-'latiy^^ \ ^ \i. ' •0' s . ^ ' 8 « '-^^ . y-^ A 'A V 4^ -^'jm^; ,0 o. ^ :0- '/^ ■/ fr f 0ON6KESS AUG 17 1904 . Oooyrffftit Cntfv OLA«$ ^XXe. Nol ^ 14. M- ^ OOPV B Copyright, 1904, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS TROW DIRECTORY PRINTING AND BOOKBINDING COMPANY NEW YORK ^0 F. M. G. TO WHOSE COURAGE, FAITH, AND PRACTICAL HELP IN A DARK YEAR, THIS VOLUME BEARS ABUNDANT WITNESS PREFACE This volume owes much to a wide variety of helpers. Doubtless, what may be original in it is of least value. Accordingly, the author wishes, first of all, to make general confession of having drawn upon any stores of pedagogical wisdom and any treasures of scholarship which seemed to contribute to his subject. In particular, however, special acknowledgments are due to some who have given personal assistance in the preparation of the book. Professors F, B. Tarbell and Gordon J. Laing, of the University of Chicago, have made helpful suggestions regarding the illustrations. Frances Ada Knox, Assistant in History in the University of Chicago, has given im- portant aid in the preparation of the manuscript and in other ways. The maps, charts, and plans have had the skilful and scholarly attention of Mr. Harold H. Nelson, now of the Syrian Protestant College, of Beyrout. The book has also profited from the suggestions of a number of teachers in East and West who have read it in whole or in part. Nor should the share of the publishers be for- gotten, whose warm interest and generous co-operation have made work with them a pleasure. If the book suc- ceeds in serving the cause of sound historical learning in high-schools and academies, their share in making this possible is no small one. G. S. G. The University of Chicago, May, 1904. SUGGESTIONS TO TEACHERS The usefulness of this book will depend largely on the teacher, and hence one or two suggestions rising out of the purpose and method of the author may not be amiss. 1. The grand divisions into which the book falls are those determined by the course of historical progress. Each one of these divisions is introduced by a "Prelim- inary Survey" of the ground to be covered in the period. It seems theoretically desirable and pedagogically useful to give the pupil beforehand a bird's-eye view of the chief stations along the pathway which he is later to travel step by step. But it is suggested that the teacher take up this Survey with the pupil, read and expound it to him, rather than assign it as a task to be learned without the previous preparation that explanation by the teacher would give. 2. The "Helps" which follow the several divisions are, perhaps, more elaborate than is usual in books of this kind, and therefore may need some explanation. In the material that follows each lesser division {e.g., on pp. 27-28) the design is to afford the pupil several ways of reviewing the text of that division. Thus (i) An " Outline for Review," arranged in a suggestive and natural order, enables him to run over in mind the details of the division in its historical progress; (2) a series of "Review Topics" gives opportunity for memory work, by suggesting a fact, a name, a salient date, for testing his knowledge in par- X Suggestions to Teachers ticulars; (3) what are called "Comparative Studies" are intended to test recollection of previous periods as well as reasoning powers by comparison of significant points in earlier and later studies; (4) a series of "Topics for Read- ing and Oral Report" makes it possible to read intelli- gently in a few other works of moderate size on suggested topics and, if desired, to report upon this reading informally in class; (5) a few subjects are suggested in which the illustrations may be used to supplement the history, or map exercises are set. It is, of course, evident that the purpose of these "Helps" is to provide something usable by all classes of pupils and to touch on more than one side of the pupiPs preparation of his task. At the end of the grand divisions {e.g., after Part I), ^* Helps" for reviewing the entire Part are suggested. These consist of a series of (i) "Topics for Class Dis- cussion," which embrace subjects which run through the entire epoch and to which references to pertinent sections are given, and (2) " Subjects for Written Papers," with a somewhat wide selection of references to literature. These can be assigned early in the study of the epoch or required at the close of the course. 3. Fuller directions and suggestions for using this book, with additional material for the use of teachers, have been prepared by Miss Frances Ada Knox, of the University of Chicago, in collaboration with the author, and may be obtained from the publishers. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTORY . i I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES Preliminary Survey 5 1. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt . - n 2. The Early Babylonian Empire 28 3. The Egyptian Empire S3 4. The Syrian Empires 43 5. The World-Empire of Assyria 51 6. The Median and Kaldean Empires ..... 58 7. The World-Empire of Persia: its Founding and Or- ganization 60 II. THE GREEK EMPIRES Preliminary Survey 70 1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion in East and West 76 2. The First Attempts at Empire: Athenian, Spartan, Theban and Macedonian 118 3. The Empires of Alexander and His Successors to the Appearance of Rome in the East .... 208 III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME Preliminary Survey 240 1. The Making of Rome 250 2. Rome's Western Empire 265 Preliminary Survey 265 (i) Rome's Defence against Her Neighbors .... 268 (2) The Union of Italy under Rome 279 (3) The Struggle with Carthage for the Western Mediter- ranean . , 300 xi xii Table of Contents PAGE 3. Rome's Eastern Empire -311 4. Rome's World-Empire 357 Preliminary Survey 357 (i) The World-Empire under the Principate .... 359 (2) The World-Empire under the Despotism .... 416 (3) The Breaking Up of the World-Empire and the End of the Ancient Period 426 BIBLIOGRAPHIES FOR STUDENTS 1. General Works 4 2. The Eastern Empires 10 3. Greece 75 4. Rome — Earlier Period 249 5. Rome — Principate 359 6. Rome — Closing Period 427 APPENDICES I. Bibliography tor Advanced Students and Teachers 449 II. Notes on the Illustrations 455 General Index 465 MAPS, PLANS AND CHARTS FULL-PAGE AND DOUBLE-PAGE MAPS PAGE The Ancient East facing 5 Empires of the Ancient Eastern World . . following 62 Ancient Greece ........ following 70 Centres of Mycenaean Civilization . . . facing 77 Colonies of Phcenicia and Greece . . . facing 90 Lands of the ^Egean ....... following 118 Athens facing 133 Greece at the Time of the Peloponnesian War facing 162 »^ Alexander's Empire following 216 ^^ Kingdoms of Alexander's Successors . . . facing 230 Ancient Italy following 240 Italy in 218 B.C facing 304 Gaul at the Time of Cesar facing 348 The Roman State at Successive Periods of its Devel- opment TO 44 B.C following 356 '^ The Roman Empire in the Time of Augustus . following 364 ^ " The City of Rome following 386 '^" The Mediterranean World following 400 The Barbarian Kingdoms facing 427 Europe about A.D. 800 facing 441 125 MAPS AND PLANS IN THE TEXT The Battle of Salamis ........ The World according to Herodotus 142 Middle Greece 1^4 Pylos and Sphacteria , .164 The Hellespont, Propontis and Bosporus . . . .177 The Battle of Leuctra 188 xiii XIV Maps, Plans and Charts The Battle of Issus . . • • Alexandria at the Time of Christ The World according to Eratosthenes, 200 B The Earliest Peoples of Italy Early Rome The Environs of Rome The Punic Wars . . • » The Battle of Cann^ Carthage ..•••' The Battle of Pharsalus The World according to Ptolemy, A.D. 150 Constantinople CHRONOLOGICAL CHARTS 1. The Ancient Oriental Empires 2. Greek History, 500-331 ^•^' ■ 3. Greek History, 331-200 B.C. 4. Roman History, 500^200 B.C. 5. Roman History, 200-31 B.C. 6. Roman History, 31 B.C.-A.D. 7. Roman History, A.D. 285-800 285 PAGI . 211 . 213 • 233 . 244 • 252 . 270 • 302 • 304 • 317 • 350 . 390 . 421 , facing 67 following 206. following 238 following 246 following 266 . facing 358 . facing 417 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE I. A Corner of the Parthenon and a Portion of ITS Frieze-Color Frontispiece PAGE II. Typical Oriental Heads .... facing ii III. Painting from the Wall of an Egyptian Tomb /^^^^^ 22^ IV. Babylonian and Egyptian Temples . . facing 38 . V. Typical Assyrian Scenes .... facing 55 VI. Reliefs from Gold Cups of the Mycen^an ^ Age f^'^^S ^^ VII. The Acropolis of Athens (restored) . facing 147 VIII. The Hermes of Praxiteles . . . facing 149 IX. The Laocoon Group facing i'] 2'. X. The Alexander Mosaic. Color . . facing 212 XI. Typical Greek Heads facing 218 XII. Classical Temples f(^<^in 226 '■ XIII. Typical Sculptured Figures: Kafre and Posi- Dippus /^"'^^ 234 XIV. Typical Sculptured Figures: Ashurnatsirpal and Trajan /^^^'^^ 253 XV. Typical Coins: Orient and Greece) j^h^^^^^ 290 ^ XVI. Typical Coins: Rome . . . .) XVII. The Roman Forum and the Surrounding BmLDiNGS (restored) facing 315 XVIII. Typical Roman Heads facing 344 XIX. Relief from the Arch of Titus . following 380- XX. Early Christian Art. Color . . following 394 XXI. A Room in the House of the Vetth, Pompeii, facing 405 XXII. A Relief from the Column of Trajan . facing 414 XXIII. Characteristic Roman Architecture . facing 422 XXIV. Byzantine Art: Christ Enthroned. Color, facing 432 XV A HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT WORLD INTRODUCTORY 1. We are to study the history of the Ancient World. To History study history is to trace out the growth of human beings Growth organized into a society with government, laws, literature and religion. History is like a tree, with roots, stem, sap, bark, branches and leaves, all joined together, all having a common life, all growing as the tree grows. With the ancient world we begin at the roots of the tree of human history, of which the modern world is the trunk and its various peoples the branches. 2. The value of studying ancient history comes from Ancient the fact just mentioned. It is the root of that history of f^l^^^^ which we form a part. If the peoples of old had not starting learned how to form states and establish laws for the con- duct of social life, we should not enjoy the order and pros- perity of to-day. As a son inherits the property of his father, so we inherit the ideas and forms of government and society of our historic ancestors. We have made many improvements and additions to what they gave us, but we could not have done so if they had not originally made us their heirs. Hence, to understand our times, it is necessary to know the history of the past, and especially that earliest 2 Introductory past in which men began to lay those foundations on which modern hfe is built. A Return to 3. Lct US supposc a travcUei making a journey from our BlSnifing ^^^^ country back through the centuries to the beginning of history. He sails over the Atlantic to England, thence crosses to the continent of Europe; he passes through Germany and France on his way southward into Italy, where his objective point is the city of Rome. There he delays to study the monuments commemorating the con- quests, the laws and the rulers of the wide and well-ordered world that, for so many centuries, centred in Rome. Then he takes up his course to the east over the Mediter- ranean sea to Greece, breaking his journey for a season to enjoy the air of freedom, and to revel in the art and literature, of Athens. Still he travels eastward, taking ship for the coasts of Asia Minor, and thence making a longer sea- voyage southward across the Mediterranean to the valley of the Nile. There he admires the marvellous achievements of the Egyptians at Memphis and Thebes. But he has yet another stage of travel. Passing northward along the eastern shore of the sea, he tarries awhile at Jerusalem, where the world's chief religion, Christianity, was born, pushes on to Damascus, Syria's ancient com- mercial centre, and then strikes eastward to the broad river, Euphrates. Crossing this, he moves on under the shadow of the northern mountains through the fertile up- per Mesopotamian valley to the deep and rapid Tigris river, on whose banks stands Nineveh, the capital of the Assyrian Empire. Thence by raft he glides down the stream until, near its junction with the Euphrates, he disembarks upon the rich soil of Babylonia, and wonders at the strange, yet somehow not unfamiliar, life that The Course of Ancient History 3 greets him. In the markets and temples of Babylon his long pilgrimage is ended. He stands at the cradle of human civilization; he is in the dawn of human history. 4. Of this long line of countries and of centuries, those The which belong to the Ancient World first greet us on com- Anci^ent^ ing to Rome. As we enter the Church of St. Peter, we be- History, hold the scene of the event that brought Ancient History to an end, for here Charlemagne, King of the Franks, was crowned Roman Emperor on Christmas Day in the year of our Lord 800. Between that event and the earhest organized society in the lower valley of the Euphrates and Tigris in the fifth millennium before Christ (5000 B.C.) lies Ancient History — a period, if measured by years, at least three-fourths of the entire length of the history of mankind. From the valleys of the Tigris-Euphrates and the Nile, civilization passed through the regions of the eastern Mediterranean and Asia Minor to Greece; Greece received and improved upon the eastern civilization and taught Rome the secrets of her power and progress; Rome, her native vigor refined and guided by Greek civilization, became the mistress of the world, the source of order and progress to a wider circle of peoples gathered under her sway. When, her task accompHshed, Rome handed over the world to Charlemagne, who represents the fresh and vigorous Teutonic stock of western Europe, the history of the Ancient World was completed. Thus the Eastern Nations, Greece and Rome, the first three links of the chain of history that binds the world together, are the sub- ject of our study. The movement of history was steadily from east to west; the world grew ever larger; yet con- stantly the widening world was more and more united in 4 Introductory the possession of a common culture and at last became one under the universal government of Rome. GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY* West. Ancient History. Allyn and Bacon. WoLFSON. Essentials in Ancient History. American Book Co. BoTSFORD. Ancient History for Beginners. Macmillan Co. Each of these three general histories has its special excellencies and defects. They will be constantly referred to in the coming pages. * A bibliography for advanced students and teachers will be found in Appendix I. I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES TO 500 B.C. PRELIMINARY SURVEY 5. The earliest seats of ancient civilization are found The Field in Egypt and Babylonia. Egypt lies in the lower valley oriental of the river Nile; Babylonia in the lowland where the History, rivers Tigris and Euphrates unite to flow into the Persian gulf. Both these river-systems have their sources in high mountain regions. At regular periods in the spring of each year, their waters are swollen by the melting snows, or winter rains. These floods pour over the plain and carry with them masses of earth which they deposit along the banks and at the mouths of the rivers. Thus in the course of time they have piled up layers of soil which, regularly irrigated by the overflowing waters, are mar- vellously fertile. Between the Nile valley and the Tigris- Euphrates basin direct communication is cut off by the Arabian desert; the upper Euphrates, however, bending westward, connects the Tigris-Euphrates basin with the series of fertile valleys and plateaus made by the moun- tain ranges which run from north to south, parallel with the eastern shore of the Mediterranean. Thus this mid- dle region, known in general as Syria, is the connecting link between the two river-systems, since its southern boundary is separated from the Nile valley only by a com- paratively narrow stretch of sandy desert. 5 6 The Eastern Empires Its 6. Looking at the whole region thus bound together, we unitT^ observe that it has somewhat the character of a crescent. The two extremities are the lands at the mouths of the two river-systems — Egypt and Babylonia. The upper central portion is called Mesopotamia. The outer border consists of mountain ranges which pass from the Persian gulf northward and westward until they touch the northeast corner of the Mediterranean, from which point the boun- dary is continued by the sea itself. The inner side is made by the desert of Arabia. The crescent-shaped stretch of country thus formed is the field of the history of the ancient Eastern World. It consisted of two primitive centres of historic life connected by a strip of habitable land of vary- ing width. Its 7. The inhabitants of this region were peoples who spoke dialects of a common language. Most of them are named in the book of Genesis as descended from Shem (Sem), the son of Noah. The accepted name for them, there- fore, is the "Semitic" peoples, and the languages they spoke are called the ''Semitic" languages. Their 8. The Original home of the primitive Semites was probably northern Arabia. From here when the scanty sustenance afforded by the desert could not supply their needs, they poured out on every side into the fertile valleys that bordered upon their home. Thus, from this natural centre they went forth into the lower Tigris- Euphrates valley to form the civilization which we know as the Baby- lonian; farther to the north, on the upper Tigris, they became the Assyrians; roaming back and forth in the wide regions between the upper Euphrates and Tigris, they were known as the Arameans; farther to the west, in the region bordering on the Mediterranean, they formed Peoples. Distribu tion Peoples of the Ancient East 7 communities known as the Canaanites, the Phoenicians and the Hebrews. The Hebrews further divide into the Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites and Israelites. Pushing on to the south and southwest, some of them made their homes on the fertile coasts of southern Arabia. Others passed over into the Nile valley and made up the most important element of the peoples who settled in Egypt. To the Semites are due the development and extension of political and social institutions throughout this entire region. 9. Occupying the upper valleys and plateaus of the The northern mountain ranges that border the crescent of this ^^"°""*^' Semitic world was a variety of tribes and peoples without Peoples, unity of language or civilization. From time to time they fell upon the Semites of the river-valleys and established their authority more or less permanently and extensively over them. Such were the Elamites occupying the high table-lands to the east of Babylonia, and the Khati or Hit- tites, whose original home was in the mountains to the northwest of the upper waters of the Euphrates. From the same mountain regions came, toward the close of the history of the Ancient East, the Medo-Persians, a branch of the family to which the historical peoples of western Europe and North America belong — the Indo-European or Indo- Germanic race.* They had their home in the lofty plateaus far to the east of the Tigris-Euphrates valley. Thence by slow degrees they pushed westward until, de- * This race-family, clearly distinguished from the Semitic (§ 7) by language, comprised peoples whose homes were as far distant from one another as India and England. Its chief branches were the people of India, the Persians, the Greeks, the Romans, the Teutons, the Kelts, and the Slavs, 8 The Eastern Empires Course of Historical Progress. I. Begin- nings. 2. Baby- lonian and Egyptian Empires. 3. Em- pires of Syria. sccnding upon the plains, they absorbed the ancient Semitic civilization and established the Persian Empire. 10. Before entering upon the history of these peoples in detail it will be profitable to take a general survey of the field to be studied and to mark out its grand divisions and epochs.* History begins at the extremes of the field in the two primitive centres of civilization, Babylonia and Egypt. For long periods (about 5000-2500 B.C.) each grows by itself, each produces a unique civilization having its own peculiarities of language, race, political organization, social life and religion. In course of time each, driven by the impulse of ex- pansion, pushes out into the region lying between them — the land of Syria (2500-1 100 B.C.). Babylonia is first in the field, and makes her influence felt for centuries in Syria (down to 1600 B.C.); but, weakened by the rise of the Assyrian kings in the north and by foreign wars and the invasion of strangers, her power declines. The way is open for Egypt to occupy the field. She conquers Syria, plants her garrisons throughout its borders and establishes her civiHzation in its cities (i 600-1 100 B.C.). But Egypt, also, in course of time declines in power. Migrations of strange peoples sweep over these Syrian plains. The Hittite (Khati) people from the north press forward and drive the armies of Egypt back, only to be themselves followed by other northern tribes. For two centuries Syria is free from the authority of either of the * This section may most profitably be read together by teacher and pupil, the teacher emphasizing and expounding the great epochs of the history, which are here set forth in the barest outline, preparatory to their intensive study. Epochs of Oriental History 9 two great oriental powers (1100-900 B.C.). It is now the opportunity of native princes and peoples of Palestine and Syria to assert themselves. On the Mediterranean coast appear the city-states of the PhiHstines in the south, and in the north the kingdom of Tyre, which gathers under its sway all Phoenicia, the centre of the commerce of the ancient world. In the southeast the kingdom of Israel under David and Solomon unites the tribes of the southern plateau (Palestine) under a single sceptre. But this period of Syrian independence does not last. 4. Assyr- The kingdom of Assyria in the far east on the upper Tigris Empire, rises into greater power, and moves out to seize the western lands. For three centuries (900-600 B.C.) its armies push up and down, north, south and west, and it becomes the first great World- Empire. But, weakened by internal decay and assailed by rising enemies, it, too, falls. Its Empire is divided between its conquerors, the Medes on the east and the Babylonians s- New Babylonian (or Kaldeans) on the south. But these two powers con- and tend with each other for final supremacy (600-538 B.C.). New Babylonia (or Kaldea) is no match for the vigorous and warlike Medes, united with the Persians, led by Cyrus the Great. Babylon, the capital of Kaldea, falls before the Persian power. All its possessions pass into the hands of Cyrus. He founds the second great World-Empire, Persia (538- 325 B.C.). This Empire, expanding on all sides, comes face to face with the Greek cities of Europe. In its strug- gle with them a new motive and new peoples enter into the sphere of history; the career of the Ancient East is finished. Median Empires. 6. Persian Empire. 10 The Eastern Empires Grand ^i* The grand divisions of this long development are, Divisions, therefore, the following: 1. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt (to 2500 B.C.). 2. The Babylonian and Egyptian Empires (2500- IIOO B.C.). 3. The Empires of Syria (1100-900 B.C.). 4. The World-Empire of Assyria (900-600 B.C.). 5. The New Babylonian (Kaldean) and Median Empires (600-538 B.C.). 6. The World-Empire of Persia (538-325 B.C.). BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ORIENTAL HISTORY* Sayce. Ancient Empires of the East. Scribners. A collection of de- tached histories of the oriental peoples not altogether up to date and with no sense of the unity of ancient oriental history. GooDSPEED. History of the Babylonians and Assyrians. Scribners. The only one-volume history in moderate compass. MuRisoN. I. Babylonia and Assyria. 2. History of Egypt. Both im- ported by Scribners. Excellent little sketches for school use. Ragozin. I. The Story of Chaldea. 2. The Story of Assyria. 3. The Story of Media, Babylon and Persia. Putnams. Well-written, full, not abreast of the most recent discoveries, but modern enough to be very useful. Sayce. Babylonians and Assyrians: Life and Customs. Scribners. Deals with the life of these peoples fully and interestingly. Tarbell. a History of Greek Art. Chautauqua Press. Has an introductory chapter on oriental art. Maspero. Ancient Egypt and Assyria. Chapman and Hall, Sketches of the life of these peoples. Pleasantly written and instructive. Wendel. History of Egypt. History Primer Series. American Book Co. The best little book on Egyptian history. Kent. History of the Hebrew People. Scribners, 2 vols. An attrac- tively written account on the basis of modern biblical learning. * An additional bibliography for advanced students and teachers will be found in Appendix I. PLATE II Ilainmurabi Rameses II Esarhaddon A Philistine A Hittite TYPICAL ORIENTAL HEADS 1 — THE FIRST KINGDOMS IN BABYLONIA AND EGYPT ABOUT 5000-2500 B.C. 12. The darkness that covers the beginnings of man's Beginnings life on the earth lifts from the valleys of the Tigris and Eu- ^jg^^^. phrates rivers about five thousand years before the birth of Christ. More than a thousand years later we catch our first glimpse of history in the Nile valley. An unexpected sight greets us in the dawning light. Men are not savages wandering about and plundering, but have fixed homes and live in cities ruled over by kings who make laws, lead armies and worship the divine powers in splendid temples. 13. In Babylonia the chief cities were Shirpurla, Ur,* Movement Nippur, Agade and Babylon. Nippur was the leading ^^^^^\^ religious centre where stood a famous temple to the god Babylonia Bel. The others were the seats of kingdoms, whose kings fought with one another for supremacy over the whole region. For thousands of years this struggle went on, no city being able permanently to hold all power. One of the greatest of these early rulers was Sargon, king of Agade (about 3800 B.C.). Some memorials of his reign tell us of his wide power. ography. An interesting account of Sargon's early life has come down to us Sargon's in his own words: ''Sargon, the powerful king, am I. My mother Autobi- was of low degree, my father I did not know. The brother of my father dwelt in the mountain. My city was Azupirani, situated on the bank of the Euphrates. (My) humble mother in secret brought me * The u in all these words is pronounced like oo. n 12 First Oriental Kingdoms forth. She placed me in a basket-boat of rushes, with pitch she closed my door. She gave me over to the river, v^^hich did not (rise) over me. The river bore me along; to Akki, the irrigator, it carried me. Akki, the irrigator, brought me to land. Akki, the irrigator, reared me as his own son. Akki, the irrigator, appointed me his gardener. While I was gardener, the goddess Ishtar looked on me with love (and) . . . four years I ruled the kingdom." The King- 14. Finally from the eastern mountains the Elamites Bab'ybn. (§9) Came dov^^n and took possession of the southern cities ; about the same time some Arabian kings seized the north- ern city of Babylon. The two invaders fought each other, and the kings of Babylon drove out the Elamites and got possession of the whole country. Thus a strong and per- manent state was founded with its capital at Babylon. On this account the lower valley of the Euphrates and Tigris is called Babylonia. The 15. Not later than 3500 B.C. the people of the Nile Kingdom vallcy wcrc organized into one state with its capital at Memphis, and were ruled over by great kings whose of- ficial title was the "Pharaoh."* In this early period The the most important dynasty was the fourth (2700 B.C.). Dynasty. ^^^ kiugs left their inscriptions on the cliffs of the penin- sula of Sinai, east of Egypt. There one of them is pictured in the act of striking down an enemy with his mace. An- other remarkable memorial of them is the mighty Pyra- mids, the wonder and admiration of travellers in all ages. In the time of the sixth dynasty, commerce with the rich lands of central Africa was flourishing. Sea-voyages, the first that history records, were made upon the Red sea. * An Egyptian historian named Manetho, writing in Greek, has left a list of the Pharaohs organized in thirty-one successive groups called by him "dynasties" — a most convenient arrangement followed by all later historians. Early Egyptian Rulers 13 Yet the crowning achievement of these kings was their successful rule of the state with its loyal and devoted offi- cials and its contented and prosperous people. From Centralized all parts of the realm nobles came to live in Memphis, the 0^°!"'^" king's seat, and to serve him. When they died, they desired above all else to be buried near his tomb. 16. Egypt was also very prosperous under the twelfth The dynasty (2000-1800 B.C.). A thousand years had passed ^ynasTy and many changes had taken place. Princes of Thebes were on the throne, and the capital of the state was removed farther to the south. The nobles no longer flocked to the court, but preferred to dwell on their own domains. They recognized the Pharaoh's authority and did his bidding, but lived and died and were buried at home. The fol- lowing utterance of one of them is an evidence of their authority as well as of the character of their rule : "No daughter of a citizen have I injured, no widow have I mo- a lested, no laborer have I arrested, no shepherd have I banished, Price's no superintendent of workmen was there whose laborers have I taken away from their work. In my time there were no poor, and none were hungry in my day. When the years of famine came I ploughed all the fields of the nome* from the southern to the north- ern boundary; I kept the inhabitants alive and gave them food, so that not one was hungry. I gave to the widow even as to her who had a husband, and I never preferred the great to the small." 17. Such relations of king and nobles we call feudal , and Feudalism the twelfth dynasty is the first example of feudal govern- '° ^^^^** ment in history. Rulers in such circumstances have to be able and active to keep the nobles obedient. The Pharaohs of this dynasty were equal to the task. They extended the ♦The "nome" is one of the forty or more districts into which Egypt was divided from the earliest times. 14 First Oriental Kingdoms Social Life in these Early Days. Agricult- ure the Chief Occu« pation. State up the Nile by the conquest of Nubia, the quartz mines of which yielded much gold. A series of successful engi- neering works on the lower Nile, by which a marshy district in the west, now called the Faiyum, was drained, added a wide and fertile tract to the kingdom. The Pharaohs of this dynasty adorned it with palaces and temples and lived in it or on its border. One of these structures was so elaborate that it was called by Herodotus, the Greek historian and traveller, a "labyrinth," and in his judgment it surpassed the Pyramids. i8. In that far-off period when the primitive inhabitants settled in the Tigris- Euphrates and Nile basins, the first and easiest things they found to do were the raising of cattle and the growing of grain. The wonderfully rich and well- watered soil produced for man and beast all kinds of plants for food. The cattle could be pastured in the luxuriant marshes by the river-banks. Seed sown in moist spots produced wonderful harvests, sometimes two hun- dred-fold and more. Soon a system of canals, dykes and reservoirs was created to distribute the inundating waters. By this means larger tracts of land were obtained for culti- vation, until the entire valley was one vast garden. The majority of the people were farmers; the chief products of the lands were cattle and grain. The regular yearly inundations of the rivers kept the land fertile, and the bountiful soil continued from generation to generation to pour its wealth into the arms of the cultivators. Its abundant products not merely supplied their needs, but furnished a surplus which they could store away or sell to other peoples less favored. It was this surplus that made the nations in these river- valleys rich and gave them their commanding position in the ancient world. Occupations 15 19. These lands were also the earliest seats of industry, industry. The records show that already there were carpenters, blacksmiths, weavers, goldsmiths, silversmiths, leather workers, potters, dyers, masons, miners, vintners, jewellers, and brickmakers. Each trade appears to have been organ- ized as a guild or union with a chief officer. Egypt was specially famous for its wonderfully fine white linen; Babylonia for its woollens woven into cloths and rugs of various colors. Papyrus,* a tall reed growing in profusion in the Nile, was used by the Egyptians to make mats, rope, sandals, boats and writing material. Long strips of it were laid crosswise, pressed together and the surfaces polished off to make a rude kind of paper. The most important industry of the Babylonians was brickmaking. Stone was hard to get and clay was abundant. Hence all Baby- lonian buildings were of brick. Clay was the chief writ- ing material of Babylonia. It was moulded, when soft, into cakes; into these the characters were pressed with a tool, and then the cakes were dried in the sun or in a kiln. One of their months, corresponding to our June, had a name which meant "the month of bricks," because it was the best time of the year for brickmaking. 20. Trading was another activity of these peoples. The Commerce Egyptians traded chiefly among their own people up and down the Nile. Yet sea-voyages also were undertaken from an early period. They obtained ivory, incense and spices, ostrich feathers and panther skins from the far south. They delighted also in strange animals, and made a specialty of importing apes and monkeys. But it was the Babylonians who were the chief traders. They ex- tended their commercial operations throughout the ancient * From this word our '' paper" is derived. 16 First Oriental Kingdoms eastern world. Having no stone and little wood in their own land they imported them. Cedar was brought from the Mediterranean coast, teak from India; stone came from the eastern mountains and even from western Arabia. They got gold and silver from the east in exchange for their grain and cloth. Their merchants ventured into the borders of distant countries with their wares, and carried thither knowledge of the Babylonian civilization. Organiza- 21. Men engaged in so many varied pursuits would s^de^ty '^^^y ^2,rly be organized into communities. We have already said that our first glimpse of these peoples finds them living in city-states. The head of the state was the The King. king. He seems to have been first a priest, occupied with rehgious duties, and to have risen from the priesthood to the kingship. He was closest to the gods, and in Egypt was regarded as divine and called " the good god." Hence his power was supreme and absolute; he had 'divine right." Obedience to him was the first duty of his sub- jects. But he must also be the benefactor of his people. He was the one who hunted and killed the wild animals that preyed upon the land ; he led his people in war against their enemies. He was the source of law and the fountain of justice. Any subject could appeal to him for deliver- ance. Next, but far below him, came the nobility. The The greatest noble in Egypt must fall on his face and "snuff Nobihty. ^Yie ground" before the king; the highest honor was to be called the king's "friend." The land had been divided among the nobles by the king, the sole owner; they held it at his will and paid him tribute and military service in return. They were his counsellors and assistants in gov- ernment, the governors, the judges and the generals of the army. Often they lived on their own estates in fine Classes of People 17 palaces surrounded by gardens; they ruled over their de- pendants as the king over the state. There was always danger that some one among them would become strong enough to aspire to the throne and rebel against his lord. The kingship was too glittering a prize not to attract an ambitious noble. Hence the king had to be strong and watchful. 22. The common people played no part in public life, The People and it is hard to discover and to describe their place in this ancient world. Probably very few of them owned land. That belonged to the king and nobles, who rented it out to tenant farmers. The latter cultivated the land by means of free laborers or slaves, and usually paid one-third of the yearly crop as rent to the proprietor. Slaves were not slaves, very numerous in this early period and were well treated. In Babylonia most slaves were the property of the temples and were hired out by the priests to the farmers, who had to care for them if sick or injured; the free hired laborers had to look out for themselves. 23. The artisans and tradesmen were not very highly Merchants, regarded by the upper classes, but their growing wealth gave them increasing importance in the cities where they naturally gathered. Babylonian merchants began early to form an important class. Some trading families carried on mercantile operations from generation to generation, amassed riches, and engaged in banking. At first all trade Means of was in natural products ; cattle were exchanged for wheat ^"^*°2®- or dates. But standards of value began to be set up by the use of the precious metals. They were fashioned in bars or rings and went by weight. In Babylonia the stand- ard was the shekel of half an ounce avoirdupois ; sixty of these made a mina, and sixty minas a talent. In Egypt 18 First Oriental Kingdoms the deben, weighing three and a quarter ounces, was the standard. In those days silver was more precious than gold, and copper was the commonest metal. Iron was rarer. It was possible to estimate the value of natural products in these standards, and thus mercantile operations on a much greater scale could be engaged in. Soon the Babylonian merchants began to make loans, usually at a high rate of interest. Their security was often the person or family of the borrower, who were ruthlessly seized and sold as slaves if payment was not made. Thus the merchant came to be more and more a power in the ancient world. Supremacy 24. One of the most wonderful things about this early °^ ^*^- world is that all these various activities of ancient hfe were firmly established on a basis of law. The chief reason for the organization and continuance of the state was that it secured justice for its members. Not violence but order was the rule. The symbol of rank was the staff, not the sword. The highest official in Egypt under the Pharaoh was the Chief Justice. The Babylonians were particu- larly given to legal forms. When one sold his grain, or hired a laborer, or made a will, or married a wife, or adopted a son, he went before the judge, and a document recording the transaction was written out and signed by the con- tracting parties in his presence. The document was then filed away in the public archives. In the case of a dispute arbitrators were employed or the matter was brought before the court. The opposing parties were sworn, and after the case was heard, a written verdict was rendered and accepted by the disputants, or an appeal was made to a higher tribunal. Thousands of these legal documents, decisions, bills, drafts, sales, orders, wills, etc., have been preserved to the present day. The Ancient Family 19 25. The family was already a well-recognized institu- The tion. The father was its acknowledged head, but the ^™*^ mother was highly honored. No family was regarded as complete without children. In Babylonia it was common to adopt sons by process of law. Respect and love for parents was taught and practised. "Thou shalt never forget what thy mother has done for thee," says Ani the sage of Egypt, and another declares, "I have caused the name of my father to increase." Giving in marriage was the father's privilege and was arranged on a money basis. The wooer paid for his bride according to his wealth. Usually the marriage ceremony was both civil and relig- ious. The wife brought a marriage portion to her hus- band, which he had to return if he divorced her. A man might buy more than one wife, but this was a luxury re- served for the rich and was of doubtful advantage to the peace of the home life. In the king's "harem" were gathered as many princesses as there were political alli- ances with neighboring rulers or nobles. The sense of family unity seems to have been stronger in Babylonia than in Egypt. The Babylonian father had the power of life and death over wife and children; the children called themselves after the names of their ancestors. In Egypt names were individual, containing no reference to family relations, nor do funeral epitaphs usually glorify the ancestors of the dead. 26. Both Babylonians and Egyptians had already in- writing, vented systems of writing. These systems sprang out of the attempt to represent objects and ideas by pictures — a circle standing for " sun, "or a winged creature for " flying, " etc. Two changes took place in course of time. The pictures began to have various meanings and they came 20 First Oriental Kingdoms The Scribe. Literature. Its Religious Element. to lose their original form as pictures. So in Babylonia we have words represented by a series of lines thickened into a wedge at the end. Hence these signs are called, from the Latin word cuneus, " a wedge," cuneijorm. The Egyptians regarded their picture-signs as ^'divine" and ''holy"; hence they are called hieroglyphics from the Greek word hieros, "holy." All these systems of writing, which seem to us so cumbrous and difficult, are neverthe- less the foundation of our own alphabet, and in their day were a wonderful achievement which contributed im- mensely to human progress. 27. To master these methods of writing required special study, to which only a few could give themselves. These began as boys under the teacher, usually in the temple school, and graduated as scribes. To be a scribe was to enjoy an honorable and useful career in government employ, with the prospect of riches and advancement. To every king, prince, noble, governor or judge a scribe was indispensable for preparing his despatches or de- cisions ; indeed, everybody who wished to write a letter or to read one was dependent on the scribe. 28. Songs, stories and records had also been written. In other words, these peoples had a Hterature. It started with the priests, who were the learned men of the time; therefore it was chiefly made up of religious books, such as prayers and hymns for public worship. But there were also tales in prose and verse about divine heroes and their wonderful adventures. The most striking of these is the Babylonian Epic of the Hero Gilgamesh, who seeks the fountain of immortality. In the eleventh book of this poem is the account of the deluge and the building of the ship in which one family of all human kind is saved — • Literature and the Art of Living 21 wonderfully like the Bible story in Genesis. The Egyp- tians had a fondness for stories of magic and fairy tales. Their poetry also was sometimes touching and thoughtful. Mind thee of the day when thou too shalt start for the land To which one goeth never to return. Good for thee then will have been an honorable life; Therefore be just and hate transgressions For he who loveth justice will be blessed; Then give bread to him who has no field And create for thyself a good name for posterity forever. 29. A sense for literature and history is shown in the Historical desire of kings and nobles to preserve memorials of them- selves. Long autobiographies are found in the tombs of Egyptian officials, and Babylonian kings proclaim their Dwn deeds in inscriptions upon slabs and images. King Sargon of Agade (§ 36) is said to have formed a library Libraries. in his capital and to have collected hymns and rituals in a ^reat work called The Illumination oj Bel. Every Baby- lonian temple also had its library where the temple docu- ments and sacred books were placed. Many of these have only recently been unearthed. 30. No little degree of comfort in living was enjoyed. Arts of The country houses of the aristocracy were roomy and surrounded by gardens in which trees, flowers and running The House, water were found. The Egyptians had a passion for flowers, and at the banquets the guests were garlanded with wreaths. The walls of the house were hung with brilliant tapestries. Stools and couches, the forms of which are still copied among us, constituted the furniture. In the Babylonian cities the palaces of the king and his officials were built on platforms or mounds raised high above the plain, while the houses of the common people were crowded 22 First Oriental Kins^doins to' together below them. The latter were simple and low, with thick mud walls and flat roofs. The streets were narrow and dirty. They received all the sweepings of the houses. When they filled up to the level of the house- doors, these were then closed up, the house built up another story and a new door provided. The fire was started Food and with a fire stick and bow. The dining-table was a low bench, around which the family squatted and partook of the usual meal of dried fish, dates and cakes of ground grain. Beer was the universal drink, though wine was also very common. When an Egyptian gave an entertainment he usually invited his friends to a ''house of beer," or a roast goose. They slept on low couches or on mats spread on the floor. The Egyptian's pillow was a wooden head- rest, which, though hard, was cool and did not disarrange Dress. his wig. The priests shaved their heads, other people wore their hair short, and all well-to-do persons wore wigs. Although the beard was shaven, the pictures represent the nobles with false beards as a sign of dignity. In Baby- lonia, on the contrary, the prevailing fashion was to wear hair and beard long. The fundamental article of dress was the cloth that was wrapped about the middle of the body. Additions were made to this by the better classes; the cloth was lengthened to the knees or a quilted skirt was worn. The Egyptian was most careful about cleanli- ness in dress, and the laundryman is a conspicuous figure on the monuments. In Egypt nothing was worn on the head; the Babylonian aristocracy are represented with flat caps. To go barefoot was customary, or, at most, sandals were worn. Ointments and cosmetics were used by men and women alike and for the entire body. A man's street- costume was not complete without a cane; in Babylonia PLATE III A lilliiililllillilli m&m&i in^*"M*^lJO!MlIlEMl ^Kl^ ci^ ..^^ Lv. t^ t [\ I' ,tL'a: f#*i:Aj 1 ^^1^?^^- ff PAINTING FROM THE WALL OF AN EGYPTIAN TOMB ure. Architecture 23 everyone carried a seal which served him when he wished to sign his name. A variety of recreations is illustrated Amuse- by the Egyptian monuments. Hunting birds and hippo- "*"*^' potami in the Nile marshes was the favorite sport of the nobles. Bull-fights, wrestling, dancing, singing, and play- ing on musical instruments were greatly enjoyed; even games of checkers and chess are found. 31. Thus the higher arts were early reached. Both The Higher peoples accomplished much in architecture. Although the Babylonians had only bricks as building material, they erected massive and effective temples and palaces. A Architect- mighty terrace forty or more feet high was first built and on this rose the temple which usually culminated in a tower made of solid stories of brick placed one above another, each successive story smaller than the one be- neath it — the whole often reaching one hundred feet in height. Egypt's most splendid structures were the Pyr- amids, built to serve as tombs of the kings. The pyramid of the Pharaoh Khufu of the fourth dynasty was a mass of limestone and granite over 755 feet square at the base, rising to a point at a height of 481 feet; the sides were faced with blocks so nicely fitted together as to look like a single mighty surface smooth and shining. In the heart of it was the funeral chamber, the roof of which was so carefully adjusted to bear the enormous weight above it as not to have yielded an inch in the course of the ages.* 32. In the little as well as the great the ancients of these days showed remarkable skill. In the engraving of hard stones, the Babylonian artists excelled, while the gold and brightly colored inlay work of the Egyptians is surprising. The pottery is both useful and artistic, and the furniture * The roof -beams of granite were cracked by the earthquake of 27 B.C. 24 First Oriental Kingdoms affords models for the present day. The statues from Sculpture, hard granite, or harder diorite, were cut and polished with amazing fineness. It is irue that grace and natural- ness are rarely found in the pose and modelling of the fig- ures. The Egyptians not only did not understand per- spective, but they mixed up the profile and front views of their human figures in a grotesque manner. The statues, however, from both peoples, while stiff, are strong, real and impressive. You feel that they are for eternity. Science. 33. What was known of the natural world, its laws and its forces, was a strange compound of truth and error. Many of nature's secrets had been pierced. The move- Astronomy, ments of the heavenly bodies were mapped out. The year of 365J days was determined. Eclipses were calcu- lated. Men were familiar with the points of the compass and the signs of the Zodiac. The decimal system was employed, and joined with it was the sexagesimal system (10 X 6). Weights and measures were carefully worked out on the basis of the hand-breadth. The sun-dial and Mechanics, the watcr-clock measured time. The mechanical skill shown in building is amazing. The arch, the lever and the inclined plane were known. Engineers of to-day, if they had only the means then available, would have serious difficulty in putting some of the stones of the Pyramids into their places, if indeed they could accomplish it at all. cosmog- On the other hand, the earth was regarded by the Baby- °^^' lonians as an inverted bowl, its edges resting on the great watery deep. On its outer surface dwelt mankind. Within its crust was the dark abode of the dead. Above and about it, resting on the ocean of waters, was the heaven, another inverted bowl or disk, on the under side of which moved the heavenly bodies ; on the outer side lay another Science and Religion 25 ocean, beyond which dwelt the gods in eternal light. The stars were thought to have influence, either good or bad, on the life of men, and hence were carefully studied. The study of medicine consisted of a search for strange combi- Medicine, nations of incongruous substances, in which a wise pre- scription or a useful discovery came only by chance. The blood of lizards, the teeth of swine, putrid meat, the moist- ure from pigs' ears are among Egyptian remedies for illness. No study of Nature for her own sake, but only for practical ends or from religious motives — this was the vital weakness of ancient science. 34. The main factor in the life of these peoples was ReUgion. | their religion. It inspired their literature, their science **i^ and their art. It was the foundation of their social and political life. Priests were judges, scribes, teachers and authors. Temples were treasuries, fortresses and colleges as well as places of worship. All this means that one of the first problems that these men had to face was their relation to the world about and above them. They sought to solve this problem by believing that they were surround- General ed by higher beings with whom it was possible to get on in peace and harmony. This beUef, and the worship that sprang out of it, was religion ; it had everything to do with primitive society. In the periods which we are studying, religion was far advanced. Had you gone into a city of Egypt or Babylonia and talked with a priest of the temple, he would have told you that, as there were gods for every city, so his city had its god who cared for and watched over its people; the king was his representative or even his son. God gave rain and fruitful seasons to the farmer and pros- perity to the merchant ; he saved from sickness and calam- ity; he appointed judges to give true judgments, and gov- ideas of Gods, 26 First Oriental Kingdoms The Baby- lonian Gods. The Egyptian Gods. The Future Life. ernors to rule uprightly. In turn the king reared the temple to the glory of the gods and established the priest- hood to offer daily sacrifice of grain and cattle to them; he gave to the gods of the spoils of war and of the harvest, and hither the people brought their gifts and paid their vows. Had you asked the Babylonian who was this God, he would have replied : "Bel, * the Lord' ; or the Sun, or the Moon, or the Storm Wind, or the Watery Deep — all gods of power afar off. Nevertheless they are very watchful of man, who, often sinful and deserving of punishment, feels himself dependent on them, and comes to them with psalms and prayers of penitence when they have brought plague and sorrow upon him for his sin." To the same question the Egyptian would have replied: "Re,* the Sun, who moves daily over the sky in his boat scattering bless- ings upon his children, before whom flowers spring up and fields bloom, whom we praise in the morning at his rising and at even in his setting — and a thousand other gods of animals and plants who love us and are ever near to bless us by their mysterious presence and favor." And had you asked about the Hfe after death the Babylonian would have shaken his head and spoken of the future as dark and sad when the spirit, torn from the body, goes down to the dusky abode of the dead, to drag out a miserable existence. But the Egyptian, with hopeful face, would have told you how to keep the body as an eternal abode of the spirit by mummifying it and putting it in a deep tomb far from decay and disturbance; or he would have spoken of the fields of Aaru, a happier Egypt beyond the sky, where, after passing through the trials of the under world, by the aid of the god Osiris and the power of the * Pronounced Ray. The Egyptian Heaven 27 Book of the Dead, or in the sun-boat of the god Re, the soul would at last be united with the body in a blissful immortality. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW Introductory — history a growth — Ancient History the starting-point — return to history's beginnings — course of Ancient History — three parts. I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES Preliminary Survey: The field — physical unity — peoples — distribution — surrounding folk — course of historical progress — the grand divis- ions. I. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. a. Beginnings — movement toward unity in Babylonia — the Egyptian Kingdom (fourth dynasty — government and achievements; twelfth dynasty — government and achievements). b. Social Hfe in these early days: occupations (agriculture, industry, trade and commerce) — organization (the king, nobles, people, slaves), Babylonian merchants and means of exchange — the supremacy of law — the family — writing and literature — the art of living (house and furnishing, food and drink, dress, sport) — the higher arts (architecture, sculpture, astronomy, mechanics, cosmogony, medicine) — religion (the gods in general, Egyptian, Babylonian, future life). REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. Who were the Elamites? 2. For what are the following places noted: Memphis, Agade, Nippur, Thebes, Babylon? 3. What is meant by papyrus, deben, nome, cuneiform, feudal, shekel, hieroglyphic, dynasty? 4. Name with dates the grand divisions of Ancient History. 5. At about what time were the Pyramids built? TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Early Babylonian Cities. Goodspeed, §§ 45-50. 2. Elamite Inva- sion of Babylonia. Goodspeed, §§ 63, 64. 3. The Fourth Egyp- tian Dynasty. Wendel, pp. 39-41; Murison, Egypt, §§ 22-24; RawUnson, Story of Egypt, chs. 3-4. 4. The Twelfth Egyp- tian Dynasty. Wendel, pp. 50-57; Murison, Egypt, §§ 32-35; 28 Early Babylonian Empire Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, chs. 5-7. 5, Babylonian Civili- zation. Murison, Babylonia and Assyria, ch. 15 ; Good- speed, §§ 66-93. 6. What countries have once had a feudal system? See Encyclopedia Britannica, articles "Feudalism" and "Japan." 7. Modern Irrigation in Egypt; the Assouan Dam. Cosmopolitan, Aug., 1901; Idler, 22: 257; Nature, 67: 184. MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES. 1. Draw a rough map of the ancient oriental world illustrating the crescent-shaped forma- tion suggested in § 6. Locate as many countries and cities as possible. 2. From plate II, 1-4, try to enumerate the physical characteristics of the Semitic type of man. 3. From plate III find as many illustrations as possible of the life described in §§ 18-34. 4. On a map of the world follow the course marked out in § 3. 2.— THE EARLY BABYLONIAN EMPIRE 2500-1600 B.C. The Ex- 35. Commerce was not the only means by which Baby- pansionof j^j^jg^ influenced the outside world. Whenever a city- Babylonia. •' king gained power over other cities in that valley, he set about extending his sway over regions beyond. To the east, west and south, with their barriers of mountain, desert and sea, there was small prospect of extension. Elam and the districts lying on the slopes of the eastern ranges marked the limit in this direction. But to the north and northwest, the rivers Tigris and Euphrates opened up highways to the Mesopotamian and Syrian regions as far as the northern mountains and the Medi- terranean. Thither at a very early date the city-kings led their armies and began to lay the foundations of an The Expansion of Babylonia 29 Empire * The kings of Agade (§13) were the greatest of these primitive imperial rulers (about 3800 B.C.). 36. The traditions f tell us that Sargon of Agade and his son Naram Sin ruled far and wide. Elam, parts of Arabia, islands in the Persian gulf, Mesopotamia and regions of Syria acknowledged their sway. An ancient record reads as follows: "The moon was favorable to Sargon, who at this season was highly exalted, and a rival, an equal, there was not. His own land was quiet. Over the countries of the sea of the setting sun [the Mediterranean sea] he passed, and for three years at the setting sun [the west] all lands his hand subdued. Every place he formed into one [i.e.^ he organized all into an empire]. His images at the setting sun he erected [i.e., as a sign of authority in the west]. 37. When the kings of Babylon (§13) had united all The First Babylonia under their sway, they, too, followed the imperial ™^'"' poHcy and founded the First Babylonian Empire — the earliest enduring state that covered the larger part of the known world. In extent it did not surpass the Hmits which tradition assigns to Sargon, but the long and abun- dant series of written documents which have come from its kings bears undoubted testimony to their rule. The founder of the Empire was Hammurabi, a brilHant war- King rior and statesman (about 2250 B.C.). An inscription ^^^^^^' illustrates his care for the canal-system of Babylonia: " When Anu and Bel [great gods of Babylonia] gave me the land of Babylonia to rule and intrusted their sceptre to my hands, I dug out the Hammurabi canal, nourisher of men, which brings abundance of *An Empire (Latin, Imperium) is a state made by the supremacy of one city or state over several others. Such a policy of making a great state is called Imperialism, t" Tradition" is the story which is handed down by word of mouth and not written till long after the events took place. Hence it does not always preserve the exact facts. code. 30 Early Babylonian Empire water to the Babylonian lands. Both its banks I changed into fields for cultivation, and I gathered heapsof grain, and I procured unfailing water for the Babylonian lands." His Law- For his Empire the king published a code of laws which contains some 280 statutes and reveals a high ideal of justice. Some of the more striking and instructive of the laws are the following: I. If a man bring an accusation against a man and charge him with a crime, but cannot prove it, he, the accuser, shall be put to death. 8. If a man steal ox or sheep, ass or pig or boat— if it be from a god (temple) or a palace, he shall restore thirty-fold; if it be from a freeman, he shall render ten-fold. If the thief have nothing where- with to pay, he shall be put to death. 21. If a man make a breach in a house, they shall put him to death in front of that breach, and they shall thrust him therein. 25. If a fire break out in the house of a man, and a man who goes to extinguish it cast his eye on the furniture of the owner of the house, and take the furniture of the owner of the house, that man shall be thrown into that fire. 57. If a shepherd have not come to an agreement with the owner of a field to pasture his sheep on the grass and pasture his sheep on the field without the owner's consent, the owner of the field shall harvest his field, the shepherd who has pastured his sheep on the field without the consent of the owner of the field shall give over and above twenty gur of grain per gan to the owner of the field. 117. If a man be in debt and sell his wife, son or daughter, or bind them over to service, for three years they shall work in the house of their purchaser or master; in the fourth year they shall be given their freedom. 195-199. If a son strike his father, they shall cut off his fingers. If a man destroy the eye of another man, they shall destroy his eye. If one break a man's bone, they shall break his bone. If one destroy the eye of a freeman or break the bone of a freeman, he shall pay one mina of silver. If one destroy the eye of a man's slave or break a bone of a man's slave, he shall pay one-half his price. 206, If a man strike another man in a quarrel and wound him, he Laws of Hammurabi 31 shall swear "I struck him without intent," and he shall be responsible for a physician. 251. If a man's bull has been wont to gore and they have made known to him its habit of goring, and he has not protected its horns, or has not tied it up, and that bull gores the son of a man and brings about his death, he shall pay one-half mina of silver. In his concluding words the king says: " Let any oppressed man, who has a cause, come before my image as king of righteousness! Let him read the inscription on my monument! Let him give heed to my mighty words! And may my monument enlighten him as to his cause and may he understand his case! May he set his heart at ease! (and he will exclaim :) ' Hammurabi is indeed a ruler who is like a real father to his people.' " 38. For centuries kings continued to rule in peace and The prosperity over the Empire founded by Hammurabi. Even conquest when rude tribes from the eastern mountains, called the Kassites, entered the Babylonian plain and their chief- tains (about 1700 B.C.) seated themselves on the throne of Babylon, the structure of the state remained firm. The new people accepted the civilization, and the new kings ruled by the customs and laws of the old Babylonian Em- pire. An idea of the extent of their influence and the commercial relations of their time is gained by the fact that for the temple at Nippur (§13) they brought gypsum from Mesopotamia, marble, cedar and cypress from the eastern mountains, lapis lazuli from Bactria in the far east, magnesite from the island of Euboea in the iEgean sea, and cobalt, possibly, from China, besides copper, gold and precious stones from other regions. 39. In one corner of the Empire trouble arose which in Rise of course of time cast it down from its lofty seat. On the ^^^^"^ upper Tigris the subject city of Assur threw off the yoke when the Kassites came to power in Babylon. In the war Bubylonia. :i2 K(irly liabylonian Empire that followed, she not only secured independence but founded the kingdom of Assyria (about 1700 B.C.) — so called from the city Assur. A chronic state of hostility between Assyria and Babylonia, breaking out now and again into fierce conOicts, cri[)i)led both powers and es- pecially weakened the im[)erial authority of Babylon. Her sway over the lands to the northwest and on the Medi- Deciiiu' of terranean coast steadily declined and at last disapi)eare(l. Her kings still ruled in Babylon, but the First Babylonian Empire perished (about 1600 B.C.). OUTLINE FOR REVIEW I. Till-: J':astI':rn empires. 1. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. 2. The Early Babylonian IOmpiue, 2500-1600 b.c. — expansion of Babylonia — First Empire — Hammurabi — his law-code — Kassito con([Uest — rise of Assyria — dec line of the iMiipire. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what were the following famous: Hammurabi, Sargon of Agade? 2. Who were the Semites, the Kassites? 3. What is meant by empire, lapis lazuli, tradition? 4. When did Hammurabi live? TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Sargon of Agade. (loodspeed, §§ 58-50; Ragozin, Chaldea, pp. 205-214; Murison, Babylon and Assyria, §§ 6-9. 2. The Fourteenth Chapter of Genesis, verses 1-5. Ragozin, Chaldea, pp. 221-24; Murison, Ba])ylon and Assyria, §§ 13-14. 3. The Reign of Hammurabi. Murison, Babylon and Assyria, § 15; Goodspeed, §§ Q4-07. 4. The Code of Hammurabi. The Biblical World, March, 1Q03, March, igo4. 5. The Kassites. Murison, Baby- lon and Assyria, § 16; Cioodspeeti, §§ 102-ioS. 6. The Cunei- form Inscriptions. Encyclopedia Britannica, article "Inscrip- tions"; Goodspeed, §§ 22-34. TJic 11 yksoH Invasion 38 3.— THE EGYPTIAN EMPIRE 1000 1100 B.C. 40. The feudal kingdom of Egypt, after the brilliant The days of the twelfth dynasty f§ 16), fell into decay. The f/^'^7; nobles gained more power and rose up against their kings. Egypt. Foreign peoples invaded the land and added to the con- fusion. Finally, about the time that the Kassites entered Babylonia (§ 38), invaders from western Arabia and Syria burst into Egypt through the isthmus of Suez and took possession of the northern half of the land. They also made southern Egypt tributary, though the seat of their own power was in the north. From the name given to their leaders they are usually called the Hyksos. Manctho (^ i5«), as quoted in a writing of Joscphus the Jew, tells among other things why this name was given to them. He says: "There came up from the east in a strange manner men of an ignoble race, who had the confidence to invade our country, and easily sub- dued it by their fx>wer without a battle. And when they had our rulers in their hands, they burnt our cities and demolished the temjjies of the gods and inflicted every kind of barbarity upon the inhabitants, slaying some and reducing the wives and children of others to a state of slavery. At length they made one of themselves king. ... lie lived at Memphis and rendered both the upper and the lower regions of Kgypt tributary and stationed garrisons in places which were best adapted for that purpose. All this nation was .styled iJyk.sos, that is, Shepherd Kings; for the first .syllable, Ilyk, in the sacred dialect denotes 'king,' and sos signifies 'shepherd,' but this only according to the vulgar tongue; and of these is com[K)unded the name Hyksos.'' 41. The Hyksos ruled over Egypt for a century. The Expulsion people adopted the manners and customs of the Egyptians, and the kings ruled like the native Pharaohs. Yet the of the Hyksos. 34 The Egyptian Empire Egyptians could not forget that they were foreigners. A rebelHon broke out in the south, gathered strength, and war was waged for years. The princes of Thebes were leaders of the rebels, fighting for the deUverance of their country and their gods. It was a fierce struggle. The mummy of one of these princes, now in the Cairo Museum, shows a great slash on the head received apparently in one of these battles. After, perhaps, half a century of fight- ing, the foreign princes were driven out of Egypt into the northeast whence they had come. The native Egyptians recovered their land, and the princes of Thebes, who had led them so vahantly had their reward. They became kings of Egypt. The New 42. The Egyptians hitherto had been a peaceful people. sl^i^rit.^* They had enlarged their domains in the early days chiefly by entering the peninsula of Sinai and making expeditions up the Nile into Nubia. But now circumstances made it possible for them to do greater things. The Hyksos had brought the horse with them into Egypt, and in war much more could be done by means of horses. Chariots could be employed, longer marches made. The Egyptian army had been trained in the new art of war and seasoned by the long and fierce struggle with the Hyksos. The Pha- raoh, their leader, had become a warrior eager for military glory. The gods of Egypt, represented by their priests, called for vengeance on their enemies and for the extension of their divine sway over the distant lands. So the Egyp- tians embarked on a new career — a career of conquest. Egypt an Thereby they transformed Egypt from a kingdom into an Empire, the second Empire of the Ancient World. 43. The conquering monarchs make up the eighteenth dynasty (about 1600-1350 B.C.). The greatest of them was Empire. Eighteenth Dynasty. The Eighteenth Dynasty 35 Thutmose III, who ruled in the sixteenth century. He The made at least sixteen campaigns into the northeast through the regions on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean. Thutmose Twice, perhaps thrice, he reached the Euphrates, and even crossed the river into Mesopotamia. The Egyptian Empire reached from central Nubia in the south to the northern mountains and the Euphrates. Egypt succeeded Babylonia in supremacy over Syria. Thutmose III had a long account of his expeditions written on the walls of one of his temples in Thebes. His first campaign lasted about six months, from April to October, during which he covered about 2,000 miles and fought at least one great battle at Megiddo. The following is the king's description of the batUe: "Command was given before his whole army, saying, 'Prepare ye, make ready your weapons, for we move to fight with the vile enemy to- morrow.* The baggage of the chiefs was prepared and the provisions of the followers, and the sentinels of the army were spread abroad; they said 'Firm of heart, firm of heart, watchful of head, watchful of head.' On the twenty-first day of the month, even the same as the royal coronation, early in the morning command was given to the en- tire army to advance. His Majesty went forth in his chariot of electrum adorned with his weapons of war. His Majesty was in the midst of them, the god Amon being the protection to his body and strength to his limbs. Then his Majesty prevailed over them at the head of his army. When they saw his Majesty prevailing over them, they fled headlong to Megiddo, as if terrified by spirits; they left their horses and their chariots of silver and gold, and were drawn up by hauling them by their clothes into this city, for the men shut the gates of this city upon them. The fear of his Majesty entered their hearts, their arms failed, their mighty men lay along like fishes on the ground. The great army of his Majesty drew round to count their spoil. The whole army rejoiced, giving praise to Amon for the victory that he had given to his son, and they glorified his Majesty, extolling his victories." 44. The victorious kings of the eighteenth dynasty held '^"s '^'^^ .... the this region for a century. Then a new enemy came down mttites. 36 The Egyptian Empire from the north, the Hittites, who began to contest the pos- session of the northern half of Syria. The famous Pha- Ramsesii. raoh, Ramses II (1288-1221 B.C.), of the nineteenth dynasty, fought with them for nearly twenty years. At last he made a treaty of peace with their king, which was written on a silver tablet and copied on the temple wall at Thebes. From this time the Egyptian Empire practically extended only to the Lebanon mountains. A century later the Hittite Kingdom disappeared before the advance of a horde of peoples migrating down the coast of the Med- iterranean from Asia Minor (about 11 70 B.C.). Ramses Ramses HI. Ill, of the twentieth dynasty, was then on the Egyptian throne. He summoned all his forces to withstand the invaders, and dispersed them in a great battle on the northern border of his Empire. But this effort ex- hausted the resources of Egypt. Its Empire gradually dwindled away. Pharaohs continued to rule in the Nile valley, but their power over Syria was gone. Thus the second Imperial State of the Ancient East disappeared (iioo B.C.). 45. Egypt in these centuries better deserved the name of an Empire than did its predecessor, Babylonia. It was more thoroughly organized. Whenever the Pharaoh con- quered a city-state of Syria, he laid upon its king the obli- gation to pay a yearly sum as tribute. Sometimes he took the king's eldest son to his court to be educated. Garri- sons of Egyptian troops were placed in some cities, and governors were appointed in certain districts. Even com- munities of Egyptian people went out to dwell in towns of Syria. Such bodies of settlers are called colonies. The Pharaoh kept in close relations with his governors and subject-kings through constant correspondence with them Decline of Egypt. Organiza- tion of the Empire. Imperial Organization 37 and by sending out inspectors from time to time to ex- amine into their affairs. 46. A mass of this official correspondence from two kings of the Tel-el- eighteenth dynasty was discovered in Egypt recently at Tel-el- -^^^^"^ Amarna, and is called the Tel-el-Amarna Letters. They contain despatches from governors and princes of Syria. Some are from the king of Jerusalem; other letters are from the rulers of Babylonia and Assyria, with replies from the Pharaoh. All of these are written in Signifi- the Babylonian character — a fact which shows how deeply Babylo- <^*"<^®- nian civilization had influenced the Ancient World. Even Egyp- tian kings wrote to their Syrian subjects in Babylonian. It was the diplomatic* language of the day. 47. Egypt as an Empire was very different from the The King. Egypt of the preceding feudal period. The feudal nobility had been wiped out by the invasion of the Hyksos and the wars of deUverance. Their property fell into the hands of the king, who now became the one proprietor of all Egypt. This property he rented out to the people for a percentage of its product. Some of it he gave to the gen- erals of his armies. They were his officials, governors and judges. The army was now a standing institution, The Army, under arms at all times. Though not so at first, it grad- ually came to be made up in large part of foreigners who were paid for their mihtary service. Such soldiers are called "mercenaries." A mercenary army was a danger- ous machine, since the soldiers were held to the imperial service only by the money that they gained from it. The spoils of the wars made many of them very rich. The rehgious officials, the priests, also profited by the wars. The since a part of the spoils of victory was given to the gods ^"®^*^' * The language which diflferent states use in dealing with each other Diplomacy is the science of international relations. 38 The Egyptian Empire of Egypt, whose ministers they were. The temples became weahhy and powerful establishments. Their property was not taxed, and their people did not have to perform mihtary service. Thus it came about that the chief ele- ments in the state were now three — the king, the army and the priests. 48. In the Old Testament the change in the position of the king is said to have been brought about by a foreign prime minister, the Israelite statesman and hero, Joseph. The Book of Genesis says: "He gathered up food in the cities, corn as the sand of the sea. And there was famine and the people cried unto Pharaoh for bread; and Pharaoh said: 'Go unto Joseph; what he saith to you, do.' And Joseph sold unto the Egyptians. And when the money was all spent, Joseph said: 'Give your cattle.' And they brought their cattle and Joseph gave them bread in exchange. And they said: 'Buy us and our land for bread, and we and our land will be servants unto Pharaoh.' So Joseph bought all the land of Egypt for Pharaoh. Only the land of the priests he bought not; for the priests had a portion from Pharaoh, and did eat their portion: wherefore they sold not their land. Then Joseph said unto the people: 'At the harvests ye shall give a fifth unto Pharaoh and four parts shall be your own.' And Joseph made it a statute concerning the land of Egypt unto this day that Pharaoh should have the fifth; only the land of the priests alone became not Pharaoh's." Results. 49. As a result of its conquests, Egypt became very rich in gold and slaves. Hence, money and cheap laborers were plentiful for building operations. Temples of un- Architect- equalled grandeur were reared. The capital city, Thebes, was the scene of the most splendid exhibition of this archi- tecture. The temples on the sites now known as Karnak and Luxor (parts of the city of Thebes) were and have ever since remained among the wonders of the world. Every great king of these dynasties enlarged and beautified them, wrote an account of his exploits upon their walls ure PLATE IV '■;J^ ly^ ''^'^''''^'Vo^4J}}"S"^B%U LanHs During the Nineteenth Century.' A Babylonian Temple (Nippur) An Egyptian Temple (Luxor) ORIENTAL TEMPLES Egyptian Literature 39 and enriched their priests by splendid offerings. The Karnak temple was a quarter of a mile long and 379 feet wide at the main front — more than twice as large as St. Peter's Church at Rome. Amon, the god specially wor- shipped at Thebes, became the great god of Egypt, beside whom other gods seemed of no account. The kings set up colossal statues of themselves in the temples. One of Ramses II, found in northern Egypt, was some ninety feet high and weighed about nine hundred tons. Abund- ant wealth gave also the leisure to study and write; hence Literature, the literature of the Egyptian Empire is most abundant. Love-songs, hymns to the gods, theological works, ro- mances, and letters are among the writings preserved. One of the most famous is a kind of epic history describ- ing the deeds of Ramses II in a battle with the Hittites. From the name of the scribe who copied it, it is called the Poem of Pentaur. The most stirring part of it presents Ramses II cut off from his army and surrounded by the enemy. Ramses calls upon his god: "How is this, my father Amon ? Does a father then forget his son ? I have done nothing, indeed, without thee. He is miserable who knows not god. Have I not erected to thee many monuments, in order to fill thy temple with my spoil? I call to thee, my father Amon. I am in the midst of many people, I am quite alone, my foot- soldiers and my chariot force have forsaken me. When I called to them, I found that Amon was better to me than millions of foot- soldiers, and hundreds of thousands of chariots. The works of men are as nothing ; Amon is more precious than they. Do I not call from the ends of the world ? Yet Re has heard me, he comes to me when I call. He calls from behind me : 'Thou art not alone, I am with thee, I, thy father Re; my hand is with thee.* I take heart again. What I desire to do, that happens. Behold, none of them are able to fight before me, their hearts melt, their arms fall, they cannot shoot. I slay them according to my will. Not one of them 40 The Egyptian Empire looks behind him and not one of them turns round. He who falls of them rises no more." The Dark 50. Yet in the higher arts Egypt in this period was not superior. Bigness rather than beauty was the ideal of art and architecture. Fine writing and swelling words rather than clear and deep thought were the rule. Indeed, the whole structure of the state and society was artificial and not a natural growth. The building was made great and splendid by slave labor and foreign money ; the Egyptians were enfeebled by the luxury which they enjoyed. In all that constitutes true greatness Egypt was not so strong as in the earlier days. Pride of power and abundance of silver and gold were eating out her heart. Threaten- 51. Wc tum to obscrvc a fact which lies outside the mentsTrom ^^^Id of the ancicut East, but which is a prophecy of com- the West, jj^g events. We saw (§ 44) that a migration of peoples from Asia Minor destroyed the Hittite kingdom and struck a hard blow at the Egyptian Empire. What caused their movement ? What was going on in the northwest whence they came ? To the west of Asia Minor lies the iEgean The Greeks sca; ou both sidcs of that sea in this period the Greeks had made settlements and had built up a flourishing civil- ization. We hear of great cities like Mycenae in Greece, and Troy in the northwestern corner of Asia Minor, and of a mighty contest between them which Homer, the Greek poet, has immortalized in the Iliad. It is not unlikely that the migration into Syria is connected with the move- ments of which the Trojan War forms a part. At any rate, now for the first time the West comes into view and the first conflicts of East and West — the appearance of one of the most important moving forces of ancient and mod- ern history. Emerge. Summary of Egyptian Supremacy 41 52. Another people appeared at this time which was The He- destined to play a part in history. Among the tribes that ^p^L. had come over from the East into Syria was Israel — a part of the tribes known as the Hebrews (§8). At first they had wandered through the southern part of Syria (Palestine), but in the time of the Hyksos kings they entered northern Egypt. There, after the Hyksos had been driven out, they were oppressed, by Ramses II it is thought, and in the last years of the nineteenth dynasty, led by the hero Moses, they escaped into the eastern desert, delivered from the Egyptians by Jehovah their god at the crossing of the Red sea (about 1200 B.C.). During the early years of the twentieth dynasty they wandered in the desert. We shall hear of them again. 53. To look back over this period and to sum it up — at the beginning of the sixteenth century the grip of Baby- lonia upon the regions of the west and north was relaxed and conflict with Assyria was the order of the day. Egypt was in the hands of the Hyksos. But soon, rising up against their foreign lords, the Egyptians drove them out, and fired by warlike zeal, followed on to the conquest of the east. The kings of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties won Syria and organized the Egyptian Empire. The rich tribute of the Syrian states flowed into the Egyp- tian treasury. In power and luxury, in art and literature, the Egypt of this period was magnificent. But enemies rose up in the provinces or appeared on the borders; the Egyptians themselves could not endure the strain this splendid career brought upon them, and with the close of the twentieth dynasty the Egyptian Empire was a thing of the past. 42 The Egyptian Empire OUTLINE FOR REVIEW I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES I. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. 2. The Early Baby- lonian Empire. 3. The Egyptian Empire, 1600-1100 B.C. a. The Hyksos invasion — their expulsion — the new warlike spirit. b. Egypt as an empire — the eighteenth dynasty, Thutmose III — wars with the Hittites — Ramses II — western immigration — Ramses III — decline, c. Organization (Tel-el-Amarna letters — the king, the army, the priests). d. Results (wealth — architecture — litera- ture — the dark side), e. Greece on the horizon — the Hebrews appear. /. Summary. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what were the following famous: Ramses II, Thutmose III, Ramses III? 2. Who were the Hyksos, the Hittites? 3. What is meant by Tel-el-Amarna Letters, nome, empire? 4. For what are the following places noted: Karnak, Assur, Memphis, Luxor, Nippur, Megiddo? 5. When did Ramses II live? 6. At about what date was the departure of the Israelites from Egypt? TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Invasion of the Hyksos. Murison, Egypt, §§ 36-40; Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, chs. 8-9. 2. Thutmose III. Murison, Egypt, §§ 45- 47; Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, pp. 189-206. 3. Ramses II. Murison, Egypt, §55; Wendel, pp. 87-95; Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, pp. 238-252; Sayce, Ancient Empires, pp. 43-46. 4. The Hittites and Their Empire. Encyclopedia Britannica, article "Hittites." 5. The Temples of Thebes. RawHnson, Story of Egypt, see index under "Temple of Ammon," of "Karnak." 6. Egyptian Civilization. Murison, Egypt, chs. 13-15. 7. The Book of the Dead. Murison, Egypt, ch. 12. 8. Apply the following utterance of an Egyptian Sage to Egyptian history of this Epoch : " If thou hast become great after having been little, harden not thy heart. Thou art only become the steward of the good things of God." Invasions 43 4.— THE SYRIAN EMPIRES 1100-900 B.C. 54. The passing away of the Egyptian Empire about Newimmi- iioo B.C. was not followed — as might have been expected *^"*'°°^' — by the advance of the states of Assyria and Babylonia to seize her lost supremacy. One of those tremendous over- flows of people from central and northern Arabia, such as took place from time to time when there was not food enough in the desert to supply the population, flooded the northern districts of Mesopotamia and Syria. These peoples, called the Arameans, thus cut off communica- The tion between east and west. At the same time a similar ^^^™®*°s- horde, called the Kaldi, entered southern Babylonia. TheKaWi. Both Assyria and Babylonia, therefore, had all they could do to defend themselves and could not advance westward. 55. One region of the Ancient World had now the op- The oppor- portunity to assert itself — that between the Nile and the syril^°^ Euphrates — Syria. Here was the scene of the attempts at empire in the next two centuries (1100-900 B.C.). During this time Syria was the real centre of historical life. Four peoples of this region came forward and its Four made up the history of the time. These were the Phoe- ^*°p^"' nicians, the Philistines, the Israelites and the Arameans of Damascus. 56. The Lebanon mountains, as they run down along ThePhoe- the eastern Mediterranean from the north for two hundred ''*"^°^- miles, throw out spurs from time to time into the sea and leave here and there spaces of coast from one to five miles 44 The Syrian Empires Land. Occupa- tions. Tyre's Commercial Supremacy. Phoenician Coloniza- tion. wide and six to twenty miles long. In these petty patches of earth, with the high mountains at their back and the blue sea before them, the Phoenicians cultivated the fertile soil, built cities and learned to sail the sea. Beginning by trading with each other and with the people of the interior, they went on to make voyages to more distant parts and to carry the wares of the east to the less advanced western lands. When the Egyptian Empire ceased to rule over them, they were free to act for themselves. One city among them, Tyre, situated on a rocky island about half a mile from shore, obtained the leadership among them and became the commercial centre of the east and west. The merchandise of Babylonia, Assyria, Egypt, Arabia, Armenia, not to speak of the lesser peoples, was brought to Tyre. Raw materials were received and turned into manufactured articles in Tyrian workshops — metals into arms, toilet articles and furniture; wool into cloths which were marvellously colored by means of the dye made from shell-fish found on the Phoenician coast. All these materials were taken out in Phoenician ships and exchanged for native products at trading posts estab- lished at different points on the Mediterranean. Already the Phoenicians had settled in the island of Cyprus, sev- enty miles to the west. Some points in the ^Egean sea were touched, but the Greeks were too strong there, and the Phoenicians went on to the regions of the western Medi- terranean. The north African coast, Malta, Sicily, Sar- dinia, the Balearic islands, were occupied. Spain, with its mines of precious metal, was a rich centre of Phoenician enterprise. Out into the Atlantic fared their adventurous ships, southward to the Canary islands and northward to Britain. The Phoenician Colonies 45 57. Herodotus describes a typical instance of Phoenician trading: "When they have come to a land and unload the merchandise from their ships, they set it in order along the beach and return aboard their ships. Then they raise a smoke, and the natives of the land, seeing the smoke, come to the shore and lay down gold as much as they think the goods are worth; then they withdraw quite a distance. The Carthaginians upon that come ashore again and look; if they think the gold enough, they take it and go their way; but if not, they go on board again and wait. The others approach and add more gold till they satisfy them. They say that neither party wrongs the other; for they themselves do not touch the gold till it comes up to the value of their wares, nor do the others lay hands on the goods till the gold has been taken away." 58. Most of their settlements were temporary trading The chief posts, but in some districts, where wealth and prosperity ^°^°°*^^- seemed to be constant, they established permanent colo- nies. The most famous of these were Utica and Carthage in North Africa, Tarshish and Gades (Cadiz) in Spain, and the cities of western Sicily. The tie between the colony and the home-land was close. The mother city a coioniai usually maintained a political and religious supremacy, ^^p**"^- Thus Tyre under its kings was during these centuries the head of a flourishing Colonial Empire. 59. The Phoenicians carried things more valuable than Phoenician the merchandise of the east to the western world, for they civiiizl-*** also made known to it the higher arts of life. Thus the tion- systems of weights and measures, the achievements of eastern art, and, above all, the alphabet, became the pos- session of the peoples of the Mediterranean. The Phoeni- cians improved upon these things before they handed them The on. This is especially true of the alphabet. In the in- ^^p^*^«*- terests of their business activities they so simplified and modified the various modes of writing acquired by them from the eastern nations, that we are not able to say from 46 The Syrian Empires The Philistines. Origin. which one o. the eastern systems, whether the Egyptian, or the Babylonian, or the Arabian, the Phoenician alphabet is derived. We only know that the Phoenician alphabet is the basis of ours. 60. The Phoenicians made their conquests upon the shores of the Mediterranean in the peaceful ways of trade. Not so arose the other great states of Syria. Closely con- nected with the mighty migration from Asia Minor in the time of Ramses III (§ 44), we find a new people in pos- session of the broad plain which lies at the southeastern corner of the Mediterranean. The Philistines — called by Ramses III the Pulsta — though they were evidently not Semites, accepted the language and customs of the Semitic cities which they ruled.* As these cities lay on the main routes of trade from Egypt into Asia, their lords, the Philistines, were rich and powerful and flourished exceedingly. They were a fighting folk, far superior in weapons and the arts of war to the peaceful Semites about them, and soon began to make their power felt through- out the whole maritime plain from Mt. Carmel in the north Expansion, to the highlands in the east. They began to push up into the interior and came into conflict with a people that had settled the mountain valleys, some time after they them- selves had conquered the plain. This people was Israel (§ 52). In the first encounters Israel was badly beaten, although in fact, as will soon appear, the Philistine victories were only temporary. A proof of the importance and renown of the Philistines is seen in the fact that the name by which southern Syria is known — Palestine — is derived from the Philistines. Palestine. *The five cities of the Philistines were Gaza, Gath, Ashdod, As- kelon and Ekron. The Rise of Israel 47 6i. Israel, after escaping from Egypt and wandering Israel, for a generation in the desert south of Syria (§ 52), moved to the east of the Dead sea, crossed the Jordan river and burst into the highlands of Palestine about 11 50 B.C. Origin. They were a wild, wandering folk with a simple faith in their god, Jehovah, who had given them, through Moses ReUgion. his servant, the Ten Commandments, and was for them the one supreme lord of justice and truth, their deHverer and friend. The Ten Commandments are the noblest brief collection of the laws of right living that has come down from the ancient world. They are the following: I am Jehovah thy God: 1. Thou shalt have none other gods before me. 2. Thou shalt not make unto thee a graven image. 3. Thou shalt not take the name of Jehovah thy god in vain. 4. Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy. 5. Honor thy father and thy mother. 6. Thou shalt do no murder. 7. Thou shalt not commit adultery. 8. Thou shalt not steal. 9. Thou shalt not bear false witness. 10. Thou shalt not covet. 62. After a century occupied in overcoming the people National of the region, called the Canaanites, and settling down ^^ °^' as farmers, they began to desire a national life and an or- ganized government. What brought this to a head was the attack and temporary supremacy of the Philistines (§ 60). A religious leader, Samuel, organized a band of samuei prophets who went about preaching deliverance through ^op^et. Jehovah and stirred up the people to rebellion. He also presented to them a king whom Jehovah had chosen, Saul, a frank, impetuous, mighty man of valor. He be- 48 The Syrian Empires Saul the Warrior. David the Hero. Solomon the Organizer. came the first king of Israel (about 1050 B.C.), and beat back the PhiHstines. 63. After his death David was chosen king, another heroic and magnetic warrior, who was also a man of genius and statesmanship. He built up an army with which he defeated his enemies, extended the authority of Israel over neighboring peoples and made its influence felt as far north as the Euphrates river. His greatest work was the estabHshment of the national capital at Je- rusalem, where the king dwelt, the court assembled, jus- tice was administered and Jehovah was worshipped as the national god. 64. David was followed by his son Solomon (about 975 B.C.). As his father had been the founder of the state, so he became its organizer. He had a masterly mind for politics and administration. To break up sectional feel- ing and to weld the state firmly together, he divided the land into twelve districts as the basis for his administra- tion. He instituted regular taxes, had a standing army, entered into alliances with neighboring states. One of the most important of these alliances was that with Hi- ram, king of Tyre, the most brilhant of the Phoenician rulers. Together they made commercial expeditions on the Red sea and the Indian ocean. Solomon also allied himself with the king of Egypt and married his daugh- ter. He made trading alliances with the peoples of the north. Thus Israel became a nation among the other nations of the world. Solomon used his abundant wealth to strengthen and beautify his kingdom, build- ing cities and fortresses at strategic points for trade and defence. Jerusalem was the object of his special attention. There he built palaces, walls, and the famous Temple, The Disruption of Israel 49 the wonder and pride of his people, for the worship of Jehovah. When he died, Israel was the leading state of Syria, and a splendid future seemed to be assured. 65. But Solomon was in advance of his people and his weakness time. The people resented his strict government with its ^^^l]^,^ taxes, its military service, its forced labor on the palaces Regime, and forts. They had been only two centuries out of the free life of the desert, and the memory of it remained. They did not care to play the imperial role which Solomon designed for them. When after his death his son continued his father's policy, the northern tribes refused to recognize him and elected another king, leaving him to be king over his own tribe, Judah. This event is known as the Dis- The Dis- ruption (about 930 B.C.); it was the death-blow to the '■"p**°°- position of Israel as a world-power. Henceforth there were two kingdoms on the highlands of Palestine — Israel in the north and Judah in the south. The capital of Judah remained at Jerusalem. Israel's new capital was placed at Samaria. Israel's kings tried to play the part of David and Solomon on a smaller scale, while Judah was content to lead a quiet and secluded life under the descendants of those great rulers. 66. By this time (925 B.C.) the Arameans, who had The migrated into Syria (§ 54), had become settled. Both ^''^"^^^"s- David and Solomon had come into contact with them. One of their leaders got possession of the city of Damas- At cus, where he set up a kingdom (about 975 B.C.). Damas- ^^°^^^^"s- cus was the chief trading centre of Syria, the halting-place of caravans, where merchants from Egypt and the East met to exchange their wares and to supply the wandering tribes that came in from the neighboring desert. The city was beautiful for situation, lying in the midst of a well- 50 The Syrian Empires watered and fertile valley on the edge of the desert, mid- way between the Mediterranean and the Mesopotamian Growth. valley, between Egypt and the Euphrates. The Aramean kingdom planted at this strategic point soon became pow erful and began to lay its hand upon the districts round Wars with about. Soon it came into touch with Israel, and the re- israei. lations, at first friendly, passed later into enmity, each power striving for mastery over the land of Syria. The End of 67. Neither of these states, however, was destined for Greatness, empire. The troubles that had held back the greater powers on the Euphrates and Tigris were over; the brief career of splendor for the kingdoms of Syria was at an end. Already Assyria was knocking at the gates of the West, and the conflicts of Philistia, Judah, Israel and Damas- cus were swallowed up in the fiercer struggle of all against the oncoming Assyrian might. Thus a new period of the history of the Ancient East was ushered in. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES I. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. 2. The Early Baby- lonian Empire. 3. The Egyptian Empire. 4. The Syrian Empires, 1100-900 b.c. I. Immigration — Syria's opportunity — the four peoples. 2. Phoenicians — land, occupations — Tyre, colonization and colonial empire — services to civilization. 3. Philistines — origin — expan- sion. 4. Israel — origin — religion — organization — Samuel — Saul — David — Solomon — disruption. 5. Arameans — at Damascus — growth — wars with Israel. 6. Close of Syrian period — summary. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. Who were the Arameans, the Kass- ites, the Canaanites, the Kaldi? 2. For what were the follow- ing places noted: Carthage, Damascus, Jerusalem, Thebes, Gades, Tyre, Gaza? 3. For what were the following persons The Land of Assyria 51 famous: Solomon, Hammurabi, Thutmose? 4. Prepare a map showing the extent of Phoenician colonization. TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Phoe- nicians. Sayce, Ancient Empires, pp. 178-209; Ragozin, Assyria, ch. 3. 2. Moses and His Work. Encyclopedia Bri- tannica, article "Moses." 3. The Reign of David. Encyclo- pedia Britannica, article "David"; Kent, History of Hebrew People, United Kingdom, pp. 136-168. 4. The Story of the Disruption, i. Kings, ch. 12; Kent, History, Divided King- dom, pp. 1-25. 5. The Temple at Jerusalem. Encyclopedia Britannica, article "Temple"; International Encyclopedia, art- icle "Temple"; Kent, History, United Kingdom, ch. 13. 5.— THE WORLD- EMPIRE OF ASSYRIA 900-600 B.C. 68. The kingdom of Assyria since the days of its be- Assyria, ginning (§ 39) had fought with Babylonia, at first for its own existence and then for mastery in the Mesopotamian Early valley. Meanwhile it had pushed up the Tigris and c°°*^^*^°"^- taken firm possession of the country between the upper course of the river and the eastern mountains. Besides the city of Assur, its chief centres were Calah, Arbela and Nineveh — the last destined to be the capital of the Empire. In the northeastern upland corner of Mesopo- tamia, life was not so easy as in Babylonia; the climate was colder, the land less fertile, wild beasts plentiful, the mountaineers threatening. Hence, the Assyrians had to fight with nature and man for their life, and by this train- ing became hardy and warlike. They had to make their way by sword and spear rather than by plough and spade. 69. One other means of advancement was open to them — that of commerce and trade. Their land lay across the 52 The World-Empire of Assyria The Com- mercial Oppor- tunity. Assyrian Expansion. Toward the West. Conquest of Babylon, of Egypt and of the North. ways of traffic from east to west and from north to south. When by force of arms they had estabHshed themselves as a nation, they were tempted by commercial opportunities to extend their power beyond their borders. To wrest from Babylonia the possession of the upper Euphrates was one ambition, for that meant complete control of the rich trade with Syria and Egypt. Another source of wealth was to be found in the mountain- valleys to the north, in the coun- try called Armenia, for through them ran the roads into Asia Minor. Thus the Assyrians were led on to wider conquests, until the whole world lay at their feet. 70. Their early efforts at expansion were checked by the Aramean migration into Mesopotamia (§ 54), which forced them back into their own borders and thus gave Syria its opportunity for independent empire. But by 900 B.C. the Arameans had settled down and Assyria lifted her head. Under a vigorous and fearless king, whose name was Ashurnatsirpal, the conquering move- ment began anew. He brought northern Mesopotamia, as far as the Euphrates, and southern Armenia under the yoke. His son crossed the Euphrates and made northern Syria subject. His great-grandson carried the Assyrian arms to the southwest as far as Philistia. Thus by 800 B.C. the Assyrian armies had marched throughout the length and breadth of Syria. 71. The next century saw the downfall of Babylonia, when the Assyrian conqueror, Tiglathpileser III, in 728 B.C., became king in Babylon. Fifty years later Egypt became subject (670 B.C.); in another generation Elam was conquered (645 B.C.). Meanwhile Assyrian armies had marched into the mountains surrounding the Meso- potamian plain. In the northwest they penetrated into Organization of the Assyrian Empire 53 Asia Minor; in the northeast they reached the Caspian sea. In extent and power Assyria was the mightiest Empire that the ancient world had known. 72. Assyria reached t) 's splendid height during the Assyria at reigns of four rulers, the first of whom was Sargon (722- 705 B.C.), who was followed in regular succession by Sennacherib (705-681 B.C.), Esarhaddon (681-668 B.C.), and Ashurbanipal (668-626 B.C.), each the son of his predecessor. Under these kings Assyria became an im- perial state. Conquered countries were organized into An Empire, districts under the rule of an imperial officer who had a military force at his command and was responsible for order and peace; he collected the taxes and administered justice. Such districts we call Provinces. Assyria was the first to introduce provincial government — a great ad- vance in imperial administration. The Assyrians also Provincial invented the plan of removing the inhabitants of a city ^gn^/"" or district from their homes and putting in their places other people from a distant part of the Empire. This is called Deportation. It destroyed the old feeling of local patriotism and made people more willing to accept the rule of the central government. Thus the Empire was built up solidly and all parts of it united under the rule of the great king at Nineveh. 73. That Assyria's government of conquered countries Rebeiuons of Vd.SS3.ls was not perfect is shown by the many rebellions that arose among them. Whenever they had the slightest encour- agement to revolt, they flew to arms. Thus Syria was constantly being stirred up by Egypt, which during these three centuries had been slowly growing stronger and was trying to get back its lost empire. In 745 B.C. Damascus in the and Israel joined in such rebellion; as a result Tiglath- 54 The World-Empire of Assyria pileser III put an end to Damascus and severely pun- ished Israel. The latter, however, rebelled again, and perished at the hands of Sargon in 722 B.C. All the bet- ter classes of citizens were deported and the state became an Assyrian province. The king describes his capture of Samaria and punishment of Israel in these words: "The city of Samaria I besieged; 27,290 inhabitants of it I carried away captive; fifty chariots in it I took for myself, but the remainder (of the people) I allowed to retain their possessions. I appointed my governor over them, and the tribute of the preceding king I imposed upon them," injudah, 74. Judah's king, Ahaz, had already submitted to As- syria, but his son and successor, Hezekiah, joined in a rebelHon of the Syrian states, which brought Sennacherib on the scene in 701 B.C. He punished the rebels severely, but met with a disaster which compelled him to retire without capturing Jerusalem. The Old Testament describes the disaster thus: 'Tt came to pass that night that the angel of Jehovah went forth and smote in the camp of the Assyrians an hundred fourscore and five thousand: and when men arose early in the morning, behold, they were all dead corpses. So Sennacherib, king of Assyria, departed, and went and returned and dwelt at Nineveh" (2 Kings 19: 35, 36). In Baby- 75. A mighty revolt arose in Babylonia against Ashur- '°"'*- banipal. The Kaldi (§ 54) had been unceasing enemies of Assyria ever since her entrance into Babylonia, and now secured the aid of the Elamites (§9). At this time a brother of the Assyrian king was governor of Babylonia; he made common cause with them and invited other sub- ject peoples to join the conspiracy. The storm broke in 652 B.C.; only by the most tremendous efforts did Ashur- PLATE V An Assyrian Rt4iet. Huntin^r Scene Hill ii /°k ^ ^^. ^^1^ ■!((,>; An Assyrian Relief. Battle Scene, the Storming of a City TYPICAL ASSYRIAN SCENES The Splendor of Assyria 55 banipal gain the victory. The faithless brother perished in the flames of his palace, and the other rebels, with their aUies, were fearfully punished. 76. The kings of the family of Sargon were wealthy Assyrian and proud monarchs. Magnificent palaces were built ^^q^^^^' by them at Nineveh. Sargon founded in connection with his palace a city capable of holding 80,000 people. The Arcwtect- palace itself filled twenty-five acres and had at least two ^^^' hundred rooms. The halls were lined with sculptured Sculpture, slabs of alabaster picturing the king's campaigns; at either side of the great door-ways stood mighty winged bulls carved in stone. The royal temple-tower with seven stories, each story faced with tiles of a color different from that of the others, rose out of the palace court one hundred and forty feet high. Inscriptions describing the mighty deeds of the kings in war and peace were written on the palace walls or on great monuments standing in the courts. In the palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh was a Hbrary Libraries, consisting of tens of thousands of clay books arranged on shelves. They consisted in part of official documents and also of the choicest religious, historical and scientific literature of the Babylonian and Assyrian world. Ashur- banipal tells us of his youthful training, how ''he acquired the wisdom of (the god) Nabu, learned all the knowledge of writing of all the scribes, and learned how to shoot with the bow, to ride on horses and in chariots and to hold the reins." The Assyrians, however, were a practical, not a The Debt to literary, people; they were content to accept all the learn- * ^°°* ing of the Babylonians and did not add to it. Their lan- guage, their art, their religion, all follow Babylonian mod- els. The god Ashur, the lord and patron of the state, the leader of the armies in war, stood at the head of the- 56 The World-Empire of Assyria Assyrians as Admin- istrators. The Fatal Weakness. The Fall of the Assyr- ian Em- pire. gods, the rest of whom have the same names and charac- teristics as those of Babylonia. 77. The Assyrians were good warriors and excellent administrators. They knew how to conquer and how to rule better than any people that had hitherto appeared. They broke down the separate nations of the east and welded them into a unity. They spread abroad the civil- ization of the east throughout the Empire and extended commerce. But they did not know how to attach conquered peoples to themselves and give them something to do be- yond paying taxes. They were just, but not generous; toward rebels and obstinate enemies they were outra- geously cruel. Hence their Empire, although superior to all its predecessors, did not endure. Ashurnatsirpal describes the punishment of a rebellious city as fol- lows: "I drew near to the city of Tela. The city was very strong; three walls surrounded it. The inhabitants trusted to their strong walls and numerous soldiers; they did not come down or embrace my feet. With battle and slaughter I assaulted and took the city. Three thousand warriors I slew in battle. Their booty and posses- sions, cattle, sheep, I carried away; many captives I burned with fire. Many of their soldiers I took alive; of some I cut off hands and limbs; of others the noses, ears, and arms; of many soldiers I put out the eyes. I reared a column of the living and a column of heads. I hung up on high their heads on trees in the vicinity of their city. Their boys and girls I burned up in the flame. I devastated the city, dug it up, in fire burned it; I annihilated it." 78. The fall of Assyria was sudden and startling. At the death of Ashurbanipal, in 626 B.C., the Empire seemed strong. But on the eastern mountains the Medes had been gathering from the far east, ready to descend upon the plains in irresistible power. For a time Assyria beat them off, but they returned. At last the province of Baby- Fall of Assyria 57 Ionia broke away and allied itself with the Medes. This was the finishing stroke. The next assault was successful. Nineveh was taken in 606 B.C., and, with its capture, Assyria vanished. So complete was its collapse that the very site and name of Nineveh disappeared from the knowledge of mankind, only to be recovered by the in- vestigations of scholars and travellers in the last century. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES I. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. 2. The Early Baby- lonian Empire. 3. The Egyptian Empire. 4. The Syrian Empires. 5. The World-Empire of Assyria, 900-600 b.c. I. Origin — early conditions of land and people — the commercial opportunity- 2. Expansion — westward — southward — to Egypt — to the north. 3. The Assyrian Empire — extent — imperial rulers — organization — rebellions in west, in Babylon. 4. Assyrian civiliza- tion — architecture — sculpture — libraries — debt to Babylon — admin- istration — its weakness. 5. Fall of Assyrian Empire. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what were the following places noted: Samaria, Assur, Nineveh, Tyre? 2. For what were the following famous: Sargon of Assyria, Sargon of Agade, Ashur- banipal, Ramses II? 3. What is meant by province, colony, shekel? 4. When did Sargon of Assyria live? 5. What is the date of the fall of Nineveh? 6. What is the difference between Syria and Assyria? TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Rise of Assyria. Murison, Babylonia and Assyria, ch. 3; Goodspeed, §§ 108-112. 2. The Kings of the House of Ashurnatsirpal. Goodspeed, §§ 158-184. 3. The Dynasty of Sargon. Murison, Babylonia and Assyria, §§36-58; Goodspeed, §§ 203-263. 4. The Fall of Assyria. Goodspeed, §§ 264-273; Murison, Baby- lonia and Assyria, §§ 59-61. 5. The Palace of Sargon. Good- speed, § 215; Ragozin, Assyria, pp. 278-294; Maspero, Ancient 58 The Median and Kaldean Empires Egypt and Assyria, ch. ii. 6. The Library of Ashurbanipal. Ragozin, Chaldea, Introduction, ch. 4; Maspero, Ancient Egypt and Assyria, ch. 16. 7. "The Assyrian came down like a wolf on the fold:" Does this line of Byron justly characterize Assyrian warfare ? 6 — THE MEDIAN AND KALDEAN EMPIRES 600-538 B.C. Medes and Babylo- nians Heirs of Assyria. The Kal- dean Em- pire. Nebuchad- rezzar. 79. The Medes, whose sudden attack overthrew the Assyrian Empire, had been sifting into the eastern moun- tains for more than a century. They were the advance guard of a migration of Indo- Germanic peoples (§9) which was to overwhelm the Semitic world (§7) and usher in a new era. Their alliance with the rebellious province of Babylonia brought about Assyria's fall and meant the division of the world between the two victors. The Medes received the eastern and northern mountain re- gions, stretching from the Persian gulf to Asia Minor. The Babylonians obtained the Mesopotamian valley west of the Tigris and the Mediterranean coast-lands. Thus two Empires sprang up where Assyria had once ruled. 80. Babylonia's rebellion against Assyria really marked the victory of the Kaldi (§ 54) in their long struggle with the Assyrians. The new Babylonian Empire therefore was a Kaldean Empire. It had a short career of splendor under its greatest king, Nebuchadrezzar (605-562 B.C.), who, secure from outside attack by his alliance with the Medes, devoted himself to the strengthening of his Empire and the restoration of the land and cities of Babylonia. He had trouble with the subject kingdom of Judah, which rebelled several times and was finally destroyed, its capital, The Median Empire and Cyrus 59 Jerusalem, burned to the ground and the Jews deported End of to Babylonia (586 B.C.). There they soon became an in- ^^^^^' dustrious and wealthy part of the population. The king spent vast sums of money in fortifying and beautifying the city of Babylon. He surrounded it with a triple wall, built splendid palaces and made magnificent gardens for his Median wife. Babylon in his time was the largest, richest and most wonderful city of the Ancient World. 81. Meanwhile the Median Empire had been having a The checkered experience. In the far northwest it had come Empi«. into conflict with the expanding Empire of Lydia, which had reduced all Asia Minor under its yoke. From the north new migrations of Scythians, a wild nomadic folk from central Asia, poured over the borders. In the east and south a people closely related to the Medes was grow- ing in numbers and importance. This people, called the Persians, was for a time in subjection to the Medes. Over- Under the leadership of a petty prince called Cyrus they cymT" ^ rose up against their Median lords and succeeded in over- throwing them. In the year 550 B.C. Cyrus became king of the combined peoples and founded the Persian Empire. 82. The Babylonian rulers that followed Nebuchad- TheCoaii- rezzar set themselves with the other powers of the world in cyrus^^'"^ opposition to Cyrus. Lydia, Egypt and even the leading Greek state, Sparta, joined with them in the endeavor to put a stop to his victorious career. It was all in vain. He defeated Croesus, king of Lydia, and captured him and its Over- his capital, Sardis (545 B.C.). Babylon was then attacked, and yielded to him in 538 B.C. Thus the last Semitic Empire of the Mesopotamian valley passed away and a new race took the reins of government over a wider world than had ever fallen within the bounds of an ancient state. 60 The World-Empire of Persia OUTLINE FOR REVIEW I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES I. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. 2. The Early Baby- lonian Empire. 3. The Egyptian Empire. 4. The Syrian Empires. 5. The World-Empire of Assyria. 6. The Median and Kaldean Empires, 600-538 b.c. I. The division of Assyria's empire. 2. The Kaldean Empire — why Kaldean? — Nebuchadrezzar — war with Judah — Babylon. 3. The Median Empire — expansion — overthrown by Cyrus. 4. Cyrus victor over all — fall of Babylon. 7.— THE WORLD-EMPIRE OF PERSIA: FOUNDING AND ORGANIZATION ITS The New Elements. The Persian Land and People. 550-500 B.C. 83. Not only did the Persians belong to another race than the Semites of the Tigris- Euphrates valley, but the centre of empire was shifted by them farther to the east. This centre was the broad and lofty region east of the Tigris, from which the Zagros mountains rise. These consist of a series of high ridges running north and south with fertile valleys between. The whole country lay on an average 4,000 feet above the sea and suffered from wide extremes of climate. The people who inhabited it were vigorous and hardy, simple in manners, given to the raising of cattle and horses, or, in the few fertile valleys, to agriculture. Such were the Medes and Persians. Their capitals lay in this region — Ecbatana in the north, Per- sepolis in the east and Susa in the west. From this lofty land they went forth east and west to conquest and the founding of their Empire. The Career of Cyrus 61 84. To the east lay the mighty table-land of Iran — Their 1,000 miles long and 700 miles wide — girt about with high mountains. The greater part of it is desert; only in the north and northeast are fertile districts. On the slopes of the northern range along the southeastern coast of the Caspian sea lay Hyrcania; farther to the east was Par- thia; far to the northeast in the valleys of the lofty eastern mountains on the route leading over to India was the rich land of Bactria. The western lands are famihar to us — the Mesopotamian valley, the coast-lands of the eastern Mediterranean leading down to Egypt, and in the north- west, Armenia, stretching away to the table-land of Asia Minor and the coasts of the ^Egean sea. Such was the prospect opening before the Persians, eager to enter into the struggle for the possession of these broad lands. 85. Cyrus, as we have seen, was the leader of the cyrus. Persians in this world-campaign; his conquest of the Empires of Media, Lydia and Babylonia has already been described. During the remainder of his career he seems His Career, to have added the eastern lands to his domain and is said to have died in battle with an insignificant folk on the far northeastern borders (530 B.C.). At the time of his death his eldest son, Cambyses, was the heir to the throne, and a younger son, Bardiya, was governor of the northeastern lands. Cyrus made a deep impression upon the men of His char- his own and of later times. A Jewish prophet hailed him ^'^^"' as the one called by Jehovah to deliver the Jews from their Babylonian captivity. The Greek, Herodotus, calls him the father of his people, and says that in the estimation of the Persians he was above all comparison, being of all those of his time the bravest and the best beloved. 86. For Cambyses, his successor (530-522 B.C.), one cambyscs. 62 The World-Empire of Persia region remained unconquered — Egypt. This he added to his domains. Before departing for Egypt he had caused Bardiya to be put to death for fear of his attempting to seize the throne. But this did not prevent a pretender named Gaumata from stirring up rebellion during his ab- sence in Egypt, and Cambyses died while returning to pun- ish him. It seemed that the pretender might succeed, but Darius. Darius, a cousin of Cambyses, was able to kill the rebel and after fierce struggles in the heart of the realm to secure the throne. He ruled for thirty-five years (521-486 B.C.) with splendid vigor and wise statesmanship. The Organ- 87. Pcrsia, ou the accession of Darius, occupied the en- the Empke. tire known world of the East. This world was a natural geographical whole, some 3,000 miles in length and from 500 to 1,500 miles in width, surrounded for the most part by seas, mountains or deserts — "more than half the size of modern Europe." But Httle attention as yet had been given to its organization. This was the first and most memorable work of Darius. He followed the Assyrian system (§72) and improved upon it. The Empire was divided into about twenty provinces, each in charge of Officials an official called the satrap. Two assistants were given him, a secretary and a general. All were appointed by the king; each was independent of the others and kept watch upon them. This arrangement made the three efficient and kept them faithful. Each province had to Taxes pay taxcs according to its ability ; so wisely was the income from all sources organized that the sum realized was not far from a billion dollars yearly. A system of coinage was instituted and three royal coins were minted — the gold daric ($5), the silver stater (50 cents) and the silver Army. drachma (25 cents). The army was made up of an Imperial The Persian Provincial System 63 guard, of native Medes and Persians, the ''Immortals," and of troops from the various provinces. The strongest corps of the service was the cavalry armed with the bow. In one thing especially the Persian government was su- perior to those that had gone before — in its provincial careof system. The kings took special interest in the affairs of P''°^''^^^^- the province to secure its peace and prosperity. Its cus- toms and religion were not interfered with. The satrap was enjoined to secure justice and protection to the in- habitants. Trade was encouraged. Roads were built, and travel was made safe and comfortable. A royal post carried messages from the capital over these roads to the ends of the Empire. Herodotus describes the Royal Post in these words: There is nothing mortal which accompHshes a journey with more speed than these messengers, so skilfully has this been invented by the Persians: for they say that according to the number of the days of which the entire journey consists, so many horses and men are set at intervals, each man and horse appointed for a day's journey. Neither snow nor rain nor heat nor darkness of night prevents each one of these from accomplishing the task proposed to him with the very utmost speed. The first rides and delivers the message with which he is charged to the second, and the second to the third; and so it goes through handed from one to the other. 88. Physically the early Persians were great, strong The Early men, with thick hair and beard, clear- eyed and active; in ^®"'^"/- character they were pure-hearted and brave. The com- mon people were intensely devoted to their chiefs, who exhibited the characteristic Persian virtues at their high- est. Herodotus tells us that the training of the sons of the nobles consisted in riding, shooting the bow and speak- ing the truth. Their religion was lofty and inspiring. By 64 The World-Empire of Persia Their their prophet Zoroaster, who lived about 600 B.C., they Religion. ^gj-g taught that two supreme divine Powers were in con- i flict for the mastery of the world — the Power of Good and \ the Power of Evil. Zoroaster called upon them to choose the Good and fight for him against the Evil, to hate the Lie and to love the Truth. Thus, all life was for them a moral conflict, brightened by the faith that the Good and/ True would finally be victorious. This simple and sub-^ lime doctrine made them men of courage, nobility and virtue, conscious of a mission to fulfil in the world. Effect of 89. But they were still an uncultivated folk. When Them" ^^ ^^^7 Came into possession of the wide Eastern world with its higher culture and its lower morals, they were gradu- ally corrupted. They accepted the higher culture, but they were also affected by the lower morality. This change appears prominently in the royal court. The Babylonian forms of court-life were adopted. Persian devotion to the chief became slavish subjection to the Great King, whose slightest wish was law. The sudden increase of wealth, following upon the possession of the world, produced luxury and feebleness. In the realm of art and architecture the ideals and achievements of Assyria and Egypt were the models. Magnificent royal palaces at Susa and Persepolis show Httle if anything that is new in artistic style. An imposing grandeur appears, rising out of the combination of all the old forms that the artists of the Semitic world had worked out, but that is all. Of course these changes in manners and culture came slowly. Later history was to reveal how low the Persians were to fall before their work was done and their Empire was swept away. 90. Besides his scheme of organization, Darius extended Persia and the Greek States 65 his Empire by means of war. In the far east he advanced wars of into India and added the valley of the Indus river to his ^^""^• dominions. In the west he marched through Asia Minor across the Bosphorus to attack the Scythians (515 B.C.). This expedition brought him into close contact with the Contact Greeks. It was the most important among a series of ^^^^^^ events which led to the wars between the Persian Empire and the Greek States. With these wars the Greeks came fully into the current of the world's history, to hold, hence- forth, the commanding position. Hence the centre of our study shifts from the east to the west, from Persia to Greece. The old world of Asia falls back; the new world a New Age. of Europe takes its place (500 B.C.). OUTLINE FOR REVIEW I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES I. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. 2. The Early Baby- lonian Empire. 3. The Egyptian Empire. 4. The Syrian Empires. 5. The World-Empire of Assyria. 6. The Median and Kaldean Empires. 7. The World-Empire of Persia; Early Period, 550-500 b.c. I. The new elements — land — people — outlook. 2. The kings — Cyrus, career and character — Cambyses — Darius. 3. Organiza- tion — officials — divisions — taxes — coinage — army — care of prov- inces. 4. Social life — character of people — religion — effect of culture. 5. Wars of Darius — contact with Greece — its meaning. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what were the following famous: Cyrus, Nebuchadrezzar, Darius? 2. Who were the Scythians, the Lydians, the Jews, the Kaldi? 3. For what are the follow- ing noted: Sardis, Carthage, Susa, Tyre, Persepolis? 4. What is meant by drachma, papyrus, satrap, province? 5. When did Nebuchadrezzar live? 6. When did Cyrus live? TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Baby- lon of Nebuchadrezzar. Murison, Babylonia and Assyria, 66 Summary of Oriental History § 67; Goodspeed, §§ 299-303; Ragozin, Media, etc., ch. 9. 2. The Victories of Cyrus. Ragozin, Media, etc., ch. 11. 3. The Story of the Accession of Darius. Herodotus, Book II, pp. 67-88; Ragozin, Media, etc., ch. 13. 4. The Organization of the Persian Empire. Sayce, Ancient Empires, pp. 247-250; Ra- gozin, Media, etc., pp. 384-391. 5. The Scythian Expedition of Darius. Herodotus, Book IV, pp. 1-142; Ragozin, Media, etc., pp. 412-429. 6. The Palaces of Persepolis. Sayce, An- cient Empires, pp. 270-272; Ragozin, Media, etc., pp. 391-41 1. Meaning of Oriental History. Beginnings. Progress. Govern- ment. Monarchy. 91. Thus the history of the supremacy of the Ancient East comes to an end. In gathering up the meaning of it we notice several important facts : 1. It was a time of Beginnings in government, in the arts of life, in science, in literature and in religion. *'A11 be- ginnings are difficult," says the Greek proverb. Most difficult and therefore most important and instructive were these beginnings of mankind in learning how to live in the world and in preparing the way for something better. 2. It was an age of Progress. Men were not content with what they had first gained, but kept seeking some- thing better. They found out better methods of getting a Hving and making war, of building cities and governing states, of writing, of doing business, and of enjoying them- selves. They learned more about themselves, about their relations to one another, to the world in which they lived and to the higher powers. 3. The Forms and Ideals of Government were valuable and instructive. The fundamental institution was Mon- archy. The king was the head of the State; he was the State. The purpose of the state was threefold: the wor- ship of the gods, the glory of the king and the maintenance of justice for the citizens. The one produced stately tem- 1 1 |[:T^'^"=^■:^ :-!-::.v.v.., :..]. 'j> — : ! -^ ••■ <^ """■• Id a j ! ...... a .2 w y- j 1 1 JZ 0. E i *"-^i i\n i li 1 o 1 -1 ,- TITES ASSYRI iu| I 1 1, j i -••^ 1 i i ! 1 1 k X 1 X 0. >- o u o 1 »^''' f^ z Culture and Religion 67 pies, artistic work of every sort, literature and a measure of order and comfort in the community. The second gave Empire, rise to the Imperial States whose history we have followed, with their wealth, their palaces, their armies. The third is the source of those systems of law and the arrangements for prosperity and progress that call for wonder and ad- miration. Especially is the notion of Universal Empire, entertained by the ancient rulers and in part realized by some of them, one of the most powerful and permanent ideals which the world has known. 4. In this age the foundations were laid for many Arts Culture. and Sciences. Work done by these men in the precious metals, in stone and wood, has in some respects never been surpassed. Arithmetic, chronology, grammar, en- gineering, astronomy and metrology, not to speak of other sciences, reached no mean height of development among them. 5. Among these peoples Religion had a supreme place ReUgion. and power. The gods were in and through all things, and all things were for their glory. A high idea of the divine power prevailed; in course of time the gods came to be known as guardians of right and truth. By one of these peoples the great array of deities was condensed into two divine powers, one of good and one of evil, standing over against each other; these men looked confidently for the final victory of the good god and were encouraged thereby. Yet another people, Israel, believed in one God alone, the Lord of Righteousness and Mercy; his prophets taught a knowledge of him which the world has never lost and never surpassed. In a later day it became the foundation of the Christian faith, professed by the nations of the west- ern world. 68 Summary of Oriental History Relation to 6. In a word, the history of these peoples is important Ourselves, j^g^ause the record and influence of all their achievements have passed on from the east to the west and have entered into our life. Even their errors and mistakes, their sin and its punishment, contain instructive lessons for ourselves. What they have achieved of good and abiding worth is in large measure the source of our higher life, our science, our art, our governments and our religion. GENERAL REVIEW OF PART I TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION. 1. What were the chief influences of the geography of the Oriental world upon its his- tory? See §§ 5, 6, 8, 35, 56, 68, 69, 83, 84. 2. How did the invasions of the desert and mountain tribes affect the history of the Oriental world? See §§ 9, 10, 38, 40, 51, 54, 6t, 79, 81. 3. What were the chief commercial products of the Oriental world and from what countries did each come? See §§ 18, 19, 20, 58, 59. 4. What special contribution to modern civil- ization was made by each of the great peoples studied? 5. Trace the growth of government in the Oriental world, showing how new ideas were added from time to time. See §§ 12, 13, 14, 11, 21, 42, 45, 58, 64, 72, 87. 6. What were the main points of difference between the various religions of the Oriental world? See §§ 34, 49, 61, 88. MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES.* 1. Compare Babylonian- Assyrian and Egyptian architecture as illustrated in Plate IV. 2. Enumerate such defects in Egyptian art as appear in Plates III, XIII. 3. From a study of Plate V, what subjects were most successfully treated by the Assyrian artists? How does this illustrate the national character? 4. Draw an outline map from memory of the field of ancient Oriental history, locating as many places and countries mentioned as possible. TOPICS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS. 1. The Pyramids. Mas- pero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 363-377; Egyptian ArchEeol- ogy, ch. 3; Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, ch. 4; History of *See Appendix II and Tarbell, History of Greek Art, pp. 1-46. The Eastern Empires 69 Egypt, ch. 7; Encyclopedia Britannica, article "Egypt" (sub- division "Pyramids"). 2. Compare the laws of Hammurabi given in the text with the laws of the Hebrews contained in Exodus, chs. 21-23; Deuteronomy 15: 12-14; i9- 16-21. See also The Biblical World, March, 1903, pp. 175-190- 3. What did the ancient Oriental people think of the world? Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 16-22; Encyclopedia Bri- tannica, article "Cosmology." 4. Write an account of the de- parture of the Israelites from Egypt from the standpoint of an Egyptian, using the account given in Exodus, chs. 1-14, as the basis of your study. 5. What nations had stories of the flood? Ragozin, Story of Chaldea, ch. 6; Encyclopedia Britan- nica, article "Cosmology," also "Deluge." 6. What did the Nile do for Egypt? Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, ch. i; Rawlin- son, Story of Egypt, ch. i; Encyclopedia Britannica, article "Egypt." 7. The Education of an Assyrian Boy. Sayce, Baby- lonians and Assyrians, ch. 3; Goodspeed, History of Baby- lonians and Assyrians, § 261. 8. Life and Times of Nebuchad- rezzar. Goodspeed, Part IV, chs. 2-3; Maspero, Passing of the Empires, pp. 513-568; Harper, in Biblical World, July, 1899; Ragozin, Media, etc., ch. 9. II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 500-200 B.C. PRELIMINARY SURVEY Physical 92. From the vast plains, broad rivers, mighty moun- of^Grlece^ tain-chains, trackless deserts, high table-lands, magnificent empires of the Ancient East — where the works of nature and man aHke are huge, massive, steadfast and over- powering, and history is measured by centuries or even millenniums — we turn to a very different scene in passing westward across the ^Egean sea to Greece. A petty peninsula, its rivers are rushing torrents on which no ship can sail, and its plains are deep, narrow basins between high ridges and peaks. Taken in its fullest extent it is less than half as large as the State of Illinois. Still, though Greece is small, it has striking natural character- istics. The lack of rivers is made up by innumerable bays and inlets from the sea, so that there is no spot of land which is more than forty miles from it. Half-way down the peninsula on its western side a deep gulf — the gulf of Corinth — almost cuts off the southern part, the Peloponnesus, while on the south are two bays, and on the east five, one of which actually parts Euboea from the mainland. Its mountains, though pursuing a general course from northwest to southeast, fly off in every direction from the Pindus range in the north to meet the sea, cutting the land up into a variety of inde- 70 The Geography of Greece 71 pendent valleys and glens, and towering above them in ridges and peaks from five thousand to eight thousand feet in height, sometimes bare and stern, often thickly wooded or crowned with snow. Over sea, valley and mountain gleams a brilliant sky; the play of light and shade upon the varied scene is indescribably beautiful. From the points of bold promontories that stand out into the iEgean sea, islands, large and small, summits of lost mountain-peaks, push forth one after the other toward the eastward and go to meet similar islands that dot the shores of Asia Minor. Far to the south, Crete lies across the foot of the sea, sixty miles from the extremity of the Peloponnesus and barely twice as far from Asia Minor. 93. Observe what the position of Greece and her re- lation to the sea meant for the life and history of her people. The ^Egean, pushing far upward, received ^°^y- the trade of the northwest, while it also opened into the Black sea, down to the northern and eastern shores of which came the roads from the far northeast. The bays on the eastern side of Greece, coupled with the innumer- able islands that stretched across the sea, made access easy for men coming from the east, the early home of civiliza- tion. Thus Greece lay at the very spot where the ways on Reia- of progress met, from north and east and south, and worid"**"^ extended welcoming hands to the bearers of the world's without, best gifts. Yet the land was also protected. No hostile force could easily come down through the high mountains of the north. Should ships bring enemies, the coasts alone could be seized; the interior remained easily de- fensible. Moreover, intercourse by land in Greece, difficult on account of the mountains, was made easy by inlets from the sea. Hence the Greeks, hke the Phoe- 72 The Greek Empires nicians of the eastern Mediterranean (§ 56), were early thrust forth on the water, and learned how to defend their shores as well as to engage in commerce with outside peoples. Thus Greece was at the same time an accessible and a defensible land. On the 94. The mountains had another important influence GreV«.° on Greek history. The narrow secluded valleys, into which they broke up the land, became seats of petty communities, each independent of the other, each zealous to maintain its own independence and each protected in its separateness by the mountain barriers which girt it about. Hence, for a long period, the history of Greece is a history of a variety of small states; unity of political life was the last thing secured and, when secured, was with difficulty maintained. On the other hand, this separateness in Greek political life had its advantages. A wonderful variety in forms of society and politics was produced, each state working out its own local problems with substantial freedom from interference and with the incitement of healthy rivalry with its neighbors. On the 95. In such physical conditions and relations a peculiar type of man was produced that the world had not seen before. In these little communities the single man counted for much. The individual was not lost in the crowd; hence individuality was an early trait of the Greek character. Devotion to his own state and pride in its independence gave him patriotism and a love of freedom. The beauty and variety of the natural world all about bred in him sensitiveness to form and color, while its steep, narrow and rugged ways made him healthy, strong and supple. All his circumstances called for quickness of body and mind, stimulated him to thought and action, Greek Character. The People of Greece 73 and brought out a variety of resource and achievement that has been the admiration and the inspiration of mankind. Thus it has been well said that "the Greeks owed their greatness largely to the country in which it was their fortune to dwell." 96. The Greeks belonged to the Indo-European family The Greek (§ 9), as is indicated by their language. If we may judge *°^ ^' from the ancient statues and from the prevailing Greek type of to-day, they were tall and spare in build, with oval face, long straight nose, bright large eye, fair complexion, of graceful and elastic carriage and a general harmony of form, free from signal excess or defect of any one charac- teristic. They were, in disposition, genial and sunny, imaginative and inquiring, temperate and chaste, vibrating between reasonableness and emotion, with an ambition which was not always nice about the means to gain its end, and a vivacity which leaned toward fickleness. 97. Thus situated and endowed, the Greeks made Course of their history. Of this history we now are to take a brief Histo^ry survey in advance of its fuller treatment.* When civilization began in Greece is unknown. Our first knowl- ^\ Begin- edge reveals the dim outlines of states on the coasts and islands of the yEgean sea, ruled over by kings with much splendor; the arts of peace and war were far advanced; commerce with one another and with the east was flourishing. The cities of Mycenae and Troy and those upon the island of Crete were the chief centres; the period is sometimes called the Mycenaean Age (to about looo B.C.). About O The the beginning of the first millennium hordes of migrating peoples ^g^^"^^" descended from northwest Greece, chief among whom were the Dorians. Their rude onslaught broke up the kingdoms and the civ- ilization of the age, cut off Greece from relations with the east and compelled the building up of new political and social institutions. * See Preface for suggestions as to the handling of this section. 74 The Greek Empires (2) The Middle Age. (3) Age of Adjustment and Expan- 2. First Attempts at Empire. 3. Empires of Alexan- der and His Successors. This process of inner development went on for three centuries. The period may be called the Middle Age (1000-700 B.C.), since it lies between the earlier and the later bloom of Greek life. By the seventh century the results of the changes wrought began clearly to appear; commerce revived; city-states came forward, ruled over by aristocracies; struggles for the political rights of citizens followed. The outcome was the general predominance of popular government at home and the extension of Greek life and influence abroad over the .-Egean sea and beyond. Thus Greece was brought into contact with the eastern world again and, as never before, became a factor in world politics. This period of two centuries may be called the Age of Political Adjustment and Outward Expansion (700-500 B.C.). But contact with the eastern world soon came to be, in particular, a conflict with the Persian Empire — a conflict that, with intervals of peace, lasted for nearly two centuries (500-331 B.C.). To meet Persian attack, the separate Greek states united under the leadership of certain cities. These cities, taking advantage of the opportunity, sought to turn their leadership into imperial rule. First came the Empire of Athens over the states on the ^gean. After a period of splendor it fell, in 404 B.C. Sparta followed the example of Athens and was herself imitated by Thebes, but these projects of empire lasted but a brief time (to 365 B.C.). Meanwhile the Greek world of the far west was united under the rule of the city of Syracuse in an empire which flourished for a season. Finally, Macedonia, once hardly recognized as a part of Greece, gained, under King Philip, control over the Greek states. His son Alexander led the Greeks out against Persia in a final struggle which ended in the overthrow of Persia (331 B.C.). He established in its stead an Empire, embracing both Greece and Persia, the worthiest as well as the largest imperial state thus far appearing in history. Alexander's Empire endured only during his lifetime (331-323 B.C.). After his death it was divided among his generals, who finally set up three Empires on its ruins — the Mace- donian, ruling over Macedonia and the Greek states; the Syrian, ruling from Antioch over Syria and the East; the Egyptian, ruling over Egypt and part of Palestine. These Empires had endured scarcely a century when, from Italy, a new power, Rome, appeared on the scene. While the three Empires were steadily declining, Epochs of Greek History 75 Rome had been rising. She had slowly become entangled in the affairs of the east. Soon she took a leading part in them. Thus the centre of power moved toward Italy. The history of the Greek world was merged into that of Rome (200 B.C.). 98. Thus we have the following main divisions of this The portion of our history: DfvUions. II. The Greek Empires: to 200 b.c. 1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion in East and West: to 500 B.C. (i) The Mycenaean Age: to 1000 B.C. (2) The Middle Age: 1000-700 b.c. (3) The Age of Political Adjustment and Out- ward Expansion: 700-500 B.C. 2. The First Attempts at Empire — Athenian, Spartan, Theban and Macedonian: 500-331 B.C. 3. The Empires of Alexander and his Successors, to the Appearance of Rome in the East: 331-200 B.C. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF GREEK HISTORY* Plutarch. Translation by Dryden, edited by Clough. 5 vols. Little, Brown and Co.; or by Stewart and Long. 4 vols. Bohn. Bury. History of Greece. Macmillan Co. The best single volume, combining a detailed treatment with accurate and up-to-date knowl- edge. Possibly too full for elementary use. Shuckburgh. History of the Greeks. Macmillan Co. Conventional in arrangement but clearly and concisely written. MoREY. Outlines of Greek History. American Book Co. A little fragmentary, dealing in detail with the growth of civilization, rather than with outward history. * For previous bibliographies see pp. 4, 10. For bibliography for advanced students and teachers, see Appendix 1. 76 The Beginnings of Greece BoTSFORD. A History of Greece. Macmillan Co. A well-proportioned narrative in moderate compass. Rather radical at times. ZiMMERN. Greek History. Longmans. Emphasizes the picturesque sides of Greek History; written in a simple style for elementary students. Abbott, A Skeleton Outline of Greek History. Macmillan Co. Useful primarily for chronology. Mahaffy. The Story of Alexander's Empire. Putnams. The one book on this particular field. Jebb. Greek Literature (History Primer Series). American Book Co. Brief, but judicious, compact and illuminating. Capps. From Homer to Theocritus. Scribners. The most useful single book; contains abundant extracts. Murray. Ancient Greek Literature. Appleton. Keen, brilliant, fasci- nating, but takes for granted a general knowledge of Greek life and history. Mahaffy. Old Greek Life. American Book Co. A convenient primer of antiquities. Fowler. The City-State of the Greeks and Romans. Macmillan Co. Belongs to the field of political science rather than of histor)'. In- terprets as no other book of its size the meaning of ancient political institutions. Greenidge. A Handbook of Greek Constitutional History. Macmillan Co. The only book of moderate size covering the whole field. Tarbell. a History of Greek Art. Chautauqua Press. The best single book on the subject. 1 THE BEGINNINGS OF GREECE AND ITS EXPANSION IN EAST AND WEST TO 500 B.C. General Character of the Period. 99. The part taken by Greece in the history of the Ancient World does not become important until some- thing like two thousand years of its life have passed away. Of this long stretch of time we have comparatively little knowledge. In the early part of it only a gleam of light The Earliest Age 77 here and there appears; even the last two centuries of it (700-500 B.C.) are quite imperfectly known. It was a time of beginnings, of formation, during which the Greek peo- ple were working out those ideals of social and political life which make their history so unique and instructive, and by which they were prepared to enter into the larger world and do their work in the upbuilding of mankind. 100. One of the turning-points in this period of begin- (i) The nings comes about the year 1000 B.C. Before that time aJc.^"*^" Greece must have had a wonderful history, but we can understand only a little of it, since no written records of it have been preserved. In this far-off time the later Greeks laid the scenes of many of their beautiful poems and tales of gods and heroes, but they themselves had no certain knowledge of what really occurred there. So long as we had only these wonderful stories to depend on, we called these ages the "Heroic Period" or the "Age of Fable" or of "Myth" — which was as much as to say that nothing really historical could be found out about them. But, recently, some extraordinary remains of the civilization of these times have been discovered by diggings in various localities of the Greek world. From these remains some- thing certain about that ancient life can be known. The most important of these discoveries were made at Mycenae, at Troy and in Crete. Other similar "finds" were un- earthed at the heads of the bays along the eastern shore of Greece and upon islands of the ^Egean. The promi- nence and significance of the discoveries at Mycenae led scholars to call the age in which this civilization flour- ished the Mycenaean Age. The date of its highest bloom was about 1500 B.C. We shall describe briefly some of its characteristics. 78 The Beginnings of Greece The My- cenaean Remains and Their Story. The Com- mercial Life of the Age. lOi. Political life was already well advanced. People lived in cities. In the centre of the city was a castle, built high with strong defences; within it a palace, large and beautiful, with many courts and chambers. Near the cas- tle was the lofty royal tomb in the shape of a beehive, sunk into a side hill and richly adorned. The graves of the kings contained a profusion of treasure in gold and silver finely wrought into useful and ornamental objects. Such kings must have been powerful and rich; they ruled over wide territories and entered into relations with peoples round about. The objects found in the diggings illustrate the art of the time. There were masks of gold, cups of gold and silver, armlets, bracelets, beads, chains, diadems, earrings, necklaces, rings and vases — all of gold. There were bronze swords with inlaid work. There was glazed and painted pottery of various and striking patterns, deco- rated with scenes from land and sea. There were vases of alabaster, of marble and of terra-cotta. The working of scenes in low relief upon the gold cups,* the artistic coloring and designs upon the jars and vases, the mosaic patterns upon the walls, and the engraving upon the gems are proofs of a remarkable skill on the part of the work- men. The Mycenaean artist employed nearly every process known to modern art. One art, it seems, was not advanced, that of the sculptor. Only one work in stone deserves mention — the lions above the entrance to the palace of Mycenae. 102. Everything points to a widely extended commercial activity in the Mycenaean Age. The fact that the objects just described are found on both sides of the ^gean sea and on the islands indicates that intercourse by sea had brought * See Plate VI. The Mycencean World 79 these peoples together. So wide was this intercourse that we might almost speak of a Mycenaean World. On the one side as far as Cyprus, on the other side in west Greece and even in Italy, are the products of this Mycenaean civihzation found. The heart of it all seems to have been in the island of Crete at the city of Cnossos, whose fleets may be said to have controlled the trade of the ^Egean and the eastern Mediterranean seas, before the Phoeni- cians had begun their saiHng expeditions (§ 56). Com- mercial relations were also enjoyed with lands outside of the Mycenaean world. The amber beads found at My- cenae may have come from the Baltic sea; the jade axes from China. The patterns and decorations upon pottery and palaces, upon swords and images, show the influence of the art of the Hittites (§9) and of the Egyptians; they testify to intercourse with these peoples. In Egypt itself Mycenaean pottery has been found ; soldiers in Mycenaean armor are pictured on the walls of Egyptian temples of the time of the nineteenth and twentieth dynasties (§ 44). Evidently Cretan ships sailed to Egypt with their wares, Mycenaean and their men served in Egyptian armies. We have ^*"' already seen that, in this very age, a great migration of peoples from the borders of the Mycenaean world wrought havoc in the political world of western Asia (§§44, 51). How natural that these Mycenaean kings should fight with one another for wider empire! One of these wars, that of Mycenae against Troy, was in the following period made the subject of many a heroic lay and forms the theme of the "Iliad" of Homer. Likewise, a picture of the wide Mycenaean sea-world, its interests, its perils and its powers, lies before us in Homer's "Odyssey." These poems, as we shall see, belong to the age that follows, but 80 The Beginnings of Greece The Dorian Migration. End of the Mycenaean Age. they gather up the recollections and traditions of these splendid centuries. The Mycenaean age itself has left no literature. Its thoughts, so far as they are known, speak to us in the material objects dug up from its palaces and tombs. 103. To what splendid heights the Mycenaean world might have reached no one can tell; upon the heart of it about 1000 B.C. fell a deadly blow. Up in the northwest corner of Greece some sort of a commotion took place among the rude peoples there, which set them moving toward the east and south. Their advance was irresistible. It resulted in the complete overthrow of the ruling powers in the Mycenaean strongholds and a transformation in all spheres of Greek life. Chief among these invading tribes were the Dorians, and their leaders were at the head of affairs in the centuries that followed. The seat of their power was the Peloponnesus, which henceforth became for a long time the centre of Greece. Similar migrations and shiftings of population in the following centuries threw the rest of the eastern communities of Greece into confusion. The Mycenaean world of Asia Minor and the islands was also disturbed, though, of course, not in a like degree. Many fled thither from before the intruders. In course of time the Dorians themselves settled upon the southern islands and the lower coasts of Asia Minor. The unity of the Mycenaean world was destroyed. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW II. THE GREEK EMPIRES Preliminary Survey: Physical Geography of Greece — its influence (i) on the history both external and internal, (2) on Greek character — the Greek people — course of their history — its grand divisions. The Greek Middle Age 81 I. The Beginnings of Greece and Its Expansion. Our knowledge of the earliest period and its sources — the Mycenaean Age — the remains and their story — Mycenaean commerce, its extent and character — wars and their memorials — how the age came to an end and when. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. What part do the following play in the physical geography of Greece: the i^gean, the Pindus. the gulf of Corinth ? 2. For what are the following places noted: Mycenae, Troy, Cnossos? 3. Locate from memory on an out- line map the chief points at which remains of Mycenaean civilization have been found. 4. At about what time was the Mycenaean civilization at its height? 5. At about what time did the Dorian invasions occur? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. What was going on in the Ori- ental world between the above dates? 2. Compare the arti- cles of commerce of the Mycenaean Greeks with those of the Phcenicians (§ 56). 3. Compare the effect of the Dorian inva- sion of Greece with that of the Hyksos invasion of Egypt (§§40-41). 4. What great difference do you notice between the principles of government of the early Greeks and those of the Semitic countries (§91)? TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Story of Theseus. Plutarch, Life of Theseus. 2. Phoenician Influence on Greece. Bury, pp. 76-77. 3. The Geography of Greece. Bury, pp. 1-5; Morey, pp. 72-77. 4. The Myce- naean Age: (a) Its Remains, Bury, pp. 11-30; Morey, pp. 86-91. (b) Its History in Greece, Bury, pp. 31-43; Morey, pp. 91-94. (c) Its Expansion, Bury, pp. 43-53; Botsford, pp. 8-10. 5. The Earliest History of Greece. Bury, pp. 6-1 1. 6. Myths and Legends of the Heroic Age. Morey, pp. 83-86; Botsford, Ancient History, pp. 49-61. 7. The Epic Poets. Bots- ford, Greece, pp. lo-ii; Morey, pp. 94-96; Capps, pp. 14-20. 104. In the nev;^ Greece that now came into being, civih- (2) The zation must in a sense begin all over again. The incomers ^ge*^^^ were numerous ; the old civilization was too weak to absorb and win its peaceful victory over them, as was the case in its New so many similar situations in the ancient East (§§ 38, 41). Beginning. 82 The Beginnings of Greece Occupa- tions. Social and Political Elements. They came with their flocks and herds and for a time con- tinued the old pastoral life. Apart from the raising and pasturing of their cattle, hunting and fighting were their favorite activities. But as they settled down, agriculture was taken up; fields were sown; vineyards planted; the fig and the olive cultivated. In time industries came in. At first, everything needed was made at home, but gradu- ally the various trades appeared, the blacksmith, the potter, the carpenter, the leatherworker, the bowmaker and the spinner. For a long time any kind of industry was looked upon as unworthy of freemen. Even heralds, physicians, seers, singers, poets and jugglers were together counted as workmen and, though respected, had no social standing. First the warrior, and then the farmer, were the gentlemen of Greece. 105. The new-comers brought the tribal system with them into the Peloponnesus. In the tribe the members are bound together by a tie of blood-relationship. Each is the equal of his brother. The duties and privileges of each begin and end with his life in the tribe. He eats at the common table. He must be ever ready in arms at the call of the tribe to battle. If slain by an enemy, it rests upon his fellow-tribesmen to avenge him by kilHng any and all of the hostile tribe whose member took his life.* All property is held in common and is from time to time assigned by lot to the various families of the tribe. All religion is summed up in the worship of the tribal god, who leads, protects, prospers and aids the tribe in all its ways. At the head of the tribe is the King, the chief among equals, surrounded by his council, the Elders, men of valor over bixty years old. He leads the tribe in war; * This is called the law of blood -revenge. The Aristocratic State 83 he is the Judge and the Priest in peace. The tribesmen, gathered in close array, armed for war, constitute the PubHc Assembly for the settlement of tribal affairs. io6. When these wandering tribes settled down in the Rise of narrow valleys of Greece, tribal unity was broken up. '^"^*°'^' Each petty community began to live for itself. The land ceased to be held in common and each family to which a *'lot" was assigned came to own it and, where possible, added more. Some families grew great and strong and began to claim superiority thereby. Other families grew poor and became dependent upon their richer neighbor-s. The strong became proud and called themselves Aristoi, *'the best" people. Thus an "Aristocracy" grew up with its dependents. The noble head of an aristocratic family led his people in war and protected them in peace. He lived on his estates in rude luxury, surrounded by his family and dependents. The king soon began to find that this aristocracy was too strong for him; in time he lost his powers, one after the other, keeping at last only his relig- ious functions. The aristocracy stepped into his place and ruled the state by a Council of chiefs, administering justice and making war. In this new situation the old tribal equality faded away. The Public Assembly, though still existent, had no power in the new Aristocratic State. The nobles were the state. 107. In one district of the Peloponnesus the aristocracy sparta the did not get the upper hand. In the valley of the Euro- ^^^^ °^ tas a tribe settled which preserved the old system. The tribesmen all dwelt together in the city which we know as Sparta. There they were ruled over by two kings; there they preserved their Assembly; there they ate their meals in common and held their land as the property of the state. 84 The Beginnings of Greece The City- state. Its Unique- ness. to be allotted to the tribesmen at regular intervals. Rude and sturdy men, they kept their arms in their hands and were ever ready to use them for defence and conquest. The same tribal system was also maintained in Crete. io8. The usual and characteristic form taken by these states was the City, just as in the primitive East (§ 13). The Greek city came into existence by a union of the petty villages of a district. The inhabitants merged their local rights into one common body at a convenient spot. The political powers of the several communities were given to the new state. There the officials lived and administered justice; there the public assembly met; there the citizen exercised his rights. There was the centre of political life. There was set up the worship of the common god. Thus a fundamental difference appears between the East- ern and the Greek city-state. In the former all power was lodged in a king, and his people were subject to him and dependent upon him for all things (§21). But in the Greek city-state there was always a measure of popular freedom; to be a citizen was to have some political rights and duties. The king was never a despot, nor did the rule of the aristocracy destroy the old rights of the freeman, although it often limited his exercise of them. But they were always capable of being revived and enlarged should the proper occasion offer itself. The Greek city was also economically independent. The citizens produced their own wealth and employed it for the city's interest, not for those of a king and his court. Thuqrdides, the Athenian historian, gives the following ac- count of the origin of the city-state of Athens: "In the days of Cecrops and the first kings, down to the reign of Theseus, Athens was divided into communes, having their own The Greek City-State 85 town-halls and magistrates. Except in case of alarm the whole peo- ple did not assemble in council under the king, but administered their own affairs, and advised together in their several townships. Some of them at times even went to war with him, as the Eleusini- ans under Eumolpus with Erechtheus. But when Theseus came to the throne, he, being a powerful as well as a wise ruler, among other improvements in the administration of the country, dissolved the councils and separate governments, and united all the inhabitants of Attica in the present city, establishing one council and town-hall. They continued to live on their own lands, but he com- pelled them to resort to Athens as their metropolis, and henceforward they were all inscribed on the roll of her citizens. A great city thus arose which was handed down by Theseus to his descendants, and from his day to this the Athenians have regularly celebrated the national festival of the Synoikia, or union of the communes, in honor of the goddess Athene." 109. The history of the Greek world is henceforth and a New Impuls( Commerce. chiefly the history of these city-states in their growth and ^^^^^^^ relations to one another. The first to become prominent were those on the other side of the iEgean sea. They had been the least disturbed by the migrations ; indeed, by the advent of those who fled out of Greece from before the new- comers they had been distinctly benefited. An activity, new for this age, began to be cultivated among them — commerce. It made them vigorous, enterprising and The East- wealthy. Miletus was the leader, followed by its rivals, Ephesus, Colophon, Magnesia, Samos, Chios and Mytilene. Soon the impulse spread to the western side of the sea and commercial cities appeared there — Chalcis and Eretria upon the island of Eubcea, as well as Megara, Corinth and ^gina. A lively trade sprang up between these cities and gave a great stimulus to manufacturing. Some cities had natural products to exchange, as Corinth its special variety of grapes, by which the name of the city of Litera- 86 The Beginnings of Greece has been preserved to this day in the word currants, oi Cyprus, its copper (Greek kupros), so called for its abun- dance in that island. But usually some manufactured article was exported. Thus Miletus was famous for its woollen garments, Euboea for its purple cloths, Chalcis and Corinth for pottery, other cities for metal- work and chariots. Beginnings HO. But hcrc as clscwhere (§ 59) commerce was help- ful for higher things than material progress. The nobles and the wealthy sought entertainment for their leisure and found it in music and song. In these cities appeared a class of singers who, accompanying their song with the lyre, produced the first literature of Greece. They sang of gods and heroes, of battles, sieges, and adventures by land and sea, of the loves and hates, the sins and virtues of men and gods, of the worlds above and below this earth and of all the splendid life of the mighty of old. They laid under contribution all of religion and history that had come down to them from the dim past. Such was the singer described in the "Odyssey": "Then the henchman drew near, leading with him the beloved minstrel, whom the Muse loved dearly, and she gave him both good and evil; of his sight she reft him, bu granted him sweet song. Then Pontonous, the. henchman, set for him a high chair inlaid with silver, in the midst of the guests, leaning it against the tall pillar, and he hung the loud lyre on a pin, close above his head, and showed him how to lay his hands on it. The Muse stirred the minstrel to sing the songs of famous men, even that lay whereof the fame had then reached the wide heaven, namely, the quarrel between Odysseus and Achilles, son of Peleus; how once on a time they contended in fierce words at a rich festival of the gods, but Agamemnon, king of men, was inly glad when the noblest of the Achaeans fell at variance. This song it was that the famous minstrel sang." The Epic Poetry 87 111. In time these songs came to be woven together The Epics. into a series of greater poems, in hexameter verse, dealing with particular events, like the story of the ship "Argo" and its crew of bold heroes led by Jason, or that of the ''Seven against Thebes," or that of the "Siege of Troy" and the "Wanderings of Odysseus." These are called Epics, and the most famous of them are said to have been the work of Homer and are known to us as the "IHad" and the "Odyssey." For centuries these cycles of song passed down from singer to singer unwritten, until finally, when the age of the singers was passing, they were written down. 112. From these Epics comes a vivid picture of the life lUustrate of the times, nowhere more strikingly exhibited than in ^^^ j\^^^ the description of the scenes on the shield of Achilles in the eighteenth book of the "Iliad" (lines 483-606). There appears city-life, the marriages and the leading of the brides through the city with songs, the public assembly where the judges give justice between the slayer and the slain, the siege and battle, fell Death in the midst, her raiment red with the blood of men, the field ploughed with oxen, the sweet wine given to the laborer, the binding of the sheaves at harvest, the vineyard with its black and luscious grapes and the gatherers listening to the "Linos" song, the cattle in the pasture attacked by lions, the sheep and the sheepfolds, the dance, the maidens clad in fine linen with wreaths on their heads, and the youth in well- woyen doublets with golden daggers in silver sheaths, the great company standing round the lovely dance in joy. 113. ReHgion, too, finds its first expression in these and the poems. The Greek, Hke the Oriental (§ 34), thought of ^^^^'°°- the world as peopled by divine powers that influenced human life. Every spring, every forest, every height, the 88 The Beginnings of Greece Its Human Element. The Olympian Gods. wind and the storm, the Hghts flaming in the sky, the deep and roUing sea and the bright heaven revealed the presence and activity of the gods. With his Hvely imagination the Greek v^as not satisfied until he had formed clear-cut and vivid ideas of these powers. Above all, he thought of them as looking and acting Uke himself, only on a grander scale. The best that he could desire himself to be, that he imag- ined the gods were. When the singers sang of the gods, they pictured them as glorified and beautiful human beings. Thereby they gave to Greek religion its most characteristic stamp; they made it a religion of heavenly harmony and supreme human beauty. Another thing they did. They organized this vast and confused variety of gods. They sang of the family of the great gods, twelve or more in number, dwelling in the far north on Mt. Olympus, from whose snow- crowned summit they directed the universe. Zeus, the mighty father, was the ruler of gods and men. His wife was Hera; his brothers, Poseidon, whose do- main was the sea, and Pluto, lord of the underworld and the dead; his children, Apollo, god of light, Athene, goddess of wisdom, Aphrodite, goddess of love, Ares, god of war, Artemis, goddess of the forest and the hunt, Hermes, the divine messenger, and Hephaestus, the lame, god of fire and the forge ; and other notable figures, Hera- cles, the hero of many labors, Eros, god of desire, Deme- ter, goddess of the earth and its fruits, her daughter Cora (or Persephone), wife of Pluto, and Dionysus, god of the vine. The singers did not much care about the moral character of these divine beings. They are sometimes represented as quarrelling, lying or deceiving; even worse actions are told of some of them. What the poets saw in them was their human interest; with artistic sense they Greek Colonization 89 made them always beautiful and only sometimes good. Yet Zeus was the judge of human and divine deeds; Apollo punished wrongdoing and was the type of moral beauty. And in those days it was no small boon to turn men's minds away from stocks and stones, and present for their wor- ship, instead of objects of nature, humanlike forms, gloriously gracious. Thus one could approach and know them as those who, even if higher, were yet like himself, who enjoyed what he enjoyed at its best, and who bade him imitate them in measure and harmony of life. It is true that this religion was only for the present life. In the dim The other light of existence beyond the grave, in the place which ^*'** they called Hades, the Greeks saw little that was attrac- tive. The saying of Achilles long remained true of their feeling : ''Rather would I live upon the earth as the hireling of another, with a landless man who had no great liveli- hood, than bear sway among all the dead that be departed." 114. Commerce, as we have seen, stirred the Greeks Beginnings to new life at home. But it also stirred them to step out- nl^aUon side their own territories. Men were not satisfied with home markets; they sought out foreign shores and un- visited peoples, to whom they brought their wares for sale or exchange. In this they were like the Phoenicians. But in one important respect they differed from that east- ern people. Wherever they went, they settled permanently. The population of Greece had been growing all these cen- turies and were too many for the home land. The newly opened regions offered to this surplus of people the oppor- tunity to find new homes. Thus, with the more extensive trading expeditions, went hand in hand the establishment of Greek colonies, city-states which reproduced the home life. All the commercial cities had a part in this coloniz- 90 The Beginnings of Greece The Fields, ing activity. Those of the eastern iEgean sailed up into the Hellespont and onward, and made the shores of the Black sea Greek territory. Miletus founded Cyzicus, Sinope, Trapezus, Olbia and a host of other colonies there. Byzantium, afterward so famous, was Megara's colony. The northern ^Egean was settled by the found- ing of cities in Thrace and Macedonia. In the east and south the Greeks pushed out into Cihcia and over to Gyrene. The Euboeans and Corinthians went west- ward; they founded cities in Sicily, the chief of which was Syracuse. They reached the lower coasts of eastern Italy, where they were followed by people from the Peloponnesus until so completely was the region occupied that it was called Magna Graecia, "Greater Greece." Its chief cities were Sybaris, Croton and Tarentum. Even on the western coast of Italy Greeks settled the city of Cyme, on the coast of Gaul the city of Massilia, and pressed still farther westward as far as Spain. 115. In Sicily and Spain the Greeks came into sharp competition with the Phoenicians and Carthaginians (§ 58). Likewise in the eastern Mediterranean commerce and colonial expansion soon brought them into contact with the Oriental world. The former lively intercourse (§ 102), broken off by the Dorian invasion for some cen- turies, was now revived. Particularly the native king- doms of Asia Minor cultivated relations with the new Greek world. About 700 B.C. King Midas of Phrygia dedicated to Apollo of Delphi his golden throne and Gy- Lydia. ges of Lydia a number of costly gold and silver vessels. Under the successors of Gyges the Lydian kingdom may almost be said to have entered into the circle of Greek life. It began to seek control over the Greek coast-cities of Beginnings of New Relations to the Orient. Relations to the Orient 91 Asia Minor; King Croesus was practically the lord of them all, and the closest commercial bonds united them. Soon Greek traders and travellers began to go to Egypt, Egypt where King Amasis received them most graciously and gave them the city of Naucratis as their trading-post. He himself also gave gifts to Apollo of Delphi. All these relations came to be of the greatest moment to the Greeks both in stimulating their own culture and in bringing them within the circle of world-politics. What this latter meant to them we shall see later. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion, (i) The Mycenaean Age. (2) The Middle Age: Effect of Dorian migration — growth of various occupations — tribal organization — rise of Aristocracy, except in Sparta — the city-state, its character — influence of com- merce on the age (i) at home (wealth and industry — literature, the singers and epics — characteristics of Greek religion, its gods, the future) — (2) foreign relations (colonization, its origin and extent — contact with the Orient — travel and intercourse). REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following places noted: Miletus, Chalcis, Delphi? 2. Who were Amasis, Croesus, Gyges? 3. What is meant by hexameter, epic, Magna Graecia? 4. Locate from memory on an outline map the chief centres of Greek colonization. COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the Egyptian idea of the divine world (§ 34) with that of the Greek. 2. In what respects does the religion of the Greeks differ from that of the Hebrews (§§ 61, 91)? TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Story of the Argonauts. Bury, pp. 223-231. 2. The Migra- tions. Bury, pp. 53-64. 3. The Homeric Question. Morcy, pp. 94-97; Bury, pp. 65-69; Capps, pp. 20-22, 114-118. 4. Origin and Early History of the City-State. Morey, pp. (3) The New Age of Political Adjustment and Expan- sion. (a) The Sense of Greek Unity. Seen in Literature. Hesiod. 92 The Beginnings of Greece T08-109; Botsford, pp. 20-21; Fowler, pp. 5-64. 5, Greek Stories of Early Greek History. Bury, pp. 79-84. 6. The Life and Institutions of the Middle Age. Bury, pp. 69-75; Bots- ford, pp. 11-17; Morey, pp. 98-111; Fowler, pp. 64-112. 7. Greek Colonization. Bury, pp. 86-106; Botsford, pp. 30- 40. 8. The Greek Colony of Cyme. Bury, pp. 94-95- 116. Thus through commerce, colonization and contact with the larger life of the old world the Greeks were on the threshold of a new and stirring activity. We have seen in part how these stimulating experiences were changing their Hfe at home. Now we turn to trace them more in detail. These changes are seen {a) in the new sense of the oneness of the Greek world, {h) in the growth of Greek civilization, (c) in the political upheaval that brought the common people to the front. 117. The physical character of Greece made the union of its states into one pohtical body a difficult thing. But during these centuries of quiet organization there had been growing up a common type of life and a body of ideals and ways of looking at things which went far toward tak- ing the place of a pohtical unity. Now, when the Greek cities extended their horizon and came into contact with peoples outside, they woke up to realize their oneness, their difference in all these respects from the others. They began to feel the value of what they had gained and to de- velop and improve it. Thus, w^hat we may call their con- sciousness of themselves appeared. It comes out in vari- ous ways. A school of writers flourished, who set about organizing the stories of the past into definite and intelli- gible shape. The most remarkable man among them was Hesiod (about 700 B.C.). His two chief works are the Theogony, in which he traces the histor}' of Greek gods from the beginning, and the Works and Days, in which he Unity of the Greek World 93 tells men how to get on in the world. These writers taught how the first Greek was named Hellen; that he had three a New sons, ^olus, Dorus and Ion; from these were de- HeUenes scended the three grand divisions of the Greek race, the iEolians, the Dorians and the lonians. The Cohans lived in the north; their native seat was Thessaly; from there many of them crossed the sea and colonized the upper third of Asia Minor. The lonians inhabited middle Greece, and from Attica they passed over and occupied the middle third of the eastern coast of the iEgean. The Dorians held the Peloponnesus, whence they went and took the rest of the Asia Minor border. Thus all were of one blood ; over against the rest of the world they knew themselves as Hellenes. As Hellenes they spoke one common language, divided into three dialects, correspond- ing to the three branches of the race, iEolic, Ionic, Doric. Ii8. The work of the Epic poets (§ no) had done much The Epics to cement Hellenic unity. The dialect in which they q^H^ J sang, the heroic figures and deeds they pictured and the Unity. gods they celebrated became the common property of the Greek world. Some of the splendid divine beings of the epics were honored everywhere. Zeus and Apollo became universal Hellenic gods. The shrine of Apollo at Delphi Delphi, was a kind of centre of religious life. The noblest relig- ious leadership of the time was given by his priests there ; it became the custom to obtain from him his sanction for all enterprises. At Delphi the god spoke through his priestess in utterances called Oracles. No colony could be sent out without Apollo's oracle ; kings from the world without sought his wisdom and sent him rich gifts (§ 115). What Apollo did for Greek unity at Delphi, Zeus in a dif- ferent way did at Olympia. There every four years a oiympia. 94 The Beginnings of Greece Atnphicty- onies. (b) Growth of Civiliza- tion. festival in honor of the god was celebrated from the earli- est times, in connection with which athletic contests were held. All the Greek cities sent contestants thither. The list of the victors was preserved. The tradition makes this list date from 776 B.C., which is the first year of the First Olympiad, or four years' period, on which Greek chronology is based. During the festival, literary works by poets and historians were read in public and works of art exhibited, for all of which prizes were offered. Any Greek was eligible to compete. Though the reward was only a crown of olive leaves, the glory of the victor was the applause of all Greece. Religion also encouraged the union of districts in what was called an Amphictyony. Usually a sanctuary was the meeting- point and the affairs of the god and his worshippers were the matters discussed. During its sessions peace ruled over the whole territory. In connection with these amphictyonies appear the names of many states afterward famous. In middle Greece the Boeotian amphictyony was formed; on the island of Delos that of the lonians; most famous of all was that which met at Delphi and in which the Thessalians were the lead- ing spirits. Of the influence of this union we learn from the two obligations resting on its members: no city be- longing to it was to be destroyed, nor, in case of siege, could running water be cut off from a city. Thus a kind of beginning of international law, applying in a limited circle, was made. 119. The second way in which the new life appeared was in the progress of thought and manners — what we call Civilization. Two most important things came to Greece through commercial life — the use of money and the art of writing. The old form of exchange was by natural prod- Money and the Art of Writing 95 ucts. Cattle were often the standard of value, as the Latin word for money indicates, pecunia (from pecus, ''cattle"), use of But such means will not do for commercial life. Metals '^°"^y- soon came in — at first bars of copper or iron. Later the precious metals were used, as in the East (§ 23), and soon they were coined into money. The Lydians are said to have first coined money, in the seventh century. The state guaranteed the weight and fineness according to a fixed scale and stamped the piece of gold or silver with a sign or mark of genuineness. From Lydia the custom crossed to Greece; in ^Egina, it is said, the first Greek coins were made. In the case of writing it seems that Art of the Greek merchants also introduced that art into Greece. ^"*^°^- They borrowed the alphabet from the Phoenicians (§ 59) and improved it. At first it assumed a variety of forms according to the commercial cities that adopted it. Finally the Ionic alphabet became the standard. In the eighth century men began to employ writing for public purposes — for the lists of officials and of the Olympian victors (§ 118). A century after it appears on gifts to the gods and on monuments. Finally, toward the close of the age comes its use in literature. 120. Another mark of the higher life of the time is seen interest in in the greater interest felt in the present, and in the thoughts and'^xheir ° and feelings of living men. Homer sang of the deeds i>oings. of the heroes of old; he says not a word about his own time. But Hesiod, although he laments the misery of his day, calling the present the "iron age," still talks and re- flects upon it. And now appeared poets who, in verse called elegiac or iambic^ dwelt upon events of their own day, expressing in satire their disgust at their rulers, calling to a nobler life or urging some political reform. Such 96 The Beginnings of Greece Music. poets were Archilochus of Paros (670 B.C.), and The- ognis of Megara (540 B.C.). Others became famous by Lyric Poets, their poctic expression of feeHng, in lyrical songs of love and marriage, of feasting and social joys, of war and victory or of praise to the gods.* Accompanying this outburst of reflective and passionate poetry was a development of the art of music by the discovery of the octave and the lyre of seven strings which opened up a great variety of harmonies. All this means that knowledge was broadening, thought was awakened, pleasures were becoming finer and higher, life was growing fuller and man felt himself of more worth in the world. 121. Men began also to think more about the world in which they lived — how it came to be and what kept it in being. Religion, naturally, was first called on for the an- swer to these questions, and told how the power and will of the gods made all things to be. To Hesiod all begin- nings were divine. First came Chaos and Earth and Heaven and Night and Day, and Sea, and Time and Love — all gods. Earth was peopled with mighty destruc- tive beings called Titans, against whom Zeus waged war and won the victory, thus bringing order and harmony into the world. Then the gods created Man and endowed him with power to rule all things on earth. The earth was thought of as a curved disk with Greece in the middle and Mt. Olympus, where the gods dwelt, in the exact cen- tre. It was divided into two parts by the Mediterranean and all round it flowed the Ocean stream. The earth was the centre of the Universe ; above it was the ethereal Interest in the Problem of Origins. Cosmog- ony. * The most celebrated were Alcaeus (600 B.C.) and Sappho the poetess (610 B.C.), both of Lesbos, Anacreon of Ionia (530 B.C.) and Alcman of Sparta (660 B.C.). Early Greek Thinkers 97 region of Olympus; beneath it was Hades, the under- world; at a yet deeper depth was Tartarus, where were imprisoned the wicked immortals, chief among whom were the Titans. The resemblance of this scheme to that of the Eastern world is obvious (§ 33); it may have been in part derived from that source. 122. But when Greeks began to travel, to come into Dawn of contact with strange countries and peoples outside of the phnosop*h"y. former horizon of Greek life, they were not satisfied with this purely religious explanation. They began to study nature itself and find the secrets of its origin and Hfe in material things. Thus, in the Greek world appeared philos- ophers and scientific men who drank in Eastern wisdom and exercised their own keen wits on the problems of nature. Thales of Miletus (600 B.C.) was a student of mathematics and physics ; he calculated an eclipse, measured the height of the Pyramids of Egypt by their shadow, and knew the lore of the heavens. He held that everything in the uni- verse came from Water. To Anaximenes (550 B.C.) this foundation principle was Air. To Heraclitus (500 B.C.) it was Fire. These Ionic thinkers found worthy com- panions in the philosophers of Greater Greece, where Pythagoras (540 B.C.) sought the source of all things in Number, and Xenophanes of Elea (575 B.C.) saw at the heart of the universe one God directing all things by the might of his reason. In all these, to us crude ways of thinking, we may see the working of the fine Greek intelligence. These thinkers were not satisfied with ideas that prevailed only because they were handed down from of old. They must find for themselves what was really and finally true. 123. As these Greeks began to study nature, so they also 98 The Beginnings of Greece Interest in Practical Life. Changes in Religion Temples. The New Popular Faith. came to study man and his duties. Hesiod in his Works and Days wrote on how to be a successful farmer. Oth- ers followed him in this teaching of Wisdom, of practical life in state and society. About the year 600 B.C. in the Greek world the most distinguished of these teachers were known as the "Seven Wise Men."* Sometimes they ex- pressed their thought in proverbs like " Nothing too much," ** Unlucky is he who cannot bear ill-luck," ''Wisdom is the finest possession," "Know thyself." 124. We may be sure that religion also partook of the new spirit of the times. The Olympian gods became everywhere the guardians of state and society. Temples began to be built in their honor and richly decorated ; their praise in song and dance became more stately and splendid ; the sculptures in tomb and temple show increasing mas- tery of art in the service of this religion of divine life and beauty. But by the side of this public or official religion appears another which appealed to the individual and sought to meet his need of divine favor. This faith cen- tres about deities who have not been prominent in the Olympian circle — Dionysus and Demeter. To Dionysus, the god of the vine, giver of joy and ecstasy, and to De- meter, the nourishing mother-earth, bestower of life and food to all, an enthusiastic popular devotion was poured out. One great reason for their worship was its outlook into the life beyond the grave. The changes that were coming over the face of the times did not in all respects bring hap- piness and peace to men; they created problems the solu- tion of which was uncertain and unpromising. Naturally *They were Thales of Miletus, Pittacus of Mytilene, Bias of Priene, Solon of Athens, Cleobulus of Lindos, Cheilon of Sparta, and Periander of Corinth. The Religion of the Mysteries 99 men sought consolation in the hope of the world beyond. Little there was of this in the old faith. But the new faith had a new message on this subject. To him who with a pure heart took part in the ceremonial of worship of these gods was promised a brighter world beyond, where there was freedom from care and sin. This ceremonial was called the Mysteries. What it consisted of we do not The know exactly, but we do know that those who took part in ^y^*®"®^- it were pledged to a life of purity and enjoyed the hope of an immortal life. It was an appeal to the heart, not to the head; it was a religion for the people; mystical and enthusiastic as it was, it became a power for good and a spring of some of the noblest forms of Greek life. 125. We have kept the political changes of the time to (c) Political the last. They show most simply and clearly the influence ^^^"ses. of the new forces ; it was in them and through them that the other changes could come to the surface and work them- selves out. They form also the connecting link between this and the following periods. We have seen how every- where the aristocracy had gained possession of Greek politics (§106). In many states they not merely ruled the citizens; they were the citizens. But commerce had made many besides the aristocracy wealthy and influential. It had brought individuals everywhere, no matter what their station in life was, to a larger knowledge of the world and their own place in it (§ 120). While some had grown rich, others had become poor; the farmers especially suffered from the new markets opened by commerce and the new ways of doing business introduced thereby. Thus disturbances and difficulties appeared on every hand in Greek political life. The aristocracy, feeling its power threatened, did as those frequently do who feel that their I cf 100 The Beginnings of Greece Decline of Aristocratic Govern- ments. Rise of the Lawgivers. Appearance of the Tyrants. position is growing weaker — they used all means to keep it; they acted unjustly and despotically. This only made matters worse, and they were finally forced to yield to the storm. 126. One chief cause of complaint was that they alone knew the Law and administered it according to their own will. Hence, the demand arose for the publication of the law. It was secured in a truly Greek fashion. One man was chosen, the best man in the state, to whom all power was given that he might prepare, publish and administer a code of law which should be binding upon the people. Thus, almost every Greek state of the time had its Law- giver, or in later days traced its constitution back to some great man who was thought to be its author. Such famous names were Charondas of Locri, Lycurgus of Sparta, Pittacus of Mytilene, Solon of Athens. As a result, peo- ple knew what the law was and could fix the responsibility for crime and injustice. The broad and deep meaning of such a measure should not be overlooked. That the state owed it to the citizens to do justice on the basis of a public code of laws, that the best man in the state should prepare these laws, and that, once put forth, it was the citizen's duty to obey them — these were principles which no ancient people had before so fully realized. 127. The publication of the laws had saved the aristo- cratic rule for the time, but it had not been accompanied with any larger political rights to those outside the circle of the nobles. Hence arose a new struggle. All who were dissatisfied with aristocratic rule joined together in opposition to it; the whole body was called the Demos, the "people," and their aim was the overthrow of the rul- ing powers. They succeeded. Here and there men put Rule of the Tyrants 101 themselves at the head of the revolutionary movement and by it gained the supreme power for themselves. These men were called Tyrants. They were theoretically kings, reviving the old monarchy, with larger powers. They Splendor of destroyed the rule of the aristocracy and governed their ^^^^'■^"^®- states with vigor and splendor. All over the Greek world in these days tyrants appeared and in some states con- tinued to rule down to the last Greek age. They favored commerce and trade, grew rich from their skilful manage- ment of afifairs, adorned their cities with magnificent buildings, encouraged art and literature, and with much poHtical wisdom guided their states in new paths of prog- ress. The people, by whose aid they had gained their place, were not, indeed, given any political rights, but the satisfaction of having rid themselves of aristocratic rule and the enlarged prosperity and comfort enjoyed were sufficient for the time to satisfy them. 128. One of the first tyrants was Thrasybulus of some of Miletus, a shrewd and energetic ruler, who was able to j ^^ants keep his city independent of Lydia (§ 115). In Corinth the aristocracy was overthrown by Cypselus, whose father was a commoner, but his mother of a noble family. His son Periander followed him (625-585 B.C.) He was a friend and ally of Thrasybulus. Herodotus relates a characteristic story of their relations: "He sent a messenger to Thrasybulus and asked what settlement of affairs was the safest for him to make, in order that he might best govern his State: and Thrasybulus led forth the messenger who had come from Periander out of the city, and entered into a field of growing corn; and as he passed through the crop of corn, while inquiring and ask- ing questions repeatedly of the messenger about the occasion of his coming from Corinth, he kept cutting off the heads of those ears of corn which he saw higher than the rest; and as he cut off their heads 102 The Beginnings of Greece he cast them away, until he had destroyed in this manner the finest and richest part of the crop. So having passed through the place and having suggested no word of counsel, he dismissed the messenger. When the messenger returned to Corinth, Periander was anxious to hear the counsel which had been given; but he said that Thrasybulus had given him no counsel, and added that he wondered at the deed of Periander in sending him to such a man, for the man was out of his senses and a waster of his own goods — relating at the same time that which he had seen Thrasybulus do. So Periander, understanding that which had been done and perceiving that Thrasybulus coun- selled him to put to death those who were eminent among his subjects, began then to display all manner of evil treatment to the citizens of the State; for whatsoever Cypselus had left undone in killing and driving into exile, this Periander completed." Corinth 129. But Periander was more than a despot and a Periander butcher. He raised his city to the leading place among the Greek states of his day. Her power on the sea was mighty. The first war-ships with three banks of oars — called Triremes — were built at Corinth. With his fleet Periander subdued Corcyra in the first sea-fight of Greek history. He was a patron of letters. The poet Arion was said to have been an ornament of his court, and tradition has made the tyrant one of the "Seven Wise Men" of Greece (§ 122). Decline and 130. The ncw Spirit of Greece, which had raised the Tyrants. ^ tyrants to the throne, would not let them remain there long. The nobles were always hostile to them; the De- mos, still deprived of political rights, grew dissatisfied. Then the tyrants* in their turn grew more despotic, and ruled by force and fear, until all parties united to put them down. The tyranny usually lasted no longer than the second generation. It had accomplished one result — * Owing to this later form of the tyranny our word "tyrant" has a bad meaning. Democracy Fall of the Tyrant 103 the universal rule of the aristocracy had perished and the way was opened for the advance of the people. When it fell, its place was taken usually by citizens prominent because of their property, and the change was accom- panied by making more of the people citizens. Such a government was called a Timocracy (from the Greek ti-mey "value") and was a step toward putting the control of affairs in the hands of the citizens — the form of govern- ment called Democracy (from the Greek demoSy '*peo- Rise of pie"). Democracy, the unique contribution of Greece to poHtical progress, was worked out in the next period. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW II. THE GREEK EMPIRES I. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion: (i) The Mycenaean Age. (2) The Middle Age. (3) The Age of Political Adjust- ment AND Expansion: Three lines of change arise: (i) Sense of Greek unity — appearing in literature, religion. (2) Growth of civilization — seen in use of money, writing, interest in present life (poetry, science, and philosophy) — in religion (the official and the popular faith, mysteries). (3) Political changes — fall of aris- tocracy. Law-givers, Tyrants, rise of democracy. REVIEW EXERCISES. \. For what are the following famous: Theognis, Thales, Hesiod, Pythagoras, Alcaeus, Amasis, Anac- reon? 2. What is meant by Amphictyony, Mysteries, Hel- lenes, Elegiac? 3. What is the date of the First Olympiad? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the early Greek idea of the form of the world with that of the Egyptians and Babylonians (§ 33). 2. Compare the political effects of commerce and trade upon the Greeks with their effect upon Oriental peoples (§§ 20, 23, 56-59, 69). TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Greek Ships. Bury, pp. 109-110; Diets, of Antiquities, arts. "Ship" or "Navy." 2. The Games and the Oracles. Morey, pp. 150-153; 104 The Beginnings of Greece The Two Leading States of the Time. Sparta. Shuts Out the New Life. Botsford, pp. 98-103; Zimmern, ch. 2; Bury, pp. 139-144 (Olympia), 157-161 (Delphi). 3. How Reduce Olympiads to Terms of Our Chronology? Abbott, Skeleton Outline, p. 18; West, p. Id. 4. The Ionic Philosophers. Moray, pp. 161-164; Botsford, pp. 92-96. 5. The Greek Temple. Morey, pp. 154-158; Bury, p. 152. 6. The Lyric Poets. Morey, pp. 159-161; Bury, pp. 118-119; Botsford, pp. 89-90; Capps, pp. 141-172; Shuck- burgh, pp. 27-29; Jebb, p. 491. 7. Hesiod and His School. Bury, pp. 107-108; Botsford, pp. 87-88; Murray, pp. 53-62; Capps, pp. 129-140; Jebb, pp. 40-46. 8. The Lawgivers. Bury, pp. 144-146. 9. The Tyrants. Bury, pp. 146-157; Bots- ford, pp. 64-70. 131 . Among the city-states that from time to time have appeared in the history of these centuries, two come forward prominently as we draw near the close of this age — Sparta and Athens. They show the influence of the forces which have been described, and they became later the leading states of Greece. The story of their rise and early history, therefore, properly closes the Period of Beginnings. 132. The foundation of the Spartan political system has already been described (§ 107). It was essentially military, as the tribal organization always is. Its mem- bers must ever be ready for war. The men must live together and be unhampered by family ties. Children must be brought up to be warriors. Everything in the way of art and science, all refinement of culture, was dis- couraged. When, all over the rest of Greece, the forces that followed in the train of commerce were breaking down the old way of living and thinking, Sparta sternly set her face against all changes. Strangers were rigorously banished. The only money there current was of iron and in coins of small denominations. The only music was the march, the only poetry the war-song. Their words were few; they preferred deeds. The one principle of Spartan Life and Institutions 105 life was discipline. The virtues most highly prized and The most diligently encouraged were those of the warrior — |ptru^" strength, courage, endurance, skill in arms. The supreme sentiment for the people was obedience to the chosen leaders. One might have expected that these would be their two kings. But for some reason not exactly clear The they gave the chief authority to officials, elected from the orgl^" niza- people year by year, called Ephors. These officials *^°"- came to control all parts of the state ; even the kings were subject to them. The kings, indeed, led the army in war, but even then two ephors were always with them. The Council of elders, called Gerontes, continued to exist, as did also the Public Assembly, but the powers of both in reality were very limited.* Thus the Spartans were, by their organization and training, destined for war. One particular element of the system — that of living together in the city — especially forced them to it. There was not land enough at Sparta, nor could the Spartans leave the city to till fields at a distance, if they were to be in constant readiness for military activity at home. Hence, very TheExpan- early, they are found conquering the slopes of the moun- sp^rta. tains to the east and the sea-coast, reducing the inhabitants to state servitude and forcing them to till the soil for the benefit of the conquerors. These state serfs were called Helots. Their condition was not an enviable one. The inhabitants of other cities were allowed their freedom on condition of paying tribute; these were called Perioeci. Both classes served in the army under their Spartan mas- * In later times the Spartans ascribed this constitution of theirs to a lawgiver named Lycurgus and wove a story about him and his do- ings. In fact he was a god whom they had once worshipped and whom they turned into a man and made the founder of the system. It really sprang up in the natural way just described. Messenia. of Argos. 106 The Beginnings of Greece ters. This conquering army soon directed its attention to the regions in the west. Here across the Taygetus mountains was a wide and fertile plain called Messenia. War with Its inhabitants made a desperate resistance in what is called the First Messenian War, but were reduced to sub- mission. Thus all the southern Peloponnesus was under Spartan rule, parceled out among Spartan citizens. When from Messenia the Spartans pushed northward into the district called Elis, they came into contact with more formidable foes. At the time of the Dorian migration the strongest of the invading bodies had settled down in the eastern Peloponnesus in the district of Argos. At the time of the Spartan advance into Elis a vigorous king pheidon called Pheidon was on the Argive throne (about 660 B.C.). He was in hearty sympathy with the new life of the day, as is shown by a system of weights and measures intro- duced by him, which spread all over Greece; it was called the iEginetan system. To check Sparta's victorious prog- ress, he joined with two other Peloponnesian states, Ar- cadia and Pisatis, and, in connection with a rebellion of the Messenians, entered on a conflict with Sparta, which is called the Second Messenian War (about 650 B.C.). Yet, though the struggle was long and fierce, Sparta was finally victorious here also. Next we find her pushing northward up the Eurotas valley against the Arcadian city of Tegea. Against these Arcadian mountaineers not so much headway was made; whereupon Sparta adopted a new political policy. A treaty was made, whereby Tegea, in return for being left in peace, agreed to contribute a force to the Spartan army and to make Sparta's friends her friends. This plan worked so well that Sparta proceeded to extend it to other cities, until Athens J its Beginnings 107 finally, on these conditions, a League of all the Peloponne- The Peiop- sian states except Argos was formed under Spartan leader- League*" ship. By 525 B.C. Sparta was the greatest Greek state; besides her own territories, Elis, Corinth, ^gina, Megara and Sicyon were members of the League. Foreign powers coming into contact with Greece sought her alliance. Thus she joined with Lydia and the other eastern states against Cyrus (§ 82). Outside the Peloponnesus she was involved in relations with other Greek communities, par- ticularly with the growing state of Athens. To understand these larger complications we must turn aside to follow the rise and early history of Athens. 133. Attica, of which Athens was the chief city, was Athens a rough, poorly watered and unproductive peninsula, jut- ting out into the ^Egean and cut off from the rest of Greece by Mount Parnes, an offshoot of the Cithaeron range. The city lay in a little valley through which the Cephis- Position BUS flowed to the southwest into the Saronic gulf. Dwell- ers in the plain had early gathered about a lofty isolated mass of rock, the Acropolis, so easy of defence as to be marked out for the centre of a city. The plain sloped gently to the sea and was itself protected by mountains on either side. The community worshipped the goddess Athene, its patron and defender, who gave the name to the city. The prevailing race-type was Ionian. Already People Athens had united all the inhabitants of the peninsula in one city-state (§ 108). 134. Moreover, when we come to know Athens, the Early aristocracy was already in control. Traditions told how ^j^^^ kings had once ruled, but these had gradually been re- stricted in powers and in dignities, until hardly more re- mained to remind one of them than the name "king" ap- lOB The Beginnings of Greece Aristocrats in Control. Tyrants. Lawgivers. plied to the chief minister of rehgion. In their place came yearly officials called Archons, nine in number, for the conduct of civil, military, religious and financial adminis- tration. The Tribal Council took two forms : (i) a body of forty-eight heads of local districts, each of which supplied a war-ship (naus), hence called the Council of the Nau- craries, and (2) a body made up of ex-officials, it seems, charged chiefly with judicial powers, called the Council of the Areopagus (the "Hill of Curses"). Of course, both officials and councils were limited to aristocrats, who also controlled, if they did not make up, the Public As- sembly. As elsewhere, so especially in Athens, there was a large number of freemen who, under aristocratic ad- ministration, were entirely outside of public activities. The members of noble houses, hke the Medontidae and the Alcma3onidae, were all-powerful; none could break into their close circle. Their heads were leaders and their members were citizens of the state. The army was organized in three divisions: first, the knights (hip- peis), the aristocrats who could afford to have war-horses and fine weapons; second, the heavy-armed footmen (zeugitae, i.e., who had farms big enough to employ a yoke of oxen); third, the light-armed troops (thetes, i.e., petty land-owners and farm laborers). All the people of Attica were divided into four tribes, each with its chief and its god. 135. But, in time, the aristocratic state was affected by the new Hfe. A certain noble, Cylon by name, at- tempted to make himself tyrant (about 635 B.C.), but without success. Commerce was making some men rich and others poor; farmers were in debt and many were being sold into slavery. The Demos was rising. A Law- Draco and Solon 109 giver (§ 126), Draco, was appointed (about 624 B.C.). Draco. His legislation availed but little, the only important thing in it being the distinction between the penalty for different sorts of murder. Heretofore, all killing had been murder and its penalty death at the hands of the relatives of the dead man (§ 105). Now, accidental or justifiable homicide was distinguished in its punishment from wilful murder. As Draco's laws were chiefly a col- lection of the old customs of the land, they seemed to the later Athenians exceedingly severe and were said to have been " written in blood." Another trial of a lawgiver was made in 594 B.C., by the choice of Solon as sole archon soion. of the state with unHmited authority in the settlement of affairs. 136. Athens had already begun to enter heartily into Early the commercial activity of the time. Pottery was manu- Expan'slon^ factured; olive oil — the chief natural product of Attica — exported and grain imported; colonizing entered upon. An important station on the trade route to the Black sea was secured — Sigeum on the northwestern coast of Asia Minor. A great hindrance was Megara's possession of Salamis, the island at the very gates of Athens. A struggle to secure it for Athens had been crowned with victory through the inspiring war-poetry of Solon. He was, therefore, a prominent man; an aristocrat, but a friend of the people, eager to deliver them from their dis- tresses and to give them a place and a part in the state. 137. The measures of Solon were vital and thorough- constitu- going. The fundamental thing he did was to make all g^i^^ free native-born people citizens. Second, he relieved them from their chief burdens by remitting all debts con- ■ \ tracted on thdr lands or secured on the person or family no The Beginnings of Greece Its spirit. Renewal of Conflict. Pisistratus, Tyrant. of the debtor. Third, he gave all some part in the conduct of the state. All the citizens, rich and poor alike, were made members of the Public Assembly. All over thirty years old and of good moral character were eligible to membership in a new Court of justice called the Heli- aea, which was the final court of appeal. The council of the Areopagus was constituted as a special court of jus- tice and given supervision of the laws. The other council was transformed by being increased to 400 members and called the Boule or Senate. Its chief function was to prepare business for the PubUc Assembly. The higher magistracies, those of archon, treasurer, etc., were open only to men of the largest wealth; the lesser offices could be occupied by the less wealthy citizens. A new arrangement was made for choosing the archons. Forty were nominated, ten by each tribe, and from these the nine were chosen. The distribution of administrative positions, while in principle based on wealth, resulted in actual practice in giving the highest offices to the most influential hippeis, and in dividing the rest of the places between the other hippeis and the zeugitae. No thetes were eligible for the magistracy. The state, therefore, remained aristocratic in administration, although the people at large were given political rights never before possessed; these in time were certain to be emphasized and enlarged. It may be truly said that Solon was the founder of the Athenian Democracy. 138. The constitution made by Solon prepared the way for progress, but it did not actually bring relief to the state. Conflict and distress continued. Finally, by the aid of the peasants (chiefly thetes), a nobleman called Pisistratus was able to usurp the government in 561 B.C., and though Pisistratus 111 driven from power, regained it about 545 B.C., and was tyrant until his death in 528 B.C. By him, the poor peas- His Admin- ants, who had been reUeved of their debts and given citi- zenship by Solon, were granted land and money to set up farming and to become self-supporting and useful citizens. They could not exercise political rights, but became eco- nomically comfortable. Pisistratus favored commerce, which brought increasing wealth to the state. His court, like His court, those of the other tyrants (§127), was briUiant; Hterature and art were encouraged. It is said that Homer's poems were first written down under his patronage and that he established a Hbrary at Athens. A temple to Athene, the patron goddess of the city, was built. The gods Zeus and Apollo were enrolled among the deities to be publicly wor- shipped. An important part of the state-religion dates Religious from his establishment of the festivals of the god Dionysus (§ 124), the Flower Festival of the early spring (in Feb- ruary) and the Vintage Festival of the winter (in Decem- ber). At the latter he introduced the sacred Play in which scenes in the life of the god were exhibited — the Tragedy or Goat-song and the Comedy or Village-song. It is worth remembering that in 535 B.C. Thespis produced the first tragedy at Athens in connection with these festivals. The theatre there was a part of religious worship. The His foreign poHtics of Pisistratus were successful in making poJ^f/ic" Athens a power in the Greek world. He controlled the approaches to the Hellespont and was in alliance with the Thessalians and with Argos. By his services to the sanct- uary of Apollo on the island of Delos, a favorite Ionian centre, he became a leader among the lonians of the JEgesLU. On his death (528 B.C.) he was succeeded with- out opposition by his two sons, Hippias and Hipparchus. 112 The Beginnings of Greece Tyranny Over- thrown. Legislation of Cleis- thenes. 139. But the tyranny was to have as short a hfe at Athens as it had enjoyed elsewhere (§ 130). The same reasons for its overthrow existed there. In addition, the advance of the Persians to the iEgean (§ 90) had cut off the commercial and pohtical influence of Athens in the east and northeast so skilfully built up by Pisistratus. Thus business distress followed. The growing discontent was manifested in the murder of Hipparchus. Finally, by the influence of the oracle at Delphi, Sparta was in- duced to send an army under king Cleomenes to drive Hippias out (510 B.C.). After he was gone, the Spartans attempted to set up an aristocratic government, but after a struggle the Athenian people under the leadership of Cleisthenes, the head of the family of the Alcmaeonidae, a friend of the Demos, was able to gain control of the state (508 B.C.). Cleisthenes immediately set about a reorgani- zation of the state on the basis of the constitution of Solon with the purpose of correcting the defects and guarding against the dangers of the former legislation. Two evils had not been met by the Solonian constitution — the people could not exercise the rights given them because of aristo- cratic influence, and parties based on local self-interest rent the state. To meet these difficulties Cleisthenes made some fundamental changes. He organized the peo- ple into ten tribes. Each tribe was made up of three parts taken by lot from each of the three local divisions of Attica, the upland, the plain and the coast, where dwelt respec- tively the peasants, the landed proprietors and the mer- chants. Thus all interests and all parties were likely to be represented in each tribe. The unit of each tribe was the deme, or township; to be a citizen one must be enrolled in a deme ; it elected its officials, who revised its list of citi- Constitution of CleistJienes 113 zen members from time to tirae and probably cared for the taxes. At the same time a large body of new citizens was created by the admission of strangers and freedmen resi- dent in the land. The Senate (Boule) was increased to 500 members, fifty from each tribe, chosen in the demes ac- cording to the number of citizens in each deme. The year was divided into ten parts, and each body of fifty senators presided over public business for a month. As such it was called a Prytany and was lodged and fed at the public expense during that time. Ten generals (strat- egoi) were chosen, one from each tribe. The other offi- cials were appointed as before. A new device for guard- ing against tyranny was Ostracism. Every year the citizens were given the privilege of voting as to whether any prominent man was dangerous to the state. If 6,000 citizens voted, a majority of votes recorded against any one upon the pieces of tile (ostraka) used for the purpose, compelled him to leave the state for ten years, though neither his property nor his citizen rights were lost. 140. Thus Athens became a definitely democratic com- The victory munity. Solon had established the citizen body in its ^l^^^^'^' political rights; Pisistratus had given the poor people Athens, opportunity to become self-supporting and respectable; Cleisthenes made it possible for them to use their power in the actual conduct of the state. A notable poHtical experiment was now tried for the first time in history. The opportunity was soon to come in which it would be seen whether popular government was equal to meeting the strain of war and suffering. The Persian war-cloud was hanging over the eastern horizon (§ 90). With its swift approach the era of Greek Beginnings drew to its close (500 B.C.). 114 The Beginnings of Greece OUTLINE FOR REVIEW II. THE GREEK EMPIRES I. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion, (i) The Mycenaean Age. (2) The Middle Age. (3) The Age of Political Adjust- ment AND Expansion (continued) : Two states as illustrating the times: (a) Sparta (characteristics, politics, expansion, the Pelo- ponnesian league). (6) Athens (position, people, early politics, aristocracy, lawgivers, Solon and his work — tyrants, Cleisthenes and his work, outcome). REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. What is meant by Deme, Gerontes, Prytany, Helot, Acropolis, PericEci, Heliaea, Boule? 2. Who were Pheidon, Thespis, Dionysus, Cleomenes? 3. Locate from memory on an outline map all the cities and countries mentioned in §§ 131-140. 4. What is the date of the Second Messenian War? of Solon? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. Compare the manner in which Sparta built up her power in the Peloponnesus with the manner in which the eastern states built up their power (§§ 13, 14, 35, 42, 68-71). TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Story of Lycurgus and the Historical Problem Involved. Bury, pp. 135-136. 2. Cylon's Rebellion. Bury, pp. 175-179. 3. The Story of Solon. Plutarch, Life of Solon. 4. The Cretan Con- stitution Compared with that of Sparta. Bury, pp. 136-139. 5. Sparta's Beginnings and Organization. Morey, pp. 112-117; Bury, pp. 120-125; Botsford, pp. 27-29, 56-63; Shuckburgh, pp. 30-45; Zimmern, ch. 3. 6. Sparta's Expansion. Morey, pp. T 18-120; Bury, pp. 125-129; Botsford, pp. 77-80. 7. Early History of Athens. Morey, pp. 120-125; Bury, pp. 163-180; Botsford, pp. 25-27, 41-48; Shuckburgh, pp. 55-68. 8. Solon's Constitution. Morey, pp. 125-129; Shuckburgh, pp. 68-86; Botsford, pp. 48-56; Bury, pp. 180-189. 9. Pisistratus. Morey, pp. 129-131; Bury, pp. 192-202; Botsford, pp. 70-77; Shuckburgh, pp. 81-88. 10. The Reforms of Cleisthenes. Morey, pp. 1 31-134; Shuckburgh, pp. 88-93; Botsford, pp. 81-86; Bury, pp. 210-215. Summary of Greek Beginnings 115 141. The beginnings of Greek life are unknown. The summary Oriental peoples were already far advanced in civiliza- period, tion when the first light breaks on the ^gean world. Yet by 1500 B.C. a series of vigorous and well-advanced Greek communities, extending from Cyprus to Sicily, ap- peared, having political and commercial relations to the East. This so-called Mycenaean age was brought to an end by the descent of rude tribes from the north, which is called the Dorian Migration. This cut off Greece from the outer world and set in motion new forces of political and social organization. Changes from tribal life to local settlement created the city-state and put at its head the aristocratic government. When the new-comers had adjusted themselves to their new homes, commerce began to revive on the shores of the ^gean. The cities on the Asia Minor coast came forward. New relations with the Orient arose. Wealth gave leisure and opportunity for the new growth of literature and art and rehgion. Epic poetry reached its height in Homer. The Greeks began to know themselves as one people, the Hellenes, and to form their ideals of social, religious and political life. The Olympic Gods (§ 113), the religious Games (§ 118), the Delphic Oracle, the Amphictyonies, were signs of the times. Commerce led to a wide and enterprising colonial activity in the Mediterranean world. All this new life reacted upon the Greeks to produce (i) dissatisfaction with aristocratic rule, leading to the appointment of Law- givers, the appearance of Tyrannies and the rise of De- mocracy; and (2) larger relations with the outside world, particularly with the Oriental Empires now being rapidly merged into the Persian Empire. Two states rose above the others as the age drew to an end. Sparta illustrates 116 The Beginnings of Greece the tendency to maintain the old tribal system with its equality and its military bent. It grew by conquest, until it occupied half the Peloponnesus and formed a political League embracing almost all the rest. Thus it was the leading Greek state. Athens went to the other extreme. Its lawgivers, Solon and Cleisthenes, led the way in the establishment of popular government. Pisis- tratus, the Athenian tyrant, gave the state a leading place among the commercial powers of the time. Thus by 500 B.C. the Greek world had reached a point at which, its po- litical institutions fixed and its states firmly established, it was prepared to take its place and do its work in world politics. This place and work in the world were opened to it in the rapidly approaching complications with the Persian Empire. GENERAL REVIEW OF PART II, DIVISION 1 TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION. 1. Trace the development of political institutions through the three epochs of this period (§§ loi, 105-108, 125-130). 2. Note the various stages in the development of literature and art in this period (§§ loi, no, III, 117, 120, 138). 3. Show how the literature and art of each epoch corresponds to the political history of that epoch. 4. Give a history of the Greek king (§§ loi, 105, 106, 107, 127, 134). 5. Compare the history of Sparta and Athens as they were affected by the general political development of Greece (§§ 107, 108, 132-140). 6. Trace the influence of commerce on the life of the Greeks during this period (§§ 102, 109, no, 114). 7. On what occasions during this period did the Greeks come into contact with outside peoples? Who were these peoples and what did the contact mean for Greece (§§ 102, 114, 115, 122, 132 (82), 138)? 8. Enumerate the influences (1) that kept the Greeks separate, and (2) that united them, during this period (§§ 94, 106, 108, 117, 118). Summary of Greek Beginnings 117 MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES. 1. On an outline map of Greece place (1) the physical features of Greece, (2) the peoples and cities of the first epoch, (3) those of the second epoch, (4) those of the third epoch — using, if possible, different colored pencils or inks to distinguish the epochs — (5) then, with the general map of Greece before you, note the peoples and cities which have not yet played a part in the history. 2. Compare the Oriental scenes in Plates 1 1 1 and V with the Greek scene found in Plate VI and make observations from the point of view of grace, strength, simplicity, technical skill, etc. Com- pare, for further illustration, the plates inTarbell, pp. 132, 137, 146, 151, 156. SUBJECTS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS. 1. The Olympian Games. Bury, pp. 140-142; Grant, Greece in the Age of Pericles, pp. 26-33; Duruy, History of Greece, II, pp. 378-394; Diehl, Excur- sions in Greece, ch. 7. 2. Greek Oracles, especially Delphi. Bury, pp. 159, 161; Grant, Greece in the Age of Pericles, pp. 20-26; Duruy, History of Greece, II, pp. 318-330. 3. Mycenaean Art. Tarbell, ch. 2; Bury, pp. 11-30; Tsountas and Manatt, Mycenaean Age, chs. 5, 9. 4. The Story of the Founding of a Greek Colony. Botsford, ch. 3; Bury, ch. 2; Duruy, History of Greece, II, pp. 165-173; Greenidge, pp. 36-45. 5. Write the story of the "Iliad" in a thousand words. Capps, pp. 22-74. 6. Write the story of the "Odyssey" in the form of an autobiography of Odysseus. Capps, pp. 75-110. 7. History of a Tyrant; Cleisthenes of Sicyon. Herodotus, V, 67-69; VI, 1 26-131; or, Polycrates of Samos. Herodotus, III, 40-47, 54-56, 120-125. 8. The Legends of the Chief Gods of Greece. Grant, Greece in the Age of Pericles, pp. 12-18; Guerber, Myths of Greece and Rome. 9. Heracles and the Dorian Invasions. Bury, pp. 80- 82; Duruy, History of Greece, I, pp. 273-281. 10. The Greek Temple. Mahaffy, Old Greek Life, pp. 19-24; Tarbell, ch. 3. 118 The First Attempts at Empire 2.— THE FIRST ATTEMPTS AT EMPIRE: ATHENIAN, SPARTAN, THEBAN AND MACEDONIAN 500-331 B.C. (I) THE 142. The victory of Cyrus over Lydia (§82) had brought WITH th^ Ionian cities under the Persian power. This authority PERSIA, had been strengthened and extended over the islands by succeeding rulers until practically the whole coast was subject. The Scythian expedition of King Darius (§ 90) had been followed by the extension of Persian authority throughout the northern ^Egean, where a new satrapy was formed. It was clear that the Great King would not The Menace stop Until all the Greek peninsula acknowledged his scep- tre. Some Greek communities were already reconciled to this prospect and had sought the aid of Persia in the settlement of their difficulties. Among these were Thebes and Argos; the Delphic Oracle steadily favored submis- sion, and even Athens in the early days of Cleisthenes had offered to do homage. It seemed that the lack of Greek unity, set over against the mighty centralized power of Persia, would make successful defence impossible. The Ionian 143. But cvcnts bcyond the control of the Greek states made a conflict unavoidable. In 499 B.C. the Greek cities of Ionia under the leadership of Miletus rebelled against the Persians and sought help from Sparta and Athens. The former refused, but Athens sent twenty ships and Eretria five. The revolt, after lasting six years, was put down in 494 B.C. Persia immediately set about punishing X LANDS OF THE AEGEAN. 'Scale of Miles. 10 20 3 40 50 I I Dorian States ^^H Ionian States I I Aeolian States 1 1 Barbarian States "^ij <5> ^ ^ The Marathon Campaign 119 the Greeks of the peninsula for their interference, while Darius Sparta and Athens, with a boldness born rather of igno- crlece^ ranee and assurance than of real knowledge, awaited the attack. The first expedition commanded by Mardoni- us, the king's son-in-law, consisted of a land army and a fleet. It started southward from the Persian possessions on the north iEgean through Macedonia in 492 B.C. But the fleet was shipwrecked off Mt. Athos and the expe- dition returned in disgrace. A second attack was made in 490 B.C. by a force which sailed straight across the sea bound for Athens. It consisted of about 20,000 men, chiefly foot-soldiers. After stopping at the island of Euboea and sacking Eretria, the army was landed on the Attic coast in the hill-girt plain of Marathon. The Marathon. Athenian citizen force of 10,000 heavy armed men (hop- lites), aided by 1,000 troops of the neighboring city of Plataea, occupied the heights through which the road descended to the city. The ten strategoi, with the war archon at their head, were uncertain whether to meet the Persians there or to await them behind the walls of Athens. The Persians were equally in doubt as to what to do. Finally, after some days, the persuasions of one of the strategoi, Miltiades, were successful in inducing the Athenians to remain. The Persians also decided to advance. On the decisive day the war archon handed over the chief command to Miltiades. He extended his force until it equalled the Persian front, strengthening his wings at the expense of the centre, and hurled the army on a run against the advancing Persians. The strategy was successful, for, while his centre was broken, the wings were victorious and closed in upon the Persians, who fled to their ships. Six thousand four hundred Persians were 120 The First AttemiJts at Empire slain and seven ships were taken; of the Athenians one hundred and ninety-two fell. The rest of the enemy- escaped upon the ships and returned to Asia Minor. Two days after, a Spartan force, for which the Athenians had despatched a swift messenger, arrived on the scene. sie;nificance 144. The victory of Marathon had no effect upon the victo%. Persian king beyond making him more determined than ever to conquer Greece. To him it was only a temporary check; a small force had been defeated in a somewhat rash enterprise. For the Greeks, however, the victory meant everything; now at last they had no fear of Persia and were ready to meet any attack however formidable. To Athens especially it was most significant. At one bound she sprang to the front as the defender of Greek freedom. Miltiades shared in the glory and became the first citizen of the state. Under his leadership a fleet was sent out against the islands under Persian rule. The Ten 145. The PcTsians were delayed ten years before attack- Respite, "'^g again. While Darius was making his preparations, the province of Egypt rebelled (486 B.C.). He himself died the next year and was succeeded by his son Xer- xes. During this time important changes were taking place in the pohtical situation at Athens. A failure of Miltiades in his naval expedition brought him into dis- grace with the Athenians ; he died while under condemna- tion by the people. The democratic movement was greatly aided by a change in the constitution by which the archons Democratic wcrc appointed by lot. In this arrangement the chief Athens^^ ^^ administrative officers of the state might sometimes be men who were not natural leaders. Hence the people found such leaders in the strategoi (§ 139) who were still elected, not chosen by lot. It was arranged that, henceforth, while The New Leaders at Athens 121 nine strategoi were elected by the tribes, one, the chief strategos, should be elected by all the people. He there- fore became the chief man (the demagogue, "leader of the demos ") in the state, and the archons fell into obscurity. 146. Under this arrangement two men came prominently Aristides. forward with very different political ideas. Aristides, a man of exceptionally high character, was conservative; he thought the safety of Athens and her greatness lay in emphasizing the importance of her heavy armed citizen soldiery that had won the battle of Marathon. Themis- Themisto- tocles, the opposing statesman, claimed that there was no ^^^^' hope of deliverance except in the creation of a naval force which could meet the Persians on the sea and beat them off. He urged also a commercial policy as the true source of wealth and progress for Athens. When in 493 B.C. HisPoUcy. Themistocles had been archon, he had induced the Athe- nians to change their harbor to the roomy and protected bay of the Piraeus, and now he urged his naval policy more vigorously. He persuaded the people to devote the income of their silver mines on the promontory of Lau- rium, usually distributed among the citizens, to the build- ing of the navy, and in 483 B.C. a fleet of at least one hun- dred triremes was ready. Opposition was overthrown by the ''ostracism" of Aristides in 482 B.C. This step was one of the most important ever taken by Athens. It marked out her future career. Had Aristides won, Athens its Result, would have remained a state in which the landholders and the people of property, who made up the citizen army, would have been the chief element in the state. The new policy turned Athens toward the sea. It brought into prominence and importance the merchants and trades- 122 The First Attempts at Empire The Expe- dition of Xerxes. Dark Out- look for the Greeks. Union for Resistance. men; the mass of the poor and landless people, hitherto without influence in the state, were made as necessary for the fleet as the hoplites for the army. Hence, the policy was a step forward toward true democracy within the state and toward giving Athens a leading place in the greater world without. 147. The preparations of Xerxes for the invasion of Greece were begun by 483 B.C. The plan adopted was the same as that of 492 B.C. (§ 143). To avoid the dan- gers of shipwreck off Mt. Athos a canal was cut through the peninsula on which it stood. Bridges were thrown across the streams and magazines of stores were estab- lished. An army and a fleet, which represented the full strength of the Empire, were collected. Xerxes himself took the command. The Greeks estimated the total size of the army at something short of two millions. A very conservative estimate makes the number of first-class fight- ing men, exclusive of camp-followers, about 100,000. The fleet numbered about a thousand ships, great and small. In the spring of 481 B.C. the Hellespont was crossed, and, by July, the fleet and the army were moving southward to the borders of Thessaly. 148. The outlook for the Greeks was dark. To the demand for submission which Xerxes had made, through heralds sent up and down the land, a number of states had yielded. The Thessalian nobles, Thebes and the Boeotian cities under her influence, Argos and some lesser tribes, were either openly or secretly on the Persian side. The oracle of Delphi had lost all hope and its utterances in response to anxious inquiries from the different states were gloomy and discouraging. A council of the states that proposed to offer resistance met at Corinth. The Measures for Defence against Persia 123 Peloponnesian league under Sparta's headship was nat- urally the chief power; Athens and other states loyally accepted her leadership. The council agreed that in the face of the pressing danger all feuds between Greek states should cease and a general invitation was extended to all to unite for defence. A special request for help was sent to Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, who ruled over the cities of Sicily and possessed military resources beyond those of any other state in the Greek world. But Xerxes had made an alliance with Carthage (§ 58), whereby she was to attack the Greeks of Sicily. Gelon was, therefore, un- able to render assistance even if he had been willing to do so. The plan of campaign proposed by Themistoclcs ThePian. was adopted; it was simple and masterly. On land, where the Persian army was so much larger, a battle was to be avoided as long as possible ; a naval battle was to be sought as soon as possible, for on the sea the opposing forces were more nearly equal. It was thought that, if the Persian fleet were destroyed, the army of the Great King would not be able to remain in Greece. Having made these preparations, full of heroic courage and un- daunted purpose, the representatives of the various states separated and the conflict began. 149. In accordance with the plan, a small force was sent forward to block the enemy's advance at the northern mountain border of Thessaly. It was found, however, that there were too many passes through the mountains to make a defence possible at this point, and, abandoning Thessaly, the Greek force took its stand on the heights south of the Thessalian plain. Here the narrow and easily defended pass of Thermopylae forms the only entrance Ther- into middle Greece. The Greeks were under the com- '""py®- 124 The First Attempts at Empire mand of the Spartan king Leonidas and consisted of about seven thousand men, the kernel of which was a corps of three hundred Spartans. Xerxes occupied Thes- saly without opposition, and by August, 480 B.C., advanced to Thermopylae to force the pass. The battle raged for two days, the flower of the Persians attacking the Greeks in the narrow defile in vain. On the third day, a troop was sent around on the heights above the pass, and the battle was renewed from front and rear. Retreat had been possible earlier and the bulk of the defenders had retired, but Leonidas and his Spartans remained and at last perished, overpowered by numbers. After the war was over, a monument was raised upon the hillock where the last stand was made, a lion carved in stone with the inscription : Stranger, report this word, we pray, to the Spartans, that lying here in this spot we remain, faithfully keeping their laws. The Greek i5o. Meanwhile the Persian fleet, sailing southward, ^^®®*' had encountered a storm which destroyed some four hundred ships. The remainder, still a formidable host, advanced to the Pagasaean gulf. The Greek fleet was gathered at Artemisium on the north of Euboea. Sev- eral encounters took place without decisive result, when the news of Thermopylae decided the Greeks to withdraw to the Saronic gulf. The results thus far were distinctly unfavorable to the Greeks. The defeat of Thermopylae opened middle Greece to the Persians, while the Greek fleet had not gained any compensating advantage. The decisive struggle still to come was transferred now to the very heart of the peninsula. 151. Xerxes moved down into Boeotia and took posses- Battle of Salamis 125 sion of the whole middle region. The Greeks, still pursu- ing their original plan, offered no resistance, but awaited the Persians at the Isthmus of Corinth, where they built a wall from one side to the other and stationed the Pelopon- nesian army under the command of Cleombrotus of Sparta, brother of Leonidas. Athens, therefore, was quite un- BATTIiE OF SALAMIS. protected, and measures were immediately taken for aban- doning the country and transporting the inhabitants to Salamis, -^gina and the Peloponnesus. Soon the Per- sians came down and burned the city. The Greek fleet of about three hundred ships was now drawn up between Salamis and the Attic shore. There was great uncertainty saiamis, among the commanders whether to fight the oncoming Persian fleet then and there, or to retreat to the Pelopon- nesian shore in order to keep in touch with the army. 126 The First Attempts at Empire Themistocles, who desired a battle where the Greeks then were, sent a messenger to Xerxes to warn him of the in- tended flight of the Greeks. The Persian king immedi- ately sent two hundred Egyptian vessels to block up the western outlets, while the main fleet was stationed in front of the Greeks on the eastern side of the island. When the news was brought by Aristides, who had been recalled from exile, that the western passage was occupied, the Greeks saw themselves forced to give battle. It was well for them that the battle was fought here, for, in the narrow straits, their lighter ships and smaller numbers counted for much more, while the larger Persian fleet was crowded and hampered. About the 28th of September, 480 B.C., the fight began at break of day, and by night the Persians were completely beaten. Xerxes, whose throne had been set up on the slope of Mt. ^galeos, witnessed the dis- comfiture of his navy. The next morning the remaining ships bore away to the eastward and disappeared. Effect of 152. Salamis was the first of the battles with Persia the Battle. ^^^^ ^^^ propcrly be called a decisive victory. Its conse- quences appeared at once. The Greeks were now masters of the sea. The Persian army, without the support of a fleet, and in an enemy's country, must depend upon itself for support and success. A defeat would be ruin. More- over, should the Greeks sail to the Hellespont, they could cut Xerxes's communications with his own land, stir up the Ionian cities to rebellion and force the Persian army to return home. That was precisely what Themistocles de- sired the fleet to do immediately after the battle, but the other commanders were unwilling to venture so far away from home. Xerxes was not slow in grasping the situation. He decided to go back at once to Asia, leaving Mardonius The Battle of Platcea 127 with the bulk of the army to push forward the campaign next year. 153. The Persian army withdrew from Attica and went into winter quarters in Boeotia. The Athenians returned to their fields and rebuilt their homes. As spring (479 B.C.) came on, however, it was clear that unless the Pelo- ponnesians advanced beyond the isthmus, Attica would again be laid waste by the Persians. But, in spite of the appeals of the Athenians, the Spartans failed to move, and Athens had again to be abandoned. Only the threat of the Athenians that they would make peace with Mardo- nius, who had given them all kinds of promises, forced the advance of the Peloponnesians. As they came out of the isthmus, the Persians retired from Attica and took up a position in the vicinity of Plataea. Mardonius was said piataea. to have an army of three hundred thousand men, well or- ganized and equipped, and might reasonably hope for victory over the Greeks. They were numbered at about one hundred thousand men, drawn from the various Pelo- ponnesian states and from Athens, under the command of Pausanias, the Spartan. The two opponents manoeu- vred for some days before Plataea, the Persian hoping that the C reeks would fall into quarrels among themselves or be unable to obtain provisions for so great a host. Finally, however, having caught Pausanias in the midst of a movement to change his base of operations, Mardo- nius hurled his finest troops upon the Spartan force. But the Spartans maintained their steadiness and discipline in the face of the enemy until ordered to charge. As at Marathon, so here, the onset of the hoplites was irre- sistible. They tore the opposing Persian force in pieces; Mardonius was killed ; the Persian camp stormed. The 128 The First Attempts at Empire Persian general Artabazus succeeded in getting away into Asia with less than a fifth of the army. Thus, as He- rodotus said, "was gained by Pausanias the most famous victory of all those about which we have knowledge." The Persians disappeared from Greek territory, never again to enter it. 154. During these years two other battles were fought which completed the discomfiture of the Persians. In the west, Gelon of Syracuse (§ 148), who was attacked by the Carthaginians in alliance with Persia, defeated Himera. them decisively in the battle of Himera (480 B.C.), said to have been fought on the very day of Salamis. The Greek fleet, which had been inactive since the victory of Salamis, sailed in 479 B.C. over to Asia Minor, where the remnant of the Persian fleet was protecting the coast. On the approach of the Greeks the enemy's fleet was drawn up under protection of the army, on the shore of Mycaie. the promontory of Mycale. Here the Greeks attacked them and won a complete victory (479 B.C.) and thus gained control of the Ionian coast. Not a Persian ship was to be found on the yEgean sea. After capturing the city of Sestos, one of the keys to the Hellespont, the fleet returned to Greece. Reasons 155. Thus closcd the Critical years which resulted in s°Jcfe7s*^ warding off the Persian attack and triumphantly defend- ing the independence of Greece. How it was all achieved, the Greeks themselves hardly knew. We see that (i) the Greek infantry with its long spears was more than a match for the Persian foot-soldiers with their bows, (2) the sea- manship of the Greeks was better than that of the Persians, while (3) the strongest part of the Persian army, the cav- alry, had no chance in the narrow valleys and mountain- Effect of the Greek Victories 129 passes of Greece. (4) The union of the Greeks, Hmited and defective as it was, and (5) the consummate statesman- ship of Themistocles, in creating and enlarging the navy of Athens and emphasizing the importance of the control of the sea, had no small part in securing victory. 156. The result of the conflict may be said to have been Twofold tv^ofold. First, it emphasized and glorified all those ele- ^^^^^^ °' ments of Greek life which the past centuries had been struggle, building up — the consciousness of Greek unity in the face of the outside world, the sentiments of independence, of patriotism and of freedom that had come to be the life of every Greek community. Second, it made Greece a world-power, transferred political supremacy from the east to the west and created among the leading Greek states aspirations after wider political influence and au- thority for which opportunities opened on every side. 157. Two poets of the time revealed this sense of the The Liter- power and glory of victorious Greece. Pindar, of Boeotia ^^^ ^^^°' (about 522-448 B.C.), mightiest of the Lyric poets (§ 120), gained his chief fame by his Odes, glorifying the victors Pindar, in the national games (§118). In them he celebrated all those characteristic quahties which the Greek revealed in the Persian struggle — ^^his manly vigor, his love of beauty, his deep piety, his heroic temper, his joy in his splendid past, his freedom and moral independence, his serene faith in the higher powers, untroubled by doubt or fear, ^schylus (about 525-456 B.C.), the tragedian of Ath- ens, himself fought at Marathon and Salamis, and cele- brated the victories in his Persce, a tragedy brought out in 472 B.C., in which he depicts the doom of the arrogant king who sets himself up against the Almighty. JEs- ^Eschyius. chylus was the real founder of tragedy; he introduced 130 The First Attempts at Empire the novelty of having two actors and a chorus, thus se- curing effective dramatic action. In his plays he uses the mythical and legendary tales of the heroes of old; Prometheus, AgamemnoUy the Seven against Thebes, are some of his titles. He is the poet-preacher of righteous- ness, of the punishment of pride, of the supremacy of moral law over all beings, divine and human, of the inevi- table payment for sin wherever committed. He moves in a superhuman world of grand, heroic, sinful, suffering beings over whom hangs the penalty of violated right and truth. The gods, who are jealous of the overweening might of the Great King and have brought him to ruin, are on the watch to avenge themselves upon such a spirit everywhere. So he warned, while he uplifted, the souls of his generation, and spoke words that live forever. The Birth 158. We havc sccn that the Greek states assumed new Imperial- pohtical importance in the world as the result of their ism. victory. This was certain to transform Greek poli- tics. Not the petty Greek communities, but only the leaders could enter into the race for world-power. In the struggle of these leaders with each other could Greek unity be preserved or Greek independence be main- tained? These were the problems that sprang up when the fight for freedom from Persian supremacy was won. Thus it came to pass that Greek Imperialism was the child of the Persian Wars. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 2. The First Attempts at Empire. (a) The Wars with Persia: What led up to them (the advance of Persia, the Ionian Revolt) — the various expeditions (the first; the The Rise of Athens 131 second, Marathon and its effect; the ten years, new men and new policies at Athens; the expedition of Xerxes, the attitude of Greece, the battles east and west) — the outcome — literature — imperialism. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following noted: Persepolis, Miletus, Marathon, Laurium, Mt. Athos, Helles- pont, Plataea, Mycale, Himera? 2. Who were Mardonius, Cyrus, >Eschylus, Leonidas, Gelon, Aristides? 3. What is meant by tragedy, strategos, lyric poetry, mythical, legendary, imperialism, ostracism? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the attitude of the Lydians and the Persians toward the Ionian cities (§ 115). 2. Compare the growth of the Persian Empire (§§ 81, 82, 87, 90) with that of the Greek states. 3. Compare the relation of the Persian armies to the Persian government (§ 87) with that of the Greek armies toward their governments. 4. Plan an attack on Greece by Persia and the Greek means of resist- ance to the attack. 5. Read Browning's "Echetlos" as an interpretation of Greek spirit. TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Ionian Revolt. Bury, pp. 241-247; Morey, pp. 174-176; Bots- ford, pp. 110-115; Shuckburgh, pp. 111-123. 2. The Campaign of Marathon. Bury, pp. 247-257; Shuckburgh, pp. 128-136; Zimmern, pp. 141-147. 3. Themistocles and His Policy. Plu- tarch, Life of Themistocles; Bury, pp. 263, 264; Botsford, pp. 124-126; Morcy, pp. 181-184; Shuckburgh, pp. 138-142. 4. The Campaign of Xerxes. Bury, pp. 265-296; Botsford, pp. 127-136; Morey, pp. 184-192; Shuckburgh, pp. 142-171; Zimmern, pp. 148-191. 5. Incidents of the Battle of Salamis. Herodotus, VHI, §§ 40-42, 49-96. 6. .Cschylus. Capps, ch. 8; Jebb, pp. 73-83; Murray, pp. 109-116. 7. Sicily in the Persian Wars. Bury, pp. 296-304; Botsford, pp. 136-139. 159. Out of the struggle against the Persian invaders (d the two Greek powers came forth to reap the fruits of victory, athens Sparta, as the head of the Peloponnesian League, had p^^f^^ been officially recognized as the leader in the conflict; power. but thQ heroic, determined and far-sighted activities of 132 The First Attempts at Empire Persia Driven from the ^gean. The Delian Confeder- acy Formed. Athens during the wars had given her a foremost place in the estimation of all patriotic Greeks. Hence, the com- ing years reveal her as the rival of Sparta for the headship among the Greek states. Herodotus testifies to the service of Athens in the great struggle as follows: "If a man should now say that the Athenians were the saviors of Greece, he would not exceed the truth. For they truly held the scales; and whichever side they espoused must have carried the day. They, too, it was, who, when they had determined to main- tain the freedom of Greece, roused up that portion of the Greek nation which had not gone over to the Medes; and so next to the gods, they repulsed the invader.** 1 60. The first task v^hich awaited the victors was to drive the Persians out of the JEgean sea and deliver the Asiatic Greeks from Persian domination. The Greek fleet under the Spartan king Pausanias (§ 153) undertook this task. But the arrogance of the victor of Plataea and the indifference of the ruling powers at Sparta pro- voked a reaction which resulted in the transference of the leadership to the Athenians under Aristides (§ 146). The work was brilliantly accomplished. With the ex- ception of a few isolated cities, the Greek settlements on the entire ^Egean coast and in the eastern Mediterranean as far as Cyprus were made free. 161. It was clear, however, that this freedom could be maintained only by presenting a united front to the enemy. Hence, a new league sprang into being under the headship of Athens — a league of the ^gean cities. Large and small alike, they banded together to furnish a fleet for defence and offence against Persia (475 B.C.). Those who were unable or unwilling to furnish ships, contributed yearly a sum of money. The amount of the •sgsa^sg3-sg£§c2s'ss-SE'o5 a §:■£ SI'S The Delian Confederacy 133 contribution in each case was left to Aristides to deter- mine, according to his judgment of the resources of each city. The pre-eminence of Athens was also recognized by giving her the command of the united fleet and by ar- ranging that the yearly contributions should be collected by her. The total sum assessed upon the cities amounted to four hundred and sixty talents. The money was placed in the sanctuary of Apollo on the island of Delos. There the representatives of the various cities met to deliberate upon common interests. Hence the league received the name of the Delian Confederacy. 162. Meanwhile the Athenians at home under the guid- Athens ance of Themistocles were making rapid strides forward. He saw clearly into the political situation — the opportunity for Athens to take its place at the head of the Greek world. If Aristides was the active agent of the advance of the city abroad, he supplied the vital energy for the forward move- ment. Under his inspiration Athens rose again from her ruins larger than before and was surrounded by a strong wall. The Piraeus, the port of Athens, was fortified and its harbors protected by moles. Some years after (458 B.C.), the city and the port were joined by long walls, a device which freed Athens from fear of assault by land and gave her unhindered access to the sea. Thus she became independent of Spartan interference and was able to direct all her energies to estabHshing her maritime supremacy. 163. The revival and extension of Greek commerce The New assisted in bringing about Athenian predominance. With merdai the driving of the Persians from the ^Egean and — it might situation, almost be added — from the Mediterranean, sea-trade fell into Greek hands. It was natural that the bulk of 134 Tlie First Attempts at Empire Favors Athens. Political Primacy of Athens in the Con- federacy. Develop- ment of Athens into an Imperial SUte. this trade should centre about Athens. The cities of the Asia Minor coast were cut off from trading with the in- terior because of the hostiHty of Persia. The other towns on the yEgean were small. All were incHned to follow the lead of Athens in commercial as in political matters. Thus the immense increase of Greek commerce contrib- uted to her upbuilding. She became the chief mart where ships gathered from the entire Greek world. The only formidable rival was Corinth, whose connections with the west were many and close. Athens's commercial su- premacy naturally opened the way for her political pre- dominance. She made many commercial treaties with her allies, an important condition of which was that all difficulties rising out of trade should be adjusted in the Athenian law-courts in accordance with Athenian law. From this it was natural to go on to require that all disa- greements should follow the same course, until finally the majority of the cases at law among the members of the League were tried at Athens. The advantages of this system were great. One code, and that the best in all Greece, was extended over many communities whose sense of justice had not become so fine and high as that of Athens. Yet it meant for them the giving up to Athens of one of the sovereign powers of the state — the adminis- tration of justice — and placed Athens in a position in which she became greater than a mere ally. 164. Other things tended to push her forward. The Persians were not able to make head against so formidable a league and ceased to attempt opposition. Hence, as fear of their attacks lessened, the allies began to feel that union for defence against them was not so necessary. The yearly contributions were made more grudgingly. Some Cimofij Leader at Athens 135 cities were even desirous of withdrawing. But Athens held rightly that as the union of states had brought about this condition of safety, so only a continuance of the union could maintain it; hence, that states dehnquent in their contributions should be forced to pay and those who at- tempted to withdraw should be compelled to remain. Thus, when Naxos rebelled in 466 B.C. and Thasos in 465 B.C., they were reduced to subjection by the Athenian fleet. The DeHan League was fast becoming an Athenian Imperial State. 165. Naturally, Sparta had regarded the rise of Athens Fail of with disfavor, and recognizing Themistocles as its author, ^^"s*"**^. desired his downfall. Through his diplomacy her opposi- tion to the building of the fortifications of Athens (§ 162) had amounted to nothing. She had been unable to make much headway because of troubles at home occasioned by the ambition of King Pausanias. He recklessly aimed at making himself lord of Sparta and thereby of all Greece.' He even entered into treasonable correspondence with the Persians and intrigued with the Helots (§ 132) to induce them to rebel. But now at Athens the influence of The- mistocles began to wane before that of Cimon, the son of Miltiades, the hero of Marathon. He was a high-bom, rich, genial, successful general who had succeeded Aris- tides in the command of the Athenian fleet. He was no Rise of far-seeing statesman like Themistocles, but, for that very *™°"' reason, was nearer the majority who failed to follow the greater leader in his radical plans for Athenian empire. Cimon's policy was conservative. He favored continuing war on Persia and renewing friendship with Sparta. In Fail of the end Themistocles was ostracized (471 B.C.). Later, ^q^*™*^' when the Spartans got rid of their difficulties with Pausa- 136 The First Attempts at Empire Cimon, Leader of Athens. Democracy Popular in the Greek World. nias by putting him to death, they claimed to find evidence in his papers that Themistocles had joined in his treason- able plans. The exile was forced to find refuge with the Persians, where he died some years after. Cimon's leader- ship of Athens was marked by a splendid victory over the Persians at the Eurymedon (466 B.C.) and by his bring- ing aid to the Spartans in their struggles with the rebellious Helots of Messenia. But the Spartans declined his help and he returned in disgrace. 166. Another cause of Sparta's suspicion of Athens, besides that occasioned by her sudden rise to power, was the influence of her democratic constitution. Her vigor and heroism in the Persian struggle had rightly been at- tributed to her democratic spirit, and, along with her ad- vancement, democratic ideas and institutions had begun to be popular elsewhere. When the Ionian cities were freed from the Persian yoke, they set up democratic gov- ernments. The impulse spread to the Peloponnesus, where Argos, Arcadia and Elis became democratic. In the far west the cities of Sicily followed the same example; Syra- cuse established a democracy on the death of the tyrant Hiero (467 B.C.), the successor of Gelon (§ 154). In al- most every city of Greece, even in aristocratic states like those of Boeotia, a democratic party appeared which fol- lowed in the footsteps of Athens and looked to her for support. It was not strange that Sparta, which had been steadily growing more aristocratic as her pure-blooded Spartan citizens grew fewer and fewer in number, should view this state of things with increasing uneasiness, and take a firmer stand in favor of oligarchy against democracy in general, and especially against Athens, its exemplar. 167. During these years the government at Athens Advancing Democracy at Athens 137 was coming more and more into the hands of the people. Growth of The provisions of the constitutions of Solon and Cleis- atTth"ns^ thenes (§§ 137, 139) were broadened or changed in their interest. But the Council of the Areopagus (§ 134), by its judicial and legal powers, was a check to their power in Public Assembly and Law- Courts. Its organization out of a special class of ex-officials and its self-perpetuating character were likewise inconsistent with popular govern- ment. Hence, new leaders of the democracy, Ephialtes and Pericles, induced the people to pass a law which Rise of deprived it of these powers (462 B.C.). This was in direct ^"*'^^®^- opposition to the policy of the conservatives under Cimon, Fail of and the victory of the Democracy, aided by the failure of ^^™°°- his Spartan poHcy (§ 165), was followed by his ostracism (467 B.C.). The powers of the Areopagus were divided between the Boule (§ 137), the Heligea (§ 137) and the Public Assembly. A little later, in 457 B.C., the office of archon was thrown open to the less wealthy citizens, the Zeugitas (§137). It became the fashion to have a large The part of the public business done or supervised by Boards Dlmoc-° of citizens. Thus there was the Board of Education, of f^'^y- Finance, of Dockyards, of Religion. The officials were held to a very strict reckoning. A Board of Auditors supervised all their accounts. 168. In general, the government was undertaken by the The citizens themselves in PubHc Assembly (Ecclesia). This E*ci?sir Ecclesia had certain limitations upon its activity. All measures, whether laws or administrative acts, must first pass through the Boule and, by a committee of the Boule, be presented to the Ecclesia. All laws must be finally approved by the Heliaea. Moreover, to keep citi- zens from offering too many new laws, the regulation was 138 The First Attempts at Empire made that anyone who proposed a new law or decree was hable to prosecution, if it was found to be contrary to ex- isting law. Yet, even with all these limitations, the power of the Ecclesia, both in its direct administrative activity and its indirect authority over all officials, was very great. It declared war, made peace, controlled finance, directed commerce, maintained and guarded religion, determined home and foreign policy. The 169. As the citizens in Public Assembly governed the lIw-"'*" state, so in the Law- Courts or Heliaea they administered Courts. justice directly. All cases, whether civil or criminal, came before them. For practical work the whole body was divided into sections called dicasteries, each numbering from two hundred to one thousand citizens or even more. Those who came before the court pleaded their cause themselves. No lawyers were permitted to speak, though soon a class of men appeared who wrote speeches for de- livery by the pleaders. As the same citizens acted as judges and legislators, it was presumed that they knew the law and passed judgment according to it. And though the dangers of prejudice and ignorance were not always avoided, the legal system and the judicial fairness of the law-courts of Athens were superior to those anywhere else in the world. The 170. This active conduct of the state by its citizens arofficiais. "leant that all had a part in it. It has been estimated that each man was brought into the service of the state as an official at least once in sixteen years, besides taking part in the Law-Courts and the Ecclesia. Much time was re- quired, and this could be spared with difficulty from daily work. Hence, pay for certain kinds of state service was introduced. Members of the Boule received a drachma LeadersliiiJ of the Democracy 139 —twenty cents— a day, and the jurors in the HeUsea two obols— six cents— a day * Attendance at the Assembly was not paid nor did the higher officials receive salary. 171 But who was to lead the citizens in their PubUc The •*-'-^* . , c r -^ Strategos. Assembly and suggest lines of policy and courses of action t In theory this was the privilege of any citizen. But the Athenians had not developed that confidence in them- selves as individuals, nor had they entirely lost that de- pendence upon the aristocratic families, which would permit them to turn their theory into practice. We have already seen that the strategoi occupied the most honor- able positions in the state (§ 145) and that the chief strat- egos was elected by the Public Assembly. He was their best man and as such became their leader and took the position of " demagogue." This position was entirely un- official. It gave him no legal power. He led the people because he was able to persuade them that his plans and policy were the best. Themistocles, Aristides and Cimon are examples of such leadership. And at this time came forward another who, by virtue of his descent, personality and character, guided the history of Athens for thirty years. This was Pericles, a member of the noble family of the Peri^ciesjhe Alcm^onidffi to which Cleisthenes had belonged. In the Athenian conflicts about the overthrow of the Areopagus, Eph- Poutics. ialtes had been murdered, and with his death Pericles stood alone as the leader of the democracy. The changes that have been described, which turned the government into a practical rule of the people, were made under his direction. Though he was an aristocrat who knew and maintained his distance from the people with a dignity *It must be remembered that the purchasing power of money was much greater then than now. 140 The First Attempts at Empire that often seemed coldness, he nevertheless took their cause to his heart, awed and convinced them by his in- corruptible and lofty ideals, and swayed them by his clear and glowing eloquence. Trusted and followed by the citizens, he ruled them as their servant, and moulded the destiny of the state as no king or tyrant could ever do. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 2. The First Attempts at Empire. (a) The Persian Wars, {b) The Rise of the Athenian Empire : Elements assisting it (the war with Persia, the ^gean cleared, Delian Confederacy formed, Athens rebuilt, commercial situation) — Athens at the head of the Confederacy (her law supreme, her power dominant) — politics at Sparta and Athens (Pausanias falls, Cimon and Themistocles) — the spread of democracy — Athenian democracy (Areopagus overthrown, Cimon falls, democracy tri- umphant, the ecclesia, the law-courts, officials, strategos, Pericles the leader). REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. What events are connected with the names of Pausanias, Cimon, Themistocles, Aristides? 2. For what are the following places noted: Delos, Eurymedon? 3. What was the date of the founding of the Delian Confeder- acy; of the ostracism of Themistocles? 4. What is meant by Areopagus, Heliaea, Ecclesia, drachma, dicastery, helot? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the Delian Confederacy with the Peloponnesian League (§ 132). 2. Compare Athens in the years 500 b.c. and 476 b.c. TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Confederacy of Delos. Morey, pp. 205-207; Bury, pp. 328- 330; Shuckburgh, pp. 173-176. 2. Themistocles and the Re- covery of Athens. Bury, pp. 330-334; Morey, pp. 202-205; Zimmern, 192-197. 3. Fall of Pausanias and Themistocles. Bury, pp. 324-326, 334-336; Shuckburgh, pp. 178-181; Zim- The Age of Pericles 141 mern, pp. 198-204. 4. Athens and the Confederacy. Bury, pp. 336-342; West, pp. 160-162; Botsford, pp. 151-153. 5. Cimon. Plutarch, Life of Cimon; Bury, pp. 342-345; Morey, pp. 207-209; Zimmern, pp. 205-213; Botsford, pp. 152-156. 172. The thirty years (461-431 B.C.) of the leadership (3) the of Pericles is the supreme period of the Athenian state, periclej It reached the highest place of wealth, culture and power. To Pericles and his wise direction of affairs this state of things was largely due, and the period is properly called the "Age of Pericles." As the scene includes the whole of Greece, we shall take advantage of it to study, with Athens as the central point : (a) the inner Hfe of the Greek world in its general features, and (b) the political condition and course of affairs, as they prepared the way for the civil wars which gave Greece her death-blow. 173. The chief characteristic of the age is the growth (a) The of city Hfe. The attempts of Solon and Pisistratus (§§ 137, of "Greece! 139) to better the lot of the Attic peasants did not succeed. The introduction of money and the necessity of competing with grain brought from across the sea steadily reduced the farmers to poverty. At the same time the opportunities for making a living in the city and enjoying life there grew greater, and multitudes of countrymen flocked thither. Their lands fell to the nobles or capitalists who themselves lived in the city and worked their wide estates by slave labor. The attractions of trade also brought large num- Growth of bers of foreigners to reside more or less permanently in the ^ **^' cities. The result was that city populations reached their highest point. According to probable estimates, Athens numbered not less than 250,000 people; Syracuse was not far behind; Corinth and ^Egina reached about 100,000; Sparta and Argos were much smaller, and there was a 142 The First Attempts at Empire goodly number of the cities of the iEgean in which from 10,000 to 30,000 people lived. Extension 1 74* Industry and trade became the chief activities in of Industry ^YiQ?>Q citics. The wants of the large populations must be supplied. Many people set up Httle shops in which they manufactured and sold goods directly to customers. The state needed many hands for its growing public busi- MEBODOTUS DOES NOT J<_NOW^HOW _FAR WRTH THE lAND EXTENDS eTT'oU I ) R O p" THE WORLD Accordlnfi> to IFerodotua Fifth Centurr B. O. And Com- merce. ness, and many others found their bread in working on the public buildings which were everywhere put up on a scale of splendor corresponding to the increasing wealth and importance of the communities. Manufacturing on a large scale was not uncommon, and many workmen were employed in turning out the various articles which the rapidly advancing commerce required for export to all parts of the Greek world. The mercantile activity of the Piraeus, the port of Athens, grew with tremendous strides. Ships from all sides brought food for the support Money and Coinage 143 of the population — grain and fish from the Black sea, meats from Thessaly and Sicily, fruits from Euboea, Rhodes and Phoenicia. Costly woods came from Crete, ivor}' from Libya, carpets from Carthage, incense from Syria and books from Eg}'pt. "The fruits of the whole earth," said Pericles, ''flow in upon us; so that we enjoy the goods of other countries as freely as of our own." The incorporation of the cities of the Dehan League into the Athenian Empire still further stimulated commerce at Athens and throughout the various cities. One law and one system governed all their transactions with one another. 175. Thus opportunity was oft'ered for a large increase increase of of wealth. We have seen the older idea gradually passing ^**^^ away, that true property was property in land (§§ 125, 130). Now, although the aristocracy still cherished the no- tion and took pride in their estates, manufacturing, trade and deahng in money afforded to the many the largest opportunity for acquiring property and the best standard for estimating it. A thoroughly organized system of Coinage. coinage was in operation. The principal silver coin was the drachma (nearly 20 cents); there were also two, three and four drachma pieces. Of smaller coins the chief was the obol (about three cents); six of them made a drachma. A copper coin, the chalkons, was one-eighth of the obol. The standard of monetar}' exchange was the talent (about Si, 180), containing sixty minas (the mina about $20) ; the mina contained 100 drachmas. Gold coins were usually those of foreign countries. Later, the gold stater, in value perhaps equal to twenty drachmas, was coined. Money had a greater purchasing power than at present, and therefore the large fortunes of that day seem small to us. A capital of from Si 2,000 to Si 5,000 144 The First Attempts at Empire placed one in the ranks of the rich. Such men of weaUh found abundant opportunities for loaning their money, since all sorts of manufacturing and commercial enter- prises needed capital. The usual rate of interest on good security was about twelve per cent. Greeks not 1 76. It sccms clear, however, that in general the Greeks Susts^^^' ^^*^ ^^ such comprehension of business, nor did they so fully recognize the importance of encouraging trade, as did the ancient Babylonians. They were slow to see that " money-making " was a desirable activity. It was enough that all should live according to their station and serve the state as service was required. Even though to be a land- holder was by that time not regarded as indispensable to good social standing, wealth did not of itself make its possessor a man highly regarded. On the contrary, a mer- chant or trader, however rich he might be, was looked down upon. The ordinary citizen, living on the modest proceeds of his daily work, or supported by the scanty dole of the state for his public service, was more honor- Greek able. Hindrances were put in the way of commerce, and toward^ limits were assigned to the profits to be gained. Yet com- Money. mcrce grew and thrived in spite of public sentiment. Only because the advantages of having money could not be denied, did the struggle for it continue to absorb more and more of the energies of the citizens. Yet it never approached the importance and prominence which it has to-day. The Greek thought more of what he was than of what he had; to serve the state and to enjoy life as well as to enlarge his opportunities of doing both, these were more desirable in his eyes than absorption in business and the pursuit of wealth. 177. The result of this was that the business of Athens Classes of Society 145 was carried on chiefly by foreigners who were permitted Foreigners to settle in the city; they were called metoikoi. The ^n^^^^^' leaders of the state saw clearly the advantages of encour- aging them to pursue their businesses, and they were more liberally dealt with at Athens than elsewhere. Apart from having no citizen-rights and being compelled to pay a tax to the state, they were on an equahty with other free- men. The same laws protected them; the same privileges were granted them. As a result many of them were found at Athens, and in this period they numbered about 30,000 persons. 178. From an economic and social point of view the Thesiave most important class of the population was the slaves. Their unpaid labor was employed in tilling the great es- tates, in working the mines, in turning out manufactured articles and in doing all sorts of household service. They made it possible for the citizen to obtain the leisure neces- sary to perform his political duties and to enjoy the op- portunities for culture which the state afforded. As the activities of the cities enlarged, the number of slaves also increased. The slave-trade became more important; the supply from the North JEgean and Black sea region was abundant; captives in war were sold. Every city had a large slave population ; that at Athens has been estimated at about 100,000 and the other large cities had propor- tionate numbers. They formed, one might say, the foun- dation of the social structure. 179. Another social element, the family, throws an in- The structive side-Hght upon Greek life. The equahty and *°"^* freedom which reigned in the best public life of the time had no place in the life at home. The husband was abso- lute ruler in his household, and his wife was a nonentity. 146 The First Attempts at Empire Woman. Education. He spent little time at home ; she seldom left it. Here the Greek was far behind the Oriental of Babylonia and Egypt (§ 25), where woman had a relatively high place in society. Indeed, in some respects, the cultured and free Athenian did not respect woman as highly as the rude Spartan, who gave her much larger liberty. In the earlier ages of the aristocratic rule the wives of the nobles seem to have had greater influence, but it is one of the strange inconsisten- cies of Greek life that the new democracy and the larger city-life both worked to lower the position of woman. The wife did not even have charge of the household, which was managed by a steward. She usually brought a dowry to her husband, which in case of divorce had to be repaid to her father. On the whole, nowhere is the limitation of the Greek ideal of Hfe more distinctly manifest than in the position of woman and the contribution of the family to society. The Greeks thought of marriage chiefly as a means of raising up citizens for the state; an interesting illustration of this idea is seen in the law introduced in Pericles's time, that only he could be accepted as a citizen whose father and mother were Athenians by blood. Nat- urally, girls were not as desirable as boys, and little atten- tion was paid to them beyond keeping them indoors. The boy, however, was very carefully reared. Grammar, music and gymnastics were the three parts of his educa- tion. By the first was meant the learning of his own lan- guage and the study of Homer and the other early poets, not merely as a means of training in forms of speech, but as sources of knowledge about life, duty and religion. In music, he was taught how to sing, and to play on musical instruments. Gymnastics included running and wrest- ling, practice in the use of weapons, riding and other Daily Life of an Athenian 147 similar exercises for the finest bodily development and skill in arms. i8o. Greek society then was chiefly a society of men The House, whose main interests lay in public Hfe. The house, for example, was ordinarily small and unattractive. It faced directly on the street, often with no opening except the door which swung outward, a fact suggestive of the prefer- ence of the Greek for the open air. The women's apart- ments were separate and secluded. Indeed, the house served the Greek chiefly for sleeping purposes, the storing of his goods and the keeping of his household. From it Daily Life, he sallied out very early in the morning, after a taste of wine and bread, to meet his friends, or engage in public business in the assembly or elsewhere. Toward the mid- dle of the day he took breakfast or lounged about and gossiped in the public walks or porticoes. The gymna- sium occupied him in the afternoon as a place of exercise or of intercourse with friends, whence he returned home for dinner, the chief meal of the day. If a poor man, he went early to bed; if well-to-do and socially inclined, he spent the evening at a banquet with his friends. i8i. The Athens of Pericles offered the finest type of High Plane this manner of life to be found in the fifth century. The ""^ ^'^''''^^ pursuit of wealth was subordinated to the joy of making the most of life among one's fellows and m public activity. The "glorification of cultivated human intercourse" was the ideal toward which men strove. The pinch of want was removed by the stipend sufficient for simple living which the state paid its poorest citizen for his work in its service. Orphans and cripples were cared for at public expense. Public lands, obtained as the outcome of war, were assigned to citizens who were willing to go and live 148 The First Attempts at Emjnre Public Bmldings. The Athenian Temples. The Par- thenon. upon them. Two features of this life which had an es- pecially important bearing on the material welfare of the citizen and his higher culture deserve special mention: the public buildings and the religious festivals. 182. In Greece, as in ancient Babylonia (§34), the chief buildings of every city were its temples. They were the centres of public life, of business as well as of religion. They were the places of deposit for money or treasure of any sort. Although, in the Greek states, the growth of popular government and the emphasis on the independence of the individual had made the political predominance of the priest impossible and his influence on public affairs unimportant, yet religion continued to be glorified by stately and beautiful temples, adorned with the highest artistic skill. The Athenian temples had perished in the successive onslaughts of the Persians, and it was a duty as well as a pious delight on the part of the citizens to re- store them. Cimon had begun the work on a noble scale, but Pericles continued the task and carried it through in a fashion that has immortalized his own name as well as that of Athens. An artist of the highest genius was at his hand in the person of Phidias, who was assisted by other men of uncommon ability. The principal scene of this archi- tectural and artistic display was the Acropolis (§ 133); and the building in which it reached its height was the temple of Athene the Virgin (Parthe^tos), hence called the Parthenon. Unlike the famous structures of the Ancient East, it was not the immense size of the Par- thenon, but its Dcautiful proportions, exquisite adorn- ment and ideal sculptures that made it memorable. It was one hundred feet wide, two hundred and twenty-six feet long and sixty-five feet high, built of marble and PLATE Vlll THE HERMES OF PRAXITELES Art and Literature at Athens 149 painted in harmonious colors. A row of forty-six Doric columns surrounded it, and every available space above the columns, within and without, was carved in relief with scenes representing glorious events in the religious history of Athens. A wonderfully sculptured frieze, extending for more than five hundred feet around the inner temple, depicted, with a variety and energy never surpassed, scenes in the Panathenaea, the festival in honor of the patron goddess, Athene. In the temple stood a statue of the deity, the masterpiece of Phidias, made of ivory and gold, thirty-eight feet in height including the pedes- tal. Though the statue has long since disappeared and the temple itself is but a ruin, the remains of it illustrate supremely the chief features of Greek architecture — "simplicity, harmony, refinement," the union of strength and beauty. 183. Nowhere in the Greek world were the religious The Re- festivals celebrated with so great splendor and beauty as pestrvaisof in the Athens of Pericles. In addition to the Dionysiac Athens, festivals already mentioned (§ 138), a new one had been established some time before, the Greater Dionysia, cele- brated in March. The contests in tragedy and comedy had been transferred to it. Here, before the Athenian The Piays. public, some of the most glorious productions of human genius were produced. Here i?^schylus (§ 157) had taught his tremendous lessons of righteousness and hu- mility. He was succeeded by Sophocles (about 496- sophocies. 406 B.C.), who won the prize over his older competitor in 468 B.C., and gained it many times thereafter. He represents the high, free and glad spirit of the Athens of his day. His most famous play is the Antigone, in which is brought out the victory of duty over the fear of death. 150 The First Attempts at Empire The Eleusinian Mysteries. The Panathe- nsea. of the higher law of God over the visible law of man. An- tigone buries the body of her brother, though the king has forbidden it under pain of death. The serene soul of the poet is marvellously shown in the beauty and dignity of his style. He sang of men as they ought to be, reveal- ing and idealizing human character, which at its best is, in his inspired vision, harmonious with the blessed will of God. So he interpreted the supreme ideal of the age of Pericles and lived it himself. ''He died well, having suf- fered no evil." A later poet, imagining him in the other world, described him as "gentle" there, "even as he was gentle among us." 184. Another famous festival was that of the Mysteries (§ 124) of Eleusis. Eleusis lay twelve miles away from Athens, and every year in August multitudes gathered in the capital to make in solemn procession the journey to the Eleusinian temple to be initiated into the mys- teries or to renew the celebration of them. A day of purification by washing in the sea preceded the moving of the procession, which passed along the sacred way to the splendid temple at Eleusis, rebuilt by Ictinus under Pericles's direction. Here those secret acts of worship and devotion to the goddess Demeter were performed, which exercised so deep, wholesome and hopeful an in- fluence upon Greek life. Yet by far the most splendid of all festivals was the Panathenaea, celebrated with peculiar magnificence every fifth year, a festival which glorified at the same time the goddess Athene, and the city of her joy and glory. For nearly a week contests in music, song and recitation, in gymnastics, races and warlike sports, were held, and all was concluded with a solemn procession to the temple of Athene on the Acrop- Herodotus 151 olis, where a costly robe woven by the maidens of the city was given to the goddess. That procession, made up of the flower of the Athenian citizens, of resident aUens and colonists, was depicted on the frieze of the Parthenon (§ 182) and formed the finest picture of Athens in the days of its highest splendor. 185. At a Panathenaean festival in the days of Pericles, Herodotus Herodotus is said to have recited his History^ the first prose work of genius that Greece produced. Herodotus (about 484-425 B.C.) was a native of Halicarnassus in Ionia, but after the days of his youth found a second home at Athens. He travelled, with eyes and ears wide open, all over the world, from the capitals of Persia to Italy, and from the Black sea to the southern border of Egypt. The results of his investigations he gathered into a work which finds its motive in the Persian wars. As he portrays successively before us the rise of Persia, the conquest of Babylon and Egypt, the past history of these peoples, the Scythian expedition, he leads up to the great, the supreme struggle between this mighty, world- conquering Empire and the petty Greek states. Then he describes the wars in detail. The whole is a prose poem, pointing the moral of ^schylus (§ 157). Scat- tered through this broad field are innumerable anecdotes, traditions, legends, which enliven while they do not break the single impression. Devoted to Athens, he glorified the part taken by the city in the war; he loved her in- stitutions and enjoyed her society. His work shares in the artistic, keen and genial spirit characteristic of her best days, and while descriptive and not critical, its orig- inality and charm have given it a permanent place in literature. 152 The First Attempts at Empire The Educa- tion of the Athenian Citizen. i86. We are ready to understand now how Athens rcahzed the ideal of ''the glorification of cultivated human intercourse" (§ i8i), the elevation of a body of men possessed of social and political equality to a common height of intelligence and general culture never reached before that day, or probably since. All beheld daily these marvels of architecture and art, and many took part in their erection. All joined in these splendid festivals, witnessed or contended in the athletic, musical and lit- erary contests. By state payment to the poorer citizens of the price of admission to the theatre, all were able to see and hear the plays of iEschylus or Sophocles. It must be remembered that these theatrical exhibitions were also contests between rival authors, in which the people themselves were judges. Thus a standard of taste and appreciation was set at a very high mark. The participation in public life, the decisions on points of state policy which lay in the hands of the citizens, were all means of training. The popular law-courts cultivated the judicial faculty. The administration of the affairs of the state awakened and trained executive ability. Thus the higher powers of the great body of citizens were edu- cated to an extraordinary degree; the experience made the Athenians the most splendidly intelligent of all Greeks. Such an atmosphere of breadth and freedom, that en- couraged higher thought, invited to Athens from all over the Greek world men who were eager to know and to Athens the tcach. As a conscqucncc the best that was thought and said and done in art and politics and literature was found at Athens. Therefore, it was no vain boast of Pericles, but sober truth, when he said, "Athens is the school of Greece, and the individual Athenian in his own person Teacher of Greece. Politics in the Age of Pericles 153 seems to have the power of adapting himself to the most varied forms of action with the utmost versatiUty and grace." 187. But whence came the money to meet the expenses Sources of of this highly and richly organized system of government ? Revenue" Athens had various sources of revenue: rent from state lands, including especially the gold and silver mines, tolls for markets, and harbor dues, the tax on resident for- eigners, the fees from the theatres, the receipts from the law-courts in fees, confiscations, etc., and in case of great necessity, a direct assessment upon the people of property. The costs of the splendid exhibitions at festivals were borne by the free-will offerings of rich citizens, and many offices were without salary. The entire income from all sources was about 1,000 talents yearly. Besides this, the receipts from the allied cities of the league amounted at this time to about 600 talents. Athene also possessed a great sum of money in her temple from gifts of the pious, her share of the booty in war, etc., and she was called upon to con- tribute her share to the upbuilding of the state, as well as to lend money when required. From all these sources Pericles drew the money needful for the various depart- ments of the administration and for the public buildings with which the city was adorned. 188. From this sketch of the inner life (§§ 173-187) we (b) Greek pass to the foreign relations of Athens under the leader- in^th^lge ship of Pericles during the same period (461-431 B.C.). ofPericies. The fall of Cimon (§ 167) was accompanied not only by the victory of democracy at home, but also by a forward policy abroad, the chief aim of which was to extend Athe- nian power on all sides and to oppose Spartan leadership. Alliance was made with Argos and Thessaly; Megara 154 The First Attempts at Empire Growth of was drawn away from the Peloponnesian League. A Land"'^" naval station was secured on the Corinthian gulf at Power. Naupactus. These movements threatened the commerce MAP OP MTDDLiE GKEECE Wars. of ^gma and Corinth, who began war in 459 B.C. Cor- inth was beaten; ^Egina was subjected and compelled to enter the Dehan League. Then Sparta took a hand in the war, by entering Boeotia with an army, on the pre- tence of punishing the Phocians, but really to organize Peace with Persia 155 Boeotia against Athens. Though the Spartans defeated the Athenians at Tanagra in 457 B.C., they accomphshed nothing. Boeotia went over to Athens the next year. Soon after, the Achaean cities on the southern coast of the Corinthian gulf joined her. Thus Athenian influence on land extended over a wide territory. But it was also very unstable. A truce for five years was made with Failure of Sparta in 450 B.C., but Argos, Megara, Boeotia and Eu- Athenian boea fell away; and so, in the end, though Euboea was ^and recovered, the vigorous and costly attempt of Athens to build up a great land power in Greece signally failed. It was never renewed. Finally, in 445 B.C., between Athens and Sparta and their respective allies a peace was made Peace. that was to last thirty years. 189. Meanwhile, Athens had been carrying on the war The war with Persia (§§ 160, 161). Though no Persian ships ap- pg^gj^ peared in the ^gean, the Athenians determined to crip- ple the power of the Great King still further by aiding a rebellion against him in Egypt. In 459 B.C. they sent a strong fleet to the Nile, Though at first successful, the rebellion was finally crushed and the Athenian force de- stroyed (454 B.C.). This serious blow brought hostilities to an end until 449 B.C., when Cimon, who had been re- called from exile, was sent with a fleet to Cyprus, where the Persians were attacking the Greek cities. He died while Death of on the expedition, but the fleet gained a brifliant victory *™°°" by which Persia was again driven from the sea. These conflicts had cost Athens dear in men and money without corresponding results, so that just as she had come to an agreement with her enemies in Greece, it seemed wise to make peace with Persia. Negotiations were entered upon by sending Callias to Susa, and though 156 The First Attempts at Empire The Peace of Callias. The Athenian Empire. Organiza- tion. the Great King would not formally agree to yield his claim upon cities that had rebelled against him, yet prac- tically he consented, henceforth, not to molest Greek cities or Greek ships. This so-called peace is known as the Peace of CaUias (448 B.C.). 190. Thus Athens in 445 B.C. was at peace with all the world. She had learned the folly of attempting to con- trol all Greece, and now set about recovering her strength and developing her legitimate field, that of commerce and control of the seas. The decisive steps were taken which turned the Delian League into the Athenian Empire. About 454 B.C., after the Athenian disaster in Egypt, the treasury of the League had been removed for greater security from Delos to Athens. And now, although all fear of Persia was removed by the Peace of Callias, the imperial city continued to require the yearly contribu- tions from the allies and dealt with the money according to her own will. The decision to treat the allies in this way was not reached without a struggle between the par- ties at Athens. The opponents of Pericles were led by Thucydides, son of Melesias, the ostracism of whom in 443 B.C. settled the matter. Samos, Chios and Lesbos alone remained on the old footing of furnishing ships to the fleet. All the others were subject and paid tribute. Athens collected the tolls in their harbors, interfered in their local affairs in the interests of democracy, had gar- risons in many of their cities, sent out inspectors among them, required many to destroy their walls. Colonies of Athenian citizens, called cleruchi, were sent out to occupy lands which had fallen into the hands of the Athe- nian state, and thus constituted a body of faithful friends in the midst of restless subjects. The entire body of The Athenian Empire 157 cities thus dependent on Athens was divided for adminis- trative and financial purposes into five districts: Ionia, Caria, the Hellespont, Thrace, the Islands. Thus a stately imperial system arose with its centre in democratic Athens. The chief reason for censuring Athens because Athens's of this transformation of the old Delian League is that Mistake, she took no steps to attach her subjects to herself other- wise than by fear. No doubt she gave them protection, better government and higher culture, but she had robbed them of their independence without granting them citi- zenship in the new community or a voice in the state. This blind selfishness and unblushing arrogance of power brought its fitting punishment before the century was over. 191. Far beyond the bounds of the Empire Pericles wide Ex- sought to extend the commercial influence and activity J^^henLn of Athens. The Persian peace opened the ports of the influence, eastern Mediterranean, and Phoenician traders with the wares of the Orient again appeared in Greek waters. Many of the distant Greek cities of the Black sea ac- knowledged Athenian authority. The commercial im- portance of the Imperial City grew continually in the West and opportunity was found to establish political relations there. In 443 B.C., under the leadership of Athens, the city of Thurii was founded in southeastern Italy. On its west coast Athenian merchants began to gather the trade into their own hands. The leading people of that region, the Etruscans, bought Attic vases and sold their curious metal-work in the Athenian market. Rome, a city on the river Tiber, which held a dominating place in its own district of Latium, was already preparing for the mighty part it was to play in the centuries to come. In 454 B.C., it is said, the Romans sent an embassy to Embassy from Rome. 158 The First Attempts at Empire Greece to study its systems of law. They came to Athens and thence transplanted parts of the legislation of Solon into Roman soil. It was a thrilling moment in history — the first direct and definite contribution made by Greek life to that people which was destined ultimately to rule a wider world than the Greeks ever imagined 1 OUTLINE FOR REVIEW XL THE GREEK EMPIRES 1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 2. The First Attempts at Empire. (a) The Persian Wars. (ft) The Rise of the Athenian Empire, (c) The Age of Pericles: (i) The inner Hfe of Greece as reflected in Athens (growth of city life, industry and trade, increase of wealth, money, Greek attitude toward business, foreigners in trade, slaves, the family, woman, education of children, the house, daily life, refined living — the temple and religious festivals, tragedy, Sophocles, Eleusinian mysteries, Panathensea, Herodotus — Athenian life as an education, Athens a university, sources of revenue). (2) Politics of the age (Athenian land power, its rise and fall, the Persian war again, peace of Callias, Athens an empire, its organization, its weakness, wide influence of Athens.) REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following signifi- cant: Tanagra, Corcyra, Eleusis, Piraeus, Halicarnassus? 2. What is meant by Cleruchi, talent, Acropolis, Dionysia, Pan- athenaea, Antigone? 3. What are the dates of the age of Peri- cles, of the Peace of Callias, of the Thirty Years' Peace? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare Athenian democracy in the time of Cleisthenes with that in the age of Pericles. 2. Compare the Law-Courts of Athens with those of your own city. 3. Compare the Athenian Empire with the Persian (§§ 83-90). TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Life at Athens in the Age of Pericles. Zimmern, pp. 224-235; Bury, pp. 337-338; Morey, pp. 251-261. 2. The Rise and Fall of the Athens^ Corinth and Corcyra 159 Athenian Land Power. Bury, pp. 352-363; Zimmern, pp. 219- 224; Botsford, pp. 164-169. 3. Imperial Athens. Bury, pp 278-284, 363-367; Shuckburgh, pp. 213-217; Botsford, pp. 169-172. 4. The Acropolis. Bury, pp. 367-375; Shuckburgh, pp. 201-204; Morey, pp. 232-239; Botsford, pp. 179-185. 5. Herodotus. Capps, ch. 12; Murray, ch. 6; Jebb, pp. 103-106. 6. The Mysteries. Bury, pp. 311-316; Ency. Brit., art. "Myste- ries"; Dyer, The Gods in Greece, ch. 5; Diehl, Excursions in Greece, ch. 8. 7. Sophocles. Morey, pp. 245-247; Capps, ch, 9; Murray, ch. 11; Jebb, pp. 83-88. 8. Pericles. Plutarch, Life of Pericles. 192. Another movement of Athens in the interest of her commercial and poHtical position in the West was the occasion of a serious rupture in the peaceful relations that had been maintained for ten years between Athens and Sparta. In 436 B.C. a quarrel arose between Corinth The War of Corinth and and Corcyra. The latter state, although it possessed a fleet of more than fifty ships, could not hope to equal the Corcyra. resources of Corinth in a serious conflict. Hence it sought an aUiance with Athens. This proposal put the Athenians in a difficult position. Should they reject it, Corcyra would make terms with Corinth, her naval force and commercial influence in the West would be thrown against Athens and seriously endanger Athenian naval supremacy. Should they accept it, their superiority on the sea would be irresistible, their commercial position in the West strengthened, and Corinth, their only commercial rival in the Peloponnesian League, put out of the race. But, on the other hand, they would risk war with the League. It was finally decided to agree to a defensive alliance with Corcyra, whereby Athens was not required to join in an attack on the Corinthians. As might have been expected, this half-way measure roused the enmity of Corinth, whose 160 The First Attempts at Empire The Inter- future HOW depended on the weakening of Athens. Her Athene. ° ^^^7 ^^P^ ^^^ this was in stirring up the Peloponnesian League to war. This was not difficult to do. The Spar- tans had long been jealous of the growing power of Athens. The years of peace had been irksome to this vigorous and warlike people. Athens, on the other hand, under the influence of Pericles, would not yield. He felt certain that war could be put off only a few years at the most and that Athens was never in a better condition to defend her- self against her jealous and ambitious enemies. He was Gives Occa- willing to arbitrate the whole matter, but not to compro- waVwUh J^ise. At last, at a council of the Peloponnesian League the Peiop- held at Sparta in 432 B.C., it was voted that Athens had onnesian . . . i i . League. broken the peace. This was equivalent to a declaration of war. Athens accepted it as such and the conflict began in 431 B.C. With this a new period in the history of the Greek states is begun and we may pause to look back over a finished era. GENERAL REVIEW OF PART II, DIVISION 2; §§142-192 500-431 B.C. TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION. 1. An Outline of the Events of these Periods arranged so as to bring out the chief historical movements and forces. 2. Illustrate the progress of Athenian Democracy by the successive policies of Miltiades, Aristides, Themistocles, Cimon, Pericles (§§ 143, 146, 155, 159, 162, 165, 171). 3. Trace the growth of the Athenian Empire from 500-431 B.C. 4. Justify the policy of Themistocles from the events that followed. 5. The various stages in the war with Persia (§§ 143, 145, 147, 154, 160, 165, 189). 6. A comparison of i^schylus with Sophocles to illustrate the difference in the periods to which they respectively belong (§§ 157, 183). 7. A List of the most important Dates in these periods. The Peloponnesian War 161 MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES. 1. Make an outline map of the Athenian Empire in 460 b.c, inserting all the places mentioned in the text. 2. Make a map and plan of Pylos and discuss the battle on the basis of your drawing. 3. Study the heads of Sophocles and Pericles in Plate XI and compare with those of Hammurabi and Ramses II in Plate II. Indicate the artistic and historical resemblances and differences. 4. Com- pare the Greek Temples in Plate XII with those in Plate IV. Observe the differences in form and arrangement. How do these differences throw light on the different characteristics of the Oriental and Greek peoples? TOPICS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS. 1. The Privileges and Duties of an Athenian Citizen in the Age of Pericles. Fowler, The City State, ch. 6. 2. A Visit to the Acropolis of Athens — a description of Plate VII. See references above § 191; Diehl, Excursions in Greece, ch. 4. 3. Herodotus, the Man and His Book (see the references above § 191). 4. The Story of a Day in Athens in the Age of Pericles. Mahaffy, Old Greek Life; Grant, Greece in the Age of Pericles. 5. The Greek Theatre— the Building and the Play. 6. Styles of Greek Architecture. Tar- bell, ch. 3. 7. The Architecture of Greek Buildings as Com- pared with that of Buildings in your own City. 8. The Story of Sophocles's "Antigone." Translation by Palmer. 193. The war, called the Peloponnesian War, which (4) the now ensued and with intervals of peace lasted for more than a quarter of a century (431-404 B.C.), was one of the war most melancholy wars of history. In one sense it was ut- terly unjustifiable and unnecessary. Athens and Sparta unjusti might have gone on peacefully, each in her separate way — the one a strong land power, the other the mistress of the seas. Both had every reason to avoid a conflict which was sure to be long and costly and the outcome of which was quite uncertain. The grounds on which war was declared were not sufficient to justify the declaration. Passion and prejudice forced the decisive step. But, YetUn- from another point of view, the war was unavoidable PELOPON- NESIAN fiable, avoidable. The Struggle of Two Principles. Comparison of the Com- batants. The Plan of the Pelopon- nesians. The Plan of Pericles. 162 The First Attempts at Empire Beneath all reasons on the surface of the situation, the deeper cause was the imperial ideal of Athens. In build- ing up her Empire, Athens had come into conflict with the long-established idea that every Greek state had, as its deepest right, the right to political independence. The Spartans, in opening the war, declared that they waged it on behalf of Greek freedom against the tyrant. The majority of the states naturally sympathized with this spirit. We are to see in the Peloponnesian War, there- fore, the conflict of two mighty forces — the one, the purely Greek idea of the separate and independent exist- ence of city-states; the other, the world-ideal of empire, which had its rise in the dawn of human history (§ 91). These two forces could not long exist together; sooner or later they must grapple one with the other in a Ufe and death struggle. 194. The situation of the combatants was peculiar. Neither could be attacked in its strongest point. Athens's supremacy by sea was safe from its enemies, unless they had money to build ships and hire sailors, and money was scarce in the Peloponnesus. The Peloponnesians were strong on land, and Athens had no infantry that could stand against them. For the Peloponnesians there was but one thing to do — invade Athenian territory. But Athens itself was too strongly fortified to be taken, and it could not be starved into surrender so long as supplies could be brought in by sea. The fields could be laid waste by the invaders, but that was all. For the Athenians the plan of campaign, required by the situation and outlined by Pericles, was chiefly a defensive one. The country people, on the approach of the enemy, should leave their farms, cheerfully accept the spoiling of their goods, and dwell The First Period of the War 163 in the city during the month or more of the invasion. The Peloponnesians would then be forced to return home by lack of supplies and the necessity of tilling their fields, whereupon the Attic farms could be reoccupied by their owners and the damages repaired. Resistance to the enemy by land battles would be avoided, but the Athenian fleet would sally out to strike at exposed points on the enemy's coast and to ruin the commerce of cities like Corinth and Megara. The commerce of Athens, on the contrary, would remain undisturbed by the conflict. Hence, the war would resolve itself into a question of en- its Advan- durance, and Pericles was confident that Athens, sup- ***^** ported and enriched by its enlarging trade, would at last emerge triumphant. The resources of the Peloponnesians would be exhausted in striking fruitless blows, and before long they would cease the unprofitable conflict. 195. This plan of Pericles was followed, in the main, The First during the first ten years of the war (431-421 B.C.), and ^^w^^ these were the years of Athenian success. All Attica gathered behind the walls of Athens during the spring months of each year, when the Peloponnesians were abroad in the land. Even a fearful visitation of the plague, piagueat which carried away nearly a third of the citizens in the '^*^*°^- second and third years (430-429 B.C.), shook their resolu- tion for but a moment. - The worst blow was the death Death of of Pericles, who fell a victim to the epidemic in 429 B.C. ^*"^^^^- With the removal of his wise counsel and powerful person- ality it was difficult for the democracy to keep to any fixed policy. Two parties sprang up. One party, headed The Parties by Nicias, a wealthy contractor and capitalist, who in disposition was cautious, moderate, grave and pious, a wicias. fair general and a serious politician, was inclined to bring 164 The First Attempts at Empire Cleoa The Pylos Affair. the war to a close as soon as it could be done without dis- honor to the state. The other party was led by Cleon, a rich manufacturer. He was in favor of prosecuting the war much more vigorously than the defensive policy of Pericles would have permitted. By his persuasive speech he obtained the leadership of the radical democrats. The mass of the citizens inclined first to one side and then to the other, with the result that Athens now embarked in rash and sometimes unfortunate enterprises, now did little more than stand on the defensive. 196. The high-water mark of Athenian success in the ten years' war was reached in 425 B.C. In the spring of that year a fleet was sent out to the west. On their way the ships put in at the bay of Pylos, on the west of the Peloponnesus in Messenia. Here Demosthenes, Athens's most brilliant general, was landed with a small force and fortified the prom- ontory of Pylos. On hearing of this the Peloponnesian army, already in Attica engaged in its yearly devastation of the land, has- tily returned. A Spartan force, supported by a fleet, at- Cleon and Brasidas 165 tacked the Athenians, who defended themselves vaHantly. A body of Spartan hophtes took possession of the long narrow island of Sphacteria, which, from the point of Pylos, stretched away toward the south and formed the outer side of the harbor. Suddenly the Athenian fleet reappeared, and drove the Spartan fleet upon the shore, thus cutting off the four hundred and twenty Spartan hopHtes on the island from their fellows on the main- land. These men made up no small part of the citizen body of Sparta, and the Spartan authorities made every effort to save them, even sending ambassadors to Athens to ask terms of peace. Thus the Athenians had the opportunity to end the war with a brilliant triumph, but under the persuasions of Cleon the ambassadors were denied a fair hearing, and the war went on. On the cieon's promise of Cleon that he would bring the Spartan hoplites poUcy. prisoners to Athens in twenty days, he was given troops and sent as general to Pylos. He was himself no skilful soldier, but he took with him reinforcements with which Demosthenes was able to force the Spartans to surrender within the specified time. This success lifted Cleon into the highest favor with the people, and his policy of bold, aggressive warfare was approved. It was a fatal step. The favorable moment for making peace had been allowed to slip and was never to present itself again. 197. The Peloponnesians had done little more, year by year, than make invasions into Attica or ward off as best they might the advances of Athens upon the mainland. But hardly a year after the affair of Pylos, they scored a success which largely made up for that disaster. This Brasidas they owed to the Spartan general Brasidas, the ablest p°^^ ** officer that had yet appeared on their side. Without a 166 The First Attempts at Empire fleet the Peloponnesians could make an attack on the Athe- nian Empire outside of Attica at only one point. The genius of Brasidas perceived and struck at that one point — the Athenian possessions in Macedonia and Thrace. Hur- rying north with a small force, he appeared before the city of Acanthus, and, with the plea that he had come to secure freedom from the Athenian tyrant, he induced the city to rebel. The Athenians were taken unprepared, and before they could collect themselves the important Death of city of AmphipoHs had fallen. In 422 B.C. Cleon sailed cieon and ^^ ^^^ Rorth to rccovcr these cities. In a skirmish at the Brasidas. gates of Amphipolis, both he and Brasidas were slain. 198. With Cleon out of the way, there was opportunity Peace. at Athens for the lovers of peace to carry through their programme. Accordingly, in 421 B.C., a treaty was signed for a fifty years' peace between Sparta and Athens. The Result of war had closed with the advantage entirely on the side of Athens. The fundamental article of the treaty was that both powers should give back what they had con- quered from each other during the war. This meant for the Spartans the loss of the cities in the north and for the Athenians the setting free of the Spartans taken at Pylos. Athens in But the Athenian Empire remained practically undimin- ished, and Corinth's sea power and commerce had been shattered, while Athens had enlarged and strengthened her possessions. On the other hand, the purpose of the Peloponnesian League to destroy the Athenian Empire had utterly failed and the members of the League were themselves at odds one with another. Athens was mis- tress of the situation. 199. We must pause here to note some changes in Athenian life, which had their root in the time of Pericles, the Ten Years the As cendant, New Aspects of Athenian Character 167 but bore fruit during the years of war. We have seen changes in (§§ 1 67-1 71) how democracy under Pericles was perfected. Tem^er^rnd The people ruled directly, and poHtics became the passion spirit, of the citizens. To guide the people successfully one must persuade them in public assembly; he who would win them to his way of thinking and acting must be able to argue better than his opponents. To be a good orator was indispensable for a politician. To meet this demand teachers sprang up who professed, among other things, to make one skilful in the art of persuasion. These were Rise of the Rhetoricians and the Sophists. They were immensely ridrns and popular at Athens. Men learned from them how to pre- sophists, sent arguments and to weigh them, to put ideas in a taking way in public speech, and to reply to opponents successfully. It was not so important that the cause urged was good or bad, or that the arguments presented in favor of it were right or wrong— they must be such that the people, hearing them, would think them sound and vote accordingly. As this skill grew, the people grew more critical also. The public assembly became a school The De- of debate, where sharp-witted politicians contended before pevw ^^d a keen and excited audience. Fine points were applauded its Effect, and dulness hissed. But the result of this was to put truth and justice below shrewdness in debate, to make adroit- ness and popular oratorical skill more important than character and honor in a political leader. The Athenians fell into this fatal error. 200. This condition of things is illustrated in the Com- comedy as edy of the times. Comedy, Hke Tragedy (§ 138), arose in J"„ ofthT connection with the religious festivals and dealt famiharly Times, with the scenes and events of common life. In Athens, where the main interest was politics, it found its con- 168 The First Attempts at Empire Aristoph- anes. genial subjects in the political leaders, who were held up to unmeasured ridicule amidst the unrestrained laughter of the audience. The greatest comic poet of the day was Aristophanes (about 450-385 B.C.). In his Knights he satirizes the Demos as an ill-natured old man, who is the prey of his villainous slave, the leather- worker (meaning Cleon, who was a tanner). The Clouds jests at the new learning of the time. The Wasps makes fun of the Athenian law-courts by a mock trial in which justice is parodied. The Birds pictures a bird-city 'Xloudcooc- kootown" where the bustle and excitement of Athens are kept out. The Frogs describes the adventures of Diony- sus, who goes to Hades (the underworld) to find a poet, and is in doubt whether to bring back ^Eschylus or the favorite dramatist of the time, Euripides. He finally de- cides for the former. All these and the other comedies of Aristophanes are, in spite of their coarseness and personal abuse, works of permanent power because of their rol- Hcking humor and vigor, interspersed with passages of wonderful lyric beauty. The strange thing is that the Athenians were willing to listen to such satires on their life and such caricatures of their statesmen, to laugh at their leaders one day and follow them the next. 201. The culture of Athens, fed by architecture, paint- M^^Xand ^^g ^^^ sculpture, by the spectacles of the tragic and Religion. comic Stage, and stimulated by the stirring political activ- ity, could not fail to have its influence on religion and morals. It is true that most men were too busy about politics to trouble themselves as to whether their notions Philosophy about the gods would stand the test. But a few could Men^s " ^ot avoid questioning. Pericles gathered about him men Minds lii^e the philosopher Anaxagoras, who, following after Effect of Philosophy Undermines Religion 169 the earlier thinkers (§ 122), thought of the world as formed not from a single source, but from several original elements, one of which is "mind," that puts all things together. He regarded the sun and moon as great balls of stone. The speed of the sun had turned it into a glowing mass. Another philosopher, Herachtus, did not beHeve that there was anything permanent in the world. "All things flow," he said, or "all things are burning." The only reality is the fact of change. Such ideas overturned the old faith. Those who held them tried to find solider ground to stand on than was supplied by the religion of the day and to clear men's minds from its superstitions. Pericles sympathized with this aim, but he did not carry the citizens along with him. The old religion was sacred to them and they feared and hated the philosophers who Andim- attacked it. Anaxagoras was banished from Athens in ***^^'^^''™' 434 B.C. for his "impiety." In fact, these ideas did not make men better, because they shattered faith in religion, on which people depended, and put nothing in its place. Nor did the prevailing interest in politics help; it rather harmed. Men grew hard and grasping in their ambi- tions; their love of country made them selfish in her defence and for her glory. Someone has called attention Dark side to three dark spots upon this enlightened Athenian so- ^^^^ ciety: (i) The putting of slaves to torture before taking character, their testimony in a court of law; (2) the ruthless slaughter of prisoners taken in war, and the selling of captive women and children into slavery; (3) the want of respect for old age. We have already observed the position of woman (§ 179). In all this we must not judge too harshly, but rather remember that people do not go forward in all things at one time. In Athens the new learning was break- 170 The First Attempts at Empire Character- istic Figures. Thucyd- ides. Compared with Herodotus. A Scientific Historian. Euripides. ing down the old customs before building up new ones. While the childish things of the old religion and morals were being put away, more reasonable ideas were slow in gaining ground. 202. Four great men of this period illustrate the spirit- ual temper of Athens in its lighter and darker sides. 203. Thucydides* (about 471-398 B.C.) was the Athenian general who, failing to keep Brasidas out of Amphipolis (§ 197), was banished from Athens and was in exile for twenty years. He improved this time in gather- ing materials for and writing a History oj the Pelopon- nesian War. He wrote during the latter years of Herod- otus (§ 185), but a whole world separates their Histories from one another. Herodotus describes; Thucydides gives the inner meaning. Herodotus tells a story because of his interest in it; Thucydides tells nothing but what he knows to be true. Herodotus enjoys his work and wants others to be entertained also; Thucydides writes for the instruction of men who take things seriously. In other words, Thucydides has no sentiment, imagination, or hu- mor; he is intensely keen and hard. He reveals what is base and selfish, true and heroic in his characters in a masterly fashion, but without praise or blame. Every- thing he handles is treated from the purely political point of view. You learn nothing directly of the religious, eco- nomic, or social life of his day. His style is strong, con- cise, sometimes obscure, often eloquent. The History reaches its height in the account of the expedition to Syra- cuse in the seventh Book. 204. Euripides (about 480-406 B.C.) was the supreme tragic poet of the war-time. He had thought deeply upon * Not the same as the son of Melesias (§ 190). Euripides and Socrates 171 all the problems raised by the new learning and used his wonderful imaginative power in presenting them through his tragedies. He was the poet of democracy, but of a glorified democracy which had a deep feeling for woman and the slave. Woman's heroism and devotion form the kernel of his Iphigenia^ and Alcestis. The tragedy of common life is seen in the Electra. He introduces the slave and the beggar to show that they, too, have hearts that can bleed. Toward the popular religion he stands in an attitude partly of abhorrence and partly of sympathy. His BacchcB is a powerful picture of the madness and sublimity of the worship of Dionysus (§ 124). Men were at once charmed by the magic and pathos of his poetry and repelled by the boldness and novelty of his thoughts. In all this he reveals himself as a son of his time — of the restless, passionate, practical, sensitive, brutal Athens of the war. 205. One of the most picturesque personalities of the Socrates time was Socrates (about 469-399 B.C.). Of a burly, ungainly figure, with bulging eyes, flat nose and thick lips, he could be seen at all times on the streets, as he gathered about him a delighted group whom he engaged in conversation, drawing them on by simple questions to consider the deepest problems of life. He had taken the step which all Athens needed to take — from the enjoy- ment of material prosperity and the passion for politics to a Moral the search for right living. Athens had learned the good- pher!^°" ness of greatness; he would teach her the greatness of goodness. He found true knowledge in the study of his own heart and the testing of his own ideals. The old motto, ''Know thyself," was the text of all his preaching. In this work he felt himself commissioned from above; a divine spirit goaded him on and inspired him. By his 172 The First Attempts at Empire sharp and searching talk he irritated the self-satisfied democracy, whose leaders hated to be made fools of by him. With unshrinking courage, he persisted in his thankless task and spared none of the notions held dear by Athens. "Politicians," he cried, **all flatterers, cooks, confectioners, tavern-keepers, whom have they made better? They have filled the city with harbors, docks, walls, tributes and such trash, instead of with temperance and righteousness." For his own time he was a prophet crying in the wilderness; one excitement the more for sensation-loving Athens. But his work, although under- taken too late for the salvation of his own generation, was destined to abide for all time. Aicibiades. 2o6. Among thosc who gathered about Socrates, pro- fessing discipleship, was the most brilliant young Athenian of the time, Aicibiades. All the vices and virtues of Unites the the Athens of the war were summed up in him ; he is the i!f\^th^°' exemplar at once of her glory and her shame. With him Poutics. we pass from the spiritual forces of the time to one of its most potent political leaders, and, therefore, take up again the thread of the history. A relative of Pericles, a true aristocrat, wealthy and handsome, Aicibiades was the hope of the friends of that great statesman and the true heir of his ideas. He took up the interests of the people, posing as a radical of the radicals. His education was the best the age could offer, and he shared in all the advanced opinions of his day. He was the idol of the people, yet respected nobody but himself; the teaching of Socrates accomplished little for him beyond confirming him in his egotism without leading him on to self-improvement On the death of Cleon (§ 197) he sprang into the vacant place as leader of the radical democracy. PLATE IX THE LAOCOON GROUP The Years of the Peace 173 207. The long-desired peace with the Peloponnesian League (§ 198) was followed by a union between Sparta and Athens, from which the allies of Sparta were excluded, because they refused to accept the peace. Apart from the two powerful states now at one, they could do nothing. The Years Hence, a long period of rest and recovery from the waste p^^^^ ^*^^* and turmoil of war seemed at hand. But the prospect was not realized; the fifty years' peace was dead from its birth. Formally, it endured for six years, years in which there was constant turmoil and fighting somewhere in causes of Greece. The causes of this were threefold: (i) In 451 B.C. ^''°"^^*' Sparta and Argos had concluded a thirty years' peace, which now was just at an end. Argos, left alone during these years, had grown strong and was ready to enter the political field. The other Peloponnesian states, aban- doned by Sparta, entered into a league with the new power and prepared to turn against their old leader. (2) The Spartans failed to carry out the terms of the peace, as they did not give back to Athens the captured cities. This caused dissatisfaction at Athens. (3) The strife of par- ties at Athens was intensified by Alcibiades, who, as leader of the war party, sought to destroy the good understand- ing between Sparta and Athens established by the peace party. Alcibiades hoped, by renewing the war with Sparta, to place himself at the head of affairs, bring victory to Ath- ens and glory to himself. He induced the Athenians to ally themselves with the Argive League. Finally, Sparta came Mantinea. to a battle with the League at Mantinea, and defeated them (418 B.C.); the league was forthwith broken up. Yet, even now, Athens and Sparta did not begin to fight. Each was at heart not unwilling to keep the peace. Each was ready for a convenient opportunity for war. 174 The First Attempts at Empire The Athenian Expedition against Syracuse. Condemna- tion and Flight of Alcibiades. Renewal of the War. 208. The opportunity was offered by Athens. Her commercial activity in the West had long been hindered by the rivalry of Syracuse. Just at this time the rapid extension of her power induced some neighboring cities of Sicily to call on Athens for help. Alcibiades persuaded the people to send against Syracuse an expedition, which set sail in 415 B.C. It was the finest fleet Athens ever put upon the sea and taxed her resources heavily. It con- sisted of 134 triremes, 20,000 seamen, and an army of 6,430 soldiers. The command was not intrusted to Alci- biades alone, but was divided between himself, Nicias and Lamachus. One morning just before the fleet sailed, the Athenians were startled to find that the sacred im- ages, called Hermae, which stood along the streets of the city, had been wantonly disfigured. The attempt was made to fasten the guilt for this outrage, and other similar sins against religion, upon Alcibiades and his friends, but a decision on the matter was postponed till he returned. However, he had hardly reached Sicily when he was ordered to come to Athens to stand trial. Fearing for his life, he escaped, and after a short time found a refuge at Sparta, where he sought every means to bring ruin upon his native city. 209. At last, in 414 B.C., under the impulse of the war spirit, the Athenians took the bold step of making a descent upon Spartan soil. This decided the Spartans for war. They sent a small force to the aid of Syracuse under a valiant and able general named Gylippus and prepared again to invade Attica. 210. Meanwhile the expedition against Syracuse was faring badly. Lamachus was dead and Nicias was left in sole command. He sent back to Athens for reinforce- The Syracusan Expedition 175 ments. In spite of some unpleasant surprise at this news, Athens could not draw back, and her most brilliant general, Demosthenes, was sent out with 73 ships and an army of 20,000 men gathered from all parts of the Athenian Em- pire. But his help was in vain. The honest but incompe- The Disas- tent Nicias had lost his opportunity to capture the city Syracuse and attempted a siege. The Syracusans gathered courage and strength with the coming of Gylippus. After a vain attempt to storm their works, Demosthenes urged a retreat, but Nicias delayed until it was too late. At the last the Athenian army was scattered, the two generals captured and put to death, the soldiers thrown into the stone- quarries, where many perished of hunger; the survivors were sold as slaves (413 B.C.). 211. The Syracusan expedition was the crisis of Athens, its vital With its failure the Athenian Empire was doomed. The cam-e.' astonishing thing — and it exhibits the spirit and resources of the city most clearly — is that Athens fought the Pelo- ponnesians ten years longer before she fell. 212. The Spartans, on the advice of Alcibiades, had Spartans occupied a permanent stronghold in Attica at Decelea, fifteen miles north of Athens, at the head of the valley of the Cephissus. Thereby the city was in a permanent state of siege; the income from the country was cut off; the slaves escaped to the enemy in great numbers, and all work suffered correspondingly. Nevertheless, Athens was still mistress of the sea, and the war was likely to run the same course as before, except that, in the weakened condition of both parties, the same indecisive result might be expected to arrive much sooner. 213. What made the difference and ended the war with the complete overthrow of Athens was that Persia took a 176 The First Attempts at Empire Appearance of Persia on the Scene. What it Meant. Two Peri- ods of Persian Activity. A New Sit- uation — Naval Bat- tles. hand in it. Artaxerxes I., the maker and lover of peace, was dead, and his son Darius II. was on the throne (424- 405 B.C.). His satraps, Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes, were directed to recover the Great King's possessions on the coast of Asia Minor. Persia had what the Greeks lacked — money. With money the Peloponnesians could build, equip and maintain a fleet, and meet Athens on the sea. This meant for Athens the cutting off of her com- merce, the diminishing of her resources, the revolt of her allies and, without Persian money, the downfall of her Empire. Thus it came about that Persia in the last years of the very century the beginning of which had seen her repulse and defeat, decided the fate of her victor. 214. There were two periods of Persian interference in the war. First, the satraps, while inclining to Sparta and setting her up on the sea, also gave sufficient help to Athens to enable her to continue the struggle. The design was to weaken both sides until Persia could step in and overpower both. This period closed in 408 B.C., when Cyrus, the king's younger son, superseded Tissaphernes in command of the Asia Minor provinces and took defi- nitely the side of Sparta. That stand speedily brought about the fall of Athens. After all, therefore, it was Persia, and not Sparta, that destroyed the Athenian Empire. 215. Another new feature of this period of the war was that the battles were now fought on the sea. Pelopon- nesian fleets, sustained by Persian money, appeared in the iEgean. The vital points of attack were (i) the cities of the Ionian coast and the islands, where were the strong- est subject cities of the Athenians, and (2) the regions of the Hellespont, the control of which would cut Athens The Fall of Athens 177 off from her chief food supply. The appearance of the Peloponnesians was *the signal for revolt from Athens. Chios and Rhodes were lost. The entire Ionian coast passed over into Persian hands. Samos, alone of all the great cities, remained faithful. The fiercest struggle was waged in the north. Success leaned now this way, now that. The Athenians won the battle of Cyzicus (410 B.C.) and lost that of Notium (407 B.C.). With a great effort, they gathered another fleet and won the brilliant victory of Arginusae (406 B.C.), but their last fleet was The Decu annihilated at ^Egospotami (405 B.C.), and the Helles- pont was lost. This was followed by the surrender of Athens (404 B.C.), the entrance of the Peloponnesians Fail of and the puUing down of the long walls — a day of tri- umph for Sparta, heralded as " the beginning of freedom for Greece." 216. The two chief actors during these years were the sive Stroke. Athens. 178 The First Attempts at Empire Career of Alcibiades. Lysander, the Spartan Leader. Athens during this Period of the War. Faction. Athenian Alcibiades and Lysander the Spartan. Alci^ biades went from Sparta (§ 208) to the Ionian coast, where he became the confidant of Tissaphernes. But the desperate situation of the Athenians seemed to him to afford an opportunity to help them as well as glorify him- self, and we find him, by 411 B.C., back on the Athenian side. But even his brilliant genius could not save Athens. Shortly after the war was over, he was murdered by the Persians among whom he had taken refuge. Lysander was the Spartan Alcibiades, a brilliant, cruel, selfish politi- cian and general. His purpose was the same as that of his Athenian contemporary, to help his state with the idea of making himself the first man in it. As the friend of Cyrus, he wielded Persian influence in behalf of Sparta and won the final victory which brought Athens low. At the close of the war, he was the greatest man in Greece, and all his ambitions seemed about to be fulfilled. 217. Nothing in history is more amazing and heart- rending than the spectacle of Athens during these ten years. It is amazing to see the democracy struggling on with stern determination against an inevitable fate, spending their last resources to equip a fleet, and on its destruction making yet another desperate effort to face their foes, and yielding only when the treasury was empty, the citizen body reduced to a fraction of its numbers, the subject cities lost, the food supply cut off, the people per- ishing from famine. The pitiful side of the situation was the breaking out of political conflicts among the citizens. Patriotism had degenerated into selfish politics, in which unprincipled leaders intrigued for place and power. In 411 B.C. an attempt to substitute for the democracy the rule of four hundred leading citizens succeeded for a time. Causes of Athenian Ruin 179 Secret political clubs flourished, their weapons slander and murder, their purpose the overthrow of the constitu- tion. No one could be trusted in the affairs of state. Self-interest was the rule of public conduct. 218. In this decay of political integrity and patriotism Moral we find the fundamental cause of the fall of Athens. There ^f""' °' Athenian were, indeed, serious defects in the Athenian constitution, Ruin, the chief of which was the inequality of the burdens borne by citizens. The rich were called on for large contribu- tions for the support of the state (§ 187), while the poor, having equal rights, were paid for their service. The at- titude of Athens toward her subject cities was also a fun- damental weakness in her foreign policy (§ 164), so that in her dire extremity they deserted her. But none of these things, not Athenian democratic institutions, nor the superiority of Sparta, nor the money of Persia, brought her low. The want of uprightness and honesty in her leaders; the preferring of cleverness to character; the placing of self and party above country and duty — this was the dry-rot at the heart of Athens that finally brought the imperial structure to ruin. Far more instructive than its Lesson, any lessons from the Eastern Empires are the magnificent achievement and the pitiful collapse of the Athenian Empire. 219. The terms on which Sparta received the sub- Terms of mission of Athens were these: the fortifications of the surrenVer. Piraeus and the long walls were to be pulled down; all the ships but twelve were to be given up; all exiles were to return; the supremacy of Sparta was to be acknowledged; the friends and foes of the Spartans were to be Athens's friends and foes, and war contributions of money and men were to be made when Sparta demanded them. gramme. 180 The First Attempts at Empire The These conditions reveal the Spartan programme, (i) to Pro- secure for all Greek cities freedom from outside interfer- ence — for this purpose Athens was made powerless, (2) to establish Sparta's headship over all these cities in the spirit of the old Peloponnesian League (§ 132). OUTLINE FOR REVIEW II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 2. The First Attempts at Empire. (a) The Persian Wars. (6) The Rise of the Athenian Empire, (c) The Age of Pericles, {d) The Peloponnesian War — its occa- sion, Corinth, Corcyra and Athens — unjustifiable yet unavoidable — combatants and their plans compared — First period (plague, death of Pericles, the new leaders, the Pylos affair, Brasidas and the north, death of Brasidas and Cleon, peace, outcome) — Second period — Athenian temper and spirit (sophists, popular debates, comedy, unsettling of morals and religion, change of character, Thucydides, Euripides, Socrates, Alcibiades) — political events of the peace period (Argos, Mantinea, Syracusan expedition) — Third period (the Spartan plan, appearance of Persia, significance, iwo periods, naval battles, fall of Athens, Lysander and Alcibiades, cause of Athenian ruin, terms of surrender). REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following famous: Nicias, Demosthenes, Brasidas, Gylippus, Thucydides, Soc- rates, Euripides, Cyrus the Younger, Lamachus? 2. What events are connected with the following: Amphipolis, Mantinea, Decelea, yEgospotami? 3. What is meant by Sophist, Hermae, Demos, "all things flow*'? 4, What are the dates of the three periods of the war? of Pylos, Syracusan Expedition, i^gos- potami? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare Themistocles (§§ 145, 162, 166) and Alcibiades as political leaders. 2. Compare the Athenian method of declaring war, making peace and appoint- ing generals with our own. Sparta s Imperial Ambitions 181 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Peloponnesian War: Preliminaries and First Period. Bury, ch. lo; Zimmern, ch. 15; Shuckburgh, pp. 217-235; Botsford, pp. 190-205. 2. The Second Period: the Sicilian Expedition, Bury, pp. 458-484; Zimmern, pp. 270-282; Shuckburgh, pp. 238-248; Botsford, pp. 208-216. 3. The Third Period. Bury, pp. 484-506; Zimmern, ch. 17; Botsford, pp. 227-238; Shuck- burgh, pp. 248-259. 4. The New Thought at Athens. Botsford, pp. 217-227. 5. The Sophists. Bury, pp. 385-389. 6. Aris- tophanes. Jebb, pp. 96-100; Capps, ch. 11; Murray, pp. 280- 293. 7. Thucydides. Jebb, pp. 106-109; Capps, pp. 317-330; Murray, ch. 8. 8. Euripides. Jebb, pp. 88-94; Capps, ch. 10; Murray, ch. 12. 9. Socrates. Jebb, p. 125; Shuckburgh, pp. 264-266; Murray, pp. 170-177; Morey, pp. 290-291; Bury, pp. 576-581. 220. Sparta's headship naturally carried with it the (5) other reappearance everywhere of that class of citizens and of ^t_ that form of government with which Sparta was in sym- tempts. pathy. The aristocracy took charge of affairs, destroyed democracy and established oligarchies in the place of the Renewal of democratic governments that characterized Athenian rule. '^^^*^ ^* The usual form of these oligarchies was the decarchy, or the rule of ten aristocratic citizens. A peculiar form was that at Athens, where thirty men reorganized the gov- ernment. 221. But it was impossible to combine the two parts of Failure of the Spartan programme (§219). The events of the last fifty \^\^^^^ years made it difficult to force the Demos back into ob- scurity, and Sparta's aristocratic friends were compelled to depend on Spartan help to sustain them in office. More- over, Sparta had been infected by Athens with the im- perial fever; her great general, Lysander, openly worked to secure Spartan supremacy. Thus, in many cities the decarchy had by its side a Spartan harmost, or overseer, at the head of a body of troops, who represented the real The Thirty at Athens. Lysander's Imperial Policy. Affairs in Sicily. The Car- thaginian Problem. 182 The First Atteinpts at Empire power of the state. Supported by this military authority, the aristocrats took bloody revenge everywhere for the wrongs of years, killing the democratic leaders and seizing their property, while the Spartan commander looked calmly on or aided the avengers. At Athens a regular reign of terror was carried on by the "Thirty" with the support of a Spartan garrison on the Acropolis. At last, those whom they had driven out seized the Piraeus and overthrew the tyrants. Even then another oligarchy would have been set up, had not Pausanias, the Spartan king, who was hostile to Lysander, secured for the Athe- nians freedom to reorganize their government as a some- what conservative democracy. Elsewhere Lysander set up decarchies and planted Spartan garrisons, sailing up and down the ^Egean sea, levying tribute and practically subjugating, instead of freeing, the cities. Thus the Greek world found that the victory over Athens resulted only in the setting up of a heartless and narrow-minded power, whose aim was a supremacy more thorough and selfish than ever. This could not fail to be clearly seen, when it became known that the condition on which Persia had taken Sparta's side was that Sparta should hand the Greek cities on the Asia Minor coast over to Persia. Not only the Spartans then — the Spartans and the Persians were lords of the Greek states. 222. In sympathy with Sparta was yet another power in the Greek world. Even since the successful defence of Syracuse against the Athenians the Greek cities of Sicily had been living in peace, with increasing wealth and pros- perity, under democratic constitutions. But Carthage, the Phoenician metropolis of north Africa, who had kept her hands from Sicily since the defeat of Himera (§ 154), The Sicilian Empire 183 took advantage of a local quarrel to invade Sicily in 409 B.C. In the struggles which followed, it seemed as if all Greek Sicily would fall under the Carthaginian supremacy. De- liverance was wrought by a citizen of Syracuse, of humble origin, but of remarkable political and military gifts, Di- xheEm- onysius. He made himself tyrant of Syracuse, and in a Si"ny^sius. series of wars with the Carthaginians forced them back and confined their possessions to the western end of the island. During his long reign (405-367 B.C.), Syracuse became the greatest city of the Greek world. Dionysius fortified it strongly, adorned it magnificently and made it the centre of an Empire which embraced the greater part of Greek Italy, as well as islands and colonies in the upper Adriatic sea. His help was sought and obtained by the Spartans. He was desirous of entering into close rela- tions with the eastern Greeks, who both admired and feared him as a powerful, but dangerous tyrant. His nature was cold and hard; he did little for higher culture, although he wrote tragedies and thought himself most fortunate to have won the first prize at Athens in a tragic competition. His merit was primarily political — to have saved the Greeks of the west from destruction. His Empire lasted only a few years after his death. 223. The half-century that followed the close of the Growth of Peloponnesian War (404-355 B.C.) is occupied with the per"usm.' history of the attempts of the leading Greek states, one after the other, to rule over the Greek world. In each of these states were ambitious men whose ideals were, like those of Alcibiades at Athens (§ 206), centred on the su- premacy of their own cities under their personal headship. Lysandcr Such a man was Lysander of Sparta, who wanted to make Igesiiaus. Sparta the ruler of Greece and himself the ruler of Sparta. flict at Sparta. 184 The First Attempts at Empire The first of these aims he was accompUshing by forcing Spartan harmosts and garrisons upon the cities. The other he hoped to gain by making the new Spartan king, Agesilaus (399 B.C.), a man small, lame and apparently without force, subservient to himself. The Con- 224. But already symptoms of discontent with Lysan- der's selfish and unpatriotic policy had shown themselves at Sparta. The liberation of Athens from the tyrants by Pausanias (§ 221) is an illustration. Especially the aban- donment of the Asia Minor cities to Persia was felt to be unworthy, and their deliverance was loudly called for. The decisive step was forced by an unexpected event. The death of Darius II of Persia in 405 B.C. brought his The Anab- cldcst son, Artaxcrxcs II, to the throne. But Cyrus, the younger son, whose union with Sparta had brought Ath- ens low (§ 214), gathered an army of some 10,000 Greek mercenaries and 100,000 Asiatics and started from Asia Minor to contest the throne (402 B.C.). The king met the invaders in Babylonia at Cunaxa (401 B.C.), where the Greeks carried all before them, but Cyrus himself was killed. With his death the rebellion collapsed, the Asiatics deserted to the king, and the Greeks were left alone in the heart of the Empire. But, though deceived and harassed by the Persians, and their generals treacherously slain, they forced their way back to the west through the north- ern mountains and reached the Black sea. They had challenged the Great King at his very gates and he had been unable to punish them. 225. Among the Greeks who accompanied Cyrus was a young Athenian, Xenophon, a friend of one of the Greek generals. It was he who encouraged the Greeks after the loss of their generals and inspired them to defy the king and attempt the return march. asis of Cyrus. Sparta s War with Persia 185 He has written an account of the expedition in his Anabasis, one of the most attractive books in Greek literature. 226. When Cyrus planned his rebellion, he sought and its Effect, obtained the aid of Sparta. The failure of his attempt J^egn*' brought down Persian wrath upon her. She was thus Spartaand driven to break with Persia and strike a blow for the free- dom of the Asia Minor cities. War began in 400 B.C. In 396 B.C. Agesilaus, with a strong army, started for Agesiiaus Asia Minor, accompanied by Lysander, who expected ^100^ to control the expedition. But Agesilaus, though insig- nificant in body, was vigorous in purpose and ambition; he soon showed himself the real, as well as the nominal, master, and Lysander's supremacy was past. 227. The war with Persia ran on feebly for ten years Sparta's (396-387 B.C.). Worthy as was Sparta's motive in wag- fn^leecl^ ing it, she could not escape the consecjuences of her arbi- trary treatment of Greek states at home. Corinth and Thebes, who had suffered from her tyranny, joined with Athens; all threw themselves on the side of Persia. The conflict on the sea was carried on by a Persian fleet under the leadership of Conon, the Athenian admiral. Agesi- laus was called back from the east and won a decisive victory over the Thebans at Coroneia in 394 B.C., but coroneia the same year the Spartan fleet was destroyed at Cnidos. cnWos The Ionian cities fell into the hands of Persia. The Persian fleet sailed over to Greece, where Conon rebuilt the long walls of Athens, and thus the opportunity was given her to become again an independent sea power. Sparta gave up the contest and sought peace from Persia on terms most advantageous to herself. The Great King dictated the con- The Peace ditions to her ambassador Antalcidas, and by 387 B.C. the ^[^j^g"^^^' King's Peace was established throughout the Greek world. 186 The First Attempts at Empire A Virtual Victory for Sparta. The Cen- tralizing Tendency Checked by Sparta. The Cadmeia Affair. The royal decree which gave the terms of peace read as follows: "King Artaxerxes thinks it right that the cities in Asia and the islands of Clazomenae and Cyprus shall belong to him; further that all the other Greek cities, small and great, shall be independent, except Lemnos, Imbros and Scyros, which shall belong to Athens as formerly. If any refuse to accept this peace, I shall make war on them, along with those who have the same mind, both by land and sea, with both ships and money." 228. To Sparta, as head of Greece, was given the task of maintaining the peace as the king's deputy. The result was practically to restore Spartan supremacy. For what- ever cities had organized leagues or subjected other cities would be forced by Sparta to give independence to those under them, while Sparta herself had a free hand in es- tablishing her own power everywhere. The Asia Minor cities were, however, definitely handed over to Persia. 229. It remained to be seen whether Sparta's diplomatic triumph could be maintained in the face of the tendency to unite states, which was steadily making headway in the Greek world against the old-time principle of independence (§ 193). Everywhere leagues were forming; new and larger states were rising; tyrants were appearing and gain- ing wider power. By the peace of Antalcidas Sparta was empowered to check these movements in her own interest. The real problem was whether she was strong enough to stop them and make herself mistress of Greece. She bestirred herself with energy. The opposition in the Pel- oponnesus was put down. A league of the Chalcidian cities under the leadership of Olynthus was broken up (382-379 B.C.). A check was put on the Boeotian league by throwing a Spartan garrison into the Cadmeia, the citadel of Thebes (382 B.C.) — a manifest breach of the King's Peace. An attempt was made to seize the Piraeus, The Theban Uprising 187 which the Athenians had not yet fully fortified (378 B.C.), but without success. 230. But such high-handed measures provoked intense Revolt at opposition. A conspiracy at Thebes, aided by the Athe- ^^®^^^- nians, succeeded in driving out the Spartan garrison and uniting Boeotia against Sparta (379 B.C.). Athens also declared war and swept the Spartans from the sea. When, in 371 B.C., the Spartan army under King Cleombrotus entered Boeotia, the Boeotians met them at Leuctra and Leuctra inflicted upon them a smashing defeat. The king himself Lesson, was slain and a thousand Lacedemonians with him. The prestige of the Spartan soldiery was destroyed. All Greece was astounded. The pious Xenophon wrote of it as fol- lows: "The Lacedemonians, who swore to leave the cities independent, seized the citadel of Thebes, and they were punished by the very men, single-handed, whom they had wronged, though never before had they been vanquished by any single people. It is a proof that the gods observe men who do irreligious and unhallowed deeds." 231. The victory of Thebes was the result, not of a Grounds sudden outburst of irresistible wrath at Spartan oppression, s^Je^st^^" but of long military training and a new system of military tactics devised and carried through by leaders of genius and enthusiasm. Two great men had been created by the Two Men Theban situation — Pelopidas and Epaminondas. The *'^^*"'"^- former was the leader in the band of conspirators that drove the Spartans out of Thebes, an intense fiery nature, of genial and bold temper; he gathered the Theban youth into the *' Sacred Band," one hundred and fifty pairs of friends, skilled in war, bound by the hohest of ties to fight side by side to the death. Epaminondas balanced the passionate enthusiasm of his friend by a philosophic tem- 188 The First Attempts at Empire New Mili- tary Tac- tics. The New Theban Policy. Imperial- ism. :>\ per and the deep insight of political and miHtary genius. It was he who developed the new tactics that won at Leuctra. Ordina- rily, in a Greek battle the attack was made with the right wing, which sought to outflank the enemy's left wing and throw it back upon the rest of the line. But Epaminondas re- versed this order by making his left wing the fighting wing, increasing it to fifty men deep instead of the usual twelve, and hurling it first upon the enemy's fighting wing, letting the rest of the line follow and complete the overthrow. 232. The plans of these two leaders contemplated not merely the freedom of their city from Spartan control, but the establishment of Theban supremacy over Boeotia, and even the substitution of Thebes for Sparta in the he- gemony of the Greek world. They had nothing to fear from Dionysius (§ 222), who died in 367 B.C., and whose successor, Dionysius II, had little of the genius and vigor of his father. With Boeotia consolidated, they must gain control over the Peloponnesus, northern Greece and the sea. To this task Thebes, under these leaders, gave her- The Thehan Empire 189 self for ten years (371-362 B.C.)- In the north the tyrants its carry- of Thessaly were subdued, but in the struggle Pelopidas '"^ °''*" was slain (364 B.C.). The attempt to control the sea brought Thebes into conflict with Athens and led to no result. In the Peloponnesus a better outcome seemed inthePei- possible. The defeat of Sparta opened the way for the °p°°°«5"^- cities, which she had oppressed, to make themselves free. The Arcadians, hitherto spht up into petty villages, united in a common state life with its centre at a new city, Mega- lopoHs, and found protection and support from Thebes. Epaminondas marched down into the Peloponnesus, al- most captured Sparta, freed the Messenians and set them up as a state. But eager as these states were for freedom, they were not ready to hold it under Theban direction. They turned against their deliverer, and when Epaminon- das came down, in 362 B.C., to re-establish Theban author- ity he found Spartans, Arcadians, Athenians and others in the army that confronted him. The battle was fought at Mantinea. Mantinea. His military genius again gave him the vic- tory, but he himself was sore wounded and died on the The Result, field. With his death the Theban supremacy was shat- tered. What Thebes had accomplished was the overthrow of Sparta's supremacy; her own she could not establish in its place. Greek unity, so urgently needed and so steadily aspired after, seemed farther off than ever. 233. Could Athens bring this about? Such had been Revival of the ambition of the restored democracy from the be- ^^ition. ginning of the fourth century. Various attempts had been made to recover her power over the ^Egean cities. Early in 377 B.C. a confederacy of Greek cities under Athenian a New leadership was proposed, with the ostensible purpose of ^^^^ue. forcing the Spartans to leave the Greeks free and inde- 190 The First Attempts at Empire Athenian Failure to Dominate It. Difficulty with Macedonia. Review of the Situa- tion. pendent. No possibility of Athenian encroachment upon the rights and powers of the alHes was permitted. They united as independent states, about seventy in number, with Athens as the poHtical and mihtary head. The purpose of the league was accomplished so far as it sought the overthrow of Sparta's sea power, but it was too loose a confederation to satisfy Athens or to meet the needs of the time. In 366 B.C., therefore, Athens made a vigorous attempt to turn it into something more like an empire. Under Timotheus, the son of Conon, and Iphicrates, fleets were sent out which reduced Samos to subjection and established Athenian supremacy in the Hellespont and on the Chalcidian peninsula. But opposition was found on every side. Thebes contested the Athenian claim to the sea (§232). A new king in Persia, Artax- erxes III (Ochus), came to the throne in 359 B.C., and his energetic activity restored Persia to something like unity and strength. The result was that the Greek cities in the eastern ^gean fell away from Athens to him. The Athe- nian advance in the north had disturbed Macedonia, where, in 359 B.C., Philip had become king. By clever diplomacy he outwitted Athens and began to secure the Chalcidian cities. Thus, the difficulties were too great. In 355 B.C. Athens made peace with her rebellious allies in the east by renouncing her authority over them; she contented herself with the few possessions which remained in the north, where her trouble with Philip was not yet settled. Greece was in confusion still, and no one could see the end. 234. As we look back over the fifty years that came to a close with 355 B.C., we notice, in comparison with the fifth century, §ome significant characteristics. The facts An Age of Transition 191 of the history narrated in the preceding sections show very clearly that it was a time of change and conflict, without any clear aim or satisfactory outcome. The brilliant career of Athens with its imperial aspirations had been brought to naught by the determined opposition of states representing the old Greek principle of the separate inde- pendence of the several cities. The victory of Sparta conflict strengthened everything that gathered about that princi- owTnd pie — the aristocratic class, the old religion, the dislike of New PoUt democracy, the preference for constitutions like that of Sparta, which restrained the freedom of the individual citizen in the interest of the state. On the other hand, Imperial Athens, though fallen, handed on the influences and ideals which she had cherished, and they continued to fight for supremacy in the political and social life of the time. The imperial idea was seized by Sparta and Thebes; the impossibility of turning Greece into a mass of petty, independent cities was emphasized by the various leagues which constantly sprang up; the new thought was as- serting the importance of the individual man and his de- mands upon life, upon the state of which he was a citizen, upon the world in which he lived. Thus everywhere it was conflict between return to the past and progress along new paths. 235. Everywhere appeared signs that this was a time changes ir of transition. The art of war was changing. The heavy- ^^^/^ ° armed footman, the hoplite, ceased to be the one strong force of the army; the light-armed soldier, the peltast, was found to be more and more useful. It was a great shock to the military science of the time, when the Athenian Iphicrates, in 392 B.C., set upon a regiment of Spartan hoplites with his peltasts and nearly destroyed them all. 192 The First Attempts at Empire Confusion in Politics. Factions. Decline of the Citizen Body. Cavalry also became more important and no army was complete without a strong corps. The new tactics of Epaminondas were likewise revolutionary. Equally strik- ing is the almost universal employment of mercenary sol- diers. The long years of the Peloponnesian War bred a generation who knew one thing well — how to fight. The losses of the citizen body in all the cities made it impos- sible to send out sufficiently large armies of citizens ; hence soldiers were hired and the practice of selling oneself for war was a very profitable trade. Generals, too, let them- selves out for hire to conduct campaigns. As money was scarce in all the Greek states, and the funds for the pay- ment of mercenaries were soon exhausted, opposing gen- erals avoided decisive battles and sought to prolong the manoeuvres until the opposing force was disbanded for lack of funds. Thus war was carried on quite scientifically and with much less bloodshed. 236. Another illustration of this time of change is found in the politics of the day. It is a mixture of petty conflicts and local problems with great plans and large ambitions. The imperial strivings of each of the greater states were checked by the obstinate opposition of smaller states. Each state had its own war of factions — aristocrat against democrat. The complicated politics of the time was due to the ceaseless intrigues of these little cities, now swinging to this side, now to that. Fear and jealousy, ambition and conservatism, were contending impulses in every community. At the same time the problems of these states were of the pettiest order. They were all reduced in population and resources. Sparta's legitimate citizens at the end of the Peloponnesian War numbered only about 2,000. Athens was hard pressed to keep up Art and Literature 193 her citizen body and only during these years was wilhng to extend the privilege of citizenship with some degree of generosity to outsiders, a measure in which she was fol- lowed by other states, even by Sparta. The difficult ques- Problem of tion of finance was a pressing one. Athens was constantly on the verge of financial exhaustion, although she had a fairly prosperous commercial activity. When they had the opportunity, recourse was had both by Athens and Sparta to plundering defenceless regions and forcing con- tributions from weaker cities. Piracy was not uncommon. Sometimes the baser expedient of robbing temples was tried. Hence came the importance of the alliance with Persia, for that meant Persian gold. 237. The brightest side of the life of the time appears Art and in the higher spheres of art and literature. During these pJo^rUh!^ years of turmoil they went steadily forward. Even in the Peloponnesian War, sculptors could put forth such splen- did creations as the Nike ("Victory") by Paeonius, set up by the Messenians at Olympia. The greatest sculptor of the age was Praxiteles, whose finest work, the Her- mes, reveals the chief note of progress. It consists in the The New freer expression of human emotion, the delineation of man as an individual with his special traits and feelings, contrasting thus with the more restrained and heroic ideals of the age of Pericles (§ 182). As the Parthenon is the Archi- finest example of Periclean architecture, so the tomb of Maussolos, satrap and king of Caria, reveals for this age the union of sculpture and architecture at its highest point. The greatest artists of the time worked upon it. Paint- Painting, ing, also, took a place in the art of the day never attained before. The houses of the rich were adorned by frescoes and the works of great painters. Indeed, everywhere 194 The First Attempts at Emjnre Enrich- ment of Life. Intellectual Life at Athens. Execution of Socrates. His Disciples. Xenophon. greater luxury, a finer taste in private life, appeared, illus- trated in the pursuits of hunting, in enjoyment of the coun- try and agricultural activity, and even in cookery, all of which v^rere studied as arts and on which books were written that have come down to us. 238. Athens was the bright star in the world of litera- ture and thought. Shorn of her imperial position in the political world, she laid her hand of power upon the higher realm of letters and philosophy, and won an unquestioned triumph. What Pericles had claimed (§ 186) now came true. Athens was the teacher of Greece. At first things seemed to point in the other direction. The backward look toward the past, so characteristic of this age (§ 234), tended to the suppression of the new learning. Indeed, one awful blunder, worse than a crime, was made by this reactionary spirit in 399 B.C., when Socrates (§ 205) was put to death as an impious and pernicious man. But disciples, inspired by his teaching, took up his work and carried on the new learning to higher flights. One of the most attractive of these men was Xenophon (434-354 B.C.). It is said that Xenophon, when a young and handsome boy, was one day halted in the streets of Athens by Socrates, who asked him where various articles of merchandise could be bought. He politely told him. Then Socrates asked, "But where can one get good and honorable men?" When the boy could not answer, the philosopher replied, "Follow me," and Xenophon became his disciple. It was not altogether with the approval of Socrates that Xenophon joined the army of Cyrus (§225), and the out- come of that expedition, while it brought honor to the young leader, ruined his career as an Athenian. As a friend of Sparta, he was banished from Athens and went Plato 195 to live on an estate in Elis presented to him by the Spar- tans. There he wrote many books. The most important are the Memoirs oj Socrates^ a worthy record of his mas- ter's career and teachings ; the Cyropedia^ a kind of his- torical romance glorifying the elder Cyrus of Persia (§ 85); the Anabasis, which, has already been referred to (§ 225), and the Hellenica, a history of Greece from the close of the Peloponnesian War to the battle of Mantinea. Xen- ophon is a typical man of his time, a conservative, clear- headed, sensible, healthy nature, roused into vigorous thinking by the spur of Socrates, but unwilHng or unable wholly to yield to the impulse of his master — a son of pro- gressive Athens taking halting Sparta for his foster-father. 239. A far abler disciple was Plato (428-347 B.C.), Plata one of the most brilhant philosophers of all time. He is an example of the contradictions of this troubled age. Born into the circle of Athenian aristocracy, one of the company of brilliant young men that surrounded Socrates, he would have nothing to do with the politics of democratic Athens; yet he was passionately devoted to the study of politics; and even went to Syracuse, in the time of Dionys- ius II, to introduce his theories into actual practice. Of course they failed. He gathered about himself in Athens His pw- a body of disciples. In opposition to the material and ^°^°P^y- often sordid activities of his city and age, he taught them the doctrine that things on earth are faint and faded copies of perfect spiritual realities above this world, abiding, pure, divine. The perfect life is that which comes into harmony with these. The death of Socrates inspired him to write his Apology oj Socrates, an endeavor to present in sub- stance the defence which Socrates uttered before the court that condemned him. His writings took almost always 196 The First Attempts at Empire Isocrates A Typical Man of the Time. the form of dialogues. They deal with a variety of phil- osophical and political subjects and are written in a poeti- cal prose of wondrous refinement and fascination. The Republic pictures his ideal commonwealth. The Phcedo offers an argument for the immortality of the soul. The Symposium discusses love as the supreme element in the universe. From the vicinity of his home to the gymnasium of Academus, his school is called the ''Academy." 240. While possessing nothing like the genius of Plato, more truly a child of his age is Isocrates (436-338 B.C.). Indeed, more fully than any other writer or thinker, he represents the Athens of the fourth century, its culture, its doubts, and its hopes. He sought no pubhc activity, yet devoted himself to the training of men for public life. He taught them philosophy, science and character. His was the most popular school and he the ablest teacher in the Greek world. As a literary man he was the creator of a classical prose style, smooth, liquid, pure — possibly lacking in strength and fire. As a political philosopher his view was broad and high. At first he hoped, Hke so many men of his time, that the old union of Sparta, the land power, and Athens, the sea power, of the Greek world might be revived to be the salvation of Greece. Such was his plea in his Panegyricus, delivered at Olympia on the occasion of the hundredth Olympiad (380 B.C.). He rose to a higher ideal, the union of all Greece under a single leader and the advance of united Greece against Persia — the recovery of Greek unity and honor. The trouble was he could get no leader — he summoned one after another of the states to this task. But as his long hfe drew to a close, one did appear, and Isocrates could look forward hopefully to the realizing of his ideal. That Rise of Macedonia 197 leader was Philip, King of Macedon, whose career is a turning-point in Greek history. 241. Our study of the Oriental empires has shown how How can with the decay of the nations of culture, there appear new Re^^^d ^ peoples, rude and strong, to overrun and rule their weaker and but more highly developed neighbors, absorb their culture and carry the world a stage farther in the march of prog- ress (§ 40). Such was to be the solution of the problem New of the Greek world. In the western and northern parts ^®°p^®^- of the Greek peninsula was a mass of peoples on the bor- ders of civilization, becoming slowly affected by it, form- in the ing out of loose tribal conditions states of a steadily in- ^°''*^''®^*- creasing strength and unity. Some had already been drawn into the circle of Greek politics and war, like JEtolisij Acarnania and Ambracia. And now, even be- yond these, in the wild region of Epirus, occupied by a mixture of races, kingdoms Hke that of the Molossi began to emerge. A new Greece was rising as the old Greece decHned. 242. It was in the northeast, rather than in the west, Rise of however, that advance was more rapid. This was to be expected, since the eastern coast of Greece had been the scene of the most vigorous life from the earliest period. Here, lying back from the northwestern ^Egean and cut off from Thessaly by lofty mountains, lay Macedonia. Its people were a strange complex of races: to the north and west Illyrian, to the east Thracian, mixed with the purer Macedonian blood, but all paying uncertain alle- giance to a line of kings whose capital was at JEgx, far in the interior, at the head of the great plain that stretched down to the Thermaic gulf. These kings, handing down their throne from father to son, steadily grew in power 198 The First Attempts at Empire Relation to Greece. Growth of Macedo- nian Na- tional Life. King Philip. and importance. The position of Macedonia drew them early into the circle of Greek politics; it is their lasting merit that they saw and valued the importance of culti- vating relations with the Greek states. The first of the kings to come into historic Hght took the side of the Greeks in the first Persian wars. They encouraged Greek settle- ments on their shores. They even claimed descent from the Greek god and hero, Heracles, and the claim was acknowledged by the privilege conferred upon them of contesting in the Olympic games. 243. Brought thus into close contact with the intense spirit of Greek national life and culture, the Macedonian king and his people naturally were inspired to develop their own nationality. Two things were necessary for this result. First, the loose attachment of the tribes in the west and north must be turned into a firm al- legiance to the sovereign. Second, the sea-coast must be secured. The first of these was undertaken in a series of military operations carried on by king after king with very moderate success. The second meant obtaining supremacy over the flourishing Greek cities which, for centuries planted on the peninsulas of Chalcidice, had monopolized the rich trade with the interior. As most of the cities belonged to the Athenian Empire, the kings were involved in difficulties with Athens. This compli- cation bound them up even more closely with the political and military movements of the Greek world. Thus, little by Httle, Macedonia was being prepared to grapple deci- sively with the problem that Athens, Sparta and Thebes in turn had laid down. 244. At this crisis Philip was on the throne, a man in genius and energy fully equal to the situation. He brought Rise of Philip of Macedon 190 to a successful end the unifying of his kingdom. By a series of tremendous campaigns in west and north and east, he broke down the resistance of the rude and war- like Illyrian tribes, drove back or absorbed the Thra- cians and welded all into a living and concordant unity. The nation that sprang into full life was animated by a common spirit of mihtary zeal and personal loyalty to the king. A new army was formed and trained to a perfection His Army, never before reached. The foot-soldiers were formed in close array somewhat deeper than the ordinary Greek hoplite army and armed with longer spears. This was the Phalanx. The chief reliance was the cavalry, both Hght and heavy armed, made up of the nobility, men in the prime of physical vigor and of high spirit. In a battle their charge upon the enemy's flank, made as one man with tremendous force, usually decided the day. All ad- vances in the art of war made by the Greeks during the preceding years were brought together by Philip in his military organization. He had an abundance of light- armed troops and a splendid siege-train. He himself was the animating soul, the directing genius of the whole organization. All the soldiers were called "companions," and the word well expresses the relation to their head which he was able to inspire. The new Macedonia was a nation under arms. 245. Philip was equally successful in the second of the The Ad- tasks laid upon the Macedonian sovereign — the securing J^°corst. of the sea-coast. By a combination of skilful diplomacy and vigorous warfare he proceeded to wrest from Athens the cities under her influence and to reduce the others to subjection. With the fall of the most important of them all, AmphipoHs (357 B.C.), he was master of the central 200 The First Attempts at Empire trade-routes; the gold mines on the northeastern bordei were secured ; the city of Philippi was built to guard them ; a small navy was begun. By 348 B.C. every Greek city on the coast of Macedonia was in his hands. The capital of his kingdom was removed from ^Egae and established farther down the plain at Pella. This work accomplished invited him to the other and greater achievement — the leadership of Greece. Philip 246. The opportunity came in an outbreak in middle Foo"how^n G^G^ce. The Amphictyonic Council (§118) had proceeded Greece. against the Phocians on a charge of doing violence to the rights of the temple at Delphi. On their refusal to submit, the council declared war against them. They seized the temple and borrowed its treasures to hire soldiers for their The defence. Little by Httle all Greece was drawn in. The •j^sa^cred active mcmbcrs of the Amphictyonic Council were Thebes, Locris and Thessaly. For Phocis were Athens and Sparta. The Phocians also succeeded in gaining the tyrants of ThessaHan Pherae to their side; this led the rest of the Thessalians to ask PhiHp to lead them. Thus PhiHp crossed the border of Greece and became master of Thes- saly (353 B.C.). The full meaning of the new situation soon became clear. Greece was on the verge of a greater struggle than the petty Sacred War. Philip had come within her gates. His 247. It is important to observe Philip's ideals and am- t^ward^ bitions. He was a true Macedonian, a fearless, impetuous, Greece. rclentlcss, Unsparing warrior, a deep drinker and reckless reveller, yet devoted to the upbuilding of his kingdom and utterly unscrupulous as to the means of accomplishing it. At the same time he cherished a strong admiration for Greece, was immensely proud of his Greek descent, and Ideals of Philip 201 estimated the favor and recognition conferred by Greece above almost everything else in the world. Greek culture, long welcomed at the Macedonian court, had deeply im- pressed him. For some years he had resided at Thebes as a hostage in the hands of Epaminondas, and had studied, not in vain, the political situation. He aspired to be the His ideal leader of Greece, then, not merely for his own glory and *°' ^"*" that of Macedonia, not that he might plant his foot on the neck of Greek freedom, but rather because he was, in a kind of romantic reverence for her ancient fame and her immortal culture, conscious of the dignity and glory to be gained thereby. This feeling seemed to concentrate on Athens. Although Philip was constantly at war with that city, he was ever ready to make peace with her, to excuse the hostility and perfidy with which she dealt with him and to spare her at the last. Thus the leader- what His ship which he craved was for the purpose of securing MeanY^^*^ peace among free Greek communities. He would have them recognize in him their arbiter and friend. He went a step farther, and saw in the unity of Greece, se- cured by him, the means for carrying out the ideal which Isocrates had already described (§ 240), the punishment of Persia for its lordship over the Greek states. It was with purposes like these, in which the lust of conquest was mixed with the higher ideals of Greek unity and suprem- acy, that Philip set foot upon Greek soil and began to push steadily southward. 248. Who, after all, could or would oppose him ? Had The oid not everything been moving in the direction of unity — Rev^te^ Athens, Sparta, Thebes seeking to bring it about ? Why not hail his coming as a relief from the half century of turmoil that had just passed? The answer to these 202 The First AttemiJts at Empire questions is the same as that which was given to Athens, Sparta and Thebes — Greece will not submit to the author- ity of one. Independence for the separate states — the principle of autonomy — was now to clash again with the impulse to unity. Strange to say, the leader in this last struggle for Greek freedom was Athens. We have already seen how Philip's successful activities in securing the Macedonian sea-coast had brought him into conflict with the Athenians (§ 243). A vigorous campaign in 352 B.C. had made him master of Thrace, where he threatened the Athenian possessions on that coast. The ''Sacred War" (§ 246) had embittered the situation still more. Thus far, however, Athens had done Httlc more than defend herself against Macedonian aggression. But now she entered upon a new activity under the leadership of Demos- thenes, the most famous orator of the ancient world. 249. Demosthenes (384-322 B.C.) began the study and practice o"f oratory under Isaeus, one of the leading prac- tical lawyers of Athens, in order to recover his property, of which in his orphaned childhood his guardians had robbed him. He overcame all his many natural defects by persistent toil, and in the process became not only a wonderful speaker, but a successful politician. His orations against PhiHp — called Phihppics — and his other speeches, of which many have been preserved, show a combination of close logic, intensity of spirit and beauty of language which are without parallel. The most re- nowned of them is the Oration on the Crowns delivered in defence of his policy on the occasion of a proposal to the people to offer him a crown in reward for his pubhc ser- vice (330 B.C.). 250. Demosthenes had already advocated a more vig- Philip and Demosthenes 203 Policy. orous war policy than the defensive one which had hitherto He cham- prevailed, but, after the briUiant successes of Phihp, he ^nH'MaL had agreed to a peace in 346 B.C., which was sorely needed donian by Athens. But when Philip desired to enter into closer relations of friendship with Athens, Demosthenes induced the Athenians to hold back. Meanwhile, Philip was elected a member of the Amphictyonic League in the place of the Phocians, and thus was entered legally among the Greek powers. This was the opportunity taken by Demosthenes to launch his new enterprise — the aggressive union of all the Greek states against the dangerous Macedonian enemy. He had some success; states in the Peloponnesus and on the northern ^^gean entered a league. At last, the Am- phictyonic Council, unsupported by Athens and Thebes, invited Philip to lead another " sacred war." This brought matters to a head. The Thebans joined the anti-Mace- donian union and prepared to resist Philip's march. The decisive battle was fought in Boeotia at Chaeroneia (338 B.C.). The Macedonian cavalry was led by Philip's son Alexander, then sixteen years of age. Demosthenes served as a heavy-armed soldier in the Athenian ranks. The result was the complete victory of Philip; the The- bans were cut to pieces; the Athenians were routed and ran away. 251. The victory of Chaeroneia meant the supremacy Result: of Macedonia and the Macedonian king over the Greek fh^Jneadof world. The Greeks had fallen into the hands of no city- Greece, state among their own number, but found a master in the monarch of a kingdom which they regarded as outside their circle and had only grudgingly admitted among them. But Philip had no intention of playing the tyrant. He wanted to be the acknowledged head of free communi- Chaeroneia. 204 The First Attempts at Empire ties united of their own accord under his leadership. Ac- cordingly, he summoned the states to meet at Corinth and form a Confederacy. In 337 B.C. he announced at the meeting his purpose to lead them against Persia. It was necessary, however, to establish Macedonian garrisons in strategic points; for the Greeks were unwilling even now to accept Macedonian supremacy. The outcome, how- ever, was certain, since the power of Philip was too great to be successfully resisted. Opposition to it could only end in disaster, in the renewal of strife, which was ruinous to the states themselves, and could not accomplish anything except bring down the wrath of Philip and sorer punish- ment at his hands. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 2. The First Attempts at Empire. (a) The Persian Wars. (6) The rise of the Athenian Empire, (c) The Age of Pericles, (d) The Peloponnesian War. (e) Other Imperial Attempts: Sparta revives oligarchy by force (the thirty at Athens, Lysander in power) — empire of Dionysius in Sicily — the struggle for imperialism at Sparta — complications with Persia — the "Anabasis" — war with Persia — Agesilaus in Asia Minor — difficul- ties at home — peace of Antalcidas — its outcome — the Theban trouble (Cadmeia, Leuctra, the Theban heroes — army) — Theban imperial- ism (in the Peloponnesus, elsewhere, Mantinea, the outcome) — Athenian revival (the league and its failure) — Summary of the situ- ation (transition of ideas, art of war, politics, finance) — growth of art and literature (sculpture and painting, death of Socrates, Xeno- phon, Plato, Isocrates) — the problem solved by new peoples — rise of Macedonia (place and people, relation to Greece, national life, its problems) — Philip and his achievements (the army, the nation, the coast, advance into Greece, attitude toward Greece, who op- posed him, Demosthenes and his work, Chseroneia, result) — sum- mary of Greek history from this point of view. Summary of Greek Imperialism 205 REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following noted: Cunaxa, Coroneia, Olynthus, Megalopolis, Epirus, Pella, Chae- roneia? 2. Who were Lysander, Dionysius, Agesilaus, Conon, Pelopidas, Iphicrates, Maussolus, Xenophon, Isocrates, Demos- thenes? 3. What is meant by harmost, autonomy, peltast, academy, phalanx, amphictyony? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the Spartan imperial rule with that of Athens (§§ 163, 164, 190). 2. Compare Epaminondas with Pericles. 3. Compare the battle of Chae- roneia with that of Marathon. TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Spartan Im- perialism. Morey, pp. 277-281 ; Shuckburgh, pp. 260-273; Bots- ford, pp. 250-268; Plutarch, Lives of Lysander and Agesilaus. 2. The Thirty at Athens. Bury, pp. 507-513. 3. Art and Litera- ture at Athens. Bury, pp. 574-590. 4. Xenophon. Jebb, pp. 109-114; Capps, pp. 330-338; Murray, ch. 15. 5. Plato. Jebb, pp. 126-129; Capps, ch. 15; Murray, ch. 14. 6. Isocrates. Jebb, pp. 1 19-120; Capps, pp. 345-347; Murray, pp. 341-352. 7. The Empire of Dionysius. Bury, pp. 638-666; Botsford, 239- 245; Morey, pp. 284-286. 8. The Theban Uprising. Botsford, pp. 268-274. 9. Epaminondas and Thebes. Bury, pp. 625-626; Shuckburgh, pp. 274-278; Zimmern, ch. 19; Botsford, pp. 275- 283; Plutarch, Life of Pelopidas. 10. Macedonia. Morey, pp. 300-302; Shuckburgh, 280-282; Bury, pp. 683-688; Botsford, pp. 297-302. 11. Philip and Demosthenes. Bury, pp. 687- 737; Shuckburgh, pp. 283-291; Zimmern, ch. 20. 12. The "An- abasis" of Cyrus. Zimmern, pp. 301-307; Bury, pp. 517-530. 252. Thus the brilliant chapter of Greek independent political life came to an end. Beginning with petty com- munities growing up in secluded valleys, the Greeks came The Pass- to value above all else the blessing of freedom, the glory '^f^ll^ of the independence of separate states, each working out its own problems. They learned, also, how to give to each citizen a place and a part in the common life. But situated as the Greek peninsula was, midway between east and Summary west and open to the influences of Oriental civilization, its ^aJler. states were drawn together by the unifying forces of com- 206 The First Attempts at Empire merce and international politics. A heroic war of defence against the conquering Empire of Persia made them one for a season, and the resulting political conditions gave the op- portunity to one of their states — Athens — to take a com- manding position in the yEgean sea. Thus the impulse to union was strengthened and took on an imperial form. But the new tendency to empire clashed with the old principle of autonomy, and the conflict dominated suc- ceeding Greek history. Athens fell, only to be succeeded by Sparta and Thebes, each following in her steps. A similar movement was made in Sicily, where Dionysius extended his personal rule over a wide territory. But in the fierce conflict of old and new all these imperial en- deavors perished. The consummation of the centuries of troubled progress toward unity was at last realized in Phihp of Macedon, with whose victory at Chaeroneia the importance of the separate city-states came to an end. Their endeavors after empire were swallowed up in a mightier imperial achievement which now appeared on the horizon — the Empire of Alexander. GENERAL REVIEW OF PART II, DIVISION 2; §§193-252 431-331 B.C. TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION. 1. The fundamental politi- cal issue of the Peloponnesian War traced through the various stages of the war (§ 193). 2. The growth of Imperialism as illustrated in the history of the states of the time (§§ 158, 164, 190, 223, 232, 233, 240). 3. The policy of Athens in the Pelo- ponnesian War as illustrated in the leaders Pericles, Cleon, Nicias, Alcibiades. 4. The policy of Sparta in the war as illustrated in the leaders Brasidas and Lysander, 5. The new learning as illustrative of the spirit of the times (§§ 199-206). 6. A List of the Ten Greatest Men of Greece, from 431-331 b.c. 7. The Part played by Persia during the period frpnj 431-338 pi o '■= .2 .2 =■ ~ -g -5 < S 5 ^ -3 ii i o o 5 53 = o. ~ y. H OH ■^ Phirtias lodotus _Soji>.htK-U;_s_ I .-i-iH Aeschylus Socnues_ TliucydiJes Euripitles 434 tlie"Histo7iaii I ^1 1 I f - " 3 ■< g 3 ^ a M 05 1- O 5^ 8 ° Xenophon "3 3 ■ 3 i I- < o Greek Imperialism 207 B.C. 8. The Relation of Macedonia to the Greek states his- torically traced down to 338 b.c. 9. The Part played by Sea power in the Peloponnesian War. 10. The Divisions of the Greek World which were chiefly the scene of the Peloponnesian War. MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES. 1. Make a map of Greece during the Peloponnesian War and locate the chief land battles. 2. Make a map of the ^gean and locate on it the chief naval battles of the Peloponnesian War. 3. How did it happen that statues like the Hermes (Plate VIII) and buildings like the Parthenon (Plate I) were produced by the Greeks and not the Oriental peoples? 4. Study Plate XIII to observe how superior the Greek sculpture is to the Egyptian in composition. What has the Egyptian which the Greek lacks? SUBJECTS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS. 1. The Weaknesses of Athenian Democracy as Illustrated in the Peloponnesian War. Fowler, The City State of the Greeks and Romans, pp. 176-183, 245-260. 2. A Play of Euripides, e.g., the "Electra" or "Bac- chae"— the story of the play and its testimony to the times. Coleridge, Translation of Euripides. 3. A Talk with Socrates Regarding His Condemnation by the Athenians. Plato, the Apology. 4. A Study of the Character of Alcibiades. Plu- tarch, Life of Alcibiades. 5. Why the Greeks were Able to Drive Back the Persians and yet Fell under the Macedonian Power. Fowler, The City State, etc., chs. 9 and 11. 6. A Description of the Disaster at Syracuse. Jowett's Thucydides. 7. A Report of the Discussion in the Athenian Assembly Con- cerning the Punishment of Mitylene. Jowett's Thucydides. 208 The Empire of Alexander 3.-THE EMPIRES OF ALEXANDER AND HIS SUCCESSORS TO THE APPEARANCE OF ROME IN THE EAST 331-200 B.C. , , ,i.EV 253. Hardly had Philip organized his new Greek con- I'^deI-I' federacy when, in connection with troubles m the Mace- =t donian court, he was murdered (336 B-C.) _ His son Alex^ Kin.o. ^„der succeeded to his throne and his plans. The son ""'"'""'■ was in many respects, the image of his father-of splendid physical constitution and fascinating personality, possess- in. the same combination of unyielding will and romantic sensibility; both were too much alike indeed, to get on well together, and it was said that the ^ther had tob notion of permitting the son to succeed him. But Alex- ander's training had been such as to prepare him to rule. Hi, P„p- His education had been conducted under Greek teachers ; aration for j^j^ j^j^r was Aristotlc, the keenest and most learned mind .he Throne. ^^ ^^^ ^.^^ His military training had been gained in his father's school of arms, and Philip was the finest soldier of his day. Now the victories of Philip had put into his hands a united Macedonia and the leadership of the Greek world; he was the general of a magnificently organized and equipped army of 60,000 men; the splendid project of the deliverance of the Asiatic Greeks from the Persian sway was left to him for realization. He, the young man of scarce twenty-one years, stood on the thresholdof an incomparable career; on his action hung the destiny of centuries to come. . 254. His first task was to establish his position m Greece. Here the death of Philip was followed by attempts to throw Alexander's Plans 209 off Macedonian supremacy. Two expeditions were suffi- His cient to settle matters. In the first, Alexander was ac- Seuiement ' with knowledged by the states assembled at Corinth as head Greece, of the Greek confederacy. In the second, a Theban re- bellion was nipped in the bud and Thebes was levelled to the ground as a punishment (335 B.C.). Athens, though equally offending, was spared. During the same time the king made two campaigns upon his northern borders; in the one he subdued the Thracians and crossed the Danube; in the other he routed the Illyrians in the northwest. 255. Already to the daring ambition of the youthful Alexander, Philip's plan to dehver the Greek cities of Asia His Pur- from Persia had become too small. His purpose was ag^tnst nothing less than to strike at the heart of the Empire itself Persia, and to take full vengeance for the wrongs which it had in- flicted upon the Greeks. To the fulfilment of this purpose he now set himself. The co-operation of the Greeks had already been promised, though in fact it amounted to little. His dependence must be upon his own Macedonian army with its trained soldiery and its skilful generals, all alike devoted to himself. With an army of some 40,000 men, of which 5,000 were cavalry, he set forth across the Helles- The start, pont in 334 B.C., leaving behind him his general, Antip- ater, with a strong force as his representative and the guardian of Macedonian interests in Greece. The spirit and purposes of the king and his generals are illustrated in the anecdote preserved in Plutarch. On the eve of his departure he distributed among his friends who were to accompany him a great part of his royal property. Whereupon Perdiccas asked him what he left for himself. He replied, "My hopes." Then Perdiccas said, "Let us be your partners in these," and refused to accept the king's gift. 210 The Empire of Aleocander Condition of Persia. Darius III. Alexander in Asia Minor. Granicus. 256. The Persian Empire, although it had sadly declined from the spirit of its founders, and the luxury and cor- ruption of the court had undermined the vigor and effi- ciency of the rulers, was still a mighty and formidable state. Artaxerxes III (§ 233) had been very successful in putting down rebellions and had restored imperial prestige. But court intrigues made way with him in 338 B.C. and with his son after him. Now there sat on the throne Darius III (Codomannus), a noble not of the royal line, a high- minded and generous ruler, but able, neither in intellect nor in circumstances, to cope with the situation that faced him. Neither he nor his counsellors realized that they were no longer contending with a divided and inefficient Greece, whose leaders they had been accustomed to cor- rupt with their gold, or render powerless by stirring up difficulties at home. 257. Accordingly, Alexander found himself confronted with an army, not much larger than his own, led by the Persian satraps of Asia Minor. A battle took place in June, 334 B.C., at the river Granicus, on the farther bank of which the Persian army was posted in a strong position. Alexander swept across the river with his heavy cavalry and fell upon the enemy's cavalry. On their rout the Macedonian phalanx followed and engaged the Persian infantry in front, while the cavalry attacked their flanks — the favorite military tactics of Alexander. They could not stand, and when they fled, the battle was won. The rest of the year was occupied in winning back the Ionian cities and the other strongholds of western Asia Minor. Thus the first part of the task was accomplished. 258. In the spring of 333 B.C. Alexander set out from Gordeium in Phrygia, by a rapid march seized the passes Battle of Issus 211 into Cilicia and captured Tarsus, its capital. After being delayed here for some days on account of a nearly fatal illness, he marched forward along the coast toward Syria. #"• „x^' BATTLE OF ISSUS, Greek Cavalry 1 Persian Cavalry 2 .Heavy- armed Greeks in Persian Employ 3,4 Heavy-armed Asiatics 5 I.lglit-acin.ed Asiatics b Heavy- armed Greeks c Phalanx d Koyal Guards o Macedonian Cavalry d light-armed Troops •--^ \Si^' Meanwhile, Darius with his army had advanced into Syria, and faihng to find his enemy, had marched through an upper road into Cilicia and descended to the plain of Issus in the rear of Alexander. The latter immediately issus. turned about, and the second great battle was joined at Issus. Again, as at the Granicus, the Persians stood on the defensive at the bank of a river and Alexander sprang 212 The Empire of Alexander like a tiger upon the enemy with his heavy cavalry, followed by his foot-soldiers. The struggle was much more fierce; once the phalanx seemed to be broken; the light cavalry on the left were hard pressed. But again Alexander's rush carried all before it; the phalanx recovered and the Persians broke in flight for the mountains. Darius barely escaped, leaving his tent, personal baggage and household to fall into the enemy's hands. The way was now open for the conquest of western Asia, and Alexander descended into Syria. 259. Leaving Darius to continue his flight to the east Alexander Unhindered, Alexander moved southward to take pos- whward. session of Phoenicia, Palestine and Egypt. The Persian fleet, made up chiefly of Phoenician vessels, was master of the sea and could be subdued only by getting possession of the Phoenician seaports. City after city submitted Tyre. Until Tyre was reached. Situated on an island, strongly fortified, it held out for seven months in one of the greatest sieges of history. The king built a mole to the island half a mile into the deep, and, by the aid of the fleets of the cities of Phoenicia and Cyprus that had yielded to him, finally carried the city by assault. A similar siege at Gaza was successful; the way was open to Egypt, which he occupied without a battle. The Jews. 260. While on the way down the coast, as the story is told by Josephus the Jewish historian, he visited Jerusa- lem. After the overthrow of their kingdom and their exile to Babylon (§ 80), the Jews had been permitted by Cyrus to return and rebuild their city and temple (538 B.C.) Since that time they had been under Persian rule and had devoted themselves to the upbuilding of their religious system under the leadership of their High-Priests. They Alexandria 213 had suffered much from their neighbors, the Samaritans, but were faithful to the law of Moses as their teachers enlarged and explained it. As Alexander advanced to the city, the high-priest with his attendants came forth to meet him. The king, who was at first inclined to be angry with the Jews for not taking his side, was led by a vision which he had seen some time before to give them special favors. 261. In Egypt Alexander's chief work was the founding Egypt. of a city at the western mouth of the Nile, between the AL£XA]!)IDSIA, at the time of Christ. 1 Temple of Arterm* U Temple of Serapis and Isis 2 Rojal Buildines _ 12 TimuaUira 3 Secret Royal Navy f ards 13 Phatus Tower 4 Rojal Harbor 14 Temple of Mercury R Royal BuildiDff i^ (i,~^„.!...„ 6 Navy Tarda " Temp! Library 9 Museum 10 Tyohaeum Mareotic lake and the island of Pharos. Joining the island with the mainland by a causeway, he made two fme harbors for the city, which he named after himself and Founding destined to take the place of ruined Tyre as the commer- °^J^l^' cial centre of the western Mediterranean. This destiny was fulfilled, for Alexandria became one of the most im- portant cities of the ancient world. 214 The Empire of Alexander To the East. Arbela. Capture of the Persian Capitals. Pursuit of Darius. 262. A visit to the temple of Zeus Amon in the western desert, where the god declared him his own son and there- fore rightful heir to the Egyptian throne (§ 21), was fol- lowed by the organization of the government of Egypt. By the spring of 331 B.C. Alexander started for the far east. In September he found the Persian king awaiting him with a vast army, east of the Tigris, near the old Assyrian city of Arbela (§ 68). This city, or the nearer village of Gaugamela, has given the name to the battle which was joined on the first of October. Over against the Macedonian's 40,000 foot and 7,000 horse were said to be arrayed a million foot and 40,000 horse under the command of the Great King — a motley host mighty only by sheer weight and momentum. Alexander's tactics were directed to the breaking up of this tremendous mass and the routing of the enemy's centre, where Darius had taken his stand. A cavalry charge led by Alexander him- self was the decisive stroke, and by nightfall the Persians were in flight. The king escaped into the eastern moun- tains, but his empire over the Mesopotamian valley was utterly lost. Alexander never had to fight another great battle against the Persians. He marched southward to Babylon, which opened its gates without a struggle, then eastward into Elam and the old Persian land (§ 83), where he captured the cities of Susa and PersepoHs — capitals and treasure-cities of the Persian king. One hundred and twenty thousand talents were said to have been obtained from the latter city. 263. In 330 B.C. the conqueror marched northward into Media in pursuit of Darius. He arrived at Ecbatana, the old Median capital, only to find that the Persian had fled eastward. Alexander was now at the parting of the Alexander's New Ambition 215 ways. He had taken vengeance for the Persian invasion of Greece. He had torn from the Persian king the fairest of his dominions — the richest, most famous and cukured districts of the Oriental world. To the east lay the unknown regions, deserts and mountains, whence the Medes and Persians had come to conquer the world. Why should The New he advance farther? Only because a new purpose had and'^itT taken shape in his mind — that he would be not only king solution, of Macedonia and captain-general of the Greeks, but also lord of the Persian Empire. To unite the west and the east under his own sway was now his ambition. Hence, at Ecbatana, he dismissed those of the Greeks in his army who desired to return home and loaded them with pres- ents. Some of them, on his invitation, remained and re- enlisted as his own soldiers. With an army which no longer represented the Greek states, but obeyed him alone, he advanced to the conquest of the far east. 264. Darius, meanwhile, had fallen into the power of his satraps, who were hurrying him eastward, where he might make a new and final struggle against the conqueror. Alexander put forth every effort to capture him, followed on his track day and night with his best soldiers, only at last to come upon him dead, killed by his own people. Death of What remained was to make a systematic campaign against ^""^" the eastern provinces. It required three years (330-327 conquest B.C.) of strenuous, heart-breaking warfare among deserts, pj e\ through wintry tempests, over lofty mountains. At last the work was fairly done and he was Persian Emperor in very fact, lord of the last foot of ground that had once ac- knowledged the authority of the Achemenidae. 265. Alexander's purpose to be ruler of Persia did not mean to substitute Greek ideas and customs, or Greek 216 The Empire of Alexander Plan to Unite Greeks and Persians. The Opposition. Alexander's officials, for thosc of Pcrsia, but rather to unite the two peoples in a common Ufe. He placed Persians in charge of the civil affairs of the provinces, while he reserved the mihtary authority to the Macedonians. He began him- self to assume something of the gorgeous state of a Persian Emperor; he surrounded himself with the splendors of an Oriental court. He married Roxana, the beautiful daugh- ter of a chieftain of the far east. He settled his veterans in cities which he planted in these regions and gave them Orientals as fellow-citizens. All this could not be pushed through without rousing the anger of those bold and loyal Macedonians who had followed him through all perils as their national leader and who disdained the Orientals whom they had conquered. Discontent grew into secret plotting or open opposition on the part of Alexander's captains and counsellors. He stamped it out with merci- less rigor. Parmenio was put to death along with his son Philotas, who was discovered in a conspiracy. When Chtus, Alexander's foster-brother, at a drinking-bout boldly expressed the unspoken dissatisfaction, he ran him through with a spear. Callisthenes, the philosopher and historian, refused to do obeisance in the Oriental manner to his Macedonian lord, and not long after was punished with death. Such disturbances, with their bloody ven- geance, speak loudly of the tremendous changes which were coming over the face of the world and not less over the character and position of Alexander himself. The horizon was spreading out too w^ide and the problem was becoming too complicated for any but Alexander to grasp, and he ran the danger of losing his own soul in the struggle. 266. One more step remained for him to take. Greece and the Persian Empire were not sufficient for his am- Its Pun- ishment. Keference to Colors. T;' over 9,000 feet \ 3,000 to 9,000 feet ^'^ 600 to 3,000 feet Sea Level to 600 feet Union of Greeks and Persians 217 bition. He aspired to be conqueror of the world. In 327 B.C. he crossed the mountains into India, whither the campaign Persians had already gone before him (§90). He overran '"^"'^'^• the valley of the river Indus, won a victory from the Indian king Porus, and would have marched eastward to the river Ganges had not his army refused to follow him into these unknown and distant regions. Returning, he moved down the Indus to its mouth, and made a voyage into the Indian ocean. He took his army up the coast in a march of terrible difficulty, ordered his fleet to follow by sea, and reached Susa early in 324 B.C. 267. Hardly had he returned from his Indian campaign Develop- when he plunged into the task of organizing his Empire ^"gdai on the lines which he had planned. The union of Mace- i^^^as. donians and Persians was encouraged by his taking as another wife the daughter of Darius, and inducing his nobles likewise to marry Persian women. Others of his officers and soldiers who made such marriages were richly rewarded. The army was also recruited from Persians; a large number of their young men were trained in Mace- donian tactics and in the use of Greek weapons. Their best horsemen were drafted into the cavalry; some were even enrolled in the crack Macedonian regiments. The hostility to these measures was pretty well broken down. It flamed out for the last time at Opis, when the king pro- posed to send ten thousand worn-out Macedonian veterans home to their native land. Thereupon the whole army cried out to be sent home rather than be levelled down to the Persians. But the uproar was soon quieted. They were too much attached to their leader to stand out against his will. 268. Alexander went to Babylon in 323 B.C. and was 218 The Empire of Alexander Alexander at Babylon. His Death. Alexander Supreme among Greek Heroes. met by embassies from Carthage, the Phoenician colonies in Spain, the states of Italy, from the Ethiopians and Libyans, from the outlying peoples of the north, all of whom, it seems, expected sooner or later the advent of the conqueror upon their borders. He himself was plan- ning an expedition to the coast of Arabia, with the design of developing trade routes from India and Babylonia to Egypt and the Mediterranean. But, after a night of feasting and drinking, he was taken ill. The fever in- creased, and on the thirteenth of June, 323 B.C., he passed away in the thirty-third year of his age. 269. Alexander is the flower of the Greek race, the su- preme figure in its gallery of heroes. In physical strength and beauty, in mental grasp and poise, in moral purpose and mastery, he was pre-eminent among the men of his time. Of high, almost sentimental, ideals of honor, a warm-hearted, genial companion and friend, the idol of his troops, fearless even to recklessness in the day of battle, he knew how to work tirelessly, to hold purposes with an iron resolution, to sweep all opposition from his path, and to deny himself pitilessly for the fulfilment of his plans. To reach so high a station, to stand alone at the summit of human achievement, was for so young a man almost fatally dangerous. Alexander did not escape unharmed. Power made him sometimes arbitrary and cruel. Opposition drove him to crimes which are without excuse. Yet in an age of license he was chaste; though given to Macedonian habits of deep drinking, he was no drunkard. In thirteen years of incessant activity he mas- tered the world and set it going in new paths. While accomplishing this task he made his name immortal. 270. The greatness of Alexander as a general is clearly PLATE XI Sophocles Socrates Pericles The Aphrodite of Melos An Alexandrian Greek TYPICAL GREEK HEADS Alexander as a Statesman 219 revealed in the full accounts of the battles he fought and His the campaigns he carried through to success. He was the J?'^^!^''^ mightiest conqueror the world had ever seen. But it has been reserved for modern scholars to emphasize the most splendid and enduring elements of his career : his genius for organization, his statesmanship, his far-reaching plans of His states- government and administration. Like all his great pre- ""^"^^'p- decessors in the field of arms, he was no mere fighter for the sake of fighting, nor did the lust of acquisition spur him on to useless and empty conquests. The crowning and decisive proof of this is seen in the cities which he founded. Founding No conquest was complete until he had selected sites for °^ ^'^'^^' new settlements, and these sites were chosen with an un- erring insight into the opportunities for trade as well as for defence. Sixteen Alexandrias all over the East go back to him as founder, the greatest of which was the Egyptian metropoHs (§261). It is said that he founded in all some seventy cities. Many of them were so wisely planted that they exist to this day as flourishing centres of com- mercial life. They were organized on Greek models and reflected Greek civihzation. 271. The supreme achievement of Alexander was the Alexander's Empire and the ideas it represented. Its extent was the ™^*"' widest that the world had seen. The scheme of adminis- unified, tration, although not known in detail, appears to have been singularly adapted to bind all parts together in subor- dination to the central authority. One vital feature of it was the division of the provincial government into three parts, financial, mihtary, civil; each one of these was as- signed to a separate official; all were of the same rank and were responsible to the king alone. The ideal of a world- Worid- state was more fully realized than ever before. From this 220 The Empire of Alexander Filled with the Greek Spirit. Centred in Alex- ander. It Involved the Loss of Greek Freedom. point of view the importance of the oceans and seas sur- rounding his world was emphasized by the king, who by his explorations greatly extended the geographic knowl- edge of antiquity. He paid particular attention to the commercial unity of his Empire and the development of trade between its various parts. The populations of the Empire were brought together in an extraordinar}' fashion. Greek culture especially was introduced throughout the Orient, whereby all Hfe was raised to a higher plane. Like- wise the Greek idea of government, as intended to secure justice and seek the best interests of the citizen, charac- terized this Empire and made it distinctly higher than those that had gone before. Above all, it was unique and su- perior to its predecessors because it was Alexander's Em- pire — it centred in a splendid personality. How different was the case in Oriental empires (§ 91)! Now for the first time the Greek idea of the individual and his impor- tance in the world (§ 120) took its seat in his person upon the throne. It is no chance that so many sayings of his are preser\'ed; that so many legends have gathered about his name. The Empire was his creation and was held together in him. His portrait appears upon its coins; worship was offered to him as to a god, the symbol of uni- versal authority. 272. We must not forget at what a cost this advance was made. The petty world of Greece with its quarrels of Uttle states passed away. Its immortal achievements in poUtics, art and Hterature were made the possession of east and west. But the poHtical freedom of Greece was lost. The great new world had its hfe and its law from the lips of one lord ; it depended on his will and bowed be- fore him. Alore men were better governed, had greater The Passing of Greece 221 prosperity and higher culture. The price paid for it all was the disappearance from the Graeco- Oriental world of the free state in which the citizen made and kept the laws, and was at the same time ruler and ruled. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW II. THE GREEK EMPIRES I. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 2. The First Attempts at Empire. 3. The Empires of Alexander and His Successors. (i) Alexander's Empire: Alexander King of Macedonia (prepara- tion, relation to Greece, attitude toward Persia)— his advance against Persia (condition of Persia, battles in Asia Minor, march southward to Eg>'pt, eastward, Arbela and after)— the new problem and its solution (death of Darius, far eastern campaigns, Mace- donian opposition put down, Alexander Emperor of the world, India) — imperial ideas and manners — death — estimate as man, general and statesman — what it meant to Greece. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following famous: Granicus, Issus, Arbela, Tyre, Alexandria, Persepolis, Indus? 2. What is meant by Achemenidae, High-Priest, phalanx? 3. What is the date of the founding of Alexandria, of the death of Alexander? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare Alexander with Alci- biades. 2. Compare the Empire of Alexander with that of Assyria, or Persia; with the Athenian Empire. 3. "No single personality, excepting the carpenter's son of Nazareth, has done so much to make the world we live in what it is as Alexander of Macedon." — Can you justify this assertion? TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Alexander's Campaigns. Bury, pp. 747-821; Zimmern, ch. 21; Shuck- burgh, ch. 20; Mahaffy, Alexander's Empire, pp. 12-42; Morey, pp. 309-314. 2. Alexander's Empire. Mahafly, pp. 1-3; Bury, PP- 785-786, 793-794, 815-816; West, pp. 219-224; Morey, pp. 322-323. 3. Alexander. Plutarch, Life of Alexander; Morey, pp. 314-316, 320; Bury, pp. 821-822. 222 Empires of Alexander's Successors (2) THE SUCCES- SORS OF ALEX- ANDER. Attitude of His Generals. Their Rivalry. 273. A more immediately serious defect of this personal rule of Alexander was that his Empire seemed likely to col- lapse at his death. He left no heir, though shortly after his death his wife Roxana bore a son, called, after his father, Alexander. The Macedonian nobles who had served under their great captain were the natural upholders of his Empire and the guardians of the heir to the throne. At first they sought loyally to fulfil this task. Alexander's most trusted heutenant, Perdiccas, was made head of the government and protector of the imperial system, until the youthful Alexander came of age; he associated with himself the other generals. Seleucus received an im- portant military post. Others were appointed governors of provinces — to Ptolemy * was assigned Egypt, to An- tigonus, Phrygia, to Lysimachus, Thrace, to Eumenes, Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, while Antipater (§ 255) was left in charge of Macedonia. Antipater' s son, Cas- sander, was also given a miHtary command. A danger- ous breach in Alexander's system was made in allowing the provincial governors to keep companies of soldiers under their own control. 274. It soon appeared, however, that personal rivalries among these leaders would not permit them to five in peace with one another and be faithful to their trust. Hardly had the new arrangement gone into effect when quarrels broke out among them. They combined against each other in constantly varying groups, and the resulting wars brought the majority of them to their end. The ideal which tempted each of them was the recovery of the unity of the Empire under his own leadership, but the outcome of the unceasing battles and intrigues was its dissolution. * Pronounced tohvay. Greece under Alexander 223 Perdiccas was soon slain by his own soldiers while endeav- oring to maintain control over the governors. Then An- Breaking tipater, Eumenes, Antigonus, Cassander and Lysimachus Empire. ^ in succession passed off the scene * Roxana and the young Alexander had been put to death. The Empire became the prey of the strongest. In fact, it ceased to exist any longer except as an ideal; the Macedonian leaders had already begun to call themselves kings of the various divis- ions over which they ruled. Thus Cassander had been King of Macedonia. Seleucus became King of Syria and the east. Ptolemy assumed royal power in Egypt. Hence- The Three forth the history of the Empire of Alexander gathered ^'"e'^°'"^- about the history of these three separate kingdoms. 275. This dreary period of the breaking up of the Em- The Era pire and the formation of these kingdoms out of its frag- °^ ^*'"2^^*- ments lasted more than forty years. Its close may be dated at the death of Seleucus (280 B.C.), the last of those Mace- donian nobles who surrounded Alexander and helped him to create the Empire which after his death they had de- stroyed. 276. During Alexander's career of world-conquest the Greece in ' ° , ^ 1 • • •£• Alexander's poHtical importance of the old Greek states was msignih- E^pi^e. cant. All except Sparta had formally accepted Macedo- nian headship. Alexander had done his utmost to show them honor and grant them freedom to manage their own affairs. Athens, especially, had profited by this favor, and under the leadership of Phocion had loyally Prosperity ' ,. , , -1 -1. of Athens. kept the peace. Not only did her material prosperity increase, but her intellectual influence became more Aristotle. *One decisive battle of the time was that of Ipsus, 301 B.C., in which the attempt of Antigonus to become master of the Empire was defeated and he himself was killed. 224 Empires of Alexander s Successors splendid. Aristotle, the tutor of Alexander, had come to Athens upon his pupil's accession to the throne, and Compared from 334 B.C. to 323 B.C. he taught philosophy in the Plato. Lyceum in that city. He had been a pupil of Plato (§ 239), but in his temperament, his method, and his conclusions he departed widely from his master. Plato was a poet, full of imagination, aiming after lofty ideals which he saw by a kind of inspired vision. Aris- totle was a cool and cautious thinker, seeking the meaning student of of the world by a study of things about him, not satisfied until he brought everything to the test of observation. Thus he investigated the laws which governed the arts of rhetoric and poetry; he collected the constitutions of many Greek states and drew from them some general principles of politics; he studied animals and plants to know their structure; he examined into the acts and ways of men to determine the essence of their right- and wrong-doing. He set his students to this kind of study and used the results of their work. Thus a new method of investigation was created and new light thrown on all sides of Hfe. A most learned man, he had a passion for truth and reason; one of his most famous sayings is " Plato and truth are both dear ^ to me, but it is a sacred duty to prefer truth." His works. His especially his Politics^ Ethics^ and Poetics, have had vast ntings. pQ^gj- in guiding the thinking of men since his day. His style is usually dry and difficult, though his Constitution of Athens, discovered in an Egyptian papyrus in 1890, is more readable. His interest in universal knowledge was in harmony with the wider world-view opened by the con- His quests of Alexander; in this respect he is a true son of his and Nar- timcs. His political ideas, however, are narrow and show rowness. t^^t evcu he did not fully grasp the significance of his great Antipater and the Greeks 225 pupil's achievement. His ideal state consists of not more than twenty thousand citizens, none of whom engage in commerce and trade. He regarded the Orientals as an inferior people, fit only for slavery. 277. The Greeks were not satisfied with their political inferiority, even though it was compensated for by peace Revolt and the recognition of their intellectual leadership. The MlTedonia news of Alexander's death was the signal for rebellion. Athens led the struggle for freedom against Antipater (§ 273), and was joined by other Greek states. At first Lamian fortune favored them. Antipater was shut up in Lamia ^^'"' (from this city the war was called the Lamian War). But he succeeded in escaping and defeated the Greeks in a battle at Crannon (322 B.C.); the collapse of their con- federacy followed. In the punishment that was meted out, Athens suffered most. Her constitution was changed by depriving the poorer citizens of the franchise ; a Mace- donian garrison was placed in the harbor of Munychia; the leaders of the rebellion were put to death. It was at this time that Demosthenes cheated his executioners by taking poison (322 B.C.). Similar severe measures fol- lowed against the other states. Never before had Mace- donian power so brutally emphasized its lordship over Greece. Only the iEtolians in their mountain-valleys escaped punishment, because Antipater was compelled to turn his attention to the east. 278. It would have been better for Greece, if, in the Greece in struggles for empire that followed, she had sunk into entire AiexYnder°I insignificance. But this was not possible. Her strategic Generals, position in the Mediterranean, her commercial importance, her value as a recruiting ground for mercenaries, the fasci- nation of her intellectual superiority and the splendor of 226 Empires of Alexander s Successors The New Elements in the Situation. The New Nationali- ties. The Mio- lian and Achaean Leagues. her civilization, drew every one of the successors of Alex- ander with magnetic power to her shores. Her land be- came the battle-ground, the prize for which all were con- tending. Everything was done to win her cities; they were courted by all parties; gifts were made to them; freedom was promised them. Thus they were continually thrown into confusion, and the promises made them were soon seen to be merely means for this or that conqueror to rule them. Party strife raged without any hopeful out- look; the real power was in the hands of the kings, who alternately cajoled and threatened them. 279. Three new things, however, appear out of this confusion, (i) New nationalities rise to play their part in Greek Hfe; (2) The spirit of freedom is roused to new energy; (3) This spirit is embodied in a new form of politi- cal life — many cities and districts unite in Leagues to de- fend and maintain their freedom. 280. Of these new nationalities the most important were the Achaeans, the ^Etolians and the people of Epirus. The Achaeans lived in cities on the southern coast of the Corin- thian gulf; the iEtoHans and Epirotes in northwestern Greece. None of them had taken any real part in Greek pohtics in the preceding centuries. The Achaeans and iEtolians organized as leagues. The league of the former consisted of ten cities; that of the latter was made up of districts. A national assembly, consisting of all the citi- zens, met once or twice a year to dehberate on common interests and to elect officers. The chief officer was called the General. He had large powers and managed affairs, assisted by other officials. Every city or district remained a distinct state in charge of its own local affairs, but the relations to outside powers, the making of war or peace, PLATE Xil The Greek Temple at Paestum A Roman Temple in Gaul CLASSICAL TEMPLES The Rise of Epirus 227 were determined by the national assembly. A senate pre- pared business for the assembly. These leagues threw themselves vigorously into Greek poHtics; they became the centres of Greek defence against outside interference; they v^ere the last bulv^ark of Greek freedom. Another league of a somewhat different type was that organized about the island of Rhodes. Its purpose was to protect League of Greek commerce. The first code of maritime law was ^^°^®^' issued by this confederacy and became the standard for all later time. 281. The events of the last half century (350-300 B.C.), Rise of especially the rise of the neighboring country of Mace- -^p""^^* donia, had brought Epirus into the sphere of Greek Hfe and stimulated its kings to play a part in politics. These kings claimed descent from Achilles, of Trojan fame, who was worshipped with divine honors. Their ambitions came to a head in King Pyrrhus (295-273 B.C.), a reso- King lute, vigorous but unstable ruler, whose mihtary skill and daring won for him from his people the title of "the Eagle of Epirus." At first he threw himself into the conflicts which gathered about the possession of Macedonia after Alexander's death, and at one time he was practically its ruler. Then he turned himself to the west and crossed the Adriatic to gain renown and lands in Italy and Sicily as the representative and defender of the western Greeks. (280 B.C.). 282. In Sicily the troubles that followed the death of the The Fort- elder Dionysius (§ 222) were brought to an end by a si^iiy° general, sent to Syracuse from Corinth, named Timoleon, who overthrew the tyrants, beat back the Carthaginians and restored order and prosperity (345-337 B.C.). After his death, strife was renewed, out of which emerged a new 228 Empires of Alexander's Successors Agatho- leader, Agathocles, who became master of Syracuse in ^^^^' 316 B.C. After a long and fierce war with Carthage, which again sought to overpower the Sicilian Greeks, he came off victorious in 305 B.C. Then he took the title of king and ruled Sicily with vigor and success until his death in 289 B.C. Violent in his treatment of his enemies, and not shrinking from the use of any means to establish his power, the king maintained the Greek supremacy in Sicily before the ag- gressive Carthaginian might, and stands among the most potent personalities of his time. Ptolemy of Egypt (§ 274) gave him his daughter in marriage, and his own daughter was married to Pyrrhus of Epirus. After his death his empire fell to pieces, and Greek tyrants in the various cities as well as the Carthaginian invader again appeared on the scene. Greater 283. As Greek Sicily was threatened by Carthage, so andTts ^^^ Greek cities of eastern Italy were in constant danger Problems, from the native peoples among whom they were planted. Rich and prosperous as they were, they could not unite in their own defence, and hence separate cities were compelled from time to time to seek help from abroad. One of these cities, Tarentum, the greatest and wealthiest of them all at this time, was threatened by the Romans (§ 191) who, victorious over enemies round about them, had extended their sway far into southeastern Italy. To ward off this Pyrrhus danger, the Tarentines invited Pyrrhus to . come to their aid. He accepted their invitation, for it opened to him new scenes of adventure and new opportunities for power. In the spring of 280 B.C. he appeared in Italy with an army of twenty thousand infantry, three thousand cavalry, two thousand bowmen, five hundred slingers and twenty ele- phants. At first he carried all before him in Italy and in Italy, The Keltic Invasion 229 Sicily, but, as time wore on, his ambitious and ruthless temper alienated his friends; the unfavorable outcome of a battle with the Romans at Beneventum (275 B.C.), to- Defeated gether with the news of difficulties in Greece, led him to R^^^ns return thither the same year. Not long after, during a campaign in the Peloponnesus, he met his death in an attack upon Argos (273 B.C.). • 284. The year 280 B.C. marks not merely the passing of the generation of Alexander (§ 273), but a sudden and terrific disturbance in the Greek world about the i^gean sea. This was caused by the violent descent upon its northern borders of the Kelts, or Galati, a strange, rude, Greece vigorous and warlike people who had for a century been JjJJ KeuJ'^ pouring into the upper Balkan peninsula. Down they came into the very heart of Greece. Only the vigorous efforts of the states of Middle Greece led by the ^Etolian League halted them near Delphi and drove them back. Their hordes also swept over Thrace, crossed the Hellespont and entered Asia Minor. There they estabHshed themselves in the centre of the land and formed a new state, called Gala- Gaiatia. tia. It lay right across the direct road from the east to the west and was a permanent hindrance to the reunion of the separated parts of the Empire. 285. The splitting up of the Empire was most complete Kingdoms in Asia Minor, where, besides the Galatian state, there ^1110^ were half a dozen separate kingdoms and a number of free cities. The chief kingdom was that which had its seat in the city of Pergamum, whose kings, Eumenes I Pergamum. (263-241 B.C.) and Attalus I (241-197 B.C.), extended its boundaries and brought it to high prosperity. It was a home of art. Here was produced the well-known its Art. ** Dying Gladiator," which is more properly called the 230 Empires of Aleocander's Successors Pontus. Free Cities. The King- dom of Syria. "Dying Gaul," as it was wrought to commemorate the victory of Attalus over the Kelts, or Gauls. The grand altar of Pergamum was decorated with a splendid frieze representing the struggle of the gods and the giants. Full of vigor and vitality, it is inferior to the work of the classic age only in the lack of simplicity and grace. In the free city of Rhodes was produced during this age the famous group of ''Laocoon and his Sons," the beauty and power of which is marred by the too violent expression of phys- ical suffering. 286. Another important kingdom was that of Pontus in northeastern Asia Minor, which, under its king, Mith- ridates II, made wide conquests in that region. The free cities were situated for the most part on the sea-coasts and united in leagues or put themselves under the pro- tection of larger states for the maintenance of their inde- pendence. Such were Byzantium, Lampsacus, Smyrna, Chios and Rhodes. 287. The kingdom which Seleucus founded in the East (§ 274) dates from 312 B.C., the so-called Era of Seleucus, and became the greatest of those carved out of Alexander's Empire. It extended from India to the eastern Mediter- ranean and from the Indus to the northern mountains. The capital was placed at Antioch, in Syria, on the O routes river. This fact shows that its kings were more interested in the west than in the east. It was called the Kingdom of Syria. Seleucus was followed by his son, Antio- chus I (281-261 B.C.), and he by other kings of his family called, respectively, by the names Antiochus or Seleucus. All adopted most consistently the policy of Alexander in founding cities on the Greek model. Seleucus I is said to be responsible for seventy-five such cities. By them The Kingdom of Egypt 231 Greek ideas and life were persistently diffused throughout the kingdom. 288. In this state a new idea of Kingship was set forth, The Syrian which found its basis in the personal qualities of the ruler ^ng°hip and his service to the state, rather than in his hereditary- right or in his being chosen by the gods for Kingship. The idea was encouraged by theories of religion represented by the philosopher Euhemerus, who held that the gods were only men deified for their heroic and useful deeds. Hence the kings of this age did not hesitate to claim and receive divine honors for themselves. They were worshipped as gods. 289. The kings of Syria had great difficulty in main- Loss of the taining their authority in the far east. There two prov- ^^^ ^*^*' inces soon grew into independent states. These were Bactria and Parthia. In the latter, the first great king PartWa. was Arsaces, who took the throne in 250 B.C. Even before this time the provinces of India had been lost to Syria. 290. In the west, Syria was constantly at war with the second great kingdom of Alexander's Empire founded by The King- Ptolemy in Egypt (§ 274). Each of his successors was gg^pt also named Ptolemy, and the state is, therefore, often called the Empire of the Ptolemies. Its capital was at Alexandria The (§ 261). The rule of the early Ptolemies showed consid- ^*°^^™**^^- erable statesmanship and resulted in remarkable prosper- ity. The natives were left undisturbed in their old religion and local customs, the kings only requiring from them un- bounded quantities of grain. The real interest of the commer- kings was in commerce. Alexandria was made the centre op^ment ^ ' of an extensive trade between east and west. From Arabia and India the goods were brought over the Red sea and Wars with Syria. Culture under the Ptolemies. Alexandria its Centre. The Museum. Pastoral Poetry. 232 Empires of Alexander's Successors through the ship-canal connecting it with the Nile to the capital; thence they were shipped to all the western ports. This commerce required the Ptolemies to control the sea and they sought to possess the important trading centres on the Mediterranean. In the east this brought them into conflict with Syria for the possession of Pales- tine and Phoenicia. During the most of this century they were able to hold these lands. Likewise they were prom- inent in the ^Egean sea. They held Cyprus and were in league with many of the free cities of Asia Minor and Greece. Thus they possessed a veritable Empire. 291. Such a commercial state, so closely associated with the larger Greek world, could not but afford oppor- tunity for the growth of culture. Thus the kingdom of the Ptolemies developed a rare and brilliant literary and scientific life. It had its centre in Alexandria and was studiously encouraged by the kings. Here they founded the famous Museum, a group of buildings where a com- pany of scholars were supported by the state and devoted themselves to literature and investigation. In the Museum was the library, containing 532,000 manuscripts collected from all the world. The Museum was not a university, but a home of scholars who occupied themselves with their own literary and scientific pursuits. Philology, math- ematics and the study of nature and art chiefly engaged them. Poets praised the kings in courtly and finished verse, or imitated and collected the works of the great masters of the classic age. Yet a fresh and original form of poetry was produced by Theocritus, whose praise of pastoral life is expressed so naturally and exquisitely as to give him lasting fame. In his delicately wrought back- ground of SiciHan country-Hfe, with its fountains, shady The Macedonian Kingdom 233 oaks, stalwart shepherds, graceful maidens, vineyards, woodland flowers and murmuring bees, he set his simple scenes of rustic love. In them the worldly and sated Alexandrians found intense delight and refreshment. Thus in the realm of poetry a new and rich field was dis- c;;9thule THE AVOKtD Accordlnic to Eratosthenes SOO B. C covered — called the Pastoral. The Ptolemies also intro- duced Egyptian religion to the world in the goddess Isis ReKgion. and the god Serapis, whose worship, full of mystery and splendor, spread very widely. 292. The third of the kingdoms, that of Macedonia, The King- was beset by more obstinate difficulties than those which J?™ °^ . •' Macedonia troubled the others. There was a longer fight about who should be king; it was finally settled by a descend- ant of Alexander's general, Antigonus (§ 273), Antigonus Gonatas, who ruled from about 280 B.C. and left the throne to his descendants. Another hindrance lay in the persistent opposition of the Greek cities to the overlord- ship of Macedonia. In this struggle the AchcTan League (§ 280) ran a brilliant career. About 280 B.C. it came Activity of the Achaean League. The JEtoliSLTl League. Intellectual Progress at Athens. Schools of Philosophy. The Stoic. 234) Empires of Alexander s Successors forward as the defender of freedom in the Peloponnesus. In a few years most of the leading cities, except Athens and Sparta, united with it. Under Aratus of Sicyon, who, from 245 B.C. onward, was chosen "general" sixteen times, it reached its highest point. Even Sparta under its heroic king, Cleomenes, was ready to join it. But Aratus opposed him and war ensued, in the course of which Aratus be- trayed the league by calhng in Macedonia. The outcome was the mastery of both Cleomenes and Aratus by the Macedonians. Cleomenes fled to Egypt, where he per- ished ; Aratus, at first in high favor with Macedonia, was at last poisoned by the Macedonian king, PhiHp V, in 213 B.C. Even under the vigorous and patriotic Philopoemen the league continued in alliance with Macedonia and contrib^ uted little to the defence of Greek freedom. The ^Etolian League was another flourishing bulwark of defence, but jealousies between the two leagues still further hindered their service. The other cities also were too jealous of their own rights to work heartily in accord with the leagues for their common freedom. 293. This poHtical turmoil did not hinder the progress of art and literature for which Athens in the third century stood pre-eminent. That city became the real university of the world, whither students flocked to study philosophy. Two leading schools of thought divided their suffrages. The one was founded by Zeno (340-265 B.C.), who taught in the Stoa poilike or "Painted Porch," in the heart of the city, a way of life and thought which was called Stoicism. He held that, in the midst of the seeming confusion of things about us, there was a real order, governed by un- changeable laws; that the secret of life consists in seeing this order and obeying it. The chief word of this philoso- a, a, -5 P^ ^ '1 yjr, / a, 'X Stoicism and Epicureanism 235 phy was 'Wirtue," and he is the "wise man" who strives after it. Everything else is unimportant; even life itself is not worth living, if virtue cannot be realized. Virtue can be found in one's own soul, in that "reason" which is man's way of expressing the order of the universe. All men everywhere in whom "reason" or "virtue" rules are brothers. On the other hand, Epicurus (341-270 The Epi- B.c.) taught that true virtue is found in "happiness," *^""^"- everything that contributes to make man happy should be sought, while all that is disturbing should be avoided. Hence, to him religion, which spoke of reward and punishment from the gods above, was harmful and should be aboHshed. This philosophy was called after its founder Epicureanism. Both systems are illustra- tions of the broad cosmopoHtan spirit of the age, which recognized no bounds of city or race. They had a very wide influence in this age and in the centuries following. In Athens, also, the third century saw the birth of the New Comedy, which, unHke the political plays of Aris- The New tophanes (§ 200), took as its theme the affairs of every- °™^ ^' day life and handled them in a spirited, keen, sympathetic and delightful way. The shady side of contemporary manners was usually shown up, but in a fashion to ridi- cule vice and applaud virtue. Its chief representative was Menander (342-292 B.C.), only fragments of whose plays have been preserved. So sure was his touch and so true to reality that the ancients said of him: "Menander and Life, which of you is the imitator of the other?" 236 Empires of Alexander s Successors OUTLINE FOR REVIEW* II. THE GREEK EMPIRES I. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 2. The First Attempts at Empire. 3. The Empires of Alexander and His Successors. (i) Alexander's Empire. (2) The Successors of Alexander: Who shall succeed Alexander? (his heir, his generals, their rivalry, empire breaks up in conflict) — Greece in Alexander's empire (Athens, the intellectual centre, Aristotle and his new note, the revolt on Alexander's death, Crannon) — Greece under his succes- sors a scene of struggle with a threefold outcome — Achaean and iEtolian leagues — Pyrrhus of Epirus — Sicily — Magna Graecia — Pyrrhus and Rome — the Keltic terror — kingdoms of Asia Minor (Pergamum and its art, Rhodes, Pontus) — kingdom of Syria (kings and kingship, wars) — kingdom of Ptolemies (commercial impor- tance, intellectual life, museum, poetry, religion) — kingdom of Macedonia (difiiculties, Achaean league, philosophy at Athens, new comedy) — summary of the age — the Roman shadow and its meaning. REVIEW EXERCISES. I. What events are connected with the names of Antipater, Seleucus, Pyrrhus, Aristotle, Antigonus Gonatas, Ptolemy, Philopoemen, Menander, Zeno, Agathocles? 2. For what are the following noted: Galatia, Pergamum, Rhodes, Epirus, Tarentum? 3. What is meant by the Museum, Epicureanism, pastoral poetry, the Dying Gaul, the painted porch? 4. What is the era of Seleucus? 5. The significance of the year 280 b.c. COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare Aristotle and Herodotus (§ 185) in respect to their views of history. 2. Compare the Leagues of this period with the Peloponnesian (§ 132) and the Delian (§§ 1 61-164) Leagues. TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Struggles of Alexander's Generals. Mahaffy, pp. 43-75; Plu- tarch, Lives of Eumenes and Demetrius. 2. Greece under * This Outline includes §§ 294-295, which should be studied in con- nection with it. Outcome of the Period 237 Alexander and His Successors. Bury, pp. 823-833; Shuck- burgh, pp. 300-305. 3. The Kingdoms of Alexander's Succes- sors. Mahaffy, pp. 89-95, 111-141, 156-162; Morey, pp. 317- 319. 4. Pergamum and the Artistic Life of the Time. Morey, pp. 323-328; Tarbell, pp. 259-267. 5. Aristotle. Bury, 833- 835; Capps, ch. 16; Jebb, pp. 129-135; Murray, pp. 373-376. 6. The Moral Philosophers. Mahaffy, ch. 11; Shuckburgh, pp. 306-307. 7. Alexandria and Egyptian Culture. Mahaffy, pp. 120-131,142-155; Capps, ch. 18; Botsford, pp. 320-322; Morey, PP- 330-332. 8. The Keltic Terror. Mahaffy, ch. 8. 9. The Leagues of Greece. Mahaffy, ch. 18; Botsford, pp. 323-325; Shuckburgh, pp. 311-324. 10. Pyrrhus of Epirus. Plutarch, Life of Pyrrhus; Mahaffy, ch. 2. 294. We have come to the end of an epoch — the period Summary of Alexander's Empire and the kingdoms that grew out °^^^^^^^- of it (331-200 B.C.). The important things about it to remember are: (i) the remarkable career of the young Alexander who brought the world to his feet in little more than ten years; (2) the still more remarkable ideas which underlay his conquest — the supremacy of the Greek ideal in the world and the blending of the Greek and the Oriental in a new imperial organization and civihzation; (3) the failure of his imperial organization at his death by the division of the Empire among his ambitious and self- seeking generals; (4) the great kingdoms that rose on the ruins; (5) the persistent presence of the imperial ideal which kept these kings fighting for the mastery; (6) the persistence of Greek freedom in the face of imperialism as illustrated in the leagues and free cities; (7) the slow but victorious advance of Alexander's ideal of a world of Graeco-Oriental civilization; (8) the splendid progress of Greek thought and art, inspired by this broader horizon and richer life — with Athens and Alexandria as its repre- sentatives. 238 Empires of Alexander's Successors The 295. Upon the western horizon of this Greek world, R^me^°^ stretching from the Adriatic to the Indus, a shadow was slowly creeping up. The Italian city of Rome had been from time to time brought into touch with the Greeks and became more and more involved in their affairs. The western Greek cities lay on its border; its commerce in the western Mediterranean brought its ships to Sicily, and made the wars of Syracuse and Carthage its concern, i Pyrrhus had represented the Greeks in a fruitless war against its legions. Its shadow was, however, little noticed, because it had imperceptibly shaded off into the Greek sky. We have seen how its laws were copied after Greece (§191). It had a treasury at Delphi. Itsnavy in 229B.C. had punished the Illyrian pirates and seized their cities, thus making a part of the Greek peninsula Roman soil; but so signal a service to Greece had this been regarded that Greek cities sent their thanks to Rome for the exploit, and recognized these benefactors as of Greek lineage. A Ptolemy, in his will, made Rome the guardian of his son. Nor was it certain that the Roman shadow was not to be full of further blessing to this confused and warring Greek world. Many looked thither for rehef from the rivalries, the treacheries, the cruelties of cultured but ruthless kings Did it Mean and tyrants. Whether it was for good or ill, the future f!)r°Greece? ^^^ ^^ determine. The last and fatal step was taken when, in the war between Rome and Carthage, Philip V of Macedonia, in 213 B.C., threw in his lot with the Cartha- TheDe- giuians and declared war against Rome. With that the cisive step. ^^^^ ^£ ^^^ world chaugcs ; P ome comes on the scene and takes the foremost place; the history of Alexander's Em- pire merges into the history of the greater Mediterranean world under the leadership of Rome. 1 f 3 5 = — 1 1 i c S5 Ui.- 5 of GaUitiaii S 5 1 ite 1 i -J = 1 ^ ^ 5* i < cc lU a z < 3 I'he Laocoou" 5 _ 1 1 I I ^ ? = 1 ^ 1 ^ lb 1" zi H- ?! 2 S5 .- ■S = 1 3. I LJiJ ^ III Kin- = 5 1 Cleoiiieue ofh 1 Piciirus_ Zeuo_at Men.-.ii.l i It AtllL-U: ^Athei«s_ X lU -1 <- 3 3 — if 3 Lea.l. of Ai ship Pl.il-l at us illl _ J 1' = a h" = 1 1 < •< ii 5 I 1 5 \ 11 1 r -5 TIll'OcTitU.S - £ __lii«e .oJ:Kjm.-u> uiit^ ; °^ °§ 4 'o "(3 (Z: ^'~ \ : — t ^ ^ L •< ) ^ '^ i^' ^^S(l'4"~3^ 1 g. o o ^11 ^ pf SI o V, < Z Q cc < CO ■ = < i Italian Geography 241 The series of circumstances which led the states of the east to draw the Romans into their poUtical entanglements has already been referred to (§ 295). Thus, in turning to Italy, we turn not to a new and hitherto unknown land, but to one already attached to the larger historic world. Italy simply takes the central place; the former leaders become the followers; the west becomes the seat of the dynamo that supplies power to drive politics and civiliza- tion to higher achievements in a wider world. 297. In its physical geography Italy combined the char- physical acteristics of both the Orient and Greece (§ 92), having ^j^jj^^^^ level and broad plains intersected by stretches of wild mountain-country, girt about and pierced by the sea on every side. It may be divided into four zones or belts, The Four three running side by side, the fourth placed straight ^°"^^' across their top. The central of the three parallel belts is the great bow of the Apennine mountain-range, some xheApen- eight hundred miles long, the back-bone and determining feature of all the rest. Starting far to the left at the head of the northwestern sea, it moves at first to the east, but soon swings to the south, broadening and rising as it ad- vances, until, in the centre of Italy, its summits reach the height of more than nine thousand five hundred feet and it becomes a highland of mingled valley and mountain, fifty miles wide. Thence it narrows and declines, as it sweeps toward the south and west, and is continued in the westward ranging mountains of Sicily and the projecting highlands of North Africa, less than a hundred miles away. Parallel to this long Apennine bow, on either side of it, are the two belts of eastern and western coast-land. The eastern belt in its upper and middle parts is narrow; the The Eastern sea lies close to the mountains, which fall off steeply into ern Slope, 242 The Empire of Rome it; the rivers are mountain-torrents; harbors there are none, and the stormy winds of the Adriatic sweep along the inhospitable shores. To the south, as the mountains draw away, the plain widens out into a broad upland. The sea has broken into it along the mountain-side and left a broad promontory gently descending into the Medi- The West- tcrrancan to the southeast. The western belt, occupy- ing the concave side of the bow, has an exactly opposite character. Its upper and middle parts make a widening plain through which flow two considerable rivers, the Arno and the Tiber. The mountains slope off in gradual terraces to the sea; good harbors are found. Only in the lower portion, as the Apennines draw toward the south- west, does the plain narrow and at last disappear. The The North- Upper Apennines, in their eastern trend, form the southern boundary of the fourth belt, which lies east and west across the top of the other three. To the north of this belt runs the wall of the Alps, the western end of which was washed by the Mediterranean and its eastern slope by the head waters of the Adriatic. Through the district thus marked out between the Alps and the Apennines flowed two rivers. Far in the west rose the Padus (Po), which gathered the mountain-streams from south and north and swept in ever- increasing volume eastward to the Adriatic. From the northern Alps came down the Athesis (Adige) and reached the Adriatic not far north of the Po. Thus a rich and extensive basin was formed, a little world in itself, cut off from the north by the Alps and from the south by the Apennines. Entrance into it from west and north was not easy, but in the east the mountain-streams pouring into the Adriatic had brought down soil which they deposited in the sea, pushing it steadily back until a broad and open em Plain. Peoples of Italy 243 pathway had been made, through which outsiders might come from the region of the Balkan peninsula. It was, in fact, by this approach that the Italian peninsula was entered and settled by its historic inhabitants. 298. History has preserved no record of this incoming. The Peo- Only a comparison of the languages spoken by the peoples ^^^^^ reveals their relationship. The historically unimportant Ligurians, occupying the northwestern mountains about Ligurians. the Mediterranean, are set apart as a separate people, as are also the Etruscans, a strong and progressive race, who Etruscans, filled the wide upper plain on the inside of the Apennine bow from the mountains to the sea southward as far as the Tiber. The great mass of the remaining peoples spoke the dialects of a common speech which allies them to the historic inhabitants of the Balkan peninsula and Greece, the Indo-European (§ 9). On the lowest extremity of the eastern slope, Illyrians from across the sea had settled luyrians. under the name of the lapygians in the districts of Apu- lia and Calabria. To them were closely allied the Ven- eti in the far northeast, the latest comers. The rest of the peninsula was the home of the Itahan stock, of which itaUans. there were several branches. Of that in the southwest the most famous was the Latin people in the plain south of the Tiber; the inhabitants of Sicily belonged to the same branch. The mountaineers formed another vigorous branch, called, from their chief peoples, the Umbro-Sa bellians. The Umbrians Hved in the northern Apen nines overlooking Etruria; the Sabelhans were split into several tribes occupying the mountain-valleys of the centre and south. The most vigorous and numerous stock among them was the Samnites. The northern plain of the Po was the seat of mixed populations, a kind of vestibule for 244 The Einpire of Rome Kelts. peoples to enter and mingle before pushing on southward to permanent homes. Already the Kelts from the north maiMM,..,, ,^.^,^ THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE EARLIEST PEOPLES OF ITALY. ^ \ % J -^ \ ^^. ■ 4^ -^oV"^^ V '^ ?//V. ""Ns A' '^:ya '^^. T Y R RUE N I A N SEA Ar ^ A^ ^i&^ "- £ A TWE M.-N. CO. were the predominating element among them— ^a branch of the Indo-European family. Geography and History in Italy 245 299. Italy, thrust like a limb from the trunk of Europe influence down into the Mediterranean, was given by its position Geography an important part to play in the Mediterranean world. onitsHis- Like Greece, it was in the pathway of history advancing westward. Yet, unlike Greece (§ 93), it did not invite and embrace its opportunity, but rather repelled it. Its eastern coast is inhospitable with forbidding mountains and an absence of harbors. To get at Italy you must reach its western coasts ; it faces the setting sun. On that side The west- are the broad plains and the harbors. Hence, westward- moving civilization was slow in getting round the barrier; it lingered long on the southeastern shores and in Sicily before moving up to the heart of the peninsula. Yet it is evident that the power which was to move Italy must be situated on its western side. 300. In spite of the grim eastern shore, there was an The Prob- abundance of easy approaches to Italy. In the north, ^Senle. passes led down through the Alps, to the valley of the Po. The long coast-line of the west and south was open. This made a problem for Italy — the problem of defence against attacks from without which every political powxr that has held Italy has had to solve. How different was Greece in this respect. For Italy the solution of the problem depended on unity within and command of the sea. 301. But unity within Italy was made difficult by the contrast of opposition of highland and plain. The wide Apennine ^^^ ^^^^ region was the home of vigorous tribes who envied the prosperity of the plain and sallied out from time to time to obtain their share in it — a proceeding which the plains- men did not relish and from which they must defend them- selves until the time came to settle once for all which should be master. 246 The Empire of Rome Origin of 302. Out of conditions such as these Rome emerged, ^°°^®' a city on the bank of the Tiber, in the southern part of the western plain, equidistant from the sea and the mountains. It was made up of tribes of Latin stock united by mutual necessities and interests in a common city-state. Its origin and early history are veiled in mists of myth and legend through which actual history vaguely glimmers. But, from the first, the chief interest for the student of Its Historic Ancient History centres in the relation of Rome to sur- rounding peoples in ever-widening circles. These varying relations make the framework about which gathers the stately structure of its brilliant history. Secret. Epochs of its History (I) The Making of Rome. (a) Rome's Western Empire. 303- We now trace its history in broadest outline. At first it is Italy that makes Rome; the forces that control and shape early Italy determine Rome's life. Chief among these was the expansion of the Etruscan communities. This placed a line of Etruscan kings in power at Rome to 500 B.C. The beginning of the fifth century saw the collapse of Etruscan power in Italy, which was followed by the overthrow of the Etruscan kings at Rome. Rome became an aristo- cratic republic like those of early Greece (§ 106). The new govern- ment soon made itself a power among the adjacent communities and steadily advanced to the headship among Italian states. The former relation was reversed; Rome became leader and mistress of the Ital- ian communities. Troubles with the Greeks of the southeast cul- minated in the war with Pyrrhus (§ 283), which resulted in the re- duction of Greater Greece under Roman authority. Thus by 265 B.C. Rome had united under her leadership, either as citizens or allies, most of the communities of Italy south of the Padus (Po). But, instead of bringing relief, this unity of Italy laid new demands upon Rome. The world of the western Mediterranean, of which Italy was a part, was dominated by the prosperous and aggressive city of Carthage (§58). The advance of Carthage into Sicily brought on war with Rome. In this war Rome was finally successful, after a long struggle. Carthage fell, and Rome now became ruler of the western Mediterranean lands, an imperial state (256-202 B.C.). But CHART OF ROMAN HISTORY 500-200 B.C. INTERNAL HISTORY Soocssiou of plobs tribune;) sranteil. Ii:..i I,;iw IMe EXTERNAL EVENTS ■lOS Latin Leai'u„- eslablishecl. iKC, Leiigiie onioiiie with the Hernici. 4'4 Teniporaiy iieiico with Veii. ^ 454 Embassy tu GreocL- to study Greek La\v(?) li'.i Valerio-Honitian Lav/s. Coiiiitia Tiibuta established 4 1.". Cannleiau Law. Iufermai-ria;;e between the orders. 411 Consuhir Tribunes ^-lioseu. a; t?3 3f)G Capture of Veii by Rome. 300 Capture uf Home by tlie Gauln 07 Ll.inioSexlian Laws. Consulship opened to plebs 3r,4 Cinus erected. a.'C First plebeian ilictatur. 35S Latin league renewed; Latins 350 Gauls cease to be danserous t( subordinate. Italy. 3J0 First jJlebeian Censor. 331) Fublilian Law. Senate's a> Coniitia given before latter 32-; First proconsul appointed. First ite War. it to measures of 341 340 ! Latin War. 33S 326 Second Saninite War. I 321 Battle of Caudine Fork > Ai)pius Clau.lius inc ilied citizens. niber of fully qua 304 onicial calendar iiublished. 300 Ogulnian Law. Priesthoods oi.en to plebs 304 2ilS Third Saninite AVar. j 29.'. Battle of Sentinum. 2'.)0 Sanuiitesmade allies. Hortensian Law. Senati Coniitia not required. 2X1 "War with I'yrrhus. J 27". Battle ofBeueventum 272 Magna Grajcia subdued 204 First Fuuii- War. ! 1= i Keorgaiii/.ation of Coniitia Centiiriata(|)L, j^ " ! Tribes li.xed at thirty-live. >= j2 S i 1 * to ' i Llill ! 242 IJoman Victory at the -Egates Islands Sicily becomes the first Roman province. Province of Sardinia-Corsica !22 CoiHiuest of Cisalpine Gaul. IS Se.jond Piini, War. 1 217 Battle of Lake Ti-asimenus I 210 Battle of Cannae. I 211 Romans take C.ipua. I 200 Romans take Tareiiiiim. ' 20T Battle of the M.taurus. '" 202 Battle of Zaiiia. Outline of Roman History 247 she could not stop here. Commerce linked the western to the east- ern Mediterranean, and the wars with Carthage had already brought Rome into difficulties with the king of Macedonia. All things drove Rome forward to take part in the affairs of the east. A period of seventy years follows (202-133 B.C.), during which Macedonia was overcome and the kingdoms of Asia Minor, the empires of Syria and Egypt, recognized Rome's predominance in the affairs of the East. The whole Mediterranean coast, from Alexandria to the Pillars of Hercules, was made up of states allied to Rome or dependent upon her word of power. During these centuries, from 500-133 B.C., the government of Rome was passing through some great changes. The ruling aristoc- racy was at first in possession of all political rights. But little by little the people asserted themselves; they secured the publication of the laws and admission to the Senate, the chief council of the state; they obtained power to elect magistrates and make laws. But, hav- ing gained these rights, they were willing in the stress of constant wars to let the actual power pass into the hands of the Senate, which administered the state by the magistrates. But as the state grew, the task became too great and the Senate began to fail in its work. It seemed as though the conquests of Rome were to prove its ruin. The people sought to take charge of afifairs again. The result was internal struggle, begun in 133 B.C. The attempt failed. Victorious generals, who, as officials of the state, had extended Rome's power westward to Britain and eastward to the Euphrates, came forward. Marius, Sulla, Pompey, Crassus, Julius Caesar, strove for leadership. The victor was Julius Caesar, who gathered into his hands all the constitutional powers of government. Although he was assassinated in 44 B.C., he prepared the way for a reorganization of the state. Caesar's nephew, Octavius, afterward called Augustus (28 b.c.-a.d. 14), joined with the Senate in a new system of government in which the old constitution was transformed in the interests of Rome's im- perial power. A great state was created with organizing and civil- izing power on a grand scale. The world, from the Euphrates river to the British Isles, had peace and began to prosper. One language, one law, one culture spread throughout the vast region. Under the successors of Augustus, the Roman emperors, the same prosperity con- tinued for one hundred and fifty years (a.d. 14-160). About the Internal Changes during these Epochs. Reorgani- zation. 248 The Empire of Rome middle of the second century a.d., barbarian tribes from the north crossed the borders of the empire. They continued to press forward, and during the third century wrought havoc in the Imperial state. A renewal of strength was brought about by the reorganization of the government at the end of the third century. The Imperial capi- tal was removed from Rome to Constantinople on the site of the old Greek city of Byzantium. The Christian religion, which had sprung up in the Empire and had grown great in spite of persecution, was made the state religion. Of its ministers the bishop of Rome came forward as a leader of the Church in the west. He was called Pope ("Father"), and had wide influence upon the barbarians, many of whom accepted Christianity. Thus strengthened, the Empire withstood the invaders for a cen- tury (a.d. 284-395). I^ ^•^- 395 ^^^ flood of barbarians poured across the frontiers and kingdoms were set up in the Empire over which the emperors had only nominal authority. The four centuries, from A.D. 400-800, were occupied with the ever feebler struggles of the Empire with these kingdoms. At last Charlemagne, king of the Franks, who had built up a great kingdom in the west, was in a.d. 800 crowned Emperor of the Romans by the Pope. The Roman Empire in the east was still in existence, but hardly more than a shadow, and the new Roman Empire was Roman in little more than name. In reality the barbarians had come off victorious, and the World-Empire of Rome was destroyed. The Grand 304' The grand divisions of this period are therefore Divisions, i-j^g following: III. The Empire of Rome, 200 b.c.-a.d. 800 1. The Making of Rome, to 500 B.C. 2. Rome's Western Empire, 500-200 B.C. 3. Rome's Eastern Empire, 200-44 B.C. 4. Rome's World-Empire, 44 b.c.-a.d. 800 The Empire of Rome 249 OUTLINE FOR REVIEW III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME Preliminary Survey: Early and various points of contact between the East, Italy and Rome — physical geography of Italy (the four belts — characterized) — peoples (basis of organization — early peo- ples — Italian stock, divisions of it) — relation of geography and history in Italy — effect on Rome — course of Roman history — grand divisions. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. Name the chief rivers of Italy and trace them on the map. 2. Make a chart of the peoples of Italy, showing their relationship. 3. Under each of the main heads in which Roman history is divided in § 304, make a list of important events mentioned in § 303. 4. Draw up a list of the early relations of Italy and the East, look up the references and discuss them in detail. TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Geography of Italy. Dionysiusin Munro, p. 2; How and Leigh, ch. i; Shuckburgh, ch. 2; Botsford, p. 15; Myres, ch. i. 2. Italian Peoples. How and Leigh, ch. 2; Shuckburgh, ch. 3; Myres, ch. 2. 3. Divisions of Roman History. Shuckburgh, ch. I. BIBLIOGRAPHY* For bibliography for advanced students and teachers, see Appendix I. Plutarch. Translation by Dryden, edited by Clough. 5 vols. Little, Brown and Co.; or by Stewart and Long. 4 vols. Bohn. MuNRO. A Source Book of Roman History. D. C. Heath and Co. An indispensable collection of historical materials covering a variety of phases of Roman life. English translations. Shuckburgh. A History of Rome to the Battle 0} Actium. Macmillan Co. This and the two following works are by Englishmen and cor- respond to Bury's History of Greece (p. 75), but are neither so full nor so well written. Not illustrated. How AND Leigh. A History of Rome to the Death of Ccesar. Longmans. Illustrated. Myres. A History of Rome. Rivingtons. (To the death of Augus- tus.) The latest one-volume history which goes into detail. * For previous bibliographies see pp. 4, 10, 75. 250 The Making of Rome MoREY. Outlines of Roman History. American Book Co. A brief scholarly sketch, well organized, with useful helps. BoTSFORD, A History of Rome. Macmillan Co. (To Charlemagne.) Well written and illustrated. The best book of its size covering the whole field. HoRTON. A History o} the Romans. (To the reign of Augustus.) The most brilliantly written single volume. Seignobos. History of the Roman People. Holt. Covers the whole period. Picturesque, anecdotal, simply written. Matheson. Skeleton Outline of Roman History. Longmans. (To the death of Augustus.) Chiefly valuable for detailed chronology. Abbott. Roman Political Institutions. Ginn and Co. The best single book on the subject in moderate compass. Fowler, The City State of the Greeks and Romans. See p. 76. WiLKiNS. Roman Antiquities (History Primer). American Book Co, An excellent brief summary of the essentials. Johnston. The Private Life of the Romans. Chicago: Scott, Fores- man and Co. A much more elaborate work than that of Wilkins. Laing. Masterpieces of Latin Literature. Houghton, Mifflin and Co. A serviceable single volume of literary extracts with scholarly in- troductions. Mackail. Latin Literature. Scribners. Of the same type as Murray's Greek Literature (p. 76). A little above a beginner. 1.— THE MAKING OF ROME To 500 B.C. The Factors (I) Its Geograph- ical Posi- tioa. 305. Three factors contributed to the making of Rome : (i) its geographical position, (2) the mixture of peoples that formed it, (3) the influences affecting the early life of Italy out of which it sprang. 306. Rome lay on the south bank of the Tiber, the chief navigable river of the v^estern slope. It skirted the Etru- rian plain and opened a way into the highlands of the cen- tral and upper Apennines. An easy ford near by the city Vv^as the natural crossing from the Latin to the Etrurian Physical Geography of Rome 251 country. These facts made Rome a place where roads met, through which traders passed ; they gave it great commer- a com- cial importance. At the same time it was midway between ce^ntre the sea and the mountains, far enough away from the one to be protected from the sea-rovers that preyed upon com- Protected, merce, and sufficiently distant from the other to have timely warning of the raids of the mountaineers. The city was, also, placed on a series of low hills, which fringed the northern border of the Latin land; the rude fortifica- tions on their summits were sufficient to guard the inhabi- tants against attack and to enable them to control the land round about. Thus the city was not only commercially important, but had an independent position. It was cen- independ- tral and yet isolated, in the midst of the plain and yet se- ®"** cure from interference — an ideal site destined to greatness. A river, a ford, a fortress — these were the chief physical factors contributing to the making of Rome. 307. Rome is said to have been built on seven hills. The seven The central and most important one, called the Palatine, ^'"^' stood isolated. It was almost square, with its corners turned to the four points of the compass, and almost di- rectly opposite the river-ford. Back of it and away from the river, standing side by side, were other hills, called, respectively, the Caelian, the Esquiline, the Viminal and the Quirinal. On their eastern side they fell away to the plain. South of it, overlooking the river, was the Aventine hill; north of it the Capitoline, isolated and steep. Across the river, lying over against the ford, was the ridge called the Janiculum. In the narrow ravines and valleys between these hills were the roads and open spaces which came to be famous in history. Thus, be- tween the Aventine and the Caelian ran the Appian Way: 252 The Making of Rome (2) The Union of Peoples. the Circus Maximus (where the pubhc games were held) lay between the Aventine and the Palatine; the Forum (the market and place of citizen-assembly) to the north of the Palatine ; where the Tiber makes a great bend, the low stretch between it and the Capitoline, the Campus Martins (the ''Field of Mars," where the army exercised). 308. Such a site naturally gathered people to it from all sides. Traders were attracted by the commercial op- portunities. Outlaws and rovers found in its fortress a safe hiding-place. Peasants from the surrounding country made its hills their refuge, both from the malaria of the People and Organization 253 low-lying plains and from the attacks of the mountaineers. The men who flocked to it were, likewise, of different races. All regarded it as neutral ground. The legends tell us that Latins were settled on the Palatine, Etruscans on the Caelian, and Sabines, a branch of the mountain Sabellians, on the Quirinal. The result of this mixture was two- fold: (a) it made the Romans a strong people of varied The Effect, characteristics, pushing forward in many directions; (b) they were forced to respect one another's rights, which were clearly marked out by distinct agreements. A deep sense of the importance and value of Law as a regulating force in public and private life was impressed upon them from the beginning. As a result the practical sense for government, based upon the legal recognition of rights and duties, came to be one of the chief characteristics of the Roman people. Vergil, one of Rome's greatest poets, has immortalized this Roman sense for government in the famous lines of the "^Eneid " (vi, 851- 853): Thine, O Roman, remember, to reign over every race! These be thine arts, thy glories, the ways of peace to proclaim, Mercy to show to the fallen, the proud with battle to tame! 309. Each of the three communities was organized on Earliest the tribal basis, as in Greece (§ 105). The bond of union ^^q^^^^^~ was blood-relationship. The fundamental unit was the family, and the head of the family was the father {pater). He had unlimited authority, even to the putting of his chil- dren to death. The family grew into a larger unity called the ''House" {gens), while the power of the fathers continued. A natural outgrowth of this expansion of the family was the greater power and importance of some houses which were called patricii, ''patri- 254 The Making of Rome Rome a City-state. cians," corresponding to the Greek aristocracy (§ io6). Over against them the mass of the people was called ''plebeians." Politically, the tribe was organized with a tribal king at the head, his council of elders about him (called patreSy "fathers," or, because they were old men, senatus, the ''senate"), and the public assembly of the citizens gathered for war. Within the tribe were circles of blood kinsmen, called curice; when the public assembly was summoned, it came to- gether (coire) and did business by curicB and hence was called the Comitia Curiata. This organization was carried over into the new community, which at some unknown period was formed out of the tribes and peoples gathered on the Roman hills. The city- state of Rome came into existence, like those in Greece (§ io8). The traditional date of this act was 753 B.C., and from it the Romans counted the years of their history.* The Legends of Rome's Beginning. 310. About this natural and prosaic origin of Rome the Romans wove a variety of picturesque stories which were preserved and put in order by their historians many centuries later. In these legends the Roman people were connected with ^neas, one of the heroes of Troy (§ 102), who wandered to Italy and married Lavinia, daughter of Latinus, king of Latium. One of his descendants, Rhea, gave birth to twin sons, Romulus and Remus; their father was the god Mars. Shortly after their birth, their wicked uncle, the king, ordered them to be thrown into the Tiber, but the river yielded them up to a herdsman, who brought them up as his children. On growing up, they discovered their real origin, killed their uncle and proceeded to found a city. A quarrel arising between them, * Thus A.u.c. (anno urbis conditae, " in the year of the founding of the city," or " ab urbe condita," "from the founding of the city") cor- responds to our A.D. (Anno Domini, "in the year of the Lord"). The Story of Romulus 255 Romulus killed his brother and became founder and king of the city, called Rome after his name. He gave the city its laws and religion, invited all men desirous of change and advancement to become its citizens, and appointed one hundred of them senators. In order to secure wives for his people, he proclaimed a festival and invited neigh boring peoples to the spectacle; when they had gathered, on a signal his men seized their daughters and took them as wives. A fierce war arising in consequence, Romulus defeated all his enemies except the Sabines, who were induced, by the intercession of the Roman women, their daughters, at the crisis of a hot batde, to make peace and join the new community. Romulus, not long after, was carried away into heaven. He was followed in the kingship by the wise and pious Numa Pompilius, whose achievement it was to organize the religion and civilization of Rome. His wife was a goddess, the nymph Egeria, whom he was wont to meet and consult in a grove whence a spring flowed. Tullus Hostilius succeeded him, a war- rior who fought with Alba Longa and overthrew the Albans. In this war there were on one occasion three twin brothers in either army, the Roman Horatii and the Alban Curiatii, who agreed to fight a combat, the issue of which was to determine the war. The Horatii conquered, one brother surviving. On his return home, his sister, who was betrothed to one of the slain Curiatii, lamented grievously. This so enraged the victor that he slew her. About to be put to death by the judges for this crime, he appealed to the people, who acquitted him. Tullus was followed by Ancus Marcius, a grandson of Numa, who won considerable victories over the Latins and added people and territory to the city. Such, according to the legends, was the origin and early history of Rome. 311. Rome was at the beginning only an insignificant (3) itaij city-state of Italy. A long history of Italian progress ^^^^^ in civilization and politics had unrolled before its birth and contributed to its making. In the first place, it was a city of Latium, the land of the Latins. The Latium cities of Latium had long formed a league, and the League. Romans, as chiefly of the Latin stock, would naturally 256 The Making of Rome The Etruscan Develop- ment. form part of it. The League had its centre in the city of Alba Longa, where representatives of thirty cities met yearly, united in worship of the god, Jupiter, and deliberated on affairs of common interest. Thus an opportunity was offered Rome of taking part in the life of a larger world. Second, the various civilizing and progressive influences of the East had long been affecting the Italian communities of the west coast and creating a new and vigorous social and political life. Of all these communities, the Etruscans had been most capable of profiting by such influences. They had, at a very early period, expanded their borders southward to the Tiber and eastward to the Apennines; they had seats in the valley of the Po, and from the sea- coast made voyages throughout the Tyrrhenian sea to Corsica and Sardinia. The Phoenicians brought them into contact with Oriental civilization, and the Greeks gave to them their own rich and splendid achieve- ments in art and culture. Egyptian seals and Greek vases have been found in Etruscan graves. Etruscan art took such objects as models and developed skill in the making of weapons of war and objects of trade. The commerce of their cities grew; they became rich and powerful. As the Greeks began to settle in Italy, their merchants brought along with their wares the intellectual riches of the mother-country. From the Greek colonies Italy learned the art of writing, the names and worship of Greek gods, and Greek arts of life. Under these influences the Etruscan communities andR^uie of began to expand toward the south, and by the sixth Rome. century (600 B.C.) appear to have been in possession of the greater part of the western plain as far as the Greek The Greek Influence. Etruscan Expansion Stories of the Etruscan Kings 257 city of Cyme. In this forward movement Rome fell under their power. Etruscan kings ruled over it. 312. During the reign of Ancus Marcius — the Roman legends go on to relate — there came to Rome from Tarquinii in Etruria a man whose name was Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. It was said that on the journey to Rome an omen of his future greatness was given; an eagle flew down, took off his cap, circled about him and replaced it. He grew in wealth and influence and was appointed guardian of the king's children. On the king's death he sought and obtained from the people election to the throne. To strengthen his position he added one hundred men to the Senate. He fought victoriously with Latins and Sabines; he laid out the Circus Maximus and exhib- ited games there; he began to wall the city, to drain its hollows by sewers and to lay out the space for a temple to Jupiter on the Capito- line Hill. But the sons of Ancus Marcius, who sought revenge for having been supplanted by a foreigner, plotted against the king and brought about his murder. They failed, however, to secure the throne. A young man, Servius Tullius, a captive and slave, had been favored by the king and betrothed to his daughter. It is said that the king's attention had been drawn to him by a strange portent; as the boy lay asleep in the palace, his head suddenly flamed with fire, which disappeared when he awoke. On the king's murder, be- fore it was widely known that he was dead, Servius assumed his duties and at last seized the throne and established himself firmly. He was a wise and vigorous ruler. Under him the Roman state was reorganized. He instituted the census, or classification of the people in classes and centuries on the basis of property, chiefly for purposes of war. The citizens thus organized numbered 80,000. He enlarged the city and surrounded it with a wall and a moat. After a long reign he was slain by Tarquinius, the son, or grandson, of Priscus, urged on to the crime by his wife, the daughter of Servius, who was eager for royal power. Tarquinius, called Superbus, "the proud," because of his haughty and unbending temper, ruled with energy and success. He gained for Rome greater influence in the Latin League, warred with the mountaineers and won the city of Gabii. At home he made many improvemeats in the city; built the great sewer, 258 The Making of Rome erected seats in the Circus and began a splendid temple to Jupiter upon the area marked out by Priscus. But a series of events fol- lowed which brought about his overthrow and the disappearance of kings from Rome. Growth 313. It is clear that under these Etruscan kings Rome Etr'llscan entered upon a new career. All sides of its inner and Rule. outer life received fresh impulse. The city was architec- turally improved and adorned. Its area was enlarged and a wall was thrown around the whole. Buildings were erected for state purposes, a prison and temples. A fine drainage system was undertaken. Etruscan culture was introduced; Roman youth learned the language and wisdom of Etruria. The Roman power made itself felt in Latium. The headship of the Latin League fell into the hands of these kings. The exten- sion of Etruscan power throughout the western plain contributed to the spread of commerce and trade. A larger share of these fell to Rome and brought increased wealth and culture from the east, as well as a greater population to take advantage of the larger opportuni- ties. Roman 314. Two sphcrcs of Roman life, affected by the Religion. Etruscan domination, deserve special mention: the religious and the political organization. Roman re- ligion was a very simple and practical affair, befitting a farmer-folk without culture. They believed them- selves surrounded by spirits who were active every- where in nature and in their own affairs. These spirits dwelt in animals, in trees, in fountains and the like. The farm life had its special divine patrons, worshipped in rude festivals occurring at set times, sowing or har- vest. By ceremonies suitable to the occasion — the Early Roman Religion 259 procession of farmers with their farm animals around the fields, or a rustic feast with boisterous games and rough horse-play — the worshippers appeased the higher powers and secured their help in the growing and ripen- ing of the crops. The farmhouse had its deities — Vesta, the guardian of the hearth, and Janus, the spirit of the doorway. As life in the city supplanted agriculture, these powers took up their home there, and their worship was organized. Some spirits became patrons of private life, as the Lares, who were the spirits of ancestors, and the Penates, who presided over the provisions. There was still much indefiniteness as to the names and power of the spirits. The Romans thought more of what they did than of what they were called and how they looked. Yet, as the public life became more regular, the more important gods came to have special names and a suitable worship. So we have Jupiter, the sky god, Diana, the forest goddess, Ceres, the mother of agri- culture, VenuSp goddess of fruitfulness and love, Mars, god of war, Neptune, of the sea, Vulcan, of fire and mechanic arts, Juno, goddess of motherhood and patron of families and clans. The world of the dead was regarded as beneath the earth and had its deity, Dispater. King Numa stood in the tradition as the prime organizer of the Roman state-worship of the various gods. To him was ascribed the appointment of the chief body of priests, called pontifices, at the head of which was the pontifex maximus. The senti- ment of law and order, which was so characteristic of Roman life everywhere, had full sway here and led to a very careful arrangement of the relations between gods and men. Though the Romans were not on 260 The Making of Rome familiar terms with their gods — they feared rather than loved them — and did not imagine them beautiful beings, as did the Greeks (§ 113), yet they believed one thing firmly and strongly about them, that they would be as honest and as faithful to their agreements as were their worshippers. Thus, attention was directed to learning the terms on which the gods would live at peace with men and prosper them; and having learned this, hav- ing come to terms with the gods, the Romans faith- fully and scrupulously kept their part of the contract and expected in turn that the gods would do their part. Honest fulfilment of definite obligation, this was man's duty toward the gods. This made the old Roman strong and strenuous in his daily work at home and abroad. Etruscan 315. The Etruscan period brought in new gods and on^R^iig- ^^^ religious forms. The most important new deity io°- was Minerva, goddess of wisdom, patron of trade and commerce. New temples were built; particularly the state temple on the Capitoline, where Jupiter, Juno and Minerva were worshipped together and thus be- came the chief deities of the city. But the principal result of Etruscan influence was to aid Roman religion to determine more clearly the will of the gods by a sys- tem of omens. An **omen" was an indication of what the gods wanted or how they felt; it could be a seem- ingly chance event in the natural world, such as the actions of animals — a rat running across the path, the blowing of the wind, or a thunder-storm. The Etrus- cans were experts at devising means to this end. The meaning of such things had been studied, and a system of laws discovered, by which the gods revealed them- Religio and Pietas 261 selves to the one who knew how to interpret these signs, called auspicia. Such a development of their religion was natural and acceptable to the Romans and became an essential part of it. Officials, called Augurs and Haruspices, were set apart to study, put in order and practise this system, to learn and interpret the auspices. Thus the religion became more and more rigid and formal, yet also more definite and concrete. Its name indicates its character — religio — that which "binds" gods and men to keep their word, to fulfil a contract, the terms of which are known and acknowledged by both parties. The corresponding word for man's attitude toward the gods — the honest doing of duty as prescribed in definite law and ritual — was pietas. The story went that once the Sibyl visited Tarquin the Proud and offered to sell him nine books by which the will of the gods could be interpreted. The price was high and the king refused. She burned three of them and offered him the rest for twice the price. Again he refused. She burned three more and again doubled the price for the three that remained. The king reflected and finally paid what she demanded. These three Sibylline Books came to be most precious possessions of the state and were consulted at critical moments in its history. 316. Roman political organization underwent im- Etruscan portant changes in the Etruscan period. As these kings \^^^lf^^ were foreign conquerors, they could deal with the po- on Rome, litical arrangements of the state as they liked. There was need of change. During Rome's progress in com- mercial and political importance, while the original basis of citizenship (§ 309) had remained, the population of the city had greatly altered. Many strangers had come to take part in trade and enjoy the advantages of 262 TJie Making of Rome life at Rome. Many citizens, living away from the city or growing poor, had been unable to keep up their citizen duties and had lost their privileges. All these people could secure protection only by attaching them- selves to some noble ''house" or to the king. Such persons were called "clients" and their protectors ''patrons." They performed no pubhc service, neither The Army serving in the army nor paying taxes. A rearrange- izld!^*"' ment, ascribed to King Servius Tulhus (§312), brought these people into the service of the community by mak- ing them a part of the army. This was done by sub- stituting for tribal and blood right the possession of property as the sole condition for military service. An entire reorganization of the military arrangements of the state 3vas thus made necessary. A larger and more efficient army was created, the strength of the state in- creased and the power of the king heightened by the devotion of the people, thus honored by him. Servius is also said to have divided the Roman territory into four parts and to have called the dwellers in each part The Local a "tribe."* This was a convenient arrangement for Tribes. ^ ' ^ , . . t i • levymg the army and raismg taxes, in due time po- litical changes of great importance followed this new organization. 317- The traditional account of the arrangements of Servius, as preserved by later Roman writers and interpreted by modern scholars, is as follows. The very richest of the people were appointed to the The Classes cavalry (equites or knights). This cavalry for:e was divided into Centuries, eighteen Companies called "centuries" or hundreds. The rest of the people made up the infantry. They were organized into six * "Tribe" used in this sense is a local division, not one based on blood- relationship (§ 309). The Reorganization of Servius 263 "classes," grading down according to property. Each class* was made up of a certain number of centuries. The first class, composed of men whose wealth was estimated at one hundred thousand asses,t had eighty centuries of fully armed soldiers; the second class, men worth seventy-five thousand asses; the third class, men worth fifty thousand asses, and the fourth class, men worth twenty-five thousand asses, had each twenty centuries and were armed in less complete fashion; the fifth class, men worth eleven thousand asses, in thirty centuries, were slingers; the sixth class, made up of all worth less than this sum, formed one century. Two other centuries were made up of artificers and trumpeters. The cavalry and the men of military age in the first five classes constituted the army in the field. The infantry was drawn up in two bodies, each called a Legio (legion). These were made up of men of the first three classes; the fourth and fifth classes supplied the auxiliary troops. The legion was drawn up six men deep with a front of 500 men; with its auxiliaries, therefore, it numbered 4,200. Two other legions, held at home to protect the city and made up of men past military age, raised the total military force of Rome to 18,600 men. 318. It seemed as though the influence of the Etrus- The Roman can kings among the people and their pre-eminence in Latium would secure to them a long and firm hold upon Rome. But it did not so turn out. The noble families grew stronger; the sentiment of nationality opposed the rule of strangers; at last the Etruscan rulers were Fail of driven out; with them went the kingship itself. The KingT^" process was, no doubt, much the same as in Greece *"^ ^"** *** (§ 106). Remains of the kingly dignity survived only Kingship, in the religious sphere. The rex sacrorum, "king of * The term " class " here has the meaning of " calling out," i. e., " Levy." t The as, of bronze, was the unit of value in Roman currency. In the time of Servius the property was in land; the estimate in money value is the work of a later time. Compare the similar organization of Solon (§137) 264 The Making of Rome Legend of the Expulsion. sacred things," became the highest priestly representa- tive of the state in certain solemn religious exercises, and the Regia, ''royal palace," was turned into a holy place where priests dwelt and sacrifices were performed. The aristocracy took control of affairs and Rome be- came an aristocratic state. The date traditionally set for this change was 509 B.C. The transformations brought about in connection with it, both in the life of Rome and in its relations to Italy, are so important as to make it a turning-point in Roman history, the be- ginning of a new period. 319- The Roman legends describe the growing arrogance of Tar- quin the Proud and his family, under which the Romans were im- patient but submissive. Finally a gross act of violence was inflicted by Tarquin's son upon Lucretia, wife of the noble Collatinus; un- der the shame of it she killed herself in the presence of her husband and his friends. The king was at the time absent from the city, waging war. They raised a rebellion; the gates of the city were closed against him, and the kingship was formally abolished by the citizens. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME I. The Making of Rome. The three factors: (i) Geographical posi- tion — river, ford, fortress; (2) Union of peoples — result — organiza- tion in fact and in legend; (3) Italy makes Rome: Latin league — Etruscan civilization — Greek influence — Etruscan rule in Rome, the tradition — Etruscan influence — Roman religion and Etruscan religion, political reorganization, the army — reaction of Romans, and driving out of Etruscans, end of kingship. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. How did the Tiber and the Pala- tine affect the early history of Rome? 2. What is meant by gens, patrician, plebeian, omen, religio, pietas, equites? 3. What was the traditional date of the founding of Rome? of the expulsion of the Kings? Problems of the New State 265 COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. In what was the early organization of Rome (§ 309) like and unlike that of the Greek communi- ties of the Middle Age (§§ 105-107)? 2. Compare the origin of Rome with that of Athens (§ 108). 3. Compare the geog- raphy of Greece and Italy and show how differently the his- tory of each land was thus affected. 4. Compare the reforms of Servius with those of Solon (§ 137). TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Sources and Trustworthiness of Early Roman History. Munro, pp. 3-5; Shuckburgh, pp. 54-60; How and Leigh, pp. 34-37; Myres, pp. 38-41; Seignobos, pp. 33-35 5 West, pp. 256-258. 2. Stories of the Kings from Romulus to Ancus. Plutarch, Romulus and Numa; Munro, pp. 66-68; Seignobos, pp. 15-20. 3. Stories of the Etruscan Kings. Seignobos, pp. 21, 27. 4. The Reforms of Servius in Some Detail, with a Diagram. Munro, pp. 45-47; Shuckburgh, pp. 43-49; Myres, pp. 56-63; How and Leigh, p. 28; Abbott, pp. 20, 21; Botsford, Ancient History, p. 299. 5. The Curiae and the Comitia Curiata. Abbott, pp. 18-20. 3.— ROME'S WESTERN EMPIRE 500-200 B.C. Preliminary Survey 320. The aristocracy to whom the leadership of the The Double state now fell had a twofold task imposed upon them. ^1^^%°^ They had (i) to defend the community against its Govern- enemies without and (2) to maintain themselves within the state against both those who might threaten their supremacy and those who sought a larger share in the social and political life. These two problems were bound up together. For no sooner was success achieved in war against enemies than danger threatened from the ambition of the officials, under whom it had been 266 Rome's Western Empire (i) Rome's Defence against Her Neighbors : from 500- 390 B.C. (a) The Union of Italy under Rome: from 390- 265 B.C. gained, and from the mass of the people, who had fought for their country in the victorious army. If we take the outward progress of Rome as our guiding clew, three periods in this struggle may be fixed. 321. Etruscans on the north, mountain tribes from the east, Latins on the south, threatened the existence of the state. By hard fighting, skilful diplomacy and wise compromise, the Romans were able to beat off all these enemies, reducing some to subjection and forming alli- ances with others, until at the close of the period a de- fensible frontier had been established, extending from the middle of Etruria in the north to the southern bor- der of Latium, eastward to the Apennines and westward to the sea. This brilliant success had been accompanied by changes in the inner life of the state. The officials had been reduced in their powers, but the plebeians had gained in position. The aristocracy had been forced to publish the laws in twelve tables, to admit the plebeians to a minor part in the government and to give them an official called the Tribune to represent and defend them. 322. At the beginning of the fourth century the very existence of the state was threatened by a tremendous incursion of the Kelts (Gauls) from the far north. All Etruria and Latium were overrun, the mountain tribes pushed southward, and Rome itself was captured and burned. But the Romans remained indomitable, rallied their forces, hurled the invaders back into the valley of the Po and held them there. Then they turned against the restless and warlike mountaineers, who in the south were pushing over into the western plain. They advanced against the Samnites and overthrew 3 1 I D S -< _i ■3 1 £ V 3 -w _■ o~'i _• ^ ■F •7 ■ i i" •7 c I c < f =1; ,l 3 I &i •3 II? ts ?" 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J i 1 II 1 6 -■= 1 i -•2.-= .•? 2 'I a I_ _i; |£i^ -i-^ 5 ii = .1 3 ■— 5 1 H n IfLl ^ J 3 f mm 1 1 — -J 1 = b 1 ~ i - ~ iillilll H. i 1=5=15 5 liiiil ■:^^^>c^J '2 u H s:: ?- .s 5 5^331111 5^r2iEa5 ai:Saj5:i •- -T .- - - = ,. 3-. ,. — — 0- 1- -^ = — = r. r. r: — r-. 1- - - — - X .; xo ^^M 2 ~^± ' - cici -j =5 => c; n X. jt J. 1. 1- ■J ■- ,; vs v: r-' ■-. ~ " '^ "" ) - Preliminary Survey 267 them in the mountains. Brought thus into hostile re- lations with the cities of Greater Greece (§ 114), they contended with Pyrrhus of Epirus (§ 283), drove him out of Italy and extended their authority to the Adri- atic. They strengthened their position against revolt in Latium and the mountain-region, until, at last, they found themselves at the head of all the Italian states, which were bound to them by strong ties of a common citizenship or liberal alliances. Accompanying this outward progress, there went on, within the state, the steady growth of the plebeians in their position and power. All the offices of the state were thrown open to them. The assembly of the whole people, organized by tribes, became the chief legislative power. The citizenship was extended to other communities; the supremacy of the aristocracy, even in the senate, was broken by the admission of wealthy plebeians. 323. Carthage was the leading commercial state of (3) The the West. Rome's union of Italy made complications ^^th^cir- with her inevitable, since Carthage sought to control thagefor .... 1 -r» 1 1 ^ the Western all commercial activity and Rome was bound to de- Mediterra- fend and sustain the commerce of Italy. War broke "f^"- ^'■°™ •' ^ 265-200 out on the neutral ground of Sicily and continued for b.c. half a century. The culmination was the invasion of Italy by the Carthaginian general, Hannibal; Rome fought desperately for her life. But the Italian states remained faithful to her, Hannibal retired and Carthage was at last overthrown. Rome took the leadership in the western Mediterranean. Her authority extended over north Africa, Spain, Sicily and all Italy, even to the Alps. In this time of stress the public assembly of the citizens was too large and unwieldy to conduct affairs; 268 Rome's Defence therefore, the senate led the state, taking measures for the war, raising money, appointing leaders and sustain- ing courage and activity. Thus, at the close of the period, it was the chief executive power; the citizens, though rulers in theory, in fact submitted to senatorial direction. When this period of three centuries (500-200 B.C.) closes, therefore, Rome has grown from a city to an imperial state, ruling the western Mediterranean. She is transformed from an aristocratic community into a democracy in which, however, the actual power was in the hands of a corporation of men of wealth and blood gathered in the senate. We may now study the history of these three epochs m detail. (i) ROME'S DEFENCE AGAINST HER NEIGHBORS 500-390 B.C. The New 324. The growing power of the noble nouses had mer/"' resulted in the overthrow of the kingship. Into the place of the monarchy stepped the aristocracy, to whom fell the organization and conduct of the state. They occupied the offices, made and administered the Officials. laws and determined the policy. Two officials, called consuls, or prcetors, were appointed for the adminis- tration. In taking office they were given the imperium, which was equivalent to the possession of kingly pow- ers; they led the armies, pronounced judgment and performed the chief public religious services. But the aristocracy had no idea of substituting new kings Latin League Revived 269 for the old. The powers of the consuls were carefully limited. They were elected for one year only; they must be aristocrats; their powers were equal and hence each could nullify the acts of the other. An important change took place in the citizen body. The army, as citizens, reorganized in centuries by Servius (§ 317), had been the efficient instrument of the aristocracy in accom- plishing the revolution; it was now more than ever necessary in maintaining the state. Very naturally, therefore, it was the most important body of the people; all its members became citizens and were organized as a new assembly for the election of consuls and the making of laws. It was called the Comitia Centu- riata and soon put the old curiate assembly (§ 309) in the shade. The latter continued to meet, but was insignificant. The senate was the real power in the senate, new state. It was composed entirely of aristocrats. It practically dictated the election of consuls, deter- mined their policy and indicated what laws should be passed by the people. 325. The dangers that confronted the new govern- Difficulties ment were sufficiently alarming. With the passing of JJ^ig^bors. the monarchy, the Latin cities rejected the leadership of Rome; indeed, it is probable that they also put off with the Etruscan domination and set up for themselves in the ^^**"^' same fashion as did Rome. The rivalry thus created might have proved disastrous, had not a new danger driven them back to the old alliance. This was the invasion of the mountain tribes, long held in leash by the strong Etruscan power in Latium. The Latin League was said to have been re-established by Spurius Cassius in 493 B.C. Thereupon, Rome led the plains- 270 Rome's Defence With the Mountain- men out against the invading mountaineers. From the east the Sabines and Hernici were advancing, from the south the ^qui and Volsci. But the Hernici were secured as allies, and thus the eastern and southern THE ENVIRONS OEUOME. invaders separated. Yet the conflict was long and try- ing. From time to time the hillsmen swept down to the very gates of Rome, raiding and burning the fields and homesteads. 326. An even fiercer struggle was forced by the Etruscans. E^ruscaus, who would not willingly yield up their hold With the The Etruscan Wars 271 on Rome and Latium. The centre of the war was the strong city of Veii, the rival of Rome, situated a few miles to the north. The trade of Rome with the upper Tiber country was cut off and the superior military ability of the Etruscans was emphasized in severe de- feats inflicted upon the Roman army. Still the Romans gradually got the better of their antagonist, owing not more to their own valor than to the general decline of the Etruscan power, which was being attacked on all sides. The Greeks were cutting off the commerce of the Etruscans; an enemy in the north, the Kelts (Gauls)^ was pushing down upon them; it had driven them out of the Po valley and compelled them to stand on the defensive. In this situation they could not concentrate their waning strength on Rome. At last, Veii itself capture of fell before a Roman assault (396 B.C.) The Romans ^*"" advanced into the heart of Etruria and took possession of the southern half of the land. 327. Many stories of heroic exploits were told about The these early wars of Rome with its neighbors : oMhrst^ When the gates of the city had been shut against him, Tarquin the ^^^^ ^^' Proud immediately set about recovering his power. At first a plot i. The was formed within Rome among the noble youth who felt that they Etruscan were under restraint in the new conditions. But just as they were about to spring their trap, they were betrayed by a slave who over- heard their treasonable communings. Even though the sons of the consul, they were not saved from summary execution inflicted under their father's direction. Whereupon Tarquin, having solicited aid from the cities of Etruria, came against Rome with an army from Veii and Tarquinii. In the battle, Brutus, the consul, and Aruns, Tarquin's son, found death in single combat. Help was then sought by Tarquin from Lars Porsena, king of the powerful city of Clu- sium, who led down from the north a mighty host against Rome. Porsena. He would have forced a passage over the Sublician bridge had not a Fabii. 272 Rome's Defence brave warrior, Horatius Codes, supported by two companions, held the entrance against the enemy, never retiring until the Romans cut down the bridge behind him; then plunging into the Tiber he swam safely back to his friends. Porsena brought the city low by a block- ade; he was persuaded to give up his hostile endeavors only through the heroic act of Mucins, who, in disguise, entered the Etruscan camp in order to kill the king. By a mistake he killed the king's sec- retary and, when arrested and brought before Porsena, he declared that there were 300 other Roman youth, like himself, sworn to kill the king. In proof of his determination, he thrust his right hand into the fire that was lighted for the sacrifice. Hence he was afterward called Scaevola, ''the left-handed." Porsena, moved with admira- tion and fear, dismissed the youth unharmed. Soon he made peace and retired. But the people of Veil continued to war with Rome, harassing them with frequent raids. On one occasion, the noble family of the The Fabii offered to proceed against them and conduct the war. So they marched out 306 strong amid the prayers and praises of the people. Arrived at a strong place at the river Cremera, they forti- fied it, and for a time fought the Veientes with great success. But, at last, growing confident and careless, they were ambushed by the enemy and cut off. Only one of them, and he a child, was left to represent his family. A few years after, peace for forty years was declared between the two states. Then the war broke out again with the going over of Fidenae, a Roman colony, to Veii. In the battle that followed, Aulus Cornelius Cossus slew, with his own hand, Tolumnius, king of Veii, and hung up the royal spoils beside those dedicated by Romulus in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius. Not long after, Fidenae was taken by storm. But the war continued with varying success, until the other Etruscan cities decided to give Siege of no more help to Veii. Then the Romans resolved to lay siege to the city. For ten years their armies lay before it, but the city was de- fended with vigor. In despair the Romans sought an oracle from Delphi (§118), and were told that victory depended on letting out the waters of the Alban lake. When this was done, Marcus Furius Camillus, the dictator, solemnly invited Juno, the goddess of Veii, to abandon the doomed city and come to Rome; then the assault was made and Veii fell. Veii. Legends of These Wars 273 News came to the Romans that thirty Latin cities had entered into alliance against them under the leadership of Octavius Mam- ilius. It was said that Tarquin the Proud, now an old man, had in- stigated this movement and was present in the hostile army. So great was the terror of the Romans, that now, perhaps for the first time, they appointed a Dictator who superseded the consuls in carrjung on the war. The armies met at Lake Regillus, and the battle was long and fierce. The supporters of Tarquin charged with great fury. In the thick of the fight, twin heroes, mounted on white horses, were seen leading on the Romans. Under their inspiration the leader of the enemy was slain and his army routed. Strange to say, immedi- ately after the battle, the heroes disappeared and were seen at Rome with foaming horses, bearing the news of the victory. They were soon recognized as the twin gods. Castor and Pollux, and a temple was built in their honor by the fountain in Rome where they appeared. Soon after, the Latins made peace and entered into a league with the Romans. In one of the many wars with the mountain tribes the Roman army had been surrounded by the -^qui and was in danger of de- struction. News was brought to Rome. Hope was found only in the appointment, as Dictator, of the first citizen of the state, Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus. The messengers found him at work culti- vating his little farm of four acres across the Tiber. He wiped the sweat and dust from his face and, just as he was, received the con- gratulations of the messengers and their announcement of his ap- pointment. The desperate situation was explained ; he came into the city, raised an army, defeated the enemy and delivered his countrymen. Sixteen days from the time of receiving his appoint- ment he gave it up and returned to his farm. Caius Marcius, surnamed Coriolanus, from his valor at the capture of the city of Corioli, incurred the hatred of the plebeians by his arrogant behavior and was condemned. He retired to the Volsci, and, being kindly received by them, became their leader. Led by him the Volsci brought the Romans to the brink of ruin. He took his stand a short distance from the city and devastated the country far and wide. All overtures for peace were rejected by the general, until his mother and wife, leading his children, came to him. As he rose to embrace his mother, she reproached him with his 2. The Latin Wars. Battle of Lake Regillus. 3. Wars with the Hill-Folk. Cincin- natus. 274 Rome's Defence Division of Powers among New Officials. Censors. Quaestors. Overthrow of Ambi- tious Leaders. treachery to his native land, saying, "Before I receive your embrace, let me know whether I have come to an enemy or to a son." These words and the lamentations of the women overcame his resolution. He withdrew his army and Rome was saved. 328. During these troubled years, to hold its course successfully between the ambitions of individual nobles and the demands of the aggressive plebeians, v^as no easy task for the aristocratic government. The account of the events, which was handed down from these early times, has sadly mixed up the activities of the patricians in both these directions. But it is clear that they weakened the power of the consuls by distributing it among other officials. The most important of these officials were the two censors^ whose duty it was to keep a roll of the citizens, to decide as to the political status of each citizen and to determine the taxes each should pay. They supervised public and private morals; indeed, the censorship was a kind of national conscience, deciding as to what was good or bad citizenship and punishing breaches of good order. Two qucestors were appointed to have charge of the public treasury ; they received and paid out money on the order of the senate. Other quaestors had similar duties with respect to the mihtary chest. Thus two important prerogatives were lost to the consuls. At the same time, whenever anyone seemed likely to be rising too high in the state and aiming at supreme power, the government made away with him. We are told of the ambitions and the fall of Spurius Cassius, of Coriolanus, of Appius Herdonius and Appius Claudius and of Spu- rius Maelius. As the story goes, the consul Spurius Cassius, who had deserved well of the Roman people by bringing the Latins back into union with Rome, devised The Demands of Plebeians 275 a scheme for dividing certain conquered lands equally among the Romans and the Latins. This excited grave disturbances within the state, and the patricians tried to stir up the people against him. He, in his turn, sought to gain them to his side by refunding to them certain moneys which rightfully belonged to them. But they suspected him of aiming at royal power and refused the bribe. As soon as he went out of office, he was condemned and put to death. 329. It seemed as if the government had nothing to fear Growing from the plebeians, since all powers were in the hands of pS'eblLns the patricians. But the plebeians could not fail to have their part in Rome's new wealth and importance. Some of them grew rich, and all were necessary in the wars which the state was waging. Indeed, they found themselves suffering most from the hardships which the wars brought with them. The raids of the mountaineers bore hard on the poorer farmers who could not care for their fields while fighting in the armies. The chains of debt and slavery hung the more heavily about them and their fami- lies. The patricians had no mercy upon them. The aristocratic government administered the law with merci- less severity to suit the privileged class. When this yoke became unendurable, the plebeians rose in rebellion. But Rebeiuon. even then the patricians made only such concessions as weakened the powers of the magistrates and did not di- rectly threaten the aristocratic ascendency. Thus the right of appeal to the popular assembly from the judgment Right of of a consul in a death -sentence was early granted and ^pp^*^- became one of the bulwarks of civic freedom. Another outburst secured the appointment of a set of officials repre- senting the plebeians in opposition to the regular magis- 276 Rome's Defence trates. These were the Tribunes. They were chosen by the plebeians themselves. At first two, their number was afterward increased to ten. They had no part in the government, but could only interfere with the action of magistrates in the interests of their plebeian brethren. Thus, if a plebeian was to be imprisoned for debt or was drafted for the army by order of the consul, the tribune could step in and release him. The person of the tribune was sacred and to do him injury was punishable with death. He could assemble the plebeians for the purpose of talking over their affairs ; in this assembly * the plebeians made their importance in the state felt in various ways. 330. But it was soon seen that to allow the tribune to block the regular magistrates in this way was to create all sorts of disturbance in the state. What the plebeians really needed was to have the laws, by which the consuls passed judgment, known to all, and not the private property of the aristocrats only. This was agreed to. A commis- sion of ten men, the Decemviri, was appointed to draw up a code which was later known as the Law of the Twelve Tables and became the foundation of the Roman legal system. The procedure was the same as that of the ap- pointment of the Lawgivers in Greece (§ 126) and was probably copied from that. The old magistracy, the consuls and even the tribunes, ceased to be ; the decemviri were given the entire direction of the state. They were to be elected yearly. But after two years the experiment did not succeed and the old administrative officers with the tribunes returned. Yet the laws had been published, and that was a great gain for the plebeians. In con^ec- * This assembly was called the Concilium Pkhis, i,e.j " the Council of the Plebeians." The New Assembly 277 tion with the return to the old order, they reaped other important benefits. Their assembly became, after no long time, a legal body, having a right to make laws; the whole people was organized into local tribes, some twenty in number, and was gathered into it; it was called the Comitia Tributa. In each tribe every man's vote, The whether patrician or plebeian, was equal to every other, tributa. and the majority of votes determined the vote of the tribe. The tribune became a regular magistrate, able to recom- The New , 1 . r J. Tribune. mend legislation to the people; his power of veto was ex- tended and regulated. A little later the right of inter- mter- marriage (comiubium) between plebeians and patricians was secured. Nothing now seemed to stand in the way of the plebeians obtaining entrance to the highest offices in the state. Some of the Laws of the Twelve Tables are as follows : One who has confessed a debt or against whom judgment has been pronounced, shall have thirty days in which to pay it. Unless he pays the amount of the judgment, or someone in the presence of the magistrate interferes in his behalf (as vindex), the creditor is to take him home and fasten him in stocks or fetters. ^ He is to fasten him with no less than fifteen pounds weight, or if he choose, with more. If a father sells his son three times, the son shall be free from the power of the father. Whenever a contract or conveyance is made, as it is specified by word of mouth, so let it be binding. (The owner of the land) must take care of the road. If he does not pave it, (the one having the right of way) may drive his team where he pleases. If a man maims a limb (of another), unless some agreement is arrived at, he shall be subject to retaliation (i.e., his limb shall be broken). If a patron defrauds his client, let him be accursed. 278 Rome's Defence Women shall not scratch their cheeks or inflict any wound (on themselves) on account of a funeral (i.e., not show excessive grief). The Tra- 33 1. The later Roman traditional story has arranged slries of ^his Struggle of the aristocracy with their opponents in the Laws. state in a series of legal enactments secured at specific times under known magistrates. While, probably, the progress was in reality much more irregular and uncertain, this arrangement is convenient and instructive. It is as follows : 509 B.C. The right of Appeal was carried through the comitia centuriata by Valerius Poplicola. 493 B.C. The Secession of the plebeians and the appointment of tribunes. 471 B.C. The Publilian law (of Publilius Volero) gave the assembly of the plebeians a legal status and the tribune the right to propose resolutions for adoption there. 451 B.C. The Decemvirs were appointed. 449 B.C. The Valerio-Horatian laws gave the comitia tributa power to enact legislation binding on all the people. 445 B.C. The Canuleian law permitted intermarriage. 444 B.C. Consular tribunes, who may be elected from plebeians as well as from patricians, substituted for consuls elected from patricians only. This arrangement was only for a short time. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 1. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. Preliminary Survey: (task of the aristo- cratic government. Three periods of the history), (i) Rome's defence — date — character of the new government (officials, powers, citizens, assembly, senate) — wars with mountaineers and Etrus- cans, history and legend — problem of the officials, division of powers, ambitious leaders — problem of the plebeians, rebellion, tribunes, assembly, decemvirs — laws of XII tables — the legal tra- dition of all this. The Keltic Invasion 279 REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. The three divisions of the new period with dates. 2. What is meant by imperium, century, con- nubium, right of appeal? 3. State briefly the position and power of the censor, the quaestor. 4. Distinguish between the two periods in the history of the tribune. 5. What was the traditional date of the Decemvirate ? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the laws of the twelve tables here given with those of the code of Hammurabi (§ 37). 2. Compare the Decemvirate with the Greek Lawgivers (§§ 125- 126) in origin, purpose and results of work. TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The New Aristocratic Republic: General View of its Constitutional His- tory to 390 B.C. Shuckburgh, ch. 8; West, pp. 279-288; Abbott, pp. 24-34. 2. General View of its External History. Shuck- burgh, chs. 6, 7; How and Leigh, chs. 7, 10. 3. The Consul. How and Leigh, pp. 47-50; Shuckburgh, pp. 203-205; Abbott, p. 25. 4. The Tribune. Abbott, pp. 196-202. 5. The Decemvirate. Abbott, pp. 30-31; How and Leigh, ch. 8. 6. The Roman Citizen, His Rights and Duties. Morey, pp. 63-64. 7. The Cen- turiate Assembly. Abbott, pp. 26-27, 253-259. 8. The Ques- tion of the Comitia Tributa. Abbott, pp. :i7„ 259-261; Myres, p. 77 (note). 9. The Twelve Tables. Munro, pp. 54-55 (source); Shuckburgh, pp. 101-104. (2) THE UNION OF ITALY UNDER ROME 390-265 B.C. 332. During the latter part of the preceding century The Keltic swarms of Kelts had been pouring down from central Europe over the Alpine passes into the valley of the Po. They filled it to overflowing, drove the Ligurians back into the western hills and the Etruscans into the western plain, and began to push southward over the Apennines. We have already seen them forcing their way into Greece and Asia Minor, though at a later period (§ 284). They 280 Union of Italy under Rome Burning of Rome. Rome's Rapid Recovery. were rude, savage warriors, of huge bulk, with mighty weapons, attacking their opponents with an impetuous fury that usually carried all before it. Soon they appeared in the western plain, attracted by the fertility of the soil and the wealth of the inhabitants. Etruria was overrun; a bold band appeared in the vicinity of Rome, defeated the Roman army, captured and burned the city (about 390 B.C.). The story goes that Roman ambassadors, sent into Etruria to treat with the oncoming Kelts, had joined with the Etruscans in fighting against them. Incensed at this, the Kelts under their chief, Brennus, advanced rapidly on Rome. The Romans, unpre- pared, hastily gathered a force and met the invaders eleven miles from Rome, at the river Allia, and were utterly defeated. A few es- caped into the citadel, leaving the gates of the city open. The Kelts entered the city abandoned by all except the defenders of the citadel and the senators sitting in state in their porches. The city was set on fire and the citadel besieged. Once it was almost captured by night, only the sacred geese by cackling and clapping their wings aroused the defenders in time. The scattered Romans were united under a leader, Camillus, who was made Dictator. The Kelts were driven out. Then the city was rebuilt. 333. Rome's day of power seemed over. It might have been so, had the Keltic fury burst upon her alone. But other states had suffered in north and south. When Rome recovered and had rebuilt the city, she was still as strong as her neighbors and was eager to fight again with the invaders. The danger from the Kelts was serious. Their bands were constantly coming over the Apennines. It was the question of questions whether they would not overpower all Italy. For forty years, from 390 to 350 B.C., the peril was pressing. The Romans stood in the breach and, for at least five times in those years, they met and The Samnite Wars 281 repulsed Keltic raids. Thus the Romans really saved stands as all that Italy had gained in political power and civilization ^^^l^^^^ from being destroyed. The other states recognized this; Rome came to be regarded as the defender of the states of the western plain against attacks. People outside of Italy heard of it. The Greek philosopher Aristotle (§ 276) knew of her gallant defence against the Kelts. From this time on, she ceased to be a mere petty state, fighting with neighbors, and stepped into the larger history of the world. 334. During those forty years Rome finally overcame Etruria the neighboring states with which she had fought so long. ^°"' Etruria, as far north as the Ciminian forest, the Latin cities, and even the Volsci, were united under Roman leadership. The river Liris was Rome's southern boun- dary. Soon that was crossed and Campania was entered. This advance meant war with the Samnites. 335. The advance of the Kelts southward had affected wars with not only the people of the plain but also the mountain- J^tJ*™' eers. They had been pushed on and had crowded the southern tribes. Chief among the people that felt this pressure were the Samnites, a strong and warlike confed- eracy, possessing greater power and unity than any moun- tain peoples hitherto met by Rome. They naturally fell upon the plain beneath them, the populous and fertile Campania. The Campanians appealed to Rome for aid and offered to accept Roman authority. Commercial interests united with ambition to lead the Romans to accept the offer and oppose the Samnites. The war that followed was long and trying, broken by intervals of peace ; it lasted for half a century (343-290 B.C.) and drew almost all the states of central and southern Italy into its toils. The first First War. 282 Union of Italy under Rome The Latin Revolt. Second War. Third War. Victory of Rome. Difficulties with Magna Grajcia. contest was short (343-341 B.C.) ; the peace that followed gave Rome the headship of Campania. The next fifteen years saw the crushing of a rebellion in Latium, the cities of which began to fear that Rome was growing too strong. In 326 B.C. war broke out again with the Samnites. After a severe defeat at the battle of the Caudine Forks, where their soldiers were compelled to pass under a yoke made of three spears as a token of disgraceful submission, the Romans steadily gained. The Samnites stirred up the people of the plain who feared Rome's growing power; the Etruscans joined them and the Umbrians of the upper Apennines; but Roman valor triumphed and peace again marked Rome's success in 304 B.C. The reappearance of the Kelts stirred up the third struggle, in which Etruscans, Umbrians, Lucanians and Kelts united under Samnite direction for a final attempt to break Roman headship (298 B.C.). The culminating point was the battle of Sen- tinum (295 B.C.), in Umbria, where the soldiers of the alliance were beaten by the Romans. The treaty which ended the war in 290 B.C. settled Rome's superiority. Roman authority was now supreme from the upper Apen- nines to the foot of Italy. The mountaineers would never more trouble the plain. 336. Rome's sphere of influence now bordered on the territory of the Greek cities in southern Italy. The in- fluence of Greek culture and political life upon Rome had already been considerable and the opportunities of com- mercial intercourse had brought both parties into friendly relations. Some time before 300 B.C. a treaty between Rome and Tarentum had been made. Thus, when the mountaineers, defeated in the western plain, began to make inroads into Magna Graecia, it was natural that with these Wars Growth of Plebeian Power 283 several of the Greek cities should look to Rome for defence. But Tarentum was not so inclined; as Rome gained head- ship over the other Greek cities by reUeving them from their enemies, she took offence. How she gained the help of the vaUant Pyrrhus of Epirus has already been told (§ 283). m ^^^^^ In the war that followed (281-272 B.C.), the skilful Greek general at first defeated the Romans by his elephants and his cavalry. But at last he was beaten at Beneventum and returned to Epirus, leaving Tarentum to make terms with Rome as best she could. She submitted and Roman power soon became supreme over all the southern coast of Italy (270 B.C.). 337. This period of more than a century, in which Dunng Rome extended her sway in Italy, was marked by some ,^l'" important changes in her inner life. The progress of the Pieb^eians plebeians toward pohtical supremacy (§§ 329-330) con- xheir^^^ tinned. So far as the offices were concerned, they sue- p°;;j^ ceeded in obtaining entrance, first to one of the consul- ships, then to both, then to all the offices hitherto reserved to the patricians. Soon even the pontifices and the augurs could be chosen from among them. As for their legislative power in the comitia tributa (§ 330), it was estabUshed as supreme even over the senate; the latter now gave its assent beforehand to laws proposed by the people in this assembly. Finally, even this assent was not required. 338. The tradition has preserved these changes m a The Tradi- series of legal enactments as follows : series of 367 B c The laws proposed by Licinius and Sextus provided that at least one consul should be plebeian and that ten priests should have charge of the Sibylline books (§ 315), half of whom should be plebeians. Other parts of this legislation relate to limitations on Laws. 284 Union of Italy under Rome the holding of land, interest on debts and the employment of slave labor. 339 B.C. The Publilian law (of Publilius Philo) provided that the assent of the senate to the measures of the comitia should be given beforehand. 300 B.C. The Ogulnian law provided that a certain number of places in the pontificate and augurate should be held by plebeians. 287 B.C. The Hortensian law provided that the assent of the senate to laws of the comitia was not required. Political Unity of the Citizen Body Secured, But Rise of Other Dis- tinctions, 339. The truth is that the old distinction between pa- trician and plebeian was practically wiped out. The Roman state was now one people Opportunity for more people to take part in pubHc affairs was given by the action of Appius Claudius, the censor, in 312 B.C. He enrolled in the tribes those whose property was not in land and even well-to-do freedmen, thus giving to them the same citizen rights as the landed proprietors. It was another step toward general political equality. But right along with the re- moval of the distinction made by blood arose another made by wealth and official position. Commerce and war had given many plebeians riches, while many others had become poor. It soon came to be the rule that, though all ple- beians were eligible, only rich men should be chosen for public ofhce. The officials when their term of office ex- pired went into the senate,* which, therefore, was a body of wealthy men who had experience in political and military affairs. Wealth, coupled with wisdom, has the best chance for leadership ; hence it very naturally came about that the senate took the direction of affairs, although the people * The restriction to ex-officials in the choice of senators was established by the Ovinian law, by which also the censor was substituted for the consul as the official who appointed the senators. This law dates from some time before 312 B.C. Extension of Citizenship 285 had the power. The oHgarchy of wealth and official a riew position occupied the place of the oligarchy of birth; the ^^^^^'''^^^y- people accepted the change and continued to be led. 340. No less remarkable than the gradual extension Roman or- of Roman power over the territory of Italy was Rome's ofTtlTy**" organization of the lands acknowledging its headship. Rome's membership in the Latin League at the beginning of its career was a determining factor in its policy toward The neighbors; the city stood as a chief among equals, not as a ^""*^'p^^' conqueror ruling subjects. 341. In harmony with this fundamental idea the Ro- incorpora- mans, first of all, made many of the communities they conq^uered absorbed parts of the Roman state and their people citi- People as zens. At first and for a long time to be a Roman citizen involved more burdens than privileges. Citizens had to serve in the armies and pay taxes ; we have seen the hard- ships that these brought in their train (§ 329). Some communities had all the obligations of citizens forced upon them, without obtaining in return the privilege of the franchise.* Romans were sent out to form colonies at Roman important points on the western coast or to settle on pub- ^°^°°'®s- lie lands; such colonists retained their citizenship. As a result of these various measures, groups of Roman citizens were found scattered all over Italy. At the end of this period, those with full rights numbered not far from 300,- 000 people and occupied about a third of all the territory of Italy. They were organized into thirty-five tribes, meeting and voting in the comitia. As for the local gov- ernment of these communities, this was largely in their *This was called the Caeritian right, because it had been first applied in the case of the Etruscan city of Caere. Such cities were called rau- nicipia, i.e., " the takers up of burdens " — a characteristic title I 286 Union of Italy under Rome own hands and was formed on Roman models. But in Prefects. the case of the administration of justice, prefects were sent out from Rome to hold court in the municipia at regular times, since Roman law was new to them. Like- wise, where districts in which no cities existed were taken into the Roman state, Roman prefects were placed in charge. 342. Other communities were made " allies and friends." They had neither the rights nor the obligations of citizens. Allied The most favored allies were those given rights enjoyed states. formerly by the old Latin League, which had now disap- peared. The members could trade with Rome and marry into Roman families.* Many colonies were sent out from Rome under this system to occupy strategic positions. Latin Thcsc wcrc Called "Latin Colonies." A Roman who Colonies. ^^Q^it out to join a " Latin colony " gave up his citizenship,! but, in addition to the privileges already mentioned, could share in the booty of Roman wars and claim his part of the pubHc land. In course of time these privileges were somewhat restricted, but the "Latin colony" was always on a higher plane than other allied communities. Next Italian bclow thcsc wcrc the Italian allies, each of which had a separate treaty with Rome defining its status. All allies of whatsoever status could have relations with each other only through Rome. While they had independence so far as home poHtics was concerned, Rome decided on all foreign affairs, matters of war and peace and questions re- lating to their commercial interests. Each ally furnished troops to the Roman army. * These rights were technically called commercium and connuhium. t As citizenship at this time carried with it heavy burdens, the privilege of relinquishing it was really a "bonus" offered to those who were willing to leave the city to go to a "Latin colony." Allies. The New Common Name 287 343. Thus was slowly and steadily built up a united itaiy Italy with its centre and soul in Rome. The state itself, ^"j***^ -^ ' under made up of the capital city, the Roman colonies and the Rome, municipia, was bound up closely with the allies, both those given the Latin right and those having separate treaties with Rome. The interests of all gathered about the capital, yet a large share of local independence preserved the sense of freedom and the power of initiative. The system of public roads leading from the city to strategic points Roads, aided in binding these cities to Rome. It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that, as this period drew to a close, a common name arose both for land and people. The defence against the alien Kelts stimulated this sense of oneness. The land was now called Italy, and the people The of Italy, distinguishing their common dress from that of ^8™^°'^ the Kelts, were called " men of the toga." 344. During the years in which the union of Italy was accomplished, important advances were made in the Ro- man military organization. The old Servian system Military (§316) was not equal to the new demands, either in its f/t^^^^"*' conditions of service or its organization. Instead of re- quiring the citizen to equip and support himself, the state now supplied him arms and rations and paid him for his service. He was also usually granted a share of the booty, although in theory all that was taken belonged to the state and was turned into the public treasury. As respects organization, the arrangement of the men in the legion according to property gave way to that according to valor, ability and experience. The solid phalanx on the Greek model was found unable to stand the fierce rushes of the Kelts and the Samnites, and was altered to a loose formation. The legion was divided into three lines, 288 Union of Italy under Rome The New Order of the Legion. The Camp. The Oath. The Triumph. separated sharply from each other. Each line was made up of ten companies called maniples. Each maniple of the first two Hnes had a front of twenty men and a depth of six men (the third had a depth of three men), and each was separated from the other by a space of at least its own width. The maniples of the second line were placed so as to face the spaces made by the first line; and those of the third line faced the spaces left by the second. In battle, the first line, if beaten back, could retire into the space left in the second hne, which then took up the attack, while the third line, which was composed of the most able and experienced veterans, could if necessary advance through the openings and permit the other Hnes to retire. Behind each line was a body of maniples of light-armed troops two men deep, making 4,200 men in the legion. The soldiers were armed with helmets, cuirasses and shields for defence, and with swords, lances, pikes and javelins for attack. The alHed troops fought on each side of the legion. The cavalry, placed outside the wings, was in- significant in numbers and played no great part. To avoid a sudden attack a Roman army made a fortified camp whenever it halted for the night. Every voting citizen between the ages of seventeen and forty-six was liable to be levied for military service; he must take the solemn military oath before the gods and was then entirely under the authority of the commander, who exacted absolute obedience and had the power of life and death. The discipline was exceedingly severe. A great victory was the occasion of celebrating a triumph, providing that the senate gave its consent. In solemn and splendid procession, attended by magistrates and senators, the spoils of war before him, the victorious general, seated The Triumph .289 on a chariot, a laurel crown on his nead, and his face painted red like the gods, rode into the city at the head of his troops to the temple of Jupiter, where he offered thanksgiving. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 1. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. (i) Rome's defence against neighbors. (2) Union of Italy under Rome. The Keltic invasion — Rome's defence and its significance — winning of Etruria — wars with Samnites (first war, Latin revolt, second war, third war) — wars with Magna Grgecia — Pyrrhus — internal development — growth of Plebeian power — laws — unity in the state — rise of new distinctions — organization of Italy under Rome (conquered made citizens — Roman colonies — others made allies — Latin colonies — other means of union — common name) — military reorganization — camp — oath — triumph. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what were the following noted: Sentinum, Caere, Beneventum, Aristotle? 2. What is meant by "men of the toga," Licinian laws, municipium, maniple? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare a "Latin" with a " Roman" colony. 2. Compare both with a Greek colony (§ 114). TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Camillu« and the Story of the Keltic Invasion. Plutarch, Life of Camil- lus; Seignobos, pp. 60-64. 2. The Samnite Wars. Myres, chs. lo-ii. 3. The Latin Revolt. Shuckburgh, pp. 131-133; How and Leigh, pp. 102-105. 4. Pyrrhus from the Greek and from the Roman Point of View. 5. History of the Plebeian Struggle after 390 b.c. Abbott, pp. 34-53; Shuckburgh, ch. 13; Myres, ch. 9; Fowler, City State, ch. 7. 6. The Licinian Laws: Special Study. Munro, pp.'5 7-60 (sources); Botsford, pp. 85-86; Abbott, pp. 36-37; How and Leigh, ch. 12. 7. Roman Or- ganization of Italy. Abbott, pp. 57-60; Botsford, pp. 62-63; Myres, pp. 146-149. 8. The Roman Army. Seignobos, ch. 7; Shuckburgh, pp. 214-218. 290 Union of Italy under Rome The Old 345. This age saw old Roman life at its highest point Roman Life. of Strength and achievement. It was to suffer an almost complete transformation as Rome expanded. We may pause, therefore, to sketch some of its characteristic features. occupa- 346. The Roman was devoted chiefly to agriculture. At first, cattle-raising, later, the growing of grain, occupied Agricuit- him. The product of his farm was principally wheat, but he also grew vegetables and fruit. The oHve was widely cultivated. Of domestic animals he had cattle, horses, sheep and hogs. The farmer with his sons did the work, for the farms were usually small. Every eighth day was a market-day, when the farmer went to town with his Industry, producc. In the city industry was well advanced. The workingmen had already organized into unions or guilds for the purpose of handing down the secrets of their craft from generation to generation. Eight of these unions are known — the goldsmiths, the coppersmiths, the dyers, the fullers (laundrymen), the shoemakers, the carpenters, the potters and the flute-blowers. Trading and commerce were profitable employments, but they were not highly regarded by the Romans. The same was true of the Business. Greeks (§ 176). No independent class of merchants or tradesmen was ever formed. This fact shows how dear to the Roman heart were the pursuits of agriculture. Yet the profits of commerce attracted the better classes who had capital and wanted to increase it rapidly; unwilling to mix in commerce themselves, they employed slaves or dependent freedmen to carry on such pursuits in their interest. Thus the business of Rome fell largely into the hands of such classes and became still more unworthy of freemen. PLATE XV > ; iK] • — ii ^ It' TYPICAL COINS PLATE XVI --15rrv f'M^ <5^f?v^- !^ ^ 14 TYPICAL COINS Simplicity of Life 291 347. The standard of business value in the earhest time Money, was cattle, as is shown by the Latin word for money, pec- unia (from pecus, "cattle"). But soon a change to cop- per took place; it is witnessed to by our word "estimate'' (Latin cBsthnare)^ from ceSj "copper." A pound of it cast in a mould was called an as and became the unit of Roman coinage. When Rome had united all Italy, a silver coin- age was introduced. In 269 B.C. the silver denarius^ equal to ten asses, appeared.* 348. As might be expected of a community composed chiefly of farmers, Roman life was simple and rude. The house originally consisted of one room, the atrium, in The House, which all the family lived. It had no windows and but one door. Opposite the door was the hearth. An open- ing in the centre of the roof let the smoke out and the light and rain in. The latter fell into a hollow in the floor just beneath the opening. In time, this primitive house was enlarged on the sides and in the rear. The walls were built of stone or sun-baked brick covered with stucco; the floor was of earth mixed with stone and fragments of pottery pounded down hard ; the roof of thatch, shingles, or tile. A couch, table and stool constituted the furniture. Furniture. The lamp was a flat, covered vessel holding oil; through a hole in the top a coarse wick was drawn, whence came a feeble, flickering light. In cold weather a box containing hot coals supplied heat. At meal-time the family sat on stools around the table. Dinner was served in the middle of the day. The chief food in early times was ground Food, meal boiled with water. Thus the Roman, like the Scotch- * Later the denarius was equal to sixteen asses. The sestertius was one-fourth of the denarius. A sum of money equal to one thousand sestertii was called sestertium. »:* Umiom of Italff mmdtr Bon^ -. " ~:— sTrrrz on pooidge. Poik was the favcwriie - AXKds lor hog and half a dosen f(H- sau- 5^ Biead of wheat w badey was baked i: >~" f- ~ --fse and haaey were used -r :r «• Tnift. Wine w^as Dc: rrzizin. W^tn ^r.zi^ :: — 25 mixed with watJO-. V :Ji li : ; cabbages and :. :.? zj -^ and phims, T _ : .::r 3v:~iz iz ills food _:as -nci. >npt-r7 Tke Bamam VamSt^ 293 of the Can^NB MaitiaB» m numiug, w ictfl ng and feats of arms. These weie, howeter, liaiiiing for cddzeodbip and service; it has been wdl said that the Rofn^ :>idesL ofqwctlor^Kjctfssake. Life was too sted roaos. For iriaxitinn tfaer tamed to <*»rmfig ^Kctades^ of which the dnef were the chaziot laces. Ther were mn hi the Cizcos Mazinms, winch laj between the Paktine and the \¥gntiiie, orer a narrow pli qiriral frrrr^ rnvprpH wrrii qnH; seven laps, about fear miles, wiae nxn; the tniDs sbaip and dai^ezoos; chanots we lo be md dmexs killed; all this nosed e~ ^: to fever But no Roman paitidpated except as a ^ectator; or slaves acted as chaziateeis. The same was true of the thfatrifal r:ihihitinns. The slage in die Oini^ which was erected e^ ^- B.C.. ^^'?« rrroiied by pesons whom the R:n^:ii bie; to daiMie or to pLij in r J :r slaves. To the in- Yy_ -- "iTitn tn.'s A 3 1^ 3 u- 1- pq v^ O — O |t| ^HmhH^ 3 n- •* tnvg t^oo z p O x' (^ < Oi u ^ C/3 . W 2 H ffi tj s H §> 11 3 Q II- ^■?3 5 < u u rt S ^ E = ii E E S r 3 3 3 SSoo Hf-.CQU.tuU. t>H t^oo O O " « :z; 3 § ■;^ o i S. Oii u ■q > 3 w o S a P i^'^ H £^8 = ■" .« •s® O 3 0(rt lU "SiJ'S g a a-:; a : rt £ G^ e-5 u m »...;s;a. V -^*;He^ "m' 'lira,*- %y^: "i'iu>^^' \._^^^^ li>/JV'W''-w^s?^ His Work of Reor- ganization. Its Spirit. house by a band of conspirators, led by Gains Cassius and a favorite friend, Marcus Brutus, and the Roman world again plunged into anarchy. 420. In the intervals of his campaigns, however, Caesar set himself to re-establish public order and civil adminis- tration both by his example and spirit and by his laws, (i) His attitude toward his enemies was an astonishingly mild one. No murders, no wholesale seizure of property, no gratifying of personal grudges marked his victory; on the contrary, forgiveness of injuries and the employment of vanquished opponents in state service was the rule. This can only mean that the welfare of the state and not Ccesar\s Administration 851 personal ambition ruled his spirit. (2) He recognized his victory as the supremacy of the magistracy over the The other organs of state-life. The senate and the people had suTreme.^^ alike failed to administer affairs v^ith success. Now it v^as the turn of the magistrate. The senate was reduced to its legitimate place as his adviser. To this end it was enlarged to 900 members, made more representative by being drawn from various ranks of society and districts of the Empire; even "half-barbarian Gauls" were there. The people exercised its functions of law-giving and elec- tion under his bidding and direction. (3) He gathered all the magisterial powers into his own hand. The par- He is ticular office by which he ruled the state was that of die- Magistrate tator, but he combined with it consular, proconsular, tribunician and censorial powers, all of which were con- ferred upon him by senate and people. (4) The unifi- Hisim- cation of the Empire was one of his chief aims. The a^dfts^^*^ centralization of magisterial powers in himself enabled Reaiiza- him to hold all affairs in his own hands and direct them himself. The chief outward sign of this was his favorite title, Imperator. As Imperator he possessed an imperiiim above and inclusive of that of other magistrates.* Hence, he alone ruled the provinces and he was head of the city government. His measures indicated his ideals, (a) Citizenship was conferred on a wider scale than ever be- fore. The Gauls across the Po, colonies in the provinces and worthy persons among the provincials were given full rights and the Latin right was conferred upon others. {h) Municipal government (§ 341) was granted to many cities in Italy that hitherto had not possessed it. (c) New colonies were estabhshed at Corinth and Carthage and * This is called the majus iniperium. 352 Rome's Eastern Empire decaying colonies and towns were revived by new settlers. (d) The city populace of Rome was curbed, political clubs were abolished, the number of those receiving state grain was cut down one half; Rome began to be reduced from the position of a sovereign of subject lands to the place of a leading city, or capital, of an Empire, (e) The soldiers of his armies were settled on lands obtained without con- fiscation. Thus law, rights, order and prosperity, com- mon to all, began to appear throughout the one Empire. (5) Outside of political affairs, the activities of Caesar were notable. He reformed the calendar by substituting for the indefinite lunar year the exact sun year of 36 5 1 other days. Public works were undertaken both for the benefit Activities. q£ ^YiQ state and the employment of needy citizens. Chief among these was the Julian Forum, adorned with the temple of Venus, his patron goddess. We are told that he planned other extensive projects for beautifying the city and benefiting Italy, such as erecting a temple to Mars and a theatre, establishing public libraries, draining the Pomptine marshes and the Fucine lake, building a road over the Apennines, codifying the laws; but his death left them uncompleted. Literature 421. Caesar's geuius was many-sided, almost universal. He possessed striking literary power in an age of vigorous intellectual activity. Some of the chief ornaments of Ro- man literature flourished in his own day, but he shone Lucretius, as brightly as any. Two Roman poets, Lucretius and Catullus, belong to his time. Lucretius is famous for his philosophical poem On the Nature of Things^ dealing with the origin and history of the world and man, on the principles of the Epicurean philosophy (§ 293). Not only is its insight into truth remarkable, but the poetical power in His Day Literature in this Age 353 displayed is rich and strong. Catullus was a lyric poet catuUus. who died at thirty, but left behind him poems whose lines are so dehcate, original and touching as to rank him among the greatest lyrists of the world. Supreme in the realm of prose was Cicero (§ 411), who sprang into fame cicero as an orator by his prosecution of Verres, the corrupt Roman governor of Sicily, and advanced it by a long series of legal and political speeches like those against Catihne (§ 412). In another sphere, that of political, literary and philosophical treatises, he wrote works such as those On Oratory, On the State, On the Nature of God, On Old Age* These masterpieces are not only notable for their ideas, they are most significant in their marvellous mastery of the Latin tongue, the majestic roll of their sentences, the music of their phrases, the strength and variety of their vocabulary. He made Latin the vehicle of expression for the widest and highest thought, the medium of utter- ance for generations of scholars and thinkers to come, caesar Among such men Caesar was also famous. As an orator, ^^^^^^ there were those who placed him on a level with Cicero. But the world knows him best in literature by his unrivalled narratives of his campaigns. His Commentaries, notes or jottings on the Gallic War and the Civil War, are ex- pressed in terse, vivid, clear Latin, **the model and de- spair of later historians." The only man of the time who approached him was Sallust, one of his younger contem- saiiust. poraries and a trusted officer, whose model for historical writing was Thucydides (§ 203). His chief work was his History of his own times from the death of Sulla. Only a few fragments of it remain, but two brief treatises, one on the war with Jugurtha and the other on the conspiracy of Catiline, have survived. They show considerable lit- 354 Rome's Eastern Empire erary power and an admirable sense for historic truth. Lesser Ughts of the time were Cornelius Nepos, the biog- rapher, and Varro, the learned antiquarian, whose trea- ises on old Roman life and manners, though preserved in fragments, have been of great value to modern students, csesar's 422. Yet, as soldier and statesman, Caesar stands pre- Geniu^^ eminent. He possessed four gifts to an extraordinary- Analyzed, degree, (i) Quickness of insight and an almost preter^ natural abiUty to choose the right course to success. (2) A breadth of view which saw things in their widest issues and could devise measures on a scale proportionate to the problem to be solved. (3) Immense capacity for toil. (4) Marvellous power to draw men to himself, to fire them with his own enthusiasm and to set them at work. Any one of these gifts makes a strong man; all of them combined made Caesar the foremost man of his time and one of the few greatest men of all times. His only parallel in the ancient world is Alexander of Mace- don. Like that hero, he closes one chapter of world- history and opens another. He changed the face of things, and the world has ever since borne the impress of his mar- vellous achievement. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3. Rome's Eastern Empire. The wars that conquered the East — the efifect of money and eastern civiUzation on Rome — the be- ginning of civil strife — Tiberius Gracchus and his platform — Caius Gracchus (against the Senate, the franchise question) — failure of the Senate (war with Jugurtha) — Marius and the democracy — the northern invaders — military reforms — individual leaders, men of war — Drusus and the Social War — its result — Rome's Eastern Empire 355 Sulla — the war with Mithridates — Sulla in power at Rome — his legislation and its outcome — demands of the provinces — rise of Pompey — his Eastern command — rise of Cicero and Caesar — conspiracy of Catiline and Cicero's triumph — Pompey in the East — return and first Triumvirate — confusion at Rome — Caesar in Gaul — Pompey takes the senatorial side — Caesar crosses the Rubicon — Pharsalus — death of Caesar — his work of reorgani- zation (spirit, imperialism, centred on himself, his measures) — literature of the time — Caesar the foremost man of antiquity. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what were the following im- portant: Drusus, Jugurtha, Sertorius, Luca, the Rubicon, Lucretius? 2. What is meant by Triumvirate, Italica, Agra- rian law, majus imperium, populares? 3. Who were the two leading Scipios and how did they receive their names of Africanus and iCmilianus? 4. Trace the careers of the fol- lowing through the period: Marius, Sulla, Pompey, Cicero, Caesar. 5. What was the date of Caesar's death? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the parties at Rome in origin, aims and character with those at Athens in the fifth century (§§ 146, 165, 195, 199, 217, 218). 2. With what Greek statesman and soldier would you compare Sulla (see Plutarch's choice)? 3. In Plates XI and XVIII compare the heads of Alexander and Caesar and draw some conclusions. TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Roman Constitution by the Year 133. Munro, pp. 47-52 (source); Horton, ch. 19. 2. The Gracchi and Their Times. Plutarch, Lives of the Gracchi; Morey, ch. 19; Seignobos, ch. 13; Botsford, pp. 1 51-160; How and Leigh, chs. 33-36; Wolf- son, ch. 28; Shuckburgh, ch. 35. 3. The Politics of the Gracchi. Abbott, pp. 94-98. 4. The Times of Marius and Sulla. Morey, ch. 20; Seignobos, ch. 14; Botsford, pp. 160-174; Wolfson, ch. 29. 5. The Numidian War. Myres, pp. 360- 368; How and Leigh, pp. 360-371. 6. The Cimbri and Teu- tones. Myres, pp. 368-372; Horton, ch. 23. 7. Military Reforms of Marius. Myres, pp. 378-380; How and Leigh, pp. 378-380. 8. The Social War. How and Leigh, ch. 39; Shuckburgh, pp. 589-592. 9. The Constitution of Sulla. Morey, pp. 176-179; Abbott, pp. 104-107; How and Leigh, ch. 44; Myres, ch. 35. 10. Times of Pompey and Caesar. Morey, ch. 21; Botsford, pp. 175-196. 11. Pompey in the East. 356 Rome's Eastern Empire Shuckburgh, ch. 42; How and Leigh, ch. 46. 12. Conspiracy of Catiline. How and Leigh, ch. 47. 13. Caesar in Gaul. How and Leigh, ch. 49; Shuckburgh, ch. 44. 14. Caesar, Pompey and the Senate. Abbott, pp. 114-116; Myres, ch. 41. 15. The Legislation of Caesar. Abbott, pp. 129-138; Hor- ton, ch. 30; Morey, pp. 197-200; West, pp. 377-382; How and Leigh, ch. 52. 16. Roman Literature of this Period. Laing (quotations and biographies), pp. 63-197; Mackail, pp. 39-88. GENERAL REVIEW OF PART III, DIVISIONS 1 AND 2 500-44 B.C. TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION. 1. An outline of the main points of Roman History in chronological order from the point of view of Rome's relation to outside peoples. 2. A similar out- line from the point of view of Rome's inner life. 3. The Peo- ples that contributed to Rome's greatness, arranged chronologi- cally with examples (§§ 311, 313, 315, 330, 365, 381, 385-389, 393). 4. The most important dates in Roman History to 44 b.c. 5. The changes appearing in Rome's attitude toward outside peoples (§§ 325, 326, 335, 336, 358, 371, 375-378, 407, 420). 6. Roman Farming and the Farmer — as illustrating the history (§§ 314, 329» 346, 365, 381, 384)- 7. Development of the Roman Army (§§ 316, 344, 399). 8. A List of the Great Men of Rome in the different periods of her history to 44 b.c. 9. Roman citizenship in the various periods of Roman history (§§ 34i> 39i> 394» 402). 10. An enumeration of the influ- ences and tendencies that from the beginning of the state led up to Caesar's supremacy (§§ 339, 366, 394, 395, 400, 407). 11. The history of the influence of commerce on Roman history (§§ 306, 312, 335, 336, 358, 377, 378, 382, 394, 408, 413). MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES. 1. Prepare a map of Repub- lican Rome to accompany Paper No. 3 below. 2. Compare the Oriental heads in Plate II with the heads of Caesar and Cicero in Plate XVIII. 3. In the same way compare the two Roman heads with the Greek heads in Plate XL 4. Make a plan of the Roman Forum and use it to illustrate Plate XVII. 5. Prepare a map of the Mediterranean world to show — by different colored pencils or inks — the expansion of Rome in each of the three periods to 44 b.c. 6. On Plate XVI study KOME about 500 B. C. [■i^A Roman State Survey of the New Period 357 the Roman coins of this age and compare them with the Greek coins of Plate XV. (See Appendix II.) SUBJECTS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS. 1. The Roman Magis- trate — His Position, Powers and Duties. Abbott, pp. 150-173. 2. The >EdiIe — His Powers and Duties. Abbott, pp. 202-206. 3. The City of Rome down to 44 b.c. Merivale, ch. 78. 4. The Roman Senate — its Position, Powers and Duties. Abbott, pp. 220-243; Fowler, City State, ch. 8. 5. Rome's Treatment of Spain as Illustrative of its Dealing with Conquered Peoples. How and Leigh, pp. 240-245, 464-466; Shuckburgh, pp. 458- 463, 538-545. 6. Roman Slavery as Testified to by the Ro- mans Themselves. Sources in Munro, pp. 179-192. 7. The Carthaginian Empire. Mommsen, History of Rome, Vol. II, Bk. 3,ch. I. 8. Roman Roads. Dictionaries of Antiquities, articles "Via," or "Roads"; Guhland Koner, pp. 341-344; Johnston, pp. 282-287. 9. The Story of Terence's "Phormio" as Illustrative of Roman Comedy. Laing, pp. 4-62. 10. How was Justice Ad- ministered at Rome? Abbott (§§ 65, 87, 96, 100, 182, 189, 200- 203, 222, 236, 251, 309). 11. Some Roman Traditional Stories: (a) The Secessions of the Plebeians, (b) The Caudine Forks. Munro, pp. 74-77. (c) Cincinnatus. Botsford, Story of Rome; Yonge, Stories of Roman History; Church, Stories from Livy. 12. An Estimate of Caesar Written by Pompey. 13. The Ro- man Equites (Knights) — History and Privileges. Dictionaries of Antiquities, under the name; Greenidge, "Roman Public Life," index under name. 14. The Financial Administration of the State. Abbott (§§ 184, 213, 239, 280; Greenidge, pp. 229-232, 286-287). 15. "We ought to be thankful to Csesar every day that we live." Justify this remark. 4.— ROME'S WORLD-EMPIRE 44 B.C.-A.D. 800 423. The era of expansion beginning with 200 B.C. had prelimi- put Rome in possession of the countries where the main survey current of historic Hfe had hitherto run its course. A World-Empire had arisen, stretching from the Euphrates to the Atlantic. The problem, again thrown into the The Problem and its Solution. 358 World-Empire under the Principate arena by Caesar's murder, was the administration of that Empire; the course of the following epochs of ancient history is the solution of that problem — the government of the Roman world. The Principate. The Despotism. The Barbarian Invasions. Charle- magne. The End. Divisions of the Period. After a brief period of confusion and warfare (44-31 B.C.), Oc- tavius, nephew of Julius Caesar, emerged as sole successor of his uncle, and the state was reorganized under the joint rule of Octavius and the senate. As Octavius, who was given the honorary tide of Augustus, regarded his position as that of first citizen (princeps) in the state, the government thus established is called the Principate. It endured, with some modifications, for three centuries (31 B.C.- A.D. 284) — a series of successors of Augustus sharing with the senate the administration of the state. During this time the power of the Princeps, heightened by the demands of administration and the ne- cessities of war, steadily grew greater than that of the senate. Finally, in 284 B.C., an able ruler, Diocletian, did away with this dual system;* the powers of the senate were abolished and the Prin- ceps became absolute monarch. The state was thoroughly reorgan- ized. A successor, Constantine, removed the capital from Rome to a new city in the east, Constantinople. But, meanwhile, new peoples had been gathering on the borders of the Empire, particularly the Teutonic (German) tribes on the north. In the struggle to maintain itself against these, the imperial authority was shaken. In a.d. 395 these "barbarians" began to pour into the Empire in overwhelming numbers. From that time the history of the Roman state is the his- tory of a slowly dissolving structure, until in a.d. 800 Charlemagne, a king of a Teutonic people, the Franks, who had built up a strong kingdom in Gaul, was crowned by the pope at Rome, Emperor of the Romans. With this coronation the Teutonic people take charge of the destinies of the old Roman state and bring new elements into the history of the world that mark the end of the ancient period. Thus the history of the period falls into three main epochs. * This joint rule of Caesar and the senate is sometimes called by a Greek term, Dyarchy. CHART OF THE HISTORY OF ROME'S WORLD-EMPIRE. 31 B.G.-284A.D. 27 The Keijublic re-establisliuil. Octuvius called Augustus. The rrimipate begins. 2.". Provinces of Galiitiaaiul Faniphylia. 23 New forni of sovernment. The Uyarcliy finally established. 15 Gaul given provincial ijovernnient Kaetia and Noricuin.provluces. 12 Death of Asrippa.. jj 8 Death of MaeteuaM. I Canii)aisn of Diiisus in Germany. 4 Adoption of Tiberius. 9 Defeat of Varna by Arniinins. 10 I'annonia a i)rovince. jjlfCanipaign of Gernianicus In Gi I Public Ministry 1 of Jesus Clirist t. ", h t:\ Urilain annexed as a provil 64 Burning of Rome, irsecution of Christians. 66 Revolt of Jews. 70 Titus captures Jerusalc i, 79 Destruction of Pompeii aud.Herculaneum. gS Agricola victor in Uritain. 1 . Conquest of Dacia. j|- Trajan's wars in tlie Kast. I .\ntoni nus Piu Journey.-i of Hadrian. lOG Pestilence devastates llie En Wars Willi tlK- Uinonuuu i7 Persecution of Clinslians. 193 Imperial crown sohl to lii^liest l)i( septilmius beverus I Campaigns in Britain. 211 211 Alanninni ai)pear. 212 All freemen made Konian Citizens. Jli The Sa>.-aiiians in Per.- ::.0 Pi-rseiu(i.ui of CI 2.-n Invasions of Goths. •Jf.O Emperor Valerian captured by Parlhians llie Problem after Ccesars Death 359 1. The World-Empire under the Principate, 44 b.c- A.D. 284. 2. The World-Empire under the Despotism, a.d. 284- 395- 3. The Breaking-up of the World-Empire and the End of the Ancient Period, a.d. 395-800. BIBLIOGRAPHY* For bibliography for advanced students and teachers, see Appendix I. Bury. The Student's Roman Empire; to the death of Marcus A urelius. American Book Co. Full of matter, well written, an invaluable work of reference, rather too detailed for continuous reading by the beginner. Gibbon. The Student's Gibbon. American Book Co. This well- known abridgment of Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire should be constantly in the hands of the student for the period with which it deals. Merivale. General History of Rome to 476 A.d. American Book Co. Merivale becomes especially useful in the imperial period; his nar- rative is full and clear, though the organization of his material is defective. (i) THE WORLD-EMPIRE UNDER THE PRINCIPATE 44 B.C.-A.D. 284 424. The dozen years (44-31 B.C.) that followed Caesar's After murder were filled with turmoil and struggle. Those who ^^hli?~ hoped that the senate would resume control of the gov- ernment were soon undeceived. Antony, consul at the time of Caesar's death, came forward as his avenger, and by his side soon appeared Octavius, the grand-nephew * For previous bibliographies see pp. 4, 10, 75, 249. 360 World-Empire under the Principate and heir of Caesar,* a youth who, though but nineteen years of age, showed uncommon prudence and energy. These two united with themselves Lepidus, whom Caesar had appointed to the province of Transalpine Gaul, a man of little force or insight. Supported by the legions, The Second they Compelled the senate to appoint them a Triumvirate vibrate!" ^^^ settHng the affairs of the state (43 B.C.). Acting in this capacity, they avenged themselves on their enemies in Rome and filled the city with blood. Their most illustrious victim was Cicero, whose brilliant orations f against Antony in the senate, a few months before, had aroused Phiiippi. his hatred. At the battle of Philippi (42 B.C.) they over- threw the armies of Brutus and Cassius, who had led the conspirators against Caesar. Then Antony and Octa- vius, shelving Lepidus, set about their task of settling af- fairs, Antony taking the east and Octavius the west. Antony failed to manage his share of the administration successfully ; he became entangled with Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, and let matters go at loose ends. Moreover, Actium he quarrelled with Octavius. Finally, the two met in battle at Actium (31 B.C.), where Antony was beaten. He fled to Egypt with Cleopatra and there both perished by suicide. Octavius alone remained at the head of the state. The Prob- 42$. The qucstions that had faced Caesar now confronted o^avius. Octavius — how should the state be reorganized, and what place should he occupy in it ? For answering these ques- tions he possessed little of the genius of his uncle, that far- seeing eye, that quick grasp of all the elements in the situa- * As adopted son of Caesar his name was Octavianus. t These orations were called Philippics in recollection of Demos thenes's speeches against Philip (§ 249). The Plan of Octavius 361 tion, that daring and enthusiastic spirit which did not shrink from doing in its own way whatever was to be done. Yet His Fitness Octavius had what was, perhaps, for his time, a better equipment — caution, and coolness, attachment to the past, love of peace and order, an iron will which, however, was ready to use the most available means to gain its way. With these qualities he could not follow Caesar's path — break with the past, gather all powers into his own hand and rule the state as supreme magistrate. Had not that HisPian. path led to assassination? He proposed to restore the old order and adjust his own position and power to it. Senate, magistrates and people should play their part as before in the conduct of the state. On him should be conferred extraordinary powers for the special tasks of administration which so sorely needed attention in the vast domains of the imperial state. 426. In the year 27 B.C. the arrangement went into The force. "I transferred the state," he says, "from my olTeraUon power to the control of the senate and people." He was given by them the proconsular imperium for ten years and the sacred title of Augustus. With this imperium went supreme authority over all provincial governors and sole rule over certain provinces on the frontiers where armies were needed; he was therefore master of the legions. Over these provinces he placed lieutenants responsible to himself. The other provinces were ruled by governors appointed by the senate.* He already possessed the tribunician power and for some years continued to be * The place of Egypt in this arrangement was pecuUar. It was assigned as a province to neither, but was regarded as a kind of private possession of Augustus. No senator was permitted to enter it. The reason for this was, no doubt, the immense importance of Egypt to Rome because of its corn-supply. 362 World-Empire under the PrincijMte The Principate. The Republic Restored. The Good Results. (I) The Empire Organized. elected consul. But, as it was not constitutional to be consul and proconsul at the same time, he laid down the consulship in 23 B.C., although retaining the rank and power, preferring to take part in civil affairs by virtue of his tribunician authority. To represent his place in the state in all its aspects he chose the title of Princeps or "First Citizen," whence this form of government is called the Principate. Later he was also honored with the title of pater patrice, ** Father of his country." From time to time his proconsular power was renewed, as the term for which it was assigned expired; the tribunician power only he held for life. The people elected magistrates and made laws; the senate administered the state through him and other officials appointed by it. Thus Augustus proudly declared that he had restored the republic. His conduct was in accordance with his word. In the city he wore the toga of a citizen and lived in his simple home on the Palatine, wearing the clothes woven by the women of his family. No escort accompanied him about the streets except such as became a magistrate, and every citizen could consult him without ceremony. 427. The advantages of this arrangement were clear and its beneficial results immediate. A sense of security and satisfaction was felt everywhere. Now, at last, peace under constitutional government was obtained. A proper method of reorganizing the state and meeting the diffi- culties of administration was reached. The evils of the time were met with strong remedies. 428. The Empire was set in order. Here the central thought of Augustus was that the heart of the Empire was Italy, from the Alps to Sicily. Over against Italy and dependent upon it were the provinces. It was the " sacred The Imperial Organization 363 land." Its economic prosperity revived; waste lands itaiythe were peopled and brought under cultivation; disorder ^^'^*''^- was put down; the municipalities were given free scope to organize and govern themselves; public roads were repaired. The dignity of ItaHan citizenship was em- phasized. Even the freedmen were given a place in the public Hfe by the institution of the Augustales, a body of six men, appointed in each community, who at their own expense exhibited games in honor of Augustus. To be an Augustal was regarded as a notable distinction by the freedmen. Italy, thus set apart from the rest of the state, as the model and glory of the Empire, was governed by the senate. The provinces were dealt with in the same The thorough way. Those which were under the direct rule '■°^^°"®- of Augustus were managed by his legates and procura- officials, tors, men selected because they were efficient adminis- trators. They were dependent on him for advancement and honor; hence, they sought by good work to obtain his favor. The borders of the Empire were protected and the internal affairs of the provinces were regulated. An imperial coinage, guaranteed by the state as pure, was put into circulation. The army, which in the civil wars had Army, reached the enormous size of more than fifty legions, was reduced to twenty-five. It was kept on the frontiers constantly under arms, trained and prepared for defence. It was under the direct command of Augustus. After a victory, the soldiers hailed, not their own general, as for- merly, but Augustus, as Imperator. Only Roman citi- zens could serve in the legions. Provincials were em- ployed as auxiliaries. Each legion had its particular name and usually its permanent quarters in a special province. By virtue of being commander-in-chief, Augustus, like 364 World-Empire under the Principate other generals, had his body-guard (the cohors prcEtorla) ; as he Hved at Rome, his guard was stationed in the city; it was the "praetorian cohort," and under its two pre- fects or commanders had much influence in the state. The Finances, fiuanccs of the provinccs were estabhshed on a firm basis. All the income from the provinces under Augustus came into his treasury, called the Fiscus,^ and he had sole power over its management. Hence, there was no more stealing of public money by officials. A map of the Empire was prepared, showing the chief towns and roads of every province ; a census was taken of the greater provinces, perhaps of all. The farming of taxes with all its abominations was greatly restricted. The land tax and the poll tax, the two direct taxes levied, were collected by the state; the "pubHcan" (§379) still dealt in the customs and other Uke imposts. Thus a business administration was established which saved money and gave the state abundant revenues. Augustus spent this money freely on imperial roads and buildings throughout the Empire. By these means he created new bonds of unity which held the Roman world together as never before and brought about the extension of Roman civilization from end to end of it. We can hardly conceive the immense advan- tage to the provinces of this stable and beneficent gov- ernment. Foreign 429. The poHcy of Augustus with respect to the peo- Pohcy. pi^g outside the Roman world was in general a very pru- The East, dcut ouc. In the East he had no desire to follow up the project of Julius Caesar for a war with Parthia. He was content by skilful negotiation to obtain the return of the * The word means "basket"; in Roman households the money-box was a basket. THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE TIME OF AUGUSTUS. 100 200 300 400 50 Scale of Miles. 3 Boundaries of Roman Empire at death of Julius Caesar. I I Territory added by Augusti WttKKti states allied to Rome. t 1 Senatorial Provinces. Foreign Policy of Augustus 365 battle-flags lost by Crassus (§415 )and to increase by peace- ful ways the influence of Rome beyond the Euphrates. In the west and south he devoted himself rather to re- The West, organization than to expansion. Gaul was divided into provinces and thoroughly Romanized by pubHc roads, commerce and law. Spain was subdivided into three provinces and completely brought under Roman control. In the years to come some of Rome's greatest citizens had their homes in these western lands. On the north The North. the problem was more difficult. The dangers from the restless Teutonic peoples made necessary an advance into this region until a defensible frontier should be reached and the nations bordering on it brought under Roman influence. The natural boundary in the northeast was the Danube; thither Augustus pushed forward his line. Four new provinces were formed: Moesia, Pannonia, Noricum and Rhaetia, extending from the Black sea to the sources of the Danube. Connecting with these on the north and northwest the shortest boundary would be made by the Elbe. Augustus advanced across the Rhine to establish his frontiers on that river. By these means it was felt that the most dangerous border of the Roman world would be safely guarded. 430. Augustus had clear notions of the spirit which (2) sodai should inspire the state. He proposed to revive the old JjJrLfd." Roman ideals. The simple Hfe of duty to the gods and service to the state was again to be supreme in Roman society. He encouraged marriage and the rearing of children; divorce, which had grown so alarmingly com- mon, and other forms of immorality, that were destroy- ing the purity of private life at Rome, were sternly re- pressed. The different orders of society were clearly 366 World-Empire under the Principate Classes of Society Empha- sized. Revival of Religion. Literature Revives. Vergil. marked off and fitting tasks were assigned to each. The senatorial order was purged of unworthy members and set at its task of governing its share of the state. By virtue of his censorial authority (§ 328) admission to the order was made dependent on the will of Augustus. From the equestrian order he chose his officials for the administra- tion of the provinces assigned to him. As possessed of tribunician power he guided and curbed the Roman popu- lace and endeavored to inspire in them interest in the elections and in the government of the city. Perhaps his supreme passion was the restoration of the old Roman religion. Ancient temples were rebuilt and the venerable worship was revived in stately splendor. In 12 B.C. he became Pontifex Maximus, the head of the Roman church. New and rich endowments were provided for the priestly colleges. The worship of the Lares (§ 314), which, above all else, was typical of the old faith, was revived. Three hundred of their shrines were raised along the streets of the city and twice a year they were adorned with flowers. By all this he sought to show that it was the ancient gods who had raised him to power and had brought peace, order and prosperity to the world. His plans largely succeeded. Religion, as the old Roman conceived it, in its best sense, lived again. The altars smoked anew with sacrifices. 431. Corresponding to the glad sense of order and peace, literature and art took on new fife. One of the world's greatest poets, Publius Vergilius Maro (70-19 B.C.), adorned the Augustan age. His poems, the Eclogues picturing pastoral fife, the Georgics, in praise of agricult- ure, and his chief work, the Mneid, an epic which glori- fies the beginnings of Rome, are all full of the spirit and Vergil, Livy, Horace 367 ideals that inspired Augustus. The reHgion that made Rome great, the sturdy faith and stalwart patriotism that filled her sons with might — these he hallowed in melodious verse and touching pictures, which gave him wondrous popularity then, and have made his name immortal in the world of poetry. His conception of the world-wide mis- sion of Rome, her imperial destiny and the certainty of its success in the hands of Augustus, contributed mightily to the strength of the new regime. He was worthily seconded by the historian, Titus Livius (59 b.c.-a.d. 17), Livy. who used all materials which had come down to him from the past to write his Roman History in 142 books, from Rome's beginning to a.d. 9. He idealized the old days and found consolation for the evils of the present only in a return to the sobriety, fidelity and heroism of the past. The legends of early Rome he retells without criticism of their truth, and throws a halo of splendor over the days of the republic. With strong imagination and romantic temper he pictures the noble men and stirring scenes of early times. His style is full and flowing, and he is pos- sessed of a fine literary art which expresses itself in the picturesque grouping of his intensely human characters. Unfortunately, only a small part of his great work has been preserved. Another literary light was Quintus Horatius Flaccus (65 b.c.-a.d. 8), the son of a freed- Horace, man. In his Satires he plays upon the social and literary follies of the Rome of his day; his Epodes are even more satirical; he reaches the height of his genius in the Odes and Epistles. A genial critic of life who sees its weak- nesses yet loves it, with few ambitions beyond a glowing fireside, a good wine and a sympathetic friend, a lover of nature who was at the same time a man of the world — 368 World-Empire under the Principate Revival of Art. The Cul- mination. The Secular Games. Caesar- Worship. he had the unique power of putting his thoughts into precise, teUing phrases and of fitting them into lyrical verse of charming delicacy and force. Vergil, Livy, Horace — these three have given an enduring fame to the Augustan age, of which they are, each in his own way, the characteristic products. 432. Monuments in bronze and marble attested the revival of art in this time. Augustus himself enlarged the Forum and built, among other temples, that of Apollo on the Palatine, of marble without, and filled with statues. From him also came the theatre of Marcellus with a seating capacity of 20,000 persons. Others vied with him in adorning the city. Agrippa, his most trusted officer, built the Pantheon, the temple of Poseidon and magnificent public baths. It is said that Augustus de- clared with pride: "I received a city of brick; I leave a city of marble." 433. To declare the meaning and greatness of his work, Augustus chose the celebration of the Ludi Sceculares, a festival which was observed every hundred years. This, the fifth time of its observance, in the year 17 B.C., was one of singular splendor. For it Horace wrote a hymn, the Carmen Sceculare. But a more striking, perhaps the supreme, illustration of what he had done is seen in the rise of a new object of worship — the Princeps himself. Julius Caesar had permitted worship to be offered to him- self, and a temple to the "divine Julius" was reared after his death. Now, especially by the Orientals, temples and altars were raised to Rome and Augustus. This worship he tried to repress, but in vain. It expressed too clearly the joy and gratitude of the provincials for the blessings which his administration had brought to them. Already Birth of Jesus Christ 369 this kind of deification of men had found a place among the Greeks (§ 288), and Caesar-worship soon took its place among the recognized religious cults of the time as a natural testimony to the divine character of the new Ro- man state, which rose high above all other powers, the symbol of universal order and peace. 434. Amid all the splendors of the Augustan age a child was born in one of the most insignificant provinces The Birth 1 of Jesus. of the Empire whose sway was to surpass m power ana extent the wildest dreams of the Caesars. In the days of Herod, king of Judaea, vassal of Augustus, Jesus Christ* was born in Bethlehem of Judaea. We do not know the year. It was four or five years before the date traditionally assigned. Yet our chronology turns upon it, for the years of the world's history are numbered accord- ing as they precede the assigned year of his birth or follow it.t Jesus was the founder of Christianity, the reHgion which was to play a large part in the history of the Roman Empire and is professed by the so-called Christian na- tions of Europe and America. A^K. But there was another side to all the grandeur of The , - , . r r, u A Shadows in the Augustan age. The people of the city of Rome had ^^^ scene, too long been a prey to moral corruption to be reformed Moral by example and precept. Unbounded luxury and gilded corruption, vice continued to be fearfully rampant among the higher classes. Even JuUa, the daughter of Augustus, created scandal by her loose behavior. The lower classes still clamored for free bread and games. To them Augustus * "Christ" is the Greek equivalent of the Hebrew word "Messiah," the "anointed" (king) whom the Jews expected to appear as their de- liverer. t That is, B.C., "before Christ," and A.D., anno Domini, "the year of the Lord." 370 World-Empire under the Principatc Ovid its Exemplar. Adminis- trative Dif- ficulties. Growth of Power of Princeps. had to yield in part, and his doles to them and the shows he exhibited before them surpassed even those of his predecessors. Over against the fine spirit and high ideals of a Vergil must be placed the example and popularity of other poets of the time, among whom the most promi- nent was Publius Ovidius Naso, better known as Ovid (43 B.c.-A.D. 18). He was not untouched by the nobler memories and hopes of his time, as his Fasti show — a gathering up of the ancient Roman religious customs arranged according to the religious calendar. But his Metamorphoses, a collection of myths of transformation, his Art oj Love, his Love Stories and other poetical trifles, reveal the gay and profligate character of the society of which he was the pride and ornament. Possessed of a vivid, brilliant and graceful poetic gift, a born story-teller, he used his powers for frivolous and unworthy ends. Banished to Pontus by Augustus because of his intrigues, he exhibits in his Tristia the baseness of his spirit by his fawning praise of the Princeps who had justly condemned him. 436. Augustus's scheme of government did not work altogether as was expected. The balance of power be- tween the senate and himself steadily swung toward his side. The senate showed incompetence in the sphere of administration assigned to it, and he was compelled to take more and more of its proper activities upon himself. In Rome, for example, he took charge of the supply of corn and its distribution to the poor and also of the water supply. The police and firemen were also under pre- fects appointed by him. In Italy and the senatorial prov- inces he had large powers. All the military forces through- out the Empire were under his orders. Sometimes he was Shadows of Augustus's Rule 371 compelled to undertake the financial reorganization of a province which had gone bankrupt under senatorial ad- ministration. Over all senatorial officials he had the majus imperium (§ 420). Thus it gradually became clear how difficult it was to conduct affairs on this division of powers. No wonder that those who had hailed him as the restorer of the republic began to question whether he had not become its master. The nobles murmured. At least three conspiracies were formed against him; conspira- though they failed, the motive which inspired them was *^^*^- obvious. That Augustus was able to hold his position for so many years, without falling a victim to the spirit that had killed Julius, is a testimony to his prudence and vigilance. He was fortunate, also, in having two wise counsellors, Maecenas and Agrippa. Maecenas was a His coun- diplomatist of uncommon tact and wisdom; at the same ^®"°''^- time he was a man of the world, enormously rich, a patron of art and literature. Agrippa was the man of action as well as of counsel. He won the battle of Actium for Augus- tus and was intrusted by the Princeps with the direction of every critical piece of work in military or civil affairs. Both died before their master, and he was wont to say during the later and darker days of his reign: "This would not have happened, had Maecenas or Agrippa been alive." 437. For darker days did come as the long years of Augustus drew to their close. A severe blow was struck at his military prestige, when Varus, the incompetent com- The Disas- mander of the legions on the northern frontier, was slain and his army cut to pieces by the Germans under Ar- minius (a.d. 9). Augustus decided that it was im- possible to keep the frontier at the Elbe and withdrew ter of Varus. 372 World-Empire under the Principate Problem of the Succession. The De- vice of Augustus. His Family. Choice of Tiberius. his forces to the Rhine. He enjoined this poHcy of cautious defence of the borders upon his successors. It is doubtful whether in this he showed his accustomed wisdom. 438. The weakest point in the arrangement between Augustus and the senate concerned the imperial succes- sion. If he had received his appointment as princeps from the senate and people, then they could appoint as his successor whomsoever they might choose. As his was an extraordinary office, they might decide not to continue it after his death. But, in fact, Augustus was determined not only that the princeps should remain, but that the one whom he should point out should succeed him. But how should this successor be indicated? Augustus decided to associate with himself this destined successor during his lifetime in such a way as to make his purpose clear. Whom, then, should he thus designate ? He himself had married twice; his first wife bore him a daughter, Julia, whom he married to his friend and counsellor, Agrippa. Two promising sons of this marriage died before their grandfather. The third son was an impossible candidate. Augustus's second wife, Livia, had been divorced from her former husband after she had borne him two sons, Tiberius and Drusus. Drusus died before Augustus. Agrippa, his son-in-law, was at one time thought of as the chosen successor, but he, too, passed away in the lifetime of Augustus. Tiberius alone remained. Though Augus- tus disliked him, he was a capable, vigorous man and the choice was narrowed to him. In a.d. 4 Augustus adopted him as his son; in a.d. 13 he associated him with himself in the imperium and bestowed on him at a later date the tribunician and censorial powers. Thus there could What Augustus Accomplished 373 be no doubt whom the Princeps desired to follow him. Having gone thus far, he could not venture farther. The Death of next year he himself died at the age of seventy-five years. "^^^^tus. We are told that in the hour of death he called for a looking-glass and bade them arrange his hair and his beard. He asked his friends whether he had played well the *' farce" of life. Then, alone with his own family, he asked after the health of a little child of the family who was ill, then suddenly kissed his wife Livia and expired quietly, breathing out the last words, "Livia, live mindful of our union, farewell." 439. The nearly half a century during which Augus- The tus had conducted the plan of administration devised by menToV himself, had established it as an abiding work. Herein Augustus, is his glory, that he founded a new and permanent govern- ment for the shattered Roman state. He had done what Julius had failed to do. Order, peace, prosperity, per- manence — these things he restored to the Roman world. Defective and illogical as his scheme may have been in some points, it was thoroughly timely and practical. It saved Rome from going to pieces; it formed a working basis for unity and progress; it preserved Roman civiliza- tion for centuries and gave it the opportunity to expand to the ends of the earth. For these blessings, the results of which we enjoy, we are indebted to Augustus Caesar. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3, Rome's Eastern Empire. 4. Rome's World-Empire, 44 b.c.-a.d. 800 Preliminary Survey (the imperial problem, the Principate, the Despotism, barbarian inva- sions, Charlemagne, grand divisions): (i) the world-empire under the principate — the new leaders — the Triumvirate — Philippi and 374 World-Empire under the Principate Actium — Octavius in control — his plan — its effects (imperial organization, foreign policy, reform in social life, religion, litera- ture, art, Caisar-worship) — birth of Jesus — weaknesses in the new organization (moral corruption, administrative difficulties) — military losses — the succession and its problems — death and achievement of Augustus. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following famous: Agrippa, Antony, Livy, Varus, Maecenas, Vergil, Livia? 2. What is meant by Princeps, Fiscus, Augustales, Ludi Secu- lares, Praetorian Cohort, Pontifex Maximus? 3. What is the date of the battle of Actium, of the death of Augustus, of the birth of Jesus? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. What ideas of the divinity of man had appeared in the eastern world which resembled Caesar- worship? 2. Compare the differing conditions in which Vergil and Homer (§§ 104-112) lived as illustrating the differences in their poetry. 3. Compare the political position and ideas of Augustus with those of Alexander (§§ 240, 245, 255, 263, 265, 266, 271). TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. I. The Period of the Second Triumvirate. Morey, pp. 203-212; Shuck- burgh, ch. 46. 2. The Principate. Munro, pp. 143-148 (sources) ; Abbott, pp. 266-273; West, pp. 390-395; Myres, pp. 545-549; Wolfson, pp. 403-405; Seignobos, pp. 266-268; Merivale, ch. 51. 3. The Provinces in the Scheme of Augustus. Morey, pp. 220- 224; Abbott, pp. 283-285; Merivale, pp. 409-410; Myres, pp. 553-555- 4. The Foreign Policy of Augustus. Myres, pp. 544- 553; West, pp. 395-398; Abbott, p. 282. 5. The Character of Augustus. Botsford, p. 218; Morey, pp. 228-229; Horton, pp. 316-318. 6. Roman Literature of the Augustan Age. Laing, pp. 198-386 (biographies and quotations); Mackail, pp. 91-168. The Sue- 440' Tiberius succeeded his stepfather without oppo- cessors of gition. He v^^as the first of four members of the house of Augustus — the Julian Caesar to occupy the position of Princeps. These were: Line. Tiberius (stepson of Augustus), a.d. 14-37. Gaius, sumamed Caligula (great grandson of Augustus and grandnephew of Tiberius), a.d. 37-41. Tiberius and Gains 375 Claudius (uncle of Gaius and nephew of Tiberius), a.d. 41-54. Nero (nephew of Gaius and stepson of Claudius), a.d. 54-68. 441. Tiberius had force of character and genuine abil- Tiberius. ity, but he came to his position when over fifty years of age, and the weight of administration hung heavy upon him. His originally sensitive temperament had been rendered gloomy and suspicious by bitter experience; now placed at the head of the state, he lapsed into injustice and cruelty when opposed by the senatorial nobihty. In his old age he fell under the influence of an unscrupulous favorite, Sejanus, the praetorian prefect (§ 428). Weary of his im- perial burden, he retired for repose to the island of Cap- reae, where he performed only the necessary duties of his position, leaving the conduct of affairs to Sejanus. The latter's outrageous acts finally brought about his down- fall ; his patron survived him but a few years, dying at the age of seventy-seven. Gaius, as a youth, was a universal Gaius. favorite. The soldiers on the frontier, among whom a part of his childhood was spent, idolized him.* His elevation to the principate, at twenty-four years of age, was followed by a series of acts which promised well. But hardly a year had passed when he entered upon a course of life unparalleled for extravagance and brutality. The riches which the frugal Tiberius had gathered were dissipated in costly games and wild vice. He heaped contempt on the institutions and representatives of the republic. He made his horse consul. He demanded worship as a god. It is charity to assume that a sudden illness which fell upon him early in his career had left him * They called him Caligula, "little boots," because of the soldier's boots which he wore while among them as a child. 376 World-Empire under the Principate a madman. A conspiracy in his palace brought him to his death, and Rome drew a long breath of relief. Up to Claudius, the time of his becoming princeps, Claudius was known as a timid, incapable pedant. Thrust into this high position at the age of fifty-one, he showed surprisingly excellent administrative qualities. He still pursued his antiquarian researches, made tedious speeches and wrote tiresome books. But he had good advisers and able generals, and the Empire prospered under him. His weakness of temper made him as he grew older a prey to designing women and intriguing servants. It was whis- pered that he died by poisoning. All men hoped the best Nero. things from Nero, who followed him. He was fond of art and literature and had imbibed a taste of wisdom from his tutor Seneca, the philosopher. The latter, with Bur- rus, the praetorian prefect, guided the first activities of the new ruler, who was a mere youth, seventeen years old. His mother, a capable, imperious woman, had a strong influence over him. But the quartette fell out one with another. Nero was encouraged to emancipate himself from his mother's authority, and plunged into wild ex- cesses, while his able ministers conducted public affairs successfully. But soon his frivolous, brutal temper, thus roused, played havoc on every side. His mother was murdered. Seneca was condemned and committed sui- cide. Nero gave himself loose rein. He posed as a poet and public singer. Extravagant revels and unending shows wasted the imperial treasures; abominable vices and un- speakable cruelties disgraced the court. So low had he fallen in public esteem that a frightful conflagration, which destroyed the greater part of Rome, was laid at his door. Patience was at last exhausted, the legions in the prov- Gi'owiJig Power of the Princeps 377 inces rebelled, and Nero fled, to die at length by his own hand. His last words were: "That such an artist as I should perish!" 442. During these years the position of the Princeps The changed. The balance in his favor over against the sen- ^'"'^'p^*^ ate was complete. His powers were, it is true, voted to Tyranny, him by the senate and people, but he had made sure of the position before election. Hereditary descent was recognized as giving a claim to it. The principate, there- fore, in theory and form constitutional, was, in fact, a tyranny. The possession of military power was decisive; the Princeps was first of all Imperator — and Emperor* we shall henceforth call him. The senate was little more than his tool. Its fear of him was intensified by his assum- ing the right to accuse anyone of treason; an accusation meant condemnation and was followed by immediate execution at the hands of the soldiery. By this means many of the leading men of Rome were put to death. Yet a section of the proud and independent nobility, though silenced, was not subdued. They knew their rights and steadily opposed the tyranny. The emperor, in turn, The knew that constitutionally he was dependent upon the J"os°^^oJj senate, and did not dare go so far as to destroy it and rule alone. As a result, he looked for support to the weapons of his praetorian guard. Such an ally was dangerous; it might in time become the master. 443. The growth of the Princeps' power was an advan- Political tage to the Empire as a whole. His imperial administra- '■^^'■*^^- tion came to be better organized. The emperor's helpers improve- became officials. This was already true of his provincial mh"istra- ' officers; Claudius changed the servants of his household *'""■ ♦ Emperor is only the English form of Imperator. 378 World-Empire under the Principate Freedmen in Office. Prosperity. The Frontier. Annexa- tion of Britain. The Flavian Caesars. also into an official class. Every great noble had freed- men to manage his private affairs, write his correspond- ence and keep his accounts. But the emperor's accounts and correspondence were those of an Empire, and the men who attended to these became of great importance to the state. They were recognized as state officials and were organized for more efficient service. Under this improved public service the prosperity of the provinces advanced. The unifying of the Empire by a common government and by the spread of commerce and culture, went on rapidly. The personal character of the emperors and their doings at Rome, whether good or bad, did not affect the well- ordered system. Egypt, for example, was never so pros- perous as under Nero. The same progress is found in relation to the frontiers. In general the cautious policy of Augustus was followed (§ 429). MiUtary roads and fortifications strengthened the Rhine frontier. Claudius made a notable addition to the Empire by annexing Britain in 43 B.C. From that time the island, though not entirely subjugated, began to come under the direct influence of Roman civilization. The same ruler enlarged the Empire in Africa, where he formed two new provinces. Dependent kingdoms like Thrace and Judae were turned into prov- inces by him. At the close of this period there were twenty- five provinces under the control of the emperor. 444. The revolt of the legions, before which Nero took his own life and thus left the principate vacant, was followed by a brief period of anarchy (a.d. 68-69), in which four generals, Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian, were pro- claimed imperators by their troops and each was recog- nized by the senate. In the struggle that followed, Ves- pasian came out victor. He and his two sons who followed The Flavian Ccesars 379 him constitute the house of the Flavian Caesars. They reigned as follows: Vespasian, a.d. 69-79. Titus, a. d. 79-81. DoMiTiAN, A.D. 81-96. 445. Vespasian was an experienced commander and vespasian. administrator. He was of humble origin, the son of a Sabine centurion and money-lender. He brought to the principate shrewd common-sense and practical ability, coupled with unpolished manners and provincial speech, which were a stock subject of ridicule with the Roman nobles. But he know how to rule wisely and well, joining firmness with justice and forbearance toward his enemies, and restoring the shattered finances of the state by such careful economies that he was thought stingy and sordid. He appreciated the dignity of his office and was worthy of it. When at the age of seventy years the pains of death came upon him, he struggled to his feet declaring that the emperor should die standing. The early life of his son Titus led men to expect in him a second Nero. They Titus, were happily disappointed. He, like his father, sought to live up to his high position; he abandoned his vices and boon companions. To his enemies he was splendidly gracious; to the people lavishly generous. He thought that day lost in which he had not given something away. '^ The darling of humanity " is the descriptive phrase of a later historian. The terrible eruption of Vesuvius, which destroyed Pompeii and Herculaneum (a.d. 79), a dis- astrous fire at Rome, a wasting pestilence which devas- tated Italy, gave him unequalled opportunities for exer- cising his benevolence, and he was not found wanting. It has been questioned whether in time the vexatious prob- 380 World-Empire under the Principate Domitian. Political Progress. Reorgan- ization of the Senate. The Succession. lems of imperial rule would not have changed him for the worse. As it was, after scarcely two years of power, he died, loved and mourned by all. His younger brother, Domitian, was a passionate, ambitious character who, held back by his father and brother during their Hfetime, was all the more eager to rule. People called him a " bald- headed Nero," but if, like that ruler, he was corrupt and vicious in his private life, as an administrator he was able and successful. In many respects he resembled Tiberius, whom he took as his model. His haughty air and lordly bearing made enemies for him among the nobility, and their renewed hostility turned him into a suspicious and cruel tyrant. He perished by the daggers of his attend- ants after a reign of fifteen years. 446. Two important political changes date from the Flavian emperors, (i) They made much of the office of censor, by which they had large power over the senate. Domitian held it for Hfe. By virtue of this censorial authority Vespasian enlarged the senatorial order (§ 430), which had become thinned out by civil war and exe- cutions. He chose new senators from the most honor- able citizens throughout Italy and the Empire. Thus to the old nobility was added a new official aristocracy created by the emperor and friendly to him. (2) Ves- pasian met the problem of the succession by emphasiz- ing the hereditary right of his sons to follow him. He associated them with himself and designated them as his successors. In the same way Titus made Domitian a colleague. The name Caesar was taken as an imperial title, as though these emperors were descended from Augustus. The result of all these measures was to raise the dignity and mark the supremacy of the Princeps. PLATE XIX Spoils of the Jewish War RELIEF FROM THE ARCH OF TITUS IN ROME Foreign Affairs under the Flavians 381 The senate had less and less importance; the people none. 447. Apart from the reorganization of the finances of imperial the state and the restoration of order and peace by these emperors, three imperial tasks call for special mention, (i) The province of Judasa (§ 413) broke out in a fierce The rebellion in a.d. 66. Vespasian had been sent against judaea. the rebels, and it was while he was fighting there that his legions proclaimed him emperor. When he went to Rome, he left the conduct of the war to Titus. Among the Jews there were many who preferred Roman rule, but a body of violent fanatics gained the upper hand, destroyed the Roman garrison in Jerusalem and slaugh- tered right and left. Finally Titus shut up the rebels in Destruction Jerusalem. For five awful months the Romans besieged J'em.*'^"^^" and assaulted the city, until at last the rebels held only the Temple hill. The whole was finally taken by assault and burned to the ground (a.d. 70). (2) The Empire was extended in the west and north of Britain. The le- Britain. gions were under the command of an able general, Agricola, who advanced into Scotland. His fleet also circumnavigated the island. (3) On the German frontier Germany. Rome advanced across the upper Rhine and a fortified wall more than a hundred miles in length was begun, to connect the upper waters of the Rhine and the Danube. Behind this rampart lay a strip of land called the Agri DecumateSy which was thus added to the Empire. It was in no sense a change in the defensive policy of Augustus, but a measure of protection for Roman colonists and a stronger means of defence against the Germans. 382 World-Empire under the Principate OUTLINE FOR REVIEW III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 1. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3. Rome's Eastern Empire. 4. Rome's World -Empire. ■ (i) The world-empire under the principate — the Julian line — per- sonality and history — administration of these Cffisars (tyranny and opposition; organization of officials) — foreign politics — anarchy — the Flavian Caesars — personality and history — poHtical advance (the senate, the succession) — foreign politics (Judaea, Britain, Germany). REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. Name the emperors of this century in chronological order. 2. What is meant by Agri Decumates, praetorian prefect, the title Caesar? 3. For what are the fol- lowing famous: Seneca, Sejanus, Jerusalem, Pompeii, Agricola? What is the date of the annexation of Britain, of the fall of Jerusalem ? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the policy of the Flavian Caesars regarding the problem of the Succession with that of Augustus. 2. As far as good government goes, how does the first century a.d. of Roman rule compare with the first cen- tury B.C.? 3. What was the difference between the demands made upon an emperor by the City of Rome and by the Prov- inces? Could they be reconciled? 4. "I wish that the Roman people had but one neck, that I might strike it off with one blow." *'I wish to govern the state not as my property but that of my people." Show how both these sayings are char- acteristic of a Roman emperor. TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Problem of Tiberius. Munro, pp. 149-152 (source); Merivale, pp. 430-436; Abbott, pp. 288-289; Bury, pp. 189-195, 209-213. 2. Life and Character of Sejanus. Merivale, pp. 438-442. 3. Internal Politics under the Julian Caesars. Abbott, ch. 13. 4. Imperial Politics under the Julian Caesars. Morey, ch. 24; Merivale, pp. 430-478; Bury, pp. 166-187, 206-209, 238-245, 258-270, 305-321. 5. The Burning of Rome under Nero. Laing, pp. 424-431 (source) ; Bury, pp. 285-288. 6. The Flavian Caesars— Their Personality and Achievement. Merivale, pp. Society in the First Century A,D, 383 501-513; Abbott, ch. 14; Bury, ch. 21. 7. The Jewish War. Merivale, pp. 495-500; Bury, pp. 366-373. 8. The Destruction of Pompeii and Herculaneum. Laing, pp. 455-460 (source). 448. The century of imperial Rome closing with the social death of Domitian presents a brilliant and instructive ^'^°^"^^- picture, when viewed from the side of social life. In studying it, we must observe, however, that our informa- a warning tion comes chiefly from the capital. Rome was the centre of literature, and its life is reflected in the writings which have come down to us. Italy and the provinces contrib- uted but little to the picture, and what little comes from them reveals, in many respects, a notable difference in the purity and simplicity of their life and manners from those that prevailed in the great city. 449. In social classes and their relations the old Roman social distinctions (§ 430), emphasiz-ed by Augustus, grew more ^'^^^®^- rigid. At the summit stood the Princeps and the senatorial order. The rulers that followed Augustus imitated him in the formal rejection of special titles and in not encour- aging an elaborate court etiquette. Yet little by little, with increasing powers, they assumed greater state. A The court, court grew up; the "friends" of the emperor paid him formal visits every day; his house became a palace,* and was filled with servants and courtiers. A similar stateli- ness appears in the households of the senatorial nobility, senators. Immensely rich and standing next to the emperor, they kept up splendid estabhshments. A curious feature is the system of clients. The old Roman client (§ 316) be- The came a mere courtier and parasite. Every morning he visited his noble patron to pay his respects. If a poet, he * Our word "palace" comes from Palatium, the Palatine Hill, where the emperor dwelt. 384 World-Empire under the Principate recited his verses; if a wit, he amused the great man by jests; if a common man, he followed in his train when the senator went out on the street. For these services all ex- pected rewards, food or money or patronage of some sort. Knights. Beneath the senatorial was the equestrian order (knights), whose members were immersed in business or official Lower dutics. They, too, were men of great wealth. Next came the mass of ordinary citizens, divided into a middle class, doubtless respectable and well-to-do, but of whom we know little, and the lowest classes, who were restless and wretchedly poor, dependent on state doles for food and on the public shows for amusement. Then there were the freedmen, who were often wealthy and influential by reason of their positions as confidential servants in the great houses, or because of their business activities. The various foreigners from the provinces formed another body, a crowd of Egyptians, Syrians, Jews and others, who had sought the capital for the opportunities afforded by it of making an easy living. Beneath all was the enor- mous body of slaves who performed all sorts of tasks in the household, the manufactories and the mines, on the streets and the farms. A Roman house could not be managed without slaves. In the great mansions they ) performed all sorts of services for the members of the household. Their duties were carefully specialized; be- sides a slave to keep the door, or a slave to call the name of the guest, the noble had a special slave to put on his san- dals and a special slave to fold his clothes. occupa- 450. In considering the occupations of the period we observe that some activities which hitherto were thought unworthy have risen into favor. Such were teaching and medicine. Citizens became wealthy and distinguished Roman House of this Age 385 as physicians. An income of $10,000 a year was obtained by one famous specialist. Other Romans trained them- selves as teachers of rhetoric and philosophy and gained large fees. We hear of successful booksellers. The law be- came a most important profession. The immense extension of Roman business and political interests gave a rich field for the lawyer. To win his case he must be a good speaker, and Roman legal oratory was famous the world over. The increase of Roman wealth and the expansion of the Art of Roman horizon resulted in the improvement of the Art ^'^*°^- of Living. This is seen in studying {a) the house, {h) food and dress, (c) the amusements of Rome. 451. The simple one-room house of old Rome (§ 348) The House, had grown into an extensive and magnificent mansion. The improvements of the later day (§ 385) were carried further. The height of splendor was reached in the fa- mous palace of Nero, the "Golden House," ''the most stupendous dwelling-place ever built for mortal man." Country-houses were of great size and marvellously adorned. Ivory, marble, gems and gold were lavishly employed for decoration. Even a provincial town like Pompeii could boast elegant private mansions. There the house of Pansa occupied an entire square. It had more than sixty rooms on the ground floor, of which half, being on the street and separate from the interior, were rented for shops. Back of the peristyle (§ 385) were five great rooms opening on a long veranda which faced a garden covering a space one-third as large as the house. The most remarkable ornamentation in houses of this age was the mosaic and fresco work. Statues, paintings and bric-k-brac abounded; the furniture was highly or- namental and costly. 386 World-Empire under the Princijmte Dress. 452. Little change is seen in Roman dress except in the costhness of the materials. The lacerna, or cloak, was often worn in addition to the toga. Garments of silk and linen began to appear. Extravagant display of jew- els, a weakness of Roman women (§ 348), is characteristic. The popular gem was the pearl; strings of pearls of great size and purity were highly prized. Caligula's wife had a set of pearls and emeralds valued at nearly $2,000,000. Food. The growing refinement of taste in food and the lavish extravagance at banquets, already referred to (§ 385), reached a great height. Rare and costly dainties were sought from the ends of the earth; dinners of twenty courses were given. Gluttony became an art and the Roman nobles were unrivalled masters in it. This wan- ton extravagance, however, testifies to a greater variety of food and a finer taste among all classes of society. Three courses, consisting of kid or chicken with eggs and as- paragus and fruit, was probably an ordinary bill of fare for a dinner among well-to-do people and indicated a vari- ety and refinement in eating of which old Rome knew nothing. Amuse- 453. In a society of luxurious wealth and idle poverty ™^" ^' amusements are a necessity, and the Romans never plunged Holidays. SO deeply into them as at this time. The number of holi- days grew; there were eighty-seven in a year under Tiberius. Two favorite holiday seasons were the Satur- nalia^ beginning December 17, and New Year's Day. The former was a season of riotous fun, when the ordinary con- ditions of life were reversed. Slaves could do as they liked ; crowds thronged the streets, laughing and feasting. New Year's Day was an official and religious holiday. Visits were exchanged among friends. The emperor received The City of KOME under the Empire. Scale of Feet. / \pt*^ Gardens of Maecenas Baths Fora and Porticoes Circuses, Theatres etc Temples Imperial Palaces Aqueducts ^>> Baths of Diocletian. Baths of Constantine. Baths of Titus. Baths of Caraealla. Baths of Agrippa. Baths of Nero. Colisseum. Ciicus Maximus. Circus Flaminius.. Tiieatre of Marcellus. Theatre of Balbus. Stadium of Domitiaii. Odeum of Domitian. Circus. Amphitheatre Castrense. House of Gaius. House of Tiberius. House of Augustus. House of Domitian. Pompey's Portico. Forum of Trajan. Forum of Augustus. Forum, of Vespasian. The Forum. Portico of Philippi. Portico of Octavian. House of Vectilian. Temple of Venus and Rome. Temple of Jupiter Emporium. Mausoleum of Hadrian. Citadel Gladiatorial Shows and the Circus 387 the people in state. At both seasons gifts were made. All classes of the people were accustomed to give something to the emperor, and in return he made a splendid festival or reared statues and temples. But the chief centres of amusement remained, now as before, the Amphitheatre, the Circus and the Theatre. The splendor of the shows and the races almost surpasses description, while the build- ings in which they were held were of extraordinary num- ber and size. Of amphitheatres the greatest was the TheAmphi- Colisseum at Rome, built by the Flavian emperors. It covered nearly six acres and accommodated 80,000 spec- tators. Here were held the gladiatorial contests (§ 386), which had now become a favorite spectacle. More elab- orate methods of fighting were introduced. The whole system occupied a recognized place in Roman life. All sorts of contests were held. Wild beasts were imported to fight with each other or with men. The arena was flooded and naval battles were fought. The shows were adver- tised, and the entire population of Rome, from emperor to slave, attended and enjoyed the scenes of blood. In the Circus the races were almost equally popular. Here The circus. organization increased the interest; rival establishments were distinguished by their colors, the red, the white, the green, the blue. The populace, and even the emperors, took sides and great sums were wagered. Successful charioteers, although slaves or freedmen, and without social rank, became popular idols and gained immense wealth. An inscription in honor of one, Crescens, who died at twenty-two, tells us that he won forty-seven races and received $78,000. The Circus Maximus was en- larged to accommodate the crowds that flocked to these races until it held 400,000 persons. The theatrical exhi- 388 World-Eminre under the Principate The Theatre. bitions were of a low order; pantomime was the favorite form of acting, and the crowds that attended were amused by vulgar jests and debasing scenes. Another form of The Bath, amuscment must be mentioned — the Bath. Public bath- ing-houses, established at an earlier day (§ 385), became numerous and splendid. People bathed for pleasure several times a day. Bathers, for a fee of less than one penny, had entrance to what was practically a luxurious club-house. In connection with the bath proper were bowUng-alleys and a gymnasium. Colonnades and rest- ing and lounging rooms adorned with pictures, a res- taurant, shops and a Hbrary completed the outfit of a first-class bathing estabUshment at Rome. Even a daily paper, published by the government, containing news of the city and official announcements, was at the service of curious and idle readers. 454. The Romans carried with them these forms of pleasure all over the world. In Africa, on the Danube and in the borders of the Eastern desert the ruins of am- phitheatres and baths may be seen to-day in the cities where the Romans ruled. In Pompeii, which was a small ItaUan town, there were three bathing estabHsh- ments, two theatres, seating respectively 1,500 and 5,000 people, and an amphitheatre with a capacity of 20,000 persons. When we remember that these admirably built and decorated structures were for the use and enjoyment of the people at large, we may realize the place and in- fluence of these amusements in the life of the Roman world. Art- 455' Turning to the higher life of the century we ob- serve first the art and literature. At no previous period in human history were these so widely diffused. Cities Amuse- ments Outside Rome. Sculpture and Architecture 389 had their hbraries and their fine pubHc buildings adorned with statues of the emperors and other distinguished men of the past and present. The private houses, if we may judge from those of Pompeii, were beautified with mo- saics and wall-paintings; artistic objects, large and small, abounded. Rich men were patrons of artists and writ- ers, and could criticise their productions with taste and judgment. A marvellous number of good works of art have come down to us from these times. Yet nowhere is there evidence of originaUty or genius. The artists are imitators or copyists of the past. Yet the Roman por- Portrait trait statues are notable artistic successes. It was char- acteristic of the Roman to wish to preserve portraits of his ancestors (§ 351) and the noble art of sculpture gave him the opportunity to make these portraits enduring in marble and bronze. While seeking to portray his sub- jects to the Hfe, the artist seems sometimes to have per- mitted himself to ideahze them; a portion of the Greek grace and charm has been joined with the Roman vigor and hteralness. The long series of the statues or busts of the emperors is the supreme illustration of this art. In Archi- the achievements of architecture and engmeermg the Ro- man shows his power. The massive buildings, the enduring roads, the extensive and graceful aqueducts, the ruins of which remain in all the lands that acknowledged the im- perial sway, these are the witnesses of that practical genius so truly characteristic of the Roman. That genius reached its height under the Empire in such buildings as the Coh- seum, the palaces of the Caesars and the aqueducts of Rome. 456. The literature of the time, like the art, was widely Literature distributed and highly finished, but it was not genuine 390 World-Empire under the Principate Under the Julian Caesars. Seneca. Petronius. Under the Flavian Caesars. Statins. and powerful. Following the Augustan writers (§431) came a variety of authors of whom only a few strike high. It is remarkable, also, that they hail mostly from the provinces. To the period of the Julian Csesars belongs Seneca, the minister of Nero, as its chief literary star, THE TVOTILD According to Ptolciny 150 A.T>. (a.d. 4-65). He wrote essays and letters on morals in the spirit of the Stoic philosophy and in an ornate rhetori- cal style which is always clear and strong and sometimes eloquent. His tragedies, while attaining some fame, are less significant works. Another courtier of Nero, who was also a writer, was Petronius, who has the distinction in hterary history of having written the first novel. The fragments of it which have been preserved are witty and reahstic. One of its characters, Trimalchio, a rich fool, has been the original of many similar personages in fiction. A richer literary life opens under the Flavian Caesars — a period which, in comparison with that of Augustus, has been called the Silver Age. Its chief poet was Statins (about A.D. 45-96), whose epic poem, the ThebaiSy cen- Literature in the Silver Age 391 tring about the mythical wars of Thebes, falls just short of greatness. Martial (43-101 a.d.) wrote Epigrams, Martial, short stanzas, witty, stinging or complimentary, as de- sired by the patrons to whom he paid court. They pre- sent a vivid picture of Roman life in his day. Pliny, the Piiny elder of the name, was the great scholar of the time (23- ^j^g^^ 79 A.D.). He was an imperial official who, in the course of his duties, gathered a mass of information which he condensed into the most important of his works that has been preserved, the Natural History. He was a diligent student and careful observer. While his conclusions are valuable only as illustrating the ideas of his time, the facts he gathered are of the greatest interest to all later students of the geography and history of the Empire. Another learned prose writer was Quintilian, a distin- Ouintiiian. guished teacher of rhetoric. He gathered the results of his observation and study in a notable work on the Art and Science 0} Rhetoric, which formed for centuries the standard treatise on the subject. Two subjects treated in it still have living interest, a criticism of the great Ro- man writers of the past and a theory of how children should be educated. Such a work covered in reality the whole subject of education, since the method and subjects of that discipline were based upon what the ancients called rhetoric. To become a good speaker and writer, to argue your cause skilfully, or to express your thoughts with elegance and force — this was the end of education. 457. When looked at from the point of view of its moral Morals, and religious life, this century shows strange contradic- tions. It seems impossible to believe that a world which contra- ran after amusements such as the brutal gladiatorial shows, or was wedded to such luxury and extravagance as we have 392 World-Empire under the Principate The Dark Side. The Brighter Side. Moral Philosophy. described, could be moved by serious things. Other sides of life disclose like dark pictures. The mad thirst for money led to all sorts of wickedness. The legacy-hunter who paid court to rich old bachelors in order to be re- membered in their wills was a recognized character in society. Others did not hesitate to forge wills or to remove by poisoning those who stood in the way of their inheritance. Marriage was now a mere civil contract and the wife retained control of her property. Common and easy as divorce had become, marriage was, nevertheless, re- garded as undesirable A man who married, some thought, was out of his sober senses. He would be much more sought after in society if he remained single. 458. To offset this dark side, we need to remember that such scenes are found at Rome only and that they are characteristic of a society in which both the rich at the top and the poor at the bottom are idle — a perfectly unnatural state of things. In the provinces a healthy and sober life was the rule, and from them a stream of new strength was poured into the capital. Moreover, the worst phases of Roman Hfe appeared under the JuHan Caesars. In the time of the Flavians a much higher tone of morals is to be observed. In the first half of the century the Romans had gone crazy from excess of power and riches ; in the latter half they came back to reason. 459. The popularity of philosophy in Rome throws a brighter gleam over these times. The moral system of the Stoics was the favorite. When we recall the princi- ples of that school (§ 293), we cannot fail to see how they would fall in with the practical bent of the Roman mind. For the old Roman notion of doing one's duty to the state and the gods, the Stoic only substituted a larger ob- Philosophy and Religion 393 ligation to the world, to nature. Virtue came to be a fad, and devotion to virtue even unto death an exquisite de- light. Thus suicide was elevated into a sacred duty. The Stoic idea of the brotherhood of man had a softening in- fluence upon the harsh treatment of the slave. ** Treat slaves," says Seneca, "as inferiors in social rank to whom you stand in the position of protector." The education of the poor was encouraged by free schools, such as Ves- pasian founded, and many rich men gave donations for free education to their native towns. Humane feeHng was roused at the sight of suffering, weakness and help- lessness. The disasters and pestilences that afflicted parts of the Empire gave occasion for social help and sympathy. Even kindness to animals was approved. Seneca protests against the cruelty of the Amphitheatre. But his own actions illustrate the strange contradictions of his day. He preached virtue and encouraged Nero in vice. He commended poverty and was worth millions. Many rich men flung themselves with equal zeal into the pleasures of life and the instructions of virtue. They employed philosophers to teach them the way of right living and received their teachings with enthusiasm, but did not practise them. Yet, after all, the standards of morals and the ideals of life were sensibly lifted by the influence of philosophy. 460. The first century of the Empire could hardly be ReUgion. said to be deeply religious. The vigorous attempt of Augustus to revive the old Roman faith resulted in little more than giving it an official and fo'rmal life. The c«sar- strongest rehgious feelings of the time gathered, no doubt, oevdoped. about the worship of the Caesars, which Augustus had permitted, though not encouraged (§ 433). It continued Cults. 394 World-Emjnre under the Principate to meet a popular need for the expression of gratitude, awe and satisfaction felt by high and low alike in view of the grandeur and the beneficence of the imperial organiza- tion. Assemblies were organized in the provinces for the purpose of carrying on this worship and holding a religious festival in honor of the emperor. Officials were elected to superintend the affair, and participation in the worship was regarded not only as a privilege, but also as Eastern a sigu of proper loyalty to the state. Oriental faiths, pre- eminently that of Isis, the Egyptian goddess, continued to be popular with the lower classes, who found cheer and inspiration for their wretched lives in the emotional appeal of the noisy and startHng performances of such cults and in the promise of future happiness which they held out. Rise of 461. Among these new religions from the East one which began to make its way in the Roman world of this age requires special consideration. Jesus, whose birth in Judaea has already been mentioned (§ 434), began at the age of thirty to preach and teach in Palestine. He proclaimed himself the Messiah, or Christ, for whom the Jews were looking as a deliverer. But he taught a spiritual deliverance from sin as the highest good and would not lead a rebellion against Rome. The Jewish authorities denounced him before the Roman governor, Pilate, and he was crucified after having taught a httle more than two years (a.d. 29). But he left behind him a band of disciples who proclaimed that he had risen from the dead and thus had sealed the truth of his teaching. They, also, were 'bidden by him to preach the new doc- trine of salvation from sin through the risen Christ to all who would hear, with the assurance that he would soon return to earth to rule as supreme lord. Among those Christian ity I Spread of Christianity 395 who were gained for the cause was a Jew named Paul. He PauL carried the name and doctrine of the Christ to non-Jews or Gentiles and gathered companies of believers in the cities of Asia Minor and Greece. These believers were first called Christians in Antioch. Soon assemblies, or churches, of Christians were founded in the west, at Rome and as far as Spain and Gaul. To many of these churches Paul wrote letters explaining the doctrines of Christ as he understood them. Soon narratives of the life and work of Jesus were written down and sent about among the churches. Thus a book of Christian writings was begun, The New the book we call the New Testament. The organization "^^^t^^^^"*- of these churches was very simple at first. Each church organiza- was a unit, its members managing its affairs and choosing officers to lead — deacons to minister to the poor, elders * to preside at its assemblies. Admission to the circle was conditioned on confession of faith in Christ as Saviour and submission to the rite of baptism. At stated seasons the members met and partook of bread and wine in obedience to the command of Jesus at his Last Supper with his dis- ciples. 462. The new brotherhood soon came under the notice Opposition of the imperial authorities. Its secret meetings and cere- t°anity!^" monies were suspected of evil designs, and the behef of its members in one God brought them into opposition to the worship of the emperors. The first action against them was taken by Nero, who laid upon them the charge of setting fire to Rome, and put many to death. They were accused of evil practices and systematically punished. Gradually the refusal of the Christians to join in the ♦ * These elders appear under two names, both Greek, presbyter, or priest, and episcopos, or bishop. tion 396 World-Empire under the Principate worship of the emperors came to be the chief ground of their punishment. They were regarded as disloyal to the Empire and punished as traitors. Thus Domitian Persecu- is Said to havc persecuted them cruelly on this account. The Empire, therefore, at the end of the first century re- garded all Christians as worthy of death. In spite of this, the new rehgion spread widely, especially in Asia Minor, Greece and Egypt. The city of Rome possessed a flour- ishing church, and its adherents were found even in the imperial court. The pure morals, the brotherly love, the joyful spirit and the hopeful confidence of the mem- bers of this faith commended it to those everywhere who by reason of poverty or sinfulness or scepticism sought light, strength and peace — and many such there were in the Roman world. All who joined it looked forward to the speedy return of Christ to earth; they cared nothing How Far for socicty and the state; they would not join in heathen worship; they doubted whether it was right to serve in the army. By this separateness they were laying up for themselves hatred and contempt on the part of the people and the Empire. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3. Rome's Eastern Empire. 4. Rome's World-Empire [Augustus, the Julian and Flavian Caesars]: social life (class distinctions, the court and the orders) — occupa- tions — art of living (house, dress, food) — amusements (holidays, amphitheatre, circus, theatre, bath, their world-wide extension) — art and architecture — literature — moral and religious life (dark and bright sides, philosophy, imperial religion) — Christianity (its origin, Jesus, Paul, organization, opposed by the imperial author- ities, attitude of its adherents). Justified. Emperors of the Second Century 397 REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following signifi- cant: Seneca, Paul, Crescens, Pliny the Elder, Isis, Martial? 2. What is meant by messiah, imperial client, Saturnalia, Gentiles, legacy-hunter, Stoicism, New Testament? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the Stoicism of Rome with the Stoicism of Greece (§ 293). 2. Why was the craze for amusements in Rome so much greater than in Athens? 3. "As many slaves, so many enemies." How does this say- ing reveal Roman character ? TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Social Life at Rome in the First Century. Morey, ch. 25; Wolfson, ch. 34; Botsford, ch. 15; Bury, ch. 31. 2. Roman Amuse- ments. Munro, pp. 207-216 (sources); Bury, pp. 607-626; Thomas, ch. 4; Wilkins, ch. 3; Johnston, ch. 9. 3. Educa- tion of the Time. Munro, pp. 193-197 (sources); Bury, pp. 598-600. 4. Literature of the Silver Age. Botsford, pp. 239- 242; Bury, pp. 457-475; Mackail, pp. 171-204. 5. The Rise of Christianity. Seignobos, pp. 362-366; Wolfson, pp. 447- 451; West, pp. 423-428; Botsford, pp. 262-264, 281-282; Gbbion, pp. 109-111. 463. Domitian was followed by a series of rulers equal The in character and achievement to Tiberius and Vespasian. o™h7°'^^ In the century of their leadership the Empire reached its second climax. Their names are as follows : Nerva, a.d. 96-98. Trajan (adopted son of Nerva), a.d. 98-117. Hadrian (relative and adopted son of Trajan), a.d. 117-138. Antoninus (adopted son of Hadrian), a.d. 138-161. Marcus Aurelius (adopted son of Antoninus), a.d. 161-180. Commodus (son of Aurelius), a.d. 180-192. 464. On the death of Domitian the senate chose as Nerva, Princeps, Nerva, a senator of more than sixty years. An aged, kindly ruler, his chief service to the state during his 398 World-Empire under the Principate Trajan. short rcigii was the selection of Trajan as his successor. Trajan was a Spaniard by birth and an able general. As Princeps, he showed himself equally vigorous in the management of the Empire. He was a tall, strong, hand- some man, of genial manners, not highly cultured, but with a broad and active mind. He selected his officials wisely and won their respect, yet kept careful watch upon their doings and required minute reports from them. During long periods he was occupied on the various frontiers with military campaigns. In them he gained brilliant victories and enlarged the Empire. In this respect he struck out a new path. He died in Asia Minor while returning Hadrian. from a victorious war in the east. Hadrian, his successor, is a most interesting character. A tried soldier, he proved himself also a practical administrator. But his most striking trait was his wide interest in all the affairs of politics and life. He was well educated and dabbled in literature, art and philosophy. He travelled into every nook and corner of his wide domains. He was not at- tracted by military glory. A peaceful reign, with the opportunity it gave him for consolidating and improving the state and for following out the bent of his eager in- quiring spirit, was his ambition. He was the first emperor to wear a beard, and his love of letters gave him the nick- name of "Greekling." He had no capacity for personal friendship; men respected, but did not love him. The Roman world was his pride and joy; he left it happier and stronger than it had ever been before. In the hour of death he composed the famous poetic address to his soul, two lines of which are characteristic of the man : Whither wilt thou hie away, Never to play again, never to play. The Antonines 399 465. A senator of Gallic descent, Antoninus, became Antoninus his successor at the age of fifty-two. From his name, he and his two successors are called the Antonines. He was a quiet, frugal ruler, without striking qualities, yet sus- taining with dignity and honor the duties of his position. So economical was he in the finances of the Empire that he was called the " cheese-parer." His devotion to religion was particularly marked. From this trait he received the name Pius, ''devout." In this respect he prepared the way for Marcus Aurelius, the most extraordinary Marcus man who occupied the imperial throne. From his youth Marcus had been a student of moral philosophy of the Stoic type (§ 293), and in his exalted station he sought only to carry out his high ideals. Much of the activity of an em- peror was distasteful to him, but he was proud that every- where he did his duty as a philosopher should. He sought to carry into practice the sentiments of love for mankind which he cherished. Severe toward himself, he disdained luxury and preferred hardship in spite of the fact that he was always in poor health. Though he loved peace and desired to relieve suffering, his reign was darkened by a series of disastrous wars and a terrible pestilence. His family life was not pleasant, perhaps through his own fault. His son was unworthy of him. His sole joys were found in the circle of his fellow philosophers and in his own lofty meditations. He died at the age of sixty, while campaigning against barbarian invaders on the Danube. His worthless son, Commodus, followed him at the age commodus of nineteen and brought the happy age of the Antonines to a sorry end. Cruel and depraved in tastes, weak and vain in disposition, he preferred games to government. His highest glory was to win in the gladiatorial contests THE MEDITERRANEAN WORLD with the boundaries of THE R03IAN EMPIRE at its greatest extent. 1()0 200 300 400 ■'iO O Scale of Miles. Reference to Colors. over 9,000 feet 3.000 Id 9,000 I'cet CiOO to 3.000 Coot So.i LoNol I.. COO feet lO' Lnii.-itude Kast from Dacian and Eastern Wars 401 proceeded to deal with a formidable danger that had arisen on the Danube. Here just across the river the Dacians had conquest established a kingdom under an able ruler, Decebalus. He had already been able to make terms with Domitian, and his strength menaced the security of the Roman fron- tier. Trajan determined to crush him. Two campaigns were necessary, each taking two years (a.d. 101-102; 105- 106). The struggle was fierce and desperate. Only on the death of Decebalus in battle did Dacia submit and become a Roman province. The splendid victory is commemorated in the Column of Trajan raised at Rome to the height of a hundred feet and decorated with sculpt- ured scenes of the war. In the east the question of the The relation of Armenia to the Empire was reopened; Trajan Question, determined to take issue with Parthia and settle it. He took the field in a.d. 115, overcame Armenia, advanced southward into Mesopotamia, and did not stop till he reached the Persian gulf. The Roman arms were su- preme in the seats of the oldest civilization. Three new provinces were created, Armenia, Mesopotamia and Assyria; the Parthian king received his crown from the hand of the Roman emperor. x\lready the province of Arabia had been created. Thus the entire Oriental world was under the authority of Rome. What would have been the verdict of time on these eastern conquests we cannot know, for hardly had Hadrian come to the Hadrian's throne when he voluntarily withdrew his troops, abandoned pl^^^^ °' the provinces of Mesopotamia and Assyria and restored Armenia to its position as a dependent kingdom. It seems likely that Rome would not have been able to main- tain them permanently against Parthia, however important they were to the protection of the older Roman provinces 402 World-Empire under the Principate Appearance of Bar- barians. Its Sig- nificance. Organiza- tion. Adminis- trative Activity. Its Good and Bad Sides. in the east. (2) The other epoch was a much less brilUant one. In the reign of Marcus Aurelius Teutonic peoples began pressing down to the Danube and seeking peaceably or by force to enter the Empire. Chief among these were the Marcomanni, and in the endeavor to drive them back, Marcus Aurelius was involved in a series of fierce con- flicts. The invaders were finally overcome and driven across the Danube. The importance of the struggle lies in the fact that it was the pressure from behind that forced these barbarians into the Empire, the beginnings of those movements which in the coming centuries were to break it in pieces. 469. The changes in internal organization were all in the direction of more unity under the imperial adminis- tration. The emperor and his ofiicials were everywhere active. Hadrian is the great example of this. His visits to the provinces, which covered a dozen years, were not for pleasure, but for the purpose of inspecting their re- sources and organization. As a result of them, a more careful and minute supervision of the details of adminis- tration was introduced. Imperial officials were appointed to look after the affairs of the municipalities which were thus taken up directly into the structure of the Empire. Hadrian built many fine buildings for these cities and brought their finances into order. The chief benefit of such measures was that they consolidated the powers of the state and its interests, bringing all under the guidance of a central authority, produced greater effi- ciency and stimulated the life of the members. On the whole, such imperial activity was a mistake, for it de- stroyed local independence and made the citizens look to the central government for help in everything. A wider Ufiity of the Empire 403 extension of the franchise was natural in these circum- stances, but this was not followed by greater zeal for the state and a patriotic devotion to it. Citizenship was rather looked upon as a personal honor and prized because it gave special privileges. It soon became necessary to com- pel citizens to take office, and a highly prized reward granted by the emperors was exemption from the duty of official service in the municipalities. In this imperial administration Italy began to stand on the same basis as the provinces, and Rome itself was treated like any other municipality. The use of barbarians in the legions still further relieved the citizens from military service. Like- wise the extension of imperial courts of justice through- out the Roman world and the supremacy of Roman im- perial law which was characteristic of the time, while it was a bond of union, served as another means of making individuals and local communities dependent on the cen- tral government. Thus, we are standing at a critical mo- a critical ment in the history of the Roman world. On the one ^°™®°*- hand, the magnificent imperial organization was never more complete, and the life of the various comm.unities absorbed into it was never more peaceful, prosperous and happy. On the other hand, beneath the surface dry rot was working, local vigor and individual patriotism were decaying. Should the central power decline, there was grave danger that the dependent parts would lack the strength to rally to its aid or to maintain themselves against outside pressure. 470. Society breathed more freely under the emperors SodaiLife. of the second century, and as a result new life sprang up Art and on all sides. Trajan and Hadrian were mighty builders. ^*=^'*«'=*- The finest memorial of the former is his Column at Rome, 404 World-Empire under the Principate already referred to (§ 468). Hadrian's two chief build- ings at Rome were the temple of Venus and Roma, the largest and most magnificent of all Roman temples, and a massive Mausoleum which he built on the other side of the Tiber, now known as the Castle of St. Angelo. Yet, most characteristic of the times was the stately villa of Hadrian at Tibur, conceived on a grand scale and filled with works of art; a theatre, libraries, temples, porches and gardens found place in it. From it have been taken statues, reliefs, mosaics and silver ornaments sufficient to stock several museums. The 471. Literature flourished under the liberal patronage Revivaf ^^ ^^^ cmpcrors and in the free atmosphere of the times. A striking sign of the unity in the world of letters under the Empire is the fact that as many works of lasting fame were written in Greek as in Latin. One of the greatest Tacitus. historians of antiquity, Cornehus Tacitus, belongs to this century. His chief works are the Histories and the An- nalSy which deal with the Empire under the Julian and Flavian Caesars. Unfortunately, large parts of these works have been lost, but what remains is our chief source of knowledge for the times. Tacitus aspired to bring back to Hfe and power just the ideas and institutions which the history of the Empire had shown to be fruitless and hope- less. He sought to exalt the senatorial nobility as over against the princeps, Rome and Italy as over against the provinces. But so keen is his insight into characters and manners at Rome, and so brilliant his way of expressing his estimates of them, that his bitter and one-sided judg- ments have colored all subsequent views of the times. Two lesser works of his are the Agricola, an appreciation of his father-in-law, the general of Domitian, and the Ger- Juvenal and Plutarch 405 maniay a description of the Germans, in which their sim- pHcity and purity of Hfe are favorably compared with the depravity of imperial Rome. Side by side with Tacitus juvenai. stands Juvenal, the satirist of the Empire. What the former condemned as an historian, the latter held up to scorn and ridicule in his powerful verse. Hypocritical philosophers, parasitical clients, rich fools, ostentatious luxury, fortune-hunting and the trials of poor men of let- ters are painted in strong and vivid colors. 472. Of Greek writers the most famous is Plutarch piutarch. (a.d. 46-120), who wrote the Parallel Lives j forty-six in number, setting the biography of a Roman hero over against that of a Greek. He was a diligent collector of anecdotes and used them shrewdly to show the traits of his characters. The book has ever been a storehouse of information and at the same time a hand-book of morals — history teaching by the examples of the greatest men of the ancient world. Not so well known, but a brighter, Ludan. keener mind than Plutarch, was Lucian (about a.d. 125- 180). His career was typical of the time; he was a trav- elling lecturer. His peculiar gift revealed itself in the writing of witty and satirical dialogues. The weaknesses and inconsistencies of the religion of his day are daringly ridiculed in his Dialogues oj the Gods, while similar keen and amusing criticism is passed on various types of people of his day in the Dialogues oj the Dead. 473. Two men may be chosen to represent the higher Represent- life of this century: Pliny the Younger and Marcus ^/^he *° Aurelius, the emperor. Pliny was a trusted official of Times. Trajan and reveals himself and his times in a series of Piinythe Younger. Letters to friends. In these he appears as a cultivated gentleman, such as might be met among us to-day. He 406 World-Empire under the Principate takes long walks in the woods and delights in the beauty of nature. He discusses the latest books. With a modesty that approaches vanity, he tells of his gifts to his native town in behalf of education. He entertains his guests by taking them around the grounds of his villa and in- viting their admiration. He gives public readings from his works, and we feel him tremble as he gets on his legs before his cultured audience. A good-natured, in- dulgent master to his slaves, a devoted husband, an up- right, earnest, if somewhat commonplace, character, he exhibits the Roman gentleman produced by the broad, serious and refined culture of the early second century. Marcus 474. On a higher plane we meet with the impressive Em"er"^r ^^^ mekncholy figure of the emperor-philosopher, Marcus and Phi- AurcHus. From his youth he was a Stoic in word and deed. His Meditations, which he wrote down in Greek from time to time wherever he happened to be, in the camp or in the palace, reveal to us his thoughts. He aspired to be a perfect man and he thought it possible to attain his ideal by the old Stoic rule of following nature (§ 293). His philosophy was tempered by practical experience, and hence he insisted much on the duty of a true man to so- ciety. From his experience, perhaps, came also his sense of the need of divine help. He turned his thought into Hfe; this separates him from the professional philosopher and makes him interesting, for he passed his life on the throne. A sober and high-minded personahty, he did his duty in this high sphere and came near to practising what he preached. Religion. 475. Yet this emperor persecuted the Christians! Such are the contradictions of history. The growing popular hatred of the Christians is remarkable. We have already The Empire and the Christians 407 suggested a reason (§ 462). As Tertullian, a Christian Persecution writer, said: ''If the Tiber rises, if the Nile does not rise, J^ans"^" if the heavens give no rain, if there is an earthquake, fam- ine, or pestilence, straightway the cry is, 'The Christians to the lions!' " The imperial authorities in some cases sought to stand against the mob and protect the Christians from unwarranted violence. Trajan wrote Pliny not to search out Christians for death, but only to deal with cases that were brought before him. Marcus Aurelius was more severe, and under his command Christians were hunted down and put to death. He regarded their refusal to join in the religion of the Empire as "mere obstinacy" and thought it a part of his duty to punish those who professed what Pliny called "a degrading and unreasonable super- stition." The Christians, in their turn, went willingly in great numbers to death, which they called "martyrdom," that is, "witnessing" to their faith. Yet they grew in Their numbers and in unity, impelled both by persecution from ^'■°^^®^'^ without and by the false doctrines that some within the fold were teaching. Among them appeared literary de- fenders, some of whom addressed to the emperors what are called Apologies^ or arguments in defence of Chris- tianity as a reasonable and worthy religion; others wrote books maintaining the true or "orthodox" doctrine against the false doctrine or "heresy." Thus out of the various churches all over the Empire was slowly forming the v Church, the one body of believers in Christ, standing over against the Empire and the heretics. It was soon to make its power felt in both directions. 408 World-Empire under the Principate OUTLINE FOR REVIEW III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3. Rome's Eastern Empire. 4. Rome's World-Empire. (i) The world-empire under the Principate [Julian line, Flavian line, life in the first century] — Emperors of the second century, names, personality and history — political progress (relation to senate, organization of court) — foreign relations (expansion and contraction, barbarian invasions) — imperial unification — too much government? — new social life (art, architecture, literature, great names) — persecution and progress of Christianity. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. What is meant by mausoleum, heretic, Imperial Council, martyrdom, dyarchy, apology? 2. Name the emperors of this century in chronological order. 3. For what are the following famous: Hercules, Pliny the Younger, Decebalus, Tacitus, Plutarch? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. In what were Marcus Aurelius and Solomon alike? 2. Compare the Empire of Augustus in extent with the Empire of Trajan. 3. Compare Pliny the Younger with Cicero in ideals, activities and character. 4. Why is Juvenal more a type of this period than of Athens in the fifth century? 5. What reasons maybe given for the famous saying of Gibbon quoted below? * TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Empire in the Second Century. Wolfson, pp. 422-429; Seigno- bos, ch. 22; Botsford, pp. 243-256; Morey, ch. 26; Merivale, PP- 513-542; Gibbon, ch. i. 2. The Inner Politics of the Empire. Abbott, ch. 15. 3. The Dacian Wars of Trajan. Bury, pp. 421-430. 4. Personality and Work of Hadrian. Merivale, pp. 524-529; Bury, ch. 26. 5. Marcus Aurelius. Merivale, pp. 538-539; Bury, ch. 28; Munro, pp. 176-178 (source). 6. The Literature of the Second Century. Botsford, * "If a man were called upon to fix the period in the history of the world during which the condition of the human race was most happy and prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that which elapsed from the death of Domitian to the accession of Commodus." The Empire in the Third Century 409 pp. 256-262; Bury, pp. 475-487. 7. Pliny and the Christians. Laing, pp. 468-471 (source); Munro, pp. 165-167 (source); Wolison, p. 451; Bury, pp. 445-448. 8. Tacitus the Historian. Mackail, pp. 205-220; Laing, pp. 399-424. 9. "As an em- peror I am a Roman, but as a man my city is the world." How does this saying reveal the spirit of the time? 476. The cloud of dangers which hung on the horizon The Third of the second century rose rapidly and broke in fierce ^° ^^^' storms upon the third. In the east the troubles in the Par- thian kingdom, which had aided in the victorious advance of the Romans to the Persian gulf (§ 468), were over. A new dynasty, called the Sassanian, professing to be de- scended from the old Persians, united the warring fac- tions, founded a strong state and began at once to ad- vance westward against the Roman frontier. In the critical west the situation was yet more critical. The pressure Empire, from the north that had driven the Marcomanni across the Danube became well-nigh irresistible. New bar- barian tribes appeared. Alamanni and Franks crossed the Rhine and overspread Gaul and Spain. Goths swept over the Danube and raided the northeastern provinces, while their ships issued from the Black Sea to ravage the coasts of Asia Minor. At one time it seemed that under these assaults the Empire would be broken in pieces. 477. The legions defending the frontiers had to meet these The Army attacks. iVble and active commanders were necessary. E^pe^ors! It was natural, therefore, that they should make them- selves felt in the government. There was no place for the senate to assert itself. The emperors of this period were made and unmade by the armies. The state was fighting for its life, its different sections defending themselves as 410 World-Empire under the Principate far as possible from their particular enemies. Claimants for the throne sprang up wherever a successful general had imperial ambitions, and thus civil wslt at times added to the distress. The average length of the reigns of the emperors of the third century v;^as not more than four years. Yet it speaks much for the firm structure of the Empire that the ship of state went plunging on through the tem- pest, though sorely battered, that competent captains ap- peared to pilot it safely in trying situations, and that at last it weathered the storm. We select for our study those emperors who contributed to this outcome. 478. The praetorians, after the death of Commodus, held the succession to the Empire in their hands. Having finally sold it to the highest bidder, they were met by the opposition of the three frontier armies on the Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates, who proclaimed their own commanders as emperors. In the civil war that followed, Septimius Septimius Severus, of an African family, general of the army on the Danube, secured the throne and ruled with vigor as the first military emperor (a.d. 193-2 ii). He reorganized the praetorians by substituting his own soldiers for the Italians and increasing their number to 50,000. He extended the Empire by recovering Mesopotamia, abandoned by Hadrian (§ 468). He ruled as a prac- tically absolute monarch, disregarding the prerogatives of the senate. By taking the name of Antoninus he sought to attach himself to the previous dynasty, while he ap- pointed his sons as his successors. The centraHzation and extension of the power of the Princeps were his mani- fest aims, the vigor and prosperity of his administration were evidences of his success. Yet the military basis of CaracaUa. his thronc was unsound and dangerous. His son Cara- The Military Emperors 411 CALLA (a.d. 2 1 1-2 1 7) was a cruel and wasteful ruler who was murdered by the prefect of the guard. Two achieve- ments have made him famous: (i) the building of the "Baths of Caracalla" at Rome, a colossal and elegant series of public baths; (2) his edict bestowing citizenship upon all the freemen of the Empire (a.d. 212). This last act in the unification of the state was intended by him to bring a large number of people within the circle of im- perial taxation and service. Severus Alexander (a.d. severus 222-235), ^ distant relative of the house of Septimius, was ^^^^*"'^®*"- no soldier. Indeed, his reign marks a reaction toward constitutional rule. Though young, he had an earnest and serious spirit and sought to conform his life to the highest models. An Oriental by birth and sentiment, he was deeply religious. In a sanctuary in his palace he placed statues of Abraham, Orpheus, Apollo and Jesus. But such a temper did not attract the legions. His campaigns were unsuccessful and he was slain by a mob of his own soldiers. 479. Under the emperors of the house of Septimius Theim- Severus the importance of the jurists is notable. The ^j j^J^^g prefect of the praetorians had come to have charge of the »» the administration of justice under the emperor. He was, therefore, chiefly a great lawyer and only secondarily a military man. Under these emperors he became the chief minister and adviser of the crown. The glory of their reigns were the prefects Papinian and Ulpian. To them the emperor was the source of justice and law, the supreme authority. Thus they gave a new theory of the Roman constitution. They gathered the imperial judgments ("rescripts") and orders ("edicts"), brought them into harmony according to the highest ideals of 412 World-Empire under the Principate the time, and prepared the way for a code of imperial law. other 480. The emperors that followed Alexander from A.D. 0™^°'^^ 235-270 battled vahantly against enemies in east and Century. wcst. One, Decius, was slain in battle against the Goths; another. Valerian, was made prisoner by the Sassanian king. AuRELiAN (a.d. 270-275) had better success. He restored the unity of the Empire by overthrowing Queen Zenobia, who had set up an independent kingdom in the east with its capital at Palmyra, and Tetricus, the head of a similar kingdom in Gaul. The barbarians were beaten back, Rome was fortified and a splendid " triumph" was held in the city. He was compelled, however, to abandon Dacia to the invaders. Probus (a.d. 276-282) was equally successful against the barbarians. He thrust them back from the northern frontiers and restored the wall connecting the Rhine and Danube. He transplanted numbers of these tribes into the Empire as settlers and added many to his armies. This desperate measure was necessary to strengthen the waning vigor of the Roman military and civic body. Both he and Aurelian, however, were at last slain by their own soldiers while in the field. During these years of conflict with enemies without, the inner vigor of the Empire was weakened. The popu- lation was declining in numbers and wealth. The state was slowly crumbling and, unless some new force was gained or more efficient organization devised, its days were numbered. Social 481. In the storms of the third century the social and ^*^®' economic life of the state suffered severely. The old Roman population was reduced by pestilence and war. Public spirit was weak. The real splendor of the Roman Decline of the Empire 413 name was in the outlying provinces; they gloried in de- fending the Empire against the barbarians. Financial Finance, distress was everywhere present. Trade and commerce, industry and manufacturing, were broken down by inroads of enemies. The army swallowed up the receipts of tax- ation, which grew steadily heavier. As the local officials were made responsible for the collection of taxes, men of official rank everywhere sought to keep out of the offices. The plan of settling Germanic tribes in the Empire was settiemeni adopted on a large scale. The immediate results were Marians, good. The army was strength ned. In this century the word for soldier is "barbarian." When settled on farms, these foreigners were called coloni and were bound to remain on their land. When the land was sold, they passed over to the new proprietor as belonging to it. Such persons are not slaves, but serfs; they have certain rights in the land to which they belong. As the result of these measures agriculture began to revive in various regions of the Empire. Architecture and other arts suffered in Architect the general decline. Fine buildings were still put up, but refinement of taste was wanting. Massiveness and profuse decoration were the rule. Such were the Baths of Cara- calla and the splendid temples and palaces of Palmyra. Portrait statues and rehefs, such as those on the arch of Septimius Severus, suffered from the same excess of ornamental detail. It is the old story of decline in vigor made up for by imitation of the past. 482. Religion had a large place in the life of the third ReUgioa, century. The troubles and woes of the time led men every- where to look to the heavenly powers for mercy and help. All sorts of religions found favor. Magic and astrology were very popular with all classes. In Alexandria a new 414 World-Empire under the Principate school of philosophy sprang up called *'New Platonism," because it revived the ideas of Plato (§ 239) and sought to find comfort and a rule of life in them. The soldiers had their religion and, as they were the leading force of the time, it spread widely. This was the worship of Mithra, a Persian deity, represented as a young hero, slaying a bull or bearing it off on his shoulders. He had his priests and his temples; he promised victory over sin and im- mortal happiness to his followers. The worship of the sun as the source of all life, the unconquerable lord, was a popular cult. The emperors of the time were very favorable to these various religions; they saw in them a source of strength for the hard-pressed Roman world. Christian- 483. Only against one faith were all alike opposed. **^* Christianity had to battle with them for her life and no one could foresee the result. Yet she grew through all the century, undismayed by persecution. The effect of her independent position, opposed as she was by the state Growth of and attacked by the people, began to appear. Her organi- tion!°*^*' zation became more centralized. Among the elders or bishops of the churches, here and there, a leader appeared who stood at the head of the Christians of the city and became the Bishop; the elders or presbyters became "priests"* under the bishop's authority; churches of a district united for the settlement of questions common to them by sending their priests to a synod, presided over by a bishop. Thus a distinction between the clergy and the The lay members began to arise. Bishops in such centres as Antioch, Alexandria or Rome, where the Christians were many, were called Archbishops or Metropolitans. The church at Rome came to have a special position. It v/as * The word "priest" is a contracted form of the word "presbyter." Hierarchy. X) O u CO ^ The Christian Church 415 thought that Peter, the leader of Jesus's disciples, was The Roman Church. its founder and thus gave it leadership over the other churches. Its Bishop was thus led to make pecuUar claims to headship in the Church. In all this advance of the Church we see it begin to shape itself on the model of the imperial organization and to stand up over against it. Leaders of thought began to come forward. In Alexan- christia dria, a school of Christian teaching was formed, the most brilHant ornament of which was Origen. In North Africa, Christianity was particularly strong. Here the great names were TertuUian and Cyprian, who by their writings defended the Church against enemies within and without. A Christian art began to appear. Upon Art. gravestones and chapels the dove, the good shepherd and the lamb, favorite symbols of the new faith, were rudely carved or painted. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 1. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3. Rome's Eastern Empire. 4. Rome's World-Empire. (i) The world -empire under the Principate [Julian and Flavian lines, constitutional emperors] — Empire in the third century — troubles without — military defence — emperors made by legions — the most important — their personality and history — rise of legal science and imperial law — decline of the state — barbarians settled in the empire — revival of religion (new Platonism, Mithra, Chris- tianity, a close organization, literature and art). REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. Name the chief Emperors of the century. 2. For what are the following significant: Zenobia, Ulpian, Origen? 3. What is meant by coloni, priest, New Platonism, Edict, Sassanian? 4. What is the date of the Edict of Caracalla? 416 World-Empire under the Despotism COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare Greek religion in the sixth century b.c. (§ 124) with the religion of this age — what similar conditions and results? 2. How do the barbarian in- vasions resemble those that afflicted the Oriental world (§§ 14, 38, 40, 54, 78, 81)? TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Empire in the Third Century. Gibbon, pp. 21-83; Morey, ch. 27; Merivale, pp. 542-569; Seignobos, pp. 373-390; West, pp. 428-431; Wolfson, pp. 457-458. 2. The Emperor and His Administration. Abbott, pp. 329-334; Botsford, pp. 276-278. 3. The Jurists of the Empire. Seignobos, pp. 383-384; West, p. 42c; Botsford, pp. 269-270. 4. Severus Alexander. Gibbon, PP* 37> 38; Merivale, pp. 555, 556. 5. The Sassanian Kings. Gibbon, pp. 39-42; Botcford, pp. 271-272. 6. Zenobia and Palmyra. Gibbon; pp. 70-73. (2) THE WORLD-EMPIRE UNDER THE DESPOTISM A.D. 284-395 The 484. The new organization of the state which was de- or^aSzed!" ^^^'iided by the times was started by an emperor at the close of the century. Among the able lieutenants that the valiant emperors Aurelian and Probus gathered about them and trained in the fierce battles with Goths and Diocletian. Persians were Diocletian and Maximian. The legions chose Diocletian as emperor (a.d. 284-305) to defend and restore the decaying Empire. He responded by a new The Plan plan of imperial organization to meet the difficulties of ganization, ^^c timcs. (i) To solvc the problem of the succession he associated with himself as colleague Maximian, giving him the title of Augustus, and took as assistants Galerius and CoNSTANTius, giving them the title of Caesar. Hence, 285 340 CHART OF THE HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WORLD, 285-800 A.D. I Persecution of Christian.s. ^'°^' 311 305 Atilicatiou ofDiocletiau. au 311, Galerius' Edict of Toleration. 313 Edict of Milan. Const 324 Empire united under Coustantine. r,2-. Council of Nicaea. 8s:r— ^"*" Period of re-organizatiou of the Empire. an tin* 326 Constantinople founded. 395 450 -I T w Persecution of Christians. 1 ; t •'"' 1 !^| 31)2 Pagan riles forbidden. an i ? 1 £ 'V Ambrose Bishop of Milan ;-<12|f EASTERN '■l'*''"! 1?.1»I5 .EMPIRE an 355-357 Julian wars with the Alamanui. 363 Julian killed in Parthian war. '^ 378 Valens defeated by the Visigoths at Adriancple. '*""'■■* WESTERN EMPIRE 1=1 j=- A read i < ■ Per O ] 1 a!. 1 ti 1 43S Theodosian Code. ins 4U2 Invasion of Italy by Visigotlis. Hon 410 Kome captured by Alaric. iod ^''' * we au onus iofl 412 Visigoths found kingdom f in Spain. , 429 Vandals in Africa. ^^ 440 449 Anglo-Saxons in Britain. Em per f" 451 Battle of Clialons. 455 Kome captured by Vandals. Imperial Insignia sent' to Zeno ' Pope Leo the Great 461 ■iOO Kev of act ival '^'i'y 493.Theo PRANKISH STATE 481 Clovis unites tjie Franks. 496 Clovis accepts thristianity. doric I 527 n Ea tl,g 'i the O'strogoth. < ' 511 Deatli ol Clovis 8t ! Ruler! of 5l6 "t>- Code 534 Africa conquered by Justinian. 1 534 Franks conqut •Burgundians. 5'50 of Jusf inian } Justinian 553 Italy concjuered by Justinian. 1 T 1 565 ' 568 Lombards hold < North Italy. = 1 i 600 1 = 1 ^ 1 590 Pope =■ ; 1 Gregoiy ^ 1 ^97 Augustine 1 in Britain. ! Hera MOHAMMEDAN | ^6^ t'>e fust PO|/ER 1 622 Flight of Mohai*med from Mecca. J clius 1 I C32 Death of Mohanlmed. j 637 Mohammedans J-apture Jerusalem, j 63S Division of Fra 641 Mohammedans lonquer Egypt. i Austrasia an kjsh Kingdom, 1 yeustria. 650 an >J oth 651 Mohammedans er •onquer Persia. « Hi 1 '^1 Eastern 668 Mohammedans Emperors efore Constantinople.! o i 2, 700 698 Mohammedans •onquer Africa. i |^ - 750 800 Leo III Iconoclastic Conti-oversy. 711 Mohanmiedi the Isaurian 732 Charles Mar tel 1 conquer Sjiain. ' = i " lefeats MoliammedaniPower at Tours. i Boniface Apostle j to (ierniany. f 714 Charles Marl el li-e ne ! tol Vipphi beco 755 Pippin com|)els Lombardi^fe/^^ to give teri-jtory Kr^^ to Pope. > ^^r 774 Cliarlemagne conqjersojj^^ the Lombards, i jJ^ 800lX'^^"^l'^''"''°''"'*'^' mes Ring. 768 maus. Diocletian s Imjjerial Reorganization 417 there was alv/ays one at hand to succeed to the throne. (2) To meet the necessity of defending so great an Empire from its enemies, he assigned Maximian to Italy and the western provinces with Constantius under him in charge of Gaul, Spain and Britain, and himself took the east with Galerius under him in charge of Illyria. His capital was at Nicomedia in Asia Minor; that of Maximian at Milan in Italy. (3) For a better administration of the state, he split up the provinces, making about one hundred in all. These were united into twelve ''dioceses." (4) To guard against misuse of power, he separated the military from the civil authority. Governors of provinces were civil officers. Generals (counts and dukes) had charge of the soldiery. (5) A very complex organization of the offi- cials of the state was introduced; all were closely bound together, each dependent on the one above him in rank, until the culmination was reached in the emperor. Each rank of officials had its appropriate title. The supreme emperor was far above all other mortals and surrounded himself with Oriental pomp and form; he wore a diadem and was called DominuSy "lord"; the subject was servus, "slave." 485. Thus by these measures the principate perished and a Des an absolute monarchy took its place. The republic with its constitution and magistrates, princeps, senate, assemblies, citizens, was abohshed.* The pre-eminence of Rome and Italy vanished. All that had been built up by Augustus with such marvellous skill, and, for three centuries, had, in form at least, been the basis of Roman government, * The consulate remained as an honorary magistracy, giving its name to the year. Other institutions continued, but without political signifi- cance. potism 418 World-Emjnre under the Despotism passed away. That it should perish was proper, for it had done its work and was unequal to the new demands. But the meaning of the change now introduced must not be overlooked. The World- Empire of Rome was essentially transformed. The experiment in government, which sought to combine republican institutions with effective administration of an empire, was over. The Per- 486. His plan of reorganization proves Diocletian to Diocletian ^avc been a wise and practical statesman, as well as a skilful soldier. He was of humble origin, the son of a freedman of Dalmatia, and had worked his way up from the ranks. Tall and spare of body, he had a clear mind, reflected in a face with finely cut features, and an attractive personality which made firm friends. With a strong will that pursued its way resistlessly, and used all men to fur- ther its designs, he had one weakness common to his age — a vein of religious superstition which caused him to set much store by omens and signs, and to pay passionate heed to the utterances of magicians and astrologers. Good Re- 487. Under his skilful ministration the exhausted Em- the^New P^^^ ^^^ revived and leaped to its feet. The coinage was Plan. improved and finances restored. New taxes were im- posed, but their burden was wisely distributed among the various classes of society. Military reforms, particularly the creation of a field-army in addition to the legions on the frontiers, available wherever the need was greatest, brought the disturbed frontiers into order. Laws were issued bearing on all sides of life; it was even attempted to regulate prices by legislation. Imperial cities were adorned with new and splendid buildings, and old founda- tions were renewed. Inscriptions of the time hail the period as the " happy era" of general betterment. Constantine 419 488. His religious weakness brought upon him a serious Persecu- conflict. In his zeal for the revival of the ancient Roman christians, worship, he sought to suppress the Christians. Although they were in his court and his legions and formed the most influential and progressive element in the state, his un- relenting, almost fanatical, spirit did not flinch from the struggle. He did not use bloody means; his plan was rather by destroying churches, silencing leaders and seiz- ing property to bring Christianity gradually into contempt its Failure, and weakness. He failed. His edict against the Faith was only partially respected in the west, and down to the end of his reign the struggle went on. During his own lifetime — after his abdication (§489) — his successor, Galerius, issued his Edict of Toleration (a.d. 311), which gave the Christians freedom to worship in public and private on condition of paying due respect to the laws. 489. A more remarkable weakness in his system re- Difficulties vealed itself. Worn out with his incessant labors, Dio- succession cletian determined to retire from his imperial position. In A.D. 305, after twenty years of rule, he abdicated and retired to Dalmatia to spend in private the remainder of his life. He persuaded his colleague, Maximian, to follow his example. The Caesars stepped into their places and new Caesars were appointed. Soon, however, difficulties sprang up between the rulers. The son of Constantius, Constantine, was proclaimed imperator by his legions in the west. The Roman world saw the emperors in- volved in conflict with each other for the supremacy. The outcome was the victory of Constantine, who in a.d. 324 constan- became sole emperor (a.d. 324-337). **'^*' 490. Constantine was thirty-two years of age, a man ms Per- of heroic stature, handsome ana strong. Tradition tells ^^^^^^^' 420 World-Empire under the Despotism of his piercing eye and commanding dignity. A brave warrior, he won many of his battles by his own personal courage and strength in single combat. Shrewd and self- contained, never thrown off his guard, quick to seize an opportunity, with a reHgious sense akin to Diocletian's and a love of praise and pomp which he gratified by the Oriental splendor of his dress and court, he carried out the spirit of Diocletian's poHcy to the end. From the men of his own time and from succeeding ages he has won the His Two title of "the Great." Of all his achievements two have tionrtir' given him this special claim to remembrance: (i) his Progress, transference of the imperial capital from Rome to a new city on the Bosphorus, named from him Constantinople: (2) his reconciliation of the Empire with Christianity. The New 491. Constantinople was placed on the site of the Greek Capital. ^j^y ^£ Byzantium. It was most wisely placed for the capital of an Empire that extended from the Euphrates to Britain. From it the emperor could survey his domain on either side and most easily control its several parts. Commerce found it a most convenient centre and its har- bors were unsurpassed. It lay near, yet not too near, to the Danube, the frontier whence danger from the bar- barians was most pressing. It was easy of defence by land and sea, lying on seven hills and protected on three sides by water. The emperor proposed to call it New Rome, and, although the name commemorating its founder has been preferred by after ages, the result contemplated by him took place — the supremacy of old Rome passed to its new rival. Here the court was set up, here mag- nificent palaces were built, from here the imperial admin- istration ruled the Roman world. Rome sank to the level of a provincial city, mighty in its past alone, until it rose Constantine and Christianity 421 again to be the capital of a spiritual state, the seat of the Roman Church. 492. Already, before he became sole emperor, Constan- Recogni- tine had seen how great a power Christianity had become, chrisUan- and by his friendly attitude won the Christians to his side ity. His father, though never breaking with the old religion, had inclined to the worship of one god, and the son fol- lowed his example. In a.d. 313 he published the Edict of Milan, by which larger tolerance was granted to Chris- tianity than Galerius had given (§ 488). As time went on and he became the lord of the Roman world, his favor was shown more clearly by his edicts and by his personal kindness to Christian bishops. He read the Scriptures. He presided at a famous council of Christian bishops at Nicaea (a.d. 32$), where an important theological ques- 422 World-Emjnre under the Despotism tion was decided — whether Jesus Christ was the same as Constantinc God or Only Hke him * In the hour of death he was bap- tian, tized into the Church, and thus personally confessed Chris- tianity. But, as emperor, he refused to take sides; if he granted favors to Christians, he also consecrated temples and gave privileges to priests of the old Roman cult. Nor was his conduct ever deeply influenced by Christian teach- ing. He sought to reconcile all worshippers of every god and use them for the upbuilding of the Empire. Yet his personal attitude toward Christianity was more potent than his official neutrality. From his reign dates the be- ginning of the victory of Christianity over the ancient faiths of the Roman world and the union between the Church and the Empire. Eusebius, the Church historian and friend of Constantine, tells us, in his life of the emperor, that Constantine, before he become sole emperor, while marching against one of his rivals, uncertain as to his duty to God, beheld a wonderful vision. As the day was declining, he saw the representation of a cross of light in the heavens, above the sun, and bearing the inscription, Conquer by this! At this sight he himself was struck with amazement, and his whole army also, which followed him on the expedition and witnessed the miracle. While pondering on the vision, he fell into a sleep in which Christ appeared to him with the same sign and bade him make a likeness of it as a standard for his army. He obeyed, and produced what was called the Labarum, a banner hung from a cross-bar on a spear, at the top of which was a wreath containing in its centre a monogram for the name of Christ. From this time forth Constantine was at heart a Christian. 493. On the death of Constantine, his three sons fol- lowed him as emperors in the east and west (a.d. 337-353) * Those who held the latter view were led by the Bishop Arius and were hence called Arians. The question was decided against them in the Nicene Council. Successors of Con- stantine. PLATE XXlll The Arch (A Lonstantine at Rome A Roman Aqueduct in Gaul CHARACTERISTIC ROMAN ARCHITECTURE Arius and Athanasius 423 until one of them, Constantius, became sole emperor (a.d. 353-360). After him came another member of the house of Constantine, Julian (a.d. 361-363). His death on the eastern frontier was followed by the elevation of several generals of the armies, until a vigorous and suc- cessful warrior, Theodosius (a.d. 379-395), at first em- peror in the east, succeeded in uniting the Empire again. The renewal of barbarian invasions after his death on a scale hitherto unparalleled, and the estabhshment of their independent states in the Empire, has made the year of his death, a.d. 395, a significant turning point in history. 494. While the inroads on the Danube and the Rhine Christian- continued, and the Persians in the east were constantly E^pkV^* threatening the Roman provinces, the uppermost ques- tion in the history of this half-century was the relation of the Empire to Christianity. The Church, superbly or- ganized under its bishops, and having its greatest strength in the cities,* offered itself as a useful ally to the imperial power. A fierce conflict about the doctrine which had The war oi been in dispute at the council of Nicaea (§492) was rending in the°*^ the Church in twain. Arianism sought to reassert itself church, against its opposing view, which being accepted in that council was called Orthodoxy or the "right doctrine." The sons of Constantine had been reared as Christixms, but Constantius accepted the Arian view. Hence, the Arians sought to obtain his help to gain their victory. Although, as emperor, he sought to remain, hke his father, neutral in religious matters, he could not help being drawn *A remarkable illustration of this are our words "Pagan," which means "dweller in a village," and "Heathen," "dweller on the heath" or "country." Christianity made its way very slowly among the country people. Hence "Paganism" and "Heathenism" are used to signify the non-Christian religions of the ancient world. 424 World-Empire under the Despotism into the struggle. The Empire took the side of Arianism. Over against him as representing orthodoxy was Athana- sius, the briUiant and unscrupulous bishop of Alexandria. The result of the conflict was the triumph of Arianism Its Effect, by the aid of imperial authority. The moment was full of meaning, not because of the triumph of this or that doctrine, but because it brought the union of the Em- pire and the Church a long step nearer. Julian, who sought to revive paganism and repress Christianity, was an interesting character, but his attempt was futile. In Christian annals he is branded as "the apostate." The emperors who followed favored the Church more and more. Victory of One of them, Gratian, withdrew all imperial support from ity over ^lic public worship of the heathen gods. In a.d. 392 Paganism. Thcodosius issucd an edict, forbidding all practice of the old religion. This date marks the formal downfall of paganism and the victory of Christianity in the Roman world. At the same time, this emperor exalted the orthodox doctrine; he forbade and punished Arianism and all other false teachings of the true faith. He prac- tically made Christianity the religion of the Empire. Henceforth bishops and emperors joined hands for the rule of the Roman world. Union of 495. Let us stop a moment to consider what this meant. chJfrch.^" In the ancient world, the part of religion was to serve the state. It was one of the elements of public life which made up the state. The ruler was the head of the re- The Victory ligious systcm. But Christianity had grown up outside o^church p^^lj(, ijfg. j^ obeyed no earthly ruler; Jesus Christ, the Empire. gon of God, was its supreme master. Hence, in uniting with the state, it came in as an equal, nay, rather, as rep- resenting a Lord to whom the emperor, too, must bow. Union of the Church and the Empire 425 Therefore, the union of Christianity and the Empire brought with it the victory of the Church over the Em- pire. Before the authority of its Christ there could be no equal power. Hence, this moment in history reveals to us that we are approaching the border of a new age. The Ancient World is passing away. The position occupied by the Church is illustrated by the famous "penance" of Theodosius. He had been stirred by a rebellious act of a mob in the city of Thessalonica to order the massacre of the inhabitants. At least 7,000 people perished. Ambrose, the bishop of Milan, was horrified by this crime. When Theodosius ap- proached the church to worship, he was met by the bishop, who for- bade him entrance and laid before him the conditions on which God's pardon could be obtained. Taking off his royal robes, he must appear in the church as a penitent and beg for mercy from God. The emperor submitted, and, after eight months of probation, Am- brose absolved him from guilt and restored him to the communion of the Church. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3. Rome's Eastern Empire. 4. Rome's World-Empire. (i) [The world-empire under the Principate] — (2) The world- empire under the Despotism — the empire reorganized by Diocle- tian — despotism substituted for principate — character and work of Diocletian — Constantine sole emperor — character — his two achievements — his successors — Theodosius — Christianity and the Arian heresy — the Empire's part in the struggle — what it meant. REVIEW EXERCISES. I. What is the meaning of bishop, diocese, orthodoxy, pagan, New Rome, labarum? 2. For what are the following famous: Ambrose, Gratian, Athanasius, Julian, Mithra? 3. What is the date of the Edict of Tolera- tion, of the Council of Nic«a? 426 End of the Ancient Period COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. What circumstances and con- ditions existed at this time to justify and make possible the Despotism which did not exist in the time of Augustus? 2. Compare the position of Christianity in the state under Constantine to that of religion in the ancient Oriental states (§§ 34, 9i)- TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Reorganization of the Empire. Morey, ch. 28; Botsford, pp. 278-280, 285-288; West, pp. 434-439; Merivale, ch. 70; Gib- bon, pp. 91-95, 132-143; Seignobos, pp. 390-392, 406-409. 2. Constantine and Christianity. Munro, p. 1 75 (source) ; West, pp. 438-445; Botsford, pp. 282-283; Merivale, ch. 71; Gibbon, pp. 120-240. 3. The Edicts of the Emperors in Relation to Christianity. Munro, pp. 174-176 (sources); Gibbon, pp. 118- 119. 4. The Council of Nicaea. SeignoboS:, pp. 400-401. 5. Julian and Pagan Learning. Merivale, ch. 73; Seignobos, pp. 412-413; Gibbon, ch. 12. 6. Theodosius. Merivale, pp. 616- 623; Seignobos, pp, 416-420; Gibbon, pp. 207-221. 7. Con- stantinople and Rome. Munro, pp. 236-237 (source); Gibbon, pp. 123-132; Botsford, pp. 283-285; Merivale, pp. 587-590; Seignobos, pp. 403-404. 8. Society in the Fourth Century. West, pp. 449-457. (3) THE BREAKING UP OF THE WORLD- EMPIRE AND THE END OF THE ANCIENT PERIOD A.D. 395-800 The Last 496. The four centuries, A.D. 400-800, form the last furies?!"^" g^cat Era of Transition in the history of the Ancient World. Rome. Everything was in confusion; everywhere ancient races were yielding to fresh and vigorous peoples, old and es- tablished forms of organization were breaking down and new institutions were forming to correspond to the new life. The struggle was long, the changes slow in taking Barbarian Invasions 427 place, but the end was the transformation of the old world into the Middle Age. BIBLIOGRAPHY* For bibliography for advanced students and teachers, see Appendix I. Thatcher and Schwill. A General History of Europe. Scribners. The early chapters have a full and spirited account of the decline of the Empire and the rise of the barbarian kingdoms. Robinson. History of Western Europe. Ginn and Co. An excellent book, especially strong on the social elements of the history. Church. The Beginning o} the Middle Ages. Scribners. Not a new book, but by an admirable scholar and of permanent value for the period a.d. 400-800. 497. The death of Theodosius p aced the administra- The Bar- tion of the Empire in the hands of his two sons. Arcadius oYiu^e received the eastern portion, Honorius the west. Both were young and incapable. The barbarians, some of them already over the border and restrained in their seats only by the strong hand of Theodosius, soon broke loose; some fell upon the provinces, others threatened the very heart of the Empire. Goths, divided into East (Ostro) Goths and West (Visi) Goths, came down from the north and northeast; Vandals, Suevi, Burgundians, Alamanni, and Franks burst into the western provinces. The very year of the death of Theodosius (a.d. 395), the Visigoths, who had been already admitted into the Dan- Visigoths, ubian provinces, rose under Alaric, their chieftain, and marched into Italy. Stilicho, the general of Honorius, successfully resisted them, until, out of jealousy and fear, he was murdered by his royal master. Then Alaric was able to overrun Italy and even to capture Rome (a.d. 410). The Suevi had penetrated into Spain, where they were * For previous bibliographies see pp. 4, 10, 75, 249, 359. 428 End of the Ancient Period Vandals. Huns. Battle of Chalons. Weaklings on the Throne. followed by the Vandals. Upon the death of Alaric, the Visigoths left Italy and moved westward into Spain, where they set up a kingdom (a.d. 412) which was to last for three hundred years. The Vandals retired before them into Africa (a.d. 429), where they also estabhshed a king- dom under their leader Gaiseric. As if this were not enough, the cause of this tremendous upheaval of the German tribes now appeared on the scene in the advance of the Huns, a people of alien race and strange manners, wild savage warriors, rushing down out of the far northeast from their homes in Central Asia. Under their king, At- tila, they were united and organized into a formidable host, which included also Germans and Slavs. Attila had no less a purpose than to overthrow the Roman Empire and set up a new Hunnish state upon its ruins. "Though a barbarian, Attila was by no means a savage. He prac- tised the arts of diplomacy, often sent and received em- bassies and respected the international laws and customs which then existed." After ravaging the east as far as the Euphrates, he turned to the west, crossed the Rhine and invaded Gaul. There he was met by an imperial army under Aetius and was defeated and turned back in a fierce struggle at the '' Catalaunian Fields" (Chalons) in A.D. 451, which is justly regarded as one of the decisive battles of history. Two years after he died, and with his death the Hunnish peril was over. 498. The emperors during this period were weak men and ineffective rulers, often set up and always upheld by their armies, which were made up almost entirely of Ger- mans and led by men of the same race. Stilicho was a Vandal. Ricimer, another imperial general, was a Sue- vian. The emperors of the west emphasized still more Fall of Western Empire 429 their impotence by placing the seat of government at Ravenna, an almost inaccessible fortress on the Adriatic sea. The rest of Italy might suffer from the marches and contests of rival armies, while they were secure. Thus they beheld, in a.d. 455, the capture and sack of Rome by Gaiseric, the Vandal king of Africa, repeated in a.d. 472 by Ricimer. Following Honorius, a succession of nine weaklings kept up a pretence of imperial rule, until Rom- ulus AuGUSTULUS, a mere boy, was set upon the throne. His German mercenaries, irritated by a refusal to grant Fan of them lands on which to settle, took as their leader Odo- ^""^^^^"^ ' Empire. vacar, the Rugian, captured the emperor and forced him to resign his office (a.d. 476). Then the imperial insignia were sent to the emperor of the east, Zeno, who thus be- came sole emperor and appointed Odovacar governor of Italy. In fact the latter ruled Italy as a king, while, as we have seen (§ 497), other parts of the west did not even for- mally acknowledge the emperor's authority. For this reason the year a.d. 476 is often regarded as a turning point in the history of Rome as marking the fall of the Western Empire. 499. But peace was still far off. The Ostrogoths, who Ostrogoths lived an unsettled and warring life in the Danubian prov- *" ^^^^^' inces of the eastern emperor, set out, under their leader, Theodoric, to contest with Odovacar the possession of Italy. The struggle ended with Theodoric as victor and king of Italy. He ruled it for more than thirty years (a.d. 493-526), wisely and prosperously. "He restored the aqueducts and walls of many cities, repaired the roads, drained marshes, reopened mines, cared for public buildings, pro- moted agriculture, established markets, preserved the peace, administered justice strictly and enforced the laws. Rome on Invaders. 430 End of the Ancient Period By intermarriages and treaties he tried to maintain peace between all the neighboring German kingdoms, that they might not mutually destroy each other." * Nominally a subject of the emperor, he was in reahty sole lord of Italy. Influence of 500. It must not be thought that these waves of bar- barian invasion completely shattered the structure of Roman politics and society. Such attacks on the borders had been going on for centuries. Multitudes of Germans had already been settled in the provinces. The armies were almost entirely made up of them. They were found in numbers in the offices of the imperial administration and in close touch with the court of the emperor. Not only had the splendor and the strength of the Empire, its civilization and its wealth, attracted them, but they had been deeply influenced by it. Many of them had been converted to Christianity. We can, therefore, understand the famous saying of one Gothic chieftain, that once, in his youth, he had the ambition to overthrow the Roman power, but now his highest ambition was to sustain the law and order of Rome by the swords of the Goths. Ac- cordingly, the moment these invaders reached their goal, they fell into the ways of Rome. They came not to de- stroy, but to enter into the Roman heritage. They were proud to be made the bulwark and support of its civiHza- tion and even of its throne. Thus, it was not long before the superior culture, the organizing and civilizing power of old Rome, worked them over and they settled down to maintain the most substantial parts of the imperial struct- ure. This appears most clearly in their laws, which were gathered up into codes that show the deep influence of Roman law. * Thatcher and Schwill A General History 0} Europe^ p. 27. Revival under Justinian 431 501. With the passing of the fifth century, the Empire, The sorely smitten in the storms of barbarian invasion, raised inaction, its head and asserted its ancient authority over the Roman world. A series of able rulers in the east prepared the way for the brilliant and vigorous reign of Justinian (a.d. 527-565). Under him the imperial armies were again vie- justiniaa torious, and territories lost for a time were again united to the Empire. He himself was a Slav, one of that sturdy people of Indo-European stock which followed in the track of the Germans and occupied the seats on the Elbe and Military the Danube abandoned by them in their westward move- ments!^" ment. His able generals were Belisarius, a Thracian, and Narses, an Armenian; under their skilful adminis- tration and admirable generalship, the army was reorgan- ized and led out successfully to recover lost territory. In A.D. 534 Africa was won back from the Vandals. In 553, after a long and fiercely contested struggle, Italy was rescued from the Ostrogoths. The Visigoths were de- prived of parts of Spain. The German tribes on the Dan- ube, as well as the Avars, who were related to the Huns, were kept in check. The Persians in the east were less successfully resisted. 502. The achievements of Justinian in more peaceful Peaceful spheres were equally splendid. He was occupied with building, with law and theology, with commerce and manufactures, as well as with war. In architecture and painting he is renowned for the wonderful church of St. Sophia in Constantinople and for the estabHshment of standards of art, called Byzantine, which endured for cen- turies. In law, he is immortahzed in the Code which bears his name. To do away with the inconsistencies and con- tradictions which existed among the laws of the Empire, he 432 End of the Ancient Period The Code of Jus- tinian. The Con- tinued In- fluence of the Empire. Centred in Constanti- nople. appointed a commission with Tribonian at its head to col- lect, harmonize and arrange them. The result was the fa- mous Code of Justinian. '* Besides the laws, the opinions, explanations and decisions of famous judges were col- lected. As in the practice of law to-day, much regard was had for precedent and decisions of similar cases, and these were brought together from all quarters in a collec- tion called the Pandects. For the use of the law students, a treatise on the general principles of Roman law was pre- pared, which was called the Institutes. Justinian care- fully kept the laws which he himself promulgated, and afterward published them under the title of Novellae." * 503. Thus once more, under the guidance of Justinian, the Roman Empire proved itself a power in the earth. And though its newly recovered provinces were soon lost, it long continued on its way a light and a fruitful source of culture to the world. The wisdom of Constantine's choice of New Rome for its capital was proved. Behind its im- pregnable walls, the city was able to bid defiance to bar- barian assailants and to send forth again and again its armies to regain its lost territories. Its unrivalled commer- cial advantages drew irresistibly the trade of the world, and riches continued to flow into it, while learning and culture found refuge and encouragement within its bul- warks. When the west succumbed to barbarian invasions and within its borders Roman civilization faded out and disappeared, it was revived and renewed by the influences which went forth from the eastern capital. Its citizens were alert and progressive, combining the gifts of Greek and Roman; its palaces were many and magnificent. Above all, it was the centre of a Christian life and thought. Thatcher and Schwill, A General History 0} Europe^ p. 36. Decay of Roman Vigor 433 which transformed the hordes of eastern and northern barbarians that settled on its borders. A sense of nation- ahty was aroused among the motley populations that fell under its spell; Byzantine imperialism, by infusing ancient Grasco- Oriental forms with the Christian spirit, brought about the long-deferred realization of the policy of Alex- ander the Great (§ 271). The world, east and west, owes much to the Constantinople of Justinian and his succes- sors. 504. The revival of imperial vigor was only transient. Under the successors of Justinian the state began again to decline. One cause of this was internal — pubhc spirit and patriotism could not be maintained. The comphcated ad- imperial ministrative system of Diocletian, while it preserved the ^^''^'"®- Empire as a structure, sapped its inner Hfe. The cost of maintaining so great a body of officials was an enormous drain. Taxation grew by leaps and bounds accompanied by scarcity of money, increase of poverty and decline of population. Class distinctions still further weakened the effectiveness of the body politic. The senatorial class was rich and powerful and was exempted from many civic bur- dens. These fell largely on the next lower class, called the Curials or Decurions. All who possessed at least twenty- five acres of land were included in this class. They were responsible for local government and the collection of taxes, deficiencies in which they must make up out of their own private fortunes. These obligations were hereditary; Ruin of a son of a curial entered the order at the age of eighteen ; culzens. severe laws were passed to prevent any from avoiding the civic burdens, which often proved their ruin. As the result of wars and taxation many small freeholders lost their property and became coloni (§ 481) on the estates med 434 End of the Ancient Period of the nobles, to be sold with the land to which they be- longed. The artisans formed a separate class to which all members were likewise perpetually bound. The result of all these arrangements was that the imperial machine with its rigid system and universal sweep was crushing the life out of the middle classes, destroying all civic patriotism and individual ambition, in the praiseworthy endeavor to hold the state together. 505. But there was also an external cause of the decline of the Empire in the east. A new reHgion appeared in the Orient and was spread by force of arms throughout the eastern world. This was Mohammedanism. Moham- 506. In far Arabia, on the southwestern side, near the Red sea, lay the city of Mecca, a sacred shrine of Arabian heathenism and a centre of trade for the wandering tribes of the desert. Here, about a.d. 570, was born, in poverty but of a noble family, Mohammed, who was to be the founder of a religious and a political power of wide extent and influence. As he grew up and came somewhat in contact with the world without, he became deeply im- pressed with the idolatry and wicked practices of his peo- And His pie. Of a highly sensitive nature, perhaps in early life a prey to some nervous disease, he felt himself in a vision called to be the prophet of Allah, the supreme god of the Arabs. After long trial and struggle the Arabs were won for his doctrine. Mohammed founded a church, and his utterances, which Allah commissioned him to speak, were gathered into a sacred book, the Quran, the law and gospel of his followers. He claimed to be the supreme prophet of God and, therefore, all men were called upon to obey his word. To the emperor and to the Persian king he sent his messengers calling for submission to God and New Faith. Mohammedans and Franks 435 his prophet. When he died (a.d. 632), his followers were ready to go forth to the conquest of the world on behalf of the true faith. 507. A vigorous emperor, Heraclius, was on the throne and had brought a war with the Persians to a victorious end. But the fanaticism of the Mohammedans carried spread of all before it. Syria and Egypt were lost. A Moham- medaSms. medan capital was established at Damascus, from which the successors of the prophet, called Caliphs, ruled over a wide empire that included Persia, Arabia, Syria and Egypt. They entered Asia Minor, and in a.d. 668 appeared be- fore the walls of Constantinople. They were repulsed, but the Empire had forever lost its eastern provinces. 508. Filled with missionary zeal and warlike fury the Mohammedans pressed westward along the northern coast of Africa and added it to their empire. Thence they crossed over into Spain, and in a.d. 711 overthrew the kingdom of the Visigoths (§497)- From there they advanced into Gaul. It seemed as though the western Roman world, Uke the eastern, was to fall into their power. But the force that held them in check had been growing strong during these same centuries on Gallic soil. This was the Kingdom of the Franks, to the history of which we now turn. 509. The Franks had advanced but slowly into the The Empire, appearing first on the lower Rhine. Thus they kept in touch with their German brethren and renewed their native vigor by constant additions from the old stock. In A.D. 481 a petty tribal king, Clovis, united the Frank- ish tribes under his authority, defeated a Roman governor and took possession of upper Gaul. From here he pushed Kingdom eastward and conquered the Alamanni. Still unsatisfied^ 436 End of the Ancient Period he drove the Visigoths from southern Gaul into Spain and overcame the Burgundians to the southeast. At his death, in A.D. 511, the kingdom of the Franks stretched from the Pyrenees and the ocean to beyond the Rhine. His sons extended the kingdom eastward in Germany to a point beyond the farthest conquests of the Romans. In time this territory was divided up between members of the royal house, and two kingdoms appeared, Austrasia in the east and Neustria in the west. 510. The Frankish nobility, hke many ancient aristocra- cies in states just emerging from the tribal conditions (§ 106), succeeded in course of time in gaining more and Rise of more power over the king. The way in which this took oiThe place, however, was peculiar. An important officer of Palace. the royal household was the major domus, or "mayor of the palace," through whom admission to the king's pres- ence was secured. The noble families were able to put in this position men from their own body and thus to con- trol the king. The major domus possessed royal authority though he did not have the royal name. The kings were mere figureheads, "do-nothing-kings." 511. A contemporary thus describes them. "Nothing was left to the king except the kingly name; with long hair and flowing beard, he sat on the throne to receive envoys from all quarters, but it was only to give them the answers which he was bidden to give. His kingly title was an empty shadow, and the allowance tor his support depended on the pleasure of the mayor of the palace. The king possessed nothing of his own but one poor farm with a house on it, and a scanty number of attendants, to pay him necessary service and respect. He went abroad in a wagon drawn by oxen, and guided by a herdsman in the country fashion; thus was he brought to the palace or to the annual assemblies of the people for the affairs of the realm; thus he went home again. But the government of the king- Progress of the Church 437 dom, and all business, foreign or domestic, were in the hands of the mayors of the palace." 512. One of the mayors of the palace of the Austrasian Kingdom, Pippin by name, conquered Neustria and Bur- gundy, and, when he died, left the domains thus gained to charies his son, Charles Martel (a.d. 714), his successor in the mayoral ofhce. The new ruler confronted the advancing Mohammedans and defeated them near Tours in a.d. 732. They retreated into Spain, and, owing to disturbances in the Battle of Mohammedan empire, no further attempt was made to extend their power beyond the Pyrenees. The possible fate of western Christendom, if the victory had been gained by the Mohammedans, has placed the battle of Tours among the world's decisive battles. 513. During these centuries, which had seen the barba- Growth rian deluge, the estabhshment of barbarian kingdoms, the church, revival of the Empire and the rise of Mohammedanism, one imperial institution, the Christian Church, had suffered the least and perhaps had gained the most. Since its recognition as the religion of the state, it had advanced rapidly. Its ministers became imperial officials and its religious enactments in its great councils had imperial authority. Among its leaders were men of learning and Leaders, eloquence, whose writings have deeply affected the history of Christian thought. John Chrysostom (''he of the chrysos- golden mouth") was one of the most powerful preachers °™' of his age (a.d. 347-407). As Patriarch of Constanti- nople, he was the idol of the people for his eloquence and the aversion of the court for his fearless denunciation of vice and hypocrisy. He was twice banished by the em- peror. Jerome (about a.d. 346-420) was the most learned Jerome, man of his time. His services to the Church arc twofold: 438 End of the Ancient Period (i) He translated the Bible into Latin so successfully, that with some modifications his translation, called the Vul- gate,* remained the accepted version of the Latin Church. Monasti- (2) Hc aided powerfully the ''monastic" movement, cism. Yqxj early in the history of Christianity its followers, com- ing into contact with the Roman world that in their eyes was evil and that also persecuted them, were moved to flee from it, to hide in the deserts or other soHtary places, that thus they might escape from temptations and trials, and be enabled to live a worthier life. The men who followed this impulse were called "ascetics." When Christianity became the religion of the Empire, the reason for this mode of life changed somewhat. Now it was thought to be the one means of obtaining a higher kind of goodness; it was a method of reaching perfection of character. Soon such persons, who had fled from the world, found that they could better gain these ends by Hving together in secluded communities. Men and women had separate estabHsh- ments; they were called ''monks" and "nuns" respec- tively.! All the church leaders praised and encouraged this mode of life and it soon became immensely popular. Jerome fervently preached and rigorously practised the monastic hfe and succeeded in inducing many wealthy and noble women to take it up. Such persons refused to marry, devoted their wealth to charity, ate coarse and scanty food and dressed in the simplest way. Jerome went so far as to denounce the study of heathen lit- erature, even the noblest works of antiquity. The great- Augustine, est of the Christian leaders of the age was Augustine, * Latin, Vulgata, i.e., "in common use." t The words "monk," "monastery" and " monasticism" come from the Greek word monos, meaning "alone," "separate.' The Bishop of Home 439 bishop of Hippo in Africa (a.d. 354-430). Trained in the best cuUure of the day, he devoted his powerful mind to the defence and upbuilding of orthodox Christianity. He wrote innumerable books, the greatest of which was The City oj God. This book was inspired by the capture of Rome by Alaric (§ 497), and compared the splendid city of the Empire, now fallen, with the true spiritual capi- tal of mankind, the Christian Church. Its eloquence and its logic, its splendid survey of the past, and its prophetic insight into the future have given this work a place among the classics of all time. 514. In the general progress of the church especial increased prominence was secured to the church and bishop of Rome, ^f f °J ^°*'* In the troubles that fell upon Italy this church was fore- Ro^jan^ most in asserting the power of Christianity and in repre- senting its spirit. Its bishops were the friends and helpers of the oppressed, the fearless opponents of injustice and cruelty. They also secured recognition for their own claims to superior position among Christian churches (§ 483). Leo I, the Great (a.d. 440-461), obtained an im- Leo the perial decree (a.d. 445) commanding all the bishops of the west to recognize the supreme headship of the Roman bishop and to receive his word as law. It is true that a spiritual little later a church council declared that the bishop of Constantinople was the equal of the Roman and that both were to be superior to all others. But, as the western church, now slowly separating from the eastern, refused to accept this ruhng, the Roman supremacy was established. It has been well said that with Leo the history of the papacy began. The Roman bishop became ''pope " of the Church in the west with the claim to be the head of all Christendom. Likewise, as an imperial official, he had 440 End of the Ancient Period Temporal authority ovcr the territory about Rome and this he ex- Power. ercised to its fullest extent during the dark years of the fifth century. He '' watched over the election of the city offi- cials and directed in what manner the public money should be spent. He had to manage and defend the great tracts of land in different parts of Italy which, from time to time, had been given to the bishopric of Rome. He negotiated with the Germans and even directed the gen- erals sent against them." * Thus, as the Empire dechned, his power grew in two directions: (i) in spiritual headship over western Christendom; (2) in worldly, or temporal, authority over parts of the Empire. 515. As leader of western Christendom the papacy entered upon the most important task of winning the bar- conversion barians for the true faith. Some of these peoples were Balblrians. already Christians, although in the Arian form (§ 494). Others were still pagan. In the work of conversion the popes employed the monks, whose freedom from family ties and zeal for the Gospel made them admir- able instruments for this purpose. The leading spirit Gregory in this movcmcnt was Pope Gregory I (a.d. 590-604), Great. ^^ whom is duc the sending of a missionary monk to Eng- land. Its result was not merely the conversion of the Angles and Saxons who had entered and occupied the land, but their acceptance of the primacy of the pope. Boniface. Another famous missionary whom the popes sent out was Boniface (a.d. 718), through whose labors the Ger- mans across the Rhine were converted and churches organized among them. 516. The Franks, however, were to prove the most potent allies of the popes in their progress toward head- * Robinson, History of Western Europe, p. 52. The Pope and the Franks 441 ship in the west. Clovis embraced orthodox Christianity on the occasion of his victory over the Alamanni (§ 509), and ranged his people on the side of the papacy. Christi- anity flourished exceedingly among them, although the The Franks purity of life among the priests and bishops was not on a ^^^^^^^^ par with that of the doctrine. When, however, Boniface, having completed his labors among the Germans, sought to reform the Prankish church, he found a helper in Charles Martel. The decisive step was taken in a.d. 748, when the bishops of Gaul agreed to uphold the ortho- dox faith and obey the commands of the pope at Rome. Thus the strongest force in the new world was won for Christ and the Roman Church. Henceforth the history Acceptance of the Franks and the papacy were inseparably connected, g* ^*^*^ When Charles Martel died, his mayorial power was handed on to his two sons, Karloman and Pippin. The former soon retired to a monastery, leaving Pippin alone in the office. "Deeming that the time was now ripe, Pippin laid his plans for obtaining the royal title. He sent an embassy to Rome to ask Pope Zacharias who should be king: the one who had the title without the power, or the one who had the power without the title. The pope, who was looking abroad for an ally, replied that it seemed to him that the one who had the power should also be king; and acting on this. Pippin called an assembly of his nobles pippin, at Soissons (a.d. 751), deposed the last phantom king ^e^lralks of the older line, and was himself elected and anointed king." * 517. This alliance between Roman pope and Prankish The king soon had practical results. The pope found his °™ " ^' temporal authority (§ 514) threatened by the Lombards. * Thatcher and Schwill, A General History of Europe, p. 47= 442 End of the Ancient Period The Pope's Appeal to the Eastern Emperor. Pippin His Saviour. Accession of Charle- magne. This people had entered Italy soon after the Ostro- goths had been overcome by the Emperor Justinian. By A.D. 568 they were in possession of north Italy with their capital at Pavia. Then, in separate bands, they spread southward, settling here and there, conquering large parts ; only Ravenna, the seat of the emperor's representative, the Exarch, and the district about Rome were able to maintain themselves. When, however, the Lombards united under a king, the pope found himself hard pressed. He appealed to his overlord and natural protector, the Emperor Leo, in the east. But the latter had introduced a violent controversy into his realm by commanding the removal from Christian churches of all images as tending to encourage idolatry. His violence in enforcing this command gained him the name of Iconoclast ("Image- breaker"). The pope refused to obey the decree and was supported by the western churches. Thus the fellowship between the two was broken off and no help came from the east. The pope turned to the west and appealed to Pippin to deliver him. "Pippin made two campaigns into Italy and compelled the Lombards to cede to the pope a strip of territory which lay to the south of them (a.d. 755). This marks the beginning of the temporal sovereignty of the pope. He was freed from the eastern emperor, and recognized as the political as well as the ecclesiastical ruler of Rome and its surrounding territory, under the over- lordship of Pippin, who had the title of Patricius.^^ * The Lombards were made tributary to the Prankish king. 518. His two sons, Karloman and Karl, succeeded to the kingdom on Pippin's death (a.d. 768). The former's early death left Karl sole king. He is the first prominent * Thatcher and Schwill, A General History of Europe, p. 130. Charlemagne 443 figure of the times of whom we know something distinct and detailed. The reason for this is not far to seek. With him the old world passed away and the new world stepped into its place. To later ages he was Karl the Great, Caro- lus Magnus, whence the common form, Charlemagne. His personal appearance is described to us by his contem- poraries. 519. We copy the admirable condensation of this description made by Robinson : "He was tall and stoutly built : his face was round, his eyes were large and keen, his nose somewhat above the common size, his expression bright and cheerful. Whether he stood or sat, his form was full of dignity; for the good proportion and grace of his body prevented the observer from noticing that his neck was rather short and his person somewhat too stout. . . . His step was firm and his aspect manly; his voice was clear but rather weak for so large a body. He was active in all bodily exercises, delighted in riding and hunting, and was an expert swimmer. His excellent health and his physical alertness and endurance can alone explain the astonishing swiftness with which he moved about his vast realm and conducted innumerable campaigns in widely distant regions in startlingly rapid succession." 520. With the abundant activity of Charlemagne the His Reia- student of ancient history does not need to acquaint him- thTprpe. self. The king's relations to Italy and the pope alone require attention. The troubles of the papacy with the Lombards continued in his time, until, on the appeal of the pope, he entered Italy, conquered the Lombards, made himself their king (a.d. 774), and restored to the crowned pope his territories. When a party in Rome sought to Em"er"or. deprive Pope Leo III of his temporal authority and drove him from the city, he again appealed to Charlemagne, who reinstated him. A service of thanksgiving was held in St. Peter's Church on Christmas Day, a.d. 800, at which 444 End of the Ancient Period Charlemagne was present. While the king was kneeling before the altar, the pope placed upon his head the im- perial crown and hailed him " Emperor of the Romans." 521. A Prankish chronicle gives the following reasons for this act which seems to have taken Charlemagne by surprise. "The name of Emperor had ceased among the Greeks, for they were enduring the reign of a woman [Irene], wherefore it seemed good both to Leo, the apostolic pope, and to the holy fathers [the bishops] who were in council with him, and to all Christian men, that they should name Charles, king of the Franks, as Emperor. For he held Rome itself, where the ancient Caesars had always dwelt, in addition to all his other possessions in Italy, Gaul and Germany. Wherefore, as God had granted him all these dominions, it seemed just to all that he should take the title of Emperor, too, when it was offered to him at the wish of all Christendom." What This 522. This assumption of the imperial title by Charle- Act Means, j^g^gj^g j^g^g ^^q aspccts. (i) In onc sense it is only a con- tinuation of the past. The years of confusion in the west were over and a well-ordered state came into existence, Revival. embracing in its unity the old imperial provinces, and ruled in the name of Rome, a name hallowed by centuries of splendid history. So it was looked upon at the time. Charlemagne was regarded as a successor of the line of eastern Emperors.* But (2) in a more important sense it was entirely new. A new race, a barbarian people, up- held the imperial throne and were represented in its oc- cupant. The old Roman blood and institutions were swallowed up in the Teutonic. Even more significant is A New Era. the uuion of this new imperial people with the Christian * The Empress Irene was on the throne, and it was regarded as a disgrace that the imperial seat should be occupied by a woman. A New Era 445 Church. Moreover, in the east the Semitic Arabs, inspired with zeal for a new faith, had forced back almost to the walls of Constantinople the eastern Empire, now shorn of its ancient strength. Such a breaking up of the past institutions and such a combination of new historical forces introduces us to a new order and indicates that the Ancient World has passed away and another world is rising on its ruins. OUTLINE FOR REVIEW III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3. Rome's Eastern Empire. 4. Rome's World-Empire. [ (i) The world-empire under the Principate — (2) The world- empire under the Despotism] — (3) The Breaking up of the World- empire and the End of the Ancient Period: Four centuries of con- fusion — the barbarian deluge — Alaric and Visigoths — Gaiseric and Vandals — Attila and Huns — fall of Western Empire — Theo- doric and Ostrogoths — Rome transforms the barbarians — Imperial revival under Justinian — his work — internal decay of the Empire — external attack — Mohammedanism — early history of the Franks — battle of Tours — growth of the Church — its great leaders — monasticism — advance of the Church of Rome — conversion of barbarians — Franks accept Roman Christianity — Charlemagne crowned by the Pope — its significance — the end of the ancient world. REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. What do Alaric, Attila, Gaiseric, Theodoric, Clevis stand for? 2. Why are the following im- portant: Catalaunian Fields, Code of Justinian, Exarch, Tours? 3. What has rendered the following famous: Jerome, Charles Martel, Gregory, Justinian, Stilicho, Augustine? 4. What is the date of the fall of the Western Empire, of the death of Mohammed, of the Battle of Tours, of the crowning of Charle- magne? COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare Charlemagne and Con- stantine. 2. Compare the origin and growth of Mohamme- 446 End of the Ancient Period danism and of Christianity. 3. In what was the relation of the Barbarians to the Empire like that of Philip of Macedon to the Greeks (§§ 245, 251, 252)? 4. Compare the rise of the Franks with the rise of the Roman state (see Wolf son, p. 488). TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Germans and Their Culture. Laing, pp. 401-409 (source); Seig- nobos, pp. 440, 441; West, pp. 458-463; Botsford, pp. 293-296. 2. The Visigoths and Alaric. Seignobos, pp. 421-425, 442 ; Gib- bon, pp. 226-238; Botsford, pp. 297-303. 3. The Ostrogoths and Theodoric. Botsford, pp. 312-315; Seignobos, pp. 444-446. 4. The Vandals and Gaiseric. Botsford, pp. 303-306; Seignobos, pp. 429, 442. 5. The Conquest of Britain. West, pp. 483-485; Botsford, pp. 321-322. 6. The Huns and Attila. Merivale, pp. 648-651 ; Seignobos, pp. 427-429; Gibbon, pp. 200-203, 251- 263. 7. The Lombards. Wolfson, pp. 484-486; Gibbon, pp. 378-383; Botsford, pp. 319-321; Seignobos, pp. 446-447. 8. Theodoric. Gibbon, ch. 19. 9. Justinian and the Eastern Empire. Gibbon, chs. 20-22; Seignobos, pp. 449-456. 10. The Decay of Society — Causes and Course. Wolfson, p. 478; Seignobos, pp. 432-438. 11. The Fathers of the Church. Morey, p. 324. 12. Rise of the Roman Church. Gibbon, pp. 383-384; Seignobos, pp. 460-465; Wolfson, pp. 490-493; West, pp. 505- 512. 13. The Iconoclasts. Gibbon, pp. 428-432. 14. Monas- ticism. Seignobos, pp. 465-467; West, pp. 490-492. 15. Mo- hammed. Gibbon, pp. 451-465; Seignobos, pp. 467-471. 16. The Victories of Mohammedanism. Gibbon, pp. 465-483; Seignobos, pp. 471-475. 17. The Rise of the Franks. Wolfson, pp. 486-487; Seignobos, pp. 443-444; Botsford, pp. 322-328; Gibbon, pp. 274-277. 18. Charlemagne. Seignobos, pp. 479- 485; Botsford, pp. 328-331; West, pp. 513-522. GENERAL REVIEW OF PART III, DIVISION 3 44 B.C.-A.D. 800 TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION. 1. Follow the different steps in the Relation of the Emperor to the Institutions of the Republic (§§ 425, 426, 436, 442, 446, 449, 466, 478, 479, 484, 485). 2. Progress in the Administrative Organization of the Empire (§§ 443, 467, 469, 478,484, 503). 3. External Causes tending to weaken the Empire (§§ 429, 468, 476, 480, 497, 500, 505). Rome's World-Emjnre 447 4. Internal Causes tending to Weaken the Empire (§§ 436, 438, 457, 469, 480, 481, 495, 504). 5. The Problem of the Succession in its various stages (§§ 438, 446, 466, 477, 478, 484). 6. Stages in the Organization of Christianity (§§ 461, 475, 483, 494, 495, 513, 514). 7. Important Dates in the His- tory of the Empire. 8. A Chronological List of the Invasions of the Barbarians, 9. Trace the gradual separation of the Empire into an Eastern and a Western part (§§ 484, 489, 491, 493. 494, 497. 498, 503. 514, 516, 517). PICTURE EXERCISES. 1. With Plate XIV before you compare the figures and note differences of artistic and historical impor- tance. 2. On Plates XV and XVI compare coins 6 and 8 with coins 9 and 14. What important differences are seen? 3. Compare coins 1 1 and 13. Bearing in mind whose coins these are, what historical conclusions can you draw? 4. Compare Plates XX and XXIV to register the advance or decline in artistic character. 5. Why have Plates X and XXIV decided differences in subject and style? 6. On Plate XVIII study head 6; does this style suit the man? How? 7. Why are the illustrations of Plate XXIII characteristic of Rome? 8. What does Plate XXI tell us of Roman Life in the first century a.d. ? SUBJECTS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS. 1. The City of Rome under the Empire. Merivale, ch. 79. 2. The Persecutions of the Christians. Munro, pp. 164-176 (sources); Univ. of Pa. Translations, Vol. IV, No. i; Gibbon, ch. 9; Seignobos, pp. 366-372. 3. The History of Roman Law. Gibbon, ch. 23. 4. Rome in Juvenal's Time from his Own Report. Laing, pp. 433-449 (translation). 5. What the German Gave to the Roman and Received from Him. West, pp. 486-496. 6. An Account of the Parthian Kingdom, its History and Relations to Rome. Ency. Britannica, Art. Persia, (the part dealing with Parthia). 7. A Letter from Pliny to Tacitus Describing His Own Life and Activities, Interests, Pleasures, etc. Laing, pp. 451-471 (con- tains translations of Pliny's letters); The Atlantic, June, 1886; Thomas, Roman Life under the Caesars, ch. 14. 8. The Gifts of Rome to Human Civilization. Morey, ch. 30. 9. An Ac- count of the Historical Event Suggested by Plate XIX. APPENDIX I BIBLIOGRAPHY FOR ADVANCED STUDENTS AND TEACHERS I. GENERAL WORKS Helmolt. History of the World. Vol. Ill, Western Asia and Egypt: Vol. IV, The Mediterranean Countries. Dodd, Mead and Co. The most recent and best of the great general histories. Cunningham. Western Civilization in its Economic Aspects: Ancient Times. Cambridge Univ. Press. Uniquely valuable for its point of vievir, which is ordinarily overlooked. Covers with special ful- ness the classical period. Classical Atlas. For Schools. Edited by G. B. Grundy. London: Murray. Promises to be the most artistic and accurate school atlas published. Seyffart. Dictionary of Classical Antiquity. Ed. Nettleship and Sandys. Macmillan. Harper's. Dictionary of Classical Antiquity. Harper and Bros. TozER. Classical Geography (Literature Primers). American Book Co. II. THE EASTERN EMPIRES Harper. Assyrian and Babylonian Literature. Appleton. A useful collection of accurate translations from these ancient documents. Records of the Past. First Series, 12 vols. Second Series, 6 vols. (New York : Pott.) Translations from Egyptian and Babylonian- Assyrian documents by various hands. An excellent series. Maspero. History of the Ancient East. i. The Dawn of Civilization. 2. The Struggle of the Nations. 3. The Passing of the Empires. 3 vols. Appleton. A most elaborate work by an excellent scholar. Full of illustra- tions. Costly but of great usefulness for school study. McCurdy. History, Prophecy and the Monuments. 3 vols. Mac- millan. An elaborate survey of the Oriental world from the Hebrews as a centre. Learned and instructive. 449 450 Appendix I Encyclopedia Bihlica, edited by Cheyne and Black. 4 vols. Mac- millan. Dictionary of the Bible, edited by J. Hastings. 4 vols. Scribners. These latest Bible dictionaries have elaborate and valuable articles and maps dealing with the ancient Oriental peoples. Rawlinson. The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World. 3 vols. Scribners. Always entertaining and useful, but now largely antiquated by the advance of knowledge. Rogers. History of Babylonia and Assyria. 2 vols. Eaton and Mains. Besides a good historical survey the book has an elaborate introduction deahng with the history of excavation and the decipher- ment of inscriptions. Rawlinson. History of Ancient Egypt. 2 vols. Scribners. Paton. The Early History of Syria and Palestine. Scribners. An admirable Httle book, well constructed and accurate. Perrot and Chipiez. History of Art in Ancient Egypt. 2 vols. His- tory of Art in Ancient Babylonia and Assyria. 2 vols. Dodd, Mead and Co. These are the best works on ancient Oriental art, fully illustrated. They are costly, but fully repay constant con- sultation. The same is true of the other works of these authors. Erman. Life in Ancient Egypt. Macmillan. The best book on Egyptian antiquities. Jastrow. The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria. Ginn and Co. The standard treatise on this subject. Steindorff. The Religion of Ancient Egypt. Putnams. An excellent survey by a competent scholar. HI. THE GREEK EMPIRES Aristotle. On the Constitution of Athens. Translated by Kenyon. Macmillan. Homer. Iliad. Translated by Lang, Leaf and Myers. Odyssey. Translated by Butcher and Lang. Macmillan. Excellent prose versions. Herodotus. Translated by Rawlinson, edited by Grant. 2 vols. Scribners. Thucydides. Translated by Jowett. Clarendon Press. Xenophon. Works. Translated by Dakyns. Macmillan. These are the best translations, but in the Bohn series others may be ob- tained at less expense. Plato. Socrates. A translation of the Apology, Crito and Parts of the Phaedo of Plato. Scribners. Appendicc I 451 SovROCh^s, Antigone. Prose translation by G. H. Palmer. Houghton, Miflflin and Co. Works. In Prose, translated by Coleridge. Bell. ^SCHYLUS. Translated by Plumptre. D. C. Heath and Co. Euripides. Translated into prose by Coleridge. Bell. In verse by Way. Macmillan. Aristophanes. Translated by Frere ("Acharnians," "Knights," "Birds" in Morley's Universal Library). Routledge. 5 vols. Demosthenes. 5 vols. Translated by Kennedy. Macmillan. On the Crown. Translated by Collier. Longmans. CuRTius. History of Greece. 5 vols. Scribners. Holm. History of Greece. 4 vols. Macmillan. Curtius and Holm are very different in point of view and treat- ment. Curtius emphasizes the lesthetic; Holm the political. Cur- tius is the more interesting; Holm is more recent and hence more accurate and satisfactory. DURUY. History of Greece. Dana Estes and Co. Profusely illustrated and written with French clearness and grace. Not, however, the work of a great scholar. TsouNTAS AND Manatt. The Mycencean Age. Houghton, Miflflin and Co. A thorough discussion of recent discoveries in primitive Greece (up to 1897). Perrot and Chipiez. History of Art in Primitive Greece. 2 vols. Practically a discussion of Mycenaean Civilization. ScHUCKARDT. Schlientann's Excavations. Macmillan. Grant. Greece in the Age of Pericles. Scribners. Mahaffy. Social Life in Greece. Macmillan. " Greek Life and Thought from Alexander to the Roman Con- quest. Macmillan. ** The Greek World under Roman Sway. Macmillan. Mahaffy's books are stimulating, full of learning, sometimes rather opinionated. Hogarth. Philip and Alexander of Macedon. Scribners. A stirring exposition of the ideals and achievements of these heroes. Espe- cially appreciative of Philip. Wheeler. Alexander the Great. Putnams. The best life of Alexander, well illustrated. Mahaffy. The Ptolemaic Dynasty. Vol. 4 of Petrie's History of Egypt. Scribners. A singularly vivid and strong picture of this remarkable age. Freeman. History of Federal Government. Macmillan. One of Freeman's best works. Deals in great detail with the Achaean and Italian Leagues. 452 Appendix I Gardner, E. A. Ancient Athens. Macmillan. The work of an expert in Greek art and archseology. " A hand-book oj Greek Sculpture. Macmillan. DiEHL. Excursions in Greece. Grevel. Becker. Charicles. Longmans. This time-honored scholastic tale of ancient Greece is still useful for reference. Marshall. A Short History of Greek Philosophy. Dyer. The Gods in Greece. Macmillan. Davidson. Education of the Greek People. Appletons. Jebb. Classical Greek Poetry. Houghton, Mifflin and Co. Symonds. Studies in the Greek Poets. Macmillan. The above are five excellent works on the phases of Greek civilization indicated by their titles. IV. THE EMPIRE OF ROME LrvY. Translated by Spillan. 4 vols. Bohn. Tacitus. Translated by Church and Brodribb. 2 vols. Macmillan. PoLYBius. Translated by Shuckburgh. 2 vols. Macmillan. Appian. Translated by White. 2 vols. Macmillan. Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European His- tory, Department of History, University of Pennsylvania, Vol. 5. No. I. Monumentum Ancyranum, The Deeds of Augustus. Cicero. Letters. Translated by Shuckburgh. Bohn. ** Works. Translated in Bohn's Library. Lucretius. Translated into prose by Munro. Bell. Vergil. Translated into prose by Bryce. 2 vols. Bell. Horace. Translated by Martin. 2 vols. Scribners. Or, into prose by Lonsdale and Lee. Macmillan. Ovid. Translated by Riley. Bohn. Juvenal. Translated by Gifford. Bohn. Marcus Aurelius. Meditations. Translated with introduction by Rendall. Macmillan. Mommsen. a History of Rome. 5 vols. Scribners. " The Provinces of the Roman Empire. 2 vols. Scribners. These seven volumes contain Vols. 1-3 and 5 of the German original. The fourth volume of the History, covering the period from Julius Caesar to Augustus, was left unwritten. DuRUY. History of Rome. 8 vols. Dana Estes and Co. Of the same character as his History of Greece. Appendix I 453 Pelham. Outlines oj Roman History. Putnams. The most analytic and scholarly one-volume history. Too advanced for the elemen- tary student. Reaches to a.d. 476. Strachan-Davidson. Cicero. Putnams. Fowler. Ccesar. Putnams. Two excellent volumes in the series "Heroes of the Nations." Merivale. History of the Romans under the Empire. 6 vols. Ap- pletons. From Augustus to the Antonincs. Not a great v^ork, but clear, in full detail and interesting. Gibbon. Decline and Fall 0} the Roman Empire. Edited by Bury. 7 vols. Scribners. Firth. Augustus CcEsar. Putnams. Shuckburgh. Augustus. Fisher Unwin. Two useful lives of the first Roman emperor. Bury. The Later Roman Empire. 2 vols. Macmillan. HoDGKiN. Italy and Her Invaders. 7 vols. Clarendon Press. " Theodoric. Putnams. " Charles the Great. Macmillan. Bryce. The Holy Roman Empire. Macmillan. Of great value for the closing epoch of Ancient History. Johnstone. Mohammed and his Power. Scribners. Macdonald. Development of Muslim Theology, Jurisprudence and Constitutional Theory. Scribners. The above two useful works in small compass cover the whole field of Mohammedan history, life and thought. Greenidge. Roman Public Life. Macmillan. Fuller than Abbott's Roman Political Institutions, scholarly, valuable. Arnold. Roman Provincial Administration. Macmillan. A standard authority. Ramsay. The Church in the Roman Empire before a.d. 170. Putnams. A stimulating discussion by an unusually competent scholar. Uhlhorn. Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism. Scribners. Stanley. History of the Eastern Church. Scribners. Vivid pictures of the relations of the Church and the Empire in the fourth and fifth centuries. Lecky. History of European Morals from Augustus to Charlemagne. 2 vols. Appletons. Inge. Society in Rome under the Ccesars. Scribners. Preston and Dodge. Private Life of the Romans. Leach. Thomas. Roman Life under the Ccesars. Putnams. Dill. Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire. Macmillan. 454 Appendix I The above four works are excellent hand-books on the society of the periods with which they deal. Lanciani. Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Discoveries. Hough- ton, Mifflin and Co. " Ruins and Excavations 0} Ancient Rome. Houghton, Mifflin and Co. GUHL AND KoNER. Life o} the Greeks and Romans. Scribners. Hill. Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins. Macmillan. Fowler. Roman Festivals. Macmillan. The above are two excellent scholarly manuals on these subjects. Becker. Gallus. Longmans. Of the same character as his Chari- cles. Mau. Pompeii, Its Life and Art. Macmillan. WiCKHOFF. Roman Art. Macmillan. Anderson and Spiers. The Architecture of Greece and Rome. Bots- ford. The best volume on this subject. Cruttwell. Roman Literature. Putnams. Lawton. Introduction to Classical Latin Literature. Scribners. Sellar. Roman Poets of the Augustan Age. Clarendon Press. Cruttwell is very full, Lawton more popular, Sellar a standard treatise on its theme. APPENDIX II NOTES ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE I. The Parthenon and its Frieze.— The attempt is made in this plate to reproduce the effect wrought by the use of color on Greek temples. It is taken from Fenger's work on the subject. We are looking at the northeast corner of the Parthenon. (See Plate VII and § 182.) The top of the Doric column is impres- sively shown. The sculptured "metopes" in high relief represent various scenes, the meaning of which is doubtful. On the right side is a knight in battle array and a combat between footmen. On the other side are female figures. The refinement, coupled with vigor in the pose and execution of the figures, should be marked. At the bottom of the plate the portion of the frieze pictured is taken from that upon the east side of the building. From the right the procession of maidens bearing sacrificial vessels is advancing toward a group of men conversing. These are presumably the archons of the city. To the left, seated facing them, are the gods and god- desses. The one farthest to the left has been identified with Posei- don, next to him in order are Dionysus, Demeter ( ?), Aphrodite with Eros at her knee. On the sculptures of the Parthenon, see Tarbell, ch. 8, and Gardner, Ancient Athens, ch. 7. PLATE II. Typical Oriental Heads.— i. The portrait of Hammurabi stands on a limestone slab found near the site of ancient Agade (§ 13). The king is in the attitude of adoration with hands uplifted. Study the cap, the hair and the beard as illustrating the style of dress. 2. The head of Rameses II is taken from his mummy now in the Museum at Cairo, Egypt. The remarkable profile betokens a man of imperious character. 3. The head of Esarhad- don, the Assyrian, is from a stone tablet found in Syria. The conical cap betokens royalty. The curled beard and hair are characteristic of Assyrian-Babylonian style, and may be compared with those of head i. The king holds in his uplifted hand an object 455 456 Appendix II which he is offering (?) to his god. The Semitic type of face is evident. 4. The Syrian head is equally Semitic. The thick shock of hair, bound with a fillet, and the beard are characteristic of the Syrian in distinction from the shaven Egyptian and the carefully barbered Assyrian. 5. The head of the Philistine illustrates by its unlikeness to the features of the other heads the non-Semitic charac- ter of this people. The helmet or head-dress (of feathers ?) is like- wise peculiar. 6. The Hittite is distinguishable from Semitic heads by nose and chin. The hair hangs in a pigtail and the eyes are oblique, suggestive of the Chinese. Heads 4, 5 and 6 are from Egyptian reliefs. Observe that all of these heads are in profile. Why was this characteristic of Oriental art? See Tarbell, pp. t^t,, 38-42. PLATE III. Painting from an Egyptian Tomb. — These pict- ures adorn the wall on the tomb of a noble in the time of the twelfth dynasty (§16). At the top is a hieroglyphic inscription giving the usual prayers for the dead. Following in order from top to bottom are represented (i) the making of sandals, (2) the making of arrows, chairs, and boxes, (3) goldsmiths' work, (4) the making of pottery, (5) the preparing of flax and the making of Hnen, (6) harvesting and threshing, (7) ploughing and sowing. The picturing of these on the wall of tomb, together with the sacred words above, was thought to assure to the dead the enjoyment of such things in the world to come. Besides the representation of Egyptian life here, the student has an excellent opportunity to study the merits and defects of Egyptian art. PLATE IV. Babylonian and Egyptian Temples.— a. This restoration of the temple at Nippur was made by Professor Hilprecht. As one passed through the great oblong tower-gate in the outer wall, he entered the outer court, measuring 260 by 260 feet, containing a small shrine. Through similar but greater gates the inner court was reached. There directly in front was the mighty stage-tower, its sides 190 by 128 feet. At the top of the tower was a shrine to the god. Besides the stage-tower was the temple proper, the "house of Bel." It consisted of one-story roofed chambers and open courts. Off to the right of the picture is one of the city-gates. In front of the temple area was the canal. h. The Egyptian temple lay along the Nile. Leading up to the entrance was a road bordered by sphynxes. In front of the gate Appendix II 457 were two obelisks, symbolizing, perhaps, the rays of the sun-god, and some silting statues of the kings or gods. A square entrance, flanked by huge buttresses called pylons, admitted to the court, sur- rounded by a portico upheld by pillars. Through this was the passage by pylon gateways into a covered hall, thence into another pillared court. The "holy of holies," the shrine of the god, was in the low rooms at the rear of the long series of courts and halls. Thick high walls and lofty pylons shut off entrance except through the front of the temple. Light was admitted through the courts. The chambers were entirely dark. The length of the whole structure was over 790 feet, its width over 100 feet. PLATE V. Typical Assyrian Scenes. — a. This relief is cut from the surface of a limestone slab, and was one of a series which lined the walls of the Assyrian royal palace. King Ashurbanipal (§ 72) is galloping after a lion and in the act of discharging an arrow at him. An attendant follows with fresh javelins and arrows. The energy and life of the scene, as well as the subject, are typical. A study of the dress and, indeed, of the various objects represented, as well as of the excellences and defects of the pose, will reward the student with new light on Assyrian life and art. h. This relief represents the siege and assault of the city of Lachish by King Sennacherib (§ 72). See 2 Kings 18: 14. A breach has been made in the walls direcdy in front, where the Assyrian military engines are playing. Torches are being hurled down upon the besiegers; the fire is being put out with pans of water; archers are pouring clouds of arrows on the defenders. Scaling ladders are raised against the walls. In front, prisoners are impaled on stakes. From one of the towers captives are coming forth with their effects. The animation and variety of the scene are only equalled by the grotesqueness of the art. Try to get the artist's point of view and study the details of the scene for the collection of facts concerning ancient military life. PLATE VI. Gold Cups of the Mycen^an Age. — These cups were found at Vaphio in Laconia in 1888, and hence are called the Vaphio cups. The upper design represents a hunt of wild cattle. The centre one is caught in a net. On the right another is in full flight, while on the left a third has thrown one hunter and is goring another. In the lower design the bulls are tame and under the care 458 Appendix II of a herdsman. The material is beaten gold. A sense of abounding life coupled with some crudity is the characteristic impression made by these works. See Tarbell, pp. 67-69; Tsountas and Manatt, pp. 227-228. PLATE VII. The Acropolis. — This restoration of the buildings on the Acropolis is, like all such attempts, probably not accurate, but it represents the general situation and relation of the different structures (§ 182). The entrance at the western end was by the Propylaea, at the head of which stood the colossal statue of Athene. To the right was the Temple of Victory. At the centre of the elevated platform the Parthenon lay on the right and the Erechtheum on the left. The Parthenon was entered at the eastern end. Other smaller temples filled up the enclosure. The Acropolis was about 1,000 feet long by 500 feet wide; it was a sort of oval with its long axis lying east and west. (See Plan of Athens, p. 133.) PLATE VIII. The Hermes of Praxiteles. — This statue was found at Olympia in 1877. The god Hermes has the infant Diony- sus on his arm. The god's mantle is thrown over a tree-trunk and he stands with his body gracefully curved, its weight resting on the right leg and left arm. It would seem that the right arm held some- thing which was being offered to Dionysus. The material is Parian marble. The child is not successfully modelled, but the figure of Hermes is of extraordinary excellence. Forget the mutilation as far as possible, A special study should be given to the head. For a full description see Tarbell, pp. 221-223. PLATE IX. The Laocoon Group. — This group represents the scene described by Vergil in the ^Eneid (II, 199-233), where the priest Laocoon, advising against admitting the Trojan horse into Troy, is, with his sons, slain by serpents. It is a work of the school of Rhodes about 150 B.C. The exhibition of horror and agony is the salient feature of the work. The Laocoon has been variously judged. For examples, see Tarbell, pp. 264-267. PLATE X. The Alexander Mosaic. — This mosaic came from the floor of a room in the so-called house of the Faun in Pompeii. In the lower left-hand corner a portion of it has been broken away. It represents probably the battle of Issus (§ 258) at the point where Darius turns in his chariot to flee, and Alexander on horseback presses on in his charge. *' At the head of the Greek horsemen rides Appendix II 459 Alexander, fearless, unhelmeted, leading a charge against the picked guard of Darius. The long spear of the terrible Macedonian is piercing the side of a Persian noble, whose horse sinks under him. The driver of Darius' s chariot is putting the lash to the horses, but the fleeing king turns with an expression of anguish and terror to witness the death of his courtier. ... The grouping of the combatants, the characterization of the individual figures, the skill with which the expressions upon the faces are rendered, and the delicacy of coloring, give this picture a high rank among ancient works of art." See Mau, Pompeii, its Life and Art, p. 288. PLATE XI. Typical Greek Heads.— i. The first is taken from a full-length statue of Sophocles (§ 183). It is an ideal representa- tion of the poet, no doubt, but it is instructive as illustrating the Greek type. The arrangement of hair and beard should be noticed. The failure to work out the detail of the eye gives the aspect of blindness, and is a defect of Greek sculpture. Compare some modern statue in this respect. 2. The head of Pericles bears a helmet as a sign of leadership (§ 171). A calm, thoughtful, some- what reserved expression on the face is discernible. 3. The head of Socrates is noticeable for its originality, and offers some instruc- tive comparisons with the preceding. The breadth of the face contrasts with that of the others. 4- The head of Aphrodite is taken from the statue found in the island of Melos. The grace and purity of the face illustrate the Greek ideals of love and of woman. 5. The head of Alexander is taken from a relief on a sarcophagus now in Constantinople. He wears a lion's head instead of a helmet, and the ram's horn appears, typical of his divine descent from the Egyptian god Amon. The characteristic Greek profile is instruc- tive. 6. The last head is taken from a Graeco-Egyptian portrait painted on a wooden panel placed in a grave along with the mummy and intended to represent the features of the dead. It is clear that the Greek in Egypt remained in all essential traits a Greek. The thin beard, the oval face, the large eye, the straight nose find their counterparts in the other heads. A golden wreath in the hair is exquisitely done. PLATE XII. Classical Temples.— a. The Greek temple at Psestum in southern Italy belongs to the sixth century B.C. It is, therefore, an early type. A double row of sturdy Doric columns 460 Appendix II surrounds the shrine. The temple was built of limestone and covered with stucco. b. The Roman temple is a modification of the Greek. This temple, 59 by 117 feet, is surrounded by a single row of Corinthian columns 30 feet 6 inches in height. It dates, probably, from the time of Hadrian (a.d. 122). Changes in certain features of the temple of the Greek type can be clearly seen by comparison of these two structures. PLATE XIII. Typical Sculptured Figures. — a. The statue of Khafre is of green diorite, a very hard stone. The Pharaoh is seated on the royal chair in an attitude of regal composure and majesty. The head-dress, false beard and body garment are char- acteristically Egyptian. Special attention should be given to the face and the pose. The right leg of the statue is badly broken. In judging of Egyptian art the other specimens in Plates II and III should be taken into account, and also the examples in Tarbell, PP- 16-35. b. Posidippus was an Athenian playwright of the third century B.C., and the statue is a striking example of the portrait statuary of the period. The easy grace of the pose as well as the cultured refinement of the face and bearing are especially worthy of note. The student will be profited by a study of the dress, the chair, and other accessories. It would be well to compare these two figures with each other, and also the face of the Greek with those of the typical heads of Plate XL PLATE XIV. Typical Sculptured Figures. — a. The statue of Ashurnatsirpal is the only fully wrought Assyrian statue known. The king stands in royal majesty, his arms bare. The right hand holds a sceptre, the left a mace. The hair and beard as well as the royal dress deserve notice. See Goodspeed, History of the Babylo- nians and Assyrians, p. 202; Tarbell, pp. 40, 41. b. The statue of Trajan represents him, probably, in the act of addressing his soldiers. He wears a cuirass, and his mantle is draped over his shoulder and around his arm. A series of instructive com- parisons may be drawn between the two royal figures on this plate. PLATES X\^ and XVI. Typical Coins.— i. A coin of Lydia of the type of the Babylonian ''stater." One of the earliest known coins (§ 119). Date about 700 b.c. The material is electrum. Appendix II 461 2. A Persian gold **daric " (§ 87) of Darius I. 3. A gold ''stater" of Mithridates of Pontus (§ 404). Here is the king himself repre- sented, with hair blown back as though he were driving a chariot. The reverse shows a stag feeding. A long period of growth in the artistic production of coins lies between 2 and 3. 4. Another Ori- ental gold coin, representing Queen Berenice of Egypt, wife of Ptolemy III. Both this and the preceding are noticeable because on them are portraits of the reigning monarchs. 5. A silver medal- lion of Syracuse. The coins of this city reached the highest artistic excellence. The head is that of Persephone surrounded by dol- phins. The reverse shows the victor in a chariot-race; over the chariot hovers Victory conferring the laurel. The design and work- manship of this coin are specially worthy of study. 6. A silver *' stater" of the Greek city of Amphipolis and dating about 400 B.C. The head of the god Apollo appears on the one side, and on the other a torch such as the racers bore. The god's head is remark- able for animation. 7. A silver " tetradrachm " of Athens, about 550 B.C., earlier and ruder than the preceding. On the one side is the head of Athene, patron goddess of the city, on the other the olive branch and sacred owl. 8. A silver "shekel" of Judaea in the time of Simon Maccabaeus (§374). A cup, a pot of manna and triple lily are the emblems, and the letters signify "shekel of Israel," and "Jerusalem the holy." 9. A bronze "sestertius" of Nero. The emperor appears on horseback armed with a spear and accom- panied by a mounted soldier carrying a banner. 10. A silver coin of the Roman Republic about 100 B.C. The head of Roma, Victory in a chariot and an ear of corn are represented. The name of the official who coined the piece also appears. 11. A gold "solidus" of the Emperor Honorius (§497) from Ravenna. The portrait of the emperor is given in the style characteristic of this late age. He wears the diadem and holds the sceptre. 12. A bronze "sestertius" of Antoninus Pius (§ 465). An excellent wreathed portrait-head of the emperor stands on one side; on the other is Roma with the palladium, and the inscription "Roma aetema." 13. A silver coin of Augustus (§ 426). The emperor appears on the one side; on the other, one of his favorite symbols, the Sphynx. 14. A silver "denarius" of the Republic (99-94 B.C.). The bust of Roma appears. On the other side are three citizens engaged in voting— a 462 Appendix II typical scene. 15. A silver "argenteus" of the Emperor Caracalla (§ 478). His portrait, with his head surrounded with the sun's rays, is characteristic of the time. (See § 482.) 16. A bronze "as" of Rome, weighing one and one-fifth ounces. The symbols are the head of the god Janus and the prow of a galley. The date is just before 217 B.C. The symbols are characteristic in view of the date. Why? (See § 360.) PLATE XVII. The Roman Forum.— This plate represents the Forum and its surroundings in the imperial period. The Forum itself was never very large (§ 307) and was early surrounded by buildings and filled with statues. At the upper end into which we look stood the Rostra. The various public buildings are named upon the plate itself. A plate representing the Forum at the present day will be found in Morey, Roman History, frontispiece. PLATE XVIII. Typical Roman Heads.— i. The striking head of Julius Caesar is that of a man of force and ideas. The high fore- head, the prominent cheek-bones, the firm mouth and thin lips reveal the general and the statesman. He is also the typical Roman patrician. The sculptor evidently sought to produce an exact likeness. 2. Cicero is the typical urbane and cultivated Roman of the middle class. His face has a strikingly modern character, being distinctively Roman, perhaps, in its dignity and the traces of sternness. The chin and nose of both these typical Romans are noteworthy. 3. Vespasian's head illustrates exactly that of the Roman peasant, honest, unyielding, practical. Notice the cropped hair, thick neck and decided mouth. 4. Hadrian's head and hair are characteristic of the ruler of the later imperial age. His face is of the western type, yet not Roman. 5. Faustina, the wife of Marcus Aurelius, is the typical Roman matron. The features are strong and simple without the ideal grace of the Greek type. Such a woman would naturally accompany her husband on his campaigns. Notice the dressing of the hair. 6. The bust of Com- modus represents him as Hercules. The characteristic club is in his hand and the lion's skin on his head. The curling beard and hair, and, indeed, the whole representation, disclose the vain and frivolous weakling. It is a long step from Julius Caesar to Com- modus. The artistic skill of the sculptor is worthy of notice. PLATE XIX. Relief from the Arch of Titus.— The Arch of Appendix II 463 Titus commemorated his victory over the Jews and the capture of Jerusalem (§447)- It stood on the Sacred Way. Unlike the Arch of Constantine (Plate XXIII), it had but one central archway and within the vault of this was the relief of our plate. A group of soldiers lead captives and bear the spoils of the Jewish temple. The golden table of the shewbread and the seven-armed golden candle- stick are prominent among them. Laurels crown the heads of the soldiers and they carry Roman military standards. The work is of Pentelic marble, and testifies to the artistic taste and skill of the time. PLATE XX. Early Christian Art.— These scenes from the life of Jonah were painted on the walls of a chamber ?n the Cata- combs. They are dated about the beginning of the third century A.D. They are notable not merely for the crudity of their execution, but also for the religious symbolism which they set forth. The experiences of Jonah had a twofold meaning for the Christian: (i) they were types of the death and resurrection of Jesus (Matt. 12:39-49), and (2) they encouraged the persecuted believers to persevere in the trials of the present life and hope for the life to come. The "great fish" is thought to be copied after the dragon that figures in Graeco-Roman mythology, for example, in the story of Andromeda, representations of which in the art of the time were not uncommon. The symbolism of this picture is further carried out by the mast and yard of the ship which are arranged to form a cross. PLATE XXL Room from the House of the Vettii.— The House of the Vettii at Pompeii was unearthed in 1894, and contains some of the best preserved memorials of Pompeian art. This room, one of the two dining-rooms, with its variegated marble work, its paintings and its frescoes, illustrates notably the character of the better Roman house of the time. The subjects of the paintings are taken from Graeco-Roman mythology. On the right is Bacchus coming on the sleeping Ariadne. On the left are Dsdalus and Pasiphae. The subject of the painting facing us is the punishment of Ixion. Hermes, who has brought Ixion, is in front, at his feet a veiled figure. To the right is the goddess Hera, and on the left Hephaestus has just fastened Ixion to the wheel. See Mau, Pompeii, its Life and Art, pp. 333-334- 464 Appendix II PLATE XXII. Relief from Trajan's Column. — The Column of Trajan stood in his Forum (Plate XVII). It was 128 feet high and was surmounted by a statue of the emperor twenty feet high. A spiral staircase of 185 steps led to the top. Around the column wound a series of bronze rehefs in twenty-three tiers representing scenes in the Dacian war (§ 468). The reliefs contained 2,500 figures. In the centre of this rehef appears Trajan receiving from his soldiers the heads of Dacian spies. To the left a siege is going on, Roman soldiers advancing to the assault under a testudo. Observe carefully the dress and weapons of the soldiers. PLATE XXIII. Typical Roman Architecture.— a. The highly decorative character of this arch is at once evident. Some of the adornments were taken from other monuments, for example, the four great statues and some reliefs from an arch of Trajan. At the top were originally a chariot and horses, and statues. The arch was built in a.d. 315 to commemorate the victory of Con- stantine over Maxentius in 312. Its proportions are fine and its adaptations of Greek architecture are instructive. Compare it with the Arch of Titus and consider whether it does not lack dignity in comparison with that. See Seignobos, p. 322. h. This aqueduct is a remarkable union of simplicity, strength and beauty. Its length is 882 feet, its height 162 feet. The water channel above is covered with large slabs of stone about fourteen feet wide. The character of Roman engineering and architectural work is most fully illustrated by it. It was built for the needs of a Gallic city, the like of which, in size and importance, were to be found scattered all over the Roman Empire. The various features of it will reward study. PLATE XXIV. Christ Enthroned.— This fresco stands over one of the doors in the Mosque of St. Sophia in Constantinople, once a Christian church (§ 502). Christ sits on his throne raising his hand in blessing. On either side are Mary, his mother, and Michael, the archangel. Before him lowly kneeling is the emperor in the attitude of a subject. By some this figure is said to be the Emperor Justinian (§ 501). The Greek words signify "Peace be unto you. I am the light of the world." Study both subject and style of execution as characteristic of Byzantine art and the times in which it arose. GENERAL INDEX The references are to pages, not sections. Pronunciation is indicated by accenting the proper syllable. A few diacrit- ical marks and abbreviations are employed: — e.g.,/. indicates ''following page";^, "following pages"; ;/., "notes"; along mark over a letter shows that it is to be pronounced ; an italic- ized letter is silent. Academy, 196. Acan'thus, 166. Acarna'nia, 197. Achae'an cities, 155. Achae'an League, 226; struggle with Macedonia, 233 f.; relations to Rome, 312, 314; dissolved, 316. Achemen'idae, 215. Achil'les, 86, 89. Acrop'olis, of Athens, 107, 148. Ac'tium, 360. Adoption, in ancient East, 19; at Rome, 294. ^'gae, 197. ^gal'eos, mt., 126. iEga'tes islands, 303. JEge'an sea, 40, 44. ^gi'na, 85, 95, 154. ^gospot'ami, 177. ^mil'ius Paul'us, 313. ^ne'as, 254. .fEne'id, 367. iE'oIus, and the ^olians, 93. yEqui, 270, 273. iEs'chylus, 129, 149, 151. A-e'tius, 428. ^to'lia, 197. -^tolian League, 226, 229, 234, 312 f. Africa, provinces of, 378. A'gade, city, 11; empire of, 29. Agamem'non, 86. Agath'ocles, 228, 301. Agesila'us, 184 f. Agrarian problem in Greece, 99, 108 f.. Ill, 147, 156; at Rome, 275, 283 f., 285 f., 334, 336. Agric'ola, 381, 404. Agriculture, in ancient East, 14; at Rome, 290, 320. A'gri Decuma'tes, 381. Agrip'pa, 368, 371 f. A'haz, 54. Alaman'ni, 409, 427, 435. Al'aric, 427 f. Al'ba Lon'ga, 255 f. Alcae'us, 96. Alcibi'ades, 172 ff., 178. Alcmaeon'idae, 108, 112, 139. Alc'man, 96. Alexander, youth and training, 208; campaigns in Greece, 209; inva- sion of Persia, 209 flf.; development of plans, 215; lord of Persia, 215; organization of Empire, 216 flf., 219; world-ruler, 217; death, 218; characterization, 218 f.; Alexander II, 222 f. Alexandria, in Egypt, 213; Egyptian Alexandria under the Ptolemies, 231 if.; Christianity in, 415, 424; other Alexandrias, 219. Al'lia, 280. Alphabet, 20, 45, 95. 465 466 General Indeoo Alps, Hannibal's passage of, 304. Am'asis, king of Egypt, 91. Ambra'cia, 197. Am'brose, 425. Am'monites, 7. Amon, god of Egypt, 35, 39; Alex- ander and, 214. Amphict'yony, 94; the leading ones, 94; and Philip of Macedon, 200, 203. Amphip'olis, 166, 199. Amphitheatre, 387 f. Amusements, in ancient East, 23; in Greece, 94,96, in, 129, 147, 149 f., 152; at Rome, 292, 324; under the Empire, 386 ff. Anab'asis, of Cyrus, 185. Anac'reon, 96. Anaxag'oras, 168 f. Anaxim'enes, 97. Ancestor worship, 259. Ancient history, defined, i; value of studying, i; extent of, 3; earliest seats of, 5; development of, 3; divisions of, 3; end of, 426 f., 445- Ancus Mar'tius, 255. Androni'cus, 326. Angles and Saxons, 440. Antal'cidas, 185. Antig'one, 149. Antig'onus, 222 f.; Gonatas, 233. An'tioch, 230. Anti'ochus I, 230; III, 312 f.; IV, 314. Antip'ater, 209, 210 f,, 225. Antoni'nus Pius, 397, 399. Anto'nius, M., the orator, 327; the triumvir (Antony), 359 f. Ap'ennine, mts., 241. Aphrodi'te, 88. Apol'lo, 88 f.; at Delphi, 90 f., 93. Ap'pian Way, 251, 299. Ap'pius Claud'ius, the censor, 284, 299. A'quae Sex'tiae, 337. Aqueduct, 297, 299, 389. Ara'bia, 6; province of, 401. Arabians, invade Babylonia, 12. Arame'ans, orin;inal home, 6; in- vasions by, 43, 52; kingdom at Damascus, 49 f. Ara'tus, 234. Arbe'la, 51, 214. Arcadia, early history, 106; de- mocracy in, 136; united by Thebes, 189. Arca'dius, 427. Archbishop, 414. Archil'ochus, 96. Architecture, in ancient East, 23; Egyptian, 38; Assyrian, 55; Per- sian, 64; Greek, 149; Roman, 297, 327; in Augustan age, 368; in first century A.D., 389; in second century, 403 f.; in third century, 413; in Justinian's time, 431. Ar'chon, official at Athens, 108, 120, 137- Areop'agus, council of, 108, no; decline of, 137. A'res, 88. Arginu'sfe, 177. Ar'go, 87. Ar'gos, early history, 106; in Persian wars, 118, 122; democracy at, 136; takes part in Peloponnesian War, 173- Ari'on, 102. Aristi'des, 121, 126. Aristocracy, in Orient, 16; in early Greece, 83; decline of, 99 f.; in Athens, 107 f.; revival in Greece, 181; at Rome, 253 f., 264 f., 268 f., 274 f.; becomes oligarchy, 284 f.; the nobility, 321 f.; under the Em- pire, 380, 383; Frankish, 436. Aristoph'anes, 168. Ar'istotle, 208, 224. A'rius and A'rians, 422 n., 423 f. Arme'nia, 52; and Rome, 345, 401. Armin'ius, 371. Army. See "Warfare." Ar'no, 242. Arsa'ces, 231. Art, in ancient East, 23; in Mycen- aean Greece, 78; in Periclean Athens, 148; in the fourth century General Index 467 B.C., 193 f-; at Rome, 297, 327, 389; early Christian, 415; Byzan- tine, 431. See "Architecture," "Sculpture." Artaba'zus, 128. Artaxer'xes I, 176; II, 184; III, 190, 210. Ar'temis, 88. Artemis'ium, 124. As, 291. Ash'dod, 46 n. Ashurban'ipal, 53; rebellion against, 54; death, 56. Ashurna'tsirpal, 5?. Asia, province of, 317, 340 f. Asia Minor, 36, 40, 52, 90. As'kelon, 46 n. Assemblies, in Greece, 83 f.; in Sparta, 105; in Athens, 108, no, 137 ff., 167; at Rome, 254, 269, 275, 277, 283, 296, 332, 335, 341, 362, 400,417; provincial, 394- See "Comitia." As'sur, city, 32. Assyr'ia, 6, 32; physical features, 51; kingdom, 32; empire, 51-57; or- ganization, 53; civilization, 55 f.; contribution to history, 56; fall, 56; Roman province of, 401. Astronomy, 24, 97. See "Science." Athana'sius, 424. Athe'ne, goddess of Athens, 85, 88, 107, 149 f. Athens, geographical position and people, 107; early organization, 107 f.; lav^-givers, Draco, 108 f.; Solon, 109 f.; tyranny of Pisistra- tus and its fall, no f.; legislation of Cleisthenes, 112 f.; early ex- pansion, 109 f.; comes in contact with Persia, 118; change in politi- cal policy under Themistocles, 121; destroyed by Persians, 125; rebuilt, 127; after Persian wars, 132; progress under Themistocles^ 133 f.; fortified, 133; growth of Imperialism, 135; population, 141; the citizen of, 152; income, 153; politics under Pericles, 153 ff.; de- cline of land empire, 155; thirty years' peace, 155; expeditions against Persia, 155; empire of, 156 f.; interferes between Corinth and Corcyra, 159; war with Sparta, 160 ff.; plague at, 163; parties at, 163; end of first period of war, 166; spirit of the people during the war, 167 ff.; expedition against Syracuse, 174; in third period of war, 175 f.; surrender of, 177; glory and weakness in the war, 178 f.; second naval league, 189 f.; intel- lectual splendor in fourth century, 194 ff., 223 f.; relations to PhiUp, 201 ff.; to Alexander, 209, 223; Hterature in third century, 234 f. Ath'esis, 242. Athos, mt., 119, 122. A'trium. See "House." At'talus, 229. At'tica, 107. At'tila, 428. Au'gur, 261. Augusta'les, 363. Aug'ustine, 438 f. Augus'tus, his problem, 360; solu- tion of it, 361 f.; provincial ad- ministration, 363; foreign policy, 364 f., 371; defects in his scheme of administration, 370 f .; achieve- ment, 373. Aure'lian, 412. Aure'lius, Marcus, 397, 399, 402, 406. Aus'pices, 261, 332. Austra'sia, 436. A'vars, 431. Av'entine hill, 251 f. Bab'ylon, 11; under Nebuchadrezzar, 59; Alexander at, 217. Babylo'nia, physical features of, 5; first kingdoms in, 11; why so called, 12; early empire of, 30 f.; New Babylonian Empire, 58 f. Bac'chus, 330. Bac'tria, 61, 231. Balea'ric islands, Phoenicians in, 44. Bath, at Rome, 388. 468 General Index Baltic sea, 79. Bardi'ya, 61 f. Bel, god of Babylonia, 11, 26. Belisa'rius, 431. Beneven'tum, 229, 283. Bi'as, 98. Bible, 438. Bishop, 395 n.,4i4; of Rome, 414 f. See "Papacy." Bithyn'ia, 345- Black sea, 90. Boe-o'tia, in Persian wars, 122, 124, 127; democracy in, 136; compli- cations with Athens, 155. Bon'iface, 440 f. Book of the Dead, 27. Bos'phorus, 420. Bou'le, of Athens, no, 113, 137. Bras'idas, 165 f. Bren'nus, 280. Bribery at Rome, 329, 332. Britain, Phoenicians in, 44; Csesar in, 348; under Claudius, 378; under Flavians, 381; Anglo-Sax- ons in, 440. Bru'tus, 350, 360. Burgundians, 427, 436. Bur'rus, 376. Business, Greek, 144. See "Mer- chant," "Industry." Byz'antine art, 431. Byzan'tium, 90, 420. Cadmei'a, 186. Cas'lian hill, 251, 253. Caerit'ian right, 285 n. Caesar, Caius Julius, his rise, 344; first triumvirate, 346; in Gaul, 346 ff.; conflict with Senate and Pompey, 348 f.; death, 350; his measures, 350 f.; as a writer, 353; his work and personality estimated, 354- Caesar, the title, 380, 416. Caesar-worship, 368, 393. Ca'lah, 51. Calendar, 24, 290, 297, 352. Calig'ula, 375 n. Ca'liphs, 435. Cal'lias, 155 f. Callis'thenes, 216. Camby'ses, 61 f, CamU'lus, 272, 280. Campa'nia, 281. Cam'pus Mar'tius, 252. Ca'naonites, 7, 47. Canary islands, Phoenicians in, 44. Can'nae, 305. Canvilei'an law, 278. CapitaUsm, at Athens, 141, 143; at Rome, 308, 320 ff., 328 fif. Cap'itoline hill, 251, 260. Cap're^, 375. Cap'ua, 305. Caracal'la, 410 f. Car'men Secula're, 368. Carthage, founding of, 45; com- merce of, 45; in Sicily, 90, 182 f., 227 f.; expansion in the West, 300 f.; early relations to Rome, 301; wars with Rome, 301 fif.; becomes a dependent ally, 306; destroyed, 316; Caesar's colony at, 351- Caspian sea, 53, 61. Cassan'der, 222 f. Cas'sius, Spurius, 269, 274 f.; Gaius, 350, 360. Catalaun'ian Fields, 428. Cat'iline, 344 f. Cato the Elder, as writer, 327; as censor, 330. Catul'lus, 352. Cau'dine Forks, 282. Cavalry, Persian, 63, 128; Mace- donian, 199; Roman, 262, 288. Ce'crops, 84. Celts. See "Kelts." Cen'sor, 274, 296; under Flavian Caesars, 380. Cen'sus, under the Empire, 364. Centuries, 262. Cephis'sus, 107. Ce'res, 259. Chaeronei'a, 203. Chalcid'ice, 198. Chal'cis, 85, 86. Chalons', 428. General Index 469 Char'lemagne {main), his person- ality, 443; achievements, 443 f.; emperor, 444; significance, 444 f. Charles Martel', 437, 441. Charon'das, 100. Chei'lon, 98. Children, 19, 55, 63, 104, 146, 293 f. See "Education." China, 79. Chi'os, 85. Christianity, founded, 369; begin- nings of, 394 f.; persecutions, 395 f., 406, 419; growth in unity, 407, 414 f., 423; and power, 437; tol- eration of, 419; recognition of by Constantine, 421 f.; in the cities, 423 n.; religion of the Empire, 424; Julian's attack, 424; as an imperial power, 437 f.; the mo- nastic movement, 438; leaders in fourth century, 437 f.; and the barbarians, 440; and the Franks, 440 ff. See ''Papacy." Chronology, eras of, 94, 230, 254 n., 369- Chrys'ostom, 437. Cic'ero, his rise and ideals, 344; and Catiline, 345; banished and re- called, 347; as an orator and writer, 353; death, 360. Cilic'ia, 90, 345. Cim'bri, 337. Cimin'ian forest, 281. Ci'mon, 135 f., 137, 155. Cincinna'tus, 273. Cin'na, 340. Circus Max'imus, 252, 257, 293, 387. Cisal'pine Gaul, 303, 339. Ciths'ron, 107. Citizen. See "Common People," "Franchise." "City of God," 439. City-state, in Orient, 11; in Greece. 84; culmination in Greece, 141, 152; Rome, 246, 254. 342. Civilization. See "Society." Claudius, 375, 377 f. Clazom'enai, 186. Cleis'thenes, 1 1 2 ; his legislation, 1 1 2 f . Cleobu'lus, 98. Cleom'brotus, 125, 187. Cleom'enes, 112, 234. Cle'on, 164 fif. Cleopat'ra, 349, 360. Cler'uchi, 156. Client, Roman, in early period, 262; in the imperial period, 383. Cli'tus, 216. Clo'dius, 347. Clo'vis, 435 f., 441. Clu'sium, 271. Cni'dos, 185. Cnos'sos, 79. Code of Hammurabi, 30; of Moses, 47; of Justinian, 431 f. Coinage, of Persian Empire, 62; in Greece, 95, 106, 143; at Rome, 291, 418. See "Exchange." Colisse'um, 387, 389. Collati'nus, 264. Colo'ni, 413, 433. Colony, in Egyptian Empire, 36; of Phoenicians, 45; of Greeks, 89 f.; Roman, 285; Latin.. 286; failure at Rome, 332; Caesar's colonies, 351; imperial colonies, 413. Col'ophon, 85. Comedy, at Athens, in, 167, 235; at Rome, 326. Comit'ia, meeting of, 296; under empire, 362, 377, 400, 417; Cur- ia'ta, 254, 269; Centuria'ta, 269, 285, 332; Tribu'ta, 277, 283, 285. See "Concilium Plebis." Commerce, early Egyptian, 12, 15; early Babylonian, 15, 16; in Kas- site Babylonia, 32; of Phoenicians, 44 f.; of Damascus. 49 f.; of As- syria, 51; of Mycena?an age, 78 f.; of later Greek middle age, 85 f., 90 f.; at Athens, in, 121; pre- dominance of Athens in, 133, 142 f ., 157; how regarded in Greece, 82, 144; of Ptolemaic Kingdom, 231 f.; Rome's commercial position, 251; Etruscan, 256; attitude of early Romans toward, 290; develop- ment of Roman, 301, 331, 341 f. 470 General Index Com'modus, 397, 399 f. Common people, in ancient East, 17; in Greece, 137, 141, 152; at Rome, 254, 322, 369, 384. See "Assem- blies." Concil'ium Ple'bis, 276 n. Connu'bium, 277, 286 n. Co'non, 185. Con'stantine, 419; his achievements, 420 ff. Constantino'ple, 420 f., 432, 435. Constan'tius, eider, 416; younger, 423- Con'sul, 268, 274, 278, 283, 318, 347, 362, 375, 417. Consular tribunes, 278. Co'ra, 88. Corcy'ra, 102, 159. Corfin'ium, 339. Corinth, 85, 86, 90, loi f., 122, 134, iS4> i59> 204; destroyed by Rome, 316; colony at, 341. Coriola'nus, 273. Coronei'a, 185. Cor'sica, 301, 303. Cosmogony, in ancient East, 24; Greek, 96; Roman, 390. See "World." Council. See "Senate." Cras'sus, 327, 343 f., 346, 35°. 36°- Crem'era, 272. Cres'cens, 387. Crete, 71, 77, 79. Crce'sus, King of Lydia, 59, 91. Cro'ton, 90. Cunax'a, 184. Cu-ne'i-form, 20. Curiae, 254. See "Comitia curiata." Cu'rials, 433. Curia'tii, 255. Cur'sus hono'rum, 331 n. Cu'rule, 321. Cyb'ele, 330. Cy'lon, 108. Cy'me, 90, 257. Cynosceph'alae, 312. Cyp'rian, 415. Cy'prus, 44, 79, 86, 155. Cyp'selus, loi. Cyre'ne, 90. Cyrus, of Persia, 59, 61, 212; the younger, 176, 184 f. Cyz'icus, 90, 177. Da'cia, a province, 401, 412. Da'cian war, 401. Damas'cus, 43, 49; overthrow, 54; Mohammedan, 435. Dari'us, I, organizer of Persian Em- pire, 62, 64 f.; II, 176, 184; III, 214 f. David, of Israel, 48. Deb'en, 18. Debt, law of, in ancient East, 18; in Greece, 108 f.; at Rome, 275. Dec'archy, 181. Deceb'alus, 401. Decele'a, 175. Decem'viri, 276, 278. De'cius, 412. De'cius Mus, 299. Decu'rions, 433. De'lian Confederacy, organization of, 132 f.; growth of Athenian power in, 134 f.; becomes an Athenian Empire, 156 f. De'los, amphictyony of, 94; Apollo at, iii; treasury of Delian League, 133- Del'phi, Apollo's oracle at, 90,93; in Persian wars, 118, 122. De'me, 112. Deme'ter, 88,98, 150. Democracy, rise of Greek, 100, 103; Solon's service to, no; develop- ment at Athens, 113, 120, 122; in the Greek world, 136; the Athe- nian democracy described, 137 f., 152; its defects, 167, 179; at Rome, 307; in time of the Gracchi, 335 f.; struggles with the senate, 336 ff. See "Assemblies," "Common Peo- ple." Demos'thenes (general), 164 f., 175; (orator), 202 f. Dena'rius, 291. Deportation, 53. Devo'tio, 299. General Index 471 Dia'na, 259. Dicas'teries, 138. Dictator, 272, 273, 280, 349, Di'ocese, 417. Diocle'tian, 416 flf. Dionys'ia, iii, 149- Dionys'ius I, 183, 188; II, 188, 195. Diony'sus, 88; religion of, 98; at Athens, iii; at Rome, 330. Diplomacy, meaning of, 37 n. Dispa'ter, 259. Domit'ian, 379 f., 396. Dorians, migration, 80; organiza- tion, 82; colonies, 80: Dorus and, 93- Dra'co, 109. Drama. See "Theatre." Dress, in ancient East, 22; at Rome, 292, 296; in imperial Rome, 386. Drink, in ancient East, 22. Dru'sus, 339. Dy'archy, 358 n., 400. Dynasty, 12 n. Ecclesi'a, of Athens, 137. See "As- semblies." Ecbat'ana, 60, 214. E'domites, 7. Education, in ancient East, 55, 63; in Greece, 146, 152; at Rome, 295, 325, 384, 391. Egypt, physical features, 5; first kingdoms, 12; empire of, 33 ff. (organization, 36; ruling classes, 37 f.; splendor, 38 f.); under As- syrian sway, 52; conquered by Persia, 62; Greeks visit, 91; re- volts from Persia, 120; Athenian expeditions to, 155; conquered by Alexander, 213 f.; kingdom of Ptolemies, 223, 231 flf.; gradual reduction under Rome, 238, 311, 314; under Augustus, 361 n.; un- der Nero, 378. See "Alexandria." Eighteenth dynasty, 34 f. Ek'ron, 46 n. E'lamites, home, 7; invade Baby- lonia, 12, 54; conquered by As- syria, 52. El'be, 365, 371. Ele'giac poets, 95. Eleu'sis, 99, 150. E'lis, 106, 136. Empire, meaning of, 29 n. See "Im- perialism." Engineering, Egyptian, 23; Roman, 389. En'nius, 326, 330. Epaminon'das, 187 flf. Eph'esus, 85. Ephial'tes, 137, 139. Eph'ors, 105. Epic poetry, Babylonian, 20; Greek, 87, 93; Roman, 366. Epicu'rus, 235. Eq'uites, 262, 322, 331, 343; under Augustus, 366; in first century A.D.,384; in second century A. D., 400. Eratos'thenes, 233. Erech'theus, 85. Ere'tria, 85, 118 f. Er'os, 88. Esarhad'don, 53. Es'quiline hill, 251. Etrus'cans, 243; at Athens, 157; at Rome, 253, 257; expansion, 256; Roman wars with, 270 flf.; con- quest of, 281. Eubce'a, 85, 86, 90. Euhe'merus, 231. Eume'nes, 222 f.; of Pcrgamum, 229, Eumol'pus, 85. Euphra'tes, river, 5. Eurip'ides, 170 f., 326. Euro'tas, 83. Eurym'edon, 136. Euse'bius, 422. Ex'arch, 442. Exchange, means of, in ancient East, 17, 62; in Greece, 94 f., 243; at Rome, 291. See "Coinage." Fa'bii, 272. Fa'bius Max'imus, 327- Fai-yum', 14. 305; Pictor, 472 General Index Family, in ancient East, 19; in Greece, 145 f.; at Rome, 253, 293 ff.; decline of, 329; in Augustus's time, 365. Festivals, Greek religious, 98 f., iii, 149 f.; Roman, 258, 386. Feudal government, in Egypt, 13. Finances, at Athens, 153; at Rome, 308; under Augustus, 364; in later empire, 413,418, 433. Fiscus, 364. Flamini'nus, T. Q., 312. Fla'vian Caesars, 379 f. Food, in ancient East, 22; at Rome, 291 f., 323; in imperial Rome, 386. Foreigners, in Greek cities, 141, 145; at Rome, 261, 384. Forum of Rome, 252. Fourth Egyptian dynasty, 12. Franchise, in Greece, 103, 113, 192 f.; at Rome, 261 f., 269, 284, 285, 332, ZZ^i 339; extension of, by Caesar, 351; by emperors, 402 f.; edict of Caracalla, 411. Franks, cross the Rhine, 409, 427; settle in Gaul, 435; kingdom of, 436; "do-nothing" kings, 436 f.; and the pope of Rome, 440 f. Freedmen at Rome, 322, 384; under Augustus, 363; as officials under Claudius, 377 f. Future life, belief in, in Egypt, 26; in Babylonia, 26; in Greece, 89, 98 f., 196. Ga'bii, 257. Gabin'ian law, 343. Ga'des, 45. Gai'seric, 428. Gai'us (Caligula), 374 f. Gala'tia, 229. Gal'ba, 378. Gale'rius, 416, 419. Gath, 46 n. Gaugame'la, 214. Gaul, Greek colonies in, 90; Roman province in, 337; Caesar in, 347 f.; divided into provinces, 365; Franks enter, 435; Mohammedans in, 435, 437- Gauma'ta, 62. Gauls. See "Kelts." Ga'za, 46 n., 212. Ge'lon, of Syracuse, 123, 128. General. See "Strategoi." Gens, 253. Germans, enter Gaul, 347; cross the Danube, 402; settled in the Em- pire, 412 f.; how affected by Rome, 430; conversion of, 440. Germany, and Augustus, 365, 371 f.; and the Flavians, 381. Geron'tes, 105. Gil'ga-mesh, 20. Gladiatorial shows, 324, 387. Gods, of Babylonia, 26; of Egypt, 26; of Israel, 41, 47; of Assyria, 55; of Persia, 64; of Greece, 88, 98; of Rome, 259. Gordei'um, 210. Goths, cross the Danube, 409; in the Empire, 427. See "Ostro- goths," "Visigoths." Grac'chus,Tib. Semp.,334 f.; Gaius, 335 f- Grani'cus, 210. Gra'tian, 424. Greece, first appearance in Oriental history, 40; physical geography, 70 f.; relation of its physical ge- ography to its history, 70 f.; peo- ple, 73; outline of its history, 73 f.; Mycenaean age, 77 f.; middle age, 81 f.; age of political adjustment and expansion, 92 f.; elements of unity, 92 f.; summary of progress to 500 B.C., 115 f.; significance of victory over Persia, 128 f.; sum- mary of progress to supremacy of Philip, 205 f.; position in Alexan- der's empire, 220, 223; revolt from Macedonia, 225; misfortunes un- der Alexander's successors, 225 f.; rise of new forces, 226 f.; sum- mary of development in third cen- tury, 237 f.; influence on Italy, 256; declared free by Rome, 312; General Index 473 becomes Roman, 316; transfor- mation of Roman life by Greek civilization, 323 ff., 328. Greg'ory, 440. Gy'ges, King of Lydia, 90. Gylip'pus, 174. Gymnastics, 146. Ha'drian, 397 f., 401 f., 404 f. Halicar'nassus, 151. Ham'ilcar, 303. Ham-mu-ra'bi, king, 30; laws of, 30 f. Han'nibal, in Spain, 303 f.; march into Italy, 304; battles in Italy, 304 ff.; return to Africa, 306; death, 313. Har'most, 181. Harus'pices, 261. Has'drubal, 305 f. Hebrews, home, 7; divisions, 7, 41. See "Israel." Helice'a, at Athens, no, 137 f. Hel'len, and the Helle'nes, 93. He'lot, 105, 135. Hel'lespont, 90, in. Helve'tii, 347. Hephaes'tus, 88. He'ra, 88. Her'acles, 88, 198. Heracli'tus, 97, 169. Herac'lius, 435. Hercula'neum, 379. Heresy, 407. Her'mae, 174. Her'mes, 88; of Praxiteles, 193. Her'nici, 270. Her'od, 369. Her-od'otus, Greek historian, 14; on Cyrus, 61; on the Persians, 63; on battle of Plataea, 128; on Athens, 132; his work, 151; compared with Thucydides, 170. Hes'iod, 92, 95 f., 98. Hezeki'ah, 54. Hi'ero, tyrant, 136; king, 301. Hieroglyph'ics, 20. Hime'ra, 128. Hippar'chus, in f. Hip'pias, in f. Hip'po, 439. Hiram of Tyre, 48. Hit'tites, home, 7; invasions, 36; kingdom, 36; Egyptian wars, 39; influence on Mycenaean art, 79. Homer, 40, 79, 87, 95, in, 325. Hono'rius, 427. Horace, 367. Hora'tii, 255. Hora'tius Co'cles, 272. Horse, in Egypt, 34. See " Cavalry." Horten'sian law, 284. House, in ancient East, 21 ; in Greece, 149; at Rome, 291, 323; in im- perial Rome, 385. Huns, 428. Hyk'sos, 2,Z, 34- Hyrca'nia, 61. lam'bic, 95. lapyg'ians, 243. Iconoclastic controversy, 442. Icti'nus, 150. Il'iad, 79, 87. lUyrians, 243; pirates, 238, 303. lUyr'icum, 317. Impera'tor, 377. Imperialism, in earliest history, n, 29; idea of universal empire, 67; rise in Greece, 130; its conflict with the opposing Greek ideal, 162, 186, 191, 201 f.; defeat of Athe- nian, 179; Sparta's imperial policy, 181 f., 183 f.; Thcban imperialism, 188 f.; revival at Athens, 189 f.; Isocrates's view, 196; achieved finally by Philip, 203 f.; Empire of Alexander, 219; imperialism of his successors, 223; of the Ptole- mies, 232; Roman, 285 fi"., 309, 314 f-, 331, 341 f-, 354, 362 f., 377, 402, 416 f. Impe'rium, 268, 351, 361, 371. India, Darius I in, 65; Alexander in, 217; Syria loses, 231. Indo-European or Germanic family, 7, 58, 243. 474 General Index Industrial activities, in ancient East, 15; in Phoenicia, 44; in Greece, 82, 142, 144; at Rome, 290, 321. Interest, rate in Greece, 144. Invasions, of Babylonia, 12, 32; of Egypt, 33; by Hittites, 36; by northwestern peoples, 36, 40, 46; by Arameans, 43; by Kaldi, 43; of Greece by Dorians, 80; by Galati, 229; Barbarians in Ro- man Empire, 401, 402. 409 f., 423, 427 f., 429, 442; Mohammedan, 435,437- I'on and lo'nians, 93. Ionian revolt, 118; cities to Persia, 185 f. Iphic'rates, 190, 191. Ip'sus, 223 n. Iran', 61. Ire'ne, 444. I'sis, 233, 394. Isoc'rates, 196. Is'rael, appearance, 7, 41; in Egypt, 41; in the desert, 41; settlement in Palestine, 47; conflicts with Philistines, 46 f.; organization of kingdom, 47 f.; empire, 48 f.; disruption of, 49; kingdom of Israel in the north. 49; destroyed, 54. Is'sUS, 211. Ital'ica, 339. Italy, the name, 287; physical geog- raphy, 241 f.; historical contact with the East, 240; peoples, 243; historical geography, 245; influ- ence on early Rome, 255 f.; union of Italy under Rome, 285 ff.; eco- nomic decay of, 320 f., 334; under Augustus, 362 f.; under later em- perors, 403. visited by Alexander, 212; stormed by Pompey, 345; by Titus, 381. Jesus Christ, 369, 394. Jewelry, 23, 292, 294, 386. Jews, deported to Babylonia, 58 f., 161; restored to Judea, 212; and Alexander, 213; the Maccabees, 314; and Rome, 314; feeling toward Rome, 315; subjected by Rome, 345; Judaea a province, 378; revolt, 381. Joseph in Egypt, 38. Jose'phus, 33, 212 f. Judah, kingdom of, 49; vassal of Assyria, 54; overthrown, 58. Jugur'tha, 336 f. Julia, daughter of Julius Caesar, 346 f.; daughter of Augustus, 369, 372. Julian, 423 f.; Julian Caesars, 374 f. Ju'no, 259. Ju'piter, 256 flf., 259. Justice, administration of, in ancient East, 16, 18, 25,3of., 53; in Greece, 83, 84, 108, 138; at Rome, 253 f., 296 f.; in Empire, 403, 411 f., 431. Justin'ian, 431 f. Ju'venal, 405. Kal'di, invasion by, 43; in Baby- lonia, 54; victory over Babylo- nians, 58. Karl, 442 f. Kar'loman, 441, 442. Kar'nak, 38 f. Kas'sites, in Babylonia, 32. Kelts, 7; in Greece and Asia Minor, 229; in Italy, 244; at Rome, 279 f. Kha'ti. See "Hittites." Khu'fu, 23. King. See "Ruler." Knights. See "Equites." Janic'ulum hiU, 251. Ja'nus, 259. Ja'son, 87. Je-ho'vah, God of Israel, 41 Jer'ome, 437 f. Jerusalem, capital of Israel. 48; de- stroyed by Nebuchadrezzar, 58; Lab'arum, 422. Labyrinth, 14. Lam'achus, 174. Lamia and Lamian war, 225. Land. See "Agrarian." Laoc'oon, 230. La'res, 259. General Index 475 Latin colony, 286. Lat'ins, 243, 253; league of, 255 f., 257, 269, 273. La'tium, 254 f.; reduced by Rome, 282. Lau'rium, 121. Lavin'ia, 254. Law, importance of, in ancient East, 18; international law in Greece, 94; lawgivers in Greece, 100; at Sparta, 103 n.; at Athens, 109, 137; Greek law at Rome, 157 f.; maritime law, 227; early influ- ence of, at Rome, 253; of Twelve Tables, 277; laws securing ple- beian rights, 278; securing fran- chise to Italians, 339; conferring powers on Pompey, 343; jurists under the military Emperors, 411; German laws as affected by Rome, 430; code of Justinian, 431 f. See "Justice." League, Peloponnesian, 107; Delian, 132 f.; leagues in later Greek history, 226, 230; Latin, 255, 257, 269, 273, 281. Leb'anon mts., 36, 43. Legion, 263, 287 f. Leo, pope, 439, 444; emperor, 442. Leon'idas, 124. Lep'idus, 360. Leuc'tra, 187. Libraries, in ancient East, 21; Ashur- banipal's, 55; at Athens, in; at Alexandria, 232; at Rome, 352, 389- Licin'i'^-Sextian laws, 283. Ligu'rians, 243. Li'ris river, 281. Literature, in ancient East, 20; in Egyptian empire, 39; in Assyria, 55; beginnings in Greece, 86; de- velopment in Greece correspond- ing to political and social progress, 92; great names and periods in Greece, 129, 149, 151, 167, 170 ff., 194 ff., 202, 224 f., 234 f.; in Alexandria, 232 f.; beginnings at Rome, 298, 299, 3262.; in Caesarian period, 352 ff.; in Augustan age, 366 f.; in the first century A.D., 389 f.; in the second century, A.D., 404 f.; Christian, 407, 415, 437 ff. Liv'ia, 372 f. Liv'ius (Livy), 367. Andronicus, 326. Lom'bards, 441 f., 443 f. Lu'ca, 346. Lu'cian, 405. Lucil'ius, 327. Lucre'lius, 352. Lucul'lus, 343. Lu'di Sa^cula'res, 368. Lux'or, 38. Lycur'gus, 100, 105 n. Lyd'ia, empire of, 59, 90 f., 118; coinage of, 95. Lyric poets, of Greece, 96, 129; of Rome, 353. Lysan'der, 178, 181, 183 ff. Lysim'achus, 222 f. Mac'cabees, 314. Macedo'nia, Greek colonies in, 90; Athenian difficulties with, 190; early history, 197 f.; under Philip and Alexander, 198 f., 208; under Alexander's generals, 223, 233 ff.; wars with Rome, 312 ff.; Roman province, 316. Maece'nas, 371. Magistrate, at Sparta, 105; at Ath- ens, 108, 137, 139; at Rome, 268 f., 274, 283, 331, 338, 341, 351, 361 f., 370, 377, 380, 417- Magna Graecia, 90, 228; and Rome, 282 f. Magne'sia, 85, 313. Malta, 44. Mam'ertines, 301. Mamil'ius, 273. Man'etho, 12 n., ;iT,. Manil'ian law, 343. Man*ine'a, 173, 189. Manufactures. See "Industrial Ac- tivities." Marathon, 119 f. Marcoman'ni, 402. Mardo'nius, 119, 126 f. 476 General Indeoo Ma'rius, Gaius, 337 f., 340. Marriage, in ancient East, 19; at Rome, 293 f., 392. Mars, 259. Mar'tial, 391. Massil'ia, 90. Massinis'sa, 306. Maus'solus, his tomb, 193. Maximian, 416. Mayor of the Palace, 436. Mec'ca, 434- Medes, rise, 56 f.; empire of, 58 f. Medicine, in ancient East, 25; in im- perial Rome, 385 f. Mediterranean sea, 2, 5, 30, 43. Medo-Persians, home, 7. Megalop'olis, 189. Meg'ara, 85, 90, 152. Megid'do, 35. Memphis, 12. Menan'der, 235. Mercenaries, 37. Merchants, in ancient East, 17; in Greece, 144; at Rome, 290. Mesopota'mia, 6; Roman province, 401, 410. Messa'na, 301. Messe'nia, wars with Sparta, 1061 136; alliance with Thebes, 189. Messi'ah, 369 n., 394. Metau'rus, 306. Met'oikoi, 145. "Metropolitan," 414. Mi'das, King of Phrygia, 90. Migrations. See "Invasions." Mil'an, 417, 425- Mile'tus, 85, 86, 90, loi, 118. Milti'ades, 119 f. Mi'na, 17. Miner'va, 260. Mith'ra, 414. Mithrida'tes, 230, 339 f-, 342 f., 345- Mo'abites, 7. Moe'sia, 365. Moham'med, 434. Moham'medanism, 434 f-, 437* Molos'si, 197. Monarchy. See "Ruler." Monas'ticism, 438. Money. See "Coinage" and "Ex- change." Monks, 438. Morality, in ancient East, 13, 18 f., 30, 47, 63 f., 67; in Greece, 88, 99, 105, 129, 149 f-> 167, 169, 171, 195 f-, 23s f.; at Rome, 253, 259 f., 298 f., 315, 324, 328 f., 331; under Empire, 365, 383, 391 f., 406. See "Christianity." Mosaic, 389. Moses, 41, 47. Motives of progress in Ancient His- tory, 66-68; expansion, 11, 29, 34, 162, 246; conflict between East and West, 40; religion, 34, 47; invasion, 12, 32, 33, 43» 82, 128, 197, 430; commerce, 15, 17, 44 f-, 52, 256; wealth, 14, 38; organiza- tion, 62, 362, 418. Mu'cius Scaev'ola, 272. Mun'da, 349. Municip'ia, 285 n.; Caesar's law for, 351; in Empire, 363, 402. Munych'ia, 225. Museum at Alexandria, 232. Music, Greek, 96, 146. Myc'ale, 128. Myce'nse, 77. Mycenaean culture, 78 f. Mysteries, 98 f., 150. Mytile'ne, 85. Na'bu, 55. Nae'vius, 326. Na'ram Sin, 29. Nar'bo, 337. Nar'ses, 431. Naucra'rics, Council of, 108. Nau'cratis, 91. Naupac'tus, 154. Navy, 102, 121, 155, 176, 212, 302. See "Commerce." Nax'os, 135. Nebuchadrez'zar, 58. Ne'pos, 354. Nept'une, 259. Ne'ro, 376 f., 395. Ner'va, 397. General Index 477 Neus'tria, 436. New Comedy, 235. New Platonism, 414. New Testament, 395. Nicae'a, 421. Nic'ias, 163, 174 f. Nicome'dia, 417. Nile, 5. Nin'eveh, 51; fall of, 57. Nip'pur, II, 32. Nobility at Rome, 321. Nobles, in Greece, 141. Nome, 13 n. Nor'icum, 365. No'tium, 177. Nu'bia, 14, 34. Nu'ma, 255, 259. Numid'ia, 306; war with, 336. Occupations, of early civilized man, 14; of Greek middle age, 82; of early Romans, 290; change in, 320 f.; under the Empire, 384 f. Octa'vius, 359. See "Augustus." Odova'car, 429. Odys'seus, 86. Od'yssey, 79, 86, 87, 326. Ogul'nian law, 284. Ol'bia, 90. Oligarchy, 181. See "Aristocracy." Olym'pia, festival at, 93 f. Olympiads, 93. Olym'pus, 88. Olyn'thus, 186. Omen, 260, 296. Oracles, Greek, 93. Oriental world, physical features, 5, 6; peoples, 6; survey of its his- tory, 8; its beginnings, 11; signifi- cance of its history, 66-68. Or'igen, 415. Or'thodoxy, 423. Osi'ris, 26. Ostracism, 113. Os'trogoths, 427, 429, 431. O'tho, 378. Ov'id, 370. Ovin'ian law, 284 n. Pa'dus, 242. Pajo'nius, 193. Pal'atine hill, 251, 362, 383 n. Pal'estine, 41; origin of name, 46; under Ptolemies, 232. Palmy'ra, 412 f. Panathenaj'a, 149 f. Pan'dects, 432. Panno'nia, 365. Pan'sa, 385. Papacy, 439 f- Papin'ian, 411. Papy'rus, 15. Parme'nio, 216. Par'nes, 107. Par'thenon, 148 f., 151. Par'thia, 61; kingdom of, 231; and Rome, 345 f., 364 f., 401; Sassa- nian dynasty, 409. Parties, in Athens, 163; in Greek cities, 192, 226; rise at Rome, 332, Patricians, 253. Paul, 395. Pausa'nias, 127, 132, 135; II, 182. Pa'via, 442. Pel'la, 200. Pelop'idas, 187, 189. Peloponnesian League, founded, 107; in Persian wars, 123; and Athens, 154; declares war, 160. Peloponnesian War, 160 ff. Peloponne'sus, 70. Pel'tast, 191. Pena'tes, 259. Perdic'cas, 209, 222 f. Per'gamum, 229 f., 313 f., 317. Perian'der, 98 n., loi f. Per'icles, 137, 139; age of, 143 ff-; and Peloponnesian War, 160, 162; death, 163; and the higher life of Athens, 168 f. Perseph'one, 88. Persep'olis, 60, 214. Per'seus, 313. Persia, physical features, 60 f.; em- pire of, rise, 59, 61 f.; extent, 62; organization, 62 f.; people, 63 f.; civilization, 64; expansion, 65; 478 General Index threatens Greece, ii8; expeditions against Greece, 119 f., 122 f.; driven from Greece, 128; from the Mediterranean, 132; Athenian expeditions, 155; peace of Callias, 155; reappearance in Pelopon- nesian War, 175 f.; dominating influence, 182; war with Sparta, 185; condition at invasion of Al- exander, 210; overthrown by Alex- ander, 215; revival under Sassa- nians, 409, 431; conquered by Mohammedans, 435. Petro'nius, 390. Pha'raoh, title, 12. Pharnaba'zus, 176. Pharsa'lus, 349. Phei'don, 106. Phid'ias, 148 f. Philip of Macedon, 190, 198 flF.; his ideals and purposes, 200 f.; master of Greece, 203 f.; death, 208; V, 234; allies with Hannibal, 238; wars with Rome, 312. Philip'pi, 200, 361. Philip'pics, 360 n. Philis'tincs, 43, 46. Philopoe'men, 234. Philosophy, early Greek, 97; at Athens, 168 f.; in the third cen- tury B.C., 234 f.; at Rome, 325, 331 ; under the Empire, 392 f., 406, 414. Philo'tas, 216. Phocians, 158, 200. Pho'cion, 223. Phoenic'ians, home, 7; geography of Phoenicia, 43 f . ; commerce, 44 f . ; service to civilization, 45 f.; em- pire of, 45; influence on Italy, 256; in Grseco-Persian wars, 212. Phryg'ia, 90. Physical geography, influence on history, 14, 71 f.; 245, 250 f., 420. Pi'etas, 261. Pi'late, 394. Pin'dar, 129. Pin'dus mts., 70. Pip'pin, the elder, 437; the younger, 441. Pirae'us, 133, 142, 179, 186. Pirates, 342 f. Pisis'tratus, iiof., 141. Pit'tacus, 98 n., 100. Platae'a, 119, 127. Plato, 195 f., 224. Plau'tus, 326. Plebei'ans, 254; struggles with patri- cians, 275 f.; victory over them, 283 f. Plin'y, the elder, 391; the younger, 405 f., 407. Plu'tarch, 405. Plu'to, 88. Po river, 242. Poly'bius, 314, 329. Pompei'i, 379, 385, 388 f. Pompey, 343 f.; victories in the East, 345; first triumvirate, 346; sole consul, 347; conflict with Caesar, 348; death, 349. Pon'tifex, 259, 297, 366. Ponton'o-us, 86. Pontus, 230; wars of Rome with, 339 f-, 343- Pope, 439 f., 442. Poplic'ola, law of, 278. Population, of Greek cities, 141, 192 f.; of Roman Italy, 285. Por'sena, 271 f. Posei'don, 88. Prse'tor, 268. Praetorian guard, 364, 377, 410. Praxit'eles, 193. Prefects, Roman, 286, 364. Priesthood, in ancient East, 25; in Egyptian empire, 37 f.; in Greece, 83, 148; at Rome, 259. Prin'ceps, 362; growth of power, 370, 380; as tyranny, 377; house- hold organized by Claudius, 377 f.; increasing state of, 383; imperial council of, 400; theory of, by third- century jurists, 411; transformed into absolute ruler, 417. Pro'bus, 412. Proconsul, 318. General Index 479 Prophets of Israel, 47, 61. Provincial government, in Egyptian empire, 36; in Assyrian empire, 53; in Persian empire, 62 f.; origin of Roman provincial system, 308 f.; Roman provinces in 133 B.C.i 317; Roman provincial organiza- tion, 317 ff.; trial court for gov- ernors, 318, 336; defects of, 332; importance of provinces to Rome, 341; reorganization under Augus- tus, 361; imperial provinces, 363; under Julian Caesars, 378; as- semblies, 394; under Diocletian, 417. Pryt'any, 113. Ptol'emy, 222; kingdom of, 231. Public land. See "Agrarian." Publica'ni, 308 n., 318, 364. Publil'ian law (Vol'ero), 278; (Philo), 284. Pu'nic wars: first, 302 ff.; second, 303 f.; third, 316. Py'dna, 313. Py'los, 164, 166. Pyramids, 12, 23, 24, 97. Pyr'rhus, of Epirus, 227; in Italy and Sicily, 228 f., 283. Pythag'oras, 97. Quaes'tor, 274. Quintil'ian, 391. ^ Quir'inal hill, 25, 253. I Quran', 434. Ram'ses II, 36, 39, 41; III, 36, 46. Rau'dine plains, 338. Raven'na, 429, 442. Re, Egyptian god, 26. Red sea, 12, 41. Regil'lus, battle of Lake, 273. Reg'ulus, 303. Religion, in ancient East, 25-27, 67; of Israel, 47, 67; of Assyria, 55; of Persia, 63 f.; of early Greece,- 87 f.; influence of Zeus and Apollo in, 93 f.; Greek problems of, 96; progress of, as related to growth of civilization, 98 f.; in ^schylus, \ 129 f.; influence of Greek philos- ophy on, 168 f.; theory of Euhe- merus, 231; Oriental cults, 233; Stoicism and Epicureanism, 234 f.; of early Rome, 2^8 f., 261, 298 f.; decline of, 330 f.; revived under Augustus, 366; in the first cen- tury A.D., 393 f.; of Severus Alexander, 411; in third cen- tury, 413 f. See "Christianity." Re'mus, 254. Rex sacro'rum, 263 f. Rhae'tia, 365. Rhetoricians at Athens, 167; at Rome, 325, 385. Rhodes, League of, 227; and Rome, 313 f. Ric'imer, 428. Roman Church, 414 f., 439 f. See "Papacy." Rome, origin, 246, 254; summary of history, 246 ff.; geography, 251 f.; union of peoples in, 253; a city- state, 254; early legends of, 254 f.; influence of Italy on its origin, 255 f.: under Etruscan kings, 2157 ff. . . . . ^ 261 ff.; political reorganization by Servius, 262 f.; overthrow of king- ship, 264; struggle with neighbors, 268 ff.; struggles of patricians and plebeians, 2745.; the Keltic ter- ror, 279 f.; its result, 281; ex- pansion in Italy, 281 ff.; victory of plebeians, 283 f.; rise of dis- tinctions of wealth and office, 284 f.; organization of Roman Italy, 285 f.; Roman society and man- ners, early period, 290 ff.; rela- tions to Carthage and wars, 301 ff.; explanation of Roman success in wars with Carthage, 306 f.; early embassy to Greece, 157; war with Magna Graccia and Pyrrhus, 228 f.; early complications with Greek world, 238; attitude toward East- ern powers, 314; wars with Mace- donia, 312 f.; with Syria, 313; Rome an imperial state, 3145.; society and manners under Grajco- 480 General Index Oriental influence, 320 flf.; politics as thus transformed, 394 flf.; era of party struggles, 334 f.; victory of Caesar, 349; a world-empire, 357 £f.; under Augustus, 360 ff.; under Julian Caesars, 374 f.; fire at, 376; under Flavian Caesars, 379 f.; society and manners in the first centiu-y A.D., 383 ff.; under the constitutional emperors, 397 ff.; under the military emperors, 409 ff. ; city fortified, 412; under the Des- potism, 416 ff.; rivalled by Con- stantinople, 420; captured by Alaric, 427; by Gaiseric, 429; and the Roman Church, 414 f., 439 f.; division into Eastern and Western Empire, 427; fall of Western Em- pire, 429; influence on the bar- barians, 430; revival under Jus- tinian, 431 f.; influence of Eastern Empire, 432; decline after Jus- tinian, 433; Mohammedan at- tacks, 435; passing of Empire with Charlemagne's accession, 444 f. Rom'ulus, 254 f. Rom'ulus Augus'tulus, 429. Roxa'na, 216, 222 f. Ru'bicon, 349. Ruler, in ancient East, 16, 68; in Egyptian empire, 37; in Persian empire, 64; in early Greece, 78, 82; in Sparta, 83; the Greek tyrant, 10 1 ; king at Athens, 107 f.; divinity of, 231,368; king at Rome, 254, 263; in Roman Empire (see "Princeps"); absolute monarch, 416 f.; Prankish king, 435 f.; caliphs, 435. Sabel'lians, 243. Sa'bines, 253, 255, 270. "Sacred Band" of Thebes, 187. Sacred War, 200, 202. Sagun'tum, 304. Sal'amis, 109, 125 f. Sal'lust, 353. Sama'ria, 49; destroyed, 54. Samar'itans, 213. Sam'nites, 243; Roman wars with, 281 f. Sa'mos, 85, 177. Samuel, 47. Sapph'o (Saf'o), 96. Sardin'ia, Phoenicians in, 44; Car- thaginians in, 301; Romans take, 303- Sar'dis, 59. Sar'gon of Agade, 11; his library, 21; his empire, 29; of Assyria, 53. Sassa'nians, 409. Sa'trap, 62. Saturna'lia, 386. Saul, 47. Saxons, 440. Sciev'ola, Mucius, 272; the jurist, 327- Science, in ancient East, 24, 67; in Greece, 95 f.; at Rome, 297, 390 f. Scip'io, Pub. Cor., 306; L. C, 313; influence of, 328 f., 331. School. See "Education." Scribe, in ancient East, 20. Sculpture, in ancient East, 24, 39; Assyrian, 55; Greek, 149, 193; at Rome, 297; portrait statues, 389. Scythians, invade the east, 59; Da- rius I attacks, 65, 118. Sea power, 176, 302. Seja'nus, 375. Seleu'cus, 222 f.; kingdom, 230, 345; era of, 230. Sem'ites, origin and home, 6; dis- tribution, 6; passing of their pow- er, 59- Senate, Greek, 82 f., 105, 108, no, 113, 137; Roman, origin, 254; early history, 269; practical dom- inance of, 284, 308; and the no- bility, 322; commerce forbidden to, 331; struggle with the democ- racy, 335 f.; failure in adminis- tration, 336; legally supreme un- der Sulla, 341 ; conflict with Caesar, 348 f.; reorganized by Caesar, 351; joint rule with Augustus, 361; Augustus reorganizes, 366; and Julian Caesars, 377; and Flavian General Index 481 Caesars, 380 f.; and constitutional emperors, 400; and military em- perors, 410; under absolute mon- archy, 417. Sen'eca, 376, 390, 393. Sennach'erib, 53; and Judah, 54. Senti'num, 282. Septim'ius Seve'rus, 410 f., 413. Ser'apis, 233. Serto'rius, 342 f. Ser'vius Tul'lius, 257, 262. Ses'tos, 128. "Seven against Thebes," 87. "Seven Wise Men" of Greece, 98. Seve'rus Alexander, 411. Shek'el, 17. Shir-pur'la, 11. Sib'yl, 261. Sic'ily, Phoenicians in, 44; Greek colonies in, 90; in Persian wars, 123; democracy in, 136; Syracuse and Athens, 174 £f.; empire of Dionysius, 183; events after its fall, 227 f.; Carthage and Rome in, 301 f.; Roman Province, 309; slave wars in, 332. Sic'yon, 107. Sige'um, 109. Silver Age, 390. Si'na-i, 12, 34. Sino'pe, 90. Sixth Egyptian dynasty, 12. Slavery and Slaves, in ancient east, 17; in Egyptian empire, 38, 40; in Greece, 145; at Rome, 321, 322, 332, 342, 384, 386, 393; coloni, or serfs, 413, 433- Slavs, 7, 431- Social war, 339. Society, organization in ancient East, 16; in early Greece, 81 f., 87; in Athens in age of Pericles, 147 f., 152; in early Rome, 290 ff.; trans- formation, 321 f., 328 flF.; at Rome under Augustus, 365 f., 369 f,; clas- sification of, at Rome in first cen- tury A.D., 383 f.; in the second century A.D., 405 f.; in the third century, 412 f. Soc'rates, 171 f., 194. Soissons', 441. Solomon of Israel, 48 f. So'lon, lawgiver of Alhens, 100, 109; his legislation, 109 f.; outcome, 141. Sophi'a, St., church of, 431. Soph'ists, 167. Soph'ocles, 149 f. Spain, Phoenicians in, 44; Greeks in, 90; Carthaginians in, 301, 303 f.; becomes Roman, 306; Ro- man wars in, 316; under Augus- tus, 365; Mohammedans in, 435. Spar'ta, primitive organization, 83 f.; development of culture and its suppression, 104; Spartan char- acter, 105; final organization of political system, 105; expansion, 106; headship of Peloponnesian League, 107; in alliance against Cyrus, 59, 107; in Persian wars, 131 f.; jealousy of Athens, 135; trouble with Messenians, 136; growth of oligarchy, 136; com- plications with Athens, 154 f.; war with Athens, 160 ff.; fifty years' peace signed, 166; victory over Athens, 177; terms of peace, 179 f.; imperialistic programme, 181 ff.; war with Persia, 185; peace of Antalcidas, 185 f.; Sparta su- prenre, 186; revolt of Thebes, 187 f.; later history, 223, 234. Spar'tacus, 342 f. Sphacte'ria, 165. Spu'rius Cas'sius, 269, 274 f.; Mae'- lius, 274. Sta'tius, 390. Stil'icho, 427 f. Sto'icism, 234; at Rome, 392 f. Strat'egoi, at Athens, 113, 120 f., 139; in later Leagues, 226. Succession, problem of, in Roman Empire, 372, 380, 400, 410, 416 f. Sue'vi, 427. Sul'la, L. C, 338, 340; his adminis- tration, 341; its failure, 343. Sulpi'cius, 340. 482 General Index Su'sa, 60, 215, Syb'aris, 90. Syracuse, founded, 90; Gelon, tyrant of, 123; wars with Carthage, 123, 182 f., 227 f.; Hiero, tyrant of, 136; democracy in, 136; Athenian ex- pedition against, 174 f.; under Dionysius I, 183; Hiero, king of, 301; complications with Rome, 301, 305- Syr'ia, 5; under Babylonian sway, 30; under Egyptian sway, 35; empires of, 43-50; under Assyrian sway, 52 f.; Syrian kingdom of the Seleucidae, 223; splendor, 230; complications with Rome, 312 f.; becomes a Roman province, 345. Tac'itus, 404 f. Talent, 17. Tan'agra, 155. Taren'tum, 90, 228; treaty with Rome, 282; war with Rome and submission, 283; revolt and subju- gation, 305. Tarquin'ii, 257. Tarquin'ius, Priscus, 257; Superbus, 257, 261, 264, 271, 273. Tar'shish, 45. Tar'sus, 211. Taxes, in ancient East, 16 f., 37 f., 48, 53. 62; Athenian, 145, 153; Roman, 285, 313, 318; imperial, 364, 433- Ta-yg'etus mts., 106. Teaching at Rome, 384 i. Te'gea, 106. Tel-el-amar'na letters, 37. Temple, in ancient East, 23; in Egypt, 38; of Solomon, 48; at Athens, 148; at Rome, 366, 368. Ten Commandments, 47. Ter'ence, 326. Tertul'lian, 407, 415. Tet'ricus, 412. Teu'tones, 337. Teutonic peoples. See "Germans." Tha'les, 97. Thap'sus, 349. Tha'sos, 135. Theatre, at Athens, in, 149, 152; at Rome, 293, 324 f., 388. Thebes (in Bceotia), in Persian wars, 118, 122; rises against Sparta, 187; imperiaHstic ideal of, 188; failure, 189; real achievement, 189; de- stroyed by Alexander, 209. Thebes, capital of Egypt, 13, 34, 38. Themis'tocles, 121, 123, 126, 133, 135- Theoc'ritus, 232, Theod'oric, 429 f. Theodo'sius, 423 f.; penance of, 425. Theog'nis, 96. Thermop'ylai, 123 f. The'seus, 84. Thes'pis, in. Thessaloni'ca, 425. Thes'saly, tyrants of, 189. Thirty, at Athens, 181 f. Thrace, Greek colonies in, 90; Roman province, 378. Thrasybu'lus, loi. Thucyd'ides, the historian, 170; on founding of Athens, 84 f. Thucyd'ides, son of Mele'sias, 156. Thu'rii, 157. Thut'mose III, 35. Ti'ber, 242. Tibe'rius, 372, 374 f. Ti'bur, 404. Tici'nus, 304. Tiglathpile'ser III, 52 f. Tigra'nes, 345. Ti'gris, river, 5. Timoc'racy, 103. Timo'leon, 227. Timo'theus, 190. Tissapher'nes, 176, 178. Ti'tus, 379 f. To'ga, 292, 296. Tours, 437- Trades, in ancient East, 15; at Rome, 290. See "Industrial Ac- tivity." Tradition, meaning of, 29 n. Tra'jan, 397 f., 401, 403- Trap'ezus, 90. General Index 483 Trasime'nus, 304. Treaty, Ramses and Hittites, 36; Greek, 155 f., i79, 185 f.; Roman, 282, 286, 301, 303, 306, 312 f. Tre'bia, 304. Tribal system, 82, 253, 436- Tribe, at Rome, 253, 262, 285, 332. Tribo'nian, 432- Trib'une, origin, 275 f., transfor- mation, 277; history, 334; Augus- tus as, 361 f., 366. Tribute. See "Taxes," "Province." Tri'remes, 102. Triumph, 288 f. Trium'virate, 334; first, 346; second 360. Trojan war, 40, 79, 87, 254. Troy, 77- Tul'lus Hostil'ius, 255. Twelfth Egyptian dynasty, 13. Twelve Tables, law of, 277, 296. Tyrants, of Greece, loi f. Tyre, 44, 48; siege by Alexander, 212, Tyrrhe'nian sea, 256. Ul'pian, 411- Um'brians, 243, 282. Umbro-Sabellians, 243. University, Alexandria, 232; Athens, 234. Ur, II. Utica, 45. Vale'rian, 4x2. Vale'rio-Horatian laws, 278. Van'dals, 427 f., 431- Var'ro, 354- Va'rus, 371. Vei'i, 271 f. Ven'eti, 243. Ve'nus, 259. Ver'gil, characterizes Romans, 253; works, 366 f. Vespa'sian, 378 f.; and senate, 380. Ves'ta, 259. Vesu'vius, 379. Vim'inal hill, 251. Viria'thus, 316. Vis'igoths, 427 f-, 431. 435 f- Vitel'Uus, 378. Vol'sci, 270, 273, 281. Vul'can, 259. Vul'gate, 438- Warfare, means of expansion, 11; development in Egypt, 34, 37; of Philistines, 46; in Persia, 62 f.; naval, 102; at Athens, 108; at Marathon, 119; new tactics of Epaminondas, 187 f.; Greek de- velopment in, 191 f.; Macedonian army, 199; tactics of Alexander, 210 f., 214, 217, 219; army at Rome under Servius, 262 f.; de- velopment and reorganization, 287 f.; reforms of Marius, 338; army under Augustus, 363; army supreme in Roman Empire, 409; improvements by Diocletian, 418. Wealth. See "Capitalism." Woman, in ancient East, 19; in Greece, 145 f.; at Rome, 294, 386, 392- World, ideas of, in ancient East, 24; in Greece, 96; in Rome, 390 f. See "Cosmogony." Worship. See "Religion." Writing, materials, 15; systems of, 19; in Greece, 95; in Italy, 256. Xenoph'anes, 97. Xen'ophon, 184; on Leuctra, 187; his works, 194 f- Xer'xes, 120, 122 f., 126. Zachari'as, 441- Za'gros Mts., 60. Za'ma, 306. Ze'la, 349- Ze'no, philosopher, 234; emperor, 429. Zeno'bia, 412. Zeus, 88 f., 93. 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