of railroad rates of transjioitation. Not a single 
 proposition from the Committee on IJailroadsand Canals hassucceeded at 
 tills session. A few days since a bill granting the right of way for a rail- 
 road from Chicago to Charleston w;is defeated in conmiittee. Xot consti- 
 tutional such grants, it is said ; which, being interpreted, meaneth, not al- 
 lowable by the resolutions of 'OS. If you send me to Congress I shall 
 labor in this great cause — the cause of all the jicople — with all my heart 
 and .soul. For thisgrand rcfoini put me down unmistakably. 
 
 We waul, further, manufactures. This great recuperuling agency we 
 
cannot do withont. Vir^jinia mnst be niatle like Pennsylvania; have raan- 
 iifactiM'inj; establishments seattered throngli lier <loraain, and her every 
 stream turning' the maihineiy of some manufaetnring establishment, and 
 then she will soon be a redeemed and a great State. 
 
 I cannot forbear, my dear sir, (so apposite is it.) to reproduce from a 
 speech I delivered in Hampton in .Tuly, 1807, in favor of the Congressional 
 plan of reconstruction, the following cjuotation: 
 
 • Fellow-eiti/ens. wliatever of briMiant destiny await'i our State, will lie 
 relleeted from the protective policy and tlie agency of the i-ailroad and 
 canal. 
 
 "In niannfactrn'ingenteriirise lies much of our future prosperity and 
 industrial conseciucnct^ and power. Weliave facilities for mannfacttu'ing, 
 such as few States on the earth possess — coal and iron in close juxtaposi- 
 tion — raw material of every Uind, and endless water power almost by the 
 side of each other; and all we re(|uire to evoke and employ our exbaust- 
 less resources, is the stimulating agency of the protective policy aided by 
 ready and cheap transit. 
 
 •'Kellovv-citizens, 1 expect to see the day when Virginia will be a great 
 manufacturing State, and when I see that day. I shall bi'hohl her with 
 imipirc on her brow, and laureled wreaths encircling it, growing greener 
 and yet greener, until her lenovated and reblossomiug domain, exhibiting 
 divided pursuit and multiplie<i vocation, and their ever-following thrift, 
 shall bring her out one of the tir.st commonwealths on earth." 
 
 It follows, of course, that I am an advocate of a protective tarilf. <Jn 
 this subject I learned my lessons from Gen. Jackson, Mr. Calhoun, Mr. 
 ("lay, George Evans of Maine, Andrew Stewart of Pennsylvania, and 
 more latterly, of .ludgi' Kelly, now a Representative from ttiat enlightened 
 protective tarilf State. 1 studied carefully under these good teachers, 
 and. 1 I bird;, succcs.sfully. 
 
 I add on this point that after long continued observation of details and 
 facts, I have arrived at an invincible conviction that the iiimruihle epWi u/ 
 (tfler/naie proieciion has bacn to cii'e the American market to the Atnericau 
 ina.nitfactur€r, and to cheapen to the consufner f very article of nuumfacture. 
 
 Retween Mr Morrison's tarlll' bill, and .Fudge Kell)''s views, I scarcely 
 need say, that I most decidedly incline to the latter. 
 
 These ari' unpopul.-ir o|iinious in Virginia. I am well aware, but they 
 are sincerely mini', and I fear not to avow them. 
 
 In gcner.-d politics. I am an old time whig of the ITcnry Clay. Daniel 
 Webster stanij): or more |)ropeily. a Federalist of the olden school. My 
 notions about the character and powers of our Federal system, I derived 
 from Georire Washington, Alexander Hamilton, .John Marshall, .James 
 Madison. Henry Clay, the "great expounder,'" Daniel Webster, and the 
 .indicial interpretations of the Supreme Court of the United States And 
 from them I learned the lu'ccious and immortal truth, that llie union of 
 the.se States is the grand palL-nliimi of American liberty, and American 
 peace, happiness anil grandfur. 
 
 How I strnggli'il for the luion in secession's glooming hour, yon well 
 know, and all A'irgiuia knows. How hard did I strive by argument and 
 remonstrance, and how fervently did I pray to the God of nations to retain 
 my native land within the Union I 
 
 So help me God, I never comijromised for one moment with the great 
 criminality. I could never bring myself to the belief that the mandate 
 of tuy State was any defence against the crime of attempting to break 
 up that Union, and simply because my State has no rightful power to 
 command me, as one of her citizens, to commit treason against the govern- 
 ment to which 1 owe primaiy allegiance. 
 
If. therefore, you delegate me to Conp-es?, you will send me there 
 with a eouviction never to he overcome that no one State, and that no 
 authority on tlie earth but a majority of three fourths of all the States, 
 ean dot an I. or cross a T of our Federal constitution. 
 
 Tn all this I am but consistent. Before the secession ordinance was 
 passed, I denounced secession as treason. In tlie Assembly Hall of Vir- 
 ginia, in the face of her assembled Burgesses, I stigmatized the seizure 
 of the U.S. guns, at Bellona arsenal, as dishonoral)le to the State; and as a 
 member of the S7th Congress — the great war Congress — I voted for 
 every dollar and every man re(iuired to put down the rebellion, and 
 because, first, it was right and was my dut}'; and. secondly, because I 
 knew that the sooner Virginia got back into the Union, the better for 
 her. I am altogether willing to let the worst be known of me, bccan.se 
 the worst I did was indeed the very best. lean never surrender, but with 
 life, one jot of these opinions. They constitute the chief glory and honor 
 of my bumble public life. 
 
 In reference to the currency question I can only say th.at, most mani- 
 festly, gold and silver are the money of the Constitution, and, it seems to 
 me the bounden duty of the Government to return as speedily as po.ssible 
 to the resumption of specie payments. Whether it should begin at a |iar- 
 ticular date named, or await the gradual happening of eircum.stances be- 
 tokening the arrival of the hour for resumption, I am not sufficiently in- 
 formed to say. But it seems to me. .as one not fully informed on the sub- 
 ject, that the naming of a day for resumption would put the country upon 
 a course of preparation. If I shall liave to deal with this subject, I shall 
 do the best I can to find out the right, but with a strong leaning to the 
 money of the Constitution. 
 
 I accept without reservation the new amendments of the Constitution 
 as equally binding with its older predecessors, and implicitly recognize 
 Ihe great principle wrought by the rebellion, that there sliall beeverliere- 
 after political and legal equ.ality alike for the white and colored race. 
 Without tliis acceptance and acknowledgment, we cannot have the ancient 
 concord restored, and reconstruction established on a satisfactory basis. 
 And I much apprehend that the people of the South, and even the Demo- 
 cracy of the North, do not cordially acquiesce in this great truth. Their 
 heart does not seem to me. from all the circumstances, to be in it. But 
 until it shall be recognized and appreciated, "nrf practically applied, there 
 can be no stable peace and traiKjuility, and no rally of improvement and 
 pro«rerity in the seceded States. 
 
 I have heard much said for several years past about the tendency of 
 the Government under Republican rule to centralization — to the stealthy 
 destruction of local stategovernment. Well, in lime of a convulsing rebellion 
 there will be necessarily a straining of the Constitutional powers. Fur 
 example : Though gold and silver are declared by the (Jonstitutioii the 
 only legal tender, yet, during the war. United States notes were declared 
 a legal tender because it had become "necessary and jiroper," as one of 
 the means of suppressing the rebellion. And so the Supreme Court de- 
 cided. But who is responsible for this straining of (>overninent aiUhority 
 to extreme tension, but the secessionists themselves:^ 
 
 And so, in the winding up of the rebellion, it became necessary to go 
 outside of the Constitution and invoke the laws of war, the ajiplicability 
 of which to the occasion no one can doubt. The conqnerer has always 
 the right to prescribe the terms of settlement and reconstruction. Seven- 
 measures aiul rough dealing were as ucces-sary, (if not more .so.) as during 
 the war. Hence, military governments, universal colored sufl'rage, and 
 the removal of disloyal incumbents from the State offices while the pro- 
 cess of reconstruction was going on. 
 
For these aw] all other coiiseijnences of tVie war — for all the hafl 
 legislation arisuig out of it — for all its blood and death, and its thousand 
 desolations and horrors — the secessionists are alone responsible, and have 
 no right to refer, as they now constantly do, to the severe measures they 
 (irovolied as evidences of Rcpuljlican movement towards a centralizing 
 policy. 
 
 'I'here have been. <loubtless, sometimes tendencies to consolidation, but 
 not very often cxliitiited. 
 
 There was none in Gen. Washington's administration; none in John 
 Adams,' save, perli;ips, the enactment of the .alien and sedition laws. 
 which were as clearly constitutional as an order of adjournment; nor in 
 Mr. Jeft'erson's, nor in Mr. Madison's, nor in Mr. Monroe's, nor John 
 (Jnincy Adams,' beyond the rhetorical tlourishes about "light-houses of 
 the skies," and being "iialsied by the will of constituents." 
 
 But it was reserved for democratic .administr.ations to start measures 
 of consolidation. 
 
 Tt was in Gen. Jackson's time that the New Jersey outrage was 
 perpetrated — a ileed by which a .sovereign State was. unheard, disfran- 
 chised of her repre.sentation in Congress in contempt of all law and order. 
 ;uh1 .'ianctilied only because it was the doing of the Stale rights -Democ- 
 racy. 
 
 And the standing aruij' scheme of Mr. Van IJuren and his Secretary 
 of War, Mr. Poinsett, there never was a more audacious assault upon the 
 right of the States to local govei'nment; for wliateverof military power the 
 States possc.<s, was ruthlessly to he turned over to the Federal Government, 
 so that a pure military despoti^^ni would have been tlu^ residt. It helped 
 materially to drive the Van Ruren dynasty from ]iower. 
 
 Indeed, iu the .laekson era, deliance of the safeguards of the coustitu- 
 liou. and of the great princiiiles of civil liberty, was a matter of almost 
 daily occurrence. 'I'he cardinal maxims of Anglo-Saxon freedom that the 
 people's nii>ney can be appropriated onlv by the people's repn^sentatives, 
 and tliat lhe'))urse and the sword .'ihoiild never be united iu tlie same 
 hand, were llaffrantly desecrated by riesident Jackson in the removal of 
 Ihc deposits. His (—Icbrated protest to the Senate of the rnited Slates 
 claimed for th<' Kxecutive more than kingly powei-s. And his followers 
 in thai body did not scruple to perpetrate the meanest, lilack<'st /leed in 
 ,\meric:iu history — the expungin;; uf the. journal of the Senate of the 
 United Slates. .\nd yet. dc.-^pitc of these centralizing violences, the (,'on- 
 stitution still lives, and the Government and the people are free. So that 
 the Republican party is neither the originator nor monopolist of centraliza- 
 tion measures. 
 
 The simple truth is. that the Supreme Court of the United States is an 
 insuperable barrier ayainst undue consolidation of Federal authority, and 
 an I'tTeclive guarantee of local State govennnenl, and of the individual 
 liberties n! the people Its decisions have ccrlaiidy run very strongly in 
 the direction of State rights. 
 
 Of course, I shall heartily supijort tlu' Cincinnati iiomiualion. It 
 is an admirable ticket. It could not be well bettered. 'I'he nominees, 
 Hayes and Wheeler, are men of spotless piirity of character ami fine 
 abilities. They are just the men tor the institution of whatever reforms 
 may be needed TJiey hnlh aver that they recognize no standard of 
 (pialitieation for (illicial station hut honesty, capability and Jidclity. A 
 gooil foundation to build upon. 
 
 They are old line whie-, whose proud motto ever was, "the Union, the 
 Constitution, and the enforcement of the laws." They are plain, modest 
 men. and not hackueyeil politicians. 
 
 The Democracy cry aloud for reform, and, doubtless, there are some 
 
abuses calling for correction. It would be most remarkable, if after a 
 gigantic and bloody desolating civil war rcijuiring tlic expeniliture of a 
 million of dollars a day to carry it on, tlierc were no demoralization. All 
 wars are demoralizing, especially civil wars. To prevent all abuse woulil 
 re<iulre omniscient intuition of personal character, and wliole armies of 
 watchmen and guards. No vigilance could be adequate until tlie debris 
 ot the rebellion's great convidsion sliould be cleared away, and peace and 
 good ortler resumed and a peace syst<^m fully establislied. 
 
 Who more likelj' to lind out and arrest abuses tlian tliis upright, well- 
 tried candidate of ours — Rutlierford B. Hayes — well-tried on union battle- 
 lields as on the peaceful arena of liigli civil station!' 
 
 But wlio are primarily and chielly responsible for whatever of demoral- 
 ization has come upon us, who but theDemocrai.y, that brouglit on secession 
 and civil war? 
 
 Tliere is (ine reform of tlie most vital nature, one tliat the reljellion 
 inaugurated — and that is the priceless reform that all true patriots crave, 
 whlcli. after sweeping away the enemies and would be destroyers of thi- 
 Union, put the Government in tlie hands of Union men. There may it 
 eontinuc forever ! 
 
 Will tliey who essayed to destroy the Union, wlio. witiiout a solitary 
 grie^■anee or wrong, strove to move Heaven and eartli to break up the 
 Union of our fatliers — will they. 1 ,<ay, if they succeed to the present ad- 
 ministration, be a Union party, honest and sincere? 
 
 1 fear not, more especially as all theii' avowed tloetrines tend to dis- 
 union as natuially as the current of the Mississippi .<ets down to tlie Gulf. 
 
 At all events, will it not be safer to retain in the Governmeut tlie party 
 that has no st.ain or suspicion of disloyalty resting upon it? Is it not the 
 sate side ? 
 
 Desiring as 1 have said to represent the district in Congress, I have 
 resolveil to make through you this address to its voters that they may know 
 precisely what my sentiments are. so that there be no mistake or mis- 
 understanding. 
 
 And 1 have preferred to leave the common place topics, and advert only 
 to those great questions, now springing from a new departure, that concern 
 the national welfare, and especially the welfare of \irginia. i'"or one I 
 desire some great pacifying renovating agency, and I quote from one of my 
 arguments on the James River Canal my views as I .still entertain tlieui. 
 1 then said : 
 
 "I do not believe — I grieve to say it — that the South is fully reconstructed. 
 I am sure our own State is not. I believe the feud is as deaiUy as of yore. 
 more .so than soon after the war. Thorns still raidde. I believe there is 
 among lier people Ijut little of genuine attachment to the Federal Union. 
 1 mean among those wlio took part in the secession movement. I believe 
 there are yet bitter personal hates and bitter political hate.s — a .si'Ctioiial 
 embitterment that will not yield to the "sober .second thought.' or to the 
 suggestions of charity. I see no prospect of obliterating this deadly 
 embitterment and severing antagonism but in the operation of some great 
 physical agency, which, addressed to the interests of our people, shall 
 gradually reach their passions, and by degrees assuage them down to 
 unmalignant mood. 
 
 •'That physical agency is to be found in the pacifying influences of the 
 railroad and the canal — in this instance, cliielly the canal. The mutual 
 deiicudenees — the con.stant intercommunication — the reciprocal inter- 
 clianges, commercial and social, that this almost omnipotent caii.se will 
 engender — these are the powers that will smooth down the asperities, and 
 round oil' the sharp corners of the bitter sectional enmity that the civil 
 
s 
 
 war begot. I believe that the completion of the water-line will fabricate 
 a bond of interest that will forever unite the great West and the great 
 East, and fuse tlie two sections into one, nialiing the people of eacli liury 
 the animosities and ill l)lood of tlie i)ast, and once more joyfully and proudly 
 rally under one common flag. Tlie accomplishment maybe slow — will be 
 slow ; but the great cause will not fail of its eftect, and that eticet will be 
 to ally the East and tlie West liy pliysical, commercial and social contiguity, 
 and make them neiglibors and friends forever. After tliat, no dread of 
 secession and civil war again, l>ut genuine, sincere love of tlic Uuion 
 forever." 
 
 Candor rciiuires me to say tlrat I can liavf little liope, constituted as 
 the party macliincry of tlie district is, with scarcely a native Mrginian 
 in either the local or general committees, to liave much of a chance for a 
 nomination. 
 
 And so I have determined to lav my opinions at some lenglli before 
 the people of the r>istricl, that they may Mieuisclvcs take the matter in 
 hand, and see to it that the nominating convention be fairly constituted, 
 and tile wishes of the men of substanci'— tin- solid men of the party — be 
 consulted in the choice of a Kepreseutative. Yours truly, 
 
 JOSEPH SEGAK. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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