W A ' :;HiiviGTQN. "FIELD Columbian MusEUXf' Publication 75 Anthropological Sfrfes Vol. IV THE ARAPAHO SUN DANCE; THE CEREMONY OF THE OFFERINGS LODGE George A. Dorsey Curator, Department of Anthropology Chicago, U. S. A. June, 1903 Field Cohmhian Museum puhlicatiun 75 ANTiiRoroLOGiCAL Skkies Vol. IV HE ARAPAHO SUN DANCE; THE CEREMONY OF THE OFFERINGS LODGE George A. Dorsey Curator, Department of Anthropology Chicago. U. S. A. June, 1903 THE ARAPAHO SUN DANCE George A. Dorsey CONTENTS. Page Introductory note ....... i I. BibliV)grapliy -..-..-. 5 II. The vow ........ 5 Story of a woman's vow ...... 5 Story of Thihaiichhawkan's vow ----- 8 Thihauchh;iwkan's prayer ----- 9 Minor vows of dancing and fasting - . . . g III. Interval between the vow and the ceremony - - - - 10 I\'. The sacred Wheel - - - - - - - 12 Description of the Wheel --..-- £2 Symbolism of the Wheel ------ 13 The Four-Old-Men ------- 13 Wrapping the Wheel - - - - - - 15 Miraculous movements of the Wheel - - - - 20 V . Time of the ceremony .-...- 22 \T. Assemblage and formation of the camp-circle - - - - 22 \TI. Participants in the ceremony - . . . . 24 Participants in the ceremony, 1902 - - - - - 28 Alphabetical list of participants ----- 30 Warrior societies -..--.. 32 The priesthood ..-.-.- 33 VIII. Characterization of the eight ceremonial days - - - - 33 IX. The Sun Dance ceremony ------ 35 First day, iqoi and 1902. 35 Hocheni's prayer before Star society - - - - 36 The announcement ...... 36 The Rabbit-tip! ------- 37 Rabbit-tipi taboos - - - - - 37 Wood for the ceremonial fire - - - - - 38 The Wheel taken to the Rabbit-tipi - - - - 38 The knife, rawhide, and badger taken to the Rabbit-tipi - 38 Hawkan's prayer in the Rabbit-tipi - . - 39 The fireplace - - - - - - - 39 The sage floor ------- 39 The fire, and the war story - - - - - 39 The Badger-pack ------ 40 The buffalo skull ------- 40 Entrance into the lodge of the Lodge-Maker and wife - 41 The feast and the offering of food - - - - 41 The offering of smoke ------ 41 The offering of incense - - - - - - 42 The drum and rattle ------ 42 Contents. Page The use of the pipe-stem - - - - - - 43 Tlie use of spittle ..-..- 43 Rabbit-tipi songs and the rehearsal - - - - 43 Second day, 1901; second and third days, IQ02 . - - 44 The Sweat-lodge ....--- 44 Omitted in igoi ...... 44 The Sweat-lodge, 1902 ...--. 44 The ground marked out ..... 45 The erection of the Sweat-lodge - - - - - 46 The Wheel carried into the Sweat-lodge ... 47 Incense burned ------- 47 Ceremonial smoking ------ 48 The ceremonial bath - - - - - - 48 Symbolism of the Sweat-lodge - . - ^ - 49 The Lodge-Maker solicits aid - - - - - 50 The cedar tree, IQ02 ...... 51 Rites within the Rabbit-tipi - - - - - - 52 The lariat for the center-pole ----- 52 Filling the straight-pipe - - - - - - 53 The ceremonial digging-stick ----- 54 The ceremonial digging-stick, 1902 - - - "55 Thiyeh's prayer to Hocheni - - - . 55 Hdwkan's prayer to digging-stick - - - - 56 The ceremonial scalp ------ 58 The ceremonial knife ------ 59 The buffalo skull decorated ----- 59 The buffalo skull decorated, 1902 - - - - - 60 The Lodge-Maker's robe - . . - - 62 Symbolism of the Lodge-Maker's robe - - - - 65 The sacred Wheel placed on its support - - - 68 Capture of a buffalo ------ 68 Capture of a buffalo, 1902 - - - - ' - 69 Painting of the buffalo hide - - - - - 70 Eagle feathers given to Young-Bull - - - - 72 Watdngaa's prayer to Young-BuH - - - - 72 The belt and headdress repainted - . - - 73 Hdwkan's prayer - - - - - - 74 Symbolism of the belt and headdress . - . 75 The rawhide drum and night rehearsal - - - - 76 Rites outside the Rabbit-tipi - - - - - 77 Timbers for the lodge - - - - - - 77 Locating the center-pole - - - . . 77 The Offerings-lodge located - - - - - 78 H.iwkan's prayer ------ 79 Third day, 1901 -------- 80 The center-pole captured ------ 80 The center-pole captured, 1902 - - - - - 81 Nishchdnakati's prayer - - . . - 82 The center-pole taken to the camp-circle - - - 84 Contents. vii Pane Building the Offerings-lodge ..... gj Final rites in the Rabbit-tipi - - - - - - 85 The "packed " bird ------ gg The digging-stick prepared - - - - - 86 Healing ceremony with the Wheel, lg02 - . - %y The privilege of painting the center-pole - - - 87 The Lodge-Maker painted, 1901 . . - . g^ The Lodge-Maker and associates painted, 1902 - - - 89 Hdwkan's prayer ------ qq H^wkan's prayer - - - - - - 91 The Rabbit-tipi abandoned - - - - - - 92 The Rabbit-tipi abandoned, IQ02 - - - - ■ 93 The lodge-poles painted ------ 93 The lodge-poles painted, 1902 - - - - - 94 The Offerings-lodge completed ----- g6 The Offerings-lodge completed, 1902 - - - - 97 The Offerings-lodge dedicated ----- gy The Offerings-lodge dedicated, 1902 - - - - - 98 The begiiming of the dance - . . . . g8 Hawkan's prayer - - - - - - 99 The beginning of the dance, 1902 - . - . joo The rawhide incensed ------ 100 The offering of the Lodge-Maker's wife - - - loi Dancing to the Four-Old-Men ----- 102 The rawhide incensed ------ 103 Fourth day, 1901; fifth day, 1902 - ----- 103 The Sunrise dance ------ 103 Assembling material for the altar - - . - . 104 Preparing the sods --.--. 104 The sods brought to the Offerings-lodge, 1902 - - - 105 Hawkan's prayer ------ 106 Timbers for the altar ------- 108 The erection of the altar ------ log The "ditch " made - ...... 109 The "ditch" painted -.-..-- 109 The skull repainted - - - - - - no The sods painted - - - - - - no The seven trees - - - - - - - no The seven upright sticks - - - - - ni The Wheel and pipe placed in position - - - - n i The seven curved sticks - - - - - ni Tlie altar, 1902 - - - - - - - - n2 The symbolism of the Offerings-lodge - - - - n2 Man-Above - - - - - - - - n2 The Four-Old-Men - - - - - - n3 Nih'a"9a" and the elk skull - - - - - 113 The Thunderbird nest - - - - - n4 Young-Bull - - - - - - - - n4 Story of result in neglecting Young-Bull - - - US Contents. Page The abiding-place of Man-Above - - - - Ii8 The sky and earth ..---- The tipi -------- The seven trees - ------ The Wheel -------- The Badger-Woman - - - - - - Opened-Brains' knife ------ The color symbolism of the original Offerings-lodge The distribution of presents ----- Hdwkan's prayer ------ The distribution of presents, 1902 - - - - Expense of making the Offerings-lodge The feast and the sacrifice of food . - - - Ceremonial smoking ------ Ceremonial smoking, 1902 ------ The dancers painted ------ The dancers painted, 1902 . - - - - The dance ------- The dance, 1902 ------- Fifth day, 1901; sixth day, 1902 - - - The Sunrise dance ------- Preparation of the sage wreaths and bandoleers Hanakenakuwu's prayer ----- Intrusive ceremonies ------ Inauguration of new chiefs ----- Name-changing ceremony, 1902 . - - - The Lodge-Maker's prayer ----- Medicine night ------- Sixth day, 1901; seventh day, 1902 ----- The morning dance ---..- The morning dance, 1902 ------ The feast and sacrifice of food - - - - - The dancers painted ------- The dancers painted, 1902 ----- Ceremony with the Wheel ------ Preparation of the sweet-water ----- Preparation of the sweet-water, 1902 - . - - H.-iwkan's prayer ------ Hdwkan's prayer ------ The Sunset dance ------- Bathing and purification of the dancers - - - - Breaking of the fast ------ Seventh day, 1901; eighth day, 1902 ----- Early rites in the lodge ------ The Sunrise dance ------- Smoking the straight-pipe . - - . - The morning rites, 1902 ------ The sacrifice of children's clothing - - . - Prayer before the sacrifice ----- CONTKNTS. JX Pane End of the ceremony, IQ02 - - - - 157 Ultimate fate of the Offerings-lodge ----- 157 Kites in tlie Dog-soldiers' lodge - - - - - jcg X. The painting of the dancers - - - - - - 158 The Mother-Earth paint - - - - - - ijg The Lodge-Maker's paint --.... igo The Pink-Calf paint ...... 152 The Pink paint -----... jg-j The Yellow-Earth paint ----.. 164 The Yellow paint (first) - - - - - - 165 The Yellow paint (second) ..... j^j Paints worn in the Offerings-lodge, 1902 .... 155 The Lodge-Maker's paint -.--.. 167 The Yellow-Eartli paint ..... 167 The Yellow paint (second) - . - . . . 157 The Yellowhammer paint ----.. i6g The Circular or Thunder paint ..... 170 Origin of the Circular or Thunder paint - - - - lyi General observations on the paints .... 172 XL Tlie relation of the Transferrer to the Lodge-Maker's wife - - 172 XIL Offerings-lodge songs - ...... 173 XIIL Torture ..-.-.... 17^ Piercing the ears ----... ijg Piercing the ears, Arapaho story of - - - - - 180 Sacrifice of human flesh - - - - - - 182 The sacrifice of a woman's finger, story of - - - - 184 XIV. Children's games during the Sun Dance ceremony - - 187 Game of buffalo meat ----.-. 188 Game of choosing grandfathers ----- i8g Games wliile bathing - - - - - - - 191 XV. Sun Dance myths ....... igj Origin myth -------- 191 Little Star ----.... 212 LLUSTRATIONS. Plate. Page I. The Sacred Wheel ------ 12 II. Cheyenne tipis ..---- 23 III. Ghost-dance tipis ------- 23 IV. Watangaa's tipi ------ 24 V. Rabbit-tipi ------- 37 VI. Laying out the Sweat-lodge ----- 45 VII. Erecting the Sweat-lodge - - - - - 46 VIII. Completing the Sweat-lodge ----- 46 IX. Relation of the Sweat-lodge to the Rabbit-tipi - - - 46 X. Lodge-Makers starting to solicit assistance - - 51 XL Lodge-Makers returning from soliciting assistance - - 51 XII. Cedar tree for the Rabbit-tipi - . - . 52 XIII. Thiyeh preparing the rawhide lariat - - - - 52 XIV. Staking out the buffalo - - . . . 69 XV. Ceremonial capture of the buffalo - - - - 69 XVI. Bringing lodge-poles into the camp-circle - - - 77 XV^IL Ghost-dance costumes - - - - - - 81 XVIIL The march to the capture of the center-pole - - 81 XIX. Praying before cutting the center-pole - - - - 84 XX. Touching the center-pole with the pipe-stem before it is cut 84 XXI. Cutting down the center-pole - - - - - 84 XXII. The center-pole trimmed to its proper length - - 84 XXIII. Transferring the center-pole across the river - - - 84 XXIV. Warrior societies, ready for the sham battle - - 84 XXV. After the sham battle - - - - . - - 84 XXVI. The Thunderbird society after the sham battle - - 84 XXVII. Unloading the center-pole - - - - - 85 XXVIII. Erecting the Offerings-lodge - - - - 85 XXIX. Erecting the Offerings-lodge - . - . - 85 X.XX. The wife of the Lodge-Maker - - ' - - 85 XXXI. Warrior societies awaiting the Rabbit-tipi priests - - 93 XXXII. Rabbit-tipi priests leaving the Rabbit-tipi -■ - - 93 XXXIII. l-lite before painting the reach-poles - - - - 94 XXXIV. Painting th^ reach-pole . - - . . ^5 XXXV. Painting the center-pole ------ 95 XXXVI. The fork of the center-pole ----- 96 XXXVII. The upper half of the center-pole - - - - 97 XXXVIII. Completion of the Offerings-lodge - - - - 97 XXXIX. Temporary altar - - - - - - - 104 XL. Preliminary rites before cutting the sods - - - 105 XLI. Cutting the sods ------- 107 XLII. Taking the sods from the ground - - - - 107 Il.I.USTKA riONS. Plate Paifr \L1II. Transfer of the sixis to llie Offcriiigs-lodgc - • -107 XLIV. Transfer of the sods to the Offerings-lodge - - 107 XLV. Transfer of the sods to tlic Offerings-lodge - - - 107 XL\'I. Removing the sods from the blanket - - 107 XLVII. Rite before trimming the sods ----- 108 XLXTII. Trimming the sods ------ 108 XLIX. The refuse earth removed from the Offerings-lodge - - 108 L. Preparing the billets for the ceremonial bed - - 108 LI. Dividing the rabbit bushes - . - - . 108 Lll. Rite before insertion of rab])it bushes - - - no LIII. Inserting the rabbit bushes in the sods - - - - 110 LI\'. Erecting the trees for the altar - - . . LV. Erecting the trees for the altar ----- LVI. Erecting the trees for the altar . . . . LVII. Placing the ujiright sticks in position - . . - LVIII. Placing the upright sticks in position LIX. Placing the upright sticks in position - - - - LX. The camp-circle and the Offerings-lodge - LXI. The altar - - - L.XII. Details of the altar ------ 119 L.XIII. Feast for the grandfathers - . - . - 127 LXIV. Sacrifice of food .--.-. 127 LX\'. Painting the dancers - - - - - - 131 LX\T. Painting the dancers ------ 131 LXVII. The dancers bathing .--.-. 122 LXVTII. Dancers receiving the poultice - . . - j-ji LXI.X. Incensing the rawliide ------ 13^ LXX. Incensing the rawhide - - - - - 134 LXXI. Incensing the rawhide ------ 134 L.XXII. Sage bands for the dancers ----- 135 LXXIII. Sage bands for the dancers . . - . . 135 L.XXIV. Intrusive ceremonies ------ 136 LX.XV. Initiation of new chiefs ----- 137 LXXVL Inauguration of new chiefs ----- 137 LXXVTI. Name-changing ceremony . - - . - 137 LXXVIII. Scene outside Offerings-lodge . . . - 139 LXXLX. The feast -------- 140 LXXX. The making of sage wreaths at the beginning of the dance 140 LXXXI. The dancers resting --...- 140 LXXXII. Arapaho children - - - - - - 141 LXXXI 1 1. A Dog-soldier 141 LXXXIV. Priests, after painting the dancers - - - - 141 LXXXV. Priests, after painting the dancers - - - '4' LXXX\T. The line of dancers ------ 141 LXXXVII. The line of dancers - - - - - - 14' LXXXVm. The line of dancers ------ 141 LXXXIX. The line of dancers - - - - - -Mi -XC. Dancing witli the Wheel ----- 141 -XCI. Dancers bathing - - - - - - - Ml Xll Illustrations. Plate XCII. Dancers resting, after being painted XCIII. Incidents of the dance - - - - XCIV. Incidents of the dance . . - XCV. Incidents of the dance . - - - XCVI. Incidents of the dance . . . . XCVII. Ceremony with the Wlieel XCVIII. Dancing with the Wheel - . - XCIX. Priests on their way to preparing the sweet-water C. Sunset dance - - - - - CI. Badger-pack unwrapped - - - - CII. Smoking the straight-pipe - - . - CIII. The ceremonial Wheel returned CIV. Sacrifice of clothing - - - - C\'. The altar after the sacrifice C\T. The center-pole after the sacrifices - C\TI. The altar after the sacrifice CNTII. The Of?erings-lodge, after the ceremony CIX. Dog-soldier rites - - - - - ex. Lodge-Maker's paint - - - - CXI. Lodge-Maker's paint, 1901 CXII. Dancers, igoi ----- CXIII. Henienit, wearing Pink-Calf paint CXIV. Dancers, 1901 ----- CXV. The Pink-Calf paint and the Pink paint CXVI. Dancers, 1901 ----- CXVII. Yellow-Earth paint and Yell(Mv paint (first) CXVIII. Yellow paint (second) CXIX. Lodge-Makers, 1902 - - - . CXX. Lodge-Maker's paint, 1902 CXXI. Dancers, 1902 ' - CXXII. Dancers, 1902 ----- CXXIII. Dancers, 1902 ----- CXX IV. Dancers, 1902 ----- CXXV. Dancer, 1902 ----- CXXVI. Dancers . - . . . CXXV 1 1. i:)ancers ------ CXXVI II. Dancer, 1902 ----- CXX IX. Mixed paints, 1902 - . . . CXXX. Yellowhammcr paint - - - - CXXXI. Second Yellowhammer paint CXXXII. Yellowhammer paint - - - - CXXXIII. Yellowhammer paint - - . - CXXX IV. Dancer, 1902 CXXXV. Dancer, 1902 ----- CXXXVI. Dancer, 1902 - - - - - - CXXXVII. Circular or Thunder paint Page 141 142 142 142 142 142 143 146 150 156 156 156 158 160 161 162 162 162 162 164 164 165 167 167 167 167 167 167 167 168 168 168 168 169 169 169 169 170 170 170 170 INTRODUCTORY NOTE. of all the ceremonies of the IMaiiis Indians tiiat (jf the so-called ''Sun Dance'" is probably the most famous, but tiie least understood. On account of the large number of tribes which performed the Sun Dance, the witle distribution of these tribes, and the popularity of the Sun Dance itself, it has probably been witnessed by more people than has any other ceremony of the Indians of the United States. The amount of misconception which prevails concerning; the ceremony, however, is very great, and there e.xisted for many years, especially on the part of the United States Indian Office and its agents, a feeling of hostility toward the Sun Dance. The character of this hostility, as well as the ignorance of the true meaning of the ceremony, may be seen from the following citations, taken almost at random from the Agents' letters printed in the Annual Reports of the Comniissioner of hulian Affairs: "The traditional 'sun dance,' with its attendant tortures, in which the cruel ordeal through which the candidate who aspires to be a 'brave' must i)ass, is still practiced among the Indians." Jacob Kauffman, Agent Fort Berthold, Annual Report, 1880, p. ;^;^. ''No 'sun tiance' (the most l)arbarous of all Indian dances) was held or attempted this year." W. Parkhurst, Agent Lower lirule. Annual Report, 1882, p. 32. "Dancing is diminishing, and the heathenish annual ceremony, termed 'the sun dance,' will, I trust, from the way it is losing ground, be soon a thing of the past." V. T. McGillicuddy, Agent Pine Ridge, .\nnual Report, 1882, p. 39. "The barbarous festival known as the 'sun dance' has lost ground." James G. Wright, Agent Rosebud, Annual Report, 1883. P- 43- "They have also made great progress in abandoning many of their old customs, noticeably that of the sun dance, which for the first time in the history of the Ogalala Sioux and Northern Cheyennes was not held. The abandonment of such a barbarous, demoralizing ceremony, antagonistic to civilization and progress " V. T. McCiilli- cuddy, .Agent Pine Ridge, .Viinual Report, 1884, p. 37. "The aboriginal and barbarous festival of the sun dance James G. Wright, .Agent Rosebud, .Annual Report, 1886, p. 32. Notwithstanding the importance as well as the popular nature of I 2 Introductory Note. the Sun Dance as a spectacle, it lias received but scant attention at the hands of ethnologists, and apart from Catlin's interesting account of the ceremony among the Mandans, Bushotter's brief statement of the Sioux Sun Dance, quoted by Dorsey, and Miss Fletcher's brief notice of the ceremony of the Oglala Siolix, there is very little infor- mation in print on the subject. As to the number of tribes which performed this ceremony in former times, I have not been able to learn. It is known, however, that the ceremony was held by nearly all the Plains tribes of the Siouan stock, excepting the Winnebago and the Osage. Among tribes of the Algonquian stock it seems to have been confined to the Blackfeet, Cheyenne, and Arapaho. It has also long been one of the most impor- tant ceremonies of the Kiowa, and \vas formerly given by the Pawnee. It is also performed by the Shoshoni of the Wind River Reservation of Wyoming, and the Utes of Utah. So far as I am able to learn, the ceremony has never been given by any of the tribes of the Caddoan stock, except the Pawnee. From this general statement as to the tribes which performed the dance, it will be readily seen that it is essentially a ceremony of the Plains Indians. This accounts for the fact that the ceremony is not performed by the Osage or by the Winnebago, who, properly speaking, are not Plains Indians. The majority of the tribes ceased the per- formance of the Sun Dance ceremony between 1885 and 1890, although a few of the more conservative tribes still retain the ceremony when its performance is not prohibited by force. For reasons which may be seen in later pages of this paper, the Sun Dance is given up only with the greatest reluctance by a tribe. Of course several tribes have progressed to such an extent that they no longer believe in the religion of their ancestors, and with such, the Sun Dance died a natural death. With the more conservative tribes, however, such as the P)lackfeet, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Ponca, it seems that the Sun Dance, unless prohibited by force, will survive for several years. That the time is soon coming, however, when the cere- mony will be no longer given by any tribe, there is no doubt. It is owing largely to the liberal spirit of Major Stouch, United States Indian Agent at Darlington, that the Cheyenne and Arapaho were permitted to i)erform the ceremony in 1901. I had been informed by letter that the Cheyenne ceremony was to be performed in June, and visited Oklahoma for the purpose of witnessing it. Upon my arrival at the agency, however, I found it had been postponed. I again visited the reservation in August, when the ceremony was per- formed. I learned at that time that an Arapaho by the name of Inirouuctorv Noi'K. 3 Thihdiichliawkaii (Strai_i;ht-("ra/.y) luul "pk-ilj^rcd" llic ccrcinoiiy for his tribe, and asketl that I be notified of the date as soon as the time of the ceremony should be determined. This informaticjn was sent to me at the request of an Arapaho Sun Dance priest, anil 1 again visited the reservation in December, arriving on the I'lfth, and remaining until the conclusion of the ceremony. Immetliately after the ceremony I returned to Chicago, taking with me, Hdwkan (Crazy), director of the ceremony, and Cleaver Warden, interpreter. With Ilawkan I spent two weeks, going over the details of the ceremony, inijuiring especially into the symbolism. From him I learned also the sequence of events which transpired on the two days previous to my arrival at the camp. Learning that the ceremony was to be performed also in 1902, I went to Oklahoma, arriving at the camping ground on the morning following the announcement, and remained at the scene of the dance until the evening of the last day. I was thus enabled to observe the performances on two days not witnessed by me in 1901. During these two days, and in fact, throughout the entire ceremony of 1902, I made extended notes, and obtained much information, sui)plementary to my observations of the preceding year. The narrative of the ceremony contained in the following pages is based on the perforniance of 1901. Many observations, and additional information gathered during the subsequent year, however, have been added. The performance of the ceremony for the two years was, as might be expected from the fact that the more important personages of the ceremony were the same, in every essential respect, similar. The performance of 1902, however, was much more spirited than that of the previous year. This was probably due to three reasons: In the first place, two or three days of extreme cold weather during the per- formance of 1 90 1, owing to the lateness of the season, had a tendency to cause the priests to hurry in their operations, especially as the hours of daylight were few. In the second place, there was considerable uneasiness in 1901 on the part of the Indians, lest the performance be interfered with by the agent. This fear, of course, was entirely groundless, but it had its effect in hastening the ceremony. In the third place, the number of participants in the performance of 1902 was considerable larger than that of the preceding year, and this of course added much to the enthusiasm of the occasion. In fact, the Arapaho themselves declared that they did not remember having had a Sun Dance which was entered into with so much enthusiasm and happiness by the whole tribe as the one held in 1902. Indeed the spirit shown 4 Introductory Note, on the part of all during this occasion was of the very best, and it is impossible to conceive of a tribe of Indians offering an eight-day cere- mony with less friction and with a greater amount of religious fervor and happiness than was manifested throughout the ceremony of this year. During the visit at the camp, on both years, every consideration was shown me by those conducting the ceremony, and I was permitted to witness tlie secret as well as the public rites, without interference. It is with much pleasure that I make acknowledgement of my sincere thanks to Hawkan, Hocheni (Old-Crow), Watangaa (Black- Coyote), and other priests, as well as to the active participants in the dance and to the entire Arapaho nation, for their unfailing courtesy in connection with the ceremonies, and for the spirit of friendliness and hospitality which was shown me during my two visits at the camp. It is a pleasure also to record my indebtedness to Cleaver Warden, who performed the office of interpreter in a most conscientious and satisfactory manner. I am glad to have this opportunity to make public acknowledgement also of indebtedness to the Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific Railroad, for courtesies extended me on this and other visits to the tribes of western Oklahoma. George A. Dorsey. June, IQ03. I.— Bibliography. Fletcher, Alice C. The Sun Dance of the Ogellalla Sioux. I'roc. A. A. A. S., Vol. 31, 1882, pp. 580-4. Character; time of; consecrating tent; vows; interval; center-pole; piercing of ears; altar, dance; scarification. Pond, Gideon H. Dakota Sun Dance. Minn. Hist. Coll., Vol. II., pp. 234-8. Vow; lodge; torture; time; songs; torture (cpioting from a letter of Major General Curtis). Lynd, James W. Minn. Hist. Coll., Vol. 11., pp. 166-7. Dancing; self-sacrifice. DoRSEY, J. Owen. A Study of the Siouan Cults. Report Bureau of Kth- nology, Vol. II. The Sun Dance, pp. 450-467. Object; rules of households; tribes invited; discipline; camping circle; mystery tree; tent of preparation; raising sun pole; lodge; uncita decoration and offerings of candidates; dance proper; end of dance; intrusive dances. BouRKE, John G. Quoted by Dorsey in above, pp. 464-6. Catlin, George. Okeepa: A Religious Ceremony; and Other Customs OF the Mandans. Philadelphia, 1867. An interesting and early account of the Mandan Sun Dance, illustrated with several colored plates. II.— The Vow. The ceremony of the Sun Dunce is performed in compliance with a vow, generally made during winter, but which may be made, how- ever, at other seasons of the year. The vow is in the nature of a pledge, that the speaker will make provision for the erection of the lodge and for the proper performance of the ceremony if the Man- .\bove will grant him his wish in regard to some particular matter. The occasion for such vows evidently differed among the tribes giving the Sun Dance. Among the reasons given by Hawkan, a priest in the Arapaho ceremony, were the following: sickness in case of self or of any member of the family, lunacy, dreams, etc. These causes for the taking of the pledge have been the predominating ones in com- paratively recent times, but often in former times an individual would pledge the Sun Dance for safety when sorely pressed on the war-path. Again an individual might behold in a vision or series of visions, the Offerings-lodge, and these visions would continue till he or she felt compelled to vow to make the lodge. STORY OF A WOMAN'S VOW. To illustrate the way in whiih a vow may be made, the following story was related by Hawkan: An Arapaho and his wife went out to 5 6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. get berries, when they were attacked by a band of Utes. The woman was captured; the man made his escape. This woman was very hand- some and had a brother who had always been very fond of her, and even after her marriage he constantly thought of her. The party of Utes soon returned to their home taking with them their captive. The Ute who actually made the capture had a wife at home, but in spite of this fact took the captive Arapaho woman as a second wife. Time passed on and she learned the language and customs of the Utes and finally became very much attached to the mother of the Ute's first wife. The first wife naturally was jealous of the Arapaho woman, and abused her constantly, and would even order her out of the tipi, at times. On account of the great beauty of the Arapaho woman, how- ever, and the love which she bore the mother of the Ute's first wife, she was retained in the tipi with her husband and, as a rule, when both wives were present there was constant quarreling, which gener- ally ended by the husband asking the Arapaho woman to go to the tipi of the mother of the first wife. This happened many times. The old Ute woman took pity on the Arapaho woman, and said to her: "Now, my girl, since you often go out with your husband to help him with the horses you know the gentle horses and those which can run fast, and you know the country. You are a woman of strong will, and 1 am going to tell you how to get away from here." The Arapaho woman thought over these words many times, and began to think very often of her old home. One day the old Ute woman said to her: "I shall help you to gather food, saddle, bridle, robe, etc., and have them in a place where nobody will find them. You go over to your husband's lodge and make yourself agreeable." The Arapaho woman did as she was told, while the old Ute mother made the necessary preparations for the journey. Finally the time came and the old woman got up a feast. She cooked the food for the journey and told her daughter to tell her husband to invite his men friends for a feast, so that they might smoke the pipe and tell stories. The Arapaho woman helped in the preparations. The husband, through a crier, at the appointed time, invited the warriors of the neighboring lodges to come to his tipi. After they had arrived and were seated, the husband told his second wife, the Arapaho woman, to go to the lodge of the mother of his first wife, where the food had been prepared. Now the Arapaho woman had that day been with her husband to water the ponies, and she knew, therefore, where they were to be found. She went to the lodge of the old woman, and at her command May, 1903. TiiK Arai'aho Sux Danck — Dorskv. 7 ([uitklv ale as nuuh as she could, while the old woman was carrying the food into tlie lodge of the husband, 'i'hen tiie oUl woman said: "Now, mv g\v\, while mv daughter and I are serving tlie food to the guests, you take this food, this bridle, blanket, robe, etc., go straight to the herd, catch the fastest pony and set out for your home." The Arapaho woman regretfully left the old Ute woman, who had been very kind to her, went to the herd, selected the fastest horse, bridled it, and making ready, started off in the direction she believed was her home. She traveled all that night and the next day and night. Of course her disaii|iearance was soon notetl, and the llrst wife informed her husband of the disappearance of the Arapaho woman. Search was made for her that night, but only in the lodges of the camp, for it w^as not suspected that she had escaped on horseback. In the morning it was known that this had been her method of escape, and they began to search for her. That day they found her trail, but were not al)le to overtake her. In the mean time the Arapaho woman had hastened onward, but in her excitement she ran into a white pioneer with a team and wagon. The man was alone. He neither knew her trouble nor the cause of her flight, but took pity on her and took care of her. Then they turned loose the Ute horse so that if the Utes overtook them they could not be recognized by the horse. The Arapaho woman then took a place inside the wagon. In the mean time the Utes kept up the search, but the pioneer and his companion plodded along toward the country where it was believed the Arapaho were encamped. While still in the midst of great peril of being overtaken, so great was her desire to regain her relations and friends, the Arapaho woman made a vow, saying that since she was in great danger, her brother, who was at home and dearly loved her, would erect the Offerings- lodge, if she reached home in safety. The two continued on in the wagon and finally reached the Arapaho camp. There she soon after married the white man, the union being suggested by her brother, who thought that she should thus show her great gratitude to the poor white man for having saved her. This white man was Henry North, who died in 1879, and who left a son and two daughters. The performance of the ceremony was undertaken by the w^oman's brother, who was glad to respect her vow. That the Offerings-lodge vow is ever made during a storm on account of imminent danger from lightning, according to my inform- ant, never occurs among the Arapaho, although such a vow is not uncommon among other tribes. The vow is generally made to Man- Above, Sun, Moon, and Thunderbirtl. When an individual has made 8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. a vow it is said that "hathahiithassehawu" (he selects of the Offer- ings-lodge), the ceremony itself being known as "hassehawu" (of the Offerings-lodge). STORY OF THIHAUCHHAWKAN'S VOW. The occasion for the actual Sun Dance under consideration in the following pages was a vow made by a man named Thihauchhawkan, a man of about forty years of age, and, as related to me by one of his friends, was as follows: In the autumn of 1900, for reasons which I was not able to learn, the mind of Thihauchhawkan became unsettled, and he attempted to commit suicide. On being asked why he wished to commit suicide he gave no reason; nor has it ever been known by the tribe why he desired to take this step, inasmuch as his married life and his relations with the tribe were believed to be pleasant. After his mind had returned to a more normal condition, he informed his friends that some evil spirit, the exact nature of which he did not know, whether man or animal, was troubling him, from time to time, when he would wander away from home. When Thihauch- hawkan finally became conscious of his lamentable condition, he made a vow that he would "select the Offerings-lodge." The time of this vow was during a reunion of a small band of Arapaho at Red Hills, in October. First, he only spoke of his desire to make the vow, but did not wish to assume such an important step without due consider- ation. It should also be noted that some time previous to this meet- ing at Red Hills, Thihauchhawkan had made a secret prayer, and Man-Above had told him that if he made the lodge he would be well. At this time he also saw, in a vision, the lodge itself. He also at that time prayed openly: "All chiefs, head men, people of the Arapaho nation — I pray you have mercy on me, that hereafter I shall prosper, that my tipi will last, that my wife, children, and friends will live long, that I will have plenty of food, clothes, and friends." The news of this open appeal to the Arapaho people naturally had the effect of placing them in sympathy with him, and many offered secret prayers that he might recover. The consequence was that at the Red Hills reunion they were prepared for his statement that he had finally made up his mind as to his duty, and that he had made a pledge to perform the ceremony. It appears that at times, the mind of Thihauchhawkan was much affected, while at other times he had no mental suffering, but so often were these recurring periods of mental depression that he had finally realized that he could not get out of his trouble without pledging the May, 1903. Thf, Arapaho Sun Dancf. — Dorsey. 9 Sun Dance; and this idea naturally was strengthened by the words which he had received in answer to his prayer, and l)y the fact that in a vision he had seen the lodge. The vow itself was made to Chebbeniathan (Man-Alxn-e). To liini Tiiiluiuchhawkan addressed himself: thihauchhawkan's prayer. "For the general good of my tribe, that the people may increase, that there may be no more sickness, I vow to have performed for me the ceremony of the Offerings-lodge. I hope that you, Man-.Above, will meet my desires and wishes for my race and for my own benefit, for my tipi, my wife and children. I pray that whatever I may under- take to do hereafter I may accomplish it to my best interest!" On the conclusion of this vow or prayer by Thihauchhawkan, before the people in the lodge, all said, "Thanks!" and soon after, it was known throughout the tribe that this man had pledged the cere- mony, each individual, as he received the news, also saying, "Thanks!" Shortly after this, Thihauchhawkan again became temporarily insane, and even denied, when asked, that he had made the vow. He was in the habit of wandering off from home, and traveling about from place to place, without blanket and in a naked, unkempt condition, neglecting his family. This condition of affairs continued until July, when his mind became clearer and he again did something for his family. He now again acknowledged that he had pledged the ceremony. MINOR VOWS OF DANCING AND FASTING. It is obvious that after it has become known in the tribe that the ceremony has been pledged by some individual, a similar vow will not be taken by any other member of the tribe. The feeling for the neces- sity of making a vow, however, may still prevail, and may result in the pledge to participate in the forthcoming performance by fasting and dancing. Thus, the individual making the secondary vow may be sick, or his wife may be sick, or one of his children, or he may have seen himself, in a vision, dancing in the lodge. Having made the vow, he usually informs some old friend, or if there be a doctor present, he may inform him that he will fast. These minor pledges are made, naturally, usually after some one has pledged to erect the Offerings-lodge; otherwise he will pledge himself to "wrap the wheel," to give a feast to some old family in destitute circumstances, or in some other way to do penance. This phase of the ceremony gives lo Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. opportunity for many who are not able to provide for the performance of the ceremony, or who do not have a reason sufficiently weighty to cause them to pledge the ceremony itself, of fulfilling a vow by taking a minor part in the ceremony. The occasions when vows of this nature are made do not differ materially from those already enumerated for the taking of the vow to give the ceremony itself. In the ceremony under consideration, ten men fasted and danced in accordance with the prescribed forms, and so far as I have been able to learn, all sub- mitted to the ordeal in fulfillment of a vow made during sickness, either of the individual or of some member of his family. It may be noted, finally, in connection with the ceremony itself, that it may not be considered a healing ceremony; nor is sickness believed to be cured by the performance of the ceremony as is the case with the more extended Navaho ceremonies. The healing of the sick, therefore, does not enter into the consideration of the mind of the individual making the vow, and so far as I am able to learn, even though the vow has been made in the direct form of a promise to per- form the ceremony if the afflicted regains health, the performance of the ceremony is carried on just the same, even though the individual should not reco'Cer. I have been informed, however, that on two or three occasions the individual had died after the pledge; no other person making a pledge for the year, the ceremony was not performed. I II.— Interval Between the Vow and the Ceremony. Hawkan was emphatic in his statement that there were no special rules of conduct governing the movements of the one making the vow, who for convenience may hereafter be called the Lodge-Maker, of the Sun Dance ceremony, during the interval between the vow itself and the actual performance. It is possible,' of course, that formerly rules were observed at this time similar to those among the Sioux, as described by Bushotter. Hawkan maintained, however, that after the vow has been taken, it is usual for the Lodge-Maker to continue his life as before, living with his wife and attending to his routine duties; nor does he hesitate to engage in any kind of work or to enjoy him- self with his people. Should he desire, he invites the head men of his own society, at which time he asks the co-operation of the members to feel in accordance with him, and during the meeting approaches them one by one, placing his hand on the head, weeps, and endeavors to obtain their sympathy and support. May, 1903. Tur. Arataho Sun Dance — Dorsky. m As the time clr;i\vs lu-ar, the head men of the different societies invite their organizations to meet at some locality, where a feast has been prepared, and the men are asked to ]:)repare their clothing and get their ponies in good condition. The head men also tell the young men to behave themselves during the interval, warning them particu- larly not to violate any of the Agency regulations. Shortly after Thihauchhdwkan's return to reascjn, in July, as has already been noted, he began asking the people to aid him in his efforts toward preparation for the coming ceremony, and especially he went to his friends for advice as to how the permission of the Agent should be secured, and for advice concerning the direction of the cere- mony itself. He was finally advised by some of his friends that it would be better for him to leave the Arapaho country for a short time, that the change would do him good, and that in the mean time prepa- rations for the ceremony would be undertaken by them. Thihauch- hawkan consequently left Oklahoma and made a visit to the Ute, returning in October. As a result of his stay among the Ute, he brought home with him a pony and a few things presented to him by friends in that tribe. His mental condition had greatly improved. He now made a feast and formally invited the Arapaho and the Cheyenne (for the two tribes are intimately affiliated), at which time he stated that he was anxious to set the time for the erection of the lodge. There was nothing now to interfere with the ceremony taking place at this time; treaty pay- ment, however, was soon to be made, at which time the entire Arapaho tribe would visit the Agency, and as the reservation covers a large area, it was decided to postpone the ceremony until immediately after the treaty payment, which would thus obviate the necessity of two journeys. The head men of the Star and Thunderbird societies now went to Hawkan, who as will be shown later on, has officiated in many Sun Dances, and asked him to pity the Lodge-Maker and to see to it that there was no unnecessary delay. They then went to Becheaye (Hairy-Face, wife of Old-Sun, owner of the straight pipe); to Yahiise (Hiding-Woman), or Charlie Campbell, who was in charge of the Wheel; to Hocheni (Old-Crow), one of two sole surviving members of the Chinachine society; and to Cheathea (Broken-Down-Woman), the Peace-Keeper and of all these they asked assistance. Thihduchhawkan now searched the plains for the skull of a buffalo, while one of his friends undertook to secure a buffalo hide. The Lodge- Maker also visited a number of the camps of the Arapaho, taking with him a pipe, which he smoked with the chiefs of each camp, and asking their 12 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. co-operation. Couriers of the Star society also went from place to place announcing the ceremony, and asking the co-operation of all. The Lodge-Maker on several occasions went to the lodges of Hawkan, Hocheni, and other leading priests, and smoked with them. On about the fifteenth of November, a meeting was held in the lodge of Red-Wolf, one of the head men of the Star society, at which time the Lodge-Maker was present, together with Hawkan, Becheaye, Watangaa (Black-Coyote), and other chiefs. A feast had been pro- vided by Red-Wolf for Thihauchhawkan and the assembled guests. Concerning the carrying on of the ceremony, the chiefs conferred together, and addressed the head men of the Star society, telling them their duties in the matter, and that they should do everything to assist their brother, the Lodge-Maker. The reason for this, of course, was the fact that Thihauchhawakan was a member of the Star society. Hawkan then related stories of former ceremonies; told them that he felt sympathy for the Star society and its bereaved brother, that he would do everything in his power to assist. Then, turning to one of the head men of the Star society, he told him to visit the Keeper of the Wheel, see that it was in good condition, and see if the Keeper of the Wheel still had in his possession the belt. He told other mem- bers of the Star society, assembled by him, to look after other pieces of paraphernalia which would be required in the ceremony. This concluded the work of the evening, and the gathering broke up, with all in a happy frame of mind. IV.— The Sacred Wheel. This object, next to the great tribal medicine, the flat pipe, in the keeping of the Northern Arapaho, is the most sacred possession in the tribe. Liasmuch as it plays an important part in the Sun Dance cere- mony and as it is used in other ceremonies as well, a detailed descrip- tion of it may not be out of place at this point: DESCRIPTION OF THE WHEEL. The object (hehotti) is about eighteen inches in diameter (see Plate L). It is made of a rectangular piece of wood, one end of which tapers like the tail of a serpent, the other being rudely fashioned to represent a serpent's head. Near the head of the serpent are several wrappings of blue beads, which have replaced small red berries which formerly occupied this place. At four opposite sides of the Wheel are incised designs, two of them being in the form of crosses, the other PL. I. The Wheel. The view represents the Wheel in its usual position in the Rabbit-tipi, rest- ing upon a bunch of sage in a forked upright stick. Just behind the Wheel is Watanah; to the left, Hawkan. Mav, 1903. 'Fur. Arai'amo Sun Danck — Dorskv. 13 two rcseinbliiiii tiie conventionalized 'riuuKkTbinl. 'I'hese designs are similar to tln)se found on j^aniing wheels, used by the Arapaho and other Plains tribes. Attached by means of short buckskin tlionj^s arc- also four complete sets of the tail feathers of an eagle. The spacinjj of these feathers is not now uniform, but accordinjr to Hdwkan, they should have been grouped in equal numbers near the four incised mark- ings on the Wheel. As an eagle tail has twelve feathers, there would thus be, in all, fortv-eight feathers on the Wheel. At times, however, the Wheel does not possess such a large number of eagle tail feathers, but a single tail is ilivided into four, and there are thus three feathers for each marking. It may be noticed in Plate XCVIL, where the Wheel is being used bv the I.odge-Maker of the ceremony, that the feathers seem to be confined to the lower side of the Wheel. This is due to the fact that they have settled down, owing to the shaking of the Wheel in the hands of the Lodge-Maker. The feathers on the Wheel at the present time number twenty-four, there being, thus, two eagle tails represented with six feathers to each marking. The inside of the Wheel is painted red, while the outer periphery is stained black. SYMBOLISM OF THE WHEEL. Concerning the symbolism of the Wheel a considerable amount of information was obtained, which, however, may not be regarded as complete, or as entirely satisfactory. According to Hdwkan and one or two other authorities, the disc itself represents the sun, while the actual band of wood represents a tiny water-snake, called "henige," and which is said to be found in rivers, in lakes, near ponds, and in buffalo-wallows. Later in the ceremony, this lake or pool of sweet water is represented, while near by on a forked stick, is the owner of the pool, a little bird. Then it is that Young-Bull drinks of the water. This serpent is said to be the most harmless of all snakes. The Wheel thus, representing this snake, has a derived meaning, and represents the water which surrounds the earth. The additional idea was also put forth that white the Wheel represents a harmless snake, all snakes are powerful to charm, and hence the Wheel is a sign of gentleness and meekness. The blue beads around the neck of the snake represent the sky or the heavens, which are clean and without blemish ; the color blue among the Arapaho is also typical of friendship. THE FOUH-OLD-MEN. The four inside markings (hitanni) on the Wheel repre.sent the Four-Old-Men who are frequently addressed during the ceremony, and 14 Field Columbian Museum— Anthropology, Vol. IV. who staml watching- and guarding the inhabitants of this world. The Four-Old-Men may also be called the gods of the four world quarters, and to them the Sun Dance priest often makes supplication that they may live to a great age. The Four-Old-Men are also spoken of as the Thuncierbird, having power to watch the inhabitants, and in their keeping is the direction of the winds of the earth. They therefore represent the living element of all people. If the wind blows from the north, it is said to come from the Old-Man-of-the-North, who controls the wind of that end or quarter of the world. Another priest states more definitely that the Four-Old-Men are Summer, Winter, Day, and- Night, who though they travel in single file, yet are considered as occupying the four cardinal points. Thus, according to direction and the Arapaho color scheme, Day and Summer are the Southeast and Southwest, respectively, and are black in color, while Winter and Night are the Northwest and Northeast, respectively, and are red in color. Inasmuch as Sun is regarded as the grandfather of the Four-Old- Men, it is more than likely that the Wheel may be regarded as the emblem of the Sun. The Four-Old-Men, are considered as ever-present, ever- watching sentinels, always alert to guard the people from harm and injury. The same word, hitanni, is also applied to certain markings used in the Old-Woman's lodge, the meaning of which is given vari- ously as the four elements of life, the four courses, the four divides. Thus it is said that when one traveling the trail of life gets over the fourth divide he has reached the winter of old age. The Morning Star is the messenger of the Four-Old-Men, as are also the young men during ceremonies. The four clusters of feathers also represent the Four-Old-Men. The feathers collectively represent the Thunderbird, which gives rain, and they therefore represent a prayer for rain, consequently for vegetation. Concerning the symbolism of the red and black painting of the Wheel it will suffice here to say that the red is typical of the Arapaho, while the black symbolizes the earth. As these two colors enter prominently into the symbolism of the altar and of the lodge itself, they will be considered at greater length in other places. The Wheel, as a whole, then, may be said to be symbolic of the Creation of the world, for it represents the sun, earth, the sky, the water, and the wind. In the great Sun Dance dramatization the Wheel itself is represented in the person of the grandfather of the Lodge- Maker, or the "Transferrer" as he is called. Ordinarily, the Wheel, enveloped in many wrappings of calico, buckskin, etc., is suspended upon a pole or tripod at the back of the May, 1903. The Arapaiio Sun Danck — Dorsf.v. 15 lodge of tlic owner or Keeper, who at the present time is Yahiise. It is his duty to preserve the Wheel inviolably sacred, protecting it from all harm and violence. The Wheel under certain circumstances may be unwrapped from time to time by tiie Keeper. This is usually ilonc at the instance of some individual who has made a vow, that if the Man-Above will grant him his desire in some particular respect, he will "wrap the Wheel." These vows made to this Wheel differ in no essential respect from those made for fasting in the Sun Dance cere- mony. Many prefer to make the vow, how^ever, to the Wheel, as the Wheel may be wrapped at any time of the year, and as it involves no personal suffering on the part of the one making the vow. At the time of the ceremony of wrapping the Wheel the large bundle is brought inside the tipi, where after appropriate performances and songs, the bundle is opened, exposing the Wheel, when prayers and supplications are addressed to it. Before the Wheel is wrapped, a new envelope must be provided, which is placed next to the Wheel. This new wrapper must be furnished by the one making the vow, hence the term, "wrap the Wheel." In keeping of' the Keeper of the sacred bundle containing the Wheel, but having no intrinsic relation with the Wheel itself, is a belt, already mentioned, and which was to be required during the Sun Dance ceremony. This belt, though held in high veneration, is not as sacred as the Wheel, and hence may be mislaid or destroyed. Hence the suggestion made by Hawkan to one of the men of the Star society, as related in the previous section, to inquire into this matter and see if the belt was in proper condition. Opportunity was afforded for this inquiry on the night following the night just described, when the Wheel was unwrapped by an Arapaho named Pawmee, whose wife had been sick, at which time he had pledged himself to wrap the Wheel. This ceremony was performed on this night in the lodge of Pawnee, who had furnished the cloth for the wrapping of the Wheel and the food for the feast accompanying the ceremony. It was then found that the belt w^as gone, and one of the head men of the Star society was detailed to provide another. WRAPPING THE WHEEL. During the 1902 performance, opportunity, not heretofore offered, was given for observing the method of "wrapping the Wheel," a description of which may not be out of place at this point. This ceremony was performed no less than four times after the erection of the Rabbit-tipi. On the evening previous, the Wheel, along with other sacred para- i6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. l^henialia, had been carried into the Rabbit-tipi where the Wheel had been unwrapped, and suspended upon a forked stick which stood just back of the buffalo skull, on the west side of the tipi. The occasions for wrapping the Wheel this day, differed in each instance, two per- forming the ceremony in accordance with a vow made in connection with a sick child; another as a supplication that he might wear the I.odge-Maker's paint during the ceremony; while the fourth occasion was on account of a family trouble. As a description of a single wrapping will suffice, we will take this fourth instance, when the ceremony was performed in behalf of Watangaa and his wife. The daughter of this famous Messiah leader of the Arapaho had been married for over a year to a son of the equally famous Hdcheni, of the Arapaho. Trouble had grown up between the two families on account of the separation of the young couple, and Watangaa and his wife wished to have removed from them whatever discredit might attach to them for their share in the dispute between the two families. Having given notice to Hawkan, therefore, that he wished to perform the ceremony, he was seen, at about ten o'clock in the morning, to proceed to the Rabbit-tipi from his own tipi, being followed across the camp-circle by a number of women, friends of his wife, bearing vessels of food. Watangaa and his wife entered the lodge, having first removed their moccasins, and took a seat next to the door on the north side. Food was then passed in by the women outside, the first vessel being placed on the ground at the southwest of the fireplace, the second in a northwest position, the third in the northeast, the fourth in the southeast, and the fifth in the east position. Additional vessels of food were grouped indiscriminately about these five. There were already assembled in the lodge, Hawkan, Hdcheni, and other Sun Dance priests, together with the Lodge-Maker and others who were to play an important part during the ceremony. On entering, Watangaa had a pipe and a piece of calico, about a yard in length, loosely tied at one corner to a small stick, which was placed by Debithe (Cut-Nose), just south of the skull, and by the side of the other wrappings of the Wheel. Immediately on entering, Watangaa handed the pipe, which he had previously filled in his own tipi, to Debithe, who placed it in a vacant space just in front of the buffalo skull and to the west of the fireplace. The pipe was so placed that the bowl projected upwards, while the stem pointed to the south. The wife of Watangaa now handed a bowl of meat from the southeast corner of the fireplace to Chanitoe (Striking-Eack), who took up the bowl of meat and placed it in front of Debithe. Debithe touched the forefinger of his right hand to the irround. May, 190^. The Arapaho Sun Danck — Dorsey. 17 and then to the tip of liis tongue. He then bit od a small portion of root, up(>n whic-h he chewed for a few moments. Then, holding the palms of his two hands together in front of him, he spat fux" times, first at t' c base of the thumb of his right hand, then at the base 01 the thumb of his left hand, then in the upper and outer corner of his right and of his left hand, and at the junction of the base of the two little fingers. This action of ejecting spittle into the hands, which is to be mention-^d many times during the following pages of this paper, is said to be in imitation of the movements of a skunk while charging a bear. He then rubbed the palms of his hands together, drew them down each side of his head and body and over his body. He then spat toward the food bowl four times. He then took up a piece of meat, first mcJoning toward the bowl five times, which he cut into five pieces. Watangaa now arose from his position and received the pieces from the hands of Debithe, and standing in the southeast corner of the lodge, he lifted one piece aloof with his right hand and then deposited it on the ground at his feet. This was repeated at the southwest, northwest, and northeast corners of the lodge, and then, passing on around the fireplace, in a sunwise circuit, he stepped in front of the buffalo skull and Wheel and rubbed the remaining piece between the palms of his hands, \vhich he now passed up over the skull, toward the Wheel, four times, and then deposited the offering under the jaw of the skull. He then resumed his position by the door. Becheaye divided the food into as many portions as there were persons present, and passed it to them. In doing this, she was care- ful to follow the sun circle, beginning with the individual next the door on the south and terminating with the individual seated just back of the Wheel. As it was not allowable to pass food in front of the skull, and as it would have been inconvenient to have passed food behind the skull to those sitting on the north side of the tipi, she passed food for the remainder, across the door, first, however, giving the vessel a circular motion from right to left, thus imitating the sun circle. The remainder of the feast, together with the empty vessels, was now passed to the attendants awaiting on the outside of the lodge. Debithe now took up the pipe, which had been brought in by Watangaa, and gave it to Nishchanakati (White-Eye-Antelope). The latter, holding the pipe in his left hand, touched the tip of the first finger of his right hand to the ground and then to his mouth; then, with the thuml) and first finger of this hand, he sacrificed a pinch of the tobacco upon the ground in front of him. He now held the pipe in both hands, so that the bowl was uppermost, and pointed the stem i8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. of the pipe toward the southeast, the southwest, the northwest, and the northeast; then, reversing the pipe so that the stem was upper- most, he pointed the stem above, and then to the ground. Watangaa now arose, went over and knelt in front of Nishchana- kati. With his right hand he made four passes toward the right hand of Nishchanakati, who held the pipe in front, the tip of the stem rest- ing on the ground. With the fifth motion, Watangaa placed his hand over Nishchanakati's hand. His left hand he placed on Nishchana- kati's head. In this position, the latter slowly motioned the pipe toward Watangaa four times, whereupon, Watangaa slowly withdrew the pipe from Nishchanakati's hand. Watangaa lighted the pipe with a coal by the side of the fireplace, and returned the pipe to Nishchana- kati, who gave one puff to each of the southeast, southwest, north- west, and northeast points, to the above and to the below, and then passed the pipe to the man on his right, who in turn passed it without smoking, to the man next to the door, on the south side. This man now puffed on the pipe several times, whereupon it traveled entirely around the circuit, until it reached Watangaa, who was sitting on the north side of the door, whereupon it was passed back unsmoked, to the man on the south side of the door, when it again made the circuit to the north entrance, being smoked by each individual. This per- formance was repeated in all four times, whereupon the pipe was passed back, unsmoked, to Nishchanakati, who holding it in his left hand, made four passes with the tamper toward the bowl, then tamped inside the southeast corner of the bowl, then, without further empty- ing, he tamped on the southwest, then northwest, and then northeast corners, and then in the middle. The loosened ashes were then removed, whereupon he again tamped the pipe, but without making the passes as before. The pipe was tamped and emptied twice again — four times in all. Then he held the pipe in his left hand, with the point of the stem resting upon the ashes, and with his right hand he rubbed down the pipe from the bowl to the ashes. This operation was repeated three additional times, the pipe being transferred from one hand to the other each time. The pipe was now held horizontally in front of him, with bowl out in front, and was rubbed as before four times, twice with each hand. Then he stood the pipe in front of him with the stem upon the ashes, whereupon it was received by Watangaa, who finished cleaning the pipe. Watangaa now arose from his position as before, and sat down just to the south of the skull and the wheel, facing the east. Debithe left his position in the circle, and stepping behind Watangaa, lifted the Wheel, together with the bunch of sage upon which the Wheel rested, May, 190:5. Tm. Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 19 ami which protected it from the fork of its support, ami lujlding it in his right hand, he slowly passed it up the right side of Watangaa's body, beginning with his right foot, and ending with his head, when he held it out in front of him at arms' length and gave it an outward, jerking motion, as though he were endeavoring to cast off something from the feathers of the Wheel. He then passed the Wheel behind him to his left hand and went through the same performance, drawing the feather apj^endages of the Wheel up the left side of Watangaa's body, and again cleansing the feathers. The same operation was again repeated for the right side, and again for the left, passing the Wheel behind his body as before, in transferring it from his right to his left hand. The Wheel was then transferred from the left to the right hand, passing it behind him, and w'as placed under the arm of Watangaa, who gathered the feathers up under his arm and pressed them to his body. Debithe then passed the Wheel behind him to his left hand and placed it under Watangaa's left arm. This operation was also repeated again under the right arm, and then under the left. Debithe then passed the Wheel back to his right hand, and holding it aloft, made a circular sunwise motion over Watangaa's head four times, and then placed the Wheel down over the latter's head, the feathers hanging down over his breast. Watangaa then clasped the Wheel with both arms and prayed for several minutes. Debithe then removed the Wheel from his head, held it to Watangaa's mouth, w^ho placed his lips upon the beaded part four times. Watangaa now returned to his original position at the north of the door, passing, as he did so, behind all those on the north side of the circle. Watangaa's wife then took up a position similar to that occupied recently by her husband at the south of the Wheel, when Debithe performed the same movements over her,^ It is to be noted, however, that in making the tw^o passes over each side of her body, the move- ment began at the head and terminated at the feet, instead of begin- ning at the feet and terminating at the head, as in the case of Watangaa himself. Pipes were smoked on the north and south of the lodge, the pipe on the south side starting at the east, and the pipe on the north side of the lodge starting at the west, each pipe, w'hile being smoked, traveling in a sunwise circuit. The pipes made the circuit four times. This ended the purification ceremony of Watangaa and his wife. A man by the name of Nishnateyana (Tw^o-Babies), grandfather of the Lodge-Maker of the present year, now entered the lodge with his wife, Thiyeh (Shave-Head), bearing in his arms a sick child and carrying in his hand a filled pipe and a piece of calico, similar to the 20 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. one brought in by Watangaa, attached to a slender stick; women friends also brouj^ht footl. Stepping in front of Hawkan and facing west, he lifted his right hand upward and prayed, whereupon he passed the pipe and calico to Hawkan. The pipe was placed in front of the skull in the same position occupied by the pipe of Watangaa, while the calico was placed just at the south of the bundle of wrappings of the Wheel. After the usual offering of food, the partaking of the feast, and the smoking of the pipe, the lighting of which at this time was done by Hocheni, Nishnateyana, holding his child in his arms, sat south of the skull and the movements of the Wheel were made over him, now, how^ever, by Hawkan. His place was then taken by his wife, and similar movements were made over her. Hawkan then untied the two pieces of calico from the two sticks and held them together at arms' length in his two hands. The Wheel had in the mean time been placed in position upon its support. Watangaa and his wife and Nishnateyana, with his wife and child, now formed in line behind the Wheel and the calicoes were passed in front of them by Hc4wkan, each grasping with his or her right hand the upper edge of the calicoes. They then in unison held the calicoes over the Wheel, and each uttered a prayer in a low voice. They now placed the calicoes upon and around the Wheel — hence the expression, "wrapping the Wheel." MIRACULOUS MOVEMENTS OF THE WHEEL. In connection with the veneration of the Arapaho for this Wheel the following two short tales, obtained from Watanah (Black-Horse), will prove interesting: "At one time a man had by right (of inheritance) this Sun Dance Wheel. He was taken sick and died. The people were still on the hunt when this man died. When the camp broke up to change its location, the people tied this big Wheel to a tipi pole and staked it in the ground over the grave. "A party of young men happened to pass by the grave; they saw the pole still standing, but the Wheel was gone. They went to the pole, and below it, on the ground, were bunches of blue beads and four bunches of eagle feathers, all lying in the shape of the Wheel. The stick representing the snake was gone. This stick had crawled out of its attachments of feathers and beads and left them on the ground in their proper positions, the same as you would see the scales left on the ground by a snake. This stick does not represent a poisonous reptile, Mav, 1903. The Arai'aho Sun Danck — Dorsey. 21 but it stands for those little snakes which are found by the edge of the water in ponds. The circumference stick stands for the sun; the eagle feathers are those of the Thunderbird; the blue beads stand for the sky or heaven; and the marks on four i)laces typify the Four-Old- Men, being wind; they are the sentinels over the people and animals. "At another time, a man who had the Wheel by right, died. When he was buried, the Wheel was hung over his grave one day. After the people had gone away from it and were moving their camp, this Wheel was seen flying by the people, and it lighted in front of them, ll changed to an eagle. This occurrence made them think more of the Wheel than ever, and they reverenced it." The following brief statement concerning the Wheel among the northern Arapaho is also not without interest. It is said that the Wheel escaped from the people by flight. After it was gone for some time an Offerings-lodge was pledged for, but it could not be carried out, so the people, old and young, congregated to see if it could be made like the original. There was nobody that could tell how it was made, until finally a young boy moved before the crowd and directed the making of it. About seven years ago, one of Weasel-Bear's daughters went out of the tipi during a wind storm to brace a pole bearing the Wheel against the back of the ti])i. As she was lifting the pole the wind came and took the pole and Wheel down to the ground, breaking it slightly across the center. So Weasel-Bear, before another Sun Dance was pledged for, invited all the old men and old women to gather together to renew it. The Wheel being an important factor, the people gathered, provided the necessary food and brought various kinds of young standing bushes. For a day or two, the men could not bend the stick of wood into a perfect circle. Most of the sticks would break, but men kept on trying to shape the bow for the Wheel. Finally, a young man brought in a long stick of a kind of wood which had a dark red, slippery back, and grows very tall, standing near the river banks. The Indians cut the bushes and made breastpins, and stake-pins for the tipi, and bent it into a perfect circle. The men who were present expressed their gratitude to the young man for his luck antl therefore asked more food to be brought in for him. While this man was making or carving the symbolic features of the Four-Old-Men, a little spider, descending, lighted on one of the markings (monuments of the old men), but the man kept himself busy at the work, at the same time offering a prayer of thanksgiving to the Father. 22 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. v.— Time of the Ceremony. So far as I have been able to learn, there is no set time for the Sun Dance ceremony among the Arapaho. Hawkan, my chief inform- ant, was emphatic in his statement that the actual time was determined largely by convenience, and not by the condition of the nioon, or by the condition of vegetation. The usual time is in the spring, but not until after the grass and sage have reached their full growth. The ceremony may, however, be performed in the fall, or as late even as early December, as was the case in the ceremony here described. Apart from the considerations of convenience, the actual time of the formation of the camp-circle is determined, usually, by the head men of the company, or warrior society to which the Lodge-Maker belongs. This general statement in the time agrees in the main with the state- ment of Dorsey and Miss Fletcher. During the ceremony of 1902, certain interesting events were noted which seemed to be more or less directly concerned with the moon. Further inquiry was then made as to the proper time of the beginning of the ceremony and the information was volunteered by one of the priests that "the proper time of the beginning of the cere- mony was from seven to ten days after new moon and hence an equal number of days after the menstrual period. The Rabbit-tipi priests set this time, for the menses are unclean and a source of bodily injury to the people, and the Sun Dance-lodge and the Rabbit-tipi must be kept clean from all impurities." VI.— Assemblage and Formation of the Camp-Circle. As the time agreed upon for the formation of the circle draws nigh, couriers are sent, as has been noted, to the various bands, and the tribe begins to arrive at a certain spot which has already been agreed upon by the head men of the Star society, i. e., the society of the Lodge-Maker. These head men have not only selected the loca- tion of the camping circle, but have roughly staked out the circle, so that the bands, as they enter the plain, proceed to the erection of their lodges without delay. As each band arrives at the site of the circle they are met by those already on the spot, with singing and rejoicing, and the new arrivals before settling down, go around the circle, on the inside first, and then on the outside, each time in a dextral or sunwise PL. II. Cheyenne Tipis. These tipis show typical Cheyenne ornamentation. The tipi on the left is of additional interest on account of the door, embroidered in parallel colored bands with porcupine quills. PL. III. Ghost Dance Tipis. Fig. I. Tipi of Mixed-Hair; the symbolism comprises the tinlle, horse, buffalo, morning star, lightning, and cedar trees. Fig. 2. Tipi of Hisehaseh, son-in-law of Watdngaa. May, 1903. Thk Arapaiio Sun Dance — Dokskv. 23 circuit. The reason of this is to announce their presence to their friends, who may have already arrived, and receive their j^reetinjj;. The site chosen by the Arapaho for the ceremony of 1901 was a comparatively level, low-lying plain just north of the North Fork of the Canadian River, about six miles northeast of the town of Geary. Between the site of the camping circle and the river was a beautiful grove of Cottonwood and willow, while the neighboring hills furnished an abundant pasturage for the horses. After the great circle, three-quarters of a mile in diameter, has been partially occupied it made a very pleasing sight, to which incom- ing bands make their passage inside and outside the circle, being greeted by shouts of joy and welcome by their friends all along the line. The first band to put in an appearance was that from Red Hills, near by, who reached the plain on November twenty-ninth. By noon of December third the circle was complete. Just outside the circle were the tipis of a large number of Cheyenne, and other tipis, less in number of course, of the other tribes w^hich had been invited to the ceremony. Formerly, these visitors were an important feature in the Sun Dance; for it was the custom of the different tribes to visit each other in large numbers at this time, when they were always made welcome, and when many exchanges of friendship were made. Owing to the long intimacy of the Cheyenne and Arapaho, it is always the custom for those of one tribe to attend the ceremony of the other. Furthermore, each tribe invites the other tribe as a whole, and vice versa (see Plate II.). Members of other tribes, however, are usually present only on the special invitation of individuals of the tribe. Other tribes represented at the time of the present ceremony were the Sioux and Ponca. A certain amount of color was noticeable, owing to the presence of several decorated ghost-dance tipis (see Plate III.). The statement has been made that as the bands come together on the plain they pitch their tipis in the form of a circle. This is the traditional camping circle, a venerable institution of nearly all the tribes of the Plains. On the east side of the circle is an opening about one hundred yards in width, where no tipi is ever permitted to stand. The arrangement of these circles among a number of the Plains tribes is usually in accordance with gens. Mr. Mooney has represented such circles for the Kiowa and for the Cheyenne.* That of the Cheyenne, for instance, consists of nine distinct gens, while that of the Kiowa numbers four gens. I was not able to learn, however, of any similar divisions among the Arapaho, although we should naturally expect such tribal divisions. The basis of the grouping in the circle appar- *Fourth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1892-1893, p. 26. 24 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. ently was that by bands, the name of each one beuig usually an issue station or sub-agency, or some other similar term; but that there was any connection between these bands from the different localities of the reservation and a genetic system, could not be learned. On the night of the completion of this circle, Watdngaa placed at the disposition of the Star society his tipi, one of the largest of the camp-circle, antl invited the Dog-soldiers to meet there at a feast (see Plate IV.). The reason for this invitation of the Dog-soldiers, as will be seen later on, was largely due to the fact that to this society falls much of the detailed work in the erection of the lodge. The approach- ing performance was discussed that evening, and the head men of the Star society, after considering the matter themselves, finally decided to ask Hocheni and the other head men to begin the actual ceremony. The evening was made a time of good fellowship and rejoicing and the utmost good feeling prevailed between the members of the two societies. VII. — Participants in the Ceremony. Before beginning the discussion of the erection of the lodge and of the attendant rites, it is necessary to consider in some detail the more prominent characters who are to play such an important part on the following days. At the first it may be stated, as has already been intimated, that the ceremony, although it is the direct outgrowth of the vow of a single individual, is an affair which concerns the entire tribe; consequently we may say that participating in the ceremony was the Arapaho nation. It falls to the lot, however, of certain indi- viduals to conduct the actual performance itself. These active partici- pants were as follows: Group i. Hocheni (Old-Crow); chief jiriest; personates Sun. Cheathea (Broken-Down-Woman); Peace-Keeper; personates Moon. Becheaye (Hairy-Face, wife of Old-Sun); formerly Peace-Keeper. Hisethe (Good-Woman, wife of Hohakaki). Group 2. Ihiwkan (Crazy); director; personates Arapaho tribe. Waakat'ani (Spotted-Bear); assistant director. Chai'ii (Lump-Forehead) ; woman director. Watangaa (Black-Coyote) ; pupil. Pl. IV. Watangaa'S Tipi, Loaned to the Star Society on the Night of the Completion of the Camp-circle. First Day, 1901. Fig. I. Watdngaa, a renowned Ghost dancer, standing in front of his tipi. Fig. 2. Wat^ngaa's wife, wearing an elaborately decorated Ghost dance dress of buckskin. May, 1903. TnK Arai'aho Sun Dance — Dorsky. 25 Hiscnibe (Singing-Woman, wife of ^\'■atangua) ; |)iipil. Chanitoe (Striking-Back): pupil. Sosoni (Shoshoni-VVoman, wife of Lizard); pupil. Wadnibe (Grass-Singing, wife of Hdwkan) ; pupil. (ikOUP 3. Thiliauchhawkan (Straight-Crazy); I.odge-Maker of the Sun Dance. Biba (Curly-Hair, wife of Thiliauchhawkan); perscjnates the Maid. Debithe (Cut-Nose); grandfather of Thihauchhawkan ; personates the Sacred-Wheel. Nisah (Twins); grandmother of Biba; personates Mother-Earth. Group 4. Bihata (Black-Hat), or George. Henienit (Famous), or Arnold ^V'al worth. Waatannak (Black-Bear). Waatu (Warrior), or Daniel Dyer. Chaiii (Lump-Forehead), or Daniel Webster. His^haseh (Sun-Ray), or George Hdcheni. Hitantuh (Strikes-First), or Hardley Ridge-Bear. Hebethenen (Big-Nose), or Walter Finley. Niehhinitu (Howling-Bird), or Charley Old-Horse. We may now consider some of the more important of this list of participants, with the idea of inquiring into the cause of their presence and the personages they are to represent in the coming drama. Hocheni is the most important participant to be mentioned, and holds a position, in activity, second only to that of Hdwkan. He may be regarded as the chief priest, or perhaps, rather as referee; for to him are submitted all matters of doubt, and to him falls the duty of overseeing the general trend of the ceremony. It is his duty to offer prayer at times, to light the sacred pipe, and in general, to see that the ceremony is conducted with reverence and with proper decorum. Hdcheni takes his place owing to the fact that he has reached the seventh and highest of the Arapaho societies, Chinachinena, Water- Pouring-Old-Men, or the Sweat-lodge society, as it is often called. Heichebiaw (Tall-Bear), the only other surviving member of the society, should, according to precedent, have taken a place with Hdcheni as general overseer or high priest in the ceremony; but he, on account of his great age, refused to take an active part. In the drama of the Sun Dance, Hdcheni plays the part cjf the Sun. 26 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. A position similar to that of Hocheni was that held by Cheathea. Her title in this position is Hathabesi (Upright-One). She has held this office during many previous ceremonies, and was chosen by the old men of the Sweat-lodge society many years ago. It is her duty, when called, to offer prayer, and especially to indicate that all is ready for the next step. Thus, she says from time to time: "You shall do well. Your Father will look upon you. Go ahead!" She is also spoken of as Peace-Keeper. Her word is said to be good at all times, and she never says anything unpleasant. She is also called Old- Woman-Night, and she is supposed to see everything that moves in the night, and is said to have, consequently, the ways of the Moon. As Hocheni sees everything in the daytime and represents the Sun, so, Cheathea, in the great drama, represents the Moon. In connection with Cheathea should be mentioned Becheaye, the wife of an Arapaho now dead, who when living, was a member, like Hocheni, of the Sweat-lodge society. Her husband was keeper of the straight pipe, and on his death, gave it to her, asking her to preserve it. Becheaye formerly occupied the office of Cheathea. Her active ' participation in the ceremony now is of course exceedingly slight, being confined to the offering of prayer, from time to time. Also to be mentioned in this group is Hisethe (Good-Woman), widow of a member of the Sweat-lodge society, and consequently present through- out the ceremony. Second only to Hocheni in importance among the participants is Hawkan. He may be regarded as the actual director of the ceremony. He participated in two other ceremonies, as director, once with Watanah, and the second time with Waakatani (Spotted-Bear); had he been sick or absent on the occasion of the ceremony, Watanah or Waakatani would have acted in his place. During the ceremony, Hawkan, in all his prayers and in his general attitude toward the cere- mony, represents the entire Arapaho tribe, and is called Hasehebeiye (Praying- or Offering-Old-Man). As his assistant during the cere- mony, he had Waakatani, who performed numerous offices, generally representing Hawkan, but at no time taking the initiative. To be mentioned also with Hawkan and Waakatani are five individuals who performed during the ceremony in virtue of the fact that they were engaged in learning the actual routine of the performance, in order that they might fit themselves for the position of director in future ceremonies. These pupils were VVatangaa and his wife, Chanitoe, Sosoni, and Waanibe (Grass-Singing). As Hawkan is the general director of the ceremony, guiding the May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 27 movements both of his assistants and of the pupils and of the dancers themselves, so the ceremony requires the jiresence of a woman to direct a certain few rites where a man may not prcjperly perform. This was done by a woman named Chaui (Lump-Foreiiead). In previ- ous ceremonies, in which she fulfilleii this office, she cut the so-called "ditch," an important element of the altar. In the ceremony under consideration, she directed Sosoni, llisenibe (Singinj^-Woman), and Waanibe in this rite. The reason why this so-called "ditch" is cut by women, is because the woman who asceniled to the Heavens and became the wife of Sun-Boy, dug a similar hole at the time that she rediscovered this earth. In the next group of participants is the Lodge-Maker, his wife, and the sponsors of these two. The reason for the presence of the Lodge-Maker in the ceremony is of course obvious. During the secret rites previous to the beginning of the dance in the great lodge, as well as during the days of feasting, he is accompanied by his wife Biba (Curly-Hair). Inasmuch as these two individuals require constant instruction as to particular duties which they are to perform, they, as well as the remaining men who are to fast during the ceremony, have recourse to the services of men known as "grandfathers" ("he touches me"). The grandfather of the Lodge-Maker of each Sun Dance is, in the regular course of events, the Lodge-Maker of the preceding Sun Dance. Inasmuch as the Lodge-Maker of the last Sun Dance, how- ever, was no longer alive, Thihauchhawkan, the Lodge-Maker of the present Sun Dance went to Sosoni, who had taken an active part in several previous Sun Dances, to obtain her consent to act as grand- mother to his wife. Sosoni's present husband, Lizard, had never taken part in the Sun Dance, consequently, Thihauchhawkan asked Nisah (Twins) to be grandmother. Old-Camp, now dead, as stated above, was Lodge-Maker in the preceding Sun Dance; but on account of paralysis at the time, a man by the name of Debithe had represented him in the ceremony; consequently, Debithe became grandfather of Thihauchhawkan, while Nisah acted as grandmother of Biba. That in the ceremony itself, or in the great dramatization, as we must regard the ceremony, Debithe, as grandmother, takes the part of an important personage, there can be no doul)t; as the representative of the preceding ceremony he is spoken of as "Hetuhenait" (Transferrer). Nisah, during the ceremony, not only assisted and acted as adviser to Biba, but during one of the final performances, placed the Wheel on the head of Biba, and thrcnighout the drama, played the part of Mother- Earth. 28 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. Comprised also within this fourth group are all those who, in addi- tion to the Lodge-Maker, fast and dance during the ceremony. The names of these, with their grandfathers, have already been given in the list of participants, and do not require further comment. PARTICIPANTS IN THE CEREMONY, 1902. With a few slight changes, the priestly participants on this year were the same as those on the preceding year: the dancers naturally were not the same. Hocheni and Hawkan played the same important parts as on the previous year. The Lodge-Maker this year was Niwaat (Good-Warrior). Owing to the fact, however, that he was both unmarried and deaf, it was necessary to secure a substitute Lodge- Maker. Waatanakashi (Black-Lodge), volunteered for this part, and with his wife, Naen (Round), played an important part in the cere- mony. The grandfather to the two Lodge-Makers was Nishnateyana, while his wife, Thiyeh, acted as adviser to the wife of the substitute Lodge-Maker, and in other ways assisted in the ceremony. The names of the dancers, with their grandfathers, are given in the following list: DANCERS. GRANDFATHERS. 1. Niwaat (Good-Warrior). Nishnateyana (Two-Babies). 2. Waatanakashi (Black-Lodge), . . Nishnateyana (Two-Babies). 3. Yahuse (Hiding- Woman), or Char- lie Campbell. Nishnateyana (Two-Babies). 4. Detenin (Short-Man). Kakatayahiwani (Spotted- Bean). 5. Naka (White-Tail), or James Mon- roe. Kakatayahiwani (Spotted- Bean). 6. Ilathaniseh (Lone-Star), or Cecil Gray. Kakatayahiwani (Spotted- Bean). 7. Hinenwatani (Black-Man), or Noble Prentis. . Kakatayahiwani (Spotted- Bean). 8. Niehhinitu (Howling-l>ird), or Charley Old-Horse. Waawutha (Hail). 9. Waluisa (Young-Iiear). Waawutha (Hail). 10. Hinenbai (Red-Man). Waawutha (Hail). ti. Bessee (Wood). Waawutha (Hail). M \v, 1903. Thk Arai'aiio Su\ Danck — Dorskv. 29 12. Chaataiii (S\\a|)pin,>,f-Back). Waataniiiliinaii (I'.lack-Man). 13. Hochoawa (Kunnini^-Crow), <>'• Dan Wheeler. Waataniiiliinaii (I'.lack-.Man). 14. ^\'alu■lhallu (IJear-Track). Hanakenaku\vu( Wliite-JJiiffalo). 15. Neheheih. Hanakenaku\vu(Wliite-P>uffalo). 16. Watawateeh (Conie-ui)-! I ill). Hanakenaku\vu(\Vliite-lUirfalo). 17. \Vatangaa (IJlack-Coyote), or Ben Franklin. Hanakenakuwu (White-Buffalo). 18. Kakiiyanake (Scabby-Bull). Nishchdnakati (White-Eye-Aii- telope). 19. Heniait (Long-Hair). Hawkan (Crazy). 20. Hisehaseh (Sun-Ray), or George Hocheni. Hawkan (Crazy). 21. Tepeish (Cut-Hair). Hawkan (Crazy). 22. Hitehuu (Little-Crane), or Dan Brooks. * Nakwahthay (Killing-with- Stick). 23. Hinenibe (Singing-Man). Nakwahthay (Killing-with- Stick). 24. Hinennitu (Howling-Man), or Jay Gould. Nakwahthay (Killing-with- Stick). 25. Bikaanichu (Smoking-at-Night), or Francis Lee. Nakwahthay (Killing-with- Stick). In the following list are the names of the personal advisers of the dancers, who painted them under the direction of the grandfather. The numbers given in this list correspond to those of the dancers in the preceding list. LIST OF MEN WHO PAINTED THE DANCERS. Watanah (Black-Horse). 11. Nakaash (Sage), or Sage. Nishnateyana (Two-Babies). 12. Debbithathat (Cut-Finger). Nakaash (Sage), or Henry 13. Hishitari (Fire). Sage. 14. Hanakenakuwu (White Buffalo). Nakichawaah (Rabbit-Run). 15. Waaksenna (Bear's-Lariat). Watanati (Ute). 16. Washieh (Ugly). Nakubathay (White-Owl.) 17. Sage-Bark. Hohakaki (Little-Raven, Jr.) 18. Nishchdnakati (White-Eye-An- Kahiiye (Lizard). telope). Waawiitha (Hail). 19. Chanitoe (Striking-Back). Kakiiyi (Gun). 30 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. 20. Batandwhosati (Medicine-Dis- 23. Not ascertained. mounting). 24. Not ascertained. 21. Hanibit (Long-Nose). 25. Not ascertained. 22. Not ascertained. ALPHABETICAL LIST OF PARTICIPANTS. For convenience there is here given a full list of the names of all those mentioned in the pages of this paper, who participated in the ceremonies of either 1901 or 1902. Ahwaka (Slaughter), or Ornaha. Baihoh (Old-Bear), or Blindy; Dog-soldier. Batandwhosati (Medicine-Dismounting); assistant to Hawkan, 1902. Becheaye (Hairy-Face, wife of Old-Sun); Peace-Keeper. Bessee (Wood); dancer, 1902. Biba (Curly-Hair, wife of Thihauchhdwkan) ; wife of Lodge-Maker, 1901. Bihata (Black-Hat), or George; dancer, 1901. Bikaanichu (Smoking-at-Night), or Francis I^ee ; dancer, 1902. Chaatani (Swapping-Back) ; dancer, 1902. Chanitoe (Striking-Back); pupil and assistant to Hdwkan, 1902. Chaiii (Lump-Forehead), or Daniel Webster; dancer, 1902. Chaui (Lump-Forehead); assistant to Hawkan, 1901. Cheathea (Broken-Down-Woman); Peace-Keeper. Debbithathat (Cut-Finger). Debithe (Cut-Nose); grandfather of Thihauchhdwkan, 1901. Detenin (Short-Man); dancer, 1902. Haani (Mountain). Hdgo (Rat). Hanatchawdtani (Black-Bull) ; Dog-soldier. Hanakebaah (Bull -Thunder). Hanakenakuwu (White-Buffalo). Handkewak (Bull-Bear). Hanebit (Long-Nose). Haniit (Long-Hair). Hathdniseh (Lone-Star), or Cecil Gray; dancer, 1902. Hawkan (Crazy); priest; director of the Sun Dance ceremony. Hebethenen (Big-Nose), or Walter Dinley; dancer, 1901. Henidit (I^ong-Hair) ; dancer, 1902. Henlcnit (Famous), or Arnold Walworth; dancer, 1902. Heichebiwa (Tall-Bear); priest, Water-Pouring-Old-Man. Hinenbai (Red-Man); dancer, 1902. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance— Dorsky. 31 Hin^nibe (Singing-Man) ; dancer, 1902. Hindnnitu (Howling-Man), or Jay Gould; dancer, 1902. Hincnwatani (Black-Man), or Noble Prentis; dancer, 1902. Hinenwatani (Black-Man); grandfather, 1902. Hisehaseh (Sun-Ray), or George Hocheni; dancer, 1901 and 1902. Hisenibe (Singing-Woman, wife of Watdngaa) ; pujiil. Hiscthe (Gooll-^\'o^laIl) ; wile of Ilokdkaki, a Water-Pouring- Old-Man. Hishitari (Fire); grantlfathcr, 1902. Hissehnihani (Yellow-Woman); wife of Hanakawaahtanni. Hitantuh (Strikes-First), or Hardley Ridge-Bear; dancer, 1901. Hitehuu (Little-Crane), or Dan Brooks; dancer, 1902. •Hocheni (Old-Crow); priest; VVater-Pouring-Old-Man. Hochoawa (Running-Crow), or Dan Wheeler; dancer, 1902. Hohakaki (Little-Raven, Jr.); assistant to Kakatayahiwani, 1902. Kahdye (Lizard); assistant to Waawutha, 1902. Kakatayahiwani (Spotted-Bean); grandfather, 1902. Kakuyanake (Scabby-Bull) ; dancer, 1902. Kakuyi (Gun); assistant to Waawdtha, 1902. Kana' thekahade (Coming-on-Horseback). Naaseh (Walking-Around), or Grant Left Hand. Naen (Round); wife of the associate Lodge-Maker. Naka (White-Tail), or James Monroe; dancer, 1902. Nakaash (Sage), or Henry Sage; assistant t.o Nishnateyana, 1902. Nakaash (Sage), or Sage; assistant to Waawutha, 1902. Nakichawaah (Rabbit-Run); assistant to Kakatayahiwani, 1902. Nakdbathay (White-Owl); assistant to Kakatayahiwani, 1902. Nakwathay (Killing-with Stick). Nawaht (Left-Hand); chief. Nehe'heih (Little-Bird). Niehhinitu (Howling-Bird), or Charley Old-Horse; dancer, 1901 and 1902. Niekdhochithinaahnie (Running-in -Circle). Nihdnisabatl (Yellow- Horse). Nisah (Twins, wife of Wadii, former Lodge-Maker) ; grandmother of Biba, 1901. Nishchdnakati (White-Eye-Antelope); priest; Water- Pouring-Old- Man. Nishikanawke (White- Antelope). Nishnateyana (Two-Babies); grandfather of Niwaat, 1902. Niwaat (Good-Warrior) ; Lodge-Maker, 1902. Sosoni (Shoshone-Woman, wife of Lizard); pupil. 32 Field Columbian Museum— Anthropology, Vol. IV. Te'peish (Cut-Hair); dancer, 1902. Thihauchhawkan (Straight-Crazy) ; Lodge-Maker, 1901. Thiveh (Shave-Head, wife ot Nishnateyana) ; wife of grandfather, T902. Waanibe (Grass-Singing, wife of Hawkan) ; pupil. Waasanahi (Charcoal). Waakat'ani (Spotted-Bear); assistant to Hawkan. Waaksenna (Bear's-Lariat) ; assistant to Hanakenakuwu. Waatanakashi (Black-Lodge) ; associate Lodge-Maker, 1902. Waatannak (Black-Bear). Waatannihinan (Black-Man). Waatu (Warrior), or Daniel Dyer; dancer, 1901. Waawiitha (Hail). Wadii (Old-Camp). Wahubahu (Bear-Track) ; dancer, 1902. ^ Wahiisa (Young-Bear) ; dancer, 1902. Wanakayi (Row-of-Lodges). Wcisas (Osage); relative of Niwaat. Washieh (Ugly, wife of Kakatayahiwani) ; cut center-pole. Watanah (Black-Horse); grandfather, 1902. Watanati (Ute) ; assistant to Kakatayahiwani, 1902. Watangaa (Black-Coyote), or Ben Franklin; dancer, 1902. Watawateeh (Come-up-Hill) ; dancer, 1902. Yahiise (Hiding-Woman), or Charley Campbell; dancer, 1901. WARRIOR SOCIETIES. Before dismissing the subject of the participants in the ceremony, it may not be out of place at this point to give a brief statement of the various warrior societies, inasmuch as these have already been and will be referred to from time to time. These societies are graded in rank and power, and are, according to Mooney, seven in number: (i) the Nuhinena, or the Kit-Fox society — this order is composed of young men in the tribe and has no special duties to perform; (2) the Hauthahuha, or Star society, comprising the young warriors of the tribe; (3) the Hichaaquthi, or Club-Board society, so called because the four head men of this society carried in battle, wooden clubs — this society is made up entirely of men in the prime of life and was form- erly a powerful warrior organization; (4) the Bittahinena, or Spear society — the chief duties of this order were the proper policing of the camp, they also saw that the orders of head men of the camp were executed ; (5) the Ahakanena, or Lime-Crazy society, made up of men May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Danck — Dorsev. 33 who had passed throui^li the Uwer orders — the inembers of this society occasionally performed a ceremony of four days' duration, known as the "crazy dance"; (6) the Heth^hinena, or Doj^-soldier society, per- haps the most important warrior order among the Arapaho, occupying an especially prominent position in times of warfare; and (7) the CliliiachinCna, or Sweat-lodge society. The members of this s(jcLety were limited to seven in nund)er, one or more of whom acted in the capacity of high priest in the performance of important ceremonies. They also gave instruction to the nK:nd)ers of other orders. The rites of this order have never been described. THH PRIESTHOOD. To obtain a position such as .that held by Hoheni or Nishchanakati does not so much imply a knowledge of the rites of the ceremony, as it requires membership in the highest of the Arapaho societies, the "Water-Pouring" or "Sweat-lodge," which presupposes membership in all the minor societies. To be able to assume the responsible position of director or chief priest, such as that held by Hawkan, one need not necessarily have been a Sun Dance Lodge-Maker several times. He may obtain the office by participating in the ceremony, especially by painting the poles and the center fork several times. Hawkan began by obtaining the privilege of painting the poles and the center fork, then entered the Rabbit-tipi, where he offered his services in the making and painting of the altar paraphernalia, etc., making payment each year, the amount being regulated by the nature of the service he was permitted to ])erform. VIII.— Characterization of the Eight Ceremonial Days. In order that the sequence of the rites in the ceremony may be better followed, the main events of the performance on each day of the ceremony are herewith summarily given. It should be stated first, however, that while the ceremony of 1901 was hurried, and conse- quently lasted only seven days, that of 1902 was given in full, and consequently lasted eight days. In comparing the events of the cere- mony of the two years, it may be stated that the first day of the 1901 ceremony corresponds to the first day of the 1902 ceremony; while the events of the second day of the 1901 performance were divided between the second and third days of the 1902 performance. The third, fourth. 34 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. fifth, sixth, and seventh days of 1901 correspond respectively to the fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth days of the 1902 performance. Owing to the fact that few or many days may be consumed in the formation of the camp-circle, the ceremony proper may be said to begin on the morning of the announcement, although it is to be under- stood that the camp-circle has already been formed. First Day: — Formal announcement, in the forenoon, of the begin- ning of the ceremony, by the Crier; erection of the Rabbit-tipi in the afternoon. Second Day: — Secret ceremonies in the Rabbit-tipi: — The prep- aration, of the Lodge-Maker's robe; the filling of the sacred pipe; the cutting of the rawhide for the center-pole; the formation of the temporary altar; the rehearsal of Sun Dance songs. Events out- side of the Rabbit-tipi: — The killing of the buffalo; the searching for the ordinary timbers for the great lodge by the different warrior soci- eties; and, near midnight, the ceremony of the grandfather and the wife of the Lodge-Maker. Third Day: — Secret ceremonies within the Rabbit-tipi: — The painting of the robe for the center-pole; the painting of the buffalo skull; preparation of the digging-stick ; the painting of the belt; the painting of the Lodge-Maker. Events outside the Rabbit-tipi : — The solicitation about the camp-circle by the Lodge-Maker for presents; the bringing to the Rabbit-tipi of the cedar-tree; the laying out of the Offerings-lodge; the digging of the holes for the lodge by the Lime- Crazy society; the erection of and ceremonial performance within the Sweat-lodge; rehearsal in the Rabbit-tipi during the night. Fourth Day: — Secret ceremonies within the Rabbit-tipi: — Such preparations as have not already been made are completed; in the after- noon the Lodge-Maker and his associates are painted; preparation is made for the abandonment of the Rabbit-tipi, which takes place on the completion of the Offerings-lodge. Outside the Rabbit-tipi :■ — ^The cap- ture and bringing in of the center-pole; the painting of the four poles and the center-pole; the completion of the Offerings-lodge; the war and scalp dance inside the Offerings-lodge; after the evening meal the Lodge-Maker and those w^ho are to fast during the ceremony enter the lodge; bearing the first paint; singing sacred songs in the Offerings- lodge; outside, near midnight, the ceremony between the grand- father and the wife of the Lodge-Maker; the formal beginning of the Sun Dance. Fifth Day: — At daybreak occurs the dance to the Sun; the dancers then remain inactive until tlie completion of the altar; the priests go outside to cut the sods which are brought within the Oft'erings-lodge, May, 1905. Till-, Akai-aiki Sun Danck — Dorsky. 35 whili' llu- bulfali) skull and other paraphci iialia have been broiii^rlii in beforr; thi' biiihbii^ of the allar; the tlistribution of the gO(jds by the j^i"aiultathci" on behall of the Loil^e-Maker; the ceremonial washing of the bodies of the ihincers, ftjMowed b\' the second painting. (The ilancc is continuetl at intervals throughout the night.) Sixth Day: — Dance to the rising Sun; the dance is ccMitinued at intervals throughout tiie day; removal of the paint of the second tlay, followed by the third paint; medicine or courting night. Seventh Day: — Removal of the paint of the preceding day, fol- lowed by the fourth paint; preparation of the medicine water outside the Offerings-lodge ; the final dance to the setting Sun; the emetic; drinking the holy water, followed by the termination of the fast with an elaborate feast. Eighth Day: — Dance out to the Sun, with purification rites; smok- ing the straight-pipe by the priests and dancers; the sacrifice of cast- off clothing at the altar and center-pole of the Offerings-lodge. IX.— The Sun Dance Ceremony. While the various scenes and incidents which have already been noted form a necessary and more or less intrinsic part of the great Sun Dance ceremony, yet they must be considered as preliminary to the ceremony itself. On the completion of the camp-circle, and with the meeting on the night of the day of its completion, when it is decided that the "announcement" is to be made on the following morning, the time of the preliminary period is at an end; for with the announce- ment on the next day, the ceremcMiy proper of the Sun Dance may be said to begin. FIRST DAY, 1901 AND 1902. Early in the afternoon of this day, some of the leading men of the Star society repaired to the lodge of Debithe, the grandfather, and a head man of the Star society, taking with them food for the feast. They then sent for Hocheni, Elawkan, Becheaye, Cheathea, and some old men of the Dog-soldier society. After an informal discussion regarding the routine work about to be performed in connection with the ceremony, and after partaking of food, Hocheni prayed: 36 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. HocHENi's Prayer before Star Society. "My Grandfather, Light of the World; Old-Woman-Night, my Grandmother, — I stand here before this people, old and young. May whatever they undertake to do in this ceremony, and may their desires and wishes and anxieties in their every-day life, meet with your approval; may the growing corn not fail them and may everything that they put in the ground mature, in order that they may have food and nourishment for their children and friends. May whatever light comes from above, and also the rain, be strengthening to them, that they may live on the earth under your protection. May they make friends with the neighboring tribes, and especially with the white people. May the tribe be free from all wrong, from all crimes, and may they be good people." THE ANNOUNCEMENT. Hocheni was now seen to leave the lodge and pass directly to the northeast side of the great camping circle. He carried in one hand a beautifully carved black pipe, and in the other hand the tail of a buffalo. He wore leggings and moccasins of buckskin and a cotton shirt, over which he had placed a white sheet, which he wore as a blanket. He was painted red, even including his blanket and the other portions of his costume. He walked slowly, and it was noticed that no one passed him as he proceeded. Having reached the line of the lodges, he cried out in a loud voice: "All you people, old and young, listen to me! Man-Above, my Grandfather, Old-Woman-Night, my Grandmother, Dog-soldiers, Lime-Crazy-Men, Club-Board-Men, — may all the people increase day and night, be free from all sickness and distress! May peace and happiness exist! Thihduchhawkan is ready. So says Thihduchhawkan to you all." At the end of the announcement, Hocheni uttered a long halloo, and all within the sound of his voice are supposed to say, "Thanks," while the parents in each tipi pray: "My child, may you grow up a man." Hocheni then j^assed to that side of the camp-circle toward the southwest, then to the southeast, and then toward the northeast, halting at each of these three points, where he uttered the same announcement, whereupon he returned to the lodge of Uebithe. Hocheni and Hdwkan now instructed some of the Star society, while they were still in Debithe's tent, to search the camp-circle for a com- plete buffalo hide, and take it out on one of the hills near the camp- circle and make a frame for it and erect it in the form of a buffalo. I FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. V. ■<''f"'^ff^f'^ Pl. V. The Rabbit-tipi. The secret tipi df preparation, which stood at the west of the center of the camp-circle. Pliotograph made on third day, after cedar tree had been placed behind tipi. The decoration of the tipi has nothing to do with the Sun Dance ceremony, it being one of the Ghost dance tipis. May, 190^5. Till Arai'Aik^ Sun Dancf. — Dorsey. 37 In former times, of course, this ejMsode in the ceremony consisted in the U)cation of a living buffalo. Those who have been mentioned as having gathered there for the announcement now to(jk up what food there was left over from the feast and departed with it (or their h(jmes. Hocheni remaining for a few moments to smoke. THE HABBIT-IIPI. The members of the Star society, shortly afterwards began to congregate in the center of the camp-circle, having been called by the head man of the Star society, through Hocheni. Having assembled, they were told by their leader to go over and get the tipi of Wahuayni- howni (Yellow-Magpie), Avhich was one of the largest in the camj)- circle. They went after the tipi, and were about to lift it up, when the wife of Yello\v-Magpie made strenuous objections, saying that they had a big family and needed shelter. They then selected another tipi, and it also was refused. The third tipi selected belonged to a member of the Star society, and permission was given to take it. First they pulled out the pegs which fastened the tipi to the ground, then took off the door and loosened the ropes for the smoke flaps. The mem- bers then surrounded the lodge, and each man took hold of a lodge pole. At a signal, they lifted the poles simultaneously, and thus moved the tipi bodily to a spot a short distance west of the center of the camp-circle. Here they were met by their ^vives, wdio firmly adjusted the tipi and replaced the pegs. The opening of the tipi, of course, faced the east (see Plate V). This tipi is called by the Chey- enne, "The First lodge," while among the Arapaho it is known as the "Nakshawu," or White-Rabbit-tipi. The origin of the name is due to the myth in which male and female rabbits conducted the secret ceremonies of the Offerings-lodge. The men w'ho still perform such rites are known as Rabbit-men. RABBIT-TIPI TABOOS. . No one ever enters the Rabbit-tipi with moccasins or any kind of covering on the feet. Moccasins were removed outside and were deposited at one side or the other of the door. In explanation of this the following was obtained: "In the evening, when the bats are flying around near a tipi, a person throws up pairs of moccasins in the air, until the bat flies into the moccasin. In this way the bat is caught and killed; otherwise, the bat, representing the evil spirit, may work sickness upon an innocent person. Because the home of the bat (the evil spirit) is in the moccasin, the Rabbit-tipi people, before entering the Rabbit-tipi, take off their moccasins, thus showing reverence." 38 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. It is required also that all enter and leave the Rabbit-tipi by way of the south, west, and north, in other words, in a sunwise circuit. In this manner they travel along with the sun and are therefore protected. Hence also no one may pass in front of the altar with the sacred Wheel and buffalo skull; a clear path must be preserved between these and the door, so that the blessing of the Sun-ray may take effect. There is no restriction as to the nature of the food used in the Rabbit-tipi, the quantity and amount depending upon the means of the family who is making the feast. WOOD FOR THE CEREMONIAL FIRE. The boys of the Star society now began gathering wood, first near Watangaa's lodge on the north side of the circle, and then con- tinuing the circuit, taking one or two sticks from each lodge, until they could carry no more, when they would take their load to the left and the front of the Rabbit-tipi. They then returned to that part of the circle where they had left off, and continued gathering wood until they had completed the circuit of the camp; consequently, each wood-pile had yielded its contribution. THE WHEEL TAKEN TO THE RABBIT-TIPI. Debithe, accompanied by two members of the Star society, now went to the home of Yahuse, taking with him calico, to obtain the Wheel. Having arrived at his tipi, they entered, gave him the calico, and explained their mission. They all went outside to the rear of the tipi, where the bundle containing the Wheel was suspended on a tripod. A prayer was now uttered by one of the men, whereupon Yahilse took the bundle from the tripod and gave it to Debithe, who returned with it to the Rabbit-tipi. KNIFE, RAWHIDE AND BADGER TAKEN TO THE RABBIT-TIPI. Another member of the Star society, just before that time, entered the Rabbit-tipi with a double-edged knife. Hocheni had also directed one of the members of the Star society to bring into the lodge a piece of buffalo hide, which had been obtained from Big-Belly, and a piece of rawhide, while Debithe brought in a badger skin. As these were brought in they were passed to Hawkan, who, in a low voice, uttered a prayer : Mav, 1903. Thk Arai'aho Sun Dancf. — Dorskv. 39 HaWKAN's TKAVliR IN K A i;i:i l-'l'UM. "My l'"ather, Man-Above, the Creator, the Giver-of-Food, listen! He near to us poor l)ein,u;s who need spiritual and bodily blessings! May the people gathered in this tipi, also the people of the entire camp-circle, be blest hereafter! My Grandmother, Old-Woman- Night, make a good night for us! My Grandfather, Sun, may your day bring good for us all! Hear us as we pray and give thanks during this ceremony, which we have learned of our fathers and of the Four- Old-Men! Thy help and presence we expect." By this time it was quite dark. THE FIREPLACE. Wadnibe (Grass Singing, the wife of Hawkan), and Nisah (Twins, wife of Wadii), now prepared to make a fire in the center of the lodge. First, Nisah made with a pipe-stem (for it contains a protective anti- dote), a pass at the earth four times in four different places, near the center of the lodge, forming an imaginary square. She then made four passes in the center of this space. Wadnibe then went through the same motions with a hoe. The latter then cleared away the grass from a space about two feet square and both joined to make a slight excavation in the center for the fire. The dirt, grass, and roots were then placed upon a black blanket, carried outside, and deposited in the form of a small mound about thirty feet away, in front of the tipi. THE SAGE FLOOR. Debithe then left the Rabbit-tipi and returned with a bundle of sage. He went at once to the southeast corner of the tipi, where he selected a few stems from the bundle and waved them toward the southeast four times, and laid the small bunch on the ground. He then went to the southwest corner, the northwest corner, and the northeast corner, repeated this performance at each place, and deposited a small bunch of sage. He then gave the remainder of the sage to the two women, who spread it around the lodge in the form of a circle. Quilts and blanket's were now spread over the sage, and all present sat down. THE FIRE, AND THE WAR STORY. Little-Chief, the head man of the Star society, now entered with a few sticks of wood in his arm. Standing at the southeast corner, he told his war story and then made a fire in the center of the tipi. The story of a warrior must be good and known as to its particu- 40 Field Columbian jMuseum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. lars by two or more witnesses. If the teller of the story exaggerates, the fire does not burn Avell. The sticks of wood thrown into the fire as fuel personify the victims struck or killed. Since they use their victims as fuel to give light in the Rabbit-tipi and the Offerings-lodge, the whole tribe is protected from all injury. This kindly protection comes from Sun and Moon, or rather from the hearts of these two deities. The fire is the Sun, for, after finishing the big lodge for the snake, he gave his heart for light. Unless the fire is made in the Rabbit-tipi, as well as, later on, in the Offerings-lodge, the ceremony cannot be carried on. The war story itself is symbolic of victory for the tribe over famine and all kinds of plagues. THE BADGER-PACK. Owing to purely accidental circumstances, the preparation of the Badger-pack was not observed during either of the ceremonies of 1901 or 1902. It is known, however, that it was prepared on the afternoon of the first day of the erection of the Rabbit-tipi. I assume from the fact that the badger-skin, when the pack was unwrapped at the termi- nation of the ceremony, was taken care of by Watangaa, that the skin belongs to him, and was furnished by him on each occasion. The same reasoning leads me to believe that the wrapper of the pack was furnished by Hocheni. It was known that the badger-skin was painted, the anterior half being in red and the posterior half in black. After the painting, it was wrapped in an old piece of buffalo hide about three feet square, which was then made into a compact bundle by means of a long buffalo- hide rope. The wrapping was painted as had been the badger-skin, the front half being red, the second half black, but whether the paint- ing was done before the badger-skin was enveloped, or afterwards, is not known ; nor is it known what rites, if any, were performed during the preparation of the pack. In its finished condition, the badger- skin had been so placed that the head, up to and including the ears, projected beyond the end of the pack. When not in use, for purposes to be described in proper places, the Badger-pack, both in the Rabbit- tipi and in the Offerings-lodge, occupied a place to the south of the skull, the badger looking toward the east. THE BUFFALO SKULL. Debithe again left the tipi and soon returned, bringing in a buffalo skull which had been lying in Thihauchhawkan's tipi, and which had been brought to the camp-circle by Watangaa, who owned the skull. May, 1903. Till. Akatamo Sun Dancf. — Dorsky. 41 ENTRANCE INTO IHE l,OUGE Ul" THE LODGE-MAKER ANI) HIS WIFE. TTiihduchhdwkan, the Lodge-Maker, and his wife now entered the h)drer "-(ineration. 72 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. EAGLE FEATHERS GIVEN TO YOUNG-BULL. Debbithathat (Cut-Finger) was now heard outside praying to the Four-Old-Men. At the conclusion of the prayer he entered, bringing with him four eagle feathers in his right hand and a filled pipe in his left. On entering the lodge, he gave the pipe to Nishnateyana, who placed it in front of the skull, the bowl being up and toward the north, as usual. The feathers he also gave to Nishnateyana, who put them down, without ceremony, on the head of the robe. Nishnateyana now sat down to the southeast of the skull, while next to him, toward the door, on the south, were Watanah, Debithe, Watangaa, Chanitoe, Nishchanakati, and Hawkan. Food was then passed in (the feast having been provided by the wife of Debbithathat) to Thiyeh, who placed it in the usual ceremonial position about the fireplace, the first vessel being placed southeast, the second southwest, the third northwest, the fourth northeast, and the fifth on the east. Watangaa then turned tow^ard the direction of the buffalo skull and robe and spoke as follows: watangaa's prayer to young-bull. "Now, Young-Bull, please listen to me. This day, friend (Debbithathat) comes to you with his family and brings to you a bundle of eagle feathers for your headdress; he has furnished the very best, to show his respect and reverence to you. His recent days have been, to a certain extent, in misery and sorrow, and his relatives have had some contentions and troubles. Therefore, I- pray you with an earnest heart, that through his gift of feathers you wnll extend to him and his family your sympathy. This kind of a gift you consider as the best; so look up, listen, and answer his prayer! I further pray you that by his earnest gift the whole tribe may multiply, that peace and prosperity may exist in the tribe and among the surrounding Indians, that this day you may be in accordance with our Man-Above, to give us food, water, and particularly to give life for our children, and may you also give us cattle. I ask you that in our every-day walk we may be firm and live with good will toward our white brothers. So now please accept this gift, with the hope that he will be pleased, and that you will tell our Father that we have given you the best. Come, all you Supernatural-Beings! Look upon this poor and humble servant; be with him and his family, that his daily footsteps may be as light as the Sun, our Grandfather, that he may be protected by Old-Woman-Night, our Grandmother!" Debbithathat now left the lodije and returned at once with his M \v, 1903. Thk. Arai'aih) Sin Danck — Dorsev. 73 wife ami cliikl, and sat down luar the iloor on the north side of the lodj;c. Nishnatcyana now phiced a vessel of fo(xl in front of Hocheni, who after the usual ceremonial motions, prepared five pieces, which Debbithathat received from him. drawiiii;- his ri;,dit hand from Hocheni's rij^ht shoulder to his head, and made the usual offerings to the four directions, placing the last piece in front of the skull. The vessels of food were now passed by the wife of Debbithathat to the wife of Nishnateyana, who distributed them. At the conclusion of the feast the food vessels, together with the remainder of the food, were removed from the lodge. Then Debbitha- that and his wife and child were cleansed by the Wheel, according to the manner already described at length, the Wheel during the cere- mony being held by Nishnateyana. At the conclusion of this ceremony, and after the Wheel had been "wrapped" and Debbithathat had made a prayer for life and for other material benefits, the bundle of eagle feathers was given him, while he still sat by the side of the skull, which he tied to the forelock of the robe. These feathers may be regarded as a headdress for Young-Bull, and are a token of respect and love — the giver of the feathers is thereby cleansed and blessed. THE BELT AND HEADDRESS REPAINTED. This rite took place, in the performance of 1902, during the after- noon of the third day, on the return of the priests from the location of the Offerings-lodge. Seated on the north side of the tipi, in order, beginning at the west, were Watanah, Hawkan, Thiyeh, Chanitoe, Nishchanakati, and Debithe. Watanah now entered with a new piece of calico, which was spread down in front of Hawkan on top of a blanket. Hawkan and Watanah both touched the forefinger to the ground, then to the mouth, took a bite of root, and spat five times in the usual ceremonial circuit upon the calico. The leather case con- taining the belt was then laid upon the calico. The wife of Nishnateyana then knelt in front of Nishchanakati, while the latter prepared her hands by the usual motions and ejection of spittle, that she might remove the belt from its case. Waakatani, who with the others had been sitting on the north side of the lodge, placed a coal in front of Watanah, upon which Hawkan deposited five pinches of incense, beginning on the southeast and continuing in a sun- wise circuit, the fifth pinch being added from the center. Nishchana- kati then made five ceremonial passes with the pipe-stem over the pack, ejecting spittle at the same time, after having first touched his 74 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. forefinger to the ground, then to his tongue and taking a bite of root. Hawkan passed the bag over the rising incense, and gave it to Thiyeh, who opened it, disclosing the sacred belt. This was in the form of an apron of buckskin, about ten inches in width and fourteen inches in length, fastened to a buckskin thong by its upper and narrow edge, by being passed over the thong once and held in position by means of buckskin strings. This thong was really the belt proper and terminated at each end in five strands or fringes, each of which was wrapped with uncolored porcupine quills. The larger piece of buckskin, or apron, also terminated at its base with many strands or fringes, perhaps twenty in number, wrapped also with porcupine quills. At the upper corners of the apron, on each side, were two small loops, about three-quarters of an inch in length; these, also, wrapped with porcupine quills. Hawkan now offered the follow- ing prayer: hawkan's prayer. "My Father, have pity upon us! Remember that we are your children since the time you created the heavens and the earth, with a man and a woman! Our Grandfather, the Central-Moving-Body, who gives light, watch us in the painting of the belt which our Father directed, as it is before us! Now speak to your servant who is to wear the belt! Look at her with good gifts, and may she do this for the benefit of the new people (children), so that this tribe shall have strength and power in the future! I am poor in spirit, and therefore ask you, Spiritual-Beings, to help us, that this belt may be clean and be an element of mercy for the people. We cannot cease praying to you, my Father, Man- Above, for we desire to live on this earth which we are now about to paint on this occasion. We have given this belt to the sweet smoke for our purity hereafter. May our thoughts reach to the sky, where there is holiness! Give us good water and an abun- bance of food. "' Watiinah opened the bag of red paint, from which Hawkan applied five pinches to the apron, beginning first in the upper and right-hand corner, followed by the lower right-hand corner, then the lower left- hand corner, then the upper left-hand corner, and then in the center, the apron l)eing so placed that the first application of the red paint was in the direction of the southeast. Watanah and Thiyeh then applied pinches of red paint in exactly the same manner. Then Thiyeh poured with her thumb and forefinger thin lines of paint here and there over the apron and rubbed them in with her hands. There had also been removed from the leathern case at the time M\\, 190 V The Akapaho Sun Dance — Dorskv. 75 tlic bflt was taken out a small hiiiidk-, which, wlicii unwrapped, dis- closed two small bunches of eajj^le breath-feathers, eacii of which were wrajipetl at tlie (piill end to the extent of al)Out two inches, with beads, those of one bunch bein<;' red, tiiose of the other white. Hdwkan n(nv repainted the red feathers with the red paint, while the white feathers were treated to a coat of the white lime-paint. After these were painted, they were returned to the case. The belt was then folded up antl rei")laced, along' with the two headdresses, in the leathern sack, which was placed south of the skull. Hdwkan then divided the gifts of calico and gootls between Wdta,n;lh and Watangaa. SYMBOLISM OF THE BELT AND HEADDRESS. As the belt still lay in its unfolded position, Hdwkan volunteered the information that it represented a woman, the strings of the belt representing the arms, the apron part the body, and the two loops being the eyes. He further explained that it had existetl from the beginning, and that it was the foundation of the lodge. Further incjuiry elicited additional information concerning the interesting objects. The five little piles of paint first put on the belt not only represented the Four-Old-Men or the four elements of life with the "Central-Moving-Body," but they form also a cross, symbolic of the morning star, the Mother, which comes up in advance of the sun, as the wife of the Lodge-Maker precedes the Transferrer on their return to the Rabbit-tipi, after a rite described in another place. The red paint which is smeared over the belt is symbolic at once of the naked form of a woman and of the red skin of the whole race. While the belt as a wdioie is symbolic of a woman, it is also typical of the vulva and even of a generalized concept of life-generating power of the race. The wife of the Lodge-Maker wears it to conceal her "cavity." Of the tw'o headdresses, the one with the red bead wrappings represents a female and is to be worn by the wife of the Lodge-Maker. The red is symbolic of the Arapaho race, of purity, old age, and meek- ness, and more especially of the earth with the glow of sunset. The headdress with the blue bead wrappings represents a male and is to be worn by the Lodge-Maker. The blue color has reference to the brightness of the day, of vegetation, a spotless path for all, and espe- cially does it symbolize the sky or Above, as contrasted with the earth symbolism of the other headdress. The tw'o headdresses together were also spoken of as representing male and female birds, also the air and the "soft-breath." 76 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. THE RAWHIDE DRUM AND NIGHT REHEARSAL. Shortly after midnight, immediately on the return to the Rabbit- tipi of the grandfather and the Lodge-Maker's wife, after an interest- ing rite described later on in the pages of this paper, a Crier was heard outside calling for musicians and a drum. Soon after, some of the Dog-soldiers and several members of the Star society arrived, just outside of the lodge, bringing with them a large drum. Hawkan took a live coal from the fire with a forked stick, which he placed in front of him. The Lodge-Maker arose from his position and assumed a squatting posture just behind the coal. The folded rawhide was then passed by a messenger inside the lodge to Hawkan, who placed it by the side of the l^odge-Maker. Hawkan then gave a pinch of cedar- leaves to the Lodge-Maker, who held them between his thumb and two fingers of his right hand, holding the leaves in front of his face and resting his elbow upon his right knee. Hawkan then began singing, accompanying the song with the rattle, while Chanitoe beat the Badger-pack as the movement of the song slowly proceeded, the Lodge-Maker keeping time, moving his right hand back and forth in a position parallel to his body. This was continued through the second song. At the beginning of the third song he still kept his elbow upon his knee, but moved his hand in front of the left side of his body, where he again kept time by moving his hand back and forth, out in front of himself, to the movement of the song. In a similar manner the fourth song was sung. At the beginning of the fifth song, the Lodge-Maker moved his hand so that it was held exactly in front of his face, where he again kept time to the song. At the conclusion of the song he deposited the incense upon the live coal. This little episode formed one of the most inter- esting and most beautiful of the entire Sun Dance ceremony, and was exceedingly impressive. The Lodge-Maker now took up the rawhide, motioned it toward the incense four times, then passed it slowly over the coal and walked in a sunwise circuit in front of those sitting on the south side of the lodge. He made four movements with the rawhide toward the musi- cians, who had now entered and taken up a position just south of the door, when at the fifth, he passed the rawhide in among them, where- upon they beat upon it. Other musicians now entered the lodge, crowding around a large drum at the southeast corner. The rattle was passed to the leading Dog-soldier, and they began beating upon the large drum and soon began singing. Niwaat, the actual Lodge- Maker, had in the mean time put on his buffalo robe, with the fur side I PL. XVI. Thunderbird Society. Third Day, 1902. The return from the timber with Cottonwood poles to be used in the Offer- ing-s-lodge. M.w, 1903. Till. Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 77 out, aiul now arose ami stood bchinil the l)uffalo skull, wliert.- he blew upon an ea^jle-bone wiiistle, to the accompaniment of the song. After this performance liad continuetl for some time, the Dog- soldier singers gave way to the members of other younger warrior societies, who began an informal rehearsal of new and old songs, which was kept up during the greater |)ari of ilu- night. The Lodge-Maker and substitute Lodge-Maker and wife, remained, of course, within the Rabbit-tipi during the night, continuing their fast. RITES OUTSIDE THE RABBIT-TIPI. TIMBERS FOR THE LODGE. In addition to the ceremonies which took place either in or in connection with the Rabbit-tipi, were several other events of impor- tance on this day, which must be noted. Several of the younger mem- bers of the Star society and Kit-Fox society repaired early in the forenoon to the cottonwood grove near the encampment and cut cer- tain of the timbers to be used in the erection of the great Offerings- lodge. Of these they cut several forked sticks to be used as uprights, a number of poles to be used as cross-bars and also a few poles which were to be used as rafters of the lodge. In connection with the cut- ting and bringing in of the poles was a certain amount of hilarity, mingled with formal ceremony. This feature of the ceremony received much greater attention in the 1902 performance than on the previous year. Apparently, nothing could have exceeded the spirit of happiness which prevailed through- out the camp-circle on both the second and third days, as the various warrior societies, dressed in their best, and mounted on their painted l)onies, and accompanied by their wives or sweethearts, made repeated trips to the timber, returning with poles for the lodge. Ordinarily, on entering the camp-circle, they would pass entirely around it, in a sunwise course, singing and crying with joy at the top of their voices. When they had gained the point of the circle at which thev had entered, they would pass to the center of the circle, where they would leave their pole and return again to the timber. (See Plate XVL) LOCATING THE CENTER-POLE. A still more important event of this day was the location of a suitable tree to be used as the center-pole in the Offerings-lodge. This, naturally, is the most important pole ot the great lodge, and in connection with its location and transfer to the scene of the lodge there were several interesting rites. The duty of the selection 78 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. ' of the pole falls by custom not only to the most famous warriors of the tribe, but to those few who have served as scouts and have been suc- cessful in raids against the Pawnee. Four such men are usually chosen to locate the pole, but it was found that there was only one Arapaho who filled the requirements, viz., Heichebiwa. Two Cheyenne, who were encamped near by and who were known to possess the requisite qualifications, were asked to assist Heichebiwa. One of these was Wolf-Face; the name of the other was not ascertained. Horses were furnished these three men, which were painted by them as their own horses had formerly been painted when about to go on the war-path. Each of the old men was also furnished with a lance and a gun. Thus equipped, they started out toward the cottonwood grove, where, for convenience, certain members of the Star society had already selected the most suitable tree for the purpose that they could find. One of these young men, Naaseh, who knew the location of the pole, accom- panied the three old warriors. As they approached the tree they pre- pared to charge upon it as upon the enemy, and after certain movements, shot at it. The members of the Star society who had been dancing in front of the Rabbit-tipi now knew that the center-pole was located. In the mean time, members of the Star society had set up a tripod in front of the lodge and had covered it with grass. The three old warriors now returned to camp, but just before entering the camping- circle, they set up a cry like that of wolves (Pawnee, who are called wolves or coyotes), whereupon the members of the Star society charged ■ upon them and went through the performance of counting coup and taking scalps. The warriors then proceeded to the Rabbit-tipi, where they were received by Hocheni, who received the reins from Heichebiwa's hands and offered a prayer for the victory. Heichebiwa then related his war story, telling how in his earlier days he had actu- ally successfully spied out the Pawnee. Then the two Cheyennt followed with their war stories. They now entered the Rabbit-tipi, where they remained for a short time; then all dispersed except those who had duties to perform in the Rabbit-tipi, the head men of the different companies, as has been related above, having first asked the members of their societies to meet in certain tipis for the purpose of arranging and talking over plans for the following day. THE OFFERINGS-LODGE LOCATED. This ceremony was not witnessed in the 1901 performance. Immediately after the completion of certain rites in the Rabbit-tipi, on the third day of the 1902 performance, Hawkan, Watangaa, re y Mav, 1903. '1'mk Arapaho Si'n Dance — Doksey. 79 Debithe, Wdtanuh, Waakdtaiii, ami Kanathekahade left the Rabbit-ti])! and proceeded to a place about one hundred feet east of the Rabbit- tipi, where the various poles lo form the Offerings-lodge, had been thrown promiscuously. From one of the cottonwood trees Hawkan cut five small boughs about three feet in length, sharpening one end of each. They all now seated themselves in a semicircle, facing the east. Ilawkan touched the forefinger of his right hand to the ground and then touched his tongue, took a bit of sage into his mouth, spat into his JKUuls five times, and pravcd : h.4wkan's prayer. "My Father, Man- Above, we are sitting here on the ground in humble spirit and of jioor heart, and ask your tender mercy upon us, one ami all. Through the merits of your children who taught us this law of the Sacred-Offerings-Iodge which we are about to locate, may we do it in such a manner as to obtain your favor and increased good sjMrit, to the end of the lodge! Give to us all your spirit and abun- dant mercy, and let us unite in one spirit toward you, who made us and ordered these things! My Grandfather, the Light-of-the-Earth, please look down this day upon your poor and needy people, that whatsoever they may do in their behalf may be pleasing to you! Now, my Mother-Earth, take pity on me, poor creature, and guide me straight! Let me do these things right, in the way your servants used to do!" Arising, he thrust one of the five cottonwood sticks into the ground, which marked the spot where later was to be erected the center-pole of the lodge. Placing his heel against this stick, he walked with slow, lengthened step in the direction of the sunrise, halting at the seventh step. This marked the eastern door, the entrance to the lodge. He then retraced his steps to the central stick, and walked seven steps to the west, which marked the western upright. Then he retraced his steps again, and jiroceeded seven steps to the north, then seven steps to the south, thrusting at each cardinal point one of the cottonwood sticks. The author's attention was then called by Hawkan to the fact that the sticks thus placed, formed a cross, symbol of the morning star. The priest then returned to the Rabbit-tipi, while the Lime-Crazy soldiers and others began digging the holes and otherwise preparing for the great lodge. 8o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. THIRD DAY, 1901; FOURTH DAY, 1902. This day corresponds to the fourth day of the 1902 performance. The ceremonial paraphernalia has now all been prepared within the Rabbit-tipi, the poles and supports of the great lodge have been secured, and the center-pole has been located. There now remains to be described the capture of the center-pole, the erection of the Offer- ings-lodge proper, and the transfer of the sacred paraphernalia to the new lodge from the old, with the final desertion of the latter. THE CENTER-POLE CAPTURED. While certain of the priests were performing a few minor rites in the Rabbit-tipi, others started for the cottonwood grove to bring in the center-pole, the cutting and transfer of which were attended with interesting ceremonies. The Dog-soldiers went out with their leader, Nishikanawke (White-Antelope), at their head, carrying a pipe. With them was the high priest, Hocheni, Waanibe, and Chaiii. Having arrived at the particular tree, which had already been selected, and which had been ceremonially captured, Hocheni lighted his pipe, smoked, and then passed the pipe to the other leaders present. Hocheni then uttered a prayer, and the two women with assistance from some of the men, chopped the tree down. Usually, during this performance, the Dog-soldiers sing to the time of the beating of a drum and the telling of war stories. While the tree was being felled, the Kit-Fox and Thunderbird societies joined them, and as soon as the tree had fallen and had been trimmed, the men of the Dog-soldier society fastened ropes to the forks and dragged it up toward the camp-circle, where ensued a sham battle between the Dog-soldiers on the one hand, and the men of the Star, Thunderbird, and Kit-Fox societies on the other. The Lime-Crazy society should also have joined in this battle, but they had not been warned in time, and conse- quently were not present. The pole was then dragged to the center of the camping-circle by the Dog-soldiers, who as they walked, blew on a long eagle-bone whistle. It was now about three o'clock. While the center-pole was being brought in, other members of the Dog- soldiers had made an excavation for it, and trimmed the other poles for the lodge, which had been brought in on the previous morn- ing by certain women's societies. PL. XVII. Ghost Dance Costumes. Fourth Day, 1902. Members of one of the warrior societies arrayed in Ghost dance costume of painted buckskin, about to start to the scene of the rites connected with the cap- ture of the center-pole. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XVIII. PL, XVIII. Dog-soldiers en Route to the Scene of the Capture of the Center-pole. Fourth Day, 1902. Fig. I. In front are four leaders of the Dog-soldier society, dressed in the costume of the society. Fig. 2. Musicians of the Dog-soldier society. Mav, 190J;. 'riii: Arapaiio Sr\ Dance — Dokskv. 81 THH CHNTHR-POI.H CAPTURHD, 1902. As ihc time approached, during tlie ceremony of 1902, for the formation of the procession to go after the center-pole, the priests witliin tile Rabbit-tipi decorated tlieir faces and hair with red paint. Hdwkan, the Lodge-Maker's substitute, and Nishnateyana had informal talks insitle the loilge. The substitute Lodge-Maker left his position, and beginning at the priest next to the door, on the south side, placetl his hands upon his head and wept, and then passed on around, repeating this performance over each priest, finally weeping over the skull and Wheel. He was followed by the Lodge-Maker, who went through exactly the same performance. Then the pipe made the ceremonial circuit four times. Food was brought into the lodge, the sacrifice made, and the priests indulged in the usual feast. In the mean time, various warrior societies had been making prepa- ration. They could now be heard passing to and fro about the circle, all gayly costumed, and mounted on their painted ponies, each com- pany singing appropriate songs. (See Plate XVIL) The Dog-soldiers had gathered just outside the Rabbit-tipi, where under a canvas shelter they were singing songs and awaiting the appearance of the priests. Finally, the feast was concluded within the Rabbit-tipi, the food vessels were passed out, and the priests made their appearance. The procession was then formed, and started off in the southeast direction toward the place where the center-pole had been located and ceremonially captured two days before. Walking at the head of the procession was Nishchanakati, bearing an eagle-wing fan; behind him were seven Dog-soldiers abreast, each wearing appropriate Dog-soldier costume, including the eagle-bone whistle. (See Fig. i, Plate XVIIL) Four of them had the peculiar Dog-soldier rattles. Next came the musicians, surrounding and carrying a large drum. (See Fig. 2, Plate XVIIL) Next in line were several priests, walking abreast. Imme- diately behind these were eight women, including the Peace-Keeper, the wife of the Lodge-Maker, the wife of the grandfather, pupils in the Sun Dance, and those who were to cut the center-pole; then followed the Kit-Fox and Thunderbird societies, mounted on horses, many of them carrying small drums. At the side of the line rode Nakaash (Sage), with a black rattle. His presence may be explained by the fact that he knew the location of the center-pole, and went along in the capacity of guide or scout. In this fashion they filed across the plain, beyond the camp-circle, crossed the river, and entered the Cottonwood grove and halted just south of a tall, straight, forked Cottonwood tree, which had been selected for the center-pole. The 82 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. warrior societies now hurried forward on their horses, made a charge against the tree, shooting at it, counting coup, and ceremonially "killing it." Nishchanakati went up to the tree, embraced it four times, calling upon Man-Above for a blessing to the people, while the warrior societies and Dog-soldiers formed in groups and sat down to the south of the tree. Hanatchawatani (Black-Bull) now carried a filled pipe to Nishchanakati, asking him to offer a prayer for the people. The priest then got up, and holding the pipe in front of him, l^rayed : NISHCHANAKATl's PRAYER. "In former years, your faithful servants gave away to the Medi- cine powers, robes, clothing, eagle feathers, and many shells. For your continued mercy and daily protection on the people, for the benefit of the tribe, we are obliged to recall those holy events, for we are young and are lacking in the knowledge of ceremonies. Whatever you old priests and old women did at these times, and what you said upon these occasions, may we do and say exactly the same to-day. We are constantly crying for help, that we may be relieved from hard- ship and kept free from evil. You Old-Men conducted these cere- monies according to laws of your Father, and so we ask you to repeat our prayer to him, to give us what things we need in life. It is the desire of all that prosperity shall prevail hereafter, for our having lived up to our belief. Although the game is gone, which makes it hard for us to carry out our lodges, may whatever we place for substi- tutes be pleasing to our Gods, and may we receive temporal blessings. "Our Father, Man- Above, your children have selected me recently for their servant for this occasion, hence I have called upon you for guidance and direction. This I have done, and now they give me a pipe to go with them and to get this tree, to get a great good; and we request earnestly that by the cutting down of it every one will have a good future and be free from sickness and trouble. Here is the pipe, which you have given us as a token of great love. Make us to love each other better and let there be good deeds and actions among these poor starving soliders! Look upon these Dog-soldiers! Please give them long life, and may their work to-day be a true example to others! Give them good music, and let them carry this tree to the center in safety! Have mercy upon us all and cause us to arise in. safety! Keep our footsteps straight, and may this day be a profitable one for us all! And above all, let the nation increase, so that your holy cere- monies may be kept up! May we fight and contjuer the evil! Thus we ask, and request you to answer." M \v, 1903. Till Akai'.mk) Sin Danci: — Dorsky. 83 He then toiuhcd tin- forefinger of his ri<;ht hand lo the j^round and placed it to tlie tip of his tonj^ue, took a l^ite of root, and ejected spittle five times in the iialins of his two hands. He then held the pi[)e in front of him, the bowl pointing ii|)\vard. He then held the pipe out with the l)owl pointing toward himself, holding it on his two sides per|)endieularl\-, l"irst on his right siile, then on his left, then right, then left, and then along the median line of his body. He then placed the pijH' in front o{ him, pointing the stem toward the ground. Handtchawatani now came up, and drawing his right hand d(j\vn Nishchanakati's arm four times, rubbed his right hand over the latter's right, the latter motioning the pijie toward him four times, and giving it up to Handtchawatani, who lighted it. The Sun Dance priests had now formed in a crescent-shaped line with Nishchanakati at the end on the west, Handtchawatani, who had just received the pipe, being next to him, on his right. After the pipe had been lighted, it was passed unsmoked to the last man of the line at the right or east end, who smoked for a few moments, and then the pipe was passed down the line toward the west, each man, after passing the pipe, rubbing his hands together, then over his body, head, and face. The pipe was then passed unsmoked back to the east end of the line, and then again traveled toward the west end, being smoked by each one in turn. Hissehnihani (Vellow-Woman), during this second smoking of the pipe, stood, lifted up her hands, and uttered a prayer. Nischanakati touched his finger to the ground, then to his tongue, and took a bite of root, touched her hands five times, ejecting spittle at the same time. Then he spat on each side of her head and in his hands, which he rubbed on her head, and again in his hands, which he rul)bed on her breast. After the i">ipe had reached Nishchdnakati, he emptied it and cleansed it in the usual ceremonial fashion, when Handtchawatani received it and sat down in his place. Hissehnihani then stepped in front of Nishchdnakati and placed her hands on his head. It had been her intention to cut the center-pole, but owing to indisposition, she was unable, and was compelled to secure a substi- ute. This woman, Wadhsanahi's (Charcoal's) wife, now came uj), together with another w'oman, Hdgo's (Rat's) wife, who was to assist her, both standing in front of and asking a blessing from Nishchdna- kati, who repeated his former i)erformance with Hissehnihani in connection with both of them. Nishchdnakati arose and proceeded to the tree, carrying a pipe- stem and accomi)anied by three old women, each of the women carry- 84 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. ing an axe. Nishchanakati uttered another prayer (see Plate XIX.), and Baihoh was led up by Watanah to the side of Nishchanakati. Here he uttered a prayer and was then led back to his position among the Dog-soldiers. The three women then stepped back a few feet, while Nishchanakati again prayed, all making a peculiar noise at the end of the prayer. He then stepped up to the tree, ejected spittle, and moved the pipe-stem toward it slowly, four times, the three women making similar passes with the axe, all touching the tree at the fifth movement. (See Plate XX.) Hissehnihani struck the tree once or twice and retired in favor of the wife of Waaksenna, and Washieh (Ugly), who in an incredibly short space of time, felled the tree. (See Plate XXI.) During the labors of the two women, there was singing, accompanied by the beating of a drum, on the part of the Dog-soldiers, and loud yelling and shouting and the war-whoop on the part of the other warrior societies. As the tree fell with a crash toward the north, all gave a wild shout, rushed up toward the tree, touching the stump (thus counting coup), rubbing their, arms and breasts, and then proceeding on toward the branches of the tree, where each broke off a small branch. Then the warrior societies rode up and counted coup in a similar manner. Hitantuh (Strikes-First) then stepped off five long paces from the fork of the tree, down toward the base. At this point the two women again cut the tree. (See Plate XXII.) Then they cut off the forks at the proper place, and the tree was ready to be transported to the center of the lodge. THE CENTER-POLE TAKEN TO THE CAMP-CIRCLE. According to the laws of the ceremony, the tree should have been dragged with ropes in the hands of the Dog-soldiers, but on account of the density -of the cottonwood grove and the steep banks of the river which it was necessary to cross, this was not possible. It should further be stated that the tree was of unusual size, although straight, and well adapted for the purpose to which it was to be placed. It was therefore loaded on a wagon by the Dog-soldiers, there being much shouting during this time, especially as they began lifting upon the tree, the shouting being acccompanied by the blowing of eagle-bone whistles. The men began to start back toward the camp. Just as they crossed the river (see Plate XXIII.) and gained the bank on the side of the camp-circle, they were met by the Star and Lime-Crazy societies (see Plate XXIV.) who opposed them, and there now ensued between themselves, on the one hand, and the Kit-Fox, Thunderbird, and Dog-soldier societies, on the other, a very interesting sham battle. (See Plates XXV. and XXVI.) i PL. XIX. Preliminary Rite before Cutting the Center-pole, Fourth Day, 1902. Beginning with the left, Nishchanakati, uttering a prayer, Yellow-Woman, Wdshieh, and wife of Wadksenna. Pl. XX. NiSHCHANAKATI TOUCHING THE TREE WITH THE PiPE-STEM. Fourth Day, 1902. The women follow similar movements with the axe preparatory to cutting the tree. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XX. Pl. XXIV. Before the Sham Battle. Fourth Day, 1902 The Star and Lime-Crazy societies on the near side of the river bank, await- ing the arrivc'l of the Dog-soldiers and other societies for the sham battle. PL. XXV. The Warrior Societies, after the Sham Battle. Fourth Day, 1902. Pl. XXVI. After the Sham Battle. Fourth Day, 1902. Thunderbird society, with other warrior societies in the background, each warrior being armed with a ceremonial lance. ■■n #1 3^4 /*- Pl. XXVII. Erecting the Offerings-lodge. Fourth Day, 1902, Members of the Dog-soldier society, unloading the center-pole at the site of the Offerings-lodge. ? ''1 PL. XXVIII. Erecting the Offerings-lodge. Fourth Day, 1902. Placing in position the outer forked poles: Dog-soldiers directing the work. PL. XXIX. Erecting the Offerings-lodge. Fourth Day, 1902. The cross-beams being lifted into place. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXX. / ) Pl. XXX. The Paint of the Lodge-Maker's Wife. Wife of Niwaat, as painted in the Rabbit-tipi, preparatory to the rite of decoration of the lodge-poles; her costume consists of a buffalo robe, unpainted, and belt. Mav, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 85 At the i-onclusioii of the battle, the procession, including the priests and IJog-soldiers, surrounding the tree, slowly passed up toward the center of the circle, the entire line halting four times on the way, each pause being accompanied by dancing and singing, where the tree was unloaded. (See Plate XXVII.) BUILDING THE OFFERINGS-LODGE. In connection with the bringing in of the poles which were to be used as uprights and for other purposes in the lodge, it may be stated that, ortlinarily, as they are brought in by the different companies, before being taken to the center of the circle, they are dragged entirely around the circle, sometimes outside and sometimes inside, the com- pany singing all the while, and being greeted by their friends along the way. In the 1902 ceremony the performances attendant upon bringing in miscellaneous timbers, uprights, etc., for the lodge, were more impressive and interesting than those of the preceding year. On up to noon of the fourth day, poles and boughs for the sides of the lodge were still being brought in and deposited in the neighborhood of the place selected for the lodge. All the forenoon, other members of various warrior societies were trimming the poles and digging the holes. Immediately after the noon meal they began to place in position the uprights, cross-pieces, and rafters, so that by four o'clock the lodge was complete except for the center-pole and the four rafter-beams, which were to be painted. (See Plates XXVIII., XXIX., and XXX.) During the work, the Dog-soldiers gathered under a shelter arbor near by,' and sang to the accompaniment of the beating of the big drum, thus, as the}' said, encouraging and making lighter the labors of those working in building the lodge. When the work was completed, all gathered in groups, awaiting the appearance of the priests, Lodge-Maker, and others from the Rabbit-tipi. FINAL RITES IN THE RABBIT-TIPI. ^Vhile these active preparations are going on for the erection of the great lodge, and while still other bands of women were bringing in Cottonwood boughs, willow brush, etc., to be used in the erection of the lodge, certain preparations have been taking place in the Rabbit- tipi. It was first necessary to complete the preparation of the buffalo head which had been brought in from the field on horseback by Heichebiwa. Yahiise brought in several black-tipped eagle feathers and two shell discs or gorgets. These, it was said, represented an 86 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. offering or sacrifice on his part and were akin to a prayer for blessing. Inasmuch as Yahiise was blind, Chanitoe took these objects from Yahiise and fastened the two discs to the buffalo robe on the head, while the eagle feathers were fastened just in front of the discs. In the forepart of the head of the robe were then made two large slits. THE "PACKED" BIRD. In connection with the preparation of the medicine water at the termination of the dance, the absence of a certain bird will be noted in the account to be given later on. Special effort was made during the ceremony of 1902 to secure this bird, and although many had been warned to look after and bring it into camp, and although careful search was made among the tipis of the camp-circle, as well as among the tipis of the visiting Cheyenne, the priests were not able to secure it. In order that it might be ceremonially represented, at least, in the 1902 performance, Hawkan, early in the morning; of the fourth day, brought into the lodge a small cottonwood stick about three feet in length, split at one end and sharpened at the other, having gone through the usual rite before splitting it. On entering the lodge, he proceeded to the buffalo skull and inserted the sharpened end into the ground just south of the forward end of the skull. It was so placed that the fork extended in an east and west direction. In the fork he then placed a small bunch of sage, representing the bird. The author's attention was called to the fact by Hawkan, that if the bird had been in its proper position, it would have faced the north, thus overlook- ing the skull and Wheel. THE DIGGING-STICK PREPARED. The preparation of this stick was not witnessed in the 1901 per- formance. In 1902, immediately on the return of the priests to the Rabbit-tipi, after the bringing in of the center-pole, Thiyeh entered the lodge, bearing the second of the two forked sticks, used on a previous occasion in connection with the rites attendant upon the capture of the buffalo. Placing the stick in front of Hocheni, with her hands upon his head, she uttered a short prayer, whereupon he touched the forefinger of his right hand to the ground, then touched his tongue, took a bite of root, spat toward the digging-stick four times, pointing at the same time with the pipe-stem, the fifth time indicating directly upon the stick the place where it was to be cut. She now took the stick outside to cut it at this point, and soon returned with it, passing it to her husband. There then followed the usual ceremonial smoking of the pipe, it making the circuit four times. Mav, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Danck — Dorsey. 87 HEALING CEREMONY WITH THE WHEEL, 1W2. Although this rite has been fully described in connection with the account of the Wheel, it may add to the completeness of the detailed account of the ceremony to note that at about noon of the fourth or last day of the Rabbit-tipi, a man by the name of HaanI (Mountain), together with his wife and two sick children, entered the lodge, Haani bearing in one hand a fdled pii)e, and in the other a piece of calico. There was the usual preliminary performance, the ceremonial smoking of the pipe, the introduction of the feast, the sacrifice of food, and the partaking of food. Then Haani, with one of his children in his lap, followed by his wife with the other child in her lap, was cleansed by the Wheel. It was noticed that on this occasion, as the "Wheel was ])laced to the mouth, the head of the snake was directed south, the Wheel being placed to the mouth four times. Then came the usual offering of the calico with the accompanying prayer, and the final wrapping of the Wheel. The rite was performed just before the painting of the Lodge- >Liker and his companions for their final departure from the Rabbit- tipi. The heabng rite, requiring, as it does, nearly an hour for its performance, delayed the afternoon rites of the painting, and conse- quently the final preparations at the Offerings-lodge. That this might not occur, Hawkan protested against allowing Haani to "wrap the Wheel," but the latter was so earnest in his desire, and pleaded so strongly, that he was given the privilege. THE PRIVILEGE OF PAINTING THE CENTER-POLE. This, together with certain other privileges, belongs naturally to the Lodge-Maker of the ceremony. For reasons already explained, there were, in reality, two Lodge-Makers in 1902. On account of certain physical infirmities which he believed he could remedy, Yahiise, already alluded to a number of times in the early pages of this ])aper, desired also the privilege of assisting in the painting of the center- pole, as well as, later on, of "wearing the Lodge-Maker's paint." He therefore entered the lodge in the forenoon of this day, bearing a filled pipe. Proceeding to Nishnateyana, he handed him the pipe and placed his hands upon his head and wept — a supplication that he might be allowed the privilege of the paint. T'he substitute Lodge-^Llker at this time also went through a similar performance. Yahiise's j^ipe was now passed to Hocheni, who, hoUling it by the stem with both hands, the bowl of the pipe being upwards, motioned it toward the southeast, 88 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. southwest, northwest, northeast; then reversing it, pointed the stem to the above and to the below, then toward the fireplace, then toward the Wheel. Yahiise now should have received the pipe and lighted it, but being blind, this rite was done by Waatanakashi. The latter approached Hocheni, and drawing his right hand down Hocheni's arm, received the pipe from him, took it to the fireplace, lighted it, and returned it to Hocheni, who again made the ceremonial move- ments with the pipe, this time pointing with the stem instead of the bowl. The pipe was then passed around the circle, according to the usual manner of procedure, each priest, as he received the pipe, taking four puffs. The pipe made the circuit four times. The substitute Lodge-Maker's pipe was then also passed to Hocheni to be smoked. The method of lighting the pipe, etc., was practically the same as just described. One or two points of differ- ence were noted, however, which may have been carelessness on Hocheni's part, owing to his great age. First, he touched the fore- finger of his right hand to the ground, then to his tongue, took a bite of root, and pointed with the bowl toward the four directions. He then reversed the pipe, and pointed with the stem upwards, toward the east, toward the fireplace, toward the Wheel, and then toward the earth. He then took a pinch of tobacco from the pipe and deposited it upon the ground in front of him, puffed upon the unlighted pipe four times, whereupon it was received by the owner and smoked, as had been the preceding pipe. Each pipe, after having made the circuit of the lodge four times, was returned to Hocheni for cleansing. After having removed the ashes from the pipe, in a manner already described several times in the previous pages of this paper, he held the pipe in his left hand with the point of the stem downward, touched his right hand upon the ground, then, beginning with the bowl, he rubbed down along the pipe with his right hand, transferred it to his right hand, made a similar motion with the left, again placed the pipe in the left, and made a similar motion with the right, thus cleansing it. As the pipe was received froiri him, the owner, in each case placed his left hand upon the pipe and drew his right hand down Hocheni's arm four times. Then, placing his right hand upon Hocheni's right hand, the latter motioned the pipe toward him four times, slowly releasing the pipe. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 89 THE LODGE-MAKER PAINTED, 1901. It was now announced from the outside that preparations were complete for the beginning of the erection of the lodge, and those insitle the Rabbit-tipi prepared to leave. Debithe now painted Thihauchhawkan white from head to foot, his body beipg naked except for a loin-cloth. Hawkan painted Waatu (Warrior), and Chanitoe painted Bihata (Black-Hat), in a similar manner, while Sosoni and \Vaanibe painted Biba, the wife of the Lodge-Maker, red. The Lodge-Maker and the two dancers carried the regular Sun Dance whistles of the wing bone of the eagle, wore an eagle breath-feather in their hair, and now put around the loins a buckskin kilt. Biba wore only a buckskin shirt. The white paint of the Lodge-Maker repre- sented the wish, employed by all acts during the ceremony, for long life, while the red paint of the woman was symbolic of the earth, which she here represented. The presence of Waatu and Bihata on this occasion was entirely voluntary on their part, although it should be stated here that they were two of the number of the dancers after the completion of the lodge. THE LODGE-MAKER AND ASSOCIATES PAINTED, 1902. The details of the rite were carefully noted during the 1902 per- formance, and are here introduced as supplementary to the account given the author by Hawkan of the rite as it took place in the cere- mony of the previous year. All preliminary rites and preparations had been completed in the Rabbit-tipi, while the great lodge outside was erected and only awaited the arrival of the priests for its completion, for it now lacked only the center-pole and four of the rafters. The substitute Lodge-Maker w^as the first to leave his position in the circle, and took a position in front of Hocheni. Chanitoe supplied the coal and accompanying incense for Hocheni, who proceeded to apply the preliminary paint, or "poul- tice," as it is called. This rite was exactly similar to that employed by Hocheni on painting the same individual on the previous day, before the Lodge-Maker set out to collect the offerings from his friends in the camp-circle, and consequently need not be again described. He then, taking the cup of lime paint, passed it over near the door, where he proceeded to apply a thick coat over his body, from head to foot. Next came Yahiise, and then the Lodge-Maker himself, both at the conclusion of the application of the "poultice" applying an even coat of the lime paint over their bodies. The three now sat down facing, respectively, Hawkan, Nishnateyana, and Chanitoe. 90 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. At this time, Wahubahu (Bear-Track), came in bearing an eagle- bone whistle. This individual was to fast and dance during the coming ceremony in the great lodge, and though he was not to wear the Lodge-Maker's paint throughout the ceremony, he, for some reason not learned by the author, was on this day to bear the Lodge-Maker's paint. Without further ceremony he placed himself in front of Watangaa, who painted him in the manner about to be described for the other three. Hawkan offered the following prayer: hawkan's prayer. "It is this time of day, my Father, Man- Above, that we call upon you for your assistance. We are helpers in every way; so, my guard- ians, Four-Old-Men, listen, watch, and guide me aright! Your first painting of our former children I am going to imitate, for the cleans ing and purifying of sins and sickness. Will you please give us good days during this ceremony! Let this paint which we are about to use upon these young children be the light of this tribe! Let your roads of good prospects shine upon us! Give more light during the day for vegetation, for our stock, for ourselves! My dear ancient Grand- fathers, Grandmothers, Rabbit-tipi People, Sun Dance Lodge-Makers, Sun Dance Old-Men, Sun Dance Old-Women, Sun Dance Children — let your spirits come closer to us! Guide us straight, that we may do works in harmony with you! I know that I am young, but this was the way which you showed me, and it is the desire that this lodge, about to be made, shall be the painting (cleansing) for all people and that it will bring prosperity and happiness." Hawkan, Nishnateyana, and Chanitoe now proceeded to apply the decoration to the three dancers, over the coat of white paint. First, was made on each one, a black line about the left wrist and about the left ankle. Similar circular bands were then made about the right wrist and ankle. Next, a black band was drawn about the face, passing across the middle of the chin, through the middle of the forehead, and over the most prominent part of the cheeks. Then a solid circular design, about three inches in diameter, was drawn upon the breast, and a crescent-shaped line on the back of the left shoulder. The lines on the arms and ankles were now connected to the symbol on the breast by straight lines, which passed from the wrists, up to the arms, over the shoulders, down to the breast symbol, then on down the sides of the body, and so on down to the ankles. On the top of the circle on the breast, and also upon the center of the fore- head just above the black line encircling the face, was drawn a small design representing a human being. Under the eyes were drawn tear Mav. 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsf.v. 91 symbols, and on the nose was the usual black dot, the syml)ol of the buffalo calf. The circle on the breast was said to represent the Grandfather, the Sun, with its radiating paths leading to the four corners of the earth, viz., the circles about the wrists and ankles, which also were said to represent suns, and also the Four-Old-Men. This paint is known as the "rain paint." At the conclusion of the decoration of the bodies of these four intlividuals they returned to their position on the northwest side of the circle and began to put on their costumes. First, each put on a buck- skin kilt, then the eagle breath-feather in the hair, while about their neck they i)laced a buckskin thong bearing the eagle-bone whistle. The head ornamentation of the substitute Lodge-Maker consisted of several eagle breath-feathers bound together at their base by wrap- pings, decorated with rows of blue beads, the feathers being stained yellow. In size and construction this headdress bore a striking resemblance to the two feather ornaments seen on the preceding day at the time of the painting of the sacred belt. Each one now stood up and drew around him his buffalo robe, the hair side being out. Each one received from Hawkan a pinch of cedar leaves, which he placed upon a live coal drawn from the fire. Each one now stood over the coal, then stooped down, drawing his blanket tightly around himself and bathing his body in the rising incense. All being in readiness, Hawkan uttered this prayer: hawkan's prayer. "We are now come again, united in thought, for this holy occa- sion, that this race may continue, and that all people may continue. This tallow which you gave us is our skin. May it be a good seed. We call you through the merits of your grandchildren, who have shown us the way and provided good directions for us. If we are wrong, lead us in the right path again! "Now, my Grandfather (the Wheel), your foundation was once blown down, and it was by the conscientiousness of your child (Yahiise), a yo.ung orphan among us, who went and got the Wheel from the grave. By the resurrection of this holy Wheel we have been saved to this day as a nation. Of course you know that we are young in the ways of our forefathers, and old things have to a certain extent gone out of existence, and we are under obligations to call unto you for your sympathy. Through some carelessness of your servant (Yahiise), he forgot to take the Wheel with him, and some one of the children of yours, who did not know our holy lodge, went and took down the big 92 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. Wheel and took from it its featliers; but tlirough the efforts of his children, it was redeemed ; so this day we are here with the big Wheel, to make our offering to you and to all mysterious beings. Remember, our Father, that we put our faith and confidence in you for life. When you are taken out before the people to-day, please extend our prayers to your Father and to our Father, too, that in years to come this holy lodge may be prolonged, and that people of different tribes may unite in brotherly love. "My Grandmother, Old-Woman-Night, be still; bend your ears and hear our prayer, that we who come together out of respect to your sacred orders may be supplied with good rest at night, and that we may be permitted to rise on the next day. May your ways and methods be a light to us, and may our path be firm into old age!" All now left the lodge except Hawkan and Naen, the wife of Waatanakashi, the substitute Lodge-Maker, and the Peace-Keeper. All returned a few moments later, when it was found that Naen had been painted during the interval. (See Plate XXX.) About her face was a black line, and on the center of her breast was a circular symbol painted in black, abouttwo inches in diameter. On her nose was a small black dot, while just above, beginning near the center of her forehead, was an elongated Y-shaped design. On each cheek and on her chin were symbols of pipes, the bowls of the two pipes on her cheeks being turned toward her mouth, while the bowl of the pipe on her chin was turned toward her right side. On opposite sides of her breast and just above the black circular symbol were also two symbols of pipes, their bowls facing toward the median line of her body, while in the center of her breast and above these two pipes was an additional pipe, the bowl of this being turned toward the left side of her body. Around her arms and ankles were painted narrow bands in black. Fastened around her waist and covering the lower portion of her body, was a buffalo robe, while over this was the sacred belt, the ends of the belt being tied behind, and the apron extending down in front. All the priests now entered the lodge; each took up some piece of the ceremonial paraphernalia and all preparations were completed for abandoning the lodge. THE RABBIT-TIPI ABANDONED. Debithe now took up the buffalo skull, and carrying- it carefully and proceeding slowly, deposited it upon the little mound of earth which had been made about half-way between the Rabbit-tipi and the place of the Offerings-lodge. Then several objects in the Rabbit-tipi were removed and placed by the side of the skull. All now left the FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXI. Pl. XXXI. Warrior Societies about the Offerings-lodge Awaiting the Appear- ance OF THE RaBBIT-TIPI PrIESTS. FOURTH DAY, 1902. Fig. I, Members of the Thunderbird society bringing to the scene tipi- poles, which are fastened together near their smaller extremity with rawhide thongs, to be used in lifting into position the reach-poles. Fig. 2. In foreground are members of the Dog-soldier society. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXII. FIG. 1. r^ 'VttM wHPs^^ 4 • %^i '^tlT „ ^; \-^ '^hI n Jm jgyiBfe ->''^»plfe||j||r^^ , 1^ ^H tk ^ pJOm WW^Bf^lX I^^H ^^^'fc«;^|^rdj' ^jft^M'SRiij^ I FIG. 2. Pl. XXXII. Rabbit-tipi Priests Leaving the Rabbit-tipi. Fourth Day, 1902. I J'ig. I. In front and at one side, is Hocheni; at the head of the line and in front of Hocheni, Nishnateyana with the buffalo skull; behind him in order, are Thiyeh with the wheel, Chanitog with the buffalo robe, Watdngaa with the Badger-pack, Debithe with the straight-pipe, Niwaat with the bag of red paint, WatAngaa with a bag of black paint, Wahubahu with the ceremonial knife, and Yahuse with the ceremonial digging-stick. Fig. 2. The same priests, in the order as just given: Nishnateyana deposit- ing the buffalo skull: In the rear of the line is Hawkan. May, 1903. TnK Akai'aho Su\ Daxck — Dorsev. 93 R;il)l)it-tipi, taking witli them the remaining objects, and proceeded in the direction of the Offerings-h^dge. In this procession Debithe carried the straight-pipe, the Lodge-Maker the knife representing a hiiuc, and IJiba the Wheel with its willow support, while Bihata had a sack of red paint and VV'aatu a sack of black paint. THE RABBjT-TIPl ABANDONED, 1902. As has already been stated, all preparations were now completed on the part of the priests within the lodge, and they were now to start out for the ceremony of painting the poles and for the completion of the Offerings-lodge proper. The scenes outside during the painting of the dancers and the final preparations of the priests had been unusually interesting. The inhabitants of the entire camp-circle, together with large numbers of spectators from visiting tribes, were gathered in groups here and there in the great enclosure. Near the Rabbit-tipi were the Dog-soldiers, appropriately costumed, while in other groups were the Kit-Fox, Star, Lime-Crazy, and Thunderbird organizations, all gayly attired, singing appropriate songs. (See Plate XXXI.) At a signal from Hawkan, Nishnateyana took up the buffalo skull, Thiyeh the Wheel and the digging-stick for the sod, Chanitoe the buffalo robe, Watangaa the Badger-pack, Debithe the straight-pipe, the Lodge-Maker the bag of red paint, Waatanakashi, the bag of black paint, Wahiibahu the ceremonial knife or dagger, Yahiise the digging-stick, while Hawkan took up the support for the Wheel, as well as the support for the sage representing the bird and the leathern case for the belt. In this order they filed out of the tipi and halted in the open space just east of the Rabbit-tipi. (See Plate XXXII.) On halting, Nishnateyana deposited the skull, and by its side were deposited the robe, the two digging-sticks, the Badger-pack, and the leathern sack or receptacle for the belt. This marks the termination of the rites of the Rabbit-tipi. A few moments later, while the priests were engaged in rites at the Offerings- lodge, Thiyeh and Wadnibe came up, and without formality took the Rabbit-tipi down and restored it to its owner in its proper position in the camp-circle. THE LODGE-POLES PAINTED. With Chanitoe at the head of the line, they turned, after emerging from the tipi, and facing toward the setting sun, each placed one foot near the bottom of the pole I'hey now began singing, and each raised whatever he held in his hand toward the sun. Debithe now 94 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. indicated on the center-pole with the stem of his straight ceremonial pipe where the two rings, one of red and one of black, were to be painted. Then the Lodge-Maker and his wife went through the same performance. Then Waatu painted a black ring about ten feet from the end of the pole, and about five inches' in width. Then BIhata painted a red band just above it. Debithe, followed by these same individuals, now went to one of the poles on the south side and indi- cated where it should be painted, and Waatu painted a black band about the pole. This performance was repeated to another pole on the south, whereupon all proceeded to the north side of the space, and went through the same performance, Bihata, after the poles had been selected, painting each one with a red band. Several men and women now came forward from the throng of spectators and tied calico to these poles. Certain members of the Dog-soldier society now took a large number of willow boughs, divided them into two piles, and reunited them, placing the ends of each pile in opposite directions. These were then securely tied into a bundle by means of a long rawhide rope, which, as has been noticed, was prepared in the Rabbit-tipi. This bundle was then fastened in the fork of the center-pole. The buffalo robe was now placed in the fork of the tree so that the head of the robe hung over a short distance on one side. During the painting of the poles, members of the Star and. Kit- Fox societies had secured small forked poles and tipi poles which they fastened together in pairs, like scissors, by means of buckskin thongs near the upper ends, to help in the raising of the center-pole. Then Naaseh stood by the side of the fork and uttered a prayer and told his war story, relating how he stabbed the enemy with a lance, and as he did so, he thrust the digging-stick, which had been handed him, in the bundle of willows. THE LODGE-POLES PAINTED, 1902. We left the line of priests by the side of the buffalo skull, where certain other objects of ceremonial nature had been deposited. They .now continued in single file on toward the east, where they encircled the lodge in sunwise circuit. Having arrived at the northwest corner of the lodge they drew up in line, having in front of tliem one of the four rafter-poles, which purposely had been left on the ground. Hawkan then prayed. (See Fig. i, Plate XXXIIL) Then the follow- ing stepped on the base of the tree and returned to their positions in the line — Hawkan, Debithe, Naen, Waatanakashi, the Lodge-Maker, Wahubahu, and Yahiise. Nishnateyana now made four motions PL. XXXIII. Preliminary Rite before Painting the Reach-poles. Fourth Day, 1902. Fig. I. Hjiwkan praying at the first lodge-pole; Nishnateyana holding aloft the pipe-stem; Thiyeh the Wheel; and Wahiibahu the ceremonial knife. Fig. 2. Thiyeh touching the pole, preparatory to its being painted, with the feathers of the Wheel. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXIII. ^ ,^ ^f^yi'w»iM' ^4_ i.'-'4»,»> f <#!% ^^^ Pl. XLIII. Carrying the Sods back to the Offerings-lodge. Fifth Day, 1902. Fig. I. Rabbit-tipi priests and women, led by Hocheni in front of the line. Fig. 2. Assistant priests and dancers carrying the sod. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLIV. M I Pl. XLIV. Evolutions Performed during the Transfer of the Sods to the Offerings-lodge. Fifth Day, 1902. Fig. I. First movement, circling to the ri2;ht. Fig. 2. Tlie circle completed. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLV. Pl. XLV. The Fourth Evolution in Transferring the Sods to the Offerings- place. Fifth Day, 1902. Fig. I. Beginning to circle to the right. Fig. 2. Completion of the movement, the assistants bearing the sods enter- ing the 0£ferings-lodge in advance of the priests. Pl. XLVI. Removing the Sods from the Blanket inside the Offerings-lodge. Fifth Day, 1902. Mav, 1903. T}iK Arai'aho Sin Danxk — DokSP:v. 107 At the conclusion of the i)rayer the ends of the line closed together, thus forming a circle, and in tiiis fashion they passed around the spot where the sods were about to he cut, four times, all making occasionally a peculiar noise with the lips, representing a noise made hv the brant. Again they sat down in a semicircle with the opening to the south. (See Fig. 2, Plate XL.) Hawkan gave instructions as to how the sod should be prepared for cutting, whereupon Hocheni, with the pi|K'-stem, made the five ceremonial motions toward the sod about to be cut, ejecting spittle at the same time, while the women bearing the digging-stick, the shovel, and the bar, pointed simultaneously in the direction indicated by Hocheni with the pipe-stem. Then Hocheni rubbed the stem over the ground, covering a space about a foot and a half in diameter. The second space, similar in size, was indicated in the same manner. Thiyeh, with Waanibe, removed the grass from around the first space just indicated, whereupon all of the women now worked together in loosening a piece of sod about si.xteen inches in diameter and about six inches deep. (See Fig. i, Plate XLI.) After it had been loosened on all sides, Hocheni went around the sod, and with his pipe-stem, simulated a prying motion. (See Fig. 2, Plate XLI.) The crowbar and digging-stick were used to lift the sod, whereupon all surrounded it and lifted it up and placed it on the blanket w'hich had been spread on the ground near by. (See Figs, i and 2, Plate XLIL) As the sod was being transferred, the w^omen all made a peculiar noise with their mouths. The women returned to the hole and rubbed their hands against its sides and bottom and on the grass surrounding the hole. The second piece of sod, of similar shape and of equal size, was cut, with the same rites, and was placed on top of the other sod, on the blanket. In the procession back to the lodge, Hocheni led the way, fol- lowed by Hawkan, the five women, Watfinuh, Chanitoe, Nakaash, and Wadtanakashi. (See Fig. i, Plate XLIII.) At four different times on the way back to the lodge, the line, beginning with Hocheni, was diverted from its direct course, off to the right, and circled back upon itself twice. (See Figs, i and 2, Plate XLIV.) As they performed these circling evolutions they made the same noise with the lips which they made as they circled around the sods before they had been cut. ; The fourth movement was made just in front of the lodge (see Figs. I and 2, Plate XLV.), after which, they entered, went through this movement, and deposited the blanket wnth the sods south of the skull and west of the center-pole. (See Plate XLVI.) The priests sat loS Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. down in the southeast portion of the lodge, where the pipe was cere- monially smoked by the priests four times. Regarding the preparation of the sods and their final disposition, the same course was followed in the 1902 performance as on the previ- ous year. After Hdcheni had gone through the usual movement with the pipe-stem over them, Watangaa and his wife trimmed them up and placed them in position. (See Plates XLIV., XLV., and XLVII.) After Watangaa had decorticated a few of the dogwood sticks, to be mentioned presently, he took up a large knife and began trimming up the edges of the sods, making them more nearly circular and in the shape of inverted cones. TIMBERS FOR THE ALTAR. During this time, Biba and her grandmother sat near the extreme western end of the lodge, having the buffalo skull and other parapher- nalia, which had been brought in on the previous night, between them and the center-post. While the priests were absent, members of the Star society had secured a small cedar, a small willo\v, and five small Cottonwood trees, w'hich had been brought to the lodge. They also brought in a large number of rabbit bushes and several small branches of dogwood, which Waakat'ani soon began decorticating. Waanibe and Sosoni, both pupils, now entered, leading ponies and carrying calico, presents from them to Hawkan and Chaiii, for their instruction. After the ponies had been removed, the two women began to sharpen the bases of the Cottonwood limbs. After this was done, Waanibe sharpened the base of the little cedar tree, while Sosoni sharpened the base of the willow. Chaiii and Sosoni brought in two Cottonwood billets, about four feet long. Waanibe then took up the two Cottonwood billets from the base of the center-pole, where they had been placed, and carried them over near Hocheni. The latter arose, and placing, the pipe-stem in her hands, guided the stem five times in the direction of the billets and then over them and at the ends. He uttered a prayer, returned to his position in the semi- circular line, while Waanibe began decorticating the two billets. (See Plate L.) Chaiii and several members of Thihauchhawkan's society came in and sat down on the north side of the lodge near the opening. The rabbit bushes were divided up among the older men, sitting in a semi- circle; each one occupied himself for a while in bringing the base of each bush to a point. (See Plate LL) Pl. XLVII. Hocheni Touching the Sods with the Pipe-stem, Preparatory to ) Their Being Trimmed. Fifth Day, 1902. ' Pl. XLVIII. Watangaa and Wife, Trimming the. Sods. Fifth Day, 1902. In a semicircular line behind them, the Rabbit-tipi priests. PL. XLIX, Watangaa and Wife, Transferring the Earth Cut from the Sods to A Blanket. Fifth Day, 1902. PL. L. ThWeh Preparing one of the two Billets to form the Ceremonial Bed OF THE Altar. Fifth Day, 1902. Pl. LI. Rabbit-tipi Priests Dividing the Rabbit Bushes that They may be Pre- pared FOR Insertion into the Sods. Fifth Day, 1902. iMav, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Uance — Dorsev. 109 THE ERECTION OF THE ALTAR. W'lu-n all preparations had been made, Hawkan arose and invoked a blessing upon the buffalo skull and other objects west of the center- pole, whereupon Debithe arose and removed them all to a position just at the base of the pole. THE "DITCH" MADE. Hawkan now took a stand in a position where the skull had been lying, looked up toward the pile, prayed, then touched his forehead and pointed toward the ground.. Hawkan instructed Watangaa how to pick up the two cottonwood billets, whereupon the latter placed one of them on the south and one on the north of Debithe. Hawkan stooped over them, spat u})on each one five times, and passed the pipe- stem along each billet. Watangaa in the mean time knelt down in front of the two billets, gently removed the grass from the end of each one of them, forming a place for them to lie. The object of this performance was to esti- mate the required length of these two billets, for they were to form the outer boundary of a small rectangular excavation which was soon to be made on the ground, where Debithe stood, which space was to be occupied by the Lodge-Maker during the ceremony. The two billets were how taken up again and carried to the place where the old men had been working. Debithe stepped forward from the place which he had been occupying, turned, and knelt in front of it, and with his fingers indicated on the ground where the excavation was to be made, whereupon Waanibe and Sosoni, with axes, began to cut out the sod, forming a rectangular excavation about twelve inches wide and eighteen inches long, east and west, and about three inches deep. THE "DITCH" PAINTED. Watangaa took a sack of black paint, mixed it with water, and [juinted one of the decorticated billets, while his wife painted the other one red. He then besmeared with black paint the bodies of the two cottonwood boughs, and the willow and cedar trees. The women having loosened the earth so that it was now ready to be taken out, Hawkan went over to that point and made the usual five passes with the pipe-stem, whereupon the earth was removed and carried from the lodge upon the blanket. no Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. THE SKULL REPAINTED. Chanitoe began retouching the paint on the skull. First he painted the tip of the left horn black and over the left half of the skull he made a number of black dots, drawing a crescent-shaped symbol on the lower edge of the maxillary. The same treatment was applied to the right half of the skull by Watangaa, who used red paint. The skull was then placed in position just behind the excavation, which it faced, as well as the center-pole, and the east. THE SODS PAINTED. Chanitoe and Watangaa lifted one of the sods and placed it on the south side of the excavation, and then placed the other on the north. Hawkantook some dry black paint and drew a straight line which equally divided the floor of the excavation. The black paint was then passed to Watangaa, who filled in the left half in fine, close, black lines. The bag of black paint which had been used for tliis purpose was then tied up and placed on the south side of the south sod. H?wkan then took red, dry paint and poured a stream just to the right of the black line across the excavation. He handed the paint to Waanibe, who filled in the right half with red. Hawkan took a bunch of the rabbit bushes, handed them to Watangaa, who knelt before the sod on the south side, spat upon the sod five times, and then in the southeast corner of the sod, planted one of the bushes, a second in the southwest, third in the northwest, the fourth in the northeast corner, and the fifth in the center, Hocheni first touching the sods with the pipe-stem. (See Plate LII.) Chanitoe placed in the north sod a similar number of bushes, going through the same performance. Both men, assisted by two or three of the women, now thickly planted the bushes over the top of the sod, until the sur- i face was almost covered. (See Plate LIII.) THE SEVEN TREES. Watangaa and Chanitoe now took up the cedar tree and carried it to the south of the south sod, Watangaa making first a hole with the digging-stick, into which the cedar was firmly implanted. Next, Watangaa- dug a hole about a foot to the south of the cedar tree, into i which he and Chanitoe inserted the willow. Then the two black painted cottonwoods were placed about a foot apart, and still to the south of the willow, the four being in line. These two men then inserted in similar spaces on the north side of the north sod, and in line with the others, the three red painted cottonwoods. Then Pl. Lll. HocHENi Touching the Sods with the Pipe-stem, Preparatory to the Insertion of the Rabbit Bushes. Fifth Day, 1902. i ^, v. PL. LIIL Watanah and Nakaash, Inserting the Rabeit Bushes in the Sods. Fifth Day, 1902. 1 ■ ;/ wi' J ' •/ » ffc , /■ - '|P| ' i * A -^» ■1 i 1 1 1 - ■■.* Pl. LIV. Placing Cottonwood Limbs in Position on the North Side of the Altar. Fifth Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. L^ PL. LV. Placing the Willow Tree in Position on the South Side of the Altar. Fifth Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. I Pl. LVI. Placing the Last Cottonwood Limb in Position on the South Side of THE Altar. Fifth Day, 1902. Pl. LVII. Nakaash Placing in Position the First of the Seven Upright Sticks ON THE South Side of the Ditch. Fifth Day, 1902. Pl. LVIII. Wa'tanah Placing the Upright Sticks on the North Side of the Ditch. Fifth Day, 1902. PL. LIX. HocHENi Touching the Upright Sticks with the Pipe-stem, Preparatory TO Their Being Enveloped in Colored Eagle Down. Fifth Day, 1902. Mav, 1903. TiiK Arai'aho Sun Dance — Dorskv. hi VVatdngau took, the black billet and placed it parallel with and to the south of the excavation and distant from it about three inches. (See Plates LI v., LV., and LVI.) THE SEVEN UPRIGHT STICKS. Other priests had carried on the work of decorticating the dog- wood limbs, of which there were now fourteen, seven having been painted black and seven red. The sticks were about eighteen inches in length, sharpened at one point and entirely decorticated, except for the space of about an inch at the upper end. Watangaa now took the seven black sticks and coated them with eagle down which had been rubbed in black tallow. These he then inserted in the ground, at equal spaces apart, between the black billet and the excavation. The wife of Watangaa handed him the red billet, which he now placed on the north side of the excavation, and in a corresponding position to the black billet. The seven red sticks were then coated with red eagle down, and were placed in a row between the red billet I and the excavation and opposite the black sticks. (See Plates LVII., I LVIII., and LIX.) THE WHEEL AND PIPE PLACED IN POSITION. Watangaa then took up the Wheel, which had been leaning against I the center-pole upon its support, and passing around the lodge in a } dextral circuit, he placed its willow support near and at the back of j the skull and placed the Wheel in a fork, first having inserted a piece I of sage so that the Wheel would not come in contact with its support. ( He then carried a leather bag and the straight black pipe with round I stem, and a bundle of sage, and deposited them to the south of the ' Wheel and just back of the cedar tree. THE SEVEN CURVED STICKS. In the mean time the priests had made seven little Cottonwood j sticks ranging in length from six to ten inches. These were all I decorticated except for a short space in the middle, and were sharp- f ened at both ends. These were now taken up by Watangaa, who I painted one half of them black and the other red. These were now bent in the form of a semicircle and thrust into the excavation at a distance of one inch apart, beginning at the end near the skull, the center of the semicircle being just above the median red-and-black line. Hawkan now sprinkled dry black paint on the south sod, while Watangaa sprinkled red paint on the north sod. 112 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. THE ALTAR, 1902. The rites followed in erecting the altar of 1902 were quite similar to those of the previous year. A brief resume of the order of the procedure of the second year is here added for the purpose of com- parison with the order on the previous year. Hawkan, Watanah, Watangaa, and Chanitoe, after the ceremonial smoking which followed the bringing of the sods to the lodge, removed the skull and other paraphernalia back toward the western portion of the lodge, and placed them in the same relative position that they had occupied in the Rabbit-tipi. Sage was put upon the ground behind the skull for the Lodge-Maker's bed. With the usual movements with the pipe- stem by Hawkan, Watangaa' s wife, Hisenibe, prepared the cedar tree, the hole for which Nakaash had dug after Hocheni had made the usual passes with the pipe-stem. The latter also made the movements with the pipe-stem for the ditch which was dug by Waakat'ani and Nishnateyana. Li placing the cottonwoods and the willow and cedar trees, and in the paint of the ditch and of the sides, etc., there is nothing to be added to the account already given for the performance of the pre- ceding year. THE SYMBOLISM OF THE OFFERINGS-LODGE. The Offerings-lodge itself, with its various accessories as they existed at this time, may now be described. MAN-ABOVE. The lodge proper stands in the center of the camping-circle. (See Plate LX.) The center-pole (nawahtaheh, reach-pole) of the lodge is about twenty feet in height. The pole itself was of cotton- wood; for in the dramatization it represents a mythical cottonwood upon which the woman climbed in her chase after the porcupine to the upper regions, and so, consequently, it bears also the prayers of the people to heaven, and is the symbol of the Man-Above. The ii center fork also typifies the Arapaho and all life-elements. At equal distances apart, and at a radius of about twenty-two feet from the center-pole, were sixteen uprights of cottonwood, terniinat- 1 ing in a fork. These poles are called nen^sunueh (split-poles). These outer uprights were connected by cross-pieces (tchebbetiithana, > cross-hanging). Resting on top of these cross-pieces and in the fork Pl. LX. The Offerings-lodge. Third Day, 1902. Fig. I, South section of camp-circle. Fig. 2. The completed Offerings-lodge. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY. PL. LX May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsev. 113 of the outer upright poles were long, slender cottonwood poles, reach- ini; up to the fork of the center-pole. These are called "hakabuna." Extending entirely around the lodge, except for a single space toward the east, were placed small cottonwood limbs, with their foliage out- side, on the ground, their tops leaning against the cross-piece. THE FOUR-OLD-MEN. Counting from the first rafter-pole at the south of the east open- ing, the fourth and the seventh were painted black (watannenithe), while the third and sixth poles, occupying corresponding positions on the north side, were painted red (be^nithe). These are the only two colors used in the Offerings-lodge, although in the lodges of the vari- ous other ceremonies paints of other colors are used. The poles painted black are symbolic of the earth and of the victory which comes from the triumph over the enemy when one wears the black paint, as well as happiness which comes from conquering the hardships of life. The two red-painted poles are symbolic of the Indian race offering prayers to the above; the red also typifies cleanliness and the wish to be old and happy. Collectively, the four painted poles represent the Four-Old-Men or Gods of the Four World Quarters. They cause the wind to blow, and human life is dependent on them for their breath. In fact, all life is dependent on the "breath of the air," which comes from the I Four-Old-Men. They are thus prayed to during the ceremony. A ' similar color symbolism is attached to the red and black bands around the center-pole. The}^ are also said to be the reflection of the sun upon the earth. The reasons ascribed for the number of the upright poles forming the outer circle of the lodge, viz., sixteen, was that this was the num- ber in the first Offerings-lodge revealed to man. It may be noted here that the number of poles used in an ordinary tipi varies from twelve to eighteen, according to the size of the tipi, while in the , Sweat-lodge there are seven primary poles. NIH'A^CA'' AND THE ELK SKULL. The loosely placed upright boughs of cottonwood surrounding the i lodge, except at the east door, have already been mentioned. The I boughs wer especially thick at the west side of the lodge, behind the altar. The reason given for this referred to a certain myth : /'When Nih'a"(;;a" came to the Offerings-lodge, he went behind it and I peeped through; in doing this he stuck his head forward to see the 114 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. dancers, when the ceremony closed, fastening his head. The people who were having the great ceremonial dance were mice. The mice dispersed, and Nih'a^cpa" went toward the river with the elk skull on his head ; hence we think the mice gave this ceremony to the Indians, not the rabbits." THE THUNDERBIRD NEST. Placed in the center-pole, as has been noted, were two large bundles of willow and cottonwood boughs, placed end to end. These '■ represent the nest of the eagle, or of the Thunderbird. According to 4 a myth the Thunderbird built its nest on the cottonwood tree. When i| the female had given birth to young ones she went off and captured a young steer and carried it to her nest for food. There she reared her young. Just as birds fly about overlooking the earth, so does the j Father. He is in the form of a bird. The presence of the digging-stick, which was placed first in the ' fork of the center-pole, represented the digging-stick used by the mythological woman as she dug up the bush, and thereby obtained a i glimpse of the world below which she had left, while the sinew attached J to the digging-stick represented her means of escape from the upper world. Attached to the digging-stick was a bunch of partly braided grass, along with a piece of tallow; these together represent a person, the grass being the hair and the tallow the skin. The tallow is con- sidered potent, for it refers to the body, with the breath of life. It is circular in form, for it represents the head and therefore the mind or thought of the people. The tallow has also a further significance. In a preceding page has been explained the symbolism of the fire of the Rabbit-tipi. In order successfully to kindle a fire, kindling is i required. Hence, while the bodies of slain victims are regarded as \ firewood, the scalp represents the kindling for starting the fire. The ^ tallow also typifies human skin, and also a buffalo-wallow, and in a i derived sense, the human wallow, reference being made to the wallow ' formed during the rite performed by the Transferrer, or Grandfather, and the wife of the Lodge-Maker. j YOUNG-BULL. It will be remembered also that a buffalo robe was placed in the center-pole. The presence of the robe here is explained by the fact that the paint worn by the dancers during the ceremony was obtained from a buffalo bull seen standing on a hill. Hence it is placed high ,j in the fork, where it may be in plain sight of the dancers. Another t\I.\v, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 115 informant stated that according to the story of Blue-Feather's marriage with the cow, Lone-Bull, or Young-Bull, was our father-in- law, because presents for the completion of his body were given by the husband and delivered by the grandchild. Young-Bull is the grandchild of the Sun. When the grandfather puts on the robe to have connection with the wife of the Lodge-Maker, he is purely a buffalo. Li the story of Splinter- Foot, she became the wife of Lone-Bull by captivity, or through elopement. When the husband of the buffalo cow selected the presents for the father-in-law, he procured a moon- shell (baye, dirt, or sand). For speed he was presented with four mo(Mi-shells, to be placed between the joints of the legs, for the reason that there are the representations of the sun's revolution, at the wrists and ankles, and one at the sternum. Young-Bull was the animal who gave seven lodges to the Arapaho, as is related in the story of the origin of the Sun Dance, when various animals chose their position in life. The "moon" discs which were fastened to the robe represented the throat, and thus the noise made by the buffalo, while the eagle feathers which were attached to the robe were symbolic of the feather of the Thunderbird, and represented a prayer for rain, and thus for vegetation. Also by these eagle feathers respect was shown to Young- Bull, and they may also be considered as a gift to the Man-Above. The incisions in the front end of the buffalo robe have already been noticed^ Naturally, nowadays, it is not easy to obtain a buffalo robe for this purpose, and in the present instance, the robe was of three pieces sewn together. STORY OF RESULT IN NEGLECTING YOUNG-BULL. The idea of the importance of continuing the use of the buffalo robe was illustrated in the following story, obtained from Watanah, which, although of considerable length, is here reproduced, just as it was obtained, as it contains several interesting references to the ceremony. In 1879, these tribes, Cheyenne and Arapaho, were to a certain extent troublesome to the authorities, being excited on account of intruders on their borders. Not only that, but these Indians (those [ especially from the north) were dissatisfied with the country and the j climate. Some time after the above year, the Northern Cheyenne I made a break to return to their northern home, but they were com- ■ pelled to remain here (in Oklahoma). Quite a band of them managed to get away, and reached their original home, but some were over- I taken close to the agency, and had skirmishes with the military, which caused some bloodshed on both sides. ii6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. After these troubles had taken place, an Arapaho Indian, Joined- Together, had vowed to erect an Offerings-lodge for his personal benefit, but the sacred pledge was made and given out in the fall of the year; consequently the Indians looked for the ceremony to take place some time in the spring (May). Naturally, with the Indians, the forthcoming Sun Dance cere- mony draws a number of young men to participate voluntarily. Of course some vowed on account of sickness in their families, others on account of dreams. Usually the young men keep their vows or pledges secret for some time, until a short time before the cere- mony. In the fall of 1879 a small party of young Arapaho men escaped from the Agency and started for Wyoming. At that time the sur- rounding Indians were still unfriendly to the Cheyenne and Arapaho. The young men who were in the party had the spirit of war (and some of them are still living). Before they started off, one of them, know- ing that the Sun Dance was to take place among the Indians, pledged that he would take part in the dance, but kept it secret. On their arrival at the Northern Arapaho camp-circle, there was a war party from here (Oklahoma), which was composed of the best warriors, and the party agreed to go along. In the night they sung war songs, and one day the party went away for black paint (the black paint means a victory). The young man who pledged to fast in the Sun Dance ceremony of Joined-Together, wished, at the time he left his own home, for his safe return. The war party came to a band of Paiute Indians in the west Big Horn Mountains, and a hard fight took place. In this fight two of the Southern Arapaho and one Paiute were killed. The young man who was to fast in the Sun Dance took a prominent part, and again at the General Custer fight, where he struck many soldiers. Every- body that saw him as he charged would be eye-witnesses. After the last fight, he came back to the Northern Arapaho, and told the old people of his luck. So the old men gave him the new name, which was, "Famous," his old name being, "Weed-Boy." After staying some time with the Northern Arapaho, this young man worried much in regard to his vow. A big camping- circle was near the river (probably a river near Ft. Harrison). One night this young man, Famous, went to an old man ("priest," meaning "strip of buffalo back)," weeping as he went. This young man said to the old priest, "Now, Old Man, I have come over to tell you that I was to fast in the Sun Dance ceremony in the south, but am here, and I don't know what to do. May a young man go to the top of a hill and stake himself to the ground and fast? Will you please tell me what is the May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey, 117 proper thing for me to do, for I want to get rid of my vow." "Well, young man, the Cheyenne stake themselves to the ground on the hill and fast, but it is not so with us. I am an old man and never heard of such a thing. But, young man, you can clear yourself by erecting an Offerings-lodge, and I shall do my utmost duty to hasten it along, and the people will do what I say," said the old priest. So that same night the word was given out that Famous, the Southern Arapaho, would erect the Sun Dance lodge as soon as possible; that the young men should go out early in the morning and catch a jack-rabbit. The people were glad to hear the news, and prepared themselves with good clothes, etc., for the coming occasion. In the morning there were several parties on horseback, collected on the hills, and they began to look for a jack-rabbit along the ravines all day long, but came home unsuccessful. In the camp-circle there was a tipi by itself in front, used for a general council, etc., and in that tipi the chiefs and head man had a conference over the Sun Dance. The whole camp-circle was broken up to move to a new site for the ceremony, and the people were informed that the young man was to have a black steei (domestic) for his buffalo bull hide in the fork of the center-pole. So the chiefs and head men went to the Agent in Charge, who told the Indians to select whatever they desired from the herd. When the people were moving to the new site, a jack-rabbit jumped up on the way, and the people of course seized this opportunity, and soon caught the animal. A party of young men was sent out to look for the black steer (substitute), to kill it, and to bring in the hide and beef. Thus the hide was furnished as directed by the old priest. The ceremony began without much delay. When the two sods of earth were to be searched for, this old priest told the Lodge-Maker and dancers to get ready and put their moccasins on, for the distance was far. This old priest's wife got a pony with a travois and a black blanket and axe, while he supplied himself with a knife. "All those who wish to go along, come, and let us journey for the sods. Some- times it is necessary for some to put on moccasins for the long journey," said the old priest. (In Wyoming, the sod for this purpose is hard to find, and for this reason they had to go very far.) So the party, consisting of the priest and his wife, who was riding the pony, the Lodge-Maker and dancers, started after the two sods. They finally came to a place where there was a spring, and the ground was slightly wet and had some grass. After a short ceremony they placed these sods on the travois, and away they went to the Offerings-lodge. When the party (geese) got to the outskirts of the camp-circle, they ii8 Field CoLUiMBiAN Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. took the sods off the travois and all took hold, then circled about, imi- tating the voices of geese, and thus reached the inside of the lodge. This old priest hastened the ceremony without unnecessary expense to the Lodge-Maker. The Lodge-Maker had left his wife here at home (Oklahoma), and therefore had to have a substitute. After a few hours' consultation, the woman Thiyeh, now of Colony, was chosen as the grandchild of the ceremony. It happened that her brothers were to fast, which made her consent. The ceremony went on. The black steer hung over the fork, and the fasting Lodge-Maker looked at it, as did also the others. Before the end of the ceremony most of the men went out of the lodge on account of severe heat. Very few stood the fasting. It is said that because the old priest did not carry out the strict routine of the cere- mony, it made it hard for the dancers, etc. This old priest conducted the ceremony just like Havvkan, only he went too far, as to the use of the different things. After this ceremony, this old priest became sick and died. The young Lodge-Maker returned to his home in Okla- homa, and went back to his wife with a new name, as a good warrior. Shortly after his return, a Club-Board lodge was pledged for, and he was in the society. When the head men of this society were looking among the young men as to whom the club-boards should be given, this Famous was given one which had notches on the edge, black feathers for pendants; and the rest were given to those who were in the fight with the Paiute Indians. This young man. Famous, became sick and died suddenly. Therefore, the Indians believe that because the Sun Dance ceremony was wrongfully conducted, it was bad luck to the priest as well as to the Lodge-Maker. It is right to do the thing in the right way. That is the reason why the older people are very careful in regard to the mode of speech and doings in the cere- monies. They say that everything in nature looks to them, watching them during the day as well as during the night. This was in 1879, and since that time the Arapaho say that they have always been care- ful to use only the robe of a buffalo. The long, narrow piece of rawhide which is used for tying the bundle is, as has been noted, painted half red and half black; it, like the Badger-pack, must be carried or packed, like a live baby. THE ABIDING-PLACE OF MAN-ABOVE. The buffalo skull, which occupies such an important position in all Sun Dance altars, is probably looked upon as the dwelling-place, during the ceremony, of Man-Above (Hakhiieah). (See Plate LXI.) Of the painting of the buffalo skull, the color symbolism is in general PL. LXI. The Altar. vFor Explanation, See Text.) Fifth Day, 1902. Pl. LXII. Details of the Altar Fourth Day, 1901. Fig. I. The sod for the left side of the altar. Fig. 2. After the sage floor has been placed in the ditch. May, 1903. Thk Arapaho Sin Danck — Doksky. 119 the sauR' as thai usc-tl on ihr pok-s and tlic ccntcr-polc of the h)(l;^e. Tht,' various bhick and red dots indicate prayers, wliile the s^rass knoljs placed in the eye-sockets and in the nasal cavities were said to indi- cate the times when the Indians used grass jrarments, before the appearance of the buffalo. The grass balls in the eyes and nose of the skull are also said to represent the Last-C'hild. This Last-Child is often referred to by the old men in their prayers. He is the owner of the rivers and creeks. He is the water monster that abitles in deep places. His name means, "to urinate" last. He is at the outlet of the river or creek, the water runs off first, and Last-Child f(jllo\vs. When (larter-Snake was being instructed of the various things to apply to the big lodge, the skull was complete, with its natural eyes and nostrils. That was the very first one, but since then, the body of the Last-Child was substituted, which was the water grass, or fiat grass. The buffalo then is complete, i.e., the life is restored, when these balls are being annexed, for the animal lives on the grass. The location of these balls of grass corresponds to that of the Four-Old-Men. THE SKY AND EARTH. The two circular pieces of sod (bita, earth) symbolized the gift of the powers above to the human race, the smaller sod representing the present earth, the larger the future earth. (See Fig. i, Plate LXn.) They are also said to stand for Father and Mother, the sky and the earth, the smaller sod being the Mother, the larger one the Father. They are called the "scalps," the hands of the father and mother for the Arapaho race. In the sod, and represented as growing out of it, were placed, as has been described, large numbers of small rabbit bushes (nakhiiwushshi), so-called because the rabbits eat the red berries. These bushes are typical in general of all berries and fruits, plums, cherries, etc., and express the idea that there should be an abundance of fruit, that the people might increase and have plenty. From another informant this statement was obtained: "When the Creator made the earth for earthly men, he also made another one for Xih'a"9a'?. These two sods typify the old woman and the grand- child, or river with stream. Biitaahwu, earth, signifies bare, plain, exposed, without fruit. This was the appearance in the beginning, i. e., there were yet no beings. Sods were made later on, after the big lodge was fully matured for Garter-Snake. It can be better under- stood in this way: A woman kills a creature and sheds blood and brings the scalp, hide, or skin. For that reason, the tallow, being the skin, bears the blood (red paint) and prosperity (black paint). It is I20 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropologv, Vol. IV. said that the man then adhered to the woman for the first time; there- fore comes the seed, the people." The bushes on the sods represent the hair of persons. Those bushes are called garter-snake or rabbit weeds, which means the blood, for the reason that they bear red berries, etc. The sods are obtained from swampy places, because the ground or earth sticks together. Generally they are taken out from near springs. THE TIPI. In front of the skull was the rectangular excavation known as the "ditch" (hahaawuhe) ; from earth similar to that removed from this ditch were made man and woman. For this reason the Lodge-Maker stands here during the ceremony, as all men spring from the earth. By another informant, this ditch was spoken of as the "lake." The semicircular twigs which extend from the red into the black field of the ditch, were seven in number, and represented the seven poles of the Sweat-lodge, and were also typical of seven periods in the Arapaho creation myth. The sage wdiich was placed in the ditch, and upon which the Lodge-Maker stood while dancing, on account of its white color is typical of cleanliness, and so, consequently, indicates a feeling of reverence toward the Father. It is also symbolic of the idea of the wish that the tribe may increase. (See Fig. 2, Plate LXII.) Lying just on opposite sides of the ditch w^ere two cottonwood billets, the one painted black on the left, with one painted red on the right. These billets bear the name "nahutech," which name is also applied to similar but longer billets which are used for defining in the lodges the position of the sleeping mats. Between the billets and the edge of the ditch were, on each side, seven upright sticks, those on the left being black, and those on the right being red. The color symbolism of these uprights and of the billets is the same as has been given. These sticks bear the name of "thikaena, " which name is likewise borne by the pins used for fastening the tipi. The pins were of dogwood, for it is straight and hard, and was formerly employed in the manufacture of arrows. The number of the pins on each side was typical of the seven periods of crea- tion. The downy feathers which were applied to the pins represented the breath of Man-Above. The "ditch" with its "beds" and tipi pins is referred to collectively as a symbolic tipi. Another informant gives the following account of this ceremonial tipi: The whole ditch is the fireplace. The four inverted U-shaped sticks at the west end represent the Sweat-lodge, which produces the May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 121 heat tliat cleanses the Ijody and gives subsistence to niankiiul. In other words, it is the rising;- of the sun, witli its course (luring tlie day, the cleared place extending from the inverted U-shaped sticks being the path. Then the seven sticks on both sides and the two lying along the side of the sticks represent a tipi, for the reason that the Lodge-Maker stands inside. The standing sticks are symbols of breastpins, and the two sticks, protectors from the fire, the boundary- line between the people and the fireplace. The river of life is represented by locating the lake of holy water, to extend to the Wheel, then to the skull, on to the human being, the Lodge-Maker. After the earth, then the rivers and creeks were made; thus the Last-Child. The Garter-Snake represents the course of tlie river of life, and it is for this reason that the Wheel is next to the skull. The skull bears the picture of the creation of the earth, together with the symbol of human breath. Garter-Snake is the Last-Child. All the food that is offered goes to him and he eats it. The altar represents a tipi. the word for which means growing, I command, I say, I have camped, I have told it to you. The altar represents a river, with timber, tipi, and a human being, represented by the woman who sits behind the altar, a little to the left of the Wheel. The seed comes from the woman, that gives life to children, just as water comes out from a spring. When the Lodge-Maker enters the ditch the tipi is made complete. The man takes the lead and the wife follows. In other words, the action of the Lodge-Maker to the ditch points to the intercourse; therefore come the children, the woman sitting behind the Wheel. The ditch is the path. This tipi (altar) was inhabited by an old woman close to a river, and Garter-Snake was her grandchild, i. e., in other words, the big river with a stream. (This old woman made ditches inside of the tipi, extending to all directions, to catch her food — animals.) The placing of food in the ditch at the ceremonial lodge is giving it to the Garter-Snake. This old woman puts away the food, and her grandchild goes and searches for it during her absence. He finds it in a wooden bowl, for the reason that the wooden bowl is used behind the Wheel in making the holy water, hethathonecha, he reaches the water, I reached the water. THE SEVEN TREES. On the left of the buffalo skull, extending beyond the sod, was a small cedar tree. It is always green, keeps its color, is durable, looks good to the eye, and is a gift from the Great Spirit. Its twigs are 122 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. used as sacred incense. It stands on the south side of the altar that it may be closer to the sun. Next to the cedar was a small willow tree, which is typical of long life and of cleanliness. It is therefore used by the Arapaho in the Sweat-lodge, as well as in their mattresses and head pillows. Beyond the willows were two, while on the north side of the skull were three cottonwood limbs, five in all ; as the Father had created human beings with five fingers and five toes. The cottonwood is said to grow very fast, looks clean, cool, and shady. THE WHEEL. Behind the skull, resting in the fork of the small willow stick, was the Wheel. A bunch of wild sage intervened between the Wheel and the willow. This sage corresponds to the eagle's nest in the center- pole, and it also served to keep the Wheel clean, to prevent it from coming in contact with anything. The Wheel itself has already been described. THE BADGER-WOMAN. Just to the southeast of the skull was a bundle hitherto called the "Badger-pack." The symbolism of its paint is the same as already given for the Offerings-lodge in general. It is supposed that the badger skin within its wrappings is like a baby in a cradle, and is thus carried. This skin is used in the ceremony from the fact that the ani- mal is skillful in digging and otherwise has wonderful powers. It is one of the animals which controls the underground. Wherever there is a hole or a crack that is dangerous to the race this animal covers it up. If there were many holes and cracks in the earth there would be many deaths, but because this animal was instructed by the Father to help the Indian race from dropping down, it is reverenced. The animal itself is a part of the earth. Beating the Badger-pack or using it as a drum is like filling holes or packing the earth solid. The Offerings- lodge therefore reaches from the bottom of the earth to the upper- most part of the sky. This explanation of the presence of the badger is due probably to the myth of the origin of the Buffalo-Women's lodge, in which a badger (some say gopher) rendered material assist- ance in restoring a woman who had married Young-Bull to her true husband. According to another myth, the Badger- Woman played a very mischievous part in a certain episode. With this myth in mind, the following synopsis of the story was given by one informant, for the presence of the badger skin: "The badger was killed by the wolves and coyotes, because she May, 1903. Thk Akapaho Sun Danck — Dorsky. 123 biirietl her In-uther-in-law alive, afier temptinji; him to have intercourse with her. ISadjj^er-Wonian failed to <^et her l)r(nher-in-la\v's affection, anil dui^- a hdlc underneath the I)ed, so that when tiiis youn,!^ man came home in the evening and took his seat, he fell into the hole, and Uadger- W'oman covered him up and made the betl again. Any of the Rabbit- tipi people can pack the badger. The beating on the badger during the ceremony punishes the Badger-Woman for her crimes." Another and more plausil)le explanation of the Badger-pack is to the effect that it is synd)()lic of the earth, the beating of which, during the five songs, represents the primal division of the earth and espe- cially the dissemination of vegetation or seeds. These seeds are usu- ally represented by five or seven buffalo chips, symbolic of the gifts of this animal, in this ceremony represented by beads and calico, which at the time of the unwrapping of the pack are given away — scattered among the Rabbit-tipi servants. The symbol of the buffalo chip as food is explained by the myth where Found-in-Grass gathered buffalo chips over the divide, left them in a heap, looked back, gave a command, and they became a great herd of buffalo. OPENED-BRAINS' KNIFE. The knife with double-edge blade, and w'hich occupied a position near the skull, corresponds in its color symbolism to that which has been stated for the lodge in general. The knife typifies a weapon of defense for the tribe, and, as has been noted, is used to mark the center-pole and the four rafter-beams before they are painted. In accordance with a myth this was the "stone knife that Opened-Brains used on the woman's stomach. He was not satisfied with dishes until this preg- nant woman lay down in front of him, when he ate his meal, and acci- dentally (but for a" purpose) struck her stomach with his knife." Opened Brains, or Tangle-Hair, was a supernatural being who was conquered by Found-in-Grass. A somewhat different account of the knife, obtained from another informant, is as follows: "There were two young men traveling across the ocean on the water monster (Garter-Snake), and before landing on the other side, one of them, who was very foolish, played on the monster. The other one succeeded in getting across, but the foolish yoimg man was pulled down in the water. For some time this young man who was by himself wept over his partner. "One day, while he was walking along the shore with closed eyes, Thunderbird came up to him and asked him, 'What are you crying about?' 'Well, my partner was captured by the water monster,' 124 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. said the young man. 'You may get a good hold of your partner, Grandchild, and pull him out. I shall look after you,' said Thunder- bird. So this young man, after getting a good hold, pulled his partner out from the monster. The Thunderbird with his knife, like the one used in the big lodge, jumped upon the monster and stabbed him, killing him instantly. When the Thunderbird lighted on him, it sounded like the shot of a cannon, sharp. This monster was dragged out of the ocean by Thunderbird. The two young men then married the daughters of the Thunderbird. That is the reason that the Thunder is jealous of man. The man and wife are seated at a dis- tance, during the visit of a thunderstorm (rain). "The knife is the gift of Thunder, and the power for mankind makes things out of the knife." THE COLOR SYMBOLISM OF THE ORIGINAL OFFERINGS-LODGE. Finally, it is to be noted that it is believed that the present arrangement of the color scheme employed in the lodge, where red is confined to the north and black to the south, is modern, having been introduced by a mythical priest named Fire-Wood. The story obtained from the informant is as follows: "Years ago, the painting on the tallow, the center fork, and the four poles, as well as the circular spots for other lodges, was different. Straight-Old-Man or Straight-Pipe, was the priest who conducted or presided over former lodges, when the painting was red on the south side and the black on the north. The painters began on the right with the black paint, and then continued on the left with the red paint. By this symbolism, the people were in sympathy with the sun, and therefore lived in peace and prosperity. The black paint meant victory over all kinds of enemies — people, famine, plague — and typifies the methods and ways of the tribe. "The fundamental principle of the red on the south and the black' on the north was in accordance with the course of the sun and moon — the sun travels, as is seen every day, followed by the moon. Red paint typifies purity, holiness, virtue, meekness, and prosperity; because the sun bears that paint; while the moon's light, being dim, leads to all kinds of mischievous actions and deeds being committed. In the night, the various doings of the people are not known. The black paint relates to temporal blessings. "This old man or priest got his name from the fact that he was a straight man in ways and actions ("Straight-Pipe"). Following him came a priest named Fire- Wood, who was the oldest of the Sun Dance priests. He had a quiet consultation with his fellow-men regarding May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 125 the painting of the Offerings-lodge. Straight-Old-Man, or Straight- Pipe, had died, and had left some good legends and traditions for the tribe; but the original painting was criticised by Fire-Wood. Finally, after long dispute over the painting, Fire-Wood won, giving the reason that the right hand was the protective element of man, that a man strikes with his right hand, shoots with his right fingers, etc. ; therefore, whenever the tribe overpowers its foe in war, there is a victory in which the black paint is used. When a man gets to be (piite old, he wears the black paint together with the red, to sIkjw that he has passed many hardships and has become victorious in that sense; that the left hand, being the gentle part of man, and receiving things when given, was the right and proper side for red paint. Red paint meant good will and a weapon against plagues; therefore the painting was changed to be like this: that red was worn on the north or left side and black on the south or right side, and painters began to paint at the southeast corner and continued to the northeast corner, or in other words, in a sunwise circuit. Since that time, when Fire-V/ood altered the painting, it has been kept as he arranged it." THE DISTRIBUTION OF PRESENTS. The priests and those who were to fast and dance in the cere- mony now formed in line inside the lodge, while Hawkan uttered the following prayer: hawkan's prayer. "The Father, Man-Above, has promised his blessings and pros- perity. We now feel thankful for this lodge, and pray that the Man- Above will keep these dancers in the straight path, will increase our population, cause us to live in peace." All those who had assisted prominently at any time during the ceremony, formed in a large semicircle on the southeast side of the lodge, whereupon, Debithe, acting as grandfather of the Lodge- Maker, distributed presents in return for the assistance of the workers in aiding him to erect the lodge. THE DISTRIBUTION OF PRESENTS, 1902. After the completion of the altar came the time of the payment of the priests for the work which had been done in the Rabbit-tipi and in connection with the erection of the Offerings-lodge and of the altar. It has already been related how the Lodge-Maker, Niwaat, and his associate made the round of the camp-circle collecting goods with which to compensate the priests for their labors in preparing the lodge 126 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. for them. It has been noted also that the bales and trunks of cloth- ing, as a result of their efforts on that morning, had been kept near the Rabbit-tipi during the daytime, and within at night, and had on the abandonment of the Rabbit-tipi, been removed to the Offerings- lodge, where they remained in the southwest and near the center-pole. The dancers were at this time all present, occupying their usual positions around the western half of the lodge. The priests formed in one long line in front of the dancers and in the southwest portion of the lodge. Hocheni, at the head of the line, sat just to the south of the buffalo skull. Then came, in order, Nishchanakati, Watanah, Watangaa, Wasas (Osage), Nakaash, Waakat'ani, Debithe, Chanitoe, Hawkan, Cheathea, Waanibe, Watangaa's wife, and Nishnateyana's wife. Nishnateyana took the bales and placed them in line in front of the priests. Stepping up to Hawkan, he prayed over him, that he might be guided aright in the disposition he was to make on behalf of Niwaat, the Lodge-Maker, of this great collection of calicoes and blankets. He then untied the four bales and opened the blankets. Again he spoke, addressing the priests, and said that his grandson, Niwaat, greatly appreciated the kindness of the whole tribe toward him, and that he was satisfied with what they had given him, and that he hoped the priests would feel that they had received some compen- sation for their labors. Nishnateyana now sorted out the goods into piles, which he began to distribute along the line, beginning with his wife at the eastern end. Occasionally he would add a blanket or a piece of clothing to the pile which he began near the center-pole, and which was for himself; while near by he made two additional piles that were to be given to the two messengers or servants, who had assisted so faithfully at the Rabbit- tipi. At the conclusion of the division of the goods, he again turned to the priests and said, "I give you these things for helping my grand- children and myself." The goods were carried out by the women, who took them to their homes. It may be added at this place, that shortly before the distribution of the presents, a trunk containing blankets was brought into the lodge. This was part of the payment on the part of Watangaa and his wife, to Hawkan, for instruction and for privileges which he at that time, and during the entire ceremony, was giving them; for it has already been pointed out that Watangaa was desirous of obtaining the power to conduct the rites of the Sun Dance. It may also be noted that all knives, axes, etc., used during the ceremony, became, by custom, the property of Hawkan. Pl. LXIII. The Feast for the Grandfathers. Fourth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Wives of the dancers bringing food into the Offerings-lodge. Fig. 2. Niwaat, making the offering of food to Young-Bull. Pl. LXIV. The Sacrifice of Food. Sixth Day, 1902. Fig. I. Niwaat offering food to the first of the Four-Old-Men. Fig. 2. Niwaat offering food to the first of the Four-Old-Men. May, 1903. TnK Arapah(i Sun Dance — Dorsky. 127 EXPENSE OF MAKING THE OI-FERINGS-LODGE. Tt) form a correct estimate of the total expenses incurred Ijv the Lodgt;-Maker of the Sun Dance is not easy. It seems probable, how- ever, that it costs him from three hundred to five hundred dollars, in money and goods, before the ceremony is concluded. Of course he is aided by his relatives and especially by the tribe. Payment is made, as we have just seen, to the grandfather, and to the Rabbit- tipi people, i. e., to those who assisted in making and painting various objects and in jierforming certain rites in the Rabbit-tipi. THE FEAST AND SACRIFICE OF FOOD. It was now about half-past three in the afternoon, and all prelimi- nary arrangements had been completed for the beginning of the cere- mony proper. Tlie people began to gather in great numbers about the lodge, the female relatives of those who w^ere to fast bringing in large (juantities of food, which was placed west and south of the center-pole, the dancers having seated themselves in front of their grandfathers, who were in a row at the south and west side of the lodge. (See Fig. I, Plate LXIII.) Thihauchhawkan, who sat on the end of the line of the dancers nearest the altar, after all the food for the feast had been brought in, took a pinch of food, arose, and looked up toward those beams which bore the black and red paint, beginning first with the one on the southeast, and asked a blessing of each one of the Four-Old-Men, dropping as he did so, a piece of food. Then he leaned over the excavation and passed his hands over it four times, and deposited a piece of food in front of the skull for the Man-Above. He then went to Hocheni and gave him a bunch of sage, whereupon he walked to a spot under the southeast black-painted beam, then in a de.xtral circuit to the other three beams, where he invoked the aid of each of the Four-Old-Men, and he proceeded to the altar, where he passed the sage up toward the skull four times, and then spread it out in the bot- tom of the excavation, thus covering the red and black paint. He returned to his position in the line. One of the dancers arose, and taking a pinch of dog meat, passed beneath each of the four painted beams; under each one he stretched his hand upward and dropped a pinch of food on the ground. (See Plate LXIV.) He then went to the excavation and passed his hand up toward the skull four times, rubbed his hands together, and deposited what remained of the food in under the seven semicircular sticks which stood in the excavation. (See Fig. 2, Plate LXIII.) 1 28 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. Hitantuh, another of the dancers, then went through the same per- formance. During this time considerable fervor was shown on the part of the women and among the crowd of spectators, and among those who had brought in the food, by their shouting. The priests, ' grandfathers,' and singers now ate their dinner, which had been so liberally provided, during which time the best of feeling was shown. At the conclusion of the meal, Hocheni cried out, asking the women to come forward and remove what remained of the feast. CEREMONIAL SMOKING. Thihduchhawkan now arose, received from Hocheni a pipe, which he carried to the fireplace and lighted, carrying it back to Hocheni. As the latter received the pipe, he blew puffs of smoke to the four directions, and then passed it on in the line. Then the second of the dancers lighted his pipe and passed it to Hocheni, who smoked it and passed it along. The other dancers now in turn lighted their pipes for the grandfathers, for it is the privilege of the grandfathers to call for a pipe at any time during the ceremony, and it is the duty of the dancer to have a pipe ready for this purpose. Inasmuch as this preparation of the pipe is performed many times throughout the ceremony, and generally in a uniform manner, a single detailed description will suffice. The dancer takes up his pipe, which he has by his side, and fills it from a buckskin bag with native tobacco. He then passes the pipe to Hocheni, who holds it out in front of him in his right hand, with the stem pointing downward. The dancer then puts his left hand under Hocheni's right hand, and with his right hand makes a downward motion on Hocheni's right arm, from the shoulder to the tips of his fingers. This he does four times. The same performance is repeated whenever any one of the dan- cers receives a pipe from Hocheni for the purpose of taking it over to the fire to light it. Whenever the lighted pipe is handed to Hocheni he points the end of the stem toward the earth, then takes a few puffs and blows the smoke upward. Then he points the stem to the earth again, then toward the center-pole, then toward the north, then toward the south, then to the sun, and finally toward the earth. After the pipe has gone down and back the line of the grand- fathers, or at other times, it was passed to Hocheni for cleansing, he removed the contents of the bowl with a hard wooden tamper and placed the ashes upon the ground, by which act he cleansed the faults of the owner of the pipe, and at the same time expressed the wish, by putting his hands over the ashes and by putting them on the ground, May, 1903. The Akapaho Sun Danc k — Dorsi-.v. 129 that the y(jung man aiul liis pe()|)lc' should live as long as the wcjrld shoul 1 last. He then takes the pipe in his left hand, holding it by the bowl, and rubs his right hand four times from one end of the pipe to the other, beginning with the bowl and ending at the mouth of the stem. He then passes the pipe to iiis right hand, and with his left hand makes a similar motion four times. Then, holding the pipe straight in front of him, he begins to rub the pipe with each hand from the bowl to the end of the stem, the stem pointing toward him, four times. The pipe is now ready to be returned to the owner. The owner kneels in front of Hocheni, or stands by his side, while Hocheni holds the pipe with both hands, shifting it from his right to his left side twice. The various participants in the ceremony now place themselves in proper position, ready to make preparations for the ceremony proper. At the southeast corner and near the wall of the lodge were the grand- fathers. Just in front and a little to their left, was the line of the dancers with Thihauchhawkan, the Lodge-Maker, on their right or north end, and nearest the altar. In front of the altar and to the west of the center-pole were the five more prominent priests in a semi- circular line, Hocheni occupying the south end of the line, the other four being Watangaa, Waakatani, Debithe, and Chanitoe. CEREMONIAL SMOKING, 1902. Although this rite has just been described at some length for the performance of the preceding year, there were yet one or two points noted in the second ceremony, which should be mentioned : Whereas, in the 1901 performance, only Hocheni could perform certain rites incidental to the ceremonial smoking, this privilege this year was pos- sessed also, for reasons already given, by Nishchdnakati and Hanake- baah (Bull-Thunder.) Whereas all the dancers in the performance of 1901 carried pipes, and each had his own grandfather, in the second performance, owing to the large number of dancers, only certain ones or leaders, had pipes. As each grandfather called for his pipe, the leading dancer of that group would take his pipe to one of the three above-named priests, who re- ceived it from the dancer and pointed with the bowl upright toward the tree and toward the earth, having first removed from the pipe a small pinch of tobacco, which he placed on the ground in front. He then held the pipe with both hands with the stem on the ground, and held it in this position until the dancer removed it. This the latter did by placing his left hand over those of the priest upon the stem, rubbing his right hand once down the right arm of the priest, grasping the right hand I30 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. of the jM-iest as it held the pipe, while the latter motioned it to the dancer four times, whereupon he took it to the fire and lighted it and turned to the priest, who made similar motions with the pipe, which was then passed along the line of priests unsmoked, to the eastern end, where it was smoked four times and was then passed back toward the west end of the line, each man taking four puffs. The pipe was then returned unsmoked to the priest to whom it was originally pre- sented, who tamped it four times after making a ceremonial pass for each of tlie four directions on the bowl, then in the center; he emptied the ashes and tamped three additional times without, however, making the five passes toward the bowl. The pipe was now reversed with the point of the stem resting upon the ashes. Holding it in his left hand, he rubbed down, from the bowl toward the ground, with his right hand, finally placing the palm of this hand directly upon the ground. The pipe was then transferred to the other hand, and so, back and forth^ until each hand had rubbed the pipe twice. The pipe was then held so that the point of the stem was directed toward himself, and he rubbed it with his two hands alternately back toward his body. The pipe was again stood on end with the stem downward, the bowl point- ing backward, whereupon the owner received it from the priest, as he did when about to light it; now, however, holding it first on his right side, then on his left, repeating this movement twice, and then direct- ing it at the center of his breast. The owner now carried his pipe with him and sat down in his proper place in the line of the dancers. THE DANCERS PAINTED. The time has now come for the grandfathers to paint the dancers. On the removal of the food from the lodge by the wives of the dancers, they returned, bringing with them several buckets of water and many bunches of sage. The sage was placed to soak by the dancers in the buckets of water, in the following manner: Great care was taken to place the first bunch at the southeast corner of the bucket, the second at the northeast corner, the third at the northwest corner, the fourth at the southwest corner, and the fifth they thrust down in the center of the bucket; there were thus five bunches placed in each bucket. The Crier now called for wood, and a fire was soon kindled above the ashes of the fire of the preceding night. Whereupon Wanakayi made his war speech as he added one stick after another. The dancers now completely disrobed except for the loin-cloth and blanket, and one after another resumed his position in front of his grandfather, sitting on sage. With the bucket of water in front of him, the grandfather FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXV. Pl. LXV. Painting the Dancers. Fourth Day, 1901. Fig. I. The dancers receiving the preliminary paint. Fig. 2. Dancers drying and warming tliemselves about the fire, after having been painted. PL. LXVI. Before the Beginning of the Dance. Fourth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Dancer being painted by grandfather. Fig. 2. Members of the Star society acting as musicians. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 131 removed the sage from the water, passed it up the side of each leg of the dancer, and on up the sides of his body to the head, and then down to the center of the breast, where he gave the sage a rotary motion. Then the dancers turned their backs to the grandfathers and the tip of the sage was passed up their backs, over their shoulders, to the tops of their heads. The dancers rose, leaving their blankets behind them, and stepped out in front nearer the center-pole and thoroughly scrubbed their entire bodies, including their faces, with the sage. Several of the dancers, beginning with Thihauchhawkan, now knelt down in front of Hawkan and Watangaa, with their knees drawn up to their chins. Hawkan then passed the tips of his fingers, beginning at the feet, up the outside of the legs and arms, on up to the head of each dancer, first rubbing his hands together five times. The dancer then turned, and Hawkan made a similar movement up the back of each one. Watan- gaa, who had been mixing the paint, gave it to Hawkan, who passed it to the dancer, who stepped back and thoroughly rubbed his body all over with the white paint. This operation was now repeated with the second dancer, and with the third and fourth, and so on, the third one receiving yellow instead of white paint. After each man had given his body the preliminary coat of paint he returned to Hawkan, whereupon the latter rubbed his hands together, and drew a line with the second finger of his right hand in the palm of his left, from the middle of the second and third fingers to the wrist. Then he passed the tips of the fingers of his two hands outside of the body, beginning with the feet, up along the legs and the body, to the top of the head. This he did four times, the second time drawing a line in his right hand with the second finger of his left. The dancer now took the cup of paint and went over by the fire, where he rubbed his body thoroughly, including his face and hair. When this performance had been gone through with for each dancer, and when the body paint had become thoroughly dry, each returned to his individual grandfather, where he received his own appropriate paint. (See Plate LXV.) In general, the manner of procedure was similar to that employed by Hawkan, the dancer squatting or kneeling down in front of the grandfather, who generally began applying the paint on his legs, then on his hands, breast, face, and finally upon his back. (See Fig. i, Plate LXVI.) As the method of painting was practically the same for each dancer on this and on the following days, there need be no further description of this element of the ceremony. Inas- much, however, as the character of the symbolism painted on each 132 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. man. as well as the color of the groundwork of his paint, had points of individual differences, a consideration of the general subject of the designs may be deferred until later on in this paper, where the subject will be treated in a special section. THE DANCERS PAINTED, 1902. After the ceremonial smoke just described, the grandfathers and the dancers went over to the east side of the lodge, where each found a bucket of water and bundles of sage. The sage was placed in the water, as has already been described for the preceding year, and the dancers washed themselves. (See Plate LXVII.) Bundles of goods were then brought by the female relatives of the dancers and were given by the latter to their grandfathers. All who had pipes made the sacrifice of food. After the feast, the dancers returned to their proper positions, and the grandfathers took their places in front of them, and the painting was begun. Each priest rubbed his hands with the paint, made two lines in the palm of his right hand and one in that of his left hand, held the palms over the incense, and drew the tips of his forefingers over the dancer's body, beginning with the feet. Again he would rub the palms of his hands together, dip them in the paint, rub his palms together, and draw two lines in the palm of his left hand and one in the palm of his right hand, and pass the tips of his fingers up over the body of the dauQer. This operation was repeated twice; the third time, the two lines being made in the right hand and one in the left, and at the fourth, two lines in the left hand and one in the right. This rite is termed, "applying the poultice." Each dancer then painted himself, including his hair, with the particular color of the paint which he was to wear on that day. He then sat down in front of his grandfather, who decorated him with proper symbols. (See Plate LXVIII.) After this rite, each dancer brought a live coal, which he placed in front of one of the three priests, Hocheni, Nishchanakati, or Hanake- baah, whereupon, the one chosen placed cedar-leaves upon the coal, held both of his hands over its rising incense, and passed them over the dancer's head and shoulders, placing his hands finally upon the dancer's feet and pressing them firmly upon the ground. The grandfather then placed the five sage bunches in the belt of his grand- child, first making four passes with the sage before it was placed in position. Pl. LXVII. Dancers Bathing, Preparatory to Being Painted. Fifth Day, 1902. PL. LXVIII. Dancers in Front of the Grandfathers Receiving "Poultice." Fifth Day, 1902. May, 1903. Tui, Akapaho Sun Danck — Dorsey. 133 THE DANCE. After each man had rcceiYcd his api')ropriate paint, he fastened a buckskin kilt around his h)ins. The folded parlleihe wliich had been br()ur^yBB| m DmSwv ij^i^i > : . a^ — .^ V -^^| Pl. LXXV. The Initiation of New Chiefs. Fifth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Nishchdnakati pronouncing Bull-Bear chief, giving him the new name, White-Owl. Fig. 2. Row-of-Lodges proclaiming Omaha chief. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXXVI. Pl. LXXVI. The Inauguration of New Chiefs. Fifth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Chief Ndwalit proclaiming Wdtanah chief, presenting him with pipe and tobacco, as he pronounces liis new name. Fig. 2. Chief Yellow-Horse listening to the speech of Cliief Row-of-Lodges I Pl. LXXVII. Name-Changing Ceremony. Sixth Day, 1902. Fig. I. Hocheni about to pronounce the new name. Fig. 2. The individual just renamed receiving the pipe from Nishchdnakati May, 1903. TiiF. Akai'aiio Sin Danli. — I)oK^tv. 137 INAUGURATION OF NEW CHIEFS. At this time was also pcrfoniied the ccreiuoiiv nf the making of chiefs. In this |K'rfi)nnaiU"e, an oU! cliief, and sponsor of the chief- to-be, jiroceedeil to the open space recently occupietl by the dancers. The chief-to-be turned and faced the old chief, who addressed to him in aloud voice a speech of considerable extent, whereupon, at the conclu- sion of the address, he handed the newly elected chief a pipe and tobacco bag, and pronounced his new name, which concluded the ceremony. (See Plates LXXV. and LXXVI.) Some of the speeches made at this time were of unusual interest on account of the sentiment e.xpressed. Such was a bit of a speech of one man, which was some- what as follows: "My friend, you are about to be made chief. You will no longer be a common man, and every one w'ill look at you; you will stand on a high place, and your faults therefore will be clearly observed. Uo not let this dismay you, and even if people should laugh at you, do not be discourageil, but walk straight ahead and do the best you can." NAME-CHANGING CEREMONY. 1W2. This interesting rite was performed on the afternoon of this day in the Offerings-lodge for several individuals. The candidate took his pipe to either Hocheni or Nishchanakati, who arose, lifted the pipe on high with his right hand and a piece of sage in his left, the candi- date standing in front of and wath his back to the priest. (See Fig. i, Plate LXXVII.) The priest then recited the ritual, at the conclusion of which he dropped the sage as he pronounced the new name. The candidate then turned, stooped in front of the priest, who had assumed a sitting posture, and received from him the pipe after the usual man- ner. (See Fig. 2, Plate LXXVII.) THE lodge-maker's PRAYER. An interesting incident occurred on the afternoon of this day. While the dancers were in line, the Lodge-Maker left his position, walked over to the center-pole, and placing his arms around it, he cried long and earnestly, praying that the Father-Above, and the Four-Old-Men would support him and his fellow dancers and be with them and encourage them in their attempt to purify themselves by their four-days' fast. The dancing continued at intervals almost throughout the entire night. MEDICINE NIGHT. It has been pointed out above that on this day. in the 1902 per- formance, the men were e.xhorted to direct their thoughts toward the powers above, in order that their vows might be more completely 138 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. fulfilled. In connection with this, a speech, made by Hawkan to all those present in the Offerings-lodge (speaking particularly to the grandfathers and the dancers), just before sundown, is of considerable interest: "Listen, my young people! I am here to tell you that this is Medicine Night. From this time on, until the last moment of the dance, you must do your best to extend your gifted powers to comfort and relieve your grandchildren. Set your thoughts on the Gods in the Heavens. Be careful not to omit any detail of the painting. Tell your grandchildren the particular place that they must look. Help them, and give them things to attract the Supernatural Beings. Let every one come into the lodge and keep up the spirit, and sing the songs which our forefathers used to sing. You know what this Medicine Night means. Make a joyful noise for us. Give music to our Father-Above. "Give solemn thoughts to your Creator, you dancers, and don't think aboilt water or food, but weep to him by holding the center- pole in your mind. The old folks tell us that this lodge is hard and tedious, but if you have faith you will gain some good. Now, friends, I am going over to drink some water." The meaning of Hawkan's last sentence may be better under- stood when it is stated that he also had kept the fast with the dancers from the night of the feast at the break-up of the Rabbit-tipi. There is a considerable amount of evidence to the fact that in former times unbridled license prevailed throughout the camp on this night, which was taken advantage of by all, as it was considered one of the rites of the ceremony. In more recent years, however, this has been entirely given up. The occasion is still seized, however, by the younger people as an opportunity for courting, and it is safe to assume that many future marriages have their beginnings on this night. SIXTH DAY, 1901; SEVENTH DAY, 1902. This corresponds to the seventh day of the 1902 performance, and with one exception the number and succession of rites during the day were practically the same for both years. The events of the day followed, practically the same as those just described for the pre- ceding day, except that at the conclusion of the day's performance there occurred the interesting rite of dancing toward the setting sun. Pl. LXXVIII. Women about the Entrance of the Offerings-lodge, Singing and Encouraging the Dancers. Sixth Day, 1902. May, 1903. The Akai-aho Sun Dance — Dorsev. 139 THE MORNING DANCE. At about six o'clock on this nloI•nint,^ the CJricr was heard calling for wood for the fire, and especially for more women to come to the lodge to assist in the singing. Again the men faced the east, and danced and whistleil until the sun was well up. As this performance continued, from time to time, they stretched out one or both hands toward the east, while the beginning" song was sung. A second time the Crier called for the women to bring pails of water and sage, while the dancers gathered around the fire and smoked informally. When water and sage had been brought, and the sage had been i)laced in the buckets in the usual ceremonial fashion, and after the sage had been passed over the bodies of the dancers as on the previous morning, they washed and dried themselves before the fire, and returned, sitting down in front of the grandfathers, whereupon each dancer filled a pipe for his grandfather to smoke. THE MORNING DANCE, 1902. The performance in 1902 was practically the same as on the cor- responding morning of 1901. It was observed, however, that at this time the Lodge-Maker used the Wheel handed him by Nishnateyana. As the dancing and whistling continued, the Lodge-Maker, from time to time, extended his arm, carrying the Wheel out in front of him, drawing the hand, finally, up even with the head, and thus making a semicircular motion. This continued until the sun actually appeared. The reason for the performance, so it was claimed, was to hasten the appearance of the sun. THE FEAST AND SACRIFICE OF FOOD. Food was brought in large quantities by the women, during the time that the pipes were being passed back and forth among the grandfathers and the priests. During all the time women in increasing numbers gathered about the entrance, and were singing and encouraging the men. (See Plate LXXVIIL) The Lodge-Maker then took a pinch of food and made the various offerings, as on the two preceding days. It was noticed on this morning, that as he stopped in front of the ditch, he first rubbed the palms of his hands together, crushing food between them, and then placing his hands together, he made four motions upward toward the buffalo skull, and then deposited the particle of food under the arch of the seven semicircular twigs. Then the grandfathers and the chief priests began to eat, while the 140 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. dancers gathered about the fire and smoked. By this time the sun had come out and the weather had grown perceptibly warmer, and all were correspondingly happy. The lodge at this time was almost crowded with people, sitting and eating, the whole forming a very busy and happy scene. (See Plate LXXIX.) THE DANCERS PAINTED. After the feast the women gathered up such food as remained and went outside of the lodge, where they formed in different groups and ate with their friends. In the mean time, the Criers were calling for this and that, and the scene was indeed a busy one. Then paint was provided by the women for the grandfathers, who warmed it and took up their positions, with the dancers in front of them. Then, as on the previous day, the Lodge-Maker took his position in front of Hocheni. The latter began to rub his second finger on the palm of his right hand, as before, and after warming his hands over a live coal, he passed the tips of his fingers from one extremity of the Lodge-Maker's body to the other. He then rubbed the second finger of his right hand down the palm of his left and again passed his hands over the outside of the Lodge-Maker's body, the same operation being repeated twice again. The Lodge-Maker then turned his back to Hocheni, who smeared the paint here and there over his back. The Lodge-Maker then went over to the fire, where he painted his body from head to foot with white clay. As fast as the dancers were painted they dried themselves before the fire. In the mean time, several priests began making wreaths and bands of sage to be worn by the dancers. (See Fig. i, Plate LXXX.) This completed, the dancers returned to the grandfathers for the final paint. At this time also, fresh sage was put in the ditch. After the dancers had been painted they resumed their position in the line, but all in squatting posture, the Lodge-Maker having his feet, as usual, on the sage in the ditch. (See Plate LXXXI.) The paints had now been passed to the women, who had removed them. The chief priests, including Hocheni, Hawkan, Chanitoe, Waakat- ani, and Waanibe, formed in a semicircular line in front of the dan- cers. The Lodge-Maker now went to the fireplace and brought over a live coal, which he placed in front of Hocheni, placing over it some spruce leaves which had been handed him by Hocheni, and then drew about him his buffalo robe, with which he wrapped himself when not being painted or not engaged in active ceremony. Hawkan then uttered a prayer. Hocheni took up a rawhide rattle, which he held in his right hand, and began slowly to shake it. The crowd around the Pl. LXXIX. The Feast and Payment of the Grandfathers by the Relatives of THE Dancers. Seventh Day, 1902. Fig. I. Thiyeh directing the placing of the food and presents. Fig. 2. Thiyeh and the dancers beginning the distribution of the food. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXXIX. Pl. LXXX. Incidents in the Offerings-lodge. Sixth Day, 1902. Fig. I, The grandfathers making sage wreaths and head bands for the dancers. Fig. 2. The Lime-Crazy society acting as musicians. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXXX Pl. LXXXI. The Dancers Resting after Having been Painted, Niwaat Sitting in Front of the Altar with his Feet upon the Sage Floor of the Ditch. Seventh Day, 1902. .< f^' ^^ FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXXX Pl. LXXXII. Arapaho Children in Native Costume. Seventh Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXXXII \ Pl. LXXXIII. BaThoh, One of the Dog-soldiers. Pl. LXXXIV. Priests Resting after Painting the Dancers. Seventh Day, 1902. On the left, Nakadsh; in the center, Watdngaa; on the right, WdtanSh. Pl. LXXXV. NiwAAT AND Waatanakashi, after Having been Painted: Hocheni on THE Extreme Left. Seventh Day, 1902. PL. LXXXVI. The Line of Dancers. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I. The dancers wliistling toward the fork of the center-pole; in front of the line is HeniSnit. Fig. 2. Dancers resting: His-jhaseh called'to the front of the line to receive a present. PL. LXXXVll. The Line of Dancers. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I, Xiehhinitu, dancing toward the center-pole. Fig. 2. Hisehaseh, dancing in front of the line. Pl. LXXXVIII. South or Left Half of the Line of Dancers, Whistling toward THE Center-pole. Seventh Day, 1902. ^'^'^'hrf- Pl. LXXXIX. North of Left Half of the Line of Dancers, Whistling toward THE Center-pole. Seventh Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XC, Pl. XC. Dancing with the Wheel. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I. The Wlieel, which has just been passed to Thihduchhdwkan, the grandfather. Fig. 2. Thihduchhawkan weeping for mercy, to the Wheel. PL. XCI. Dancers Bathing, Preparatory to BEtNG Painted. Seventh Day, 1902. I Pl. XCII. Dancers Resting, after Being Painted. Seventh Day, 1902. At the extreme left is chief Watanah addressing the dancers, praising and encouraging them. Mav, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Doksey. 141 druni luul been perceptibly increased in size, and it was ikjw noticed ihat many of the musicians and spectators wore buckskin shirts and leggings, while the majority of them had their faces painted in accord- ance with individual privileges. (See Plates LXXXII. and LXXXlII.j The tlrummers now struck up a low song, whereupon the Lodge- Maker took the rawhide, and holding it to the right of him and walk- ing in a stooping posture, he carried it in front of the altar to the west and north of the center-pole, and on, around to the drummers, where he made a motion as if to pass it among the drummers, four times, and then threw it among them, whereui)on they shouted vociferously, beat upon the rawhide, and began one of the Sun Dance songs. Then the semicircular line of priests retired to various positions about the lodge. (See Plate LXXXIV. and LXXXV.) With the beginning of the singing, the dancers rose, placed the whistles in their mouths, and began dancing. (See Plates LXXXVI., LXXXVIL, LXXXVIII., and LXXXIX.) Waakatani now went to Hisehaseh, who was standing in front of the line, and who was holding in each hand a bunch of sage. After four passes with his right hand, Waakatani removed these from his hands. Debithe then went back behind the altar, took the Wheel from its position, brought it around in front, passing to the right, and handed it to the Lodge-Maker. (See Plate XC.) THE DANCERS PAINTED, 1902. An interesting variation was noted this day, not recorded in detail heretofore. Before the completion of the so-called "poultice," each grandfather went to Hocheni, before whom he knelt, and placed his hands upon his head. In this position he uttered a prayer, "or more properly speaking, supplicated Hocheni to assist him. At the con- clusion of the performance, the grandfather drew his hands down the arms of Hocheni, and then held his hands in front of him, palms upward. Hocheni now touched the forefinger of his right hand to the ground, touched his tongue, took a bite of root, and with his finger motioned five tifnes in the palms of the grandfather's hands in the usual ceremonial manner. He then spat five times at these same points. He then spat to the right and left, to the head of the grand- father, and in his hands, which he^rubbed upon the man's head. Again he spat in his hands and touched the grandfather's breast. Hocheni next took a root from his mouth and placed it in the mouth of the grandfather. The painting, with accompanying rites then followed, as already described. (See Plate XCL and XCH.) Before the begin- ning of the dancing occurred the rite of passing the rawhide over the incense, as has already been described on a previous occasion. 142 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. At this time on this day, in the performance of both years, evi- dence of the prevailing good feeling and generous nature of the tribe was abundantlv shown. Thus, several chiefs made encourag-inof speeches to the dancers (see Fig. i, Plate XCII.), commending them for the fortitude shown up to the present, and encouraging them to continue during the few remaining hours of the dance. Many of the old married couples stood up by the side of the drum- mers, and in the presence of the assembled multitude, embraced and kissed, while Hocheni stood by, encouraging them and calling the attention of the young people to the blessings of married life. (See Fig. 2, Plate XCIII.) The musicians were also praised for their devoted attention throughout the ceremony, and were publicly thanked by Hocheni (see Fig. i, Plate XCIV.), who also addressed the visiting Cheyenne and other tribes, thanking them for their presence. Many presents were also given at this time; the customary method of procedure being for the donor to lead into the Offerings- lodge a pony, and through Hocheni, make known that he wished to present a pony to some friend. (See Fig. 2, Plate XCIV. and Plate XCV.) Presents were also made at this time to Naen, who left her seat behind the altar and stood in front of her husband. (See Plate XCVI.) CEREMONY WITH THE WHEEL. Now begins the most trying part of the ceremony; for in addition to the pangs of hunger and thirst and exhaustion which the dancers must feel by this time, the performance with the Wheel in the hands of the Lodge-Maker is an unusually solemn moment, heightened by an intense religious fervor, increased by the screaming and shouting of the women and the encouraging cries of the men. It is the wish of all that no one of the dancers may fall from exhaustion at this time. The singing was much more spirited than at any other time during the ceremony, and more force was put into the movement of the dancers, as well as in the volume of noise produced by the whistles. From time to time the Lodge-Maker would hold the Wheel up toward the center-pol(?, toward which all now looked. (See Fig I, Plate XCVII.) Many presents were brought in by the female relatives of the dancers, to be given away at this time. At times the Lodge- Maker seemed overcome with emotion. His breast heaved violently and his face was contorted into violent grimaces. After this had continued for perhaps twenty minutes, Debithe arose and went behind the Lodge-Maker, took the Wheel with both hands, and raised it up over the Lodge-Maker's head, toward which he made four passes, and then placed the Wheel down over his heard, whee it rested upon PL. XCIII. Priests Encouraging the Dancers. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Hunning-in-Circle addressing the dancers; behind him are Wa- tdngaa and Hocheni. Fig. 2. Hocheni praising Hanatchawdtani and wife, who are making love as a lesson to the young people. i 1 ^^■^^^^ vi A ^Kr^^^*^ ^"^v ^^^L ^kiLjkKa^^^^^.^ '^^w. ' '^pt ^^f^ M^^^H 1 ^hj la ^^Bfcuii II !■ Ill II II 1 ^^^^^W Pl. XCIV. Encouraging the Dancers. Seventh Day, 1901. Fig. I. Hocheni praising the musicians. Fig. 2. Hocheni making announcements for Detenin, who is about to give away a pony. PL. XCV. The Giving of Presents. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Hocheni making announcements for Little-Raven, Jr., who is about to give away a pony to show love for his child. Fig. 2. The pony being led away. PL. XCVI. Naen, Wife of Waatanakashi, in Front of Line of Dancers, Receiving A Present. Seventh Day, 1902. Pl. XCVII. Ceremony with the Wheel. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Thihduchhdwkan, motioning with the Wheel toward the center-pole. Fig. 2. Thihauchhawkan placing the Wheel over his head. PL. XCVIII. Dancing with the Wheel. Seventh Day, 1902. North half of the line of dancers, with Niwaat, third in line from the left, standing in the ditch, with the Wheel in his right hand. May, 1903. The Akapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 143 his sluHilders, with the fcatliers hanj^ing (h)\vn in front. (See Fig. 2, Plate XCVII.) All the dancers now had sage in their right hands, which they raised aloft toward the center-pole from time to time, stretching the hand out straight from the shoulder, and with the sage pointed straight toward the right. (See Plate XCVII I.) The Lodge-Maker now transferred to his right hand a buffalo tail, which uj) to this time he had been holding in his left hand. This he waved and shook, as did the others their sage. Still the singing and dancing continued, and with increased spirit. Debithe then stepped up to the Lodge-Maker, removed the Wheel from his head, and placed it on a limb of the cedar tree, which projected back behind the skull. By the waving with an outward lifting motion of the Wheel toward the center- pole, the Lodge-Maker calls the attention of the Father, asking him to look down, while the placing of the Wheel over the Lodge-Maker's head, is to say, "My Grandfather, I take on, I receive the good of your gift for myself and for all." Ponies, calico, and money, still were being given away by the friends of the dancers. As on previous occasions during the dancing, Biba, the wife of the Lodge-Maker, constantly sat behind and to the north of the altar, being wrapped in a buffalo robe. The grandmother now took some- thing from a little bag which she carried with her, put it in her mouth, spat it upon the palms of her two hands, and rubbed her head, breast, and arms. Behind the buffalo skull was now placed a pile of calico as an offering, on the part of some individual, to the Wheel. PREPARATION OF THE SWEET-WATER. One of the women now brought into the lodge a white wooden bowl about two feet in diameter, together with a knife and an axe, whereupon Hawkan, Watangaa, and the Lodge-Maker went around behind the buffalo skull, where Becheaye joined them. She leaned over Hawkan and uttered a prayer, whereupon they arranged them- selves in the form of a circle. Two of the men now cleared away a circular bit of ground, about a foot in diameter, just back of the buf- falo skull. Debithe now joined the circle, bringing a bucket of hot water and a long-handled spoon of mountain sheep horn. Debithe passed the stem of the straight-pipe to Hawkan, who arose and asked that the singing and dancing cease, whereupon the dancers sat down. Watangaa passed a bag of red paint to Chanitoe, who opened it and thor- oughly mixed a piece of tallow with it. Watangaa then passed to him a bag of black paint, whereupon this also was mixed with tallow. Hawkan 144 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. gave to Watangaa a piece of root, which he placed in his mouth, and after chewing it a moment, spat upon his hands, which he rubbed over his head. Some small pieces of this root were passed to the other members of the circle. Hawkan, with his pipe-stem, made four passes toward the eaith, and next indicated a semicircular space to Waanibe, then the latter took an axe, and made four passes at each corner of the indicated space, and one in the center. The axe was then passed to Becheaye, who did the same. They began digging with the axe, loosening the earth. Watangaa and Chanitoe continued the work with knives, making an excavation about a foot in diameter and four inches deep, the dirt being placed in a blanket, which was lying between Waanibe and Hawkan. When they had finished the excavation, Waanibe deposited the dirt at the foot of the center-pole. The bucket of hot water was then passed in near the excavation. A bag of pounded red berries and one of pounded herbs was opened. Hawkan took the bag of pounded berries, and taking a pinch in his hand dropped a little in the southeast corner, then in the south- west corner, and so on around the edge of the pail, his assistants following his example, until the sack was entirely emptied. Hawkan took up the sack of pounded roots, and as before, gave a pinch to each of the assistants, whereupon all repeated the preceding perform- ance until the pounded root was all placed in the pail. Watangaa handed Hawkan the large spoon, whereupon the latter told Watangaa how to use it. The latter dipped up a tiny portion of the liquid, thrusting the spoon first on the east side, second on the south, third on the west, and finally on the north side. The spoon was now passed to Waanibe, who did the same, then to the Lodge- Maker, then Chanitoe, and so on around the circle, the spoon being passed in a dextral circuit. As the spoon was dipped in the central portion by each one, after the four corners had been disturbed, it was noticed that considerable more of the liquid was taken up at this point than at the corners. When the spoon finally came to Waanibe, she thrust the spoon to the bottom. All this time the dried berries and herbs were being thoroughly mixed with the water. Watangaa passed Hawkan the wooden bowl, who taking it in both hands made four passes, and then deposited it in the excavation which had been so made as to receive the bowl. Watangaa gave to Hawkan a sage stem, which he straightened and used as a rule to divide the bowl into halves, by placing it across the rim of the bowl. While he held the stem in this position, Watangaa painted the north half of the rim of the bowl with the black- ened tallow, Chanitoe and Debithe, during this operation, holding the May, 1903. Thk Arai'aho Sun Dance — Dorsev. 145 stick. liawkan and Dcbithc hckl the stem and the otiier half of the rim of the bowl was jiainted by Watangaa with the red tallow. It was noticed that in holding- the stem, care was taken so that it should be directly on a line with the center-pole. A\'atangaa now made a small circular dot on the outside of the bowl just under one end of the black line. On a corresponding position of the opi'josite side, outside of the bowl and just under the entl of the red line, he made a semi- circular mark in red. These two symbols represented the sun and moon. Watangaa now handed to Hawkan the spoon, and he dipi)ed up some of the charm liquid and poured it into the bowl, pouring first on the east, then on the south, the west, and the north sides, and then in the center of the bowl. This same oj^eration was continued by Watangaa, his wife, the Lodge-lSIaker, Chanitoe, and Deblthe. Care was exer- cised in transferring the charm liquid into the bowl to place therein only so much as would fill the bowl on the level with the symbols on the outside. Watangaa now renewed the paint on the south half of the bowl, while Chanitoe renewed the red paint on the north half- of the l)owl. All the priests now formed in line along the wall of the lodge on the east; Hawkan and Chanitoe, however, retaining their position. The former now approached the bowl, which he held at its two edges, whereupon Chanitoe took a spoon and stirred the liquid until it was thoroughly mixed. He then leaned over it, made with his mouth a noise resembling that made by a goose just before drinking, and then put his lips in the liquid, taking a little in his mouth. Hawkan took a goose feather and dipped it in the bowl at the four corners and at the center. The wife of Chanitoe, taking the feather from Hawkan, drew it twice through Chanitoe's lips, as he held his head over the bowl, first from right to left, then from left to right. Chanitoe then made the same noise with his lips, and drank from the bowl. Debithe, Watangaa, and others then followed, going through the same perform- ance and drinking from the bowl. During this time and right after the manufacture of the charm liquid, the singing and dancing had continued. Watangaa now sat down just between the medicine bowl and the skull, while opposite and facing him sat Chanitoe. As may be readily surmised, the color symbolism of the bowl is the same as shown in the skull and other objects of the altar. The bowl itself, with the liquid, was said to represent the great lake above, from which all rain comes. The pounded berries were typical of the food, especially the vegetable food of the earth, while the pounded herbs represented, in general, the earth's fragrance. It is also said, 146 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. that, as rain water is "sweet," so this water must be made sweet. The object of drawing the goose-quill through the lips was especially, to cleanse the mouth, thus imitating the habit of the goose. The poop- ing just before drinking, represented the noise made by the goose before drinking, because these birds drink good, clear water, in regions where there is ice and snow, where, therefore, the water is "sweet." The bodies of the geese are white, and hence the people imitating the acts of the birds make themselves clean from all badness and free from sickness. PREPARATION OF THE SWEET-WATER, 1902. According to the statement made by Hawkan, the charm liquid, or holy water, should not be prepared in the Offerings-lodge, as the rites accompanying the preparation of the water are supposed to be secret. On this year, therefore, when the time came for the prepara- tion of the water, i. e., at about six in the afternoon, Hawkan and several others left the Offerings-lodge and proceeded to the tipi of Chanitoe, which stood in the camp-circle just north of the eastern opening. (See Plate XCIX.) Proceeding within, they arranged themselves in the following order, beginning with the south side of the tipi entrance and continuing on around to the north side of the door: Chanitoe's wife, Hawkan, Chanitoe, Watangaa, Nishnateyana, 'Watanah, Debithe, and Thiyeh. Within the tipi, certain preparations had already been made. A kettle of boiling water was found hanging upon a crane over a fire in the center of the tipi. After a few moments, Hawkan left his position next to Chanitoe's wife and sat down between Nishnateyana and Watanah. He took a pipe-stem in his hand and directed the priests in some detail, giving the reason why the medicine water should not be prepared in the Offerings-lodge, and asking the priests, especially those who were present as pupils, to be particularly attentive during the performance, in order that they might perform this rite accurately in the future. He then pointed out that the kettle should not be suspended upon the crane, and asked that a tripod be provided, saying that only the tripod used with the tipi leanback should be used for this purpose. No tripod being present within the lodge, Chanitoe's wife went outside, and soon returned with an ordinary tripod used over the fire. The proper kind of roots or herbs not being present, Chanitoe left the lodge and soon returned with them. The tripod and packages having been handed to Hawkan, he uttered a prayer: Pl. XCIX. Line of Priests on Their Way to Prepare the Sweet-water. Seventh Day, 1902. In line from the left, are Thiyeh, wife of Chanitoe; Chanitog, Nakaash, Nishnateyana and Hawkan. At the end of the line on the right is Cleaver Warden, interpreter. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 147 HAWKAN S PRAYER. "According to your instructions, relative to making this holy water, I will now proceed with these servants. After creating the earth, you nuide this sweet-water (goose) for us all. You caused vege- tables and herbs to grow, in order that mankind might derive some benefit from them. Here are these servants, Chanitoe and wife, before you, my Father, Man-Above, and my Grandfather, Light-of- the-Day, the Center-Road. "My Grandmother, Old-Woman-Night, we cannot help but call to you, when we come together, for your protection, upon the mem- bers of the tribe. "You Sun Dance priests and Rabbit-people, Dancers-of-the-Past, Former Children of this Lodge, listen to us! Hear our plea! We are young in these rites, and under obligations to call upon you for assist- ance. May this kettle of water be made to taste sweet, so that all children may drink it and purify their streams of blood! Cause these servants present to witness these rites with solemn hearts! Let this sweet-water be a blessing upon us all to-night, that this tribe may increase in population, just as the geese increase." The kettle was now lifted from the crane by Chanitoe and placed in front of Hawkan. The former opened a sack containing dried and crushed dog root, or sweet root. Taking a pinch with the thumb and forefinger of his right hand, he motioned four times toward the water in the vessel, while Hawkan made four passes with the pipe-stem and spat toward the water four times. The pinch of root was then placed upon the water in the kettle, in the southwest corner. Again Chanitoe took a pinch of root, motioned his hand toward the surface of the water once, Hawkan pointing with the stem and spitting toward the northwest corner. Then Chanitoe deposited the roots in this direc- tion. This performance was repeated for the northeast corner, and the southeast. A fifth pinch of root was added upon the surface of the water, in the center, Chanitoe motioning four times, and Hawkan ejecting spittle and motioning with the pipe-stem. The second sack, containing dried red berries, was now opened by Chanitoe, who added five bunches of these to the water, with exactly the same number of passes as before, and accompanied likewise with similar actions on the part of Hawkan. This time, however, the first pinch was added to the west side of the kettle, the second on the north, the third on the east, and the fourth on the south, the fifth, of course, being added in the center. Chanitoe's wife next added a pinch 148 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. of the dog root and of the red berries at the four cardinal points and emptied the contents of the sacks into the kettle. Chanitoe took up a large, long-handled ladle of sheep's horn, with which he made four motions toward the water, each motion being accompanied by a similar movement on the part of Hawkan with the pipe-stem. He dipped the ladle into the southwest corner of the kettle and poured the liquid back into the center. This performance was repeated, but with one motion and with one ejection of spittle and one movement of the pipe-stem on the part of Hawkan, in the northwest, northeast, and southeast corners. Four movements were then made toward the center by both Chanitoe and Hawkan, whereupon the former thoroughly stirred the contents of the kettle. The kettle was placed over the fire, upon the tripod, where it remained for some time, until the water began to boil. During this time Hawkan continued to discuss the rites of the ceremony and to explain to the priests present, that as the sacred water was taken from this tipi of preparation to the Offerings-lodge, it should be carried in the right hand only, and that it should be "hidden from him." The old priest, Hawkan's informant, did not explain what this meant, but Hawkan supposed that he referred to the sun. When the kettle began to boil, Chanitoe took a coal from the fire and placed it in front of Hawkan. He also lifted the kettle from the fire and placed it at Hawkan's right. The latter opened a bag of cedar-leaves, a pinch of which he placed upon the coal, making first four passes from each of the cardinal points, beginning with the east and continuing on the south, west, and north toward the coal, and finally motioning his hand from above. He arose, lifted the kettle, and passed it over the incense, with a circular motion, four times, beginning each motion on the north side, and passing the kettle in a sunwise circuit. He set the kettle down on the ground and prayed: hawkan's prayer. "Please, Father, Man-Above, do not get impatient at our constant prayers. You caused the cedar tree to grow and from it we get leaves for our incense for this pure water. "Come and live with us, you Spirits, Supernatural-Beings, and help us in our supplications! We have boiled this water; placed the root and eating-berries upon it, and it is now prepared. Poor and humble as we are in this world, surrounded by white people, please do have mercy upon us! May this cloud of smoke (incense) reach your nostrils, my Father and my Grandmother! Let our circuits (the courses with the sun, during the day) be firm, and free from accidents! May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsev. 149 "My Grandfather, Big-Paintetl-Re(l-R()l)e, listen to me! Ycni are the one who directed and instructed me; and whatever I do, may it be pleasing to your sight! I have taken great pains to pursue the way which you gave me. May this woman (Chanitoe's wife) carry this kettle of sweet-water safely to your holy place! As the geese drank that pure water without difificulty, so let it be with us! My Father, please come and be with us!" The priests now left the lodge, accompanied by Chanitoe's wife carrying the kettle, and proceeded to the Offerings-lodge, where they passed directly to the spot between the western wall of the lodge and the buffalo skull. Here a circular excavation was made for the wooden bowl, the sage being first removed, and Hawkan indicating the spot with the pipe-stem by the four motions, where the excavation was to be made. A bowl provided by Watangaa was then placed upon the excavation. Chanitoe opened the two sacks, one containing red, and the other black paint. The paint he mixed with tallow. Nishnate- yana, with the pipe-stem, after four passes with it toward the bowl, made a mark on the west side of the rim of the bowl, and then one on the east. Hawkan placed across the bowl at these two points a stem of sage, being assisted by Watangaa. Nishnateyana again made four motions with the pipe-stem, ejecting spittle, at the same time touch- ing the bowl, first on the southeast corner, and then on the southwest, northwest, northeast, and finally drawing the point of the stem entirely around the rim of the bowl. Chanitoe applied black paint to the south rim of the bowl, while Watangaa besmeared the rim on the north side with red. Naen also applied black paint to the south side, passing her finger from the east around to the west, and then applied red paint on the north rim, beginning at the west. Chanitoe touched with the point of his forefinger the bowl, on the inside near the edge, . at tw^o points equidistant and half-way between the east and west diameter of the bowl; and Watangaa went through a similar perform- ance on the north side. Nishnateyana made the four motions with the pipe-stem on the outside of the bowl, and on the east side, ejecting spittle also. At this point near the rim and edge and south of the east side of the bowl, Chanitoe painted a circular symbol. Nishnate- yana repeated this performance on the west side of the bowl just north of the line of the diameter, at which point Watangaa painted a red crescent-shape symbol. Nishnateyana made the usual passes near the kettle, which had been standing near by, Chanitoe accompanying the movement of the pipe-stem with the ladle. He then dijjped one ladle- ful from the bowl at the southeast corner, moving it as he passed it to the bowl, in a sunwise circuit. The second ladle of water was taken 150 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. from the southwest side, the third from the northwest, and the fourth from the northeast, Nishnateyana making in the three last-named corners of the bowl, a single movement with the pipe-stem. The latter now moved the pipe-stem toward the center four times, being accompanied with a pass of the ladle by Chanitoe. The latter took up four ladlesful of water from the center of the kettle and added them to the bowl. Watangaa then, without the accompanying move- ments by Nishnateyana, dipped from the four corners of the bowl and from the center, and then, without regard to position in the kettle, dipped from it until the bowl was filled as high as the level of the two symbols on the east and west sides outside the bowl. Chanitoe, with a white goose-feather, dipped into the bowl five times, beginning with the southeast and ending in the center. The feather was handed to Watangaa, who repeated the performance. Again Hawkan laid the straight sage stem across the center of the bowl, from east to west. Chanitoe poured from the thumb and forefinger of his right hand dry, black paint, along the south side of the bowl next the sage ■stem, while Watangaa on the north side of the sage stem poured a line of red paint. Chanitoe covered the entire south side of the liquid in the bowl with black paint, while Watangaa covered the north half of the liquid red. Hawkan removed the stem, and without formality, thoroughly mixed the paint with the liquid. Hawkan arose, passed around in front of the cedar tree, and took up the small forked stick with the sage symbol of the bird, and thrust the stick in the ground on the west side of the bowl, the sage being so turned that, had it been a bird, it would have looked upon the water. Watangaa now sat down just west of the bowl. Each of the priests, with Hawkan in the lead, approached the bowl from the south side, knelt over it, while Watangaa drew the feather across their mouths, as has already been described. Each placed his lips to the water, first making a peculiar noise in imitation of geese and then took a sip of the liquid from the center of the bowl. THE SUNSET DANCE. The wives and relatives of the dancers now removed all clothing, blankets, etc., from the lodge, whereupon the line of dancers and priests (see Fig. i, Plate C), turned toward the west, and there began the final period of dancing, to continue until the sun had disappeared in the west. As the dancers faced the west they, with the priests of the ceremony, formed in a semicircular line just back of and to the east of the center-pole and facing west. (See Fig. 2, Plate C.) In this line, beginning at the south, were Hocheni, Debithe, Wanakayi, Pl. C. The Sunset Dance. Sixth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Dancers in line, resting, preparatory to the final dance. Fig. 2. Dancers in line, whistling toward the setting sun. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 151 Henienit, Watanah, Waatu, (Miaui (Lump-Forehead), Thihauchhawkan, Bihata, Hisehaseh, Hitantuh, Hebethnenen, Niehhinitu (Howling- Bird), Nisah (Twins), Biba, and Nawaht. The boughs and other obstructions had just before been removed from the western quarter of the lodge, so that all had an unobstructed view of the setting sun. The spectators were careful not to pass in front of the line of dancers and priests. The sage which the dancers held in their hands was now waved more often than on previous occa- sions, and was held in an upward position. The Lodge-Maker used the buffalo tail more frequently, holding his arm out in front of him and bending it at the elbow, striking his breast with the tail and wav- ing it from him. Others occasionally went through the same motion, beating their breasts with the sage. As it was near the close of the day, three dancers, who had worn yellow feathers in their hair, went to the grandfathers to have the feathers removed. As the sun sank lower and lower to the horizon the fervor of the dancers continued to increase, while the volume of noise from the drummers and accompanying female chorus was of the most enthusiastic nature. The effect thus produced was greatly heightened by the shouting and yelling on the part of the friends of the dancers, encouraging them to hold out to the end. Li this veri- table babel of noise could be heard now and then the shrill whoop of the war-cry, given on the part of certain members of the warrior soci- eties. The dancing continued with renewed vigor, although it had been prolonged without a moment's cessation for over twenty minutes. As an offset to the cheering words spoken by some of the older priests, such as chief Nawaht's constant calling out: "Dance harder!" "The sun is setting!" "Do not give up!" one or two others cried out, "You may as well give up!" "You can't possibly last any longer!" "There is no water or food left, anyway!" The long continued strain on the part of both the dancers and the spectators was being more and more felt, and instead of the wild shout- ing and calling of the men, the great throng became gradually quiet, until at the end, not much was heard except the low singing of the musicians, and the heaving and panting of the almost exhausted dancers. The dancing, after continuing uninterruptedly for nearly forty minutes, came to a sudden end. Thereupon a great shout was sent up by all ; for the ceremony had come to a happy termination without any one falling by the way and without a mishap, and all rejoiced cor- respondingly. This impressive exhibition of endurance and faith is termed "gambling against the Sun." It expresses, on the part of each 152 Field Columbian Museuim — Anthropology, Vol. IV. dancer his earnest prayer and an effort to conquer, to survive, to com- plete his three-days' fast, without falling, in spite of the opposition of the intense heat of the sun. To survive means to win benefit. At the conclusion of the dance all exclaimed, "Thanks! We have attained our desire I" BATHING AND PURIFICATION OF THE DANCERS. Water was now brought in buckets and in each were placed bunches of sage, one for each corner and one for the center. Each dancer now stood in front of the bucket, and taking the sage, dipped it in the water and then passed the sage, barely touching their bodies, first about their ankles, then up their legs, rubbing first the right side and then the left, and then up their arms. Then they touched the symbol on their backs and applied the sage to both shoulders and to their heads, each motion terminating at the symbol on the breast. Then the dancers, one by one, approached the medicine bowl from the south side, where they stooped over it, while Chanitoe drew the feather across their mouths, after dipping it in the liquid, from the left to the right side, and from the right to the left. Then, placing the lips close to the water, they produced the sound, such as has already been described, then drank of the water, jumped over the bowl, and returned to their buckets. By the side of the bowl of charm liquid, between it and the skull of the altar, there should have been a small stick standing just to the east of the medicine bowl. The upper end of the stick is forked, while the stick is so placed that the prongs of the fork stand east and west. On this fork rests a small bird, the common name of which could not be learned, with its head pointing toward the bowl. It is called the "packed" or carried (in a cradle) bird. According to Hawkan, this is the same bird that is represented as being on the back of the goose, as has already been mentioned. The bird is said to be found near ponds and buffalo wallows, and is the apostle of the holy water to the people. The reason for the absence of the bird itself from the ceremony, was due to the fact that the skin which is always used for this purpose had been forgotten, and was at that time at Cantonement, about thirty miles away. The forked stick upon which the bird rests is supposed to be an old man's cane, while the bird itself looks down, telling the people that it wants every one to come up and drink this water, as it is from above. After the ceremony of the charm liquid, the bird is placed in a small sacred bundle and is preserved for use in future ceremonies. On returning to the buckets, the dancers thoroughly washed May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Dorsey. 153 themselves from head t(^ foot. Then each man stooped over the bucket and drank coi)ious drafts of water. This done, each man, either by means of his finger, or by means of a sage stem, tickled his throat to cause violent vomiting. While the dancers were thus wash- ing themselves, after partaking of the charm liquid, each of the great crowd of spectators came up to the bowl, in single file, went through the purification ceremony, one by one, as had the others, and then jumped over the bowl. BREAKING OF THE FAST. As fast as the dancers had washed themselves, they passed out- side the lodge, where they joined groups of friends, which were now scattered here and there in great numbers all about the lodge, where all indulged in the open-air feast. To give an adequate description of the profusion of food which was supplied on this night, or properly to characterize the feeling of deeply religious good nature which was shown, would be an impossibility. After all had finished, the food was gathered up and taken by the women to their homes, and the ceremony of the day was at an end. The priests and dancers passed the night at their own tipis. SEVENTH DAY, 1901; EIGHTH DAY, 1902. This day corresponds to the eighth day in the 1902 performance, the rites of the two days being practically the same. But few more duties remain for the dancers to perform on this the final day of the Sun Dance ceremony; these are, the final dancing out to meet the Sun, the rite of purification, and the smoking of the sacred straight- pipe. There then follows the informal offering or sacrifice of old clothes to the lodge, by any one of the camp-circle who may be so disposed. EARLY RITES IN THE LODGE. On going to the lodge early this morning before sunrise, it was found that the dancers had already put in an appearance, together with many of the priests. Within a short time all those who had up to this time been connected with the ceremony were present, and formed north of the center pole in one semicircular line, which extended nearly half-way around the lodge. At one end of the line, and nearest the eastern opening was Waakatani. Next to him, and in order, were : Watangaa, Chanitoe, Hawkan, Debithe, Biba, wearing a buffalo robe, the Lodge-Maker, and the remaining nine dancers, the position of the 154 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. last one being in front of and beyond the altar. The drummers occu- pied their accustomed position. Watangaa now left the line and went over to the altar, where he took up the ceremonial pipe, the Badger-pack, and the goose-quill. Debithe also left the line and got the Wheel. The Lodge-Maker now placed around him the buffalo robe, with the hair side outward. Hocheni took up the rawhide, while Waakatani followed Debithe and returned with the many wrappings of the Wheel. The dancers now continued to stand in this same line, while the priests from the east end of the line passed in a single file in front of them, and on around to the north, east, and back in front of the dancers, where they sat down. The Lodge-Maker and his wife, Biba, now left the line and sat down in front of the remaining dancers, and in front of the ditch, the Lodge-Maker being on the south side and Biba on the left. The rattle, which had been forgotten, was now obtained by Hawkan, who gave it to Chanitoe. Watangaa lighted a pipe and passed it along the line, each priest as he received it, taking a few whiffs. As the pipe was returned to Watangaa, he placed it, together with the feather, on the Badger-pack. The relative positions of the two lines again changed, the Lodge- Maker and his wife moving forward and joining the line of priests. Two of the dancers also now assumed a position in the forward line. With these changes, the line of the dancers was semicircular in shape, the center of the line being just in front of the altar. The second line, which was five feet in front of the first line, extended from a point between the altar and the center-pole, on around toward the west and north. The position of those in the second line, beginning with the southern end, was as follows: Biba, Chanitoe, Hitantuh, Watanah, and Hocheni. Biba now arose, and Debithe handed her the Wheel and the straight-pipe, which he took up from the badger-skin. Both of these objects Biba held in her right hand, the bowl of the pipe pointing for- ward. While the entire line of priests now moved a little toward the north, the line of the dancers passed also toward the north until they were immediately behind the former. The two lines now split into two divisions, there being thus formed four short, concentric, curved lines northwest of the center-pole. THE SUNRISE DANCE. The crowd around the lodge and within it was now as great as at any time during the ceremony, although care was taken that the move- ment of the dancers and the priests should not be interfered with, nor Pl. CI. The Badger-pack. Seventh Day, 1901. Fig. I. Watangaa with the badger skin. Fig. 2. Hocheni, with the wrapping from Badger-pack. Pl. Cll. Smoking the Straight-pipe. Seventh Day, 1901. Fig. I, Hocheni holding the straight-pipe, preparatory to lighting it. Fig. 2. The straight-pipe being smoked by the Sun Dance priests and dancers. Pl. cm. The Wheel Returned to Its Owner. Seventh Day, 1901. Fig. I. Debithe leaving the Offerings-lodge with the Wheel in its wrappings and the rabbit fur. Fig. 2. The Wheel in its position behind the tipi of the Keeper. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance — Doksey. 155 did any one pass between these lines and the eastern openinj^ oi the lodge. The singers 'now began a song, each of the dancers keeping time with the eagle-bone whistle, the women yelling vociferously from time to time. It was now noticed that while the Lodge-Maker had kept on his buffalo robe, Biba had laid hers aside. After the singing and the whistling had continued for a few moments, all four lines stepped forward toward the center-pole, then backward toward the northwestern corner of the lodge, then forward again, this time pro- ceeding as far as the eastern opening of the lodge, then back again to about the center of the lodge, then forward again, the lines this time passing outside and about twenty feet beyond, to the east of the lodge, where they halted, and all shook themselves vigorously. SMOKING THE STRAIGHT-PIPE. Those not actually engaged in the ceremony now departed for their homes. The priests and the dancers then formed themselves in a semicircular line, the opening of which faced toward the east. In the center of the line was Watangaa, Debithe, Hawkan, and the remaining priests, while the two ends of the line were made up of the dancers. To the east, and just in front of Watangaa, were placed the wrappings, upon which was now deposited the Wheel. Watangaa next untied the Badger-pack, retaining the badger-skin, while Hocheni retained the wrapper which had formed the covering of the badger- skin. (See Plate CI.) It was not noted that the anterior portion of the badger- skin was painted black, while the remainder was painted red. The badger-skin, together with the pipe-stem and rattle, were placed on the old buffalo wrapper. After a prayer by Hawkan (see Fig. I, Plate CII.), the pipe was handed to Hocheni, who lighted it, prayed, puffed on the pipe again, whereupon it was passed along the line to the south, when it was handed back along the north side of the line. (See Fig. 2, Plate CII.) The pipe was then returned to Hocheni. All the priests now left for their lodges, while Watangaa and Debithe remained to wrap the Wheel, pipe, etc., in their proper envelopes. These objects were then returned to their keepers or owners. (See Plate CIII.) In regard to the ceremony which has just been described, it may be stated that the method of advancing by degrees outside the lodge was a form of asking that the Man-Above and the Grandfather listen to their prayers. It also typified the going after something which is good, the idea being that as they make the final advance at the fourth time, they take it with a good heart. The shaking of the blankets may be regarded as a purification rite whereby sickness and sorrow were shaken off. The smoking of the straight-pipe at this time, on 156 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. the part of all, which formed the final performance in the ceremony, was to the effect that all might follow a straight road, that all might be protected, and that the families of those who had fasted and taken part in the ceremony might be protected, inasmuch as they had performed the ceremony according to the orders of Man-Above. THE MORNING RITES, 1902. This performance on this year was practically the same as has already been described. As the dancers moved out toward the sun, the wife of Nishnateyana held the Wheel, while the wife of Watangaa carried the sacred pipe, holding it in her right hand, with the bowl pointing upward. After the purification ceremony, and after the priests had sat down upon the ground, Hawkan and Chanitoe removed the rabbit fur from the Lodge-Maker's robe, which Hawkan tied up in a bundle and placed with it five sprigs of fresh sage. The sacred straight-pipe was given to Hocheni, who pointed with the bowl south- east, southwest, northwest, northeast, and then with the stem toward the sun and ground. The Badger-pack, after being carried out, was placed in its usual position south of the Wheel. It was unwrapped by Watangaa, who car- ried away with him the badger-skin, while Hocheni, as on the preceding year, retained the black and red covering. It was noticed when the Wheel was finally wrapped, that it had been lying on a thick bed of sage. THE SACRIFICE OF CHILDREN'S CLOTHING. It was now about ten o'clock, and many of the lodges about the great camping-circle had already been taken down, preparatory to the return of the families to their homes in the different parts of their reservation. As soon as the priests had finished their smoking and had left, men and women, singly or in pairs, and generally accompanied by children, began making their way toward the Offerings-Lodge from all points of the circle. Having entered the lodge, the majority of them lifted their right hands toward the sun and offered a prayer, whereupon they proceeded to the cedar tree, or to one of the other trees forming the altar (see Fig. i, Plate CIV. and Plate CV.), or to the center-pole itself (see Fig. 2, Plate CIV. and Plate CVL), where they fastened bundles of clothes discarded by their children during the year, the idea thus expressed being that they desired that the children should grow up to be men and women, and should be accompanied by good luck throughout life. One of the prayers uttered just before the offering of the old clothes on this morning is here given: Pl. civ. Sacrifice of Clothing. Seventh Day. 1901. Fig. I. The altar, after the sacrifice of old clothing. Fig. 2. The center-pole, encased by several lines of old clothing. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CIV. '^a^^SSSILj Pl. CV. The Altar, after the Sacrifice of Old Clothing. Eighth Day, 1902. PL. CVI. The Center-pole, after the Sacrifice of Old Clothing. Eighth Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CVI. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CVIL Pl. evil. The Altar, after the Sacrifice of Old Clothing. Seventh Day, 1901, FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM- ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CVIII. Pl. CVIII. The Offerings-lodge, after the Ceremony. Seventh Day, 1901. Fig. I. Parents repairing to the lodge, to offer the worn-out clothing of their children. Fig. 2. The deserted lodge. Ma\, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Danck— Dorskv. 157 PKAVKR HKKORE THK SAC RI KICK. "White-Man-Abdvc, niy Father, here arc the clothes of my chihl. I am gointi^ to deposit them. Tliey are 110 longer good for my chikl. i!v doing this, I ask you to watch over him from day to day and keep him from temptation. May he grow up to be a man, to understand vour teachings which we have just gone through I I hope you will hear our prayer for my child." By noon all those who desired to make these offerings had done so, the result being shown in the almost covered condition of the altar (see Plate CVIL), antl by several bands of clothes which entirely sur- rounded the center-pole, to a height of two or three feet. By evening the camping-circle was entirely abandoned, except here and there, where there remained the lodge of one of the chiefs who took this opportunity for discussing more secular affairs which concerned the welfare of their tribe. END OF THE CEREMONY, 1902. In 1902 the ceremony ended at noon on Thursday, August 28th. On the two following days were performed several dances of a sociable or semi-religious nature, given chiefly for the entertainment of the visiting tribes. Immediately after the rites at and outside the lodge on this day, the Dog-soldiers repaired to the tipi of one of their mem- bers, where they conducted certain ceremonies, as will be noted in a later paragraph. ULTIMATE FATE OF THE OFFERINGS-LODGE. The lodge with its altar is, so far as the author is aware, never molested by the Arapaho, nor by any of the neighboring tribes, and remains until it is destroyed by the elements. Inasmuch as the Sun Dance camp-circle is generally in an open plain, where good pasture is likely to abound, the probabilities are that the altar will sooner or later be disturbed by cattle or horses, after the removal of the camp-circle. No attempt, however, is made to protect the altar from such possible disturbances. (See Plate CVIII.) In three instances permission has been given the author to remove the skull and such objects as he might desire from the altar and the center-pole. It is also known that once or twice one of the priests has preserved the buffalo skull for use in future ceremonies. This is due of course to the fact that buffalo skulls are no longer plentiful, and are obtained only with great difficulty. 158 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. RITES IN THE DOG-SOLDIERS' LODGE. The part which the Dog-soldiers play in the ceremony of the Sun Dance has been frequently noted. Perhaps the most important of these rites are connected with the ceremonial spying-out, capture, and erection of the center-pole. The warrior, who in preceding Sun Dances was privileged to lead in this rite, had recently died, and it became necessary therefore that upon another Dog-soldier be conferred the degree, which should give him the same right or privilege. It has also been pointed out in connection with the ceremony of the center- pole, that Hanatchawatani and his wife, Hissehnihani volunteered their services, and it will be remembered that Hanatchawatani at that time carried a pipe filled with tobacco to Nishchanakati, in order that the latter might present it to the standing fork. Hanatchawatani was privileged to capture the tree, but it became necessary that the Dog-soldiers meet and confirm this right. This meeting took place on the night of the seventh day of the 1902 per- formance, in the lodge of Haniit (Long-Hair), where certain prelimi- nary movements were undertaken, after which the Dog-soldiers spent the night in singing sacred songs peculiar to their order. On the following morning, i. e., on the last day of the Sun Dance ceremony, and after the sacrifice of clothing to the altar and center-pole had been made, the Dog-soldiers gathered in the lodge of one of their number on the northeast side of the camp-circle, where they had a feast, and where four of their number were painted, with interesting and instruct- ive rites. (See Plate CIX.) At this time Hanatchawatani's right to officiate in the performance attendant on the capture and erection of the center-pole, presumably, was confirmed. The details of this, how- ever, were not learned by the author, owing to lack of time. A description of the rites performed at that meeting, and of the paint of these men, is deferred until another time. X.— The Painting of the Dancers. For the four days' ceremony, when the dancing occurs, the bodies of the dancers are decorated with certain prescribed designs. While no satisfactory account of the painting of the dancers has yet been obtained, the following brief tale is not without interest in this con- nection: "The paintings which the dancers bear during the Sun Dance ceremony are derived from Young-Bull (Buffalo). This bull was seen on a hill-top during the hot weather fasting for days and nights. One Pl. CIX. Dog-soldiers. Eighth Day, 1902. Dog-soldier lodge during the rite of conferring the privilege to cut the center-pole upon one of their number: On the left is Bu£falo-Bull; in the center, White-Buffalo; and on the right, Spotted-Bean. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CIX. May, 1903. The Arm'aho Sun Danxe — Dorsey. 159 day when there was a clear sky and tlie atniosi)liere slij^htly hazy, Young-Bull was seen from the distance vomiting the different colors in long streaks (white, yellow, green, black, etc.)." In describing hereafter the various paints worn by the dancers, those worn only on the last three days of the ceremony will be consid- ered. These will be spoken of as the second, third, and fourth paint, inasmuch as the first or white paint is uniform for all the dancers, and has been already described. It may be further added, to avoid confu- sion, that the first paint in the 1901 ceremony was worn on the third day, in the 1902 ceremony on the fourth day; the second paint in 1901 was worn on the fourth day, and in 1902 on the fifth day; the third paint in 1901 was worn on the fifth day, and in 1902 on the sixth day; the fourth paint in 1901 was worn on the sixth day, and in 1902 on the seventh day. THE MOTHER-EARTH PAINT. The only paint worn by Biba was on the first day of the ceremony proper, i. e., the day of the erection of the lodge. This paint was described to the author by Hawkan, but as may be seen by a compari- son with the paint in the 1902 performance, the description is not quite accurate. Before the priests emerged from the Rabbit-tipi, her entire body was painted red by Sosoni and Waanibe. Over this red paint and on the center of her breast was painted a circular spot in black, about three inches in diameter, which represented the sun. At each side of this spot and above and on her chin were painted four pipes, representing the prayers which she offered during the ceremony, and which, according to Arapaho mythology, are conveyed to the Father through the intervention of a ceremonial pipe. Around her two wrists and ankles was then painted a single band of black, also representing prayers. A black line was then drawn around her face, passing just beneath the pipe-stem on the chin, in front of the ears, and through the middle of her forehead. This also represented the sun. Just between the two eyes was painted a Y-shaped symbol, which corresponded to the forked center-pole of the great lodge. On her nose was placed a black dot, the symbol of the buffalo calf, and on the back of her left shoulder was painted a crescent-shaped symbol, representing the moon. The red paint which covered her entire body, represented, primarily, the color of the Indian race, but as the earth is the mother of all people, it also represented the earth, and in the dramatization, Biba represented the earth. i6o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. THE LODGE-MAKER'S PAINT. This paint in 1901 was worn l)y Thihauchhawkan and Bihata on all three days; in 1902 by Niwaat, Waatanakashi, and Yahuse on all three days, by Hitehuu (Little-Crane), on the first day, and by Hathaniseh (Lone-Star) and Hinenwatani on the first and second days. Whereas the painting of the other dancers during the ceremony is determined either by their own choice, or by that of their particular grandfathers, the Lodge-Maker of the ceremony always wears a certain paint. Frequenlly, to add emphasis to and intensify the symbolism thus portrayed, the paint is worn by one or more other individuals, Bihata being such an one in the ceremony under consideration. A description of the Lodge-Maker will therefore suffice for the latter individual. The order of procedure followed by the Lodge-Maker's and Bihata's grandfathers in painting them was uniform throughout the three days' ceremony. (Fig. i, Plate CX.) After the Lodge-Maker had, on each of the three days, received the first or body coat of white earth paint, and after it had become thoroughly dried, he knelt down in front of the grandfather. The latter then took a moistened cloth and erased the white paint at certain places, leaving the flesh exposed in the form of a diamond. This was done on the front of both upper and lower arms, and on the front of the upper and lower legs. A similar but larger diamond-shaped space was then erased in the center of the breast. The Lodge-Maker then turned his back to the grandfather, who on the right shoulder erased a crescent-shaped space. The diamond-shaped spaces were then outlined in black, while a black line was also extended around the ankles and around the wrists. From each ankle circle a black line was continued up the leg to the first diamond-shaped space, and then from its upper apex on to the base of the figure on the breast, where it was continued along one side, up over the shoulder, and down on the arm to the circular band at the wrist, connecting the two diamonds on the arm. The same line was then drawn on the other half of the body, beginning at the ankle and terminating at the wrist. He now drew a black circle around the face, passing over the center of the chin, through the middle of the fore- head, and just in front of the ears. The entire face within this circle was now painted red, while the nine diamond-shaped figures were also painted red. These red surfaces, both on the face and on the body, were now outlined and separated from the black line by means of a narrow yellow line. The Lodge-Maker then placed his back to the grandfather, while Pl. ex. Lodge-Maker's Paint. Fig. I. Second paint. Fig. 2. Third paint. Fig. 3. Fourth paint. PL. CXI. Lodge-Makers, 1901. Fig. I. Bihata. Fig. 2. Thihauchhawkan. May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Danck — Dorsf.v. 161 the latter filled in tiie moon symbol witii red paint, wiiicli was then outlined with a narrow yellow line. A black dot was now added on the middle of the nose, while under each eye was placed a short zigzag line in black. Over the edge of the diamond-shaped figure on the breast was then painted in bku:k a small tirclc. upon which was drawn a narrow rectangular design which terminated in a plant-like symbol. A somewhat similar symbol was drawn just above the black line encircling the face, on the forehead. Both of these symbols represented a man standing on the sun, while the designs under the eyes represented tears. The design over the forehead is said also to represent the buffalo standing on the hill, fasting. The crescent- shaped object on the back represented the moon, the various diamond- shaped designs representing the sun, while the black lines which connect them represented the paths of rays of the sun. On this, the second day's paint, the Lodge-Maker wears no head- dress, and only a buckskin kilt, with a flannel loin-cloth, about his lower extremities. In his right hand he carries a bunch of wild sage. He also wore five bunches of sage, in upright position, which were arranged, one at either side and slightly in front of the body, while the other three were arranged about the back, at equal distances around the back of the body. The wearing and arrangement of these five bunches of sage has reference to the grass, while the number five is due to the fact that man has five fingers and five toes, and also as an acknowl- edgement to Man- Above and the Four-Old-Men. The paint of the Lodge-Maker for the third and fourth days is e.xactly similar to that described, with this exception, that on the third day the face and the diamond-shaped figures and the moon symbol on the back are painted yellow, with a red border, while on the fourth day these symbols are painted green with a yellow border. (See Figs. 2, and 3, Plate CX.) Whereas the colored face and diamond-shaped symbols on the second day were symbolic of the rising sun, the yellow surrounded by the red of the third day typified the overhead sun, or daylight in general, while the yellow border of the fourth day typified the sun about to set upon the grass-covered earth. The diamond- shaped designs are also spoken of as the "eyes of the Sun." On these last two days the Lodge-Maker also wears a sage wreath about his head, to which is attached an eagle breath-feather extending upward, also a few small sprigs of cedar. He also wears wristlets and anklets of sage, and the five bundles of sage with eagle breath-feathers attached about his body. The bundles of sage for the arms are so made, that where the ends of the sage come together they project out to the extent of about eight inches. (See Plate CXL) i62 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. The hair of the Lodge-Maker, as well as that of all the other dancers during the ceremony, is either loosely braided at the sides or is gathered in a bunch on the side of the head and tied with a string. (See Fig. i, Plate CXII.) On the two last days the tear symbols under the eyes are replaced by inverted Y-shaped designs. The presence of these tear symbols, and the change in their character from zigzag lines on the second paint to Y-shaped designs with the third and fourth paints, was noted with all the other dancers for the ceremonies of both years. THE PINK-CALF PAINT. This paint was worn in 1901 by Henienit (see Fig. 2, Plate CXIL and Fig. i, Plate CXIIL), Watanah (see Fig. i, Plate CXIV.), Waatu, and Chaiii on all three days; in 1902 it was not represented. The "Pink-Calf paint" is second only in importance to that worn by the Lodge-Maker. It is uniform throughout the three days, and a single description may sufifice for the third and for the fourth day. (See Fig. i, Plate CXV.) After these men had painted the entire surface of their bodies red, each one returned to his grandfather, while the paint was still moist; the latter drew the finger tips of both hands over the dancer's entire body, thus producing a sort of ribbed or grained effect. Both hands up to the wrist and both feet up to the ankles were now thickly coated with black paint. Then, from both of these black surfaces, extending upward on the lower arms and lower legs was drawn a tree symbol, consisting of a black line of about six inches in length, from each side of which radiated outward and slightly upward short parallel lines. This symbol represented the cedar tree, typical of durability and continuity. On each side of the tree symbol, and having their bases terminating in the black paint of the hands and feet, was a small black symbol about two inches in height and two inches wide, having straight sides, but terminating above in the shape of a crescent. These two symbols on the side of the cedar tree represented the earth. Over the breast of each dancer was then painted a circle, representing the sun; above it was drawn the symbol of a man standing upon the sun, similar to that already described as on the breast of the Lodge-Maker. Under each eye of the four men were then painted the usual tear symbols, while over the forehead were placed two similar symbols connected by a black line which extended from one side of the fore- head to the other. On the back of the right shoulder was a moon symbol in black. PL. CXII. Dancers, 1901. Fig. I. Thihauchhawkan and companion. Fig. 2. Niehhinitu and Henignit. PL. CXIIl. Heni'enit, Wearing the Pink-Calf Paint. Fourth Day, 1901. Fig. I. Front view. Fig. 2. Rear view, showing eagle breath-feathers attached to scalp-lock. PL. CXIV. Dancers. Seventh Day, 1901, Fig. I. Watanah. Fig. 2. Niehhinitu. PL. CXV. Pink-Calf Paint, and the Pink Paint. Fig. I. The second, third, and fourth Pink-Calf paints. Fig. 2. The second, third, and fourth Pink paints. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CXV. May, 1903. Thk: Arapaho Sun Dancf. — Dokskv. 163 As noted above, this paint is known as the "I'ink-Calf paint,'" in distinction from the "Pink paint" about to be (les(ril)ei\^ f c^^^l^f^ m. PL. CXXVIII. Tepeish. Seventh Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CXXVIII. PL. CXXIX Mixed Paints Worn in 1902, Fig. I. Tepeish (third paint). Fig. 2. Detenin and otliers (second paint). Fig. 3. Detenin and others (third and fourth paints). I i PL. CXXX. Dancers Wearing Yellowhammer P>aint. Fifth Day, 1902. In line, beginniny^ on left, are Waliusa, Bessie, and Hinenbai. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CXXXL T/tr/ id^ Ptc^Z Pl. CXXXI. Second Yellowhammer Paint. Fifth Day. 1902 FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CXXXI PL. CXXXII Yellowhammer Paint, 1902. Fig. 1. Third paint. Fig. 2. Fourth paint. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CX> Pl. CXXXlll. Fourth of Yellowhammer Paint. Seventh Day, 1902. On the left, Hinenbai; on the right, Bessie. May, 1903. Till Akm'Aiio Sin Danck — Duksk.y. 169 'riic red (lots tcnniiialiiiLi iIr- (.rcscciils rcprcscntcil i)iilsL--l)cats. The dots and crosses about the face were said to rejiresent sun rays and lodges. The costume of this dancer differed somewhat from that worn by others on these days. There were, of ci^urse, the five usual i)unches of sage at the waist, but he wore neitiier the head nor waist band of sage, nor the sage wristlets and armlets. Thrust in the scaljj-loi k and standing above the head was a yellow-stained breath-feather. THE YtfLLOWHAMMHK PAI.N'T. This interesting paint, on account of its startling and unusual symbolism is said to be very difficult to wear. It was b(;rne on the three days by Yahuse, Hinenbai, and Bessee (Wood). (See IMate CXXX. ) Niehhinitu (see Fig. 3, Plate CXXIV. ) also wore the first variety of this paint, but on account of physical weakness was obliged to leave the lodge before the end of the day. Had he been able, he would have made the fourth to have worn this paint for three days. Throughout the three days the entire body was ]Kiinted yellow. (See Plate CXXXII.) For the second and third paints the hair also was painted yellow, the face, hands, and feet, however, l)eing painted red. The red face, for the second and third paints, was grained. Above and below each eye was a straight black line, while on the nose was a black dot. Beginning just at the base of the chin and extending slightly down on the breast was a band of green, while just below it was a narrow line in blue. At the shoulders, elbows, wrists, knees, and ankles, and on the center of the breast, was painted a large circle in solid blue. On the back were painted four green rectangular symbols. The third paint (see Fig. i, Plate CXXXII.) differed slightly from that just described, inasmuch as the circular symbol on the breast was painted in black, while across each of the large blue dots were two wavy parallel lines, made by drawing two fingers across the dots while the paint was still fresh. The fourth paint (see Plate CXXXIII.) differed materially from the second and third, while the paint of the body remained yellow, which now included the face, hands, and feet. (See Fig. 2, Plate CXXXII.) Around the face, on the breast, and around the wrists and ankles were circular blue lines. Above the circular line on the face and on the breast were the usual Man-Above symbols. Connect- ing the circular breast symbol with those of the wrists and legs were the usual straight lines, passing up over the shoulders and ilown in front of the body. Bordering each side of these lines, including the wrist and ankle bands, were rows of small green dots. On the nose lyo Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. and under the eyes were, respectively, the buffalo and tear symbols. On the back of the left shoulder was the crescent-shaped black line, bordered on its two sides by blue dots. Sage wreaths for the head, waist, wrists, and ankles were worn on this day. Concerning the symbolism of the Yellowhammer paint nothing was learned about the fourth day. Of the symbolism used for the second and third paints, however, the following information was obtained : The red face and hands represented the sun, or rather the heat of the sun; while the grained effect on the face symbolized the heat rays, or perhaps it would be more proper to say that the effect represented the effect of fire, i. e., a burnt or charred appearance. The various blue circular designs, as well as the blue band around the neck, represented the holes in trees, or the nests of the Yellowham- mer; they were also said to characterize tipi-rosettes which were derived from the sun and moon. The yellowhammer, it was explained, controls the fire, and is particularly influenced by the rays of the sun. The four rectangular designs in green on the back typify the vegetation of the earth in general, and were said to be life-elements, being four in number, to correspond to the Four-Old-Men, who were directly responsible for the breath of life of all living creatures. THE CIRCULAR OR THUNDER PAINT. This paint was worn on all three days by Wahubahu (see Plate CXXXIV.), Chanitoe (see Plate CXXXV. ), Hochoawa (Running- Crow), Neheheih (Little-Bird), Kakuyanake (Scabby-Bull) (see Plate CXXXVL), and Watawateeh (Come-up-Hill). The body (see Fig. i, Plate CXXXVIL), including the hair, was for the second paint, painted red. Over this on the hair, hands, and feet, was painted an additional coat of red, bright in color. In the center of the breast and on the joints at the shoulders, elbows, groin, knees, and ankles were painted bright red circular spots, surrounded with a black line. For the third paint (see Fig. 2, Plate CXXXVIL) the body color was yellow, the face, hair, hands, and feet being red, as before, with the same red circular dots at the same places on the body. The fourth paint (see Fig. 3, Plate CXXXVIL) consisted of a deep black body ground, grained all over the body with red hands and feet, and the red circles at the joints on the breast, as on the two preceding days. Hochoawa on this day held in his right hand a black eagle-tail feather. On all three days, on the back was painted, just over the region PL. CXXXIV. Wahubahu, Wearing Second Circular or Thunder Paint. Fifth Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CXXXIV. PL. CXXXV. Chaatani, Wearing Fourth Circular or Thunder Paint. Seventh Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY. PL. CXXXV. •' Vi^-'J-'T:, ' PL. CXXXVI. Kakuyanake, Wearing Fourth Circular or Thunder Paint. Seventh Day, 1902. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. CXXXVI. " "^ Pl. CXXXVII. Circular or Thunder Paint. Fig. I. Second paint. Fig. 2. Third paint. Fig. 3. Fourth paint. May, 1903. liii. A R A 1' A 1 10 Sin Danik — Dorskv. 171 of the kklnej'S, a lari,^- red circular spot outlined in blaik. With the second and Ihiid paints were woiii lit-ad, waist, wrist, and ankle bands of sage. In the head hands were t-ajj^h- brealh-fi-athers, stand- ing upright. In regard to tlic syinbolisin of these three interesting paints it was stated that the red spots rejiresented the eyes and nostrils of the sun, and also of Young-Bull, while the black dot of the fourtli jiaint represented the condition of the dancer as having been ccjnsunied l)y fire. Before applying the dots, the grandfatiier took a bite of root and ejected spittle upon the dancer's boily where the dots were to lie applied — "to make them tool."' Concerning the origin of this Circular or Thunder paint, the fol- lowing story was obtained: ORIGIN OF THE CIRCULAR OR THUNDER PAINT. When the Sun Dance was taking place years ag(j, buffalo being plentiful at that time, antl tlie different tribes being on unfriendly terms, a young man made a vow for his own benefit, t(j suspend him- self with rawhide rope from the center fork. So on the second day, his friends provided articles, such as pieces of calico, parfleches, com- forts, etc., for him to lie on. His body was pierced at the breast and pins were placed. The young man t(Jok courage and walked about from one side to the other, blowing his bone w-histle. The singing was kept up for some time, for it was a hard task for the young man to break loose from the rope. But he kept dancing and pulled back from time to time, until a vision came upon him, which was the Sun Dance, being painted as in an actual Sun Dance. He saw these paints at different times; and after seeing the last one, which was black paint (Thunder), he broke loose. The people thought that he liatl some courage to get through; at the same time they praised him because he did not get discouraged. He kept to himself what he had then seen, until another Sun Dance was held. At this time he went to the Sun Dance priests and told them the circumstances of his piercing, and that he wished to be given the privilege of painting himself, on all days, during the ceremony, to which the priests consented, while they welcomed the painting as another element of life to the tribe. So when the ceremony took place, the first paint was shown, and so on the other days. This paint was charming to the spectators and to others. 172 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. After the chief priests and servants saw the new paint they thanked the young man and placed his gift on the left side of the Lodge-Maker's stand. One of the priests did not like the painting, and considered it as a medicine paint, which means, not holy before the sight of the Father. In all the Sun Dance ceremonies that took place, where this paint was worn, one of the priests was jealous of the young man; but in the long run this young man thought best to reverence the priest, so he gave up a pony to the jealous priest, so that he offered no further objections. Those who heard the story of this young man praised him, and at once welcomed the paint, which was the same as had been used on the young man, for his personal good. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE PAINTS. With all the paints, the dancers wear the five bunches of sage at their waist, one on each "corner of the body" and one at the middle of the back; these are for the Four-Old-Men and Man-Above. Why, with some paints, sage wreaths are worn, and not with others, is not known. Before any of the sage accessions are fastened on the dancers by the grandfathers, they motion them before the dancer four times, and then place them in position. With all paints is worn a black dot on the nose, for the buffalo calf, and tear symbols under the eyes. The tear symbols with the first paint are short, irregular lines; with the second and third paints they are an inverted Y-shape. The circles about the waist and ankles, as well as the wrist and ankle bands of sage, are symbolic of the Four-Old-Men. On the breast and left shoulder are respectively symbols of sun and moon, who are grandfather and grandmother of the Four-Old-Men. Above the breast sun symbol, or over the face sun symbol is the symbol of Man-Above, the Father. This symbol is often found on both breast and face, but it should not occur in more than one place, the other symbol being that of the cedar. XI. — The Relation of the Transferrer to the Lodge-Maker's Wife. Concerning the subject under discussion on this occasion, great difference of opinion evidently exists among the Arapaho as a tribe. The following account was written after several conversations with Hawkan on the subject during his stay in Chicago. Supplementary Mav, 1903. Thk AkAi'Aiii) Sun I )anl h. — Durskv. 17; information was also obtained by Cleaver Warden duriiij^ the winter, from an Arapaho named Black-Hand, and from this it woultl seem that actual intercourse between the jjrandfatiier of the Kodj^e-Maker and the Lodge-Maker's wife does not take place, althouj^h it is admit- te(.l tliat "the temptation is great." In former times, in accorilance with the fixed rites of the cere- nion}', the grandfather of the Lodge-Maker, i. e., the Transferrer, anil the Lodge-Maker's wife, on the night of the day folUnving the erec- tion of the Rabbit-tipi, had intercourse. Tliis usually occurred at or shortly after midnight, the chief i:)riest of the ceremony leaving the Rabbit-tipi first, and calling out the recpiest that all i)eo|)le remain inside of their tipis and that every one be (juiet. Then the wife of the Lodge-Maker would leave the Rabbit-tipi with the grandfather, who carried with him the ceremonial pipe. IJoth of them, with the woman in the lead, would proceed to the distance of about a hundred yards toward the east, where each would offer a jirayer, in which both emphasized the fact that they were about to do that which hail been commanded at the time of the origin of the ceremony, and that what they were about to do was in keeping with the wish of their Father. The woman, naked, would lie down on her back. The Transferrer stood by her side and prayed to Man- Above and to the subordinate gods for their favor toward all the Arapaho tribe. He then offers her body to Man-Above, the Grandfather, tiie Four-Okj-Men, and various minor gods. During the act of intercourse, the Transferrer places in the woman's mouth a piece of root which he has brought with him from the Rabbit-tipi. Oji the return of the two to the Rabbit-tipi, the chief priest would again go outside, and woulil call out in a loud voice, "All go ahead now with your affairs." Formerly this rite was also performed on the second night follow- ing, i. e., on the night of the completion of the Offerings-lodge, with the altar, and occurred before the first dance, but after the dancers had entered the lodge. On this occasion they went to the west of the lodge a few hundred feet. On their return to the Rabbit-tipi, the woman leads, and as they enter she addresses her husband, saying: "I have returned, having performed the holy act which was com- manded," whereupon he, together with the other dancers, says, "Thanks!" and they pray for her success. According to my informant, the Transferrer represents the sacred Wheel or All-Powerful (Man-Above), while the woman represents the mother of the tribe. The root placed in her mouth she hands to her husband on entering the Rabbit-tipi ; it represents the seed or food given by the All-Powerful, while the issue of their connection is 174 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. believed to be the birth of the people hereafter, or an increase in population. It is also a plea to all protective powers for their aid and care. "If the Transferrer keeps his heart straight and his hands from doing evil to the woman, it is a blessing to the people and means an increase in population and stock and property. But if the Transferrer's conduct is such as to wrong the woman, even in the slightest (the temptation being very great) the connection does not benefit the people, and moreover, the Transferrer's life would be shortened." It is interesting to compare the above statement, based on Hawkan's and Black-Hancfs description, with the following account of observations which the author actually made during the ceremony of 1902. Just before the departure from the Rabbit-tipi of the grandfather and the wife of the Lodge-Maker, Hawkan turned to the author and made a statement something like the following: "You are now to see this ceremony (the Sun Dance) for the second time. We have kept nothing from you up to the present, and we are anxious that you should see the entire ceremony. You, therefore, now have the privi- lege of going out with Nishnateyana, where you will see what actually takes place. You will see that, contrary to common belief, there is nothing wrong in the rite about to be performed." Thinking it pos- sible that some element of the ceremony which the author then wit- nessed might have been purposely omitted, he determined to see, without the knowledge of the priests, the second performance, which took place two nights later. This he did, but the ceremony was in every detail similar to the first. A description of a single evening, therefore, may suffice: It lacked but a few minutes of midnight on the night of the second day of the Rabbit-tipi, when one of the Criers was heard outside, com- manding the people to be silent and to remain within doors. Imme- diately after this announcement the drumming and singing, which had been carried on during the evening up to this time by several of the warrior societies in different lodges here and there in the camp-circle, suddenly ceased. Debithe and Nishnateyana left the Rabbit-tipi for a few moments, soon returning. Presumably the object of this move was, that Debithe, who was grandfather for the Lodge-Maker dur- ing the ceremony of 1901, might explain to Nishnateyana the part which he was to perform in the approaching rite. The wife of the Lodge-Maker left her place behind and to the north of the buffalo skull, which was her accustomed place while on the Rabbit-tipi, and went over to Debithe, who had been seated on the south side near the door. She placed her hands on his head, and uttered a prayer. In a May, 1903. The Arapaho Sun Uanck — Dokskv. 175 similar position she prayed over Nislieliiinakali and ilawkaii, and then resumed her position in the circle. Hawkan took a forked stick and placed several live coals to the northwest of the firejilace in the open space to the north and east of the buffalo skull. Tlie Lod^^e- Maker, followed by his wife, arose and proceeded in a sunwise circuit to a point southwest of the skull, where the Lodge-Maker touched the ground with his fingers and took up the straight-pipe. He then sat down by the side of Watangaa on the south side of the lodge, witli his wife outside, Nishnateyana having taken up a position behinil the Wheel. Hawkan put spruce leaves on the coals. He then picked up the rattle lying south of the skull, making four passes toward it. All in the Rabbit-tipi now bit off a small portion of dog root and began chewing on it. Hawkan gave to Nakaash (Sage) some cedar leaves, which he placed upon live coals, first having placed the latter on the footprint made by the Lodge-Maker and his wife as they passed over the first incense in making the circuit to the south side of the lodge. Chanitoe took up the pipe-stem and began beating the pack containing the badger-hide, in unison to the shaking of the rattle by Hawkan. The light inside the lodge was extinguished, and Hawkan, Chanitoe, and two or three of the other priests began the sacred Rabbit-tipi song. Nishnateyana put on the buffalo robe containing the pieces of rabbit-skin with the fur side out, while the wife of the Lodge-Maker threw around her a buffalo robe, the fur side out. With this robe gathered around her she removed her clothing. Debithe left the lodge a moment and brought in their moccasins, for as has already been stated, no one enters the Rabbit-tipi except barefooted. The Lodge- Maker took the straight-pipe to the grandfather, proceeding sunwise. All preparations for the departure having been made, all remained exceedingly quiet, while the second sacred song was sung, there pre- vailing in the lodge an air of intense emotion. The grandfather arose, holding in his right hand the straight-pipe, the bowl of which pointed upward. Followed by the wife of the Lodge-Maker, he left the lodge, making a sunwise circuit as they passed out, and stepping over the rising incense placed by Nakaash. Having gained the outside of the lodge, they proceeded northward to a point about half-way between the lodge and the camp-circle. Here they stood side by side for a few moments facing the north and praying. Nishnateyana maintain- ing this position, the woman, with an exceedingly rapid movement, threw her blanket upon the ground and fell, thus exposing her body to the moon. This she did twice, whereupon they started back to the Rabbit-lodge, the woman in the lead, tightly enveloped in her buffalo robe. In their return, they halted four times. 176 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. The singing in the Rabbit-tipi had continued. Having approached within about a hundred feet of the lodge, the woman called out in a loud voice the name of her husband. This she did four times, where- upon the Lodge-Maker went out, put his hands on her head, and received into his mouth the piece of root from her mouth. He then went to the grandfather, and also* received from his mouth a piece of root. The grandfather taking the lead again, they approached and entered the lodge. He then took from him the straight-pipe and pro- ceeded to the Rabbit-tipi, which he entered, and remained standing near the north door until the singing ceased. He then said, "I have brought back the pipe," whereupon all said, "Thanks!" The pipe was then placed in its usual position. The Lodge-Maker then went to Nakaash, to Debithe, and Thiyeh, where he placed his two hands upon the head of each. He transferred from his mouth to theirs a portion of the root, which he had received from his wife and from the grandfather outside the lodge. This same performance was repeated on the second night after this. The time was again about midnight, on the day of the comple- tion of the Offerings-lodge and its accompanying altar. On the return of the two began the dancing of the Sun Dance proper. The follow- ing observations are from one of my informants: "The grandfather spat on the ground five times, beginning at the southeast, then south- west, northwest, northeast, and in the center, thus forming a 'wallow.' Upon this wallow is spread the buffalo robe of the woman and here the intercourse takes place, the woman facing the moon. It repre- sents intercourse between sun and moon, bringing strength to the people and increase to the tribe, for thus were created the beings of the world. "The root given and received by the husband, is the seed of the grandfather. The straight-pipe is the penis or root of man; so the intercourse happens between the sun and moon for a blessing upon the tribe. "The grandfather takes the lead in going out of the lodge and the wife on returning brings back the word that it was done. The husband, hearing the report, gives thanks for the seed, and goes out to receive it by kissing her. He chews the root and rubs himself with it. The grandfather, being the sun, makes things to grow; and the grandchild, being the moon, gives birth to the beings of the world." It is interesting to compare with the above the following com- ments on this rite, obtained from a priest of the Northern Arapaho. The wife of the Lodge-Maker is looked upon as the mother of the tribe. She ceases to be such when the ceremony is over, after the Mav, 1903. Thk AkAi'Aiio Sun Danck — Dorskv. 177 people hang the chiUlrcn's clothiiii;- on tlic forks ami brandies. She obtains temporal blessings for the pe(jple, but has no s|)ecial relation- ship with the tribe. The symbolic connection occurs twice, because tlie people wish to reach old age. There is no difference in the manner of tlie two occurrences. The giving away of the wife is from the Old-Man of Day to the Old-Man of Night, leaving out two of the four Old-Men. The desire of the Lodge-Maker is to live and prosper to old age. When the connection takes place the buffalo personifies the moon; therefore, she exposed her body to the moon. Moon was married to the human woman, and so the first intercourse happened. The woman gave birth to a boy, called Lone-Star, which is the morning star. The wife represents the human being, Thawwathenennetare — Human Being, or Rising (from earth) Person. After she receives the stroke she gives birth to human seed, just as Blue-Feather's son was born. Young- Buft"alo is the son of Blue-Feather; but Splinter- Foot did not have any child from Lone-Bull, for the reason that she was soon taken back. The moon is our mother. She gave birth to a lone star, which is the morning star. When the sun and moon, then children of heaven and earth, courted the creatures below for wives, the moon, being in the form of a porcupine, took up the human woman, by means of the extension of a cottonwood. The sun, having succeeded in enticing the toad, took it up to the Father. The brother hated the sister-in- law on account of her looks and also on account of her habits. The suspension of the wife (eloped with the moon) is imitated by the piercing and suspending of the dancers. The toad got mad at her sister-in-law and jumped to the breast of the moon, and has remained there ever since. That is what is seen on the face of the moon. That picture, visible to the naked eye, is the flow of the woman. The toad's appearance corresponds to that of a pregnant woman. The child which went down with the mother remained on earth for a while, and then ascended. He is that morning star following the mother and father. The rising of the Morning Star tells the origin of the human race. When the grandfather goes out with the woman at night, the woman returns with the root, meaning the gift from him. The grand- father personifies the sun, and the woman the moon. The first menstruation happened with the woman who eloped with the moon, by their connection. This flow, or menstruation, means the child. For the drinking of blood, note the story of Clotted-Blood. The people, men and women, first drank of the blood when Garter- Snake received the big Offerings-lodge. That sweet-water is the blood that was shed by the woman. That water is made of vegeta- lyS Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. tion. We eat the animals, drink the tea of weeds, herbs, roots, and barks of trees, and eat the fruits of all kinds, and thus we have the impulse to propagate our kind. When the Father (heaven or sky) told the moon (son) that he was glad to have a grandchild from his daughter-in-law, it happened unexpectedly. "My daughter-in-law, I think it is not wise for you to give birth in that way; so you shall have ten moons in which you shall have a birth, so that you may know from the beginning to the final occurrence," said the sun; that is to say, from connection to birth. The blood shall be followed by a child. There shall be a discharge of blood for four days, making one month bloody (left out), then eight months counted, as without blood, then the last month (tenth) is very bloody; from the small finger of the left hand to that of the right. To enable her, she was told, to count her husband (moons) by the fingers. So after the flow (one month) the woman counts the moons until the ninth month. If she does not have the flow, she then informs her husband and mother about it. Then the woman is pregnant. The Indians are very fond of boiling the blood of animals to drink, for the fact that they are all descended from it. XII.— Offerings-Lodge Songs. All the songs have similar tunes, in accordance with the noises in nature. They come from different persons, who hear them in their dreams, but do not see the Offerings-lodge. It is the Lodge-Maker who sees the lodge constantly in his dreams, but he seldom hears or knows any song. When some one has made a vow for an Oft'erings- lodge, one or two songs are introduced. Some of the songs contain words, calling upon some spirits or gods, but most of them are made up by the singers. Some of the songs originated from other tribes, but they are not harmonious. Those that contain the words arouse the feelings of all the people, as well as the dancers. For instance: "My Father, my Father, surely I am a different man!" "Look down upon me!" "The Sun will surely be merciful to us!" "The Young-Bull stands still!" But the majority of the songs are almost meaningless, or are intended to try to divert or distract the attention of the dancers, and are of a joking nature. Such are: "Old-Turkey, now useless, looks across the lodge!" "That short man struck his wife's face secretly!" "Secretly, there is good time!" May, 1903. The Akai-aho Sin 1 )an(. i — iJc pusi-.v. '79 "Turkey, take hiiu home from herd" "He is singinjr, but lie is saucy!" "You are a darkey, (h)n't smile at me!" "Sleep with him, for he is not marrieil!" "He smokes twice!" "Leave your husband, he is u^ly!" "That ugly person is trying to sing; he thinks he is a Ijeauty!" "The man with a dark complexion laughs at me!" Formerly, there were a great many songs with serious words, but gradually they have been forgotten. XIII.— Torture. No forms of torture have for many years been practiced in con- nection with the Offerings-lodge. This is due, not so much to the decree of the Indian Department forbidding it, as to the fact that the reason for the torture no longer e.xists. The undergoing of tiie tor- ture on the part of those who were to dance was strictly a rite and was only undertaken with the idea of war in view, it being su|)|)osed that by undergoing this torture they would escape all danger in battle. In former times, when torture was practiced, it came on the third day of the ceremony, i. e., on the day of the third paint, or on the day following the completion of the lodge and its altar. Those who were to undergo torture danced during the other days of the ceremony in line with the other dancers. The Lodge-Maker never underwent torture. According to my informant, there was only one form of torture among the Arapaho. By this method the priest inserted two small wooden skewers in the breast of the devotee, which were fastened to the ends of a lariat, the other ends of which were made fast to the two slits, already described, in the buffalo robe in the fork of the center-pole. No special paint belonged with torture, the devotee on that day wearing the paint which he would have worn otherwise as one of the tlancers. PIERCING THE EARS. In connection with torture should be mentioned a custom formerly much in vogue, and which to-day is practiced in a ceremonial manner. Reference is made to piercing the ears of children by the Sun Dance priests. According to the former custom, all children born since the erection of the last lodge, or who for any cause whatsoever had not before been treated, were brought by the mothers and fathers on the i8o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. afternoon of this the third day, where to the east of and near the center-pole their ears were pierced with a porcupine quill, generally by the priest, or by others, who from their position were permitted to perform. The piercing of the ear typified the striking of the child by a lightning bolt, and thereafter it was supposed proof against arrows of the enemy in times of war. At the present time children are still brought to the center-pole by their parents, who also provide them- selves with presents of calico or of a pony, to be given to the priest, who now steps up, and taking the child by the ear, makes a motion as if to pierce it. According to Hawkan, this custom of piercing the ears at the time of the Sun Dance was learned from the Cheyenne, who retain this same custom in a similar form to-day. According to the same authority, the ears of the children of the Arapaho were formerly pierced by medicine-men, but always in the privacy of the lodge, and irrespective of the season of the year. Of interest in connection with this statement of Hawkan's is the following account of a ceremonial piercing which took place some years ago, the story being given as it was obtained from the narrator: PIERCING THE EARS, ARAPAHO STORY OF. ''The Arapaho think much of their children, from birth to adult age. Indian children are brought up 'easily,' and are therefore very soft. Young men have their pleasures entirely independent of their parents. They are to a certain extent under obligations to attend to the ponies for their parents. They have all the time they wish to sleep, and they get up whenever they wish. Their parents do not disturb their rest. There are some who constantly watch their chil- dren in order to make them useful in life. "It is told by our grandparents that certain young men were very lazy and dirty, and their fathers would criticise them harshly for their conduct. These young people finally made up their minds to be great in the tribe, so they started out voluntarily in search of 'distant won- ders,' after washing and dressing themselves neatly. All these young men were the children of the chiefs and well-to-do families, but were by nature too lazy to wash themselves or to comb their hair. Some of them were of great annoyance to the tribe, and disgraced their relatives. "In order that tlie child may be welcome at strange places by different tribes; that he, though young, may show his good will toward brethren; that he may anticipate going through a battle and receiving a wound, his ears are pierced; thus the whole tribe sees him in pain, i May, 1903. TnK Arapamo Sin Danc k — Dorsky. 181 and hence the renuiintler of his life shall be in peace and juy. Instead of the enemy intlictinjj; a deadly !)1()W, tliis piercin;^ of the ears answers the child's fate. "If the young cliikl is unheallhy and of great expense to its parents, the father or mother pledge that its ears shall be pierced at the time of the Sun Dance, or at a special gatiiering. "There was a Sun Dance, and many other tribes were present witnessing the ceremony. The visitors were treated well in the way of presents and horses. "The man who saiil that his child was to be 'punished' prepares his pony. In the first place, if he himself is not a warrior, he takes the pony to a good warrior, who paints the pony as if ai^out to go to war; he also indicates wounds on the animal. If the record on the pony is a true and clean one, it means good life and prosperity to the child. Sometimes the painting on ponies is recognized l)y distinguished warriors. The pony (about to be given away) is led back and loaded with all kinds of goods, and the child is dressed in its very best clothing. "The women (including the mother of the child and other moth- ers) supply a whole bed, consisting of mattress (willows fastened together), two lean-backs, blankets, beaded bags, painted parfleches, pieces of bright calico, weapons, leggings, moccasins, and pillows, and take them to the lodge, where the bed is at once erected. "All the spectators see the pony and the goods. The father goes to one of the criers and tells him to call for Black-Coyote, that Two- Babies wants him to pierce the ears of his child. He cries: 'Where are you, Black-Coyote? Come forward quickly and pierce this child's ears!' "Black-Coy^ote comes with his wife, daughter, and friends, rubbing the faces of the people (thereby receiving the gracious gift). Before they take the presents, Black-Coyote, if a good warrior, takes the awl, and stepping before the singers, tells his war story: 'It was about this time of day that we started on the war-path. Being one of the young men in the party, I did not have much to say or do, except the necessary chores. As we were going along the valley we came upon a human trail. Our leader ordered us to stop, and at once detailed the spies to go and follow the trail. I was lucky enough to be one of the party. We started, four in number, and soon reached fresh tracks, and ahead of us there was smoke extending up from a camp-fire. After locating the enemy we all started back, feeling happy at the prospect of a fight. Just at a short distance from our companions there was a hill. We went to this hill and made our ponies go in a zigzag manner, and one i82 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. of our men howled like a coyote, which meant that we had spied the enemy. They then put on their paint and war costumes and joined us. One of our party told our companions the location of the enemy's camp. Then we divided equally and charged for the enemy, a good run of seven to ten miles. My pony gave out just before we reached the enemy, and my companions warned me of a man in the bush. "Well, friends, have you struck him?" said I. "No, he is a bad one," came the voices. "Thanks! Thanks!" said I. Without listen- ing to my companions, I rode into this bush, and just as this man (a Pawnee) was in the act of pulling his trigger,, I struck him [the sing- ers here beat upon the drum as he says he struck the enemy] on his head with the butt of my gun. Toward the last I got all his horses, goods, and food. Brothers and sisters, this is a true story.' "Black-Coyote then advances to the bed where the child is lying, the parents holding the child so that he may fight. Black-Coyote takes one ear at a time and pierces it with an awl belonging to Two-Babies, and inserts a brass ring or stick. "After the piercing is done, Black-Coyote's wife takes the pony with the bed out of the lodge. Thus the child is saved from delicate health or from the enemy's weapon. (The ear-piercing is also a token of love to the child on the part of the parents, and of good will on the part of the child, to all other tribes of Indians.)" SACRIFICE OF HUMAN FLESH. Having even a more remote bearing on the descriptive account of the Sun Dance are the two accounts which here follow, but both relate to certain phases of sacrifice, which idea is prominent in the Sun Dance and for this reason it has seemed not entirely inappropriate to append them. Both accounts are given as obtained from the inter- preter: When any member in the family is taken severely ill suddenly, one of his relatives makes a vow in the presence of the family. He says to them: "In order that my brother may get well soon let it be known to all spirits that early in the morning I shall cut seven pieces from my skin, and in lieu of my brother I will bury them." This sick brother, in the mean time, is being attended to by one or more medicine-men. He feels that his own brother thinks of him, and takes courage. Those who heard the vow may express sympathy for the stricken brother. The medicine-men work on the sick man the remainder of the night. During the night the one who made the secret vow, goes to some one and tells him the circumstances of the trouble and kindly asks May, 1903. The Arapaho Si;n Danck— Dokskv. 183 him his services in the iiionuuj;. 'I'he "auxiliary" |)rc|)arcs himself for the task. Just before the sun rises the one who iiuitle the vow, or the "pledger," goes to the auxiliary, and he knowing the object, gets up quickly and dresses himself. He takes up his pipe and tobacco pouch. Both walk out from the camp-circle, or beyond tiie village limits, each praying that their sacrifice may be heard and lonveyed to the Sun. The auxiliary fills the pipe with tobacco and lays it in front of them. While the pledger has an awl and sharp knife in readiness, he prays to the rising sun, saying: "We are meek and lowly in this earth; do not know your holy wishes this day; your children have taught us to do this; we hope that you will extend your sympathy and protection. We know not how to pray to you and to the other sacred beings, so please be merciful to us individually, and above all, when you (Sun) have risen to give light to this earth, let your ray of light shine upon this sick brother! Instead of leaving him in intense pain, please come to him with all your mighty power and remove it. We request you to help us in our daily lives and cause your light to reach us that we may see the 'right road,' that our children may be blessed and grow rapidly, like young birds, and live to be old men aiul women. Send us plenty of rain for vegetation and please watch us closely, that we may not slide! We are under obligations to call for your assist- ance, my Grandfather (Sun), on behalf of the sick man. Extend your rays to him, so that he may get well!" The auxiliary then takes the sharp knife and awl and advances to the pledger. Both face the east, to meet the rising sun. Just as the first rays of light come out from the heat of the sun, the auxiliary, by thrusting the awl with his left hand, slightly raises the skin from the flesh, and with his right hand cuts the skin with a knife. He hands each piece to the pledger, who holds it in his outstretched palm. The auxiliary continues until he has cut seven pieces of skin, all being given to the pledger. The auxiliary cleans a place in front of them and digs a small hole or "ditch." The pledger then says in behalf of the sick man: "Now these are seven pieces of my skin, which I do hope all of you Super- natural-Beings and Spirits will take, to the end that my dear brother may recover. So all look this way! Here in this hole I bury them." The pledger goes through the motion of cleansing his hands by rub- bing them together, while the auxiliary covers the skin. The burying is done before the edge of the sun is seen above the horizon. The auxiliary then lights his pipe and points the stem to the rising sun and smokes it with reverence. He points the same to the east, then over- 184 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. head, and to the west, passes the pipe to the pledger, and after both have smoked the pipe, it is cleaned. Thus the sick man is saved in offering this sacrifice. Both men return to their own tipis. The auxiliary is compensated for his ser- vices the same as the medicine-man. The pieces of skin are sacrificed to the temporal spirits in the presence of the Sun that they may save the man from death. The man buries his own skin in preference to allowing his brother to go under ground. The seven pieces of skin are food to the spirits; hence, if they accept them, this sick man recovers. There are many different figures cut on the skin in these tortures, such as a cross or star, a pipe, and various straight lines, indicating the number in families. The above tortures are practiced when the Indians are in trouble. THE SACRIFICE OF A WOMAN'S FINGER, STORY OF. The tribe had been on a buffalo hunt; therefore, all had plenty of meat. The women felt happy when they had heard that the camp was to remain for several days, for this gave them ample time to dry and tan the hides. Different organizations of men were having their rehearsals at different parts of the camp-circle. The children were playing within the circle very quietly. The warriors (as is their duty) had their best horses staked out near by the tipi, in case of emer- gency; their war weapons were hung on the lean-backs. The women, knowing that at any time they might be attacked by the enemy, had arranged things in order, but kept on with their usual work. There were no sentinels around the camp-circle; but all young men were supposed to be on the alert. Generally, they are out late at night, dancing with their companies. Some of course are out courting the young women. In many instances, the tribe is saved from being massacred because the young men are continually going from one tipi to another. One night a man named Powder-Face ordered a feast prepared, and directed the Crier to invite the Lime-Crazy society to come over to his tipi for a smoke. The old man went out, walking around within the camp-circle, and cried: "Come over to Powder-Face's tipi now! You are invited to smoke and eat food. All the members of this lodge are invited, and those head men of this lodge who desire to be present will please come!" The tipi was large, but was filled up soon. Before there was any question before the society, there were many jokes and hints directed toward the head men, and they, too, would make jokes at their brothers. (When the head men are i May, 1903. Thk Arai'aiio Sin Danck — Dorsey. 185 selected, tlie feelin^^ of bioilR-rly love is establislu-d. tliert-fort? ihev atUlress each other as brothers. ) After the company had eaten the food and enjoyed themselves, Powder-Face said to them: "Now, my brcjthers, we have had a delightful time. I am sorry that some of the principal la-ad men arc not here with us to discuss an important matter, but I hope they will come soon. We know that our parents hn-e us ilearly, that many of you have families, that some of you own many horses, and further- more, you do not like to leave your haiulsome ti|)is and your jjretty wives. But, my dear brothers, you have attainetl t(j the right age to become great men, and we have a splendid chance to distinguish our- selves in order that our names may be known and remembered here- after. It is true that your own parents would not permit some of you to go, but let me say to you ag^iin, When are you going to be men among your people? If the whole tribe has nothing but 'home-cow- ards,' who is to face the enemy and protect the children? I want all of you, brothers, to think and decide what is best. You are to die some day. Would you rather suffer by some disease, or be killed for the sake of your lands and people? I, for my part, wish to make a name, and I know that my dear Young-Chief will agree with my propo- sition. He, too, wants to become a good warrior. See his wounds! Look at him, my brothers! He is inspired by my advice. I know by his actions that he will go along! Will you go, Young-Chief?" "Oh, yes, I will start with you any time," said he. While Powder-Face was talking, his companion would fill the pipe which was being smoked. "Now, listen, brothers. Who will venture to carry a pipe for a war-party, to start to-morrow?" said the head man, Powder- Face. There was no answer from the society, so he put the same question again. "Well, since there is no one to carry a pipe for a war-party, and because I am getting tired of staying at home, I will take it, and I hope Powder-Face will come along with some of you, brothers," said Young-Chief. "Good! Good! Young-Chief! I had intended to start out and call you for a companion, but I thought I would call our brothers, to get a war-party to start out from the camp-circle," said Powder-Face. Many men volunteered to go along. Thus, a war-party was made up. The head men who were present spoke some encouraging words to the men. "Well, since the occasion has been a pleasant one, and my friend Young-Chief has volunteered to carry the (war) pipe, and the party is made up, I want all of you who are going along to get ready to-night, and all to come over early in the morning. We will all start together, and follow my friend Young-Chief. Do you think i86 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. I had better hold my peace?" said Powder-Face. "Oh, no! What- ever you say to them, I agree with you, and I do hope that to-morrow will come soon," said Young-Chief. "Well, let us have some war songs ("Comanche songs"), devise some means to meet the enemy, and tell the Crier to call for some women to help us in singing," said Young-Chief to Powder-Face. The head men and young men started with their songs, while the old man cried, stating that Young-Chief, together with his companion, would start to-morrow on the war-path against the Utes, that it was neces- sary to have women to come over and help in the singing. Small drums were provided and men and women were enjoying themselves that night. Many old men sang their songs, encouraging the party. It v/as very late in the night when the people ceased. Early in the morning the young men of the Lime-Crazy society went over to Powder-Face's tipi, mounted on their best horses in full war costume, i. e., having their war w^eapons with them. Some rode good, fat ponies and led their best running horses. The people were also up early, and were standing by their tipis, some of them on hill- tops, watching the war-party collecting at Powder-Face's tipi. There was singing by the old people as the men started off. Hairy-Face, the wife of Young-Chief, and Powder-Face led the party out toward the Ute country. As soon as the party started off, Hairy-Face, the wife of Young- Chief, made a vow that she would have her left finger cut off in order that her husband might be victorious and return home safe. A few days after the party had gone, Hairy-Face went to a middle-aged woman, who was well known for her ability to perform operations of this kind on the fingers, and told her that she had vowed a "secret" and wished to get rid of it, in order that she might save her husband. The woman set a time for the operation, which was at noonday. She took Hairy-Face to a good open place, where buffalo grass grew thickly, and both sat down facing south, toward the sun. Then the woman who was to perform the operation prayed: "Please listen to me. Grandfather (Sun)! This woman comes before you to offer her last finger as a sacrifice to the Supernatural-Beings and other gods, that her husband, who has just started out in search of the enemy, may come home safe, and that the party that he takes out may return to us, all happy, and that her desire for them to win a big vic- tory may be fulfilled. So please, Grandfather, help me to do my work successfully that this sacrifice be a pleasing sight to you and food to the earthly spirits! Be merciful to us and protect us women from dangers in the world! i May, 1903. Thk Arai-aiio Sin I)an( i. — I)(jkSKY. 1H7 "Now since this is llic way Ihat uur yraiulmothers used to ilo in respect and reverence to your daily light, I will now take this knife, root, and tobacco, and perform this operation. Let it not he painful, and let the finger heal cjuickly!" The woman then bit oil" a piece of root, chewed it, and spat up that you can s.ee what is to come," said the man. Many people came and offered themselves as material for the Wheel, but many were indi- rectly unsatisfactory. One young man, Long-Stick, a bush that has a slender body, with dark reti bark, and very lle.xible, came up and said, "Since this occasion is for future good, I therefore come to offer my entire body for a circumference of the Wheel. Vou may know that I am very quiet and inclineil to go out and do good. So please accept my earnest plea, so that my name may live a long time." The offer was accepted and Long-Stick was made into a ring for the Wheel. Said the eagle, stretching its broad wings: "I am a bird of great flight and besides my body is pure and holy. It is spotless in aj)pear- ance. You may know that I have strength and power. In view of the facts above-mentioned, I desire to be used for synd)ols of the Old-Men, and that my whole body may be utilized at all sacred rituals. If the people should take feathers from me and give them to you for honor and respect, please remember me and give them a helping hand." "You may know that this man has this day requested faithfully that his body be allowed to be used for various purposes, being more especially anxious to be attached to the Garter-Snake (the Wheel )," saiil the man. So the eagle feathers were tied in four bunches anil laid by the side of the Wheel. After the Wheel was nicely shaped, this man in the usual method, painted it, and placed the Four-Old-Men at the four cardinal points. Not only were these Old-Men being located on the Wheel, but also the morning star (cross); a collection of stars sitting together, perhaps the Pleiades; the evening star (Lone-Star) ; chain of stars, seven buffalo bulls; five stars called a "hand," and a chain of stars, which is the lance; a circular group of seven stars overhead, called the "old- camp"; the sun, moon, and Milky Way.' 'Sun means "snow eye," while moon means "night eye." The path mentioned is that streak which is made across the water in the wooden bowl, also in the center o( ilic skull. The road which the rest of the things bear is the ditch in front of the buffalo skull. In regard to the two paints on the tallow, it is said that red p.iinl was the stnriingpoini 2o6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. Since there were four distinct paints laid down by the man, two of them were used in order that good may be obtained in the future, i. e., not doing the things beyond the natural law or commandments. Thus, the Wheel was completed and given to Garter-Snake, and he was very happy to be an emblem to the people. Then said Badger, "I am very anxious to be taken m and to be allowed a privilege in the affair. I want to tell you that it is my sin- cere desire to be used as material for the undertaking. You may know that I am always on the alert during the night, and my ways are such that they are pleasant; besides, I have strength and endurance against evil. Oh, yes, my habits are meek and humble, and therefore I come forward that you may accept my plea." "All of you people have heard the badger's desire, and I am in sympathy with the request, so you know that its body can be used," said the man to Garter-Snake. Said the Cottonwood: "Since this undertaking is for the general good, I respectfully request that I may be used as the framework. You may know that I am always happy, for the fact that I grow rapidly and am very clean. I am meek in my ways and always ready to do much good." "You may all know that this young man before us makes this earnest plea, and it is quite satisfactory to me," said the man. So this young man was accepted, and his entire body distributed properly and widely. Said Cedar-Tree: "May I be taken and accepted without the slightest objection, for I am very faithful and full of vigor. No matter how embarrassing it may be, I am contented to stand solid in my ways. You may know that I am always happy, and ever delighted with everything that makes life sweet. My whole body is pure and everlasting, so please, I desire to be used as material." "All of you have heard of Cedar-Tree's desire. In view of the facts stated by him, I fully concur with him," said the man to Garter-Snake. So Cedar-Tree was then taken. Its usefulness was stated and it was laid with the rest. Said Willow: "Since there is not one at present to make the next choice, I wish to make this request: That I may be permitted to be used as a part of the material. You may all know that I am just and upright and ready to respond and have a good feeling toward every- body. I think that I should be allowed for the fact that I am a gener- being on the right side, while blaclc paint was placed on the left, making a division for bad and good. The object of placing the red paint on the right side is to symbolize the fact that the head of the garter-snake protects from injury, as does also the right hand: the right hand represents blood- shed or war, for it strikes for protection. When we have temptations to do wrong we use the right hand for bad deeds, etc. The hind part of the snake is harmless: it means peace, etc. The black paint is an emblem of peace and good-will. It typifies innocence and brotherly love among the people. May, 1903. Thi. Arai'aho Sin Uancf. — Dorsf.y. 207 ous creature and want company all the time." "Vcjuall may know that this young man has requested earnestly before us to be used in the occasion, and his statements are justifiable and benevolent," said the owner of the Flat-Pipe. So Willow was then placed with the rest at the proper seat, and its usefulness pointed out. Said Red-Bush: "Well, seeing what is going on, and fully under- standing the object of this gathering, I cannot help but step forward and make this plea: First, I want to tell you I am an honest man and full of compassion, besides, -my whole body is healthy and I have a happy glow in my face. So please take and accept me." "You have just recently listened to this young man's desire, and as his reputation and character are so good and clean, it meets with my approval," said the man. So Red-Bush was then placed at the proper position, and its usefulness stated. (It is used for tipi breastpins, tipi stake-pins, etc.) Said Water-Grass: "Say, please take me and accept my body for material on this occasion. You may know that I am all right, faithful in my ways, and reverent with everything. I have a very peaceable disposition and am inclined to do good." "You may know that this young man makes this plea to us, and in view of his statements, it agrees with me. He is just in his thoughts," said the man. Said Rabbit-Weeds, in unison: "Well, we cannot hel]) but step forward and make this request before you : We desire to be used on the occasion. We are good people, with kind deeds and good actions. We are so fond of everything that we want to be conspicuous, in order to be known widely, so please take us, and accept our earnest desires." "You people, listen to me! Having heard the ambitious remarks of these young men, and considering their idea, I am in harmony with them," said the man. So Rabbit-Weeds were then placed with the rest, in their proper position. Said Rabbit: "Yes, all of my friends have made their choice for one or more purposes, so, seeing that nearly all the places are being occupied, I come forward to make this plea, which I do hope you will grant: You may know that I am innocent, gentle in many ways, soft in my words, happy in company and elsewhere, and in every possible way intend to give kind and sympathizing advice. f\irthermore, my entire body is clean and soft, yet strong. So, please, I desire to be used throughout the occasion, so that my name will be remembered eternally and that I maybe a useful companion." "All of you people have heard this young man's remarks, which contain many good points; therefore I fully conform to his desire. He shall be a great comfort and an adviser for days to come," said the man. 2o8 Field ColuiMbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. The eagle and white buffalo, seeing the people engaged in the interesting undertaking, and in view of the valuable lessons outlined and previously given, requested for good points or for better usage, and again requested that they, too, be taken in and accepted in the occasion. Each repeated the same words they gave to the man at one occasion. "You may all know that the eagle and white buffalo have again expressed their desire to be used as the material of the occasion. In view of their thoughts, I am fully agreed with them," said the man, looking at Garter-Snake. Thus the whole thing was directed and made holy, with all the care and much thought. After the earth was fully made, with the animal kingdom and vegetation, the man who had floated for days and nights on the water made an image of a woman for a companion, and breathed life into her. Having lived together for some time, enjoying natural resources, the owner of the Flat-Pipe decided that they should have a child to live with them. So one day, while they were out wandering and view- ing the beautiful land, the man again made a clay image of a boy child, and put life into him. For some reason, this boy became sick and became very thin in flesh. Since the father and mother were fond of the boy and did not like to lose to him, the father made a vow that a Sun Dance Ipdge should be erected for the resurrection of the sick boy. The mother thanked her husband for the kind deed. So one bright morning the owner of the Flat-Pipe started off, stopping at four different places, and announced it with a loud cry to all the birds and beasts, who were very much pleased at the undertaking. In the course of time the sick boy was made whole and gave thanks for his recovery. AH the various species of birds and beasts of every kind then con- gregated for the ceremony. The whole lodge was prepared and put up by the man and wife, aided by the birds and beasts. This lodge lasted four days and nights. When it was over, it gave quite a good deal of satisfaction to all, besides healing the boy. The owner of the Flat-Pipe, with his wife, were the "Givers" or pledgers, for the benefit of their boy. Time lapsed and the man and wife with their boy multiplied, thus forming a big camp-circle. In one family there was a boy who was suddenly taken ill, and gradually sank. Since he was the only child, his father went to the owner of the Flat-Pipe and requested that a similar lodge be put up immediately for the benefit of the sick boy. The owner of the Flat-Pipe responded in good manner and tone, say- ing that the pledger had done what was just and upright. So the whole Mav, 190^5. Thi. Arm'Aiio Sin I )an(K— I )()RSEV 209 camp moved into aiiollicr place ami formed in a circle. The owner of the Flat-Pipe then tauj^ht the people the proper way to conduct the ceremony by having an old man carry a pipe, buffalo tail, paintinji himself with natural red paint, and making the announcement of the lodge: "All you members of the Kit-Fox society, members of the Star society, those of the Club-Board, Thunderbird, Lime-Crazy. Dog- soldiers', Buffalo, Old-Men's, and Water-Pouring lodges, listen this day, that all the remainder of our days may be brigiiter, that there may be an abundance of vegetation, that through the merits of Flat- Pipe we may be protected from plague." So now he called every aho Sun Danck— Dorsev. .mi he, standing impatiently. So he walked off slowly and carefully, until he stepped on a sand-bar, then to the water, throwing himself into it. Instead of being annoyed with the skull, he enjoyed himself, as he floated down the river. Fartlier tlowii there was a large company of young women bath- ing and enjoying themselves in playing bear on the sand-bar, and play- ing leap-frog into deep water. One of the young girls, looking up the river, saw an elk skull floating conspicuously, and told her companions about it. The young women got out of the water and stood viewing it with amazement. One of them, a mischievous one, went and brought over with her a rawhide rope and lassoed the skull. To the surprise of all, the skull had an attachment of a human bodv, with white skin. Finally the women dragged the man with an elk skull on to the dry sand-bar and viewed it carefully. Another mischievous girl brought a stone club and said, "Oh, partners, let us crack the skull wide open and see whose it is!" "All right," said they in one voice, and standing together. "Please strike in the center, and be careful not to hit me," said Xih'a"pa", inside the skull, as he lay on the sand- bar. Then the girl took the stone club and struck the center of the forehead and broke it into tw^o pieces. "Thank you, sister. Surely you are very kind and courteous," said he, as he got up from the sand-bar. He continued thus, "Well, sisters, since I am t}uite tired and sleepy, I would like to have you sit down on this sand-bar and allow me to lay my head on your laps. Then I want you to louse me," said he, smiling pleasantly at them. "All right, we are willing to do that, since we are at leisure. Come over and lay your head on our laps," said they, sitting in a semicircular row. "Thank you, dear sisters, I shall be refreshed to continue my journey," saitl he, scratching his head and gaping as he walked towartl them. He then laid his head gently but timidly on their laps. "Be free with us, just lay your head solidly, and we can search better," said they, touching each other secretly on their sides. "Oh, my dear brother, you have many nits, and they are ([uite fresh. Brother, here is a fat one, you take it and crush it. My dear brother, you have quite young ones, and fat. Yes, they crack very nicely," said they, as they went through his hair with their fingers. Sometimes they cracked the sand, to make liim feel good, and finally he went soundly to sleep. After Nih'a"9a" had gone to sleep, these women (cockle-burrs) collected so thickly and tightly on his head that his entire face was drawn and quite painful. When he awoke he found himself alone and 212 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. his face felt peculiarly. He reached to feel of his head, as any one would do after a rest, and he found it covered with numberless cockle- burrs, tangled thickly. "Oh, my! Such is the luck! I cannot help it, for I am careless sometimes," said he starting off and following the course of the river. As he was traveling, he ran across a mouse, and said, "Say, partner, stop a moment, will you. I wish you would go out to your kind and tell them that I want )'ou with them to cut my hair closely," said he. "All right, I shall run over quickly, " said the mouse, run- ning fast and dragging his tail on the smooth ground. White-Man waited in agony for some time until the mice had come. So he lay down on the ground, and the mice went to work cutting his hair closely. These animals were having a good time — some of them carried his hair to their quarters for some purpose, while others ran a race on his arms and legs. Feeling quite relieved, he got up and walked away in despair. Before he reached home he was crying unmercifully toward his tipi. "Oh! That crazy Nih'a"ga", he must have met with an acci- dent, or he must have been misguided," said his wife. "What is the matter with you?" said she, looking angrily at him. He could not say anything, but kept on sneezing, coughing, and weeping till at last he said to his wife, "Oh, my dear, they told me that my whole tipi was massacred, and I went to work and cut my hair to mourn my loss. Oh ! I cannot help but weep bitterly, for I do love you dearly, and the children," said he, wiping his tears away. LITTLE-STAR. In the sky there is a big camp-circle, controlled by a man and wife, with two boys. This family was innocent, yet very generous in heart and very industrious, manually and mentally. Their tipi was formed by daylight, and the entrance (door) was the sun. This tipi was fastened by means of short eagle-wing feathers from next to the shoulder. These young men were on the go all the time, and of course would see many people and animals. They would be absent from home most of the time, while the parents remained at home thinking about them and their belongings. One night when these two young men were at home they were consulting each other about looking for wives. Finally they agreed to search for their respective wives. So when the next night came, the oldest son, Sun, clearing his throat and seating himself erect, stated their desires to their father, saying: "Say, dear father, we have Mav, 1903. TnK Akai'aho Sun 1)an( i. Dcikskv. jij been single long enough, and besides wc have i:arefidly thought and thought over the matter, not only for our own individual welfare, but to lessen your toils and t(i make you be more contented. We want to be at home most of the time; and in that way you old people would not worry much about us. We can be made happier anil be freer in our speech than by getting out separately. Therefore, in view of the facts mentioned, for your sakes, we would like to start out and search for wives. We are very earnest in this undertaking, and in order to be successful, we respectfully reciuest your consent and advice. My dear brother and I would like to get out and court some women below. Can't you let us go and search for wives?" said Sun, with manly voice, to their father who was leaning against his lean-back with his legs crossed, his wife occupying the other end of tlu- bed, sitting by him and facing the door. "Well, dear children, it is your pleasure to dcj what is best and acceptable to all concerned. It you and ycjur dear brother have had private council and decided to get out and search for wives to the end that we may all be happy and contented, I cannot see anything wrong in that pursuit. Do you think so, dear wife?" saiil the father, respect- fully. "Oh, no, it is of no use to keep our children from nature's gifts," said the mother. "Well, then, dear children, mark my word. Your mother has just said that she hasn't the slightest objection, because you are both at your prime of life. Inasmuch as you are energetic for the undertaking, I want to give this caution to yiju, although you are still young in thought and weak in conscience, remember that both of you have a father and mother to live with. When you leave us, think again that we shall be on the lookout for good results. I want you, my dear children, to be careful on the way, guide your footsteps, and be sure and look ahead. When you reach the place, don't stay too long, but come back early. Be obedient to us, dear children," said the father, still lying on the bed with his head against the lean-back. "Say, dear children, behave before the people. Please remember that you must return soon. Show yourselves before the others to be true men, and above all, be careful in your selections, be honest in your dealings, and bear in mind to come home soon," said the mother, with pathetic voice and much emotion. "All right, we shall try to be good, to come home soon," said Sun. So both started off independently and with eagerness to succeed. Their home was on the left side of a river called "Eagle River." This river ran from west to east. Before starting off, Sun asked his brother what kind of wife he was going to get. After Moon had looked along his road where he had seen different types of people, he 214 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. decided to persuade a human woman, thawwathinintarihisi (resur- rected woman). But Sun chose a water animal from the river. "Say, brother, I think you have not made a good choice, for this reason, and it is a fact, too. When I am traveling along and look upon the people below, those people look homely and ugly about their faces. When they look up toward me their eyes almost close with a mean appearance. I cannot bear to see their disgusting faces; therefore, in my judgment, I consider my choice is the fascinating one. In view of the complexions of the people I have found that the toad excels in beauty and form. When the toad looks at me, she does not make faces like the human woman. She gives her attention to me without a single wrinkle about her eyes, and has a very pleasing mouth. She has a disposition to love dearly," said Sun, proudly, referring to the sticking out of its tongue. "Well, dear brother, when I pass the tipis of those human women and they look at me, they are so handsome and benevolent. It is of no use to talk; those women are genuine. Their ways and habits are decent, and they are law-abiding. Of course I don't want to turn you from your choice; it is simply an explanatory statement on my part. Well, dear brother, we must be going," said Moon. The older brother went down the river, while the younger one took his journey up the river. Their journeys began when the "moon died," or on the disappearance of the moon after the full moon. They went in opposite directions, viz., east and west. On their way they had two days of cloudy weather (dark), two days of "rest" (holy), and two days before new moon. All this time both went on the jour- ney, seeking for their wives, until they reached the place. Moon, walking up the river, finally reached a big camp-circle. From the distance he heard much noise of people and dogs. The tumult in the camp arose from the games and occupations of the people. To him the atmosphere from all directions, fragrant with vegetables, herbs, and weeds, was pleasant, while the scenery at the horizon was grand. The earth he had trodden was well bedded, and the river he saw mirrored trees and heavenly signs. As he advanced closer to the camp-circle, he was delighted with the sweetness of the melody of the birds and reptiles and insects. Looking at the natural resources on his way, and thinking what grand and glorious things the people had, he saw two young women coming down the river, carrying lariats. "Now this is what I came down for; it is my great chance," said Moon, taking a good look at them. Seeing that the two young women were still coming and get- ting closer to him, he then squatted down in the bushes and became a May, 1903. Till. Arafaho Sun Danck — Dorsky. J15 porcupine. The women each took their trail for wood. 'I'his pcifcu- pine was near a tall cottonwiKKJ tree and watched the courses of the women. Finally, one of them came within a short distance of the porcupine, and the porcupine .y;ot up suddenly from tlic bushes and ran away. "Oh, partner, run over here, ([uicklyl Here is a nice porcu- pine! Oh, I want to catch it, for its (luills! Say, partner! Come and head it off. Oh, pshaw! it is uji in the tree now," said one of them, standinsT antl [)antinM at the foot of the tree. "Vou ouj^dit to have hit it before it reached the tree." "I am sorry that 1 failed to hear sooner. Did you have a stick in yt)ur hanti?" said the other one, still y;azing at the porcupine that was sittinjj; at the f(;rked branch. "Yes, I ran swiftly after him, but he got on the other side of the trunk of the tree and ran up out of my reach. Oh, he is a splendid creature, partner, besides bearing such beautiful and large quills. I am going to climb up and get it; you may be sure I I shall kill it, and I shall be proud to get such a specimen. Look at his long white (juills. My mother is out of quills, and I have got to get them for her," said the one who saw the animal first, taking a long stick and beginning to climb the tree. When she had come within a short distance from him, she raised the long stick to poke him off, but the porcupine raised its head and moved up farther, leaving her at a distance again. "Say, partner, I do wish you would run over and get me a longer and stouter stick than this," said the one up in the tree. So her partner did as requested. Climbing up farther, and with the long stick, the girl tried to poke the porcupine off from the tree, but she could not reach him. This porcupine advanced farther, but at such a slight distance as to encourage her to make greater and greater efforts to reach it. The tree had excellent branches, affording easy climbing, because the tree was like a stepladder. "I have got to have you for those long quills and I am going'up to get you, too," said the woman, making further steps toward the animal. Stepping solidly on the branches of this extended tree, she raised the long stick and tried to reach him to poke him off, but without success. Her partner then saw that she was up a great height, and began to discourage her and call her to return, but she could not hear the warning. "Now, woman, you are to know that I came after you. There! Look down below and see your partner. I want to let her know where we are going to," said the porcupine, moving around a little. This woman, hearing the human voice, which meant separation from her partner, turned her head and looked down. "Now. woman, follow me. We are going to my home," said the porcupine, straightening up and turning around, a perfect young man. 2i6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. This woman, seeing that he was a real young man and greatly charmed by his glorious attire, started off with him without hesita- tion. The young man was clothed in fine skins, and had a handsome buffalo robe which was nicely quilled and ornamented. His complex- ion was very fair, and he had long black hair. His footsteps were firm and persevering, and his hands bold and grasping. Reaching the sky, he opened a spot by pushing up a circular object. "Here we are at our father's camp. Come up through this opening," said Moon. The eloped woman hastily climbed up and went into the opening above and landed on another soil. "Wife, there is the big camp-circle where my father lives with his wife," said Moon, covering the opening. This he did to prevent her from knowing her destination, and that she might forget the position of the entrance. "Oh, yes, that is a beautiful camp-circle. Surely the life over yonder must be grand ; for around it is that gentle hazy atmosphere, besides the magnificent scenery,"' said the wife. The whole camp- circle was on the left side of the river at a good distance from its source. The parents of Moon camped close to the head of this river, which was called "Turtle River" (turtle painted red, i. e., Red-Look- ing Water, or Pink River). Turtle River ran from north to south. It did not have much timber, but there were many cat-tails, tall grass, willows, and numberless birds — cranes, ducks, geese, and other species of water-fowl. The current of Turtle River was moderate, but it was deep. The people received their water at the head of it. Moon, after pointing to the camp-circle, took his wife around to the four main directions of the camp, and showed her the earth below. "See that camp-circle near that big river. You are from that camp. There is another one. See how nicely they look from here. Let us go over there," said Moon. So they both went and stopped. "Say, wife, come here. Look, there is another camp-circle. That is very nice," said Moon. Thus, the eloped wife saw big camp-circles below. The couple did not go to Moon's parents for some time, but occupied their time in viewing the land. Finally they walked to the old folks, who had pitched their tipi in the center of lodges (nariahta- baa, center-place-of-lodges or camp-circle, meaning, "on red side"), and entered proudly. The eloped couple seated them.selves "on red side" or center of lodge. "Well, dear child, I am glad that you have returned safely. I am very much pleased with my daughter-in-law," said the mother. "Yes, she is beautiful and has very striking features," said the father, quietly. The mother, who had made different wearing apparel during Mav, 1903. TiiK AkAi'Aiio Sun Dam r. — Dokskv. 317 the absence of her sons, then reached helund their bed and pulled out a nicely ornamented buffalo robe, that is called, "the fortieth (buffalo) robe," and gave it to her daughter-in-law as a wedding gift. This buffalo robe had forty parallel lines from the head to the tail, in fine porcupine quills; at the bottom it had binding pendants. "Where is your other daughter-in-law? Is she doing some work (Hitside? She must be very timid and bashful," said Moon. Sun had at this time returned (sunwise) and seated himself on the north side of the lodge. It was his own bed. "Well, dear child, your brother has just returned. I don't know what kind of a trij) he has made," said the mother. "Well, I would like to see mv sister-in-law. Ask your son where she is," said Moon, with a hint. "Say, dear child, where is my other daughter-in-law," said the mother to her son. "She is down at the edge of the river," said Sun. This was Eagle River, and ran by the lodge or camp-circle. "Well, you should have reported the matter sooner. I must go after her," said the mother, taking up her water vessel Reaching the river and passing through tall grass, she noticed a toad leap toward her. Dipping the water with her pail, she then looked around to find her, but there was no sign of a human woman. Passing the tall grass again, she noticed this toad sitting close to the trail and leaping forward in front of her. Believing that it was her daughter, she said, with an affectionate voice, "Come on, my dear daughter-in-law." The toad made another leap on the trail, then became a real woman, following the mother closely. Both reached the tipi and entered. When the mother saw this toad leap toward her, it left a drop of water behind, which was disgusting. "Old man, I have brought into our tipi a toad woman or frog woman, who is our daughter-in-law; she was waiting impatiently at the river, and responded quickly to my call," said the mother, seating herself by the side of the old man with a sympathetic expression on her face. "Good! Good! Is that our daughter-in-law, Water-^V()man, or Liquid-Woman? I am so glad to see her enter with her husband. Stir around, dear, and entertain our daughter-in-law," said the father, with compassion, and at the same time coughing loudly, perhaps to attract attention. "Well, dear, do you call our daughter-in-law Water-Woman, when I told you she was a toad woman?" said the mother, seriously. "Well, just so she has a good name, it matters not how you call her, so long as it is in accordance with nature. Everything is satisfactory to me," said the old man in friendly way. The mother then presented Water-Woman another nice buffalo robe, the same as that of Moon's wife. 2i8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. Moon was displeased with his sister-in-law. He would look at her with contempt. Water-Woman looked so homely and wrinkled- up in body that she was somewhat timid before her brother-in-law. "Can you make that wife of yours look decent and persuade her to be social?" said Moon to Sun. Sun was unusually silent, for he was fascinated with the human wife; he didn't pay any attention to his own wife, but kept on looking at his brother's wife. This wife of Moon was fair in complexion and had long hair. She also had a pleasing appearance. Every movement that the human wife made Sun would notice. At this time the life was being discussed, objects of use men- tioned, things were planned out, the desires of man and woman were pointed out, precautions were given, and subsistence was named. After the parents had fully provided their daughters-in-law with necessary articles, etc., they told their sons to search for buffalo, so that their wives could eat the meat. Since both young men were full of adventure, they did not hesitate to go. During their absence, the human wife would help the old woman to do the various chores, etc., but Water-Woman would sit at her bed, solitary; she was so timid that she faced toward the wall of the lodge ; but the human woman was so industrious that she did a good deal for the old woman, which pleased her very much. In fact this human woman was learning the way to live and how to do the things about the tipi. "What is the matter with our daughter-in-law, Water-Woman? Did her husband tell her to remain in that position? Can you make things to please her?" said the old man. "I am sure I don't know what to say to her," said the mother. "Yes, you can be sociable with her," said the father. "Well, then, dear daughter-in-law, get out sometimes and sun your- self. See the beautiful land. Perhaps you are feeling homesick. Walk around a little," said the mother. Finally the young men returned from the hunt and brought beeves for the folks. (Compare the killing of the buffalo bull at the last Sun Dance ceremony, by Tall-Bear and Left- Hand, in front of the Rabbit- tipi.) "Now, dear wife, I want you to boil that meat ("first meal or taste") and give each of our daughters-in-law a piece of it to eat," said the father. So this mother then soon boiled the meat in a kettle and gave the wives pieces of meat. Both relished the food thus pre- pared and given. Moon was still watching his sister-in-law, as if to find fault with her, and Sun did the same, but being enticed by the human woman, he did not care much for his own wife. "Now, dear wife, I want you to get that tripe and boil it for our daughters-in-law. May, 1903. TiiK Akai'aho Si n 1)an( i- |),.km.-.v, ;; 1 1 J so that they both may cat it. (k-i it done (iuii:kly," said the father. "All right," said the mother, frankly. So she then proceeded and soon got the tripe boikHJ. Slie gave them each (juite a l)ig bowl of it. The human woman took iier bowl (piickly and began to chew the tripe. cracking it nicely. The old folks were very much pleased by her quality of sharp teetli. While tlie human woman was eating, and the parents were watching her mouth, the frog woman or toad woman slyly procured a small piece of charcoal and |)ut it into her mouth. When she placed the trii)e in her mouth she hxjked around and chewed it, but there were no musical notes from her mouth, because she didn't have the teeth to grind it. While she was chewing away, the black saliva was seen running down from the corners of her mouth. **()hl Look at her! She has no teeth, poor tiling. Say, mother, look at her. Surely she has not the grinders. Laugh at her," said Moon, laughing vigorously. "My dear child, don't act mean to your sister- in-law; speak kindly to her," said the mother. "Now, dear children, I want you to continue with your hunting expeditions and supply us with beef, so that these women may be contented," said the father, with emotion. So both young men, with- out the slightest objection, started off in opposite directions. Shortly after they had gone off, the father got his wife to make two digging-sticks ' for his daughters-in-law. After the presentation of the stick, the mother of Moon then showed the women the use of them. "When you go out to dig vegetables, strike the ground at the southeast corner of the vegetable, then at the southwest corner, then at the northwest, and then at the northeast corner of it; then receive it by raising it at the west. That is to pry it out from the grt)und," said the mother. The human woman still assisted her mother-in-law, while the other one was idle. Finally the young men returned from their hunt, bringing more ' The sticks were made of niyahah (camping-nearriveri wood. This wood is very solid and grows very tall, standing at the edge of the rivers. It has a red-looking, slippery bark with white dots, and is used e.xtensively for breastpins and stake-pins for tipis. This stick has four notches o( bark at the top. It is painted black at the top, and the rest below is painted red. Tfic dark red notches of bark represent the Foiir-Old-Men. This digging-stick after it was hnishcd represenied the earth, day, night, camp-circle, and human being. When the father-in-law gave the occupation to the women, he made a coml)iDation ol digging- sticks for both women, red and black, making one solid "stake-pin that binds us all." Each paint on the digging-stick bears two of a kind, i. e.. FourOld-Men, being the stake-pins ol the father's lodge and also of the people's lodges. There are four digging-sticks stuck in the ground, two on each side, at the bottom of the center fork, but there is only one plain one. This plain stick is used in getting the sods for the Offerings-lodge, and signifies the present temporal life. The painted stick indicates spiritual and temporal beings. Since there was no "bloodstain" with our father, the sign for virtue was black paint (wahahshe, black paint— charcoal woman). Therefore the dark or black paint on the stick typilies our father's country, and the stick with red coloring typifies the human blood, the shedding [of bloodj or connection of Moon with the human woman, for that It is painted red at the end 2 20 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. beef for all. While the mother was cooking a meal, the father pre- sented the sticks to his daughters-in-law. ',' These shall be your instruments every day. You can use them in erecting your tipis and in digging eating-roots and weeds, etc. They will be useful in every way," said the father, giving the sticks to the women. The young men watched and listened attentively to their father, for their wives were being educated. "Say, come over quickly," said the human woman, as she squatted down with a deep breath fr(.)m her mouth. "What is it?" said the mother, reaching out to her body. To her surprise, she found a well- formed baby struggling for life under her limbs. "Well, well! Here is my dear grandchild. Say, old man, he is a nice boy. Look at him," said the grandmother, holding up the young baby. "Good! Good! Well, I am so happy to have a grandchild. He is a cute little baby. What delightful features he has," said the grandfather, lovingly. The young baby was wrapped with pieces of buffalo hide (beksiiw, beloved, or I love you). Moon was still looking at his sister-in-law with a scornful frown on his forehead. The old folks talked pleasantly over the arrival of the baby. "Oh, pshaw, you make me tired of your foolishness; because you hate me and criticise my appearance inhumanly I will be with you all the time. In this way people will see you plainly hereafter," said the frog woman, leaping up and landing on Moon's breast and adhering.^ "Say, dear child (Moon), I have not yet finished my gifts to your wives, but what I have already given is sufficient. In order that you may know here- after the conditions of your wives, I want to tell you the signs. I am well pleased with the arrival of your sweet baby, but I don't like the method of your wife in giving it birth; it is without preparation. The time of delivery is unexpected and comes with surprise; therefore I consider that a better method may be adopted, for the ease of all con- cerned. So I want you to tell me where you got this nice baby," said the father to his son. Moon. "Well, father, I got it after I arrived here," said Moon. "Well, then, let m^e see. You started here one day — When did you get there, and when did you get back?" said the father to Moon. "We started off at the same time, and I got down the same time as my brother; in other words, the lengths of day and night were about the same. But I came back with her on the same day that I reached the place below, and may you know that those people know of our elopement, for there was a companion with ' So the moon bears the picture of Water-Woman, and at the same time typities the growth of humanity. It also signifies the " seeds of women" thereafter. The appearance of the toad on the belly indicates pregnancy of the woman. The '■ face of Moon ■' bears the mark of the first men- struation of the woman. May, 1903. Till. Akai'aho Sun Dani 1. I )..k-.i v. .-ji my wife wlien I saw lur, ami both of ihcni were scarcliiii;; |..r lire- wood," said Moon. "1 am very proud of your success, but 1 want both of you to know this in order that you may be careful, and besides, prepare for delivery. The fact is, 1 don't like the method of sudden deliveries, and have decided to remedy it. It is not humane for women to give birth unexpectedly. They must know the first sign of the offspring. It would not be justifiable to have improper births. Women do not want to give birth from an insect, beast, or l)y any other animal; therefore, remember this, my dear son, that you may count that the time for your wife from the time she has menstrual flow to the time of delivery, shall be eight months of pregnancy. In this way the child may be brought to life in nine months. In the begfnning the child preceded in the flow of blood, but toward the last, or at the outcome, the greater flow of blood shall precede the child, from the first to the tenth finger. Bear in mind that the time shall be from the last quarter to the first quarter of the moon — from the tlay you started away from us to the day you finally arrived," said the father to Moon. This was through the kindness ami generosity of the father and mother upon the children. Sun ami Moon. The young child was growing rapidly, for his father |)rovided fresh beef for him. The human wife was very iiulustrious and quick to learn. Seeing the old woman at various kinds of work, she soon picked up an extensive knowledge of the mode of life. When her husband started off to hunt she would make sinew thongs for tanning. She would make sinew threads for her mother-in-law anil herself. When her husband saw her working on the sinew industriously, she said with anxiety, blowing her nose and placing the things in front of her: "I am making these strings preparatory to tanning the hides that you have brought over. I have already given some to your mother." "When I am gone away from home if you should go out for exercise with your digging-stick, I want you to be careful about yourself. There are good eating foot-potatoes, elk-potatoes, hog-potatoes, and four-potatoes. (The foot-potato is a long pointed root, therefore it is called foot or leg potato; the elk-potato is an oblong plant or root which is somewhat whitish in color. The hog-potato is a black root; it has a dark skin, with real white seed, something like a turnip in shape; the four-potato has on each root or plant two seeds, three seeds, four seeds, five seeds, six seeds, and seven seeds.) Hut there are some dead withered plants in some localities, that I do not want you to touch. Remember that when you get enough potatoes you are to come home at once. I think you are somewhat lonesome, or worried, so it is best for you to get out and amuse your boy," said 222 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. Moon. Sun and Moon were constantly on the alert and in search of something away from home. At this time the human woman had saved enough sinew strings, knotted together/ to serve her purpose. So she went out with her boy, carrying her digging-stick and nicely coiled string of sinew. When she reached a patch of foot-potatoes, she saw a withered plant that attracted her much. When she thought of the restriction given by her husband, she hesitated a little in approaching it. Looking around to see if anybody was in sight, she said, bravely, "I am going to see what this means." So, approaching with a firm attitude, she digged the withered plant, and to her surprise, she found a hole. Stooping over the hole, she looked into it and saw an earth below. I,ooking down through this hole, she also spied a beautiful camp-circle along the river. "Well, I am glad to see the way to get down," said the human woman seriously and with energetic disposition. So; talk- ing away about her splendid chance of escape, she uncoiled the sinew lariat (hawtare, standing — camp-circle — plural hawdaha, carried-it-on side, like a woman with a knife scabbard), and attached one end of it to the digging-stick. The other end, after placing her boy on her back, she then fastened securely around her body under her arms. Placing the digging-stick across the hole, facing the pointed end to the east, she then squatted down and slid slowly and carefully down. As she was working herself, untwisting the sinew lariat, she finally got down within a short distance (about the height of the center fork) from the earth, for the sinew lariat was not long enough to reach the bottom." For some time she was suspended in the air, until she was getting impatient and tired. There was no sign of her return, and every little hope was expressed by the people. "Well, father, I have again returned," said Moon, unloading himself at the door, and then entering the tipi. "Where is my wife, dear mother?" said Moon, seating himself on his bed. "She has not yet returned. Maybe she will be coming home yet," said the mother. "Oh, no, it is getting too late for her. I told you to watch her and have her come home earlier," said Moon, in despair. Without much fretting or imposing upon the old folks about her wanderings, he went out and searched for her. Walking around from place to place, he found a digging-stick lying on the ground, and the footprints of his wife leading to it. "Well, well! I declare!" said ' Comi)are the knotted and painted strings of the Dog-soldiers. - She did not come to the place where she and Moon landed, or else she would have reached the earth helow in safety and without trouble. May, 190^^. Tm; Arai'aho Sl:n 1 )ANrK — 1)uksk) -'-'3 Moon, stooping ddun to* scl- llw course of the sinew lan.ii. 1 .< iiis surprise, ho saw liis wife and ihcir little son suspended just a little way from the earth. "Will, ilicrc is only one way to do it. She wanted to get away from me, and therefore ran a risk of meetinj^j with an accident. I shall have to make her return lo me," ' said Moon, in manly way. So, reaching out from the hole he procured a round, flat stone called "heated stone." Sjiitting five times on the stone, he said to it, full of faith and desire: " l-'or the benefit of my boy, I want you to light on top of her head, though remember you are not to fall on my boy's head, but on hers. Please d(; this for me," and as he said this he dropi)ed the stone, which lightetl on toji of her head, breaking her off from the suspended lariat and killing her instantly. This woman landed with her boy on the south side of the river, at a short distance on a small elevation of ground. This was Eagle River that runs from west to east. The little boy was so young that he did not know that his mother was dead. For some time he lived from his mother's breast, until she was fully decomposed. By this time the little boy, not satisfied with his mother's milk, was entirely exhausted. He went down to the river to quench his thirst. This trail was a small ravine leading to the small bank of the river. Just as the little boy reached the bank, an old woman (Old-Woman-Night), had come up to the spot on the other side. "Weli, well I dear grandchild, [ am so gUul to see you. Where are you going to?" said Old-W^oman-Night, with reverence. *'I came over to quench my thirst," said the little boy, hastily. "Where did you come from, dear little boy?" said the old woman. "I came down from above," said the little boy. "Well, well I Are you Little-Star (or Lone-Star)? I am so happy to meet you. This is the central spot where everybody comes to. It is the terminus of all the trails from all directions. I have a little tipi down on the north side of the river, and I want you to come with me. It is only a short dis- tance from here. Come on, grandchild, Little-Star," said OKI-Woman- Night, taking him by the hand and leading him toward the tipi mentioned. As they followed the winding course of the stream they finally came to a big thicket along the bend, and just a few paces from the edge of the woods was a well-smoked tipi, the outskirts of which were well trodden. "This is my abiding-place, grandchild. See the dense forest and my surroundings," said Old-Woman-Night, smiling as they slowly approached the tipi. Entering the tipi. Old-Woman-Night had a bed on the south side of the fire. It had a willow lean-back and many articles strung along ' This remark of Moon's shows us that there is another place (or dead people. 224 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. behind the bed along the wall of the tipi. Shortly afterwards, Little- Star having been directed to the splendor of the timber, the musical notes of the birds, and the pecking of yellowhammers — all affording harmony throughout the forest — asked his grandmother to make him a bow and four arrows. "Well, well! My dear grandchild is very ambitious and full of life," said Old-Woman-Night, taking up her stone knife and going out of the tipi to cut sticks for bow and arrows. The old woman brought in the sticks and began to make a bow and arrows (origin of the so-called "lance," or "coyote-bow"). The stick for the bow was not a choice one, for it had a knot near one end that gave the bow an awkward appearance, throwing the "belly" to one side of the center. The arrows were not exceptionally good either. They were roughly peeled, had short corner wing-feathers attached ; the feathers were not sliced, but were yet in parts when placed on the arrows. Two were painted red, the other two black. After the old woman had finished them, she gave them to the boy, who immediately went out and shot at a standing stick that he placed against a mound. Early in the morning, this old woman said to the grandchild who was about to go out to play in front of the tipi: "Say, dear grand- child, I want you to remain inside, while I go out and see if my traps have caught anything. You see this fireplace? From this there are paths leading out to the ends of these traps. There is always a chance for all of them," said the old woman, starting out from the tipi. After meal time, and while the boy played about, this old woman would put away something around their lean-back.' She kept doing this until the boy suspected her. Finally the old woman came back with a whole buffalo and carried it into their tipi. "I should like to know why you put things away behind the lean-back," said Little-Star to Old-Woman-Night. "Oh, for my lunches," said she. This was done several times, until one morning, after the old woman had gone out to see the traps, Little-Star said to himself: "I am going to see what is behind that lean-back. JNIy grandmother always places some- thing behind there," said Little-Star, in a ridiculing voice. It was not long before the old woman left for her traps. So Little-Star went around the lean-back, and to his surprise, saw an animal with two horns and blazing eyes, eating or chewing away at the food given him by Old-Woman-Night. "Well! This is the crea- ture that eats all the food that my grandmother puts away for me. If that is the way this creature does, I cannot allow it," said Little-Star, angrily. So, taking his bow and painted arrows, he shot the monster ' Compare tlie placing of food under the skull for sacrifices. Mav, 1903. TiiK AkAi'Ano Sun 1 )ani k I )KV. 225 between the neck and shouKk-r, scndin;; his arnnv out of sijjht; another one he shot at the otlicr place, sending it out of sij^ht, t«)o, killing the animal instantly. This gave a red appearance to the river; because this monster extended into this tipi from the river. He then took up a stone club ami beat the horns off frcjin the nxjnster and let it go. Just then the oUl woman returneil with some more beef for them- selves. "Say, grandmother, here are two beautiful horns that you can use for spoons," said Little-Star, joyfully. "Well, my dear grandmother, after you had gone, I saw a big creature eating u|) our victuals that you luul laiil away. I then t(ji)k ni\- bow and arrows and shot him dead," said he, before the old woman had a chance to speak. "Oh! Did you really kill him? My dear child, he is your grand- father," said Night-Old-Woman. (She was actually married, secretly, to this w-ater monster. She might have told Little-Star before that the monster was her husband, but she had kept this a secret. ) After they had had their breakfast on the uKjrning of the next day, the old woman said to Little-Star, who was amusing himself inside the lodge: "Dear grandchild, I want you to remain at home while I go out into the woods'after 'yeaneeshe' "( which means, pitched- tipi, refers to the erection of the Offerings-lodge), a red bush that grows in bunches in river bottoms. Late in the afternoon OId-^Voman- Night returned and entered the tipi in gloomy spirit. "Well, grandmother, what is the matter with your legs?" said Little-Star, looking at his grandmother's legs. "Dear grandchild, my legs got scratched up terribly when I was going through the thicket this morning, and that is why they are somewhat bloody," said Old- Woman- Night, with a sigh. This old woman had tortured her legs by gashing the muscles crosswise, leaving a clotted blood appearance. For some time Little-Star remained with his grandmother ami grew up to be quite a young man. During that time she made his bow into a beautiful lance,' using the feathers that she had carefully preserved in her tipi. She caught eagles and other species of birds and various kinds of animals at her traps. When Little-Star had completed his lance ("coyote-bow"), he said, in manly way and with signs of adventure, to his grandmother, who was in the act of cooking a meal: "Well, grandmother. I am ' The lance was like that of Lime-Crazy in appearance. At the bottom «cre numerous kind* of feathers of small and large birds. The bow was reversed for a lance, the end with the knot being next to the ground; in this position it had owl feathers at the lower end. then just above Ihem magpie feathers, then at the knot bluebird feathers, while near the top was a hawk feather, and al the top an eagle-wing feather. 226 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IV. going away to leave you. I think I have done enough with you. It is better for me to go back to my father. So this day I shall leave you, dear grandmother." So he took his lance and went out of the tipi, starting on the journey toward the east, following the course of Eagle River. For days and nights he walked and walked, until he came to a place well trodden by people. The ground was smooth and slippery in appearance, and beyond it there was a black tipi painted with black paint. It was about twi- light when he ran on to a snake. "Say, get up, you lazy thing. The day has already gone far enough," said Little-Star, poking at the snake with his lance, which made the snake rigid. "Well, are you that sensitive?" said Little-Star, laughingly. As he went on he repeated the same trick with the serpents yet asleep. Amusing him- self by killing the serpents with his well-feathered lance, he would laugh very heartily, until he awoke some people at a distance who gave the alarm. "Ah! Get up all of you people! You might all be exterminated by Little-Star. He is very mischievous and very daring. Stir around, you people, and let us obstruct his journey and thus save our kindred. Look at him with that 'crazy' lance," said a man (per- haps a chief), with commanding voice. So the serpents, small and large, woke up and moved about, and soon covered the earth entirely. Little-Star, seeing that it would be quite an undertaking to pass the people, walked to and fro to find a trail to getrto another land, but the whole horizon was thickly covered with serpents. For four days and nights he walked about in search of a passage, but without success. At this time he was getting somewhat tired and sleepy. As he walked about to steal a passage through the crowd, he said to his lance with great faith, "Now, if anybody comes to injure me while I am resting (sleeping), I wish you would fall on top of me." So, stop- ping on good level ground, he staked his lance, his head at the foot of it, and went to sleep to renew his strength. As the serpent came up to attack him, the lance lighted on his body, waking him instantly. "Get away from me or you will get hurt," said Little-Star, gaping and getting up with his lance and beginning to walk around again. Find- ing a good level place, he again staked his lance, laid his head at the foot of it, and went to sleep. Shortly after he had gone to sleep, another serpent came crawling slowly for an attack, but this lance lighted on Little-Star again and awakened him instantly. "Oh, pshaw! Keep away from me, you ugly creatures, or you will get hurt!" said Little-Star, gaping, dusting his hair, and getting up with the lance. Wandering to and fro along the vast throng of serpents he finally got sleepy again, and rested on good level ground at the foot of his lance. May, 1903. Vwy. Akm-aho Sin I )anc,k— 1 )()k>KV. During his slumber, anotlicr st-rpcnt laiiic irawliug slowly to him for an attack, but the lance lighted on him, thus awakening him. "Oh, pshaw! You just go back at once! I don't want you about inc," said Little-Star, angrily, getting up with the lance. At this time he- was getting very sleepy and tired. Seeing a nice soft grass spot on level ground, he staked his lance in the ground and went to sUcp right away, and it was about the fifth day. Shortly afterwards ilierc came a big serpent crawling noiselessly for an attack. The lance, as ordered, lighted on Little-Star's body, but he did not awake this time. "I tliought surely at this time I would get you," said the big ser- pent, advancing behind Little-Star, recklessly. Still Little-Star was sound asleep. So the big serpent crawled slowly into his rectum, up through his spinal column, into his skull, and then com|)letely coiled up within the skull and remained there, which totally disabled Little- Star physically. Little-Star was conquered for being fast asleep on the open i)rairie. When the serpent got into his skull, he was made to lie on the ground until his entire body was a perfect skeleton. Little-Star found him- self with a heavy burden in his skull, and remained motionless until he was a perfect skeleton. But the ligaments kept the bones together, thus leaving some sense for him. In this condition he gave his image to the people as a cross. When Little-Star was in normal condition, he said in a somewhat fainting voice, but to the point, "Now I wish there would be two days of ])ouring rain, and after that, two days of intense heat." .\fter he had so said, there came big black clouds and much thundering. In a short time the rain came down heavily all over him, thus soaking him completely. Then the sun came out, throwing its heat rays on him for two days. About noon the serpent became so restless in the skull that it finally made its way out and stuck its head out of Little-Star's mouth, panting from exhaustion. The serpent was thrusting its tongue out and blinking its flaming eyes, when Little-Star secretly moved his right hand under his chin and suddenly grasped the serpent's neck, and then got up, sat down on the ground, and pulled the serpent out of his mouth. "Now I have you at last. You know very well that I am all right and possess some wonderful powers. You caught me when I was sound asleep, but you cannot kill me. Here is a fine chance to get even with you," said Little-Star, angrily, regaining his usual robust condition. Little-Star was holding this serpent's neck tightly as he scolded him. Just as he was about to injure the serpent with his poisonous