3)iscotLTse before the 
 
 VermoTit ColoTjizationi 
 Society, by 
 
 Will lain C' Fowler, 
 
Pass ^ L\<k 
 
 Book ^li 
 
?*' ^;/($ 
 
 A 
 
 DISCOURSE, 
 
 DELIVERED AT 
 
 ■' ^ 
 MONTPELIER, OCTOBER 17, 1834, 
 
 BEFORE THE y 
 
 VERIflOIVT COLOIVIZATIOrV SOCIETY. 
 
 BY WILLIAM C. FOWLER. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETT. 
 
 *^ miSDX.EBUR'S': 
 
 KNAPP & JEWETT, PRINTERS. 
 
 1834. 
 
^ 
 
 D I S C O U R N K 
 
 The duestion, What shall be done with the colgk- 
 ED POPULATION OF OUR COUNTRY? is one ihat has often 
 foeen asked during the last sixty years; and as yet, it has 
 received no answer, that has generally been satisfactory. 
 Even before the United States, by the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, assumed the responsibility of a distinct and sep- 
 arate national existence, there were intelligent patriots 
 who made this question a subject of political speculation, 
 or of christian solicitude. In the progress of time down 
 to the present period, this solicitude has increased into a 
 deep anxiety, and this speculation is maturing into speedy 
 and decided action. The great mass of the population 
 are waking up to the consideration of this subject j so that 
 it may now be considered as morally certain that some- 
 thing will be done. An intelligent, conscientious, and en- 
 lightened people will act and must act. 
 
 But the question still recurs, What shall be done? 
 
 Now, to this, the American Colonization Society re- 
 turns one answer ; and the American Antislavery Socie- 
 ty another. The partisans of these two Associations are 
 engaged in a fierce, or at least an animated controversy. 
 They profess, and I doubt not sincerely, on both sides, to 
 act in the name and by the authority of Jesus ; and yet, to 
 a considerable extent, the friends of each Association are 
 endeavoring to prevent the operations of the other. View- 
 ing the attitude in which they stand towards each other, 
 and the spirit which has sometimes been manifested in the 
 controversy, I could not but call to mind a certain passage 
 
in the Bible, in which the same spirit was manifested bv 
 the disciples and rebuked by Jesus. 
 
 In the Gospel by Mark, the ix. chap., at the 38th verse 
 it is written — " And John answered him saying, Mas- 
 ter, WE SAW ONE CASTING OUT DEVILS IN THY NAME, AND HE 
 rOLLOWETH NOT US, AND WE FORBADE HIM BECAUSE HE FOL- 
 LOWETH NOT US. BuT JeSUS SAID, FoRBlD HIM NOT." 
 
 I adopt this as the basis of my discourse, because it ap- 
 pears to be adapted to the present state of things in our 
 country. The plain import of the passage is, that those who 
 were casting out devils in the name of Jesus, received his 
 approbation, even though they did not attach themselves 
 to the disciples as to a party : They acted in the name and 
 by the authority of Jesus, just as did the disciples, and 
 therefore they ought not to be forbidden. 
 
 It shall be my general purpose to show, that each 
 Society does, in the main, act in the name and by the 
 authority of Jesus, and therefore should not be for- 
 bidden. I shall, 
 
 I., speak briefly of the history, condition and character of 
 the Slave Population in our country. 
 
 II., of the history, condition and character of the Free 
 Colored Population. As related to these two classes, I 
 shall speak, 
 
 III., of the character and object of the Colonization So- 
 ciety: And, 
 
 IV., of the character and object of the Antislaveuy So- 
 ciety. 
 
 In ihejirst branch of my discourse, I uni to speak of the 
 history, condition and character of the slave population. 
 
 It is now two hundred and fourteen years since slavery 
 was first introduced into the territory of the United States. 
 From a Dutch ship which had sailed up the James River, 
 twenty slaves were sold to some Virginia planters. Little 
 could those who bought, and those who sold these Africans, 
 imagine what tremendous evils would grow out of a prac- 
 tice which they were thus introducing. This beginning of 
 the system, which afterwards grew up, was but a speck 
 in the horizon, which rose, and widened into a cloud of 
 portentous blackness. 
 
Owing to the encouragement offered to the traffic by 
 the British Government, the business of importing slaves 
 became a very extensive trade. Everyone of the old thir- 
 teen States participated in the practice of slavery ; the 
 northern less indeed than the southern ; not because their 
 disposition was any better, but because their climate was 
 not so well adapted to African habits and constitutions. 
 The merchants and mariners of New England, engaged 
 with their characteristic enterprise and activity in the trans- 
 portation of slaves, for which their southern brethren fur- 
 nished them with a ready market. The cheapness and 
 fertility of the soil beneath those genial skies, and the cor- 
 respondent high price of labor, which brought abundant 
 returns to the planter; the small expense necessary for 
 their shelter and clothing; the ease with which the art of 
 growing tobacco, rice and cotton may be learned, made 
 those states an inviting field for the employment of slaves. 
 And, what shows how easily the human heart is led into 
 error, men learned to believe that by so doing they were 
 bestowing a favor on their victims, Hawkins, the first 
 Englishman who engaged in the traffic, when reprimanded 
 for it by Queen Elizabeth, declared that " he considered it 
 an act of humanity to transport men from a state of heathen- 
 ism to the enjoyment of the christian religion;" just as if 
 they would be converted to the faith of their oppressors by 
 seeing the fruits of that faith in their own injury and sor- 
 row. The planter too was ready to say, that he was per- 
 forming an act of humanity, in rescuing men from the hold 
 of the slave-ship ; not considering that he was thus encour- 
 aging the multiplication of the very evil he was in a small 
 degree endeavoring to relieve. 
 
 And not only planters and merchants who received a pe- 
 cuniary benefit from the trade, but even philosophers and 
 divines advocated the practice of slavery. Even Locke, 
 that great master of reason, in the constitution which he 
 formed for the Carolinas, introduced this declaration, that 
 "every freeman of Carolina possesses absolute power over 
 
 his negro slaves, of what opinion or religion soever." 
 
 Whitefield too, who preached so persuasively the gospel 
 
to llie poor, left (lie aiiiliority ot'ius name in favor of slave- 
 ry, which he advocated on the ground of the great difficul- 
 ty of procuring servants. 
 
 Men had not in those times learned what are the first 
 principles of liberty. They practised slavery on the ground 
 that it was permitted under the Jewish dispensation ; for- 
 getting that on the same ground they might practise polyg- 
 amy. They practised it on the ground that it was not pro- 
 hibited under the new dispensation; just as if every form 
 of sin may be justified, which Jesus and his disciples did 
 not specifically condemn, while they were introducing a 
 system which strikes a blow at the radical principle of sin- 
 fulness. They practised it on the ground that it was for 
 the benefit of the enslaved to take them from a condition 
 of barbarism and place them in a civilized country ; forget- 
 ting that wrong may be done to others in the attempt to 
 benefit them. They practised it on the ground that if they 
 did not, others'wouid, enjoy the advantage of the traflic and 
 the labor; just as if the wrong-doing of others can make 
 an action right, which is inherently sinful. 
 
 Under the influence of deceptive considerations like 
 these, the reflecting and the pious not only did not inter- 
 fere with others, but they themselves encouraged the ac- 
 cursed traffic in human bones and sinews, and shared, it 
 may be, in the unrighteous gains. 
 
 And thus the trade went on. All along the slave coast 
 in Africa the native tribes felt a new stimulus to war in the 
 hope of making captives in the open field, or in the defence- 
 less villages. The man-hunter, like a staunch bloodhound, 
 pursued his game along the streams, and among the palra 
 groves : The mercenary mariner was waiting in the ship to 
 purchase the captive negroes. And, the planter stood 
 ready, on this side of the the ocean, to receive them and 
 drive them to their unremitting toil. Many generations 
 passed away, and still the same shrieks of terror were heard 
 night and day all along the coast of Guinea. The same 
 groans of despair went up from the slave-ship in ths soli- 
 tude of the Atlantic. The same agonies, mental and bodi- 
 ly, were vented forth in blood and tears under the lash or 
 the reproaches of many an'unfceling'owner or overseer. 
 
This was done and sutVered in God's world, beneath tiie 
 open eye of heaven ! Where ihen slept the thunder '" 
 Where was the red right-hand of Him who hath said, Ven- 
 geance is mine, 1 will repay ? Behold a thousand years 
 are in His sight as one day, and he that cometh, will come 
 as the Judge of the whole earth, to render righteous retri- 
 bution to the slave and his oppressor. 
 
 To the disgrace of our nation, the slave-trade was le- 
 galised more than twenty years after the formation of our 
 Constitution ; because, forsooth, two proud sisters in our 
 national family, South Carolina and Georgia, would not 
 otherwise adopt it. Yes,, even in the very charter of our 
 liberty, provision was made for imposing bondage upon 
 others. It stands in these words, in strange discord with 
 the general tone of the instrument — " The migration or 
 importation of such persons, as any of the States, now exist- 
 ing, may choose to admit, shall not be prohibited by the 
 Congress, prior to the year ISOS ; but a tax may be impo- 
 sed on such importation not exceeding ten dollars." Ifc 
 would seem as if the general term, ' persons,' was substitu- 
 ted for the word slaves, to conceal the disgrace of the ar- 
 ticle. 
 
 Thus our nation, in its federal capacity, became invol- 
 ved in the guilt of the slave trade. 
 
 In consequence of this constitutional permission, the 
 business was carried on upon a large scale. The fiends 
 doubled their diligence, because their time was short. 
 
 By importation and by the natural increase, the number 
 of slaves in the United States amounted, in 1810, two years 
 after the prohibition of the trade, to 1,377,780; in 1820, 
 1,771,658; in 1830, to 2,330,039; and at the same rale, 
 they must at the present amount to more than 2,600,000. 
 
 And now what is the condition of these 2,600,000 human 
 
 beings? 
 
 In answering ibis question, it should be said, that there 
 IS a considerable variety in their condition, depending on 
 ilic state of public sentiment in diflerent communities, and 
 'ipon the individiia! rhnrnrtcr of the master. Slavery puts 
 
6„ one form m Lou.s.ana, and a nulder forn. i,. V.rgunu , 
 and hence the different and conlrad.clory statements on 
 
 ""rhf pe'ople of the Northern States have thought too 
 „,uch of the physical, and too little of the mora and tntef- 
 lectual condition of the slaves. A New England man.w.th 
 all his peculiar home comforts and conveniences about 
 him, on his cultivated lands, which beholds ,n depend- 
 ence upon no earthly superior, thinks of the slave as stmt- 
 ed in food, as half naked, as the tenant of some wretched 
 cabin, built up with logs, with no floor but 'he hard earth ; 
 „ toi ina every day beyond his strength, and as utterly 
 neg t?d n s?ckne'ss aid old age. He very l.kely gets h.s 
 i^t of the whole subject from some high-wrought desc.p^ 
 tion of the physical sufferings wh.ch some md.v duals have 
 ndur d, and\.h,ch making a strong .mpress.on on hs 
 mind, are readily associated with the bare mentton of slave- 
 Tv so thai the picture of slavery in his mmd ,s a car.ca- 
 ur'eTn wh ch the physical ev.ls stand in the fore ground m 
 tig relief, while the moral and intellectual ev.ls are 
 To.fn far back into the shade. Now, tndependentl) of 
 . °r healthy appearance, the s.ngle f-t that they tncreas 
 .0 rapidly is proof that the physical condition of the slaves, 
 ak n. them in the mass, is not so wretched as it sometrmes 
 supposed to be. Indeed I have never l^nown a New Eng- 
 lan'd' man who had resided six months ,n °- "^ *e s ave 
 
 C I„::XlaW .3 eo"^P-t.vely -P-fitab^^^^ 
 •h.t sHve-owners would in many cases find it impossible to 
 i h .o^ that labor greater means of p y.cal comfort 
 . «hP.lflves without impoverishing themselves. 
 "tflTrtheir moral and intellectual and legal condition 
 
 generally, no apology «n he made Look at it^ ^^^^ ^^^ 
 
 ,oLr:rr„—r:htltltr, or in the doctrines 
 
 --r:ot^ifrStates,dire.la.h.^^^^^^^^^^ 
 «gamst their instruction. The prejudices 
 
are so stioug on this subject, that in one instance, a gen- 
 tleman who was determined to instruct his own slaves in 
 a Sunday School, found it necessary to go armed to the 
 sciiool for his own protection. — Hodgson's Travels, p. 217. 
 III. If some of the better sort go through the ceremony 
 of marriage, the law does not render it binding, since what 
 God has joined together man may put asunder, by selling 
 one of the parties, to be carried to a distant section of the 
 country. The child too, after having lived to the age of five 
 or six years in one of those miserable cabins, finds that a 
 power comes in between him and his natural protectors. 
 The parent looks upon the child as the property of anoth- 
 er, which may be taken from him at any moment. The 
 child looks upon the parent as the dependent upon anoth- 
 er's will ; and in despising him, learns to despise himself.. 
 
 IV. They are not permitted to give testimony in a Court 
 of Justice against the whites. 
 
 V. In most of the slave holding States, masters are for- 
 bidden to emancipate their slaves unless they remove them 
 from the territory of the State. 
 
 VI. Slaves are, for the most part, considered as things 
 rather than as persons, as machines, the moving power of 
 which is fear, either of reproaches or the lash. 
 
 This, then, is the condition of 2,600,000 human beings 
 in this boasted land of freedom, intelligence and virtue ! 
 
 And what must be the influence of their condition on 
 their character ? Denied the means of instruction, they 
 must be ignorant. Extensively not enjoying the ordinan- 
 ces of religion, extensively they must be heathen in a coun- 
 try denominated Christian, or else the subjects of a blind 
 fanaticism. Not furnished by their masters with the com- 
 forts of life, they feel strongly the temptation to steal, espe- 
 cially as the property upon which they can lay their hands 
 is the production of slave labor, and therefore viewed, in 
 their loose notions of morality, as their own. Finding that 
 it is just as well for them to consume as much and work 
 as little as they can, they are la^y and wasteful. Their in- 
 tellect not improved by exercise, their social feelings not 
 refined by the charities of domestic lifc; and their sense of 
 
10 
 
 manhood crushed by oppression, lliey beconTe stupid, or 
 sullen, or sensual, or heedless, or vindictive, as the case 
 may be. Not exercising the rights, and enjoying the pri- 
 vileges of freemen, they prove the truth of the maxim, that 
 " the day which makes a man a slave, takes away half his 
 worth." Indeed, by the Constitution, in the ratio of repre- 
 sentation, the slave is viewed but as a fraction of a man. 
 
 I am now, in the II. branch of my discourse, to speak 
 of the history, condition and character, of the Fkee Colored 
 Population in our country. 
 
 When the accursed traffic in human flesh was first en- 
 gaged in by an Englishman, Queen Elizabeth said to him, 
 " if the Africans were carried away without their own con- 
 sent, it would be detestable, and would call down heaven's 
 vengeance." This feeling of repugnance to slavery found 
 a place in many hearts both in Great Britain, and in this 
 country. And it showed itself extensively in the manumis- 
 sion of slaves, by individuals, before the States took up the 
 subject. It showed itself in the reasonable complaints 
 made by the Colonies against the Mother Country for en- 
 couraging the slave trade. In the original draft of the 
 Declaration of Independence, very strong language was 
 used on this subject, which was stricken out ; not because 
 it appeared to be too strong, but because it had " become 
 so much hackneyed, that it seemed like mere truisms." The 
 fact was, that while men were agitating the great subject 
 of the rights of man, in connexion with their own liberty, 
 which they were struggling to secure, they felt a strong 
 sympathy with that unfortunate class of persons, who were 
 loaded with still heavier chains. Indeed, it could hardly 
 be possible, that while they were settling the fundamental 
 principle that '-all men arc born free and equal, with 
 certain unalienable rights, of which liberty is one," that 
 they should not see that if this principle were acted on, it 
 would emancipate the African. 
 
 Indeed this principle, whether true or false, was acted 
 on by Massachusetts as early as the year 1780, and was in- 
 troduced into her Bill of Rights for the very purpose of 
 njaking it a basis for the abolition of slavery. It was act- 
 
11 
 
 ed on by Pennsylvania for the emancipation of her slaves 
 in the same year, and even one day earlier than the former 
 State. It was acted on successively by other States, who 
 followed Pennsylvania and Massachusetts in the good work 
 of proclaiming liberty to the slave, until now twelve of the 
 twenty-four are virtually redeemed from the reproach and 
 the curse of slavery. 
 
 While the process of emancipation has been going on, 
 and the free colored population has been increasing up to 
 350,000, their present number, the inquiry arises, What is 
 their present condition and character? Has liberty eleva- 
 ted the one and improved the other so much that the phi- 
 lanthropist may be encouraged to go on with the work of 
 emancipation ? 
 
 Now it must be confessed, that taken as a whole, they 
 are in a degraded condition. Occasionally, individuals, by 
 great exertions, gain a good education, acquire proper- 
 ty, and rise to a respectable standing : these however are 
 only scattered instances, which are told of rather as mat- 
 ters of wonder. 
 
 The laws of the several States do not, for the most part, 
 regard them as freemen, though they may call them so. 
 " They take away the form, but leave them in the possession 
 of the spirit of slavery." An attempt has been made to de- 
 ny them the very name of citizen under the laws ; while 
 openly some of the most important privileges of citizenship 
 have been denied to them. 
 
 Moreover, public sentiment holds them down in a bon- 
 dage even more bitter than do the laws. It denies to them 
 the privilege of being employed in most of the higher pro- 
 fessions, and thus denies to them the liberalising, elevating 
 influences, which these professions are found to exert upon 
 their votaries. I do not mean that a negro cannot, if he 
 chooses, study law; but what motive has he for studying 
 it, when he sees that be must enter the profession with 
 fearful odds against his success ? I do not mean that a ne- 
 gro cannot apply his mind to politics ; yet what communi- 
 ty would be willing to elevate him to an important office, 
 even if the law should permit it ? In proof that public sen- 
 
12 
 
 timent keeps them in a degraded condition, look at those 
 occasions that liave called forth an expression of public 
 sentiment on this subject. Call to mind the opposition 
 made to the establishment of a College for their especial 
 benefit in one of the most respectable towns in New Eng- 
 land. Call to mind the law subsequently passed in the 
 State of Connecticut, intended to operate and actually op- 
 erating against the instruction of the colored population. 
 Call to mind the outrages committed at Canterbury, the mobs 
 in New- York and other large towns, and the excitability of 
 the public mind, in opposition to some who have attempt- 
 ed to raise them from their depression. 
 
 Besides all this, in some parts of the country they are 
 kidnapped and sold into slavery. And even in the District 
 of Columbia, to the disgrace of our nation be it said, a free 
 citizen of one of the States, if his skin is colored, is liable 
 to be seized and thrown into prison without even the im- 
 putation of a crime, and then sold into servitude for life to 
 pay his jail fees ! 
 
 Do not these and other things of a like character, prove 
 as clearly as sunlight, that the free blacks are in a degra- 
 ded, discouraging condition, and that they have but few 
 motives comparatively for honorable enterprise and exer- 
 tion ? 
 
 And their character, especially that of the adult male 
 part of the population, is generally as low as their condi- 
 tion. It is just what you would expect it to be, when you 
 look at the circumstances of their situation. They are 
 comparatively ignorant, as every one knows ; addicted to 
 vice, as proved by the records of the prison ; poor and im- 
 provident, as proved by the annals of the alms-house. 
 
 Here, then, we have these 350,000 human beings, thus 
 degraded in character and condition. And the question 
 comes to us, with all its momentous importance, What shall 
 he done with them 1 Shall they remain here, and become an 
 integral part of the nation, and be admitted to all the rights 
 and privileges of the whites; or shall they, and others who 
 may become free, be colonized on the coast of Africa ? 
 In answering this question. I propose in the III. branch 
 
13 
 
 of my discourse, to speak of the character and object of the 
 American Colonization Society. 
 
 This Society was formed in the winter of 1817, and the 
 centre of its operations was very properly fixed at Washing- 
 ton. " The object to vvhich its attention is to be exclusive- 
 ly directed, [I quote the second Article of the Constitu- 
 tion] is to promote and execute a plan for colonizing, with 
 their consent, the free people of color residing in our coun- 
 try, in Africa, or such other place as Congress shall deem 
 most expedient. And the Society shall act, to effect this 
 object, in co-operation with the General Government, and 
 such of the States as may adopt regulations on the sub- 
 ject." 
 
 Here the object is distinctly stated, namely, to promote 
 and execute a plan for colonizing, with their consent, the 
 free people", of color residing in our country. There can 
 then be no mistake on this point. This object, wiien it 
 became understood, commended itself to some of the wi- 
 sest, and best, and most influential men of the nation. Un- 
 doubtedly some patronized it from good, and some from 
 bad motives; some, because they thought they could 
 see in it the sure, but effectual means for ridding the coun- 
 try of slavery ; and others, because they thought that by 
 ridding the slave holding States of the free blacks, it would 
 render slaves more valuable. 
 
 It was, at the time this Society was formed, supposed 
 that the free people of color generally would be pleased to 
 emigrate to Africa, as their father-land ; that, escaping 
 from the disabilities under which they labored here, they 
 Mould successfully emulate the whites in their devotion to 
 learning, civil polity, and the arts ; that the Colony, pat- 
 ronized by the General Government, would help to destroy 
 the traffic in slaves, which was still carried on upon the 
 coast ; and that it would exert a salutary influence upon 
 Africa by the introduction of civilization and Christianity 
 into those barbarous regions. 
 
 Proceeding judiciously in their addresses to the public, 
 though some mistakes were probably made in the manage- 
 ment of their affairs, they succeeded in a good degree in 
 
14 
 
 vcmoving jealousies which arose bolh at the noilli and the 
 south. " Fourteen of the States have ah-oady united with 
 the plan ;" and men of every religious denomination, and 
 of every political party, from every section of the country, 
 have lent their influence and tlieir means to promote its 
 operations. 
 
 It has however been assailed, in no measured terms, as 
 unworthy of our confidence and support. 
 
 One charge brought against it is, that it speaks one lan- 
 guage to the nortiiern abolitionist, and another to the south- 
 ern slave-holder; and thus incurs the guilt of duplicity. 
 Now, in reply, I would only say, that the agents and 
 friends of the Society may have been injudicious in their 
 statements; but this should not involve the Society in guilt, 
 unless it has by some act made itself responsible for what 
 has been said by indiscreet friends. Besides, in some re- 
 spects, it is proper to hold different language to different 
 individuals; inasmuch as the minds of men arc different; 
 and the arguments, if they are adapted to different minds 
 will of course be different. Paul used very different argu- 
 ments in addressing the Athenian heathen on Mars Hill, 
 from what he did when he addressed the men of Israel at 
 Antioch, though his object was the same in both instances, 
 namely, to make them christians. 
 
 Another charge brought against the Society is, that the 
 Colony has not flourished as much as it was expected it 
 would, and that therefore there is either bad management 
 on the part of its officers, or else they arc engaged in an 
 undertaking that is hopeless from the inherent difficulties 
 in the case. Now, that there should be some bad manage- 
 ment, was to be expected ; and that there should be great 
 difficulties in such a novel undertaking, was likewise to be 
 expected : Still, however the Colony, with all the bad 
 management, and all the inherent difficulties in the case, 
 with all the sickness which has scourged it at different 
 times, has, as you well know, flourished more than did ei- 
 ther the Colony of the Puritans at Plymouth, or tliat of the 
 Cavaliers on James River. 
 
 That a trading Colony, like this, should be able to exert 
 
15 
 
 'a very salutary nillueiice upon Africa thai sliaii be cxten- 
 sive immediately, is hardly to be expected. Moral causes 
 are frequently slow in their operation. The people of Af- 
 rica are made up of three distinct races, viz: the Moors, 
 who, under one name and another, occupy the north ; the 
 Caflres, who inhabit the eastern part ; and the Negroes, 
 who dwell in the middle and western portions. Beside 
 these, there are some tribes of a character quite peculiar, 
 as for instance the Hottentots. The languages of Africa 
 must, according to Seetzen, amount to one hundred or one 
 hundred and fifty. To cflect the civilization of any con- 
 siderable portion ofthat quarter oflhc globe, must of course 
 be the work of time ; but it is a work of such vast conse- 
 quence, that every attempt that promises to accomplish even 
 a small part of it, ought to be made. Let every man who 
 values the religion of Jesus Christ, rejoice then, that the 
 standard of the cross has been planted on the shores of Af- 
 rica; and that though some strong arms that bore it there, 
 and some true hearts that beat high in the hope that mul- 
 titudes would gather around it, arc now buried in the 
 dust, still other hearts as warm and other arms ^as strong 
 are there to labor and pray for the good of Africa. 
 
 Another charge brought against the Society is, that it is 
 inadequate to the purpose of preventing the slave trade. 
 Now I am ready to allow, that while the pirates stand ready 
 to receive slaves, and pay for them on the coast of Africa, 
 and multitudes not only in South America but in some 
 parts of the United States are ready to purchase them of 
 the pirates, it will be diflicult entirely to break up this de- 
 testable traffic. But it has already done much, and prom- 
 ises to accomplish more. It has been stated on good au- 
 thority, that twelve years ago, 5000 slaves were annually 
 carried from what is now the territory of the Colony. Now 
 for 100 miles along the coast, not a slaver dare unfold his 
 canvass. This surely is something. Besides, it furnishes 
 an asylum for the slaves that are captured from the pirates. 
 " It has already procured the emancipation of about 3000 
 slaves." This surely is something. It cannot, indeed, for 
 a long time to conic, do all that ought lo be done; but it 
 can do enough to furnish a strong riaim to our patronage. 
 
16 
 
 Aiiolhcr charge against the Society is, that some of its 
 friends have applied the doctrines of expediency, as the 
 rule of right, to this subject to such an extent, that it qui- 
 ets the conscience of the slave-holder, in regard to the sin 
 of slavery. I have sometimes been disposed to believe, 
 that at least, some of the friends of this Society have 
 thought too much of consequences, and too little of the 
 fixed and eternal principles of right. Indeed, I have some- 
 times been astonished that good men could say so much 
 about slavery, and yet exhibit so little abhorrence of the 
 practice ; and that some of them should, in their conversa- 
 tion, and in their writings, labor, in effect, to shew that the 
 slave has no very good claim to liberty, as a right; and 
 that the slave-holders generally, incur. little or no guilt in 
 holding the blacks in bondage; that they are to be pitied 
 rather than blamed. Still however, the Society, as such, 
 should not be held responsible for the mistakes of its 
 friends. 
 
 Another charge against the Society is, that it is doing 
 nothing directly to promote the abolition of slavery. On 
 this point 1 have only to say, that inasmuch as its con- 
 stitution declares that the object lo which it shall be 
 exclusively directed, is the colonization of the free people 
 of color, with their own consent, residing in our country, 
 it could not consistently or honorably devote itself to an- 
 other object, namely, the emancipation of the slaves. 
 This it must leave to other agents. But do you ask, Why 
 was the Society limited in its action to this particular ob- 
 ject? For the plain reason that this object is large enough 
 to call forth all the energies of the Association, and like- 
 wise for the reason that it was an object upon which the 
 north and the south could unite in harmonious action. Let 
 then the Colonization Society confine itself to the object 
 to which it is pledged, and let the Antislavery Society 
 promote, by judicious means, the abolition of slavery. 
 
 We come now to the IV. branch of my discourse, in 
 which I propose to speak of the character and ohjrrf of the 
 
 Af.'TlSLAVERY SoCIETV. 
 
This Society was formed in December, 1833. The se- 
 cond and third articles state what are the objects for which 
 it was established : 
 
 " Article 2. — The objects of this Society are the entire 
 abalition of slavery in the United States. While it admits 
 that each State in which slavery exists, has, by the Consti- 
 tution of the United States, the exclusive right to legislate 
 in regard to its abolition, it shall aim to convince all our 
 fellow-citizens, by arguments addressed to their under- 
 standing and consciences, that slave-holding is a heinous 
 sin in the sight of God, and that the duty, safety, and best 
 interests of all concerned require its immediate abandon- 
 ment without expatriation. The Society will also endeav- 
 or, in a constitutional way, to influence Congress to put an 
 end to the domestic slave-trade, and to abolish slavery in 
 all those portions of the country which come under its con- 
 trol, especially in the District of Columbia; and likewise 
 to prevent the extension of it to any State, that may be 
 hereafter admitted into the Union." 
 
 "Article 3. — This Society shall aim to elevate the char- 
 acter and condition of the people of color by encouraging 
 their intellectual, moral and religious improvement, and 
 by removing public prejudice, that thus they may, accor- 
 ding to their intellectual and moral worth, share an equali- 
 ty with the whites of civil and religious privileges; but 
 this Society will never in any way countenance the op- 
 pressed in vindicating their rights by an appeal to physi- 
 cal force." 
 
 We see here what are the objects for which this Socie- 
 ty was established ; and do they not, in the main, commen- 
 dably commend themselves to the mind as important ob- 
 jects? Its aim is to abolish slavery; and what is slavery? 
 Let a southern man answer. 
 
 "It is that condition enforced by the laws of one half of 
 this Confederacy, in which one portion of the community, 
 called Masters, is allowed such power over another por- 
 tion called Slaves, as 
 
 I, To deprive thejn of the entire earnings of their own, 
 except only bo much as is necessary to continue labor itself 
 C 
 
18 
 
 by continuing healthful existence ; thus committing clear 
 i-obbery ; 
 
 2, To reduce them to the necessity of universal concu- 
 binage by denying them the civil rights of marriage ; thus 
 breaking up the dearest relations of life, and encouraging 
 universal prostitution ; 
 
 3, To deprive them of the means and opportunities of 
 moral and intellectual culture, and many States making it 
 a high penal offence to teach them to read ; thus perpetu- 
 ating whatever evil there is that proceeds from ignorance ; 
 
 4, To set up between parents and their children an author- 
 ity higher than the impulse of nature and the laws of God > 
 which breaks up the authority of the father over his own 
 offspring, and at pleasure separates the mother to a return- 
 less distance from her child ; thus abrogating the clearest 
 laws of nature 5 thus outraging all decency and justiccj 
 and degrading and oppressing thousands upon thousands 
 of beings created in the image of the Most High God. This 
 is slavery as it is daily exhibited in every slave State. This 
 is that 'dreadful but unavoidable necessity' for which you 
 may hear so many thousands uttering excuses in all parts 
 of the land." Listen to another witness : 
 
 "Its effects upon those who maintain it, and in some 
 measure upon those who witness it and consent to it, are 
 indolence, diabolical passions, deadness to the claims of 
 justice and the calls of mercy, a worldly spirit, and con- 
 tempt for a large portion of our fellow creatures." This 
 is the language of one who, from his boyhood, was a slave 
 holder. 
 
 Look then at the magnitude of the evil to be removed, 
 and the immense work of removing it, and then tell me 
 whether in the division of labor for the accomplishment 
 of good, in the various moral enterprises of tlie day, this 
 object is not large enough to demand a separate and inde- 
 pendent voluntary association for the purpose. I am sure 
 that the American Antislavery Society will find enough to 
 do without interfering with the benevolent object for which 
 the American Colonization Society was established. Let 
 it go on then to enlighten the public mind as to the na- 
 
19- 
 
 tuic, the guilt and ti)c danger of slavery : Let it endeavor 
 in a constitutional way to influence Congress to put an 
 end to the domestic slave trade qnd to abolish slavery in all 
 those portions of our common country that come under its 
 control; especially in the District of Columbia. Let it en- 
 deavor to elevate the character and condition of the peo- 
 ple of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral and, 
 religious improvement. 
 
 But it is said that this Society contemplates political ac- 
 tion. If however this action is in accordance with the 
 provisions of the Constitution of these United States, just 
 as the Colonization Society contemplates political action, 
 what fault can be found with it on this score ? 
 
 But it is said that this Society excites the slaves to resist 
 the laws. This is directly contrary to, its constitution, 
 which declares that this Society will never in any way 
 counteriance the oppressed in vindicating their rights 
 by an appeal to force. 
 
 Many charges have been brought against the friends of 
 this Society, some of which are very possibly true. I do 
 not stand here to defend every sentiment contained in the 
 constitution of the Society, anymore than I would defend 
 every sentiment in the Constitution which is the great char- 
 ter of our liberties. Much less would I defend every thing 
 that has been said and done by the friends of this Society. 
 What they have said, may sometimes have been imprudent j 
 what they have done, may have been injudicious. May 
 they learn wisdom from any mistakes they may have com- 
 mitted. Still however, are not the objects, in the main, at 
 which they aim, most important objects ? Shall nothing be 
 done in this age of benevolent action to break the fetters of 
 the slave ? Shall the disgrace and the guilt of holding human 
 beings in bondage, and putting out the eyes of their mind, 
 and debasing their immortal nature, always rest upon this 
 land of freemen ? Shall the cry of millions constantly arise 
 to the ears of Him who redeemed Israel, and must we stop 
 our ears ? Shall we harden our hearts ? 
 
 No ! Slavery cannot forever exist on this soil, won by the 
 blood of freemen from the strong arm of the oppressor. 
 
20 
 
 Slavery is disgraceful, and national honor requires its abo- 
 lition. Slavery is vnprojiiahle, and national prosperity re- 
 quires its abolition. Slavery is sinful, and national duty 
 requires its abolition. Slavery is da7igerous,VLnd the threat- 
 ened judgments of heaven require its abolition. We fol- 
 lowed England in putting an end to the slave trade, and 
 as sure as there is any efficacy in moral causes, we shall 
 follow her in the abolition of slavery. The late glorious 
 act by which she gave freedom to eight hundred thousand 
 slaves in her Colonies, speaks to our country in a language 
 which is distinct and persuasive. The trumpet-voice of 
 liberty comes to us from that side of the ocean, in loud and 
 stirring tones ; and is answered on this, by the exulting 
 shouts of millions ! As it sounds through the land, cham- 
 pions in the cause of freedom will arise here, as there, to 
 contend earnestly and successfully for the oppressed and 
 degraded slave, until, in the language of the prophet, they 
 " loose the bands of wickedness, and undo the heavy bur- 
 dens, and let the oppressed go free, and break every yoke." 
 In the rapid view which T have taken of the subject be- 
 fore us, I have been able only to glance at the several top- 
 ics, instead of bestowing upon them that longer and closer 
 examination which they would demand, if they were not fa- 
 miliar to your minds. Enough I trust, however, has been 
 said, to show to the candid and intelligent, that the Soci- 
 eties ought not to appear in hostile array against each oth- 
 er; THAT EACH DOES, IN THE MAIN, ACT IN THE NAME AND 
 BY THE AUTHORIT? OF JeSUS, AND THEREFORE SHOULD NOT 
 BE FORBIDDEN. 
 
 Here then we have two classes of human beings who cry 
 to us for help, and He who made of one blood all the na- 
 tions of men to dwell on all the face of the earth, will not 
 allow us to close our ears to their cry. The Colonization 
 Society have benevolently undertaken to promote the wel- 
 fare of the one class, by opening for them an asylum in 
 the land of their fathers. The Antislavery Society have 
 benevolently undertaken to promote the welfare of ^ the 
 other, by laboring to accomplish their emancipation. The 
 objects thus aimed at arc so distinct, that they require each 
 
2i 
 
 of them a distinct and independent organizalion lor tlieir 
 accomplishment. Each of them are necessarily attended 
 with many difficulties; and why increase these difficulties 
 by controversy ? The Colonization Society has enough to 
 do, in taking care of the Colony established in Liberia. 
 The Antislavery Society has enough to do, in promoting 
 the abolition of slavery in the United States. 
 
 But it is asked, Why may not the two Societies be amal- 
 gamated, and thus form one powerful association, cmbody- 
 Tng in itself the intelligence, the wealth, the benevolence, 
 an'd the piety of the land ? This very plainly is impossible, 
 since the objects at which ihcy aim are dificrent. But is 
 not this difterence merely apparent ? Do they not both aim 
 at the welfare of the colored population ? This is to con- 
 found the motive, with the immediate and professed object. 
 But will not the cftbrts of the Colonization Society eventu- 
 ate in the emancipation of the slaves, the consummation 
 so devoutly wished by the Antislavery Society ? Perhaps so ; 
 but this desirable event, which may possibly be promoted by 
 the indirect and the accidental agency of the owe, will prob- 
 ably be accomplished by the direct influence of the other. 
 These two Societies, in their endeavors to promote the wel- 
 fare of theblacks, are laboring in contiguous Provinces, and 
 therefore can conveniently aid each other. If the Antislavc- 
 ry'Society shall succeed in promoting the emancipation of 
 the slaves, then it will assist the Colonization Society, by 
 furnishing it with an opportunity for a better selection of 
 emigrants for building up the Colony. On the other hand, 
 the greater the number the Colonization Society transports 
 to Liberia, the more room there will be for future and pro- 
 gressive emancipation, without endangering the peace and 
 safety of the country. In this way they can be helpers of 
 each other, as they ought to be, while they are efficiently 
 promoting the several objects for which they were establish- 
 ed. Why then should these Societies, thus capable of 
 benefitting each other, weaken their energies and waste 
 their resources, in attacking each other, and in the conse- 
 (luently necessary self-defence? Why should these con- 
 tests continue to produce among some of tiie partisans of 
 
22 
 
 each, a frenzied excitement, resulting in denunciation and 
 outrages upon decorum and propriety ; or in riots, and in 
 outrages upon the laws of the land and the safety of individ- 
 uals. Let us aid each of these associations as best we can. 
 But let each confine itself to its legitimate object. Let 
 not the friends of the one, in this land where the freedom 
 of speech and of the press is guarantied to us by the Con- 
 stitution, attempt to stifle discussion. Our country has al- 
 ready been sufficiently disgraced. Let not the friends of 
 the other, discuss the subject in the angry tones of denun- 
 ciation, lest in this way they ruin a good cause. Let not 
 Ephraim envy Judah, or Judah vex Ephraim. Let each 
 remember what Jesus said to his disciples, "Forbid them 
 NOT." Let each continue to cast out devils in the 
 NAME OF Christ, though it follows not the other. 
 
 Friends and patrons of the Colonization Society : wo 
 come this night to ask you to continue your friendship ; 
 and to prove your friendship by substantial patronage. 
 Look for a moment towards Africa, and see the degraded 
 and wretched population of that land of the sun. Think 
 of the crimes committed there, the blood shed there, the 
 tears that flow there, and that night of intellectual and 
 moral darkness which reigns there ; and then ask yourself, 
 whether as an American, whether as a philanthropist, 
 whether as a christian, you owe nothing to Africa ? We 
 have looked with a parent's feelings towards that Colony. 
 When it has flourished, we have rejoiced : when it has been 
 in afliiction, we have felt as did Granville Sharpe, when he 
 wrote in 1787, "I have had but melancholy accounts of 
 my poor little ill-thriven, swarthy daughter, the unfortunate 
 Colony of Sierra Leone." But his Colony afterwards 
 flourished and so will ours, if we do a parent's duty to ours, 
 as Ivo did to his. Let not then that bright vision of the 
 future, which shows to us, like the Mirage of the desart, 
 villages, cultivated farms, and green fields, in that waste 
 region, vanish bke the Mirage, leaving us, as it does the 
 traveler, to a cruel disappointment. Rather let it prove, 
 in that moral desart, like an Oasis in the great Sahara, 
 upon which the ^u\ wearied, in search of good there, may 
 
23 
 
 tovc to repose. Let the Colony, whatever may be its influ- 
 ence upon our own country, still be the " Star of Hope" to 
 Africa. Let it stand like her own Pharos, in the night of 
 af^es which rests upon that stormy coast. Through its in- 
 fluence, let the art of agriculture be taught to the lazy, 
 to the improvident, to the cannibal tribes. Let Africa 
 thus become, as in former times, the granary of tiie world. 
 Let her, as a Queen, put on her ancient crown of wheat 
 ears. Above all, let her tears be dried, her wounds heal- 
 ed, her soul washed, and purified in the blood of Christ, 
 and clothed in the graces of the gospel. Instead of tem- 
 ples in honor of deceased monarchs, built with clay mixed 
 witli human blood, let there be temples consecrated to tlie 
 Prince of Peace. Instead of the poorer, the black tribu- 
 nal, which " sends death," it may be without a hearing, 
 let trial by jury be introduced. Let the giddy dancej 
 which through the whole night, is animated by the hoarse 
 sounds of the ivory trumpet, give place to the quiet enjoy- 
 ments of christian life, to the decencies of christian worship^ 
 to the animating, elevating hymn of christian thanksgiv- 
 ing. 
 
 Do you ask, What shall I do ? Give this Society your in- 
 fluence ; give it your prayers, give it your money. Your 
 influence is needed, to encourage its friends ; your prayers 
 are needed, to bring down upon it the blessing of heaven i 
 your money is needed, because the Society, without means^ 
 can accomplish nothing. Gird yourself up this night to 
 the high purpose of making some sacrifice, to lay the 
 foundation of a great christian nation on the coast of Afri- 
 ca. I ask this sacrifice for a noble object. I ask it of you 
 in the name of my country, stained as she is with guilt. 
 I ask it in the name of Africa, deeply injured and suffer-* 
 ing Africa. I ask it in the name of Him, who was rich 
 and became poor for our sakes. 
 
24 
 
 TV O T E S . 
 
 Note A. 
 
 As the public mind is already siifliciently excited on the subject of 
 slavery, I liave endeavored, throughout the foregoing discourse, to 
 present tiic subject, in a calm and dispassionate way, for considerate 
 action. So far as I am informed, there has never been a period when 
 men were so ready to speak, to writ(>, and to act on the general sub- 
 jects connected with the condition of the colored population of our 
 country. Look at the newspaper discussions, the anniversary speech- 
 es, and the reports of various associations; tiie able investigations pre- 
 sented in the most respectable periodicals ; and at the arguments and 
 facts spread before the reading and thinking public, in the African 
 Repository and the Antislavcry Reporter^ and you will be convinced 
 that public feeling is strongly excited. One party says to the other, 
 Vou are seeking to dissolve the Union, by raising up jealousies in the 
 south ; you are exciting slaves to rebellion ; you are trying to promote 
 intermarriages between the blacks and the whites. — The other in reply 
 says, You sacrifice your conscience to your fears; you are guilty of 
 Ijypocrisy in your professions of regard for the welfare of the blacks, 
 inasmuch as you are endeavoring to banish them trom this land of 
 their birth. Thus there is crimination and recrimination. Now the 
 two-fold danger in tliis state of things is, that the friends of the one So- 
 ciety shall, in their endeavors to produce an abhorrence of the sin of 
 slavery, bring indiscriminate. charges against slave-holders, and thus 
 calumniate many good men among them ; and moreover, that the 
 friends of the other Society, in their desire to conciliate the south, 
 and to defend good men who are slave-holders, against the calumnious 
 charges brought against them, shall become the apologists of slavery. 
 
 Note B. 
 
 In opposition to the Colonization Society, it has been said, that it is 
 evidently absurd to sujiposc that the vast number of slaves in our coun- 
 try, even if they should be inclined to emigrate to Liberia, could be 
 transported thither. Take a single fact : By oflicial statements, it ap- 
 pears that the number of emigrants who arrived at Quebec in ten years, 
 from 1825 to 1834, was 1,1U2,258. The colonization of all the colore<l 
 people in the United States, if they are inclined to it, is practicable, 
 provided individual enterprise is aided by the General and the State 
 Governments. Whether the blacks will univei-sally, or even generally 
 incline to the measure, is another question. Indeed, from i)ersonal 
 conrersation with a considerable mimber of the slaves, at the time the 
 Society was formed, and likewise at a later period, I am convinced that 
 the opposition of the blacks to the scheme of African Colonization lies 
 too deep in their hearts to be easily evadieatcd. Time seems to liave 
 strengthened this opposition. They seem to say to the whites, You 
 lirst injured oin- ialhens by iVming them away from all iln'v held dear 
 
r= 
 
 25. 
 
 Ill tlieir native country, Africa; and now, you would urge us away 
 from all we hold dear in our native country, America. The injury is 
 the same in both cases. Vou pretend, indeed, that it is for our benefit 
 that we are to be sent to Africa: so your fathers pretended that it was 
 for the l)encfit of our fathers, tliat they should be brought to America. 
 This is our home. Here we wish to live. Some of tliem have strong 
 local attachments. A friend of mine, in Virginia, soon after he became 
 pious, called his slaves together, about a hundred in number, and said 
 to them, " I am willing to give all of you your freedom, and carry you 
 to Ohio; and furnish you with a year's provision. You need not tell 
 me now, whether you will accept of my offer: Wait until next Mon- 
 day, when I will meet you again to receive your answer." The week 
 that followed this conversation, v.'as a melancholy week on that planta- 
 tion. Wiien Monday arrived, they all assembled to say to him, that 
 they loved their present home too well to wish for any change. They 
 wept, and cried, "Do keep us. Master; don't send us away." 
 
 But while I see but little reason to believe that the blacks will gene- 
 rally be disposed, without coercive measures, to go to Africa, I have 
 no doubt that a very considerable number of well-qualified emigrants 
 .an be obtained— enough indeed, in due time, to stud the whole west- 
 ern coast with settleujcnts ; csitecially if propermcasurcs arc adopted 
 for promoting the cause of education among them. 
 
 Note C. 
 
 Froni the last Report of the American Colonization Society, it a})- 
 pears " that the whole number of emigrants, including the expedition 
 of last year, and the recaptured Africans, (a part of whom only were 
 removed to thig country) has been 3,123, while the present population 
 of the Colony is stated to bo 9,,S\6. About .'50 of the colonists are be- 
 lieved to have been absent in the country when this ccnstis was taken." 
 In regard to the sickness which has diminislicd the Colony, the man- 
 agers, in the same report, make the following encouraging remarks : 
 
 " The history of Colonization in America, proves how impotent were 
 events, in tbomdolvcs most aiilictivc and disheartening, to arrest tiic 
 progress of settlements founded bj' men who grew wise in adversity, 
 and gatbereil resolution and strengtii froni defeat. The genius of our 
 nation, sprung from the Colonics of Plymouth and Jamestown, rebukes 
 the despondency which would augur destruction to Liberia, ijccause 
 dark clouds have hung over it, and many valuable lives perished in 
 laying its foundations. Nearly one half the first Plymouth emigrants 
 died in the course of four months. The first three attempts to plant a 
 (];olony in Virginia totally failed. In six months, ninety of the one hun- 
 dred settlers, v.ho first landed at Jamestown, died. Subsequently in 
 the sanie brief period, tiie inhabitants of this Colony were reduced 
 from live hundred to sixty ; and long after, when £150,000 had been 
 expended on that Colony, and nine thousand people had been sent 
 tiiither, its population amounted to but I80Q souls. It is the opinion of 
 Dr. Mechlin, that the settlement just commenced at Grand Bassa, is 
 (nore favorable to health than Monrovia ; and that future emigrants 
 should be first sent to that place." 
 
 "The cause of education i.s making progress ; nearly all the settlers 
 wish tlieir children to enjoy its advantages, and the common scliooh--, 
 
26 
 
 fti3f in number, (three of them eustuined by a benevolent society of la- 
 dies in Philadelphia) are well conducted and attended. The Auxiliary 
 Colonization Society of Massachusetts, appropriated eark in the year, 
 $1,000 towards the establishment and support of a school, with two 
 teachers, to be called the Massachusetts Colonial Free School. Am- 
 ple and judicious regulations have been drawn up by that Society, for 
 the management of this school, which is to be under the immediate 
 control of a committee consisting of the Colonial Agent or the Mayor 
 of Monrovia, and two other persons, to be annually elected by the citi- 
 zens of the Colony ; and it is expected soon to be in operation. The 
 Managers are pleased to learn that Mr. A. H. Savage, who has entert-d 
 upon a course of benevolent action in the Colony, designs to commence 
 a manual labor school at Millsburg ; and his estimable character and 
 practical knowledge, give reason to conclude, that it will be so conduct- 
 ed as to prove of large and extensive utility. Many of the ladies of 
 New- York, of difterent denominations, have united to form a Society 
 for the promotion of education in Liberia. It is proposed, by forming 
 associations in the difterent churches, to raise in each church a sum 
 adequate to the support of a single teacher. Several teachers have 
 already offered their services, and the means for the support of some of 
 them, are already pledged. The scheme excites much interest, and it 
 is hoped that many churches will engage in this work of benevolence 
 and mercy." 
 
 " The Managers can add little to the statements in their last report, 
 in regard to the moral and religious iuterests of the Colony. The num^ 
 ber of churches or meeting-houses in the various settlements, is nine ; 
 the Sabbath and public worship are well observed ; many of the recap- 
 tured Africans have united themselves to the church ; and the chris- 
 tian community have manifested a desire to impart religious knowl- 
 edge to the African tribes. In May last, the Board of Missions of the 
 Baptist Church in Monrovia, appointed Adam W. Anderson a Mission- 
 ary for one year, among Vye people ht Cape Mount, and instructed 
 him not only to preach the gospel to the adults of this tribe, but to 
 teach the English language to their children. All the native Africans 
 in the neighborhood of the Colony, are prepared to receive instruction 
 in letters, the arts and Christianity ; and many of the chiefs have offer- 
 ed to make grants of land, on the simple condition, that their youth 
 shall enjoy the advantages of an English education. Thousands of 
 human beings, debased in intellect and darkly bound in vice, invoke 
 the spirit of missionary enterprise to extend its triumphs over an almost 
 unlimited field ; and in their characters renovated, and lives purified 
 by its influence, to find for every labor and sacrifice, an ample and du- 
 rable reward " 
 
 Note D- 
 
 Since writing the discourse, I have read the letter of Capt Voorhces 
 to the Secretary of the Navy, dated Dec, 14, 1833. In it he says, " It 
 is reported that a number of vessels for Cuba, are now on this coast, 
 employed in the odious traffic of the slave-trade: a steam-boat is high- 
 ly necessary here, as n guarda costa, and to examine into the matter." 
 There is great reason to apprehend, that as long as slavery exists on 
 this side of the ocean, there always will be found those who will bring 
 the African seller and the American buyer together, even at the haz- 
 ard of suffering the puuishinent of piiasy. Edwards, in his History of 
 the West Indies, says, "Whether it be possible for any nation in Eu- 
 rope, singly considered, to prevent its subjects frotu procuring slaves 
 
27 
 
 from Africa, so long ns Africa shall continue to sell, is a point on wliicli 
 I have many doubts ; but none concerning the conveying the sluves so 
 purchased into every Island in the West Indies, in spite of the mari- 
 time force of all Europe. No man who is acquainted with the extent of 
 the uninhabited coast of the larger of these Islands, the facility of landing 
 in every part of them, the prevailing winds, and the numerous creeks 
 and harbors, * * * * can hesitate a moment to pronounce that an at- 
 tempt to prevent the introduction of slaves into our West India Colo- 
 nies, would be like that of chaining the winds, or giving laws to the 
 ocean." What he declares to be true on this subject, in regard to the 
 West Indies, is likewise true in regard to this country, and substantial- 
 ly for the same reasons. Indeed, some parts of the Southern States 
 afford still greater facilities for smuggling slaves into them, than do the 
 West Indies. What then is the effectual remedy for this contraband 
 slave-trade? The abolition of slavery: Destroy the market, and the 
 trade ceases. 
 
 Kote S. 
 
 To show the evils of the slave-trade in its influence upon Africa, 1 
 will add some extracts from the 9rh No. of Malte Brun's Universal Ge- 
 ography : 
 
 « One of these native merchants, known by the name of Ben Johnson, 
 had carried off a free young woman, and sold her to an English Captain. 
 Ashe returned with the reward of his villainy, other negroes, dispatch- 
 patched by the prince or the chiefs of the village, attacked him, bound 
 him, and crying, ' off with the thief,' took him to the vessel, and offer- 
 ed him for sale. It was in vain that Ben Johnson appealed to the 
 friendship of the European negro-dealer, reminding him that he was a 
 free man, and his most active hand in procuring slaves. ' No matter,' 
 says the unfeeling Englishman, * since the people sell you, I purchase 
 yo'u ;' and instantly fixed his fetters. In other instances, a horrible 
 avarice dissolves all the ties of kindred. Mothers are seen selling their 
 children at an early age, for a few bushels of rice. One day, a stout 
 young African took his little son to sell him to tiie Europeans ; the lat- 
 ter, more cunning, and better acquainted with the language of the for- 
 eigners, showed them that a man of the strength and size of his father, 
 was of more viilue than he, and thus prevailed with them to take him 
 in his stead, though the latter kept calling out, that ' no son had a 
 i-ight to sell his father.' 
 
 "It cannot be denied, that these and other enormities are purely the 
 offspring of the intamous traffic in negroes. The most dreadful thing is, 
 that the African princes, in order to get possession of a hundred men, 
 often sacrifice a thousand ; for, when these despots do not find individu- 
 als whom they can condemn to be sold, they regularly hunt down the 
 inhabitants of an entire village, like a flock of deer ; some make an arm- 
 ed resistance, others fly to the woods, to the dens of lions and panthers, 
 scarcely so merciless as their own compatriots. Several tracts of 
 country have been depopulated by these atrocities. 
 
 " It is certain that the slaves are carried off against their will, and 
 most frequently in all the agonies of the most poignant affliction. Thi» 
 is not denied: but it is said that they consist of captives who would 
 otherwise be slain, or criminals condemned by courts of justice. The 
 answer to this is, and it is proved beyond all possibility of contradiction, 
 that wars are now midertaken, incessantly, for the express purpose o4 
 
2S 
 
 ^uinniiinj,' sliiv^'s for tin? mnrket ; and that since the establishtneiit of" 
 this traliic, every crime is punislied l)y selling the offender to u dealer ; 
 accusations of witchcraft or adultery are always at hand to insure a sup- 
 ply to tlie traders on the coast ; and if these fail, it is admitted, that by 
 advancing n little brandy or gunjiowdcr to the natives, a whole village 
 may be legally carried off in satisfaction of the debt. 
 
 " The necessity of crowding on board of one vessel several hundred 
 slaves, often j)roduces the most horrible scenes. Attacked by pestilen- 
 tial fevers, by fiuninc and death, the slave-ship becomes at once an hos- 
 pital, a prison, and a school of iidiumanity and crime. Mere than one 
 half of the blacks that form the cargo kill themselves or die of disease ; 
 sometimes tJie Captain, reduced to a want of provisions, throws them 
 alive into the sea to save the lives of the Europeans. The n)ariner3 
 employed in such a trade acquire a ferocious character, and afterwards 
 stain the soil of Europe with crimes worthy only of degraded Africa. 
 
 "The following extract from the Bibliotheque Ophthalmique, will 
 give some idea of the horrors of what is called the midtlle passage : — 
 ' The Rodeur sailed from Havre on the 24tli of January, 1819, for the 
 coast of Africa, to purchase slaves. When under the line, it was {ler- 
 ceived that the negroes, who were heaped together in the hold, and 
 between decks, had contracted a considerable inflammation in the eyes. 
 They were successively brought on deck, in order that they might 
 breathe a purer air. But it was necessary to discontinue this practice, 
 because they threw themselves into the sea, locked in each other's 
 arms. On the arrival of the ship at Guadaloupe, the crew was in a 
 most deplorable condition. Of the negroes, thirty-nine had become blind, 
 and icere tkroivn overboard.^ ^' 
 
 Note S*- 
 
 There is an apatiiy on the subject of the existence of slavery in the 
 District of Columbia, placed as it is, under the control of Congress, that 
 is absolutely alarming. There is a squeamishness about meddling with 
 its abolition on the part of those who profess to abhor slavery, that is 
 strongly in contrast with the robust virtue lately evinced in Great Bri- 
 tain, in breaking the chains of West India slavery. Say to these pro- 
 fessed friends of liberty, Can we do nothing to destroy slavery in the 
 south? Oh! we must not touch that subject; Congress must not touch 
 that subject, placed as it is by the Constitution entirely under the con- 
 trol of the States. ^Ve must, as good citizens, submit to the constitu- 
 tional laws of the land. Then say to them, You are in favor then of 
 confining Congress to the exercise of those powers which are granted 
 by the Constitution. Very well. And now as Congress, by the Con- 
 stitution, has the sole right to legislate on subjects of slavery, let it go 
 on to put an end to slavery then, and the disgraceful domestic slave 
 trade, which is carried on there, every winter, in presence of the great 
 Council of our Nation. Oh, no! we must not create jealousies in the 
 south, by touching slavery in the District of Columbia. I do not attri- 
 bute this view of tho case to Mr. Gurley, the excellent Secretary of the 
 American Colonization Society : I have known him too long, and ve- 
 epect him too much, and love him too well. 
 
 Now I must think, from considerable intercourse with southern gen- 
 tlemen, that this view of the subject does great injustice to the south. 
 There are men there who abhor slavery, and who would join heart and 
 
2!) 
 
 hamiiii ikltliiig the whoh; land of slavery, even at tlie exi)pil.se of great 
 {)ersonal sacrifices. They mourn over the national sin and the iiaiion- 
 :il disgrace of slavery, and they would exult in making some national 
 expiation for that sin by the abolition of slavery in the District of Co- 
 lumbia. Now the hands of this class of southern men are weakened, 
 and their hearts discouraged, by the timid, time-serving policy that re- 
 fuses to touch the subject of slavery and the slave-trade in the District 
 of Columbia. 
 
 Look at some of the facts presented by Mr. Miner, in tha preamble 
 to the resolutions offered by him in the House of Representatives, Jan- 
 uary 9th, 1829: 
 
 " Whereas the laws in respect to slavery within the District have 
 been almost entirely neglected ; from which neglect, for nearly thirty 
 years, have grown numerous and gross corruptions ; 
 
 "Slave-dealers, gaining confidence from impunity, have made the 
 seat of federal government their head-quarters for carrying on the do- 
 mestic slave-trade ; 
 
 " The public prisons have been extensively used, (perverted from 
 the purposes for which they were erected,) for carrying on the do- 
 mestic slave-trade ; 
 
 " Officers of the federal government have been employed, and derive 
 emoluments from carrying on the domestic slave-trade ; 
 
 " Private and secret prisons exist in the District, for carrying on the 
 trafKc in iiuman beings ; 
 
 " The trade is not confined to those who arc slaves for life, but per- 
 sons having a limited time to serve, are bought by the .slave-dealers, 
 and sent where redress is hopeless; 
 
 " Others arc kidnapped and hurriedaway before they can be rescued ; 
 
 " Instances of death, from the anguish of despair, exhibited in the 
 District, mark the cruelty of this traffic ; 
 
 " Instances of maiming and suicide, executed or attempted, have beeu 
 exhibited, growing out of this traffic within th-s District; 
 
 "Free persons of color coming into the District, are liable to arrest, 
 imprisonment, and sale into slavery for life, for jail fees, if unable, from 
 ignorance, misfortune, or fraud, to prove their fi-eedom ; 
 
 "Advertisements beginning, 'We will give cash for one hundred 
 likely young negroes of botli sexes, from eight to twenty-five years old,' 
 contained in the ])ublic prints of the city, under the notice of Congress, 
 indicate the openness und extent of the traffic; 
 
 " Scenes of human beings exposed at public vendue are exhibited 
 liere, permitted by the laws of the General Government; 
 
 "A grand jury of the District has presented the slave-trade as a 
 grievance ; 
 
 "A writer in a public print in the District has set forth 'that to those 
 who have never seen a spectacle of the kind (exhibited by the slave 
 trade) no description can give an adequate idea of its horrors;' 
 
 " To such an extent had this trade been carried in 1816, that a mem- 
 ber of Congress from Virginia introduced a resolution in the House, 
 ' That a committee be appointed to inquire into the existence of an in- 
 Immcm and illegal traffic in slaves carried on in and through the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, and report whether any, and what measures ai"e ne- 
 cessary for ])utting a stop to the same.' 
 
 " The House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, at their last sessibnj 
 by an almost unanimous vote, exjiressed the opinion, ' that slavery with- 
 in the District of Columbia ought to be abolished.'" 
 
'S6 
 
 Oil iliia siiliject, a writer in tlif Arneriraii Quarterly Review for 
 Htpteniber, 18;33, remarks — 
 
 " Scarcely an evil attends the African slave-trade, which does not 
 find its parallel in that carried on at the seat of government of the Uni- 
 ted States, by the license of the American people. The victims of the 
 African slave-trade are taken by ibrce, against their will ; they are car- 
 ried to a foreign country; they are torn from their friends, their wives, 
 their children ; they are chained ; some of them were born free, and 
 have been kidnapped by force or frand. In which of these particulars 
 is the Columbian slave-trade less atrocious ? The black taken from the 
 District, goes reluctantly ; he is forced from the home of his love, to 
 the unhealthy borders of the Mi.-sissijipi ; as much removed from the 
 hope of revisiting it as if he was going to another continent ; he is 
 torn by violence, amid shrieks, and tears, and groans, and muttered 
 imprecations, from the embraces of his wife and children ; he goes 
 handcuffed and chained ; he was born free, and was stolen from Dela-' 
 ware or Maryland. Ought not such a traffic to be abolished, ' abso- 
 lutely, totally, and immediately ?' 
 
 " It may perhaps excite surprise that this trafiic has not long since 
 been abolished. The great reason that this result has not taken place, 
 undoubtedly is, that the public generally are not at all aware of the 
 nature and extent of the evil. All that may now be necessary, in or- 
 der to j)ut an end to the system, is to make the body of the people un- 
 derstand it. If this were done, a single session of Congress would not 
 jierhaps be suffered to pass before a reform was comnjenced." 
 
 The same writer still further remarks— 
 
 "It may perhaps be not amiss to say a few words as to the means 
 by which the power of the national government may be called into ac- 
 tion to suppress slavery in the District of Columbia. It should be re- 
 collected that Congress is never in advance of, but usually behind 
 public opinion. It follows slowly but surely in the path taken by the 
 people. The legislation of Congress is but the echo of the people's 
 voice. If the people really desire slavery to be abolished at the seat 
 of government, Congress will p;iss the statutes necessary to carry the 
 object into effect. But it is in vain to exi)ect the national legislature to 
 adopt an important measure of this kind, which is sure to offend the 
 prejudices of a large body in the community, unless the members feel 
 confident that they are acting in conformity with the wishes of their 
 constituents. A loud and decided e\|)ression of i)ublic sentiment is 
 necessary to stimulate the sluggish force of Congreee, and to overcome 
 the vis inertia with whicli an established e\i! resists every attempt lu 
 
 remove it. , • j r i- 
 
 "The modes of acting upon Congress are so obvious and familiar, 
 that it is needless to enlarge upon them. Those who are desirous of 
 abolishing slavery in the District, must unite themselves together, and 
 use the common means for difllising information upon the subject 
 throughout the country. Newsiiai)ers and other periodical Journals 
 and tracts can be made to exert a widely extended influence. 1 ublic 
 meetings should be held, and as many petitions as possible sent to Con- 
 gress, praying for the desired object. An exi)ression of opinion on the 
 subject might probably, by active exertions, be obtained from some of 
 the state legislatures. 
 
 "It is not very difficult to rouse the nation, or rather the non-slave 
 holding part of it, to powerful action, in order to remove the pollution 
 of slavery from the seat of our government. The imnciples of the 
 people on this su!)ject are sound, and their feelings warm. To induce 
 them to art, nothing more is necessary, as we have already iiitimateil, 
 
31 
 
 tl.nn to make Uiem familiHr with tiic fncls of the i-nsn. Iv t \]m be 
 floiip, and the abolition of slavery in the District will be so easily ef- 
 fected, that men will hereafter wonder that it should have h.cn endu- 
 red there so long." 
 
 iVote G- 
 
 But the grand objection to emancipation is, that the slaves arc not 
 qualified for freedom. Evidently there is considerable force in it- 
 Could I see those who urge this objection actually doing any thing to 
 insure their future qualification, I should feel that they have a right 
 to urge it. Those who are opposed to the establishment of schools 
 and seminaries of learning of a higher character, for the especial ben- 
 efit of the colored youth of our country, had better be silent on this 
 I)oint. The truth seems to be, that slavery exerts a benumbing influ- 
 ence upon the unhappy subjects of it, to such a degree, that every one 
 almost who has formed his character under its influence, becomes 
 comparatively degraded in intellect, and in all the higher attributes of 
 manhood, and unfit for the full enjoyment of liberty. Mr. Fox, while 
 the subject of the abolition of the slave-trade was under consideration 
 in the British Parliament, remarked with great truth, "that it might be 
 as dangerous to liberate a man used to slavery, as in the case of one 
 who had never seen day-light, to expose him at once to the meridian 
 sun." While there is truth in the statement, that the slaves of the 
 Southern States, as they now are, are not qualified for the exercise of 
 some of the rights of freemen, still they might enjoy other of these 
 rJglits without injury to themselves or others. Why might not the re- 
 cent recommendation of the Synod of Kentucky, be universally fol- 
 lowed, and all slaves born hereafter, be emancipated ? 
 
 " The following declaration and resolutions (says the N. Y. Observer) 
 were adopted by the Synod of Kentucky, at their meeting in Danville, 
 Ky., last month, by a vote of 56 to 8. 
 
 "This Synod, believing thai the system of absolute and hereditary 
 domestic slavery, as it exists among the members of our communion, 
 is repugnant to the principles of our holy religion as revealed in the 
 sacred Scriptures, and that the continuance of the system any longer 
 than is necessary to prepare for its safe and beneficial termination, is 
 sinful, feel it their duty earnestly to recommend to all Presbyteries, 
 Church Sessions, and people under their care, to cofnmence immediate 
 preparation for the termination of slavery among us ; so that this evil 
 may cease to exist with the present generation, and the future offspring 
 of our slaves may be free. 
 
 " In recommending that emancipation be unanimously extended to aN 
 slaves hereafter born, this Synod would not be imderitood as excluding 
 those now living from the operation of the benevolent principle above 
 recommended : they believe there may be, at the present time, many 
 slaves belonging to members of the Presbyterian communion, whose 
 situations would be greatly imj)roved by emancipation ; and that many 
 others, especially of the children and youth, might be [jrepared for 
 freedom by the use of reasonable eflbrts on the part of their masters. 
 But it is difiicult to provide by general rules for su(th individual cases, 
 and this Synod thinks it best to leave them to the operation of the 
 Christian law of love on the consciences of men. 
 
 " For the purpose of promoting harmony and concert of action on 
 this important subject, the vSynod do 
 
 "i?f5o/i;e— -That a commiitco often bo ;ii)tii)iiii(il u, .inisi-f r.f.ni ■ .m.-.I 
 
32 
 
 Miiriilier of iniuislcrs ;ui.l ciders whose duty h shall he to digest and 
 jtropose a plan lor the luoral and religious instruction of our slaves, and 
 ibr their future emancipation ; and to report such plan to the several 
 Presbyteries v.Itliin tin; bounds of this Synod, for their consideration 
 and approval.— Yeas 5(!, Nays 8, Non-liquet 7. 
 
 " Resolved, further— 'L'haU\i\s Hynod have unabated confidence in the 
 scheme of African Colonization, and hope of its great usefulness, and 
 and that \vc look upon it as one interesting door of iiope, opened to 
 us in the providence of God, for doing a signal service of patriotism 
 to our cor.nnon country ,— an act of justice to the imfortunate African 
 race among us. and for sprc-ading the blessings of civilization, and the 
 everlasting Clospel in the interior of the continent of Africa." 
 
 IVote H. 
 
 On the vexed question of the sin of slavery, I would only say, that the 
 system of Ainencan slavery has the essential attributes of guilt. Now 
 what is the precise share of guilt that should he assigned to all concern- 
 ed in ui)holding it, it is difBcult to say. Perhaps some degree of guilt 
 may be assigned to some of the slaves who tamely neglect to qualify 
 themselves for liberty by the use of theii limited o|)portunities for im- 
 jirovement ; anotlicr share should be assigned to those owners who 
 neglect the moral and intellectual improvement of the slaves ; another 
 share should be assigned to those, who, in the capacity of legislators, 
 pass cruel laws on the subject; or who neglect to legislate for the ben- 
 efit of the slave, whether in the General or the State Governments. 
 Another share should be a.ssigned to those who, though they have the 
 power to influence public opinion in favor of the abolition of slavery, 
 either neglect to employ their influence, or employ it for riveting more 
 firmly the fetters of the slave. On this jjoint I have been pleased with 
 some remarks of Robert Hall, in an Address on the subject of West 
 India Slavery, which he delivered in 1823 : 
 
 " Slavery, considered as a perpetual state, is as ineajjablc of \ indica- 
 tion as tlie trade in slaves: tliey are integral ])arts of the same system, 
 and in point of moral estimate must stand or fall together. If it be un- 
 just to sell men into slavery who are guilty of no crime, it must be 
 equally so to retain them in that state ; the last act of injustice is but 
 the sequel and completion of the first. If the natives of Africa were 
 originally despoiled of their fVi.'ecloin by rapine and violence, no man is 
 entitled to avail himself of the condition to which they arc rcdured, by 
 coini)elling them to labor for his benefit ; nor is it loss evident that they 
 could not i)05sibly transmit the forfeiture to their children of those 
 rights whicli they never forfeited for themselves. Thus it appears that 
 the claim of the planters to hold their negroes in perpetual bondage 
 is vitiated in its origin ; and having commenced in an act of injustice, 
 can never acfjuire the sanction of right. 
 
 " But here we are most anxious to guard against the misrepresenta- 
 tion of our sentiments. Convinced as we are that negro slavery is 
 most iniquitous in its origin, most mischievous in its eflects, and dia- 
 metrically opi)osite to the genius of Christianity and of the IJritish 
 Constitution, wc arc yet far from proposing a sudden revolution. Uni- 
 versal experience shows, that in the body politic, no loss than in the 
 natural, inveterate diseases admit only of a slow and gradual cure ; 
 and we should deprecate an innncdiate emancipatimi almost as much 
 as the planters themselves, from a full conviction that the debasing 
 operation of slavery long conliiuicil disqualifies its subjects fiom J»cr- 
 lorming the functions and enjoying the imnumilics of a free citizen.'"