z- Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2010 with funding from The Library of Congress http://www.archive.org/details/speechbyluiscabr01cabr SPEECH BY LUIS CABRERA BEFORE THE CONVENTION, MEXICO, D. F, October 5, 1914 b t > Mexican Bureau of Information whitehall building. room 335 NEW YORK SPEECH BY LUIS CABRERA BEFORE THE CONVENTION, MEXICO, D. F. 1 OCTOBER 5, 1914 Very few people among the millions of Americans and Europeans understand or appreciate the historic importance of the Aguascalientes Convention. It marks a new epoch in the history of the Mexican people. It is the regeneration of Mexico. But, at this great con- vention of reconstruction, like all other similar gather- ings the great majorities, who silently bore the burden of the conflict, seem to have been totally forgotten. At the last moment of the gathering of the 130 warriors, who fought for the liberty of Mexico, arose Louis Cabrera, a civilian, and in simple words spoke the mind of the fifteen million of Mexicans who were not represented at that convention. He wasted no words, he shed no tears, in cold and pure logic he showed that it was the great ma'jorities of Mexico — the under dog — that suiifered most. He spoke in behalf of that element — the civilians whom the convention would not consider. He does not plead neither does he argue, he gives facts that speak more eloquent than the battles of the soldiers. And the greatest of his arguments is Don Venustiano Carranza, the statesman and civilian, founder of the GonstitutionaUst party and the inspiration of the revolt against the murderer Huerta. Senor Cabrera, who for several months was con- nected with Mr. Rafael Zubaran in his diplomatic work at Washington, D. C, was the only civilian admitted to the convention and who pleaded the cause of the men and women who never bore a rifle. In an effort of good will and patriotism on the part of the civil elements which are repre- sented in this Convention, several of us have agreed to make a public declaration before this assembly, of being resigned to yield all the work and responsibility of the Convention, to the military elements, since they so desire it. In so doing, we have been prompted, principally, and as has already been stated in the article just read to you, by a spirit of conciliation, and a sincere desire of unification. Let me now explain why we civilians have an undeniable right of taking part in the political affairs of our country, and why, referring to the work which has to be accomplished in Aguas- calientes, we civilians, for political reasons* which however are only true at the present" moment, consider it a patriotic action to with- hold from participating in said assembly. Many reasons have been given to exclude the civilians from participating in the discussions at Aguascalientes. The most important — and I may say the only reason worthy of being taken into consideration — is that they are a disturbing element. (Laughter). The second reason, is that they do not represent the revolutionary element, and the third is that in time of war they will not go under fire. The reason of their obstruction, I shall come to later on — just now I wish to call the attention of the military element to the subject of inter- vention by the civilians. Military men (and I now refer to such as have already in them the military spirit, because the greater part of military men here present, are not sufficiently militarized) (applause). The military men who are already inoculated with the virus of militar- ism, become autmatons, if they are subordinates, or absolute rulers if they are chiefs. Therefore, any obstacle or interference they find in their way, even when same is to put them on the right track, or advise them of danger, or to give them a better knowledge of facts, they im- mediately interpret this interference as a hind- rance to their aims, and classify it as an obstacle. This results in that, all intervention by a civilian who, accustomed to look at things in a more deliberate way, argues with a military man when the latter throws himself headlong into action — the military man finds this an obstacle, and the civilian instinctively feels the inopportunity of this intervention. Where action is concerned, the military man is right : the civilian hinders. Where politics are concerned, he is not right: the civilian helps. When it is a question of acting, of going ahead and executing measures which have been taken or resolutions which have been adopted, military action must be absolutely free from all civil intervention ; but at the time of considering a determination, the military , element should not count, and I beg all the ', : military men who are now in the process of formation, not to see an obstacle in the civil element. It is not credible, nor is it possible, that we, who have been working and straining every effort in our given sphere of action, should now throw obstacles in the way of our own ideals. What we desire, is to see adopted a determined line of action, but before entering into action, we wish to be heard. It is not the purpose of us civilians to obstruct the path of military men. 2 Sift Csrnefl© Ijaastitution ©f WasMngtoa It has been said, and I nndcrslai d that it was said by my esteemed colleague General Coss, that wlien the miUtary men carried on tie revolution, they did not ask the advice of the civilians, and that now that they arc trying to work out the political problems which beset us, they do not want the opinion of the civilians, either. General Coss is right, whenever it is a question of action. But he will admit that while the military men were waging battles in Sonora, or Chihuahua, or Coahuila, there were civilians who were con- stantly worUiny to facilitate the work of the military men. There was the first of the civil- ians, Don \'enustiano Carranza, working in that sense, and he' was completely surrounded by civilians. Civilians of another category were working at other tasks. Others of us civilians were occupied at the humble task to which mili- tary men give no importance whatever, and that is : the propagating and making clear of the revolutionary ideas. The civil clement was everywhere. It was they who had charge of the organization of the Customs. Mails, Telegraphs, etc. The staffs of Obregon, Luis Blanco, Pablo Gonzalez, were all composed of civilians. To say that tlie civil element did not assist in the revolution, would be like saying that the Red Cross did not help any during the war, nor its doctors lend any service. No, gentlemen, civilians must be heard, for they have contri- buted and shall continue to contribute, to the triumph of the revolution. The present government is a military govern- ment, but it must be admitted that those who surround Don \'enustiano Carranza are civilians. When they wanted a man for Secretary of War they choose the most civilian of military men, Don Ignacio L. Pesqueira. But it is not my intention to praise the merits of the civilians. I shall only refer to the third reason above mentioned, that is, that the civilians will not be there at the moment of the fray. In truth, the civilians will not be there at the moment of the fray, and as, in all probability, the only solution at which the Aguascalientes Convention will arrive will be another war. another military action ; the civilians, though they will not be in the battles, will nevertheless share the responsibility and dangers. They will not be under fire and in the midst of the hand to hand battles, but this is one of the few rea- sons which can be given for their elimination from the side of the military men. But I beg to call your attention to the circumstance that, although it is the military element which inter- venes more directly in the political questions of a country, in History it is always civilians who have borne the greatist responsibilities. Civil- ians have always had tlie good fortune or mis- fortune, of being the ones to shoulder the responsibilities of the success or failure of the revolution. Whatever be the activities of the military elements in this revolution, the one responsible for the final result will be Don X'enustiano Carranza who is a civilian. Whatever may have been the responsibilities of the mili- tary elements which were with Juarez, now that we are looking at that epic from a distance, we find that military men have almost disappeared from the field of history, and that the great responsibilities have fallen on the civil elements which surrounded Juarez, and on the civilians who were on the side of reaction. The civil elements have had the misfortune always to shoulder the biggest responsibilities. During the administration of Don Francisco I. Aladero, the strongest military elements which supported him, are still alive — it was the civil elements that were sacrificed. (Applause). The life of the Secretary of War, under Don Fran- cisco I. Madero, was respected. The military commanders, such as Villar, Angeles, are still alive. Gustavo Aladero was a civilian, he did not even have a political position in the govern- ment, and he was the first victim. Jose Maria Pino Suarez was, of all the Ministers of Fran- cisco I. Madero, the one who exercized the least political influence in the course of events. He was the Minister who was least able to influence the determinations of Don Francisco I. Madero, because the policy of Francisco I. Madero was controlled by his relatives, Don Rafael Hernan- dez, Don Ernesto IMadero, and Don Jaime Gurza — but when the time came for shouldering responsibilities, Henry Lane Wilson spread the banner of the Stars and Strips over these three ministers and declared (for I myself heard him say it) that those were the only honest men in the Government stafT of Mr. Madero, and he, Wilson, protected and saved them. But Jose M. Pino Suarez w-as assassinated and Don Francisco I. Madero was assassinated. In the present struggle, military men always have behind them live, ten or twenty-thousand men whom they can count on to protect them : civilians have no protection behind them. After the Aguascalientes Convention is over, whether the civilians have taken part in or not, it is they who will suffer the consequences, because they have not behind them a military following to make themselves respected. GENERAL COSS, ikerrupting— You also have followers whom you can count on, come witli me to the ranks and you will find them. (Hisses). CITIZEN CABRERA— I beg the audience to allow me to listen to Mr. :Coss. GENERAL COSS— We military men do not want civilians to attend, because in Guadalupe it was not stated that civilians would attend. At the time of the agreement in Torreon, it was not understood that they were to attend at this Convention. It was military men, generals in command of forces, who were to attend. We are not prejudiced against civilians, no, but we object to their presence here because it was not agreed to beforehand, it being understood that only we soldiers who have suffered the pangs of cold and hunger, and carried the blood-covered bodies of our wounded comrades from the fields of battles, were to attend. That is why we object, not because we are prejudiced against them. CITIZEN CABRERA— I most sincerely thank my colleague, General Coss, for the ex- planation he has had the kindness to give me, as it refers to one of the points which I was going to take up in elucidating the question of the civilians. Correct — ^I, a civilian (and in saying I, it is not in order to bring my personality to the front, but only as an example among many others), I have not behind me any political forces, nor a government position, nor some hundred mausers to protect my life — ^if I run any danger as a civilian, the most effective protection I could find would be to become a military man. And in this instance I must thank General Coss for the offer he makes me, and I beg to assure him that should it become necessary, I shall not hesi- tate an instant in putting myself under his mili- tary command — choosing, as I shall be obliged to do, between the brigade of General Esteban Marquez, and that of General Antonio Medina, both of which are represented in this assembly, and both operating in the State of Puebla, where I am acquainted even with its remotest lanes. And passing on to the third objection, I will say that, where military men represent well determined elements, we civilians do not. Every military man represents a certain number of enlisted men, who support him and on whom he can count — while we civilians represent no one in particular. My colleague General Hay has shown a certain lack of memory in transcribing my speeches, but he cannot be blamed, for at times, even the press stenographers in spite of their notes, suffer from lack of memory. I do not say that we civilians represent the fifteen million inhabitants of our country. We civilians represent only that which we spontane- ously assume. I have never as a politician pre- tended to represent, nor do I now represent, more than the ideas which, in my opinion, others hold. When I write, or speak in public, none of the ideas I express are my own — I always try to interpret the feelings of the nation — and whether I have interpreted same correctly, it is not for me to judge. General Coss c5.n well believe that I am not acquainted with the opinion of the military elements, but I do know the feelings of innumerable sufferers, miserable, famishing, who are clamouring for bread in this republic, and who have not shouldered rifles. You, the military men, represent the feelings of men who have had the good fortune, or we may call it the privilege, of having been able to obtain a rifle. I am less pretentious, and am content to represent the desires, the tendencies of all the rest of the people who did not even have a rifle, and who nevertheless were exposed, like all the rest, to the excesses of the Diaz dictatorship. I speak in the name of the millions who, in misery, want their soldier brothers to take them out of the misery in which they are wallowing. It is in their name that I wish to make myself heard, and all these men, sharing my opinion, are content that you should decide the problem — ^but they demand that, before marching to the front, you should hear them. (Applause). There are two reasons, fundamental and beyond discussion, one of which was suggested to me the first time by General Blanco, I think, and another by General Buelna, I do not exactly remember which, but I believe they were the originators of these fundamental reasons — two reasons why civilians should not come to Aguas- calientes, and which are : Allow me to come down a little, and to put before you a homely example : Every house- keeper knows that when she has two cooks she has only half a cook. That is to say that, when two energies co-operate together, and in perfect unison in every detail, these two energies are worth two whole units, and this union makes them strong. But when between the two energies, comes the minutest shadow of discord, then it is better for these two energies not to work together. If the military men ami civilians, low in this asscml)!)', were already in perfect acijord in their opinions and ideas, before presenting themselves to another group of men in ilie north, then our opinion and our greater numher would contribute to the greater success of our labois. Hut if, as we have seem there exist little difTcrcnccs (and difTcrenccs in ojiinion I call little) there comes the idea that we civilians might be cumbersome, and, if we arc not perfectly in harmony, our differences may become an obstruction when convening with the other elements in Aguas- calientes. Therefore, when two nun do not arrive at a perfect understanding, the best thing they can do is to agree which of them is to be eliminated. If military men and civilians can- not come to a perfect understanding in the details of our work in Aguascalientes. those who represent the minority and the weaker jiortion would do well to eliminate ourselves, and the weaker portion, in numbers and strength is now represented by us civilians. We therefore yield the field to the military men. Another fundamental reason, and which should be taken into consideration to eliminate the civil element, is that of making a precedent, so that the other group of men who are coming from the North, may also eliminate the civilians who arc coming among them. (Applause). Not that we believe that the Generals of the Eastern. Western and Central Divisions, have better civil elements co-operating with them, than the Northern division. On the contrary, I affirm that the civil elements which surround the Northern division, are much more intelligent, and above all, richer, than the civil elements with the other divisions — but, I maintain that the civil elements surrounding the Eastern, Western and Central divisions, arc greater patriots than those w^ho surround the Northern division. I also affirm that the civil elements surround- ing the Division of the South (and in the term South in general. I include the East, West Center and South) that these elements under- stand the revolution better than the civil elements of the North, and to corroborate my statement I refer to this Manifest of General Francisco \'illa, which beyond the shadow of a doubt, was not produced by him. but by some civilian who pulls the strings from the outside. This Mani- fest interprets the Revolution in altogether a contrary manner to what we military men and civilians here assembled, understand it. But this I shall take up another time, now I must finish. For the present, I shall restrict myself to rectify the dcclaratifjii made bv us civilians WE ARE WILI.I.VG TU ELIMINATE OURSELVES FROM Till-: CONVENTKJX, WllEX Till-: CONVENTION Dl'.CIDES TO ADJOL'R.V TO AGCASCALIENTES, or WllEX A NEW ASSI'.MI'.LY IS— CONVENED IX AGUAS- CALIENTES. We agree, brother soldiers, in that you m.iy carry the brunt of the activity and determinaliiin of which you havi' already given proof, to this coming strife. We arc willing that you light for the success of the revolution, we wish you success — we trust you will be able to interpret correctly, the sentiments of the troops which you have organized, the sentiments and re(|uirements of