Class 
 
 Book 
 
 COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 
 
a [LLC ^m PfE M p^ o 
 
THE LIFE 
 
 WILLIAM PENN 
 
 WITH SELECTIONS 
 
 HIS COREESrONDENCE 
 
 AUTO-BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 BY 
 
 SAMUEL M. JANNEY. 
 
 " The humble, meek, merciful, just, pious, and devout souls, are everywhere of 
 one religion, and when Death has taken oil' the mask, they will know one another, 
 though the diverse liveries they wear here, make them strangers." — PemCs Maxims. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 HOGAN, PERKINS & CO. 
 1852. 
 

 Entei'f^d according to Act of Congress, in the year 1851, by 
 
 SAMUEL M. JANNEY, 
 
 in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the 
 Eastern District of Vira-iuia. 
 
PHINEAS JANNEY 
 
 OF ALEXANDRIA, VA., 
 
 ^t C)UQrMnn of mi] ^^oiitfi 
 
 AS A TRIBUTE OF 
 
 GRATITUDE AND AFFECTION, 
 THIS WORK IS INSCRIBED 
 
 EV HIS NEPHEW^, 
 
 S. M. JANNEY. 
 
PREPACE. 
 
 On offering to the Public another biography of William Penn, 
 a few words concerning its design, and the facilities enjoyed in 
 its preparation, may not be inappropriate. 
 
 Without intending to derogate from the labors of others, I may 
 be permitted to say, tliat through the kindness of friends, I have 
 obtained access to original materials^ which have enabled me 
 to furnish a more full and accurate account of the Founder of 
 Pennsylvania, than has hitherto been given to the world. When 
 this work was commenced, I was not apprised that an Enghsh 
 author was engaged on the same subject, nor did his book ap- 
 pear in this country until I had accomplished my task, wnth the 
 exception of a single chapter. 
 
 After perusing W. Hep worth Dixon's " Historical Biography" 
 of Penn, recently published, I have come to the conclusion, that 
 there is still room for another life of the great Philanthropist. 
 
 It will be perceived by the reader, that our plans are essentially 
 different. He, with a great mass of materials before him, has 
 inserted but four of Penn's letters. Which, with short passages 
 or single sentences from inedited letters, comprise the whole that 
 he gives us from a voluminous and interesting correspondence. 
 
 In the memoirs of illustrious persons, and especially of those, 
 who, like Penn, were good writers, I prefer their own language 
 to that of their biographers ; and have, therefore, introduced full 
 copies, or copious extracts, from about one hundred and forty 
 of his letters, as well as nearly the whole of his autobiography, 
 called " An Apology for Himself." 
 
 In another respect our views are dissimilar. He brings pro- 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 minently forward the political character of Penn ; representing 
 him as the disciple of Algernon Sidney, keeping in the back 
 ground his religious services, and not duly appreciating the me- 
 rits of his co-laborers, the primitive Friends. In describing the 
 Founder of Pennsylvania, I have endeavored to give due weight 
 to his enlightened policy as a legislator, but I trace that policy 
 to his religious principles, and attribute far more influence to the 
 ministry of George Fox than to the counsels of Algernon Sidney. 
 When Penn himself speaks of Fox as a " a strong-man, a new 
 and heavenly-minded man, a divine and a naturalist, and all of 
 God Almighty's making," can we hesitate to ascribe to that great 
 teacher an important influence over the mind of his disciple ? 
 
 So far as relates to Penn's connexion with the affairs of Penn- 
 sylvania, this work will be found more comprehensive than any 
 other history of his life. The " Logan Correspondence," from 
 which large selections are given, forms, of itself, a history of the 
 colony from the date of Penn's visit to the time of his death. 
 
 To Charles B. Trego, Secretary of the American Philosophical 
 Society at Philadelphia, and to Doctor Isaac Parrish, Sidney 
 V. Smith, and Horatio Gates Jones, Jr., Members of the Histo- 
 rical Society of Pennsylvania, I feel bound to offer my acknow- 
 ledgments for their courtesy in giving me free access to the 
 original letters and MSS. deposited in the archives of those in- 
 stitutions.* To Alfred Cope of Philadelphia, I owe the privi- 
 lege of examining his MSS. relating to Pennsylvania, copied 
 from the State Paper Office, London. 
 
 Nor can I forbear to express my obligations to my friends, 
 George M. Justice, of Philadelphia, and S. S. Randall, of Al- 
 bany. To the former, I am indebted for his co-operation in my 
 researches, and for the use of the " Penn Papers" in his pos- 
 session ; to the latter, for the first suggestion of this work, and 
 efficient aid in its revision. 
 
 While engaged in the preparation of tiiis volume, I have de- 
 
PREFACE. XU 
 
 rived both instruction and enjoyment, from studying the character 
 and writings of Penn ; and when, in its progress, I came to the 
 period of his death, my mind was overspread with sadness, as 
 though I had lost a personal friend ; this feeling, however, was 
 succeeded by the consoling reflection, that he still lives, having 
 "passed from works to rewards," and that his memory will long 
 survive in the hearts of mankind. 
 
 S. M.JANNEY. 
 
 LouJoua County, Va, 11th month, 22d, 1851. 
 
LIFE GF WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 His birth and Parentage ; Education ; Expelled from Oxford for non- 
 conformity ; Sent to France ; Returns and enters Lincoln's Inn ; Goes 
 to Ireland ; Assists in quelling a Mutiny ; Prospect of a Captaincy ; 
 Correspondence with his father ; Hears Thomas Loe a second time ; 
 Convinced of Friends' principles ; Imprisoned ; Released and returns 
 to England ; His Father's displeasure ; His expulsion from home. 
 
 1644-67. 
 
 It is the purpose of this work to narrate the life and deli- 
 neate the character of William Penn; a man alike distinguished 
 for his moral qualities and mental endowments ; his sufferings 
 and his success ; his labors as an author, a gospel minister, 
 and a Christian legislator ; who, having wisely improved the 
 talents intrusted to him, has left his impress upon the world, 
 and bequeathed to posterity an example that will not soon be 
 forgotten. 
 
 His father is known in history as Vice-Admiral Sir William 
 Penn, a distinguished commander in the British Navy during 
 the wars of the Commonwealth and in the reign of Charles U., 
 who conferred on him the honor of knighthood, as a reward 
 for his services in a great victory gained over the Dutch, com- 
 manded by Admiral Opdam. 
 
 Sir William Penn married early in life Margaret, the daughter 
 of John Jasper, of Rotterdam, by whom he left two sons — the 
 
 2 
 
14 LIFE OF 
 
 younger of whom survived him only three years — and one 
 daughter.* 
 
 William, the elder son, who is the subject of this work, was 
 born in the parish called St. Catherine's, near the Tower of 
 London, on the 14th day of October, (then the 8th month), 
 A. D., 1644.t 
 
 Admiral Penn being possessed of an ample estate, and de- 
 sirous that his son William should become distinguished in the 
 world, determined to give him a liberal education. At an 
 early age he was sent to a free grammar school at Chigwell, in 
 Essex, which was near Wanstead, one of the country seats of 
 his father. Here he gave evidence of promising talents, and 
 received some of those serious impressions by means of w-hich 
 his youth was preserved in purity, and pious desires were 
 awakened in his mind. It w^as here, while in his eleventh year, 
 that he experienced the enlightening influence of divine grace ; 
 and the good seed being sown in the soil of a sincere and 
 willing heart, was not lost, but in after years produced a rich 
 harvest of spiritual enjoyment and usefulness. It is related by 
 one of his biographers,! that being alone in his chamber, " he 
 was suddenly surprised with an inward comfort, and, as he 
 thought, an external glory in the room, which gave rise to reli- 
 gious emotions, during which he had the strongest convictions 
 of the being of a God, and that the soul of man was capable 
 of enjoying communion wdth him." He believed also "that the 
 seal of Divinity had been put upon him at. this moment, or that 
 he had been awakened or called to a holy life." When we 
 consider how great is the influence exerted by powerful emo- 
 tions, and how much our impressions, even of external objects, 
 are modified by the state of the mind, it is not surprising that 
 a youth of his age, while under strong religious convictions, 
 
 * Memorials of Sir William Penn, by Grenville Penn. 
 
 ■j- Perm's Life, prefixed to his Select Works. In Penn's time the year began 
 with the first of March, which, among the Friends, was then called the first 
 month, April the second month, and so on. October, as its name implies, was 
 then the 8th month. In this work the old style is retained. 
 
 ^ Clarkson's Lite of Penn. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 15 
 
 should suppose he beheld an external glory shining around 
 him ; for the light that shone in his own spiritual nature was 
 " above the brightness of the sun." 
 
 In the year 1656, Admiral Penn removed with his family to 
 Ireland, where he possessed valuable estates ;* and William 
 being then about twelve years of age, diligently pursued his 
 studies at home, under the direction of a private tutor. At the 
 age of fifteen he went to Oxford, and was entered as a student 
 at Christ's Church College. Here he advanced rapidly in learn- 
 ing, and cultivated the acquaintance of those students who 
 were most distinguished for talents and virtue, while at intervals 
 he engaged in manly sports and athletic exercises, in which he 
 took great delight.f Among his comrades at this time was 
 John Locke, afterwards distinguished for his Essay on the 
 Human Understanding. 
 
 While Penn was at Oxford, the Duke of Gloucester, brother 
 of Charles II., died of the small pox. He was much beloved 
 by the king, and was a favorite with the nation on account of 
 his amiable character. 
 
 Many poetic effusions were written by the students in com- 
 memoration of this mournful event, and among the rest, William 
 Penn produced an elegy written in Latin verse, which affords 
 evidence of his genius and acquirements.:!: 
 
 About this time, he attended a meeting of the religious 
 Society of Friends, who were then, in derision, called Quakers. 
 Thomas Loe, who had formerly belonged to the University of 
 Oxford, preached on this occasion, and his discourse made a 
 deep impression on the mind of Penn, who began to perceive 
 that the simplicity and purity of the Christian religion was lost 
 sight of by most of its professors, while their attention was 
 occupied by a round of lifeless ceremonies. His early religious 
 impressions were revived, and earnest desires were experienced 
 for a " closer walk with God." 
 
 While in this frame of mind, he found that some of his 
 fellow-students were, like himself, dissatisfied with the esta- 
 
 • Memorials of Sir William Penn. f Clarkson's Life of Penn. ^ Ibid. 
 
16 LIFE OF 
 
 blished form of worship. They concluded to withdraw from 
 it, and they held among themselves meetings for divine wor- 
 ship, in which they were engaged in preaching and prayer. 
 This conduct gave offence to the heads of the college, who 
 fined them for non-conformity ; but Penn and his associates, 
 believing themselves bound by a sense of duty to continue 
 their meetings and to absent themselves from the established 
 church, were finally expelled from the college.* 
 
 After his return home, his exemplary conduct and serious 
 deportment evinced the change that had been wrought in his 
 feelings. He withdrew from the society of the gay and frivo- 
 lous, and sought the company of the pious and sedate. 
 
 His father saw with grief this change in his manners, and 
 began to fear that all the prospects of worldly honor he had 
 cherished for him would be blasted. Being himself a man of 
 the world, he could not enter into the feelings of his son, nor 
 appreciate that noble devotion of soul which enabled him to 
 contemn the perishing things of time, and to fix his affections 
 upon those heavenly treasures — those pure principles of righteous- 
 ness — which are the gift of God and will endure forever. Having 
 tried persuasion and threats without turning him from his pur- 
 pose, the Admiral at length resorted to blows ; and these being 
 alike ineffectual, he gave way to a transport of rage, and drove 
 him from his house. f 
 
 In this trying situation William evinced that patience and 
 fortitude which distinguished him through life. His father soon 
 began to relent ; for although hasty in his temper, he was natu- 
 rally a man of kind feelings, and his wife, who was an excel- 
 lent woman, interceded for her son, and obtained his forgiveness 
 and recall. 
 
 His father now^ adopted another expedient to dissipate this 
 
 • See Cough's History of Quakers, ii. 213. The account given by Clarkson, 
 that William Penn and Robert Spencer " tore the surplices over the heads" of the 
 students, must be founded in mistake ; for it appears from a letter of Penn, written 
 in 1683 to Spencer, then Earl of iSundcrland, that they first became acquainted in 
 France, about 1663. 
 
 j- Gough ii. 214. Select Works of Penn ; Proud's History Pennsylvania. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 17 
 
 serious turn of mind which he so much deprecated. He sent 
 him to France in company with some persons of rank, who 
 were about to make the tour of Europe. He resided first in 
 Paris, and then went to Saumur, where he remained some 
 months in the years 1662-63, in order to enjoy " the conversa- 
 tion and instruction of the learned Moses Auryrault, who was 
 a protestant minister of the Calvanistic persuasion, professor of 
 divmity in Saumur, and at this time in the highest estimation 
 of any divine in France.* While residing here he read the 
 works of the early Christian writers, paid some attention to 
 other theological studies, and applied himself to the acquisition 
 of the French language, in which he became a proficient. On 
 leaving Saumur, he directed his course towards Italy ; but on 
 reaching Turin he received a letter from his father recalling 
 him home, in order to take charge of his affairs during the 
 Admiral's absence' at sea. 
 
 William Penn, whilst in France, from whence he returned 
 in the year 1664, is said to have acquired that polish of man- 
 ners for which the French have long been distinguished. He 
 is described by Pepys as " a most modish person, grown quite 
 a fine gentleman ;" and it may reasonably be inferred that he 
 had also worn off, by association with the gay world, a portion 
 of that serious demeanor which had so much displeased his 
 father, for we find that he was received with great satisfaction. 
 An incident occurred during his residence in Paris, which gives 
 an interesting view of his character at this period. 
 
 He was waylaid in the street, at night, by a person armed 
 with a sword, who attacked him for an alleged affront. Penn, 
 who was armed, as was then the custom, defended himself 
 with skill, and disarmed his antagonist ; but when he had him 
 completely at his mercy, he showed his magnanimity by allow- 
 ing him to depart without injury. In one of his works, written 
 after he became a Friend, he alludes to this incident to show 
 " what envy, quarrels and mischief have happened among private 
 persons upon their conceit that they have not been respected 
 
 • Clarkson. 
 
 2* 
 
18 LIFE OF 
 
 according to their degree of quality among men, with hat, knee 
 or title. Suppose he had killed me, (for he made several passes 
 at me), or that I, in my defence, had killed him, I ask any man 
 of understanding or conscience, if the whole round of cere- 
 mony were worth the life of a man, considering the dignity of 
 his nature and the importance of his life with respect to God 
 his Creator, himself, and the benefit of civil society?" 
 
 Soon after his return from France, he became, at his father's 
 suggestion, a student at Lincoln's Inn, in order to acquire a 
 knowledge of the laws of England. 
 
 In the spring of 1665 the British fleet put to sea under the 
 command of the Duke of York, assisted by the nautical skill 
 of Sir William Penn, who occupied the next post under him. 
 The younger Penn, then about twenty-one years of age, accom- 
 panied his father for a few days, and was sent to the king with 
 despatches, as appears by the following letters : 
 
 "From Harwich, 23d April, 1665. 
 '* Honored Father : — 
 
 "We could not arrive here sooner than this day, about tTvelve of the 
 clock, by reason of the continued cross winds, and, as I thought, foul 
 weather. I pray God, after all the foul weather and dangers you are 
 exposed to, and shall be, that you come home as secure. And I bless 
 God, my heart does not in any way fail, but firmly believe that if God 
 has called you out to battle, he will cover your head in that smoky day. 
 And, as I never knew what a father was till I had wisdom enough to 
 prize him, so I can safely say, that now, of all times, your concerns are 
 most dear to me. It's hard, meantime, to lose both a father and a 
 friend, &c. 
 
 "W. P." 
 
 "Navy Office, 6th May, 1665, 
 " At my arrival at Harwich, (which was about one of the clock on the 
 Sabbath day, and where I staid till three,) I took post for London, and 
 was at London the next morning by almost daylight. I hasted to White- 
 hall, where, not finding the king up, I presented myself to my Lord of 
 Arlington and Colonel Ashburnham. 
 
 "At his majesty's knocking, he was informed there was an express from 
 the Duke ; at which, earnestly skipping out of his bed, he came only in 
 his gown and slippers ; who, when he saw me, said, ' Oh ! is't you ? how 
 is Sir William?' 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 19 
 
 "He asked how .you did at three several times. He was glad to hear 
 your message about Ka. [?] After interrogating me above half an hour, 
 he bid me go about your business and mine too. As to the Duchess, he 
 was pleased to ask several questions, and so dismissed me. 
 
 " I delivered all the letters given me. My mother was to see my Lady 
 Lawson, and she was here. 
 
 " I pray God be with you, and be your armor in the day of contro- 
 versy ! May that power be your salvation, for his name's sake. And so 
 will he wish and pray, that is with all true veneration, honored father, 
 " Your obedient son and servant, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN."* 
 
 After this short trial of naval life, he returned again to his 
 legal studies, until the ravages of the plague in London induced 
 him to quit the city, and probably revived the religious im- 
 pressions of his early years. 
 
 His mind now underwent a great conflict of religious exercise. 
 The seeds of piety sown in his heart during youth, although 
 at times repressed by the influence of the gay world around 
 him, continued to grow in secret, being nourished by the dews 
 of heaven, — the holy influences of Divine grace, — by which he 
 was drawn into silent meditation, and inward prayer. His 
 natural disposition being lively and social, his accomplishments 
 such as to render his society attractive, and his father's influ- 
 ence being exerted to the utmost to lead him in the path of 
 worldly glory, where all his prospects were bright and dazzling; 
 we may readily conceive he was exposed to temptations unusu- 
 ally great, and that the ordeal through which he was passing, 
 must have been severe in the extreme. Early in the spring of 
 1666, his father, perceiving that he was growing more serious 
 in his deportment, concluded to send him to Ireland, where the 
 Duke of Ormond, then Lord Lieutenant, presided over a court 
 of great gaiety and splendor. 
 
 Being furnished with a letter from the Admiral to Sir Geo. 
 Lane, the Secretary of the Lord Lieutenant, he was received 
 with the utmost kindness at the vice-regal court, where the 
 Duke of Ormond's regard for his father procured him many 
 
 « Mem. Sir William Penn, ii. 318. 
 
20 LIFE OF 
 
 distinguished acquaintances to whom he highly recommended 
 himself by his own personal qualities.* 
 
 During his residence there a mutiny took place among the 
 soldiers in the garrison of Carrickfergus, and being a young 
 man of high spirit, and acquainted with the use of arms, he 
 joined the forces under the Lord of Arran, (second son of the 
 Duke of Ormond,) and evinced so much energy and valor in 
 quelling the mutiny, that the Duke wished to make him cap- 
 tain of the foot-company attached to his father's government of 
 the fort of Kinsale. 
 
 His cousin, Captain (afterwards Sh^) Richard Booth, who 
 commanded the frigate Dartmouth on the Irish coast, thus 
 wrote to Sir William Penn, under date the 19th of July, 1666 : 
 
 " Right Honorable : — 
 
 " Since mj last from Holyhead I have been to Carrickfergus, where 
 the soldiers mutinied, and was there commanded by his grace to remain 
 till the castle was redviced, which was done by the Lord of Arran, and 
 four companies of the R rogimfent ; an account whereof I presume your 
 honor has long since had from my cousin William, who was pleased to 
 accompany his lordship in that action, to his no small reputation." 
 
 The following letter from William to his father, written the 
 same month, gives some further particulars of this transaction, 
 and shows his willingness to accept the military distinction 
 that the Duke wished to confer upon him : 
 
 " Honorable Sir : — 
 
 " When I was at Carrickfergus with my Lord Arran, Sir George Lane, 
 in my Lord Dunagle's house, called me aside and told me the character 
 my Lord Arran had pleased to give his father, obliged him to write you 
 a letter on my behalf, which was to surrender your government and fort. 
 My Lord Lieutenant himself, before a very great company, was pleased 
 to call me to him, and asked whether you had not done it, and why? I 
 answered that you had once intended it, and that his lordship had pro- 
 mised to favor his request. To assure you of my lord's design, I saw the 
 letter under his own hand, but am to seek whether Sir George Lane sent 
 it or no, which I am to ask of yourself ; my Lord Lieutenant telling me 
 
 » Memorials of Sir William I'cnn, ii , 572. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 21 
 
 sometimes he wondered you never answered his letter. I excused it by 
 the remoteness of your present residence from London. If there be any 
 ■ under-dealing 'tis the secretary's fault, not my lord's. 
 
 " Howevev, sir, I humbly conceive it may be necessary you take notice 
 of my lord's kindness in a letter by the very first, since he has asked 
 whether you had writ me anything in reference to it. 
 
 " I beseech your answer to this, as also if you please, an acknowledg- 
 ment to my Lord Lieutenant and Lord Arran's great and daily kindness. 
 I wish, sir, you may have respite from your troubles, and some refresh- 
 ments from your continual toils, (we supposing the fleet to be near out). 
 I am, sir, j^our most obedient son, W. PENN. 
 
 « Dublin, 4lh Jul^, 1666." 
 
 THE DUKE OF ORMOND TO SIR WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 " Sir : — Remembering that formerly you made a motion for the giving 
 up your company of foot here to your son, and observing his forwardness 
 on the occasion of his repressing the late mutiny among the soldiers in 
 this garrison, I liave thought fit to let you know that I am willing to 
 place the command of that company in him, and desire you to send a 
 resignation to that purpose, and so I remain your aifectionate servant, 
 
 " ORMOND. 
 
 « Carrickfergus, 29th May, 1666." 
 
 THE admiral's ANSWER TO HIS SON. 
 
 July 17th, 1666. 
 " Son William : — 
 
 " I have received two or three letters from you since I wrote any to 
 you. Besides my former advice I can say nothing but advise to sobriety 
 and all those things that will speak you a Christian and a gentleman, 
 which prudence may make to have the best consistency. As to the 
 tender made by his grace the Lord Lieutenant concerning the fort at 
 Kinsale, I wish your youthful desires mayn't outrun your discretion. 
 His grace may, for a time, dispense with my absence — yours he will not, 
 for so he told me. God bless, direct and protect you.* 
 
 " Your very affectionate father, W. PENN." 
 
 From this correspondence it is evident that William had 
 suffered the gay circle by which he was surrounded, so far to 
 obliterate his former serious impressions, that he began to fix 
 
 * Memorials of Sir William Penn, by Grenville Penn. 
 
22 LIFE OF 
 
 his affections upon worldly glory, and was even desirous of 
 obtaining the distinction of a military post, with the flattering 
 title of Captain Penn. But happily for himself and for the 
 world, the Admiral's pertinacious adherence to the captaincy, 
 frustrated the ambitious aspirations of his son, who was des- 
 tined, by Divine Providence, to a far nobler post, and a wider 
 field of service. 
 
 About this time was painted the only portrait of William 
 Penn, ever taken from life. A copy of this portrait was pre- 
 sented by Grenville Penn to the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
 vania, and from it was taken the engraving which accompanies 
 this work. It w^ill be observed that he is dressed in the mili- 
 tary costume usually appropriated to the high-born cavalier, 
 which was well adapted to express the rank he held in society, 
 as well as the hopes he then cherished of martial distinction. 
 The features are rather full and beautifully moulded, the coun- 
 tenance combines energy and sweetness happily blended, and 
 we read in that calm and earnest expression, the index of a 
 mind formed for high designs and noble achievements. 
 
 Sir William Penn being occupied with his naval command, 
 intrusted to his son the management of his estates in Ireland, 
 which lay in the county of Cork. This business he conducted 
 with such ability, as to give entire satisfaction, and the Admi- 
 ral hoped that his son, being now far removed from his English 
 acquaintances, and fully occupied with business, would soon 
 forget the serious impressions which stood so much in the way 
 of his worldly advancement. 
 
 But here Divine Providence again interposed to call him to 
 that sphere of life in which he was destined to accomplish so 
 great a work. 
 
 Being at Cork on business, he heard that Thomas Loe, the 
 instrument of his religious impressions at Oxford, was to attend 
 a meeting of the Friends in that city. His f^ffection for this 
 eminent minister would not allow him to leave the city without 
 seeing him, he therefore attended the meeting. 
 
 After an interval of silence, Thomas Loe arose and com- 
 menced his discourse with these words, " There is a faith 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 23 
 
 which overcomes the world, and there is a faith which is 
 overcome by the world." On this theme he enlarged in so 
 remarkable and impressive a manner, that every word went 
 home to the feelings of William, whose inward conflicts were, 
 doubtless, depicted by the speaker, and attributed to their true 
 cause, the opposition of his natural inclinations and desires to 
 the secret touches of Divine grace and love, by which he had 
 been called to renounce the glory of the world, and to devote 
 himself to a higher and holier life. 
 
 The result was, that his feelings were deeply moved, his 
 convictions of religious duty were revived, and he became a 
 constant attender of the meetings of Friends. 
 
 Many years afterwards, when relating an interview he had 
 with some pious persons, he alluded to his religious exercises 
 in early life, saying,* " I let them know how and when the 
 Lord first appeared unto me, which was about the twelfth year 
 of my age, anno. 1656 ; and how, at times, betwixt that and 
 the fifteenth, the Lord visited me, and the divine impressions 
 he gave me of himself; of my persecution at Oxford, and how 
 the Lord sustained me in the midst of that hellish darkness and 
 debauchery ; of my being banished the college; the bitter usage 
 I underwent when I returned to my father, whipping, beating, 
 and turning out of doors in 1662. Of the Lord's dealings with 
 me in France, and in the time of the great plague in London ; 
 in fine, the deep sense he gave me of the vanity of this world, 
 of the irreligiousness of the religious of it; then, of my mournful 
 and bitter cries to him that he would show me his own way of 
 life and salvation, and my resolution to follow him, whatever 
 reproaches or sufferings should attend me, and that with great 
 reverence and brokenness of spirit. How, after all this, the 
 glory of the world overtook me, and I was even ready to give 
 up myself unto it, seeing as yet no such thing as the primitive 
 spirit and church on the earth ; and being ready to faint con- 
 cerning my hope of the restitution of all things." "It was at 
 this time that the Lord visited me with a certain sound and 
 
 * See his Journey into Holland and Germany. 
 
24 LIFE OF 
 
 testimony of his Eternal Word, through one of those the world 
 calls Quakers, namely, Thomas Loe. I related to them the 
 bitter mockings and scornings that fell upon me, the displeasure 
 of my parents, the invectiveness and cruelty of the priests, the 
 strangeness of all my companions; what a sign and wonder 
 they made of me, but above all, that great cross of resisting 
 and watching against mine own inward vain affections and 
 thoughts." 
 
 William Penn being now drawn into close fellowship with 
 the Friends, was soon made to experience some of the perse- 
 cutions then so liberally inflicted upon that unoffending people. 
 
 Being at a meeting in Cork in the autumn of 1667, he was, 
 with others, apprehended and carried before the Mayor, who, 
 observing his dress to be different from that of the Friends, 
 offered to set him at liberty, on his giving bond for his good 
 behavior ; which refusing, he was, with eighteen others, com- 
 mitted to prison.* While in prison he wrote the following 
 letter : — 
 
 " To THE Earl of Orrert, Lord President of Munster. 
 
 " The occasion may seem as strange as my cause is just, but your lord- 
 ship will no less express your charity in the one than your justice in the 
 other. 
 
 " Religion, which is at once my crime and mine innocence, makes me 
 a prisoner to a mayor's malice, but mine own free-man ; for being in 
 the assembly of the people called Quakers, there came several constables, 
 backed with soldiers, rudely and arbitrarily requiring every man's ap- 
 pearance before the mayor, and amongst others violently haled me with 
 them : upon my coming before him, he charged me for being present at 
 a tumultuous and riotous assembly; and unless I would give bond for my 
 good behavior, who challenge the world to accuse me justly with the 
 contrary, he would commit me. I asked for his authority ; for I humbly 
 conceive, without an act of Parliament, or an act of State, it might be 
 justly termed too much officiousness: his answer was, *a proclamation 
 in the year IGGO, and new instructions to revive that dead and antiquated 
 order.' I leave your lordship to judge if that proclamation relates to 
 this concernment, that only was designed to suppress ' Fifth-monarchy' 
 killing spirits, and since the King's Lord Lieutenant and yourself being 
 
 • Penn's hfe, prefixed to his select works. 
 
WILLIAM rEiNTN. 20 
 
 "fully persuaded the intention of those called Quakers by their meetlnjjs, 
 A^-as really the service of (rod, have therefore manifested a repeal by a 
 long continuance of freedom, I hope your lordship will not now begin an 
 unusual severity, by indulging so much malice in one, whose actions 
 savor ill with his nearest neighbors, but that there may be a speedy 
 releasement to all for attending their hon6st callings; with the enjoy- 
 ment of their families, and not to be longer separated from both. 
 
 " And though to dissent from a national system imposed hj authority, 
 renders men heretics ; yet I dare believe your lordship is better read in 
 reason and theology, than to subscribe a maxim so vulgar and untrue; 
 for imagining most visible constitutions of religious government suited 
 to the nature and genius of a civil empire, it cannot be esteemed heresy, 
 but to scare a multitude from such inquiries as may create divisions, 
 fatal to a civil policy, and therefore at worst, deserves only the name of 
 Disturbers. 
 
 "But I presume, my Lord, the acquaintance j^ou have had with other 
 countries, must needs have furnished yuu with this infallible observation : 
 that diversities of faith and worship contribute not to the disturbance of 
 any place, where moral uniformity is barely requisite to preserve the 
 peace. It is not long since you were a good solicitor for the liberty I 
 now crave, and concluded no way so effectual to improve or advantage 
 this country, as to dispense with freedom in things relating to con- 
 science ; and I suppose were it riotous or tumultuary, as by some vainly 
 imagined, your lordship's inclination, as well as duty, would entertain a 
 very remote opinion. My humble supplication, therefore, to you is, that 
 so malicious and injurious a practice to innocent Englishmen, may not 
 receive any countenance or encouragement from your lordship, for as it 
 is contrary to the practice elsewhere, and a bad argument to invite 
 English hither, so, with submission, will it not resemble that clemency 
 and English spirit, that hath hitherto made you honorable. 
 
 " If in this case I may have used too great liberty, it is my subject, 
 nor shall I doubt your pardon, since, by your authority, I expect a favor, 
 which never will be used unworthy an honest man, and 
 
 " Your Lordship's faithful, &c., 
 
 "W. P." 
 
 In this letter may be seen the germ of a noble principle, 
 more fully developed in his subsequent works ; it was his first 
 essay in behalf of universal toleration, — the beginning of that 
 long series of efforts, which, after more than twenty years of 
 arduous conflict, were crowned with success. 
 
 His request, so far as related to himself, was granted by the 
 
 3 
 
I 
 
 26 ^ LIFE OF 
 
 Earl, who gave an order for his immediate release.* This 
 imprisonment, so far from cooling his zeal, only tended to 
 bring him into closer union with the Friends, whose principles 
 became more and more dear to him, so that he became willing 
 to bear the reproach and contumely which in that age were 
 every where cast upon them, as upon the primitive Christians, 
 by a misjudging world. 
 
 The report that he had become a "Quaker," was soon con- 
 veyed to his father, which induced him to recall him, an order 
 which he promptly obeyed by returning home. 
 
 At first the Admiral perceived nothing peculiar in his dress 
 or manners, but his seriousness and religious deportment con- 
 tinuing to increase, and especially the usual ceremony of taking 
 off the hat being omitted, his father became uneasy and re- 
 quired an explanation. The scene which ensued was deeply 
 painful to both parties, for the son avowed his religious princi- 
 ples, and respectfully declined to renounce them, as he con- 
 ceived that his duty to God was paramount to all other obliga- 
 tions, but he evinced his desire of manifesting his obedience to 
 his father, and his affection for him, in every thing that did not 
 conflict with his convictions of religious duty. The Admiral, 
 on the other hand, having set his heart on advancing his son to 
 a high station of wealth and honor, could not endure to see 
 him forego the dazzling prize that appeared to be within his 
 reach ; and to unite himself to the despised Quakers, seemed to 
 be nothing less than an act of madness. He made use of every 
 argument, he even condescended to entreat and implore ; but 
 all to no purpose ; his son stood firm to his principles. Finding 
 he could not prevail, the Admiral desired that William would 
 at least conform so far to his wishes, as to take off his hat in the 
 presence of the King, the Duke of York and himself. William 
 asked time to consider of this request, and his father, supposing 
 he wished to consult some of the Friends upon it, was highly 
 displeased ; but William, having assured him that he would 
 
 * Life of Petin, prefixed to his works. 
 
WILLIAM PEN N. 27 
 
 consult none of them, retired to his chamber and sought for 
 Divine aid in fasting and prayer.* 
 
 It may be thought by some that this compliance required but 
 a small concession, and ought to have been made by a dutiful 
 son in deference to the judgment of a parent. 
 
 But it must be borne in mind that William was now more 
 than twenty-three years of age, and that he had, after mature 
 deliberation, adopted the views of the Friends, among whom 
 nothing which had the least relation to religious duty, was 
 deemed trivial or unimportant. They considered the uncover- 
 ing of the head an act of reverence or of worship, that was due 
 to none but Deity. In their public ministry, and in vocal pray- 
 er, they uncovered their heads, agreeably to the Apostolic in- 
 junction, but they could not pay the same mark of homage to a 
 mortal like themselves. 
 
 Although this refusal, especially in courts of justice, subject- 
 ed them to great abuse, and even to fine and imprisonment, 
 they persevered in adhering to their convictions of duty until 
 their constancy gained them an exemption from the general 
 usage, and perhaps has been one means of diminishing a prac- 
 tice which was then considered indispensable. In addition to 
 their objections to this custom, as an act of homage improper to 
 be offered to a human being, they believed that it was very 
 generally adopted without sincerity. 
 
 Like the expression, "Your humble servant," which gene- 
 rally accompanied the hat honor, — it was, in fashionable life, 
 offered to all equals or superiors, when, in most cases, there 
 was no corresponding feeling of reverence or humility enter- 
 tained by those who made the profession. The primitive 
 Friends felt it their duty to bear an uncompromising testimony 
 against this custom, as well as all others, which had been 
 adopted for the purpose of flattering human pride. When 
 W^illiara had retired from his father's presence to reflect upon 
 the subject of his request, his mind became deeply impressed 
 with the danger of compromising his principles, even in the 
 
 Life of Pent], prefixed to his select works, and Cough's History of Q. 
 
28 LIFE OF 
 
 smallest particular, for innovation, once begun, induces weak- 
 ness, and there is no place where we can so safely take our 
 stand, as on the high ground of religious principle. 
 
 He felt that this ground was impregnable, and that the man 
 who adheres firmly to the line of duty, although he may suffer 
 persecution, wall always possess a heart-felt assurance of Divine 
 approbation that will sustain him in every trial. 
 
 In their next interview, therefore, he apprised his father firm- 
 ly, but with expressions of duty and affection, that he could 
 not comply with his request. 
 
 The Admiral could restrain his anger no longer, he had ex- 
 hausted every expedient; his hopes for his son were all frus- 
 trated, and he again indignantly expelled him from his house.* 
 
 Having been educated in affluence, and accustomed to the 
 luxuries of life, his situation must have been painful and em- 
 barrassing. Destitute of pecuniary resources, and without a 
 trade or profession to obtain a livelihood, he was for a time 
 dependent upon the hospitality of his friends, until his mothei, 
 true to the promptings of maternal love, found means secretly 
 to send him relief. 
 
 Here let us pause and contemplate the change which, in the 
 brief space of a few months, had come over this young and 
 devoted servant of the cross. While at the vice-regal court of 
 the Duke of Ormond, he had been a conspicuous and favored 
 guest ; strikingly handsome in his person, polished, and even 
 courtly in his manners, distinguished for the sprightliness of his 
 wit, and the depth of his erudition ; but more than all, admired 
 for the prowess he displayed in his first and only martial en- 
 gagement ; he seemed on the high road to worldly honor, and 
 no post beneath the crown was too high to be the object of his 
 hopes. 
 
 But now he turns his back upon the world, associates himself 
 with a despised and persecuted sect, becomes the subject of 
 sarcastic remark among his former companions ; and even his 
 father spurns him from his presence. In this extremity one 
 
 * Cough's Hist, ii 217. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 29 
 
 heart still remained faithful to him. She who had cherished 
 him in the weakness of his infancy, now clings to him in the 
 season of his adversity; thus manifesting the constancy and 
 disinterestedness of a mother's love, the strongest, if not the 
 brightest, link in the chain of human affections. 
 
 At length his father, softened, perhajis, by the entreaties of 
 his wife, so far relented as to allow him to obtain subsistence 
 at home, though he gave him no open countenance. It is sup- 
 posed that the Admiral, notwithstanding his displeasure, exert- 
 ed his influence for the release of his son, whenever he was 
 imprisoned on account of his religious profession ; for though 
 a man of high temper, and accustomed to the exercise of stern 
 discipline, he possessed kind feelings and strong attachments. 
 It was the greatest among all the crosses and trials that William 
 was called upon to bear at this period of his life, that he was 
 cut off from kindly intercourse with a parent whom he tenderly 
 loved ; but he firmly adhered to the course he had chosen, 
 countinfj nothino' too dear to be sacrificed for the love of the 
 Gospel, and knowing that "he that putteth his hand to the 
 plough and looketh back, is not worthy of the kingdom of 
 heaven," 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Ponn's connexion with the Society of Friends ; Rise of the Society ; 
 Early Life of George Fox ; His ministry and sufferings ; Summary of 
 the principles of Friends. 
 
 1667. 
 
 Among all the changes incident to man in this stage of ex- 
 istence, none are so important as those which influence his 
 religious character. He may acquire wealth, or he may lose 
 it ; he may attain to the highest earthly honors, or be subjected 
 
 3* 
 
30 LIFE OF 
 
 to the deepest humiliation, yet none of these things necessarily 
 affect his permanent happiness. 
 
 It is far otherwise with the growth of his religious principles: 
 if these are suffered to languish and decay, no outward circum- 
 stances can make him happy, or enable him to fulfil the great 
 end of his being ; but if, on the contrary, these are nourished 
 by obedience to the teachings of divine grace, the animal 
 nature is brought into subjection to the spiritual, there is a con- 
 tinual development of his moral powers and benevolent affec- 
 tions ; and his happiness, being no longer dependent on time 
 and sense, is fixed upon a basis that must endure for ever. 
 
 William Penn had been for some years subjected to trials, 
 which, under the blessing of divine goodness, were made 
 instrumental to his religious progress. Having renounced the 
 amusements of fashionable life and the honors of the world, 
 he became a constant attendant on the meetings of Friends. 
 
 As his connexion with this society, and the prominent part 
 he took as a religious writer and minister of the Gospel, had a 
 most important influence on his character and conduct through 
 life, it seems proper to refer briefly to the rise and progress, up 
 to this period, of the people with whom he was thus associated. 
 
 It was during that troubled period in English history, when 
 Charles the first was contending with his Parliament, and the 
 whole nation was agitated and convulsed by the force of new 
 ideas of civil and religious liberty, that George Fox, a young 
 man of blameless life, and of obscure, but upright and pious 
 parentage, felt himself impelled by the strongest convictions of 
 duty to withdraw, for a time, from the companionship of men, 
 in order to seek for light and strength in religious contemplation. 
 
 He had been placed with a shoemaker, but his master was 
 also engaged in the keeping of sheep, and George, during part 
 of his minority, was employed as a shepherd, a business pecu- 
 liarly suited to his quiet and contemplative spirit, as well as a 
 " fit emblem of his future service in the Church of Christ."* 
 In his nineteenth year, being on business at a fair, he was 
 
 • Fox's .Journal, and William Pcnn's Rise and Progress of Quakers. 
 
WILLIAM TENN. 31 
 
 induced by two professors of religion to join them in drinking 
 some beer ; but when they 'had drank a glass apiece, the con- 
 versation of his Companions becoming distasteful to him, as 
 being in his view inconsistent with their religious profession, 
 he paid his reckoning and left them. 
 
 This incident was the means of awakening more fully his 
 religious consciousness. He saw that the professors of reli- 
 gion were too generally resting in a lifeless form of outward 
 observances. He could not sleep for the distress that preyed 
 upon his mind; but through the night "he walked up and 
 down," and "sometimes prayed and cried to the Lord." 
 It was then that a language was impressed upon his mind as 
 from on high ; " thou seest how young people go together into 
 vanity, and old people into the earth ; thou must forsake all, 
 young and old, keep out of all, and be as a stranger unto all." 
 
 This was in the year 1643. The same year that Hampden 
 died on the field of battle fighting for civil liberty, was George 
 Fox, the champion of religious liberty, called into a warfare 
 whose weapons are not carnal, and whose victories are not 
 stained with blood. The adversaries he was called to encounter, 
 were those which are common to human nature ; for although 
 he had led a life of remarkable purity, he found within him- 
 self a conflict between the powers of light and of darkness, 
 he was asailed by strong temptations, and the enemies of 
 his soul rose like a flood to overwhelm him. It was then " he 
 saw how Christ was tempted," and was led to believe that 
 through the power of Christ revealed in his soul, he also should 
 be enabled to overcome. 
 
 Dm'ing some years he continued in this state of deep proba- 
 tion, being, at times, almost reduced to despair, but at intervals 
 relieved and comforted by gleams of heavenly joy that made 
 all his troubles seem as nothing for Christ's sake. 
 . In his deep distress, he sought for instruction from the teachers 
 and professors of religion, but the priests could not speak to his 
 condition. Those who were accounted the most experienced 
 in divine things, could afford him no relief, and he was led to 
 the only physician who can heal our spiritual maladies, " Christ 
 Jesus, the true shepherd and bishop of souls." 
 
32 LIFE OF 
 
 As he was g'oing into Coventry in the year 1646, he was led 
 to reflect upon the proposition that " all Christians are believers, 
 both Protestants and Papists." It was made clear to his under- 
 standing "that if all were believers, then would all be born of 
 God, and passed from death to life," and that none were 
 true believers but such ; and though others said they were be- 
 lievers, yet they were not." 
 
 At another time, as he was walking in the fields, it was 
 " opened to him," that " being bred at Oxford or Cambridge, 
 w^as not enough to qualify men to be ministers of Christ ;" and 
 he wondered at it, for such was then the common belief. 
 
 Thus' his mind was gradually opened by the influence of 
 divine grace to understand the Scriptures of truth, and the 
 mysteries of the heavenly kingdom, which are " hidden from 
 the wise and prudent and revealed unto babes." 
 
 He had been educated in the established church, but after 
 these convictions he began to regard the priests less favorably 
 and to look more towards the Dissenters. Among these he 
 found some whose minds had been brought under the influence 
 of religious truth ; but as he had forsaken the priest, so he 
 found he must also leave the dissenting preachers, for none of 
 them could afford relief to his soul, which was hungering for 
 spiritual food. It was then a voice was addressed to his 
 mental ear saying, " there is one, even Christ Jesus, that can 
 speak to thy condition." His heart leaped for joy, his desires 
 increased for communion with God, his spiritual perceptions 
 became more clear, and he found that " the path of the just is 
 as the shining light, that shineth more and more unto the perfect 
 day." 
 
 Thus he grew in the knowledge of divine things, " without 
 the help of any man, book, or writing." For although he dili- 
 gently read the sacred Scriptures, and had read them from his 
 youth, yet he understood them not, save as " he who hath the 
 key did ojjcn." 
 
 . At this time there was in England a class of Christian pro- 
 fessors, who, having become dissatisfied with the established 
 church, and with the various sects of dissenters, had withdrawn 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 33 
 
 themselves from all others and lived in retirement. Sometimes 
 they met for mutual edification, or sat together in silence ; hence 
 they were called Seekers. 
 
 Among these persons, George Fox met with some whose 
 spirits were kindred with his own, for they relied much upon 
 the inward operation of the Holy Spirit, and when he declared 
 to them the result of his own experience, that " Jesus Christ 
 teaches his people himself," by the immediate revelation of his 
 grace in the soul, they were ready to receive his testimony. 
 
 This divine power, by which salvation is wrought in man, he 
 usually designated by the expressive scriptural terms " the true 
 light that lighteth every man that cometh into the world. (John 
 i. 9.) He sometimes referred to the same holy Powder as the 
 blood of Christy which is the saints' drink, (John vi. 55), for 
 according to the Scriptures the blood is the life, (Gen. ix. 4), 
 and the life is the light of men." (John i. 4). 
 
 In the year 1648, he attended a great meeting of professors, 
 among whom was Captain Amor Stoddard. They were dis- 
 coursing of the blood of Christ, w^hen George Fox felt con- 
 strained to cry out " do ye not see the blood of Christ? see it 
 in your hearts, to sprinkle your hearts and consciences from 
 dead works to serve the living God." This startled the profes- 
 sors who would have the blood only without them and not in 
 them ; but Captain Stoddard said, ** let the youth speak ; hear 
 the youth speak," when he saw they were disposed to bear 
 him down with many words.* 
 
 At this time it was common in England for large numbers 
 of different persuasions to meet together for the purpose of 
 discussing religious doctrines, for religion was then the en- 
 grossing topic of the day, in which all classes took part. Such 
 a meeting being held at Leicester, wherein Presbyterians, Inde- 
 pendents, Baptists and Episcopalians were concerned, George 
 Fox attended and listened to their discussions. 
 
 At length a woman asked a question from the first epistle of 
 Peter, " What that birth was, viz., a being born again of incor- 
 
 • George Fox's Journal, i p. 18. 
 
34 LIFE OF 
 
 ruptible seed, by the word of God, that liveth and abideth 
 forever ?" 
 
 The priest said to her, " I permit not a woman to speak in 
 the church," though he had before given liberty to any to speak. 
 This brought George Fox to his feet, who stepped up and asked 
 the priest, " Dost thou call this place a church? or dost thou 
 call this mixed multitude a church?'''' But instead of answering 
 him, the priest asked what a church w-as ? to which George 
 replied, "The church is the pillar and ground of truth, made 
 up of living stones, living members, a spiritual household, of 
 which Christ is the head ; but he is not the head of a mixed 
 multitude, or of an old house made up of limestones and wood." 
 This set ihem all on fire ; the priest came down from his pulpit, 
 the others out of their pews, and the discussion was broken up. 
 
 At this time George Fox went from place to place, visiting 
 fairs, markets, and other places of public resort, as well as the 
 meetings of religious professors, and many were convinced by 
 his ministry, which was so different from the doctrines held 
 forth by others, that multitudes flocked to hear him. 
 
 He was still at times assailed by strong temptations. One 
 morning as he sat by the fire a suggestion of Atheism arose in 
 his mind, accompanied by an impression that " all things come 
 by nature," " the elements and the stars came over him," the 
 heavens were clouded, and darkness shrouded his mind. As 
 he sat still, waiting for light, a living hope arose within him, 
 and a true voice said^ " There is a living God, who made all 
 things," Immediately the cloud was dispelled, the temptation 
 vanished away, and his heart was filled with joy and praise. 
 Soon after this, he met with some persons who, having yielded 
 to a similar temptation, denied the existence of a Deity, and he 
 was enabled, from his own experience, to speak to their condi- 
 tion and convinced them there is a living God, Several con- 
 gregations of Friends being now gathered through his ministry, 
 they were accustomed to meet together for divine worship, 
 waiting upon God in silence, to watch and pray for the influ- 
 ence of his spirit, or to minister to each other, as divine grace 
 miofht be afforded. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 35 
 
 As George Fox attended to the impressions of duty, his 
 prospects of religious service were enlarged, and he saw that 
 God had called him to a great work among men, to lead many 
 "■ from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto 
 God." Having in himself experienced the saving power of 
 divine truth, he rejoiced that the Lord had called him forth to 
 preach the same glad tidings to others, directing them to that 
 inward principle of light and life, by obedience to which man 
 is restored to the image of God in which he was created. This 
 divine power, in his judgment, saves not only from the punish- 
 ment due to sin, but from the dominion of evil in the heart, so 
 that a state of perfection or freedom from sin might be known 
 on this side the grave. But of all the professors of religion he 
 conversed Avith, none would admit that man can be restored, in 
 this life, to the state of purity in which Adam was before the 
 fall, much less could they bear to be told that a measure of the 
 same power and spirit that guided the prophets and apostles, 
 may now be experienced by the faithful, though it is certain 
 that none can truly understand their writings, without the influ- 
 ence of the same spirit by which they were dictated.* 
 
 Although this doctrine met with much opposition from the 
 professors of religion, there was, in the plain and unflattering 
 address of George Fox, a cause of offence that rendered him 
 still more obnoxious to opprobrium and abuse. When sent 
 forth on his mission of love to preach the gospel in its ancient 
 simplicity, he felt himself restrained from giving to his fellow- 
 men the usual tokens of reverence, which, having originated in 
 human vanity and pride, were, in his view, calculated to nourish 
 the same pernicious passions. 
 
 He could not "put ofT the hat" to any man, how exalted 
 soever his station or rank ; he durst not use vain compliments 
 or titles, and in speaking to a single person he was required to 
 adhere to the ancient scriptural language thee and thou. These 
 deviations from popular manners, although small matters in the 
 eye of human reason, were, by the persecution they occasioned, 
 
 * George Fox's Journal, i. p. 27. 
 
o6 LIFE OF 
 
 sliown to be important to the progress of truth, for the love of 
 worldly honor had taken deep hold of the public mind, not 
 excepting the ministers and professors of religion, who " re- 
 ceived honor one of another, and sought not the honor that 
 Cometh from God only." 
 
 In proportion as the meetings of Friends increased, the oppo- 
 sition to them and their doctrines became more violent, and it 
 was not long before the secular arm w^as resorted to by the 
 priests and their followers, for their suppression. On one occa- 
 sion George Fox, feeling himself bound to visit the parish house 
 of worship in Nottingham, heard the minister take for his text 
 these words of the Apostle, 2 Peter, i. 19: "We have also a 
 more sure word of prophecy, whereunto ye do well that ye take 
 heed as unto a light that shineth in a dark place, until the day 
 dawn and the day-star arise in your hearts." This text the 
 preacher attempted to expound by saying, that the Scriptures 
 were the "more sure word of prophecy, by which all doctrines, 
 religions and opinions were to be tried." George Fox felt 
 constrained to declare to the congregation, that the Apostle did 
 not here allude to the Scriptures, but to the Holy Spirit, which 
 Christ has said shall lead his disciples into all truth, whereas 
 the Jews who had the Scriptures, did not understand them, 
 because they resisted the Holy Spirit. For speaking thus, he 
 was cast into a loathsome prison ; but the word spoken had 
 taken effect in the hearts of the people, and among those con- 
 vinced were the head sheriff and his family, who sent for him 
 to visit them, and when he arrived, they met him with the 
 salutation, " Salvation is come to our house." 
 
 Being now lodged at the sheriff's house, he had great meet- 
 ings there, and many were convinced of the doctrines he taught, 
 but the mayor and magistrates being incensed against him, 
 took him from thence and sent him back to the common prison, 
 where he remained a considerable time. 
 
 When released from prison, he continued to travel, preach- 
 ing the Gospel wherever he came, and multitudes flocked to 
 hear him ; but often he was assailed and beaten by rude people, 
 and sometimes denied food and lodging at inns and private 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 6t 
 
 houses, although he offered to pay for them, so that he was 
 forced to spend the night in the fields, making his bed on the 
 furze, or taking shelter under the stacks of hay. 
 
 But none of these things daunted him : his frequent imprison- 
 ments, — his arduous labors, — the denunciations of the priests, 
 — and the abuse of the populace, were all encountered with 
 cheerful resignation, for the love of God that overflowed his 
 soul, was more than a recompense for all. 
 
 He saw that there was a great work to be done; the "fields 
 w^re white already to harvest," and the desire of his heart 
 was fulfilled in many other laborers being called to assist in 
 "gathering fruit unto life eternal." 
 
 Among those who were convinced of the doctrines he taught, 
 many became powerful ministers of the Gospel, and were made 
 willing to suffer reproach, imprisonment, and death for the word 
 of the Lord and the testimony of Jesus. Nor was the ministry 
 confined to men, for, as in the primitive church, so now in the 
 revival of the Gospel spirit, women were called and qualified to 
 declare to others, what " their eyes had seen and their handp 
 had handled of the word of life." 
 
 Thus was planted, through suffering and reproach, a religious 
 society whose doctrines struck at the root of despotism, both in 
 church and state. 
 
 Luther did much when he appealed to the Scriptures to 
 invalidate the traditions and expose the abuses of the Papal 
 power, but George Fox did niore when he appealed to the 
 voice of God in the soul, which alone can open the Scriptures, 
 and even without their aid, can rend the vail woven by tradition, 
 deliver from the bondage of corruption, and introduce its fol- 
 lowers into the glorious liberty of the sons of God. 
 
 "The rise of the people called Quakers," says an eloquent 
 historian,* " is one of the memorable events in the history of 
 man. It marks the moment when intellectual freedom was 
 claimed unconditionally by the people as an inalienable birth- 
 right. To the masses in that age, all reflection on politics and 
 
 * Bancroft. 
 4 
 
38 LIFE OF 
 
 morals presented itself under a theological form. The Quaker 
 doctrine is philosophy summoned from the cloister, the college 
 and the saloon, an 1 j)lanted among the wost despised of the 
 people. The mind of George Fox had the highest systematic 
 sagacity, and his doctrine developed and rendered illustrious 
 by Barclay and Penn, was distinguished by its simplicity and 
 unity. The Quaker has but one word, the inner light, the 
 voice of God in the soul. That light is a reality, and therefore 
 in its freedom, the highest revelation of truth, it is kindred with 
 the Spirit of God, and therefore merits dominion as the guide 
 to virtue; it shines in every man's breast, and therefore joins 
 the whole human race in the unity of equal rights. Intellec- 
 tual freedom, the supremacy of mind, universal enfranchise- 
 ment, — these three points include the whole of Quakerism, as 
 far as it belongs to civil history."* 
 
 From the first rise of the Society to the year 1668, when 
 William Penn appeared as a minister among them, was about 
 twenty years, louring this period their religious principles be- 
 came developed, and this sketch of their rise and progress may 
 be closed by a brief summary of their prominent doctrines and 
 testimonies. 
 
 It has already been shown, in relating the experience of 
 George Fox, that the great fundamental principle of Friends is 
 the immediate teaching of the Holy Spirit, — "the law of the 
 Spirit of Life in Christ Jesus, which makes free from the law of 
 sin and death." This Divine principle is universally given to 
 the human race, — "it lights every man that comes into the 
 world," but many " love darkness rather than light, because 
 their deeds are evil," "and they will not come to the light, lest 
 their deeds should be reproved." 
 
 This light is not the natural conscience, nor the natural 
 reason of man, but it is the l^ivine power that quickens the 
 conscience and gives spiritual perception. The mental faculty 
 by which we perceive the light of Divine Truth, is improved by 
 exercise and impaired by abuse, but the light itself does not 
 
 • Bancroft's United Slates, ii. p. 337. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 39 
 
 change, for God is one and the same, yesterday, to-day, and 
 forever. 
 
 From the application of this fundamental doctrine, sprung 
 their peculiar mode of worsliij)ping God in silence. If "we 
 are not sufficient of ourselves to think any thing, (that is good,) 
 but our sufficiency is of (jlod," it follows, that all true worship 
 must flow from the influence of his Spirit, — no sacrifice is ac- 
 ceptable but that which he commands, — no prayer availing but 
 that which he inspires, — for "we know not what we should 
 pray for as we ought, but the Spirit itself maketh intercession 
 for us." 
 
 As we have not this Divine gift at our command, we must 
 wait for it in silence; "and as every one is thus gathered, and 
 so met together inwardly in their spirits, as well as outwardly 
 in their persons, there the secret power and virtue of life is 
 known to refresh the soul, and the pure motions and breathings 
 of God's spirit are felt to arise, from which, as words of decla- 
 ration, prayers or praises flow, the acceptable worship is known 
 wdiich edifies the church, and is well pleasing to God."* 
 
 There are diversities of gifts in the church, but all from the 
 same spirit; some are called to the ministry of the Gospel, some 
 to the administration of discipline, — others to visiting the sick, 
 comforting the afliicted, or instructing the youth. To every 
 one some talent is committed, and the usefulness and happiness 
 of each individual depends upon his filling the measure of his 
 duty. 
 
 No outward instruction or human learning can qualify for the 
 Gospel ministry, — none are fitted for this office unless called of 
 God and qualified by his grace, and they who are tlius called 
 and qualified, should administer freely what they have freely 
 received, without fee or reward from man. 
 
 No rites or ceremonies are enjoined in the Church of Christ ; 
 the Baptism which saves, is " not the putting away of the filth 
 of the flesh, but the answer of a good conscience toward 
 God," the bread and wine of the kingdom is that spiritual food 
 which comes down from God and gives life to the soul. 
 
 * Barclay's Apol., 352. 
 
40 LIFE OF 
 
 The Bible is the best of books, for "all Scripture given by- 
 inspiration of God, is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for 
 correction, for instruction in righteousness, that the man of God 
 may be perfect, thoroughly furnished unto all good works." 
 But although the primitive Friends made use of the Bible to 
 confirm their doctrines, they did not place it above the Spirit 
 from M'hora it proceeded, nor did they give it the title of the 
 word of God ; for this term is applied by the sacred writers to 
 the manifestation of God in man; "the word that was in th*^ 
 beginning with God, and was God;" "the word of God that 
 liveth and abideth forever." 
 
 Salvation is wrought in man by the power or Spirit of Christ, 
 and it consists in being delivered from the guilt and dominion 
 of sin. 
 
 Sanctification is the work of God in man, and none are jus- 
 tified any further than they are sanctified.* 
 
 They who are sanctified by obedience to Divine grace, are 
 subjects of the kingdom of heaven, whatever may be their reli- 
 gious opinions. 
 
 The universal church of Christ consists of all the faithful ser- 
 vants of God, of every age and country, who have been " born 
 again of incorruptible seed;" and Jesus Christ, — "the first-born 
 among many brethren," — is the head of this body, of which all 
 are members who are united to Him by the invisible and eter- 
 nal bond of the Spirit, f 
 
 In every congregation, they who have experienced the new 
 birth, form part of the visible church of Christ, whatever may 
 be the creed they adopt or reject, or the ceremonies they per- 
 form or omit. 
 
 There is no distinction of clergy or laity in the Church, they 
 are all brethren and sisters, having no master but Christ; they 
 are a "royal priesthood, a holy nation, a peculiar people," to 
 ofTer up spiritual sacrifices acceptable to God by Jesus Christ. 
 
 The testimonies of Friends, as well as their doctrines, distin- 
 guished them from all other professors of religion. 
 
 • George Fox's Works, iii. 450, Am. eJ., 1831. 
 •j- Barclay's Apol., Prop. x. •§ 1. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 41 
 
 They declined to pay tythes, but patiently sufifered the dis- 
 training of their goods, whereby the amount taken from them 
 for priests' wages, was greatly enhanced, and sometimes proved 
 ruinous to their estates. 
 
 The establishment or endowment of a church by temporal 
 authority, they considered not only a usurpation, but a direct 
 violation of the order which had been established by the Divine 
 Master, who, being the true "shepherd and bishop of souls," 
 putteth forth his own sheep and goeth before them." 
 
 The Friends took no oaths, from a persuasion that Christ had 
 forbidden them in his sermon on the mount. They maintained 
 that the Divine Power under which they were gathered, required 
 and enabled them to speak the truth on all occasions, so as to 
 render oaths unnecessary. 
 
 War, and oppression of every kind, they considered contrary 
 to the Gospel of Christ, which speaks "peace on earth, good 
 will to men," and gains all its victories by meekness and love. 
 
 They avoided all sports and pastimes tliat were calculated to 
 nourish vain thoughts, or inordinate desires, or to draw the 
 mind away from religious contemplation. 
 
 They felt it a duty to observe temperance and moderation in 
 all things, — they drank no healths, they abstained from luxury 
 in the furniture of their houses, and in their dress and equipage; 
 they declined the use of all compliments and flattering titles, 
 and adhered to the singular pronoun in addressing a single 
 person. 
 
 They were industrious and prudent in business, and made it 
 an invariable rule to ask no more for their wares than they in- 
 tended to take. 
 
 They believed that the assumption by the English clergy of 
 an exclusive right to solemnize marriage, was unauthorized, 
 either by the Mosaic law or the early practice of the Christian 
 church, and hence their marriages were solemnized in their 
 own religious meetings, by the parties acknowledging the en- 
 gagement, and signing a certificate in the presence of the con- 
 gregation. 
 
 4* 
 
42 LIFE OF 
 
 Their burials were performed without pomp or ceremony, 
 and no habits of mourning were worn. 
 
 They took care of their own poor, so that none of them be- 
 came chargeable to the parish, and they assisted liberally in 
 works of general charity. 
 
 Although tolerant to all persuasions, and benevolent to all 
 men, they were, by their peculiar habits, manners and opinions, 
 much restricted in their intercourse with the world, hence they 
 associated chiefly with each other, and it became a common 
 remark, "see how these Quakers love one another." 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Anecdote of his sword ; Dress of Friends ; He becomes a Preacher and 
 an Author; His Tract called "Truth Exalted;" Controversy with Vin- 
 cent; Tract called "Sandy Foundation Shaken;" His imprisonment 
 in the Tower; Writes "No Cross no Crown ;" Letter to Lord Arling- 
 ton; Tract called "Innocency with her Open Face;" His Liberation 
 from the Tower ; A fragment of his autobiography. 
 
 1668-9. 
 
 When William Penn was convinced of the principles of 
 Friends, and became a frequent attendant at their meetings, he 
 did not immediately relinquish his gay apparel ; it is even said 
 that he wore a sword, as was then customary among men of 
 rank and fashion. Being one day in company with George 
 Fox, he asked his advice concerning it, saying that he might, 
 perhaps, appear singular among Friends, but his sword had 
 once been the means of saving his life without injuring his 
 antagonist, and moreover, that Christ has said, " he that hath 
 no sword, let him sell his garment and buy one." George Fox 
 answered, " I advise thee to wear it as long as thou canst." Not 
 long after this they met again, when William had no sword, 
 and George said to him, " William, where is thy sword ?" 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 43 
 
 "Oh!" said he, "I have taken thy advice ; I wore it as long 
 as I could." This anecdote, derived from reliable tradition,* 
 seems to be characteristic* of the men and the times. It shows 
 that the primitive Friends preferred that their proselytes should 
 be led by the principle of divine truth in their own minds, 
 rather than follow the opinions of others without sufficient 
 evidence. 
 
 It must have been manifest to George Fox that his young 
 friend, while expressing his uneasiness about the sword, was 
 under the influence of religious impressions that would, if 
 attended to, lead him, not only into purity of life, but likewise 
 into that simplicity of apparel which becomes the disciples of 
 a self-denying Saviour. 
 
 It is worthy of remark, that no peculiar form of dress has 
 ever been prescribed by the discipline of Friends. The first 
 members of the Society wore the dress then common among 
 serious and religious people in England; it was much more 
 simple than that worn in fashionable society, and when, in the 
 reign of Charles II., the nation became infected with that pas- 
 sion for gaudy and extravagant apparel which distinguished 
 his court, the Friends still adhered to their plain and simple 
 costume, and thus became peculiar by refusing to follow the 
 changeable fashions of the world. They maintained that the 
 only proper objects of dress are decency and comfort, and that 
 useless ornaments and gaudy apparel are inconsistent with the 
 Christian profession. 
 
 We are not informed of the precise date at which Penn be- 
 came a member of the Society of Friends, but it was probably 
 in the year 1667 ; and in the following year, being the 24th of 
 his age, he felt himself called to the Gospel ministry. 
 
 One of his early biographersf speaks of his qualifications for 
 this service as being of a high order, and we may conclude 
 
 * Related to me by J. P. of Montgomery County, Pa., who had it from James 
 Simpson. 
 
 T. Elwood wore a sword when he first began to attend Friends meeting. See 
 his Life. 
 
 I Life of Penn, prefixed to his works. 
 
44 LIFE OF 
 
 from those of his discourses which were taken down by a steno- 
 grapher and are still extant, that his matter was rich in in- 
 struction, and his diction pure and forcible, without any attempt 
 at ornament or display. 
 
 He soon became eminent as a minister and a writer of reli- 
 gious works. Many of his publications were of a controversial 
 nature, a species of writing which, though needful at times for 
 the correction of errors and the advancement of truth, is seldom 
 interesting or edifying to succeeding generations, especially 
 when tinctured with party zeal, or imbued with the prejudices 
 of the age. He was, perhaps, as clear of these faults as any 
 writer of his day ; and if the impartial reader of his works 
 shall find, in his controversial writings, some expressions more 
 harsh than should be expected from his enlarged views and 
 liberal feelings, it must be remembered that all men are liable 
 to be intluenced by the spirit of the age in which they live. 
 
 Having in the preceding chapter given a summary of the 
 principles of Friends, it is not necessary to enter minutely into 
 an examination of these voluminous writings ; those, however, 
 most remarkable for their merit, or for the influence they had 
 on the events of his life may, not inappropriately, be noticed. 
 
 His first publication, issued in 1668, bears the title of " Truth 
 Exalted ;" being a call to the professors of religion of every 
 name to cease from a dependence upon outward observances 
 or confessions of faith, and to seek for salvation where alone it 
 may be known, by obedience to the law of God written in the 
 heart. 
 
 The same year a circumstance occurred which led to a con- 
 troversy attended with important consequences. 
 
 Two persons belonging to the congregation of Thomas Vin- 
 cent, at Spitalfields, visited a Friends' meeting, where they 
 were convinced of the doctrines they heard, which induced 
 them to withdraw from the meetings of their former pastor. 
 This produced in the mind of the latter a violent animosity to 
 Friends, of whom he spoke in the harshest terms, saying they 
 held most erroneous and damnable doctrines, and William Penn 
 he publicly stigmatized as a Jesuit. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 45 
 
 This coming to the ears of Penn, he and George Whitehead, an 
 eminent minister among the Friends, demanded an opportunity 
 to clear themselves and the society before the same congrega- 
 tion M'^here the slanders had been uttered. After some demur, 
 Vincent appointed a day and hour for them to meet, but he 
 called his own congregation together an hour earlier, so as to 
 pre-occupy the house. "When Penn and Whitehead arrived 
 and heard Vincent proclaiming that the Quakers held damnable 
 doctrines, one of them demanded that they should be heard in 
 their own defence, but Vincent proposed that he should ques- 
 tion them, which was agreed to by the congregation who were 
 mostly his followers. 
 
 He then queried whether Friends " owned one Godhead sub- 
 sisting in three distinct and separate persons^'' 2ixA objection 
 being made to this doctrine, he proceeded to prove it by the 
 following syllogism, which may serve as a specimen of the 
 mode of argument employed in that age of religious controversy. 
 
 "There are three that bear record in heaven: the Father, the 
 Word, and the Holy Ghost, and these three are one." 
 
 " These are either three manifestations, three operations, 
 three substances, nor three something else besides subsistences." 
 
 " But they are not three manifestations, three operations, 
 three substances, nor three anything else besides subsistences." 
 
 Ergo, three subsistences. 
 
 George Whitehead utterly rejected the terms as not found in 
 Scripture, nor deducible from the place he instanced ; where- 
 fore he desired an explanation of the terms, inasmuch as God 
 does not choose to wrap up his truths in heathenish metaphy- 
 sics, but in plain language."* On the weakness of their syllo- 
 gism being exposed, and the expression " three distinct and 
 separate persons''"' being objected to as not found in the Scrip- 
 tures, the audience attempted to put down the Friends, and pre- 
 vent their defence by hisses, opprobrious epithets and other rude 
 behaviour. Vincent, affecting to be shocked with the doctrines 
 of the Friends, fell suddenly to prayer, in which he accused 
 
 • See Penn's Select Works. Sandy Foundation Shaken. 
 
46 LIFE OF 
 
 them of blasphemy, and that he might prevent them from de- 
 fending themselves, he desired the people when he had done, to 
 retire, setting the example himself by withdrawing from the 
 house. The Friends being about to proceed with their defence, 
 the others attempted to pull them down and extinguished the 
 candles, but they still continued to speak in the dark, and many 
 remained to hear them, until Vincent came back wdth a candle 
 and dismissed the audience, after promising the Friends another 
 hearing. 
 
 This promise not being fulfilled. Whitehead and Penn went to 
 his meeting-house on a lecture day, waited till he had done, and 
 then requested an opportunity to clear their Society of his false 
 accusations ; but he left the house, and none who were there 
 would attend to their request.* Being thus frustrated in their 
 efforts to obtain a hearing, Penn resorted to the press for a vin- 
 dication, and published a tract with the following title : " The 
 Sandy Foundation Shaken, or those so generally believed and 
 applauded doctrines, of one God subsisting in three distinct and 
 separate persons; the impossibility of God's pardoning sinners 
 without a plenary satisfaction ; the justification of impure persons 
 by an imputative righteousness, refuted^ from the authority of 
 Scripture testimonies and right reason." 
 
 This work gave great offence to the clergy, and especially to 
 the bishop of London, insomuch that an order was procured 
 from the government for Penn's imprisonment in the Tower, where 
 he was confined with great rigor, and his friends denied access 
 to him. 
 
 After having been some time in prison, he was informed by 
 his servant, that " the Bishop was resolved he should either pub- 
 licly recant, or die a prisoner." He answered, "All is well: I 
 wish they had told me so before, since the expecting of a release 
 put a stop to some business ; thou mayst tell my father, who I 
 know will ask thee, these words : that my prison shall be my 
 grave, before I will budge a jot; for I owe my conscience to no 
 mortal man ; I have no need to fear, God will make amends for 
 
 • Penn's Select Works, p 12. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 47 
 
 all ; they are mistaken in me ; I value not their threats and reso- 
 lutions, for they shall know I can weary out their malice and 
 peevishness, and in me shall they all behold a resolution above 
 fear ; conscience above cruelty, and a baffle put to all their de- 
 signs by the spirit of patience, the companion of all the tribu- 
 lated flock of the blessed Jesus, who is the author and finisher 
 of the faith that overcomes the world, yea, death and hell too. 
 Neither ofreat nor g^ood thin<Ts are ever attained without loss and 
 
 o o o 
 
 hardships. He that would reap and not labor, must faint with 
 the wind and perish in disappointments ; but an hair of my head 
 shall not fall without the Providence of my Father that is over 
 all."* 
 
 Being thus prevented from going abroad in the performance 
 of his religious duties, he could not remain unemployed, but, 
 like many others of his brethren, occupied the time of his im- 
 prisonment by writing on religious subjects. 
 
 The principal work produced at this time is called " No Cross, 
 No Crown," a book that has been frequently republished, exten- 
 sively read, and universally approved. It is not controversial, 
 but practical, being intended to show the nature of true religion 
 in its effects upon the life and conversation of men, by with- 
 drawing them from the pomp and vanity of the world, and 
 leading them to seek for peace and happiness in communion 
 with God, and in deeds of charity and love. These views are 
 illustrated by numerous quotations from the sayings and writings 
 of the wise and good of former ages, who have left their testimony 
 to the value of an approving conscience, and a heart at peace 
 with God. 
 
 This work shows great erudition and research. From the 
 excellent example of wise and good men of ancient and modern 
 times cited in its pages, tw^o, communicated to Penn himself, 
 seem appropriate to this work. The first relates to "Count 
 Oxenstiern, Chancellor of Sweden, and one of the most eminent 
 men of the age." After his retirement from office, being visited 
 in his retreat by Commissioner Whitlock, Ambassador to Queen 
 
 • Penn's Life {)refixed to his Select Works. 
 
•IS LIFE OF 
 
 Clirlsliiia, in llic conclusion of tlioir discom'se, lie said to the 
 an\bass;ulor, " T hww sihmi n\ucli, and cnjoved much of this 
 AVorUl, hut I ui'NtT knew how (o livt' till iu>\v. 1 tliank my ij,ood 
 God, that ho lias tiiviMi nu' time to know liim and to kuo\v my- 
 self. All the comfort 1 have, ami all the comfort 1 take, and 
 Avhich is more than the Avhole world can give, is feeling- the good 
 s])irit of (hhI in n\v heart, and n^adiug in this gocxl book (hold- 
 ing u}i the Bible) that came iVom it." Anil I'urthcr addressing 
 himself to the ambassador, "You are now in tlu' prime of your 
 age and vigor, and in great favor and business ; but this will all 
 leave you, ami you will one day better understand and relish 
 what I sav to you, and then you will fuul there is more wisdom, 
 truth, comfort, and pleasure in rt>tiring and turning your heart 
 from the world to the good Spirit of God, and in reailing the 
 Bible, than in all the courts anil favors of princes." 
 
 " This T had," says William Penn, "from the ambassador's own 
 mouth n\oie than once.'' A very edifying history, w^hen we con- 
 sider from w hom it came ; one of the greatest and wisest men 
 of his age, while his understanding was as sound and vigorous 
 as his experience and knowledge "ivere great." " Bulstrode 
 Whitlock has left his own character in his " Memorials of English 
 Affairs," a book that shows both his employments and great 
 abilities. lie was Commissioner of the Great Seal, Ambassador 
 to the Crown of Sweden, and sometimes President of the Coun- 
 cil ; a scholar, a lawyer, a statesman ; in short, one of the most 
 accomplished men of the age. Being with him sometimes at 
 his own house in Berkshire, where he gave me that account I have 
 related of Chancellor Oxenstiern, amongst many serious things 
 he spoke, this was very observable. 
 
 " I ever have thought," said he, " there has been one true 
 religion in tlie world, and that is the work of the Spirit of God 
 in the hearts and souls of men. There have been, indeed, 
 various forms and shapes of things, through tlie many dispensa- 
 tions of God to man, answerable to his wise ends, in reference 
 to the low and uncertain state of man in the world ; but the old 
 world had the sjiirit of God, for it strove with them, and the new 
 world has had the Spirit of God, both Jew and Gentile, and it 
 
W I L L I A .\r P E N N. 49 
 
 strivf;s will] ;ill, ;iri(l they that have been led by it, have been the 
 good pcojjJe in every dispensation of God to the world. And I 
 rnysf-lf must say I have felt it from a child, to convince me of 
 my evil and vanity, and it has f)flen jnven me a true measure of 
 this poor world, and some taste of divine things, and it is rny 
 grief I did not more early apply rny soul to it ; for I can say 
 since my retirenicnt Uoui the greatness and hurries of the world, 
 I have felt something of the work and comfort of it, and that it 
 is both ready and able to instruct and lead and preser^'e those 
 that will humbly and sincerely hearken to it. So that ray 
 religion is the good spirit of God in rny heart; I mean, what 
 that has wrought in and for rne." And after a meeting at his 
 house, to which he gave an entire liberty for all that pleased 
 to come, he was so deeply affected with the testimony of tlie 
 Light Spirit and grace of Christ in man, as the Gospel dispen- 
 sation, that after the meeting closed in prayer, he rose up and 
 |)ulled off his liat anri said, " This is the everlasting Gospel I 
 have heard this day, in which the ancient Gospel is preached to 
 them that dwell upon the earth." 
 
 In the conclusion of this excellent work, Penn shows that 
 they who will not take up the cross of self-denial, cannot expect 
 to enjoy the crown of eternal glory; he refers to the holy lives 
 of the primitive Christians, their self-sacrificing zeal for the 
 cause f)f truth ; and he calls upon all, but more especially upon 
 those whose hearts have been awakened to the convictions of 
 duty, to come away from the vanities of a perishing world. 
 
 While imprisoned in the Tower, he wrote a letter to Lord 
 Arlington, Secretary of State, showing the illegality of his im- 
 prisonment, w^ithout trial and conviction, and the impolicy of 
 persecuting people on account of their opinions. In this letter 
 he says, "What if I differ from some religious apprehensions? 
 Am 1 therefore incompatible with human societies? Shall it 
 not be remembered with what success kingdoms and common- 
 wealths have lived under the balance of divers parties?" "I 
 know not any unfit for political society, but those who maintain 
 principles subversive of industry, fidelity, justice and obe- 
 dience;" "but to conceit that men must form their faith of 
 
 5 
 
50 LIFE OF 
 
 things proper to another world, according to the prescriptions of 
 other mortal men of this, is both ridiculous and dangerous." 
 
 " The understanding can never be convinced by other argu- 
 ments than what are adequate to its own nature. Force may- 
 make hypocrites, but it can make no converts." "If I am at 
 any time convinced, I will pay the homage of it to truth, and not 
 to base hypocrisy." 
 
 In conclusion, he requests that Lord Arlington will represent 
 his case to the King, and obtain his release, or at least the pri- 
 vilege of being heard in his own defence, but he adds, " I make 
 no apology for my letter, as a trouble, — the usual style of supph- 
 ants; because I think the honor that will accrue to thee by 
 being just, and releasing the oppressed, exceeds the advantage 
 that can succeed to me." This letter appears to have been 
 without effect, and he soon after published a small tract, entitled, 
 "Innocency with her Open Face," presented by way of apology 
 for the " Sandy Foundation Shaken." 
 
 In this tract he neither recants nor renounces any of the doc- 
 trines advanced in the former work, but believing his views had 
 been misunderstood, he explains them, on some points, more 
 fully. He remarks, that he has understood the principal cause 
 of his imprisonment, was a malicious charge spread among the 
 people, that he had denied the Divinity of Christ, and he pro- 
 ceeds to disprove this charge, by showing, from Scripture, that 
 as " Christ is the true Light," and Saviour of men ; and as " God 
 is Light," and has proclaimed himself the only Saviour, there- 
 fore he asserts, the unity of God and Christ, because, though 
 nominally distinguished, they are essentially the same." As for 
 the doctrine of satisfaction, he shows that his arguments were 
 principally levelled at the prevailing notion of the impossibility 
 of God's forgiving sin upon repentance, without Christ's paying 
 his justice, by suffering infinite vengeance and eternal wrath, for 
 sins past, present, and to come; and he quotes from Bishop 
 Stillingfleet to show that this eminent prelate has granted both 
 the possibility of God's pardoning sins as debts without such a 
 rigid satisfaction, and the impossibility of Christ's so suffering for 
 tlie world, reilecting closely upon those persons as " giving so 
 
WILLIAM PEN N. 51 
 
 just an occasion to the Church's adversaries to think they triumph 
 over her faith, whilst it is only over their mistakes who argue 
 with more zeal than judgment." " One of the main ends," says 
 Penn, " that first induced me to that discourse, I find delivered 
 by him (Stillingfleet,) namely, If they did believe Christ came 
 into the world to reform it, " that the wrath of God is now re- 
 vealed from heaven against all unrighteousness; that his love 
 which is shown to the w^orld, is to deliver them from the hand of 
 their enemies, that they might serve him in righteousness and 
 true holiness all the days of their lives ; they never could imagine 
 that salvation is entailed by the Gospel upon a mighty confidence 
 or vehement persuasion of what Christ hath done and suffered 
 for them." 
 
 " Thus doth he confess upon ray hypothesis or proposition, 
 what I mainly contend for: and however positively I may reject 
 or deny my adversaries' unscriptural and imaginary satisfaction, 
 let all know this, that I pretend to know no other name by 
 which remission, atonement, and salvation can be obtained, but 
 Jesus Christ the Saviour, who is the power and wisdom of God. 
 As for justification by an imputed righteousness, I still say, that 
 whosoever beheves in Christ, shall have remission and justifica- 
 tion, but then it must be such a faith as can no more live with- 
 out works than a body without a spirit; wherefore I conclude 
 that true faith comprehends evangelical obedience, and here the 
 same Doctor Stillingfleet comes in to my relief by a plain asser- 
 tion of the necessity of obedience, viz. "Such who make no 
 other condition of the gospel, but believing, ought to have a 
 great care to keep their hearts sounder than their heads."* 
 
 This tract appears to have given satisfaction, and soon after 
 its appearance he was released from the Tower, after having 
 been a prisoner there nearly nine months. 
 
 In a fragment of Penn's autobiography, preserved in his own 
 hand-writing in the archives of the American Philosophical So- 
 ciety at Philadelphia, and pubhshed in the memoirs of the Histo- 
 rical Society of Pennsylvania, (Vol. III., Part II.) we find the 
 following memoranda relating to this portion of his life: 
 
 • Stillingfleet's Contra Crellius, quoted by Penn, folio work, p. 26. 
 
52 LIFE OF 
 
 " The first time I went to court after I had embraced the communion 
 I am of, was in 'G8. The business that engaged me was the suffering 
 condition of my Friends in several parts of this kingdom, the cause of it 
 tenderness of conscience, no evil fact. Those in company with me were 
 George Whitehead, Josiah Coale, and Thomas Loe. The person went to 
 was the Duke of Buckingham; but an application at that time did not 
 answer our expectation, tho' in his own inclination ho favored liberty 
 of conscience. 
 
 " The second time I went to court, was the same summer, and upon 
 the same errand, in company of G. Whitehead and Josiah Coale. We 
 addressed ourselves to Sir Henry Berwick, then Secretary of State, with 
 whom our business had no better success than before. I was much 
 toucht with the sense of our Friends' many and great hardships, and the 
 more for that they were inflicted in a Protestant country, and came from 
 Protestant hands, and could not but think the severities they lay under, 
 for mere conscience to God, must necessarily bring the very Protestant 
 religion under scandal abroad. Being Protestants in all those points, 
 wherein the very church of England might claim that title, and whose 
 main point was a strict and holy life. This made it seem reasonable 
 and requisite to me, to make their sufferings and them better known to 
 those in authority : charitably hoping that if they would give themselves 
 the leisure to be truly informed of both, they would afford them better 
 quarter in their new country, than Stocks, Whips, Gaols, Dungeons, 
 Prgemunices, Fines, Sequestrations, and Banishment, for their peaceable 
 dissent in matters relative to faith and worship, and accordingly I had 
 framed a scheme to myself for that purpose. But it so fell out, that to- 
 wards the close of that year I was made incapable of prosecuting the 
 resolution I had taken, and the plan I had laid of this affair, by a close 
 and long imprisonment in the Tower of London, for a book I writ called 
 the ' Sandy Foundation Shaken,' occasioned by some reflections upon us 
 and our principles, by one Tho. Vincent, a dissenting minister, because 
 some of his congregation inclined to be of our persuasion. 
 
 " [That which engaged the Bishop of London to be warm in my perse- 
 cution, was the credit some Presbyterian ministers had with him, and 
 the mistake they improved against me, of my denying the Divinity of 
 Christ, and the doctrine of the Trinity.]* 
 
 " I was committed the beginning of December, and was not discharged 
 till the fall of the leaf following ; wanting about fourteen days of nine 
 months. 
 
 " As I saw very few, so I saw them but seldom, except my own father 
 and Dr. Stillingfleet, the present Bishop of Worcester. The one came as 
 my relation, the other at the King's command, to endeavor my change of 
 
 • These brackets are in the original MS. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 63 
 
 judgment. But as I told him, and he told the King, that the Tower was 
 the worst argument in the world to convince me, for wlioever was in the 
 wrong; those who used force for religion, never could bo in the right — 
 so neither the Doctor's arguments, nor his moving and interesting mo- 
 tives of the King's favor and preferment, at all prevailed ; and I am glad 
 I have the opportunity to own so publicly the great pains he took, and 
 humanity he showed, and that to his moderation, learning, and kindness, 
 I will ever hold myself obliged." 
 
 It is said that Penn's discharge from the Tower came from 
 the King, through the intercession of his brother, the Duke of 
 Yorkj who afterwards took the title of James II. 
 
 This kindness on the part of the Duke, and his continued 
 favor after he became King, produced, in the mind of Penn, a 
 sentiment of gratitude, and a strong personal attachment, which 
 continued through life, and subjected him to groundless suspi- 
 cion and persecution, after the fall of his royal patron. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 He visits Thomas Loe on his death-bed ; Goes to Ireland on his father's 
 business ; A fragment of his autobiography ; Conventicle Act; Sufferings 
 of Friends ; William Penn and William Mead taken at a meeting and 
 committed to Newgate ; Their trial at the Old Baily. 
 
 1669-70. 
 
 Soon after his release from the Tower, William Penn visited his 
 friend Thomas Loe, under whose ministry he had first been con- 
 vinced of the principles of Friends, and who was now on his 
 death-bed. "When we consider the circumstances under which 
 these two remarkable men had met, first at Oxford, and after- 
 wards in Ireland, the change that had taken place in the manners 
 and character of Penn, his conspicuous standing in the ranks of 
 a persecuted sect, his undaunted courage in advocating his prin- 
 ciples, and his meekness in suffering for them; we can readily 
 
 5* 
 
54 LIFE OF 
 
 conceive that this last meeting between the dying minister and 
 his (hsciple, must have been pecuHarly solemn and impressive. 
 
 Thomas Loe had been extensively and successfully engaged 
 in the ministry of the Gospel, and now that the close of life drew 
 nigh, he looked forward to the prospect of death with cheering 
 hope and confidence that it would be to him the entrance into 
 endless joy. To a Friend he said, "I am near leaving you, I 
 think, but am as well in my spirit as I can desire: I bless the 
 Lord I never saw more of the glory of God, than I have done this 
 day." And to William Penn, he addressed the following ex- 
 hortation: "Bear the cross, and stand faithful to God; then he 
 will give thee an everlasting crown of glory, that shall not be taken 
 from thee. There is no other way that shall prosper than that 
 which the holy men of old have walked in. God hath brought im- 
 mortality to light, and life immortal is felt. Glory, glory to him, for 
 he is worthy of it. His love overcomes my heart, nay, my cup runs 
 over; glory be to his name forever." Thus rejoicing in the Di- 
 vine presence, he died the death of the righteous, whose end is 
 peace. 
 
 About this time, the asperity that Admiral Penn had manifested 
 towards his son began to abate, owing probably to his sympathy 
 for him, during his imprisonment in the Tower, and the admira- 
 tion that his courage and fidelity could not fail to inspire. 
 
 Although he would not yet condescend to an open reconcilia- 
 tion with his son, he informed him through his mother, that he 
 might return to Ireland and execute a commission for him. 
 
 WiUiam proceeded with alacrity to fulfil his father's wishes, 
 cheered and encouraged with the prospect of again being restored 
 to his favor without having relinquished his principles. 
 
 In the fragment of autobiography, before alluded to, he says, 
 "within six weeks after my enlargement (from the Tower), I was 
 sent by my father to settle his estate in Ireland, when I found 
 those of that kingdom under too general persecution, and those 
 of the City of Cork almost all in prison, and the gaol by that 
 means became a meeting house and a work-house, for they would 
 not be idle anywhere. I was sony to see so much sharpness 
 
WILLIAM I'ENN. 55 
 
 from English to English, as well as Protestants to Protestants, 
 when their interest was civilly and nationally the same, and their 
 profession of religion fundamentally so too. Having informed 
 myself of their case, and the grounds of this severity, as near as 
 they could inform me, (which without doubt was at least as much 
 from envy about trade, as zeal for religion,) I adjourned all pri- 
 vate affairs to my returji from Dublin, whither in a few days I 
 went post, and after confei'ring with my friends at that city, and 
 digesting the whole into a general state of our case, I went with 
 two or three of them to the castle, and — " Here there is a 
 liiatus in his narrative, but it appears from CJough's history of the 
 Friends, that in the autumn of the year J 669, duiing this visit of 
 Penn to Ireland, the half-year's meeting of Friends was held in 
 his lodgings, where an account of the suflerings of the members 
 of the society was drawn up in an address to the lord lieutenant 
 and presented to him. After repeated applications, an order of 
 council was obtained for the release of those who were im- 
 prisoned.* 
 
 While in Ireland he wrote a letter to the "young convinced," 
 that is to those who had lately joined the society of Friends, or 
 been convinced of its principles. 
 
 The following passag(;s will serve to illustrate its character and 
 sj)irit. He says, "In tiie tender love of Jesus Christ I earnestly 
 salute you, let us no more look back upon our ancient pastimes 
 and delights, but with holy resolution press on, press on; for they 
 will steal away our precious souls, beget new desires, raise the 
 old life, and finally ensnare and pollute our minds again; and 
 what will be the end of such rebellion, but woes and tribulations 
 from the hand of a just God, world without end. Neither let us 
 enter into many reasonings with opposers, for that is the life 
 which God's power is revealed to slay. It is the still, the quiet, 
 and the righteous life, which must be exalted over all. And this 
 I say in a sound understanding through the mercies of the Lord, 
 that deadness, darkness, and anguish of spirit, will be the end of 
 such disputing, pragmatical Christians, whose religion consists 
 
 • Gough ii. 479, and Life of Penn prefixed to his woriis. 
 
56 LIFE OF 
 
 more in words than works; confessing then forsaking; and in 
 their own will performances and external observations, than in 
 the reformation and conversion of their souls to God. And we 
 who have known something more of the Lord, may also reduce 
 our good conditions to an utter loss, by seeking to comprehend 
 dubious matters in our understandings, and disputing about them 
 with every opposer, whom the devil, in a way of temptation, shall 
 present to us, which does no way advance our growth and in- 
 crease in the noble principles of truth."* 
 
 Having completed his business in Ireland he returned to Eng- 
 land in the year 1670, when a reconciliation with his father took 
 place, which, as well to his mother as ■ himself, was a source of 
 heart-felt satisfaction. In this year was renewed the noted " Con- 
 venticle Act," which was professedly against " seditious conven- 
 ticles," but really intended to suppress all religious meetings, 
 conducted "in any other manner than according to the liturgy 
 and practice of the church of England." It had been first sug- 
 gested by some of the bishops. The chaplain of the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury had previously printed a discourse against tolera- 
 tion, in which he asserted as a main principle, that, " it would be 
 less injurious to the government to dispense with profane and 
 loose persons, than to allow toleration to religious dissenters."! 
 
 " This act," says Thomas Ellwood, " broke down and overrun 
 the bounds and banks anciently set for the security of English- 
 men's lives, liberties, and properties; namely, trials by jury, in- 
 stead thereof, authorizing justices of the peace (and that too, pri- 
 vately, out of sessions) to convict, fine, and by their warrants, 
 distrain upon offenders against it, directly contrary to the Great 
 Charter."! There is a remarkable clause in this act, which 
 shows the bitter spirit of persecution then existing in the House 
 of Commons. It provides, " that in case of any doubt arising about 
 the interpretation of it, the act shall be construed most largely 
 and beneficially for the suppression of Conventicles," thus vio- 
 lating one of the plainest maxims of civil policy, which requires 
 
 • Select works, Folio, p. 156. 
 
 ■j- Clarkson's Life of Penn, chap. vi. and Pean's Preface to his trial. 
 
 \ EUwood's Life. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 57 
 
 that in criminal prosecutions, the prisoner should always have 
 the advantage of such doubts. 
 
 The chief burden of this persecuting statute fell upon Friends, 
 for it was their practice to keep up their meetings for divine 
 worship at stated times and places; as though no such law 
 existed, for they held that no human authority could exempt 
 them from openly avowing their allegiance to God by that mode 
 of worship, to which they beheved that he had called them; 
 whereas, many others among the dissenters, stooped for the storm 
 to pass over them, by changing the places of their meetings, and 
 holding them at unusual times.* 
 
 It was not long before Penn was made to feel the force of this 
 arbitrary law, for on going to the meeting at Grace-church street, 
 he found the house guarded by a band of soldiers. He and other 
 Friends not being permitted to enter, gathered about the doors, 
 where, after standing some time in silence, he felt it his duty to 
 preach, but had not proceeded far, when he and another of the 
 society, William Mead, were arrested by the constables, who 
 produced warrants from Sir Samuel Starling the Mayor of Lon- 
 don, dated August the 14th, 1670. 
 
 They were conducted by the officers to a place of confinement 
 in Newgate market, as related in the following letter. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO HIS FATHER. 
 
 "Second day morning, 15th of 6th mo. (August) 1670. 
 " My dear Father : 
 
 " This comes by the hand of one who can best allay the trouble it 
 brings. As true as ever Paul said, that such as live godly in Christ 
 Jesus, shall suffer persecution, so for no other reason am I at present a 
 sufferer. Yesterday I was taken by a band of soldiers, with one Capt. 
 Mead, a linen draper, and in the evening carried before the Mayor ; he 
 proceeded against me according to the ancient law ; he told me I should 
 have my hat pulled off, for all I was Admiral Penn's son. I told him 
 that I desired to be in common with others, and sought no refuge from 
 the common usage. He answered, it had been no matter if thou hadst 
 been a commander twenty years ago. I discoursed with him about the 
 
 • Ellwood and Gough. 
 
58 LIFE OF 
 
 hat; he avoided it, and because I did not readily answer him my name, 
 William, when he asked me in order to a mittimus, he bid his clerk write 
 one for Bkidewell, and there would he see me whipped himself, for all 
 I was Penn's son, that starved the seamen. Indeed these words grieved 
 me, as well as that it manifested his great weakness and malice to the 
 whole company, that were about one hundred people. I told him I 
 could very well bear his severe expressions to me concerning myself, but 
 was sorry to hear him speak those abuses of my father, that was not 
 present, at which the assembly seemed to murmur. In short, he com- 
 mitted that person with me as rioters ; and at present we are at the sign 
 of the Black Dog, in Newgate market. 
 
 " And now, dear father, be not displeased nor grieved. What if this 
 be designed of the Lord for an exercise of our patience ? I am sure it 
 hath wonderfully laid bare the nakedness of the Mayor. Several Inde- 
 pendents were taken from Sir J. Dethicks, and Baptists elsewhere. It is 
 the effect of a present commotion in the spirits of some, which the Lord 
 God will rebuke ; and I doubt not but I may be at liberty in a day or 
 two, to see thee. I am very well, and have no trouble upon my spirits, 
 besides my absence from thee, especially at this juncture, but otherwise 
 I can say, I Avas never better ; and what they have to charge me with is 
 harmless. Well, eternity, which is at the door, (for he that shall come 
 will come, and will not tarry,) that shall make amends for all. The 
 Lord God everlasting consolate and support thee by his holy power, and 
 preserve to his eternal rest and glory. Amen. 
 
 " Thy faithful and obedient son, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN.* 
 
 " My duty to my mother. 
 " For my dear father. Sir William Penn." 
 
 The trial, as related in the published works of Penn, is deeply- 
 interesting, and resulting as it did, in the greater security and 
 more firm establishment of civil liberty in England, is deemed 
 worthy of insertion here. 
 
 There being present on the Bench as Justices : 
 Saml. Starling, Mayor, John Robinson, Alderman, 
 
 John ILiWcU, Kecorder, Joseph Shelden, " 
 
 Thos. Bludworth, Alderman, Richard Brown, ^ 
 
 Wm. Peak, " John Smith, \ Sheriffs, 
 
 llichd. Ford, " James Edwards, \ 
 
 The citizens of London that were summoned for Jurors, appearing, 
 were empanneled, viz : 
 
 * Friend, VI. 170. 
 
WILLIAM TENN. 59 
 
 Clerk. — Call over the jury. 
 
 Cryer. — yes, Thomas Veer, Ed. Bushell, John Hammond, Charles 
 Wilson, Gregory Walklct, John Brightman, Wm. Plumstead, Henry 
 Henley, James Damask, Henry Michel, Wni. Lever, John Baily. 
 
 THE FORM OF THE OATH. 
 
 You shall well and truly try, and true deliverance make betwixt our 
 Sovereign Lord the King, and the prisoners at the bar, according to your 
 evidence ; so help you God. 
 
 THE INDICTMENT. 
 
 That William Pcnn, gent., and William Mead, late of London, linen- 
 draper, with divers other persons, to the jurors unknown, to the number 
 of three hundred, the 15th day of August, in the 22nd year of the King, 
 about eleven of the clock in the forenoon, the same day with force and 
 arms, &c., in the Parish of St. Bonnet, Grace-Church, in Bridge-Ward, 
 London, in the street called Grace-Church Street, unlawfully and tumul- 
 tuously did assemble and congregate themselves together, to the disturb- 
 ance of the peace of the said Lord the King ; and the aforesaid William 
 Penn and William Mead, together with other persons, to the jurors afore- 
 said unknown, then and there so assemble and congregate together; the 
 aforesaid William Penn, by agreement between him and William Mead, 
 before made, and by abetment of the aforesaid Wm. Mead, then and 
 there, in the open street, did take upon himself to preach and speak, and 
 then, and there, did preach and speak, unto the aforesaid Wm. Mead, 
 and other persons there, in the street aforesaid, being assembled and con- 
 gregated together, by reason whereof a great concourse and tumult of 
 people in the street aforesaid, then and there a long time did remain and 
 continue, in contempt of the said Lord the King, and of his law; to the 
 great disturbance of his peace, to the great terror and disturbance of 
 many of his liege people and subjects, to the ill example of all others in 
 the like case offenders, and against the peace of the said Lord the King, 
 his crown and dignity. 
 
 What say you, Wm. Penn and Wm. Mead, are you guilty, as you stand 
 indicted, in the manner and form as aforesaid, or not guilty ? 
 
 Penn. — It is. impossible that we should be able to remember the indict- 
 ment verbatim, and therefore we desire a copy of it, as is customary on 
 the like occasions. 
 
 Reed. — You must first plead to the indictment, before you have a copy 
 of it. 
 
 Penn. — I am unacquainted with the formality of the law, and, there- 
 fore, before I shall answer directly, I request two things of the court, 
 
60 LIFE OF 
 
 First, That no advantage may be taken against me, nor I deprived any 
 benefit which I might otherwise have received. Secondly, That you will 
 promise me a fair hearing and liberty of making my defence. 
 
 Court. — No advantage shall be taken against you, you shall have liber- 
 ty, you shall be heard. 
 
 Penn. — Then I plead not guilty in manner and form. 
 
 Clerk. — What sayst thou, Wm. Mead ; art thou guilty in manner and 
 form, as thou stand'st indicted, or not guilty? 
 
 Mead. — I shall desire the same liberty as granted to Penn. 
 
 Court. — You shall have it. 
 
 Mead. — Then I plead not guilty in manner and form. 
 .The Court adjourned until afternoon. 
 
 Cry. — yes, &c. 
 
 Clerk. — Bring Wm. Penn and Wm. Mead to the bar. 
 
 Observer. — The said prisoners were brought, but were set aside, and 
 other business prosecuted ; where we cannot choose but observe, that it 
 was the constant and unkind practice of the court to the prisoners, to 
 make them wait upon the trials of felons and murderers, thereby design- 
 ing, in all probability, both to aflPront and tire them. 
 
 After five hours' attendance the court broke up, and adjourned to the 
 third instant. 
 
 The third of September, 1670, the court sat. 
 
 Cry. — yes, &c. 
 
 Mayor. — Sirrah, who bid you put off their hats ? Put on their hats 
 again. 
 
 Obser. — Whereupon one of the officers, putting the prisoners' hats upon 
 their heads, (pursuant to the order of the Court,) brought them to the 
 bar. 
 
 Record. — Do you know where you are? 
 
 Penn. — Yes. 
 
 Reed. — Do you know it is the King's court? 
 
 Penn. — I know it to be a court, and I suppose it to be the King's court. 
 
 Reed. — Do you know there is respect due to the court? 
 
 Penn. — Yes, 
 
 Reed. — Why do you not pay it then? 
 
 Penn. — I do so. 
 
 Reed. — Why do you not put off your hat then? 
 
 Penn. — Because I do not believe that to be respect. 
 
 Reed. — Well, the court sets forty marks a-piece upon your heads, aa 
 a fine, for your contempt of the court. 
 
 Penn. — I desire it may be observed, that we came into the court with 
 our hats off, (that is, taken off,) and if they have been put on since, i' 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 61 
 
 was by order from the bench ; and therefore, not we, but the bench should 
 be fined. 
 
 Mead. — I have a question to ask the Recorder; am I fined also? 
 
 Reed. — Yes. 
 
 Mead. — I desire the jury and all the people to take notice of this injus- 
 tice of the Recorder, who spake not to me to pull oiF my hat, and yet hath 
 iie put a fine upon my head. 0, fear the Lord and dread his power, and 
 yield to the guidance of this Holy Spirit; for He is not far from every 
 one of you. 
 
 The Jury sworn again. 
 
 Obser. — J. Robinson, Lieutenant of the Tower, disingenuously objected 
 against Edward Bushell, as if he had not kissed the book, and therefore 
 would have him sworn again; though indeed it was on purpose to have 
 made use of his tenderness of conscience, in avoiding reiterated oaths, to 
 have put him, by his being a juryman, apprehending him to be a person 
 not fit to answer their arbitrary ends. 
 
 The clerk read the indictment as aforesaid. 
 
 Clerk. — Cryer, call James Cook into the court, give him his oath. 
 
 Clerk. — James Cook, lay your hand upon the book : " The evidence 
 you shall give the court betwixt our Sovereign the King and the prison- 
 ers at the bar, shall be the truth, and the whole truth, and nothing but 
 the truth; so help you God." 
 
 Cook. — I was sent for from the exchange, to go and disperse a meeting 
 in Gracious street, where I saw Mr. Penn speaking to the people, but I 
 could not hear what he said, because of the noise ; I endeavored to make 
 way to take him, but I could not get to him for the crowd of people ; upon 
 which Captain Mead came to me, about the kennel of the street, and de- 
 sired me to let him go on ; for when he had done, he would bring Mr. 
 Penn to me. 
 
 Court. — What number do you think might be there? 
 
 Cook. — About three or four hundred people. 
 
 Court. — Call Richard Read, give him his oath. 
 
 Read being sworn, was asked. What do you know concerning the pri- 
 soners at the bar? 
 
 Read. — My Lord, I went to Gracious street, where I found a great 
 crowd of people, and I heard Mr. Penn preach to them, and I saw Capt. 
 Mead speaking to Lieutenant Cook, but what he said I could not tell. 
 
 Mead.— What did Wm. Penn say? 
 
 Read. — There was such a great noise, that I could not tell what he 
 said. 
 
 Mead. — Jury, observe this evidence: he saith he heard him preach, and 
 yet saith, he doth not know what he said. 
 
 Jury, take notice, he swears now a clean contrary thing, to what he 
 swore before the Mayor, when we were committed: for now he swears 
 
 6 
 
62 LIFE OF 
 
 that he saw me in Gracious streets, and yet he swore before the Mayor, 
 when I was committed, that he did not see me there. I appeal to the 
 Mayor himself, if this be not true ; but no answer was given. 
 
 Court. — What number do you think might be there ? 
 
 Read. — About four or five hundred. 
 
 Penn. — I desire to know of him what day it was? 
 
 Read. — The 14th day of August. 
 
 Penn. — Did he speak to me, or let me know he was there ; for I am 
 very sure I never saw him. 
 
 Clerk. — Cryer, call into the court. 
 
 Court. — Give him his oath. 
 
 . — My Lord, I saw a great number of people, and Mr. Penn, 
 
 I suppose, was speaking ; I saw him make a motion with his hands, and 
 heard some noise, but could not understand what he said ; but for Capt. 
 Mead, I did not see him there. 
 
 Reed. — What say you, Mr. Mead? Were you there? 
 
 Mead. — It is a maxim in your own law, nemo tenetur accusare seipsum, 
 which, if it be not true Latin, I am sure that it is true English, that no 
 man is bound to accuse himself. And why dost thou oifer to ensnare me 
 with such a question? Doth not this shew thy malice? Is this like unto 
 a judge, that ought to be counsel for the prisoner at the liar ? 
 
 Reed.— Sir, hold your tongue, I did not go about to ensnare you, 
 
 Penn. — I desire we may come more close to the point, and that silence 
 be commanded in the court. 
 
 Cry. — yes, all manner of persons keep silence, upon pain of impri- 
 sonment, — silence in the court. 
 
 Penn. — We confess ourselves to be so far from recanting, or declining 
 to vindicate the assemblage of ourselves to preach, pray, or worship the 
 Eternal, Holy, Just God, that we declare to all the world, that we do be- 
 lieve it to be our indispensable duty, to meet incessantly upon so good 
 an account; nor shall all the powers upon earth be able to divert us from 
 reverencing and adoring our God, who made us. 
 
 Brown. — You are not here for worshipping God, but for breaking the 
 law ; you do yourselves a great deal of wrong in going on in that dis- 
 course. 
 
 Penn. — I affirm I have broken no law, nor am I guilty of the indict- 
 inent that is laid to my charge: and to the end, the bench, the jury, and 
 myself, with those that hear us, may have a more direct understanding 
 of this procedure, I desire you would let me knoAV l)y what law it is you 
 prosecute me, and upon what law you ground my indictment. 
 
 Reed. — Upon the common law. 
 
 Penn. — What is that common law? 
 
 Reed. — You must not think that I am able to run up so many years, 
 and over so manj' adjudged cases, which we call conmion law, to answer 
 your curiosity. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 63 
 
 Penn. — This answer, I am sure, is very short of mj question ; for if it 
 be common, it should not be so hard to produce. 
 
 Reed. — Sir, will you plead to your indictment? 
 
 Penn. — Shall I plead to an indictment that hath no foundation in law? 
 If it contain that law you say I have broken, why should you decline to 
 produce that law, since it will be impossible for the jury to determine or 
 agree to bring in their verdict, who hath not the law produced, by which 
 they should measure the truth of this indictment, and the guilt or con- 
 trary of my fact. 
 
 Reed. — You are a saucy fellow ; speak to the indictment. 
 
 Penn. — I snj it is my place to speak to matter of law ; I am arraigned 
 a prisoner ; my liberty, which is next to life itself, is now concerned ; you 
 are many mouths and ears against me, and if I must not be allowed to 
 make the best of my case, it is hard: I say again, unless you shew me, 
 and the people, the law you ground your indictment upon, I shall take 
 it for granted, your proceedings are merely arbitrary. 
 
 Obsr. — (At this time several upon the bench urged hard upon the pri- 
 soner, to bear him down.) 
 
 Reed. — The question is, whether you are guilty of this indictment? 
 
 Penn. — The question is not whether I am guilty of this indictment, 
 but Avhether this indictment be legal. It is too general and imperfect an 
 answer, to say it is the common law, unless we knew both where and 
 what it is ; for where there is no law, there is no transgression, and that law 
 which is not in being, is so far from being common, that it is no law at all. 
 
 Reed. — You are an impertinent fellow; will you teach the Court what 
 law is ? It's lex non scripta, that which many have studied thirty or 
 forty years to know, and would you have me tell you in a moment ? 
 
 Penn. — Certainly, if the common law be so hard to be understood, it's 
 far from being very common : but if the Lord Cook in his Institutes be of 
 any consideration, he tells us, that common law is common right; and 
 that common right is the great charter privileges, confirmed 9 Hen. III. 
 29; 25 Edw. I. 1; 2 Edw. III. 8; Cook's Insts. 2, p. 56. 
 
 Reed. — Sir, you are a troublesome fellow, and it is not for the honor of 
 the court to suffer you to go on. 
 
 Penn. — I have asked but one question, and you have not answered me ; 
 though the rights and privileges of every Englishman be concerned in it. 
 
 Reed. — If I should suffer you to ask questions till to-morrow morn- 
 ing, 3'ou would be never the wiser. 
 
 Penn. — That's according as the answers are. 
 
 Reed. — Sir, we must not stand to hear you talk all night, 
 
 Penn. — I design no affront to the court, but to be heard in my just 
 plea; and I may plainly tell you, that if you will deny me the oyer of 
 that law, which you suggest I have broken, you do at once deny me an 
 acknowledged right, and evidence to the world your resolution to sacri- 
 fice the privileges of Englishmen to your sinister and arbitrai'y designs. 
 
64 LIFE OF 
 
 Reed. — Take him away; my Lord, if you take not some course with 
 this pestilent fellow, to stop his mouth, we shall not be able to do any 
 thing to-night. 
 
 Mayor. — Take him away, take him away! turn him into the Bale-dock. 
 
 Penn. — These are but so many vain exclamations; is this justice or 
 true judgment? Must I, therefore, be taken aAvay because I plead for 
 the fundamental laws of England? However, this I leave upon your 
 consciences, who are of the jury, (and my sole judges,) that if these an- 
 cient fundamental laws, which relate to liberty and property, (and are 
 not limited to particular persuasions in matters of religion,) must not be 
 indispensably maintained and observed, who can say he hath a right to 
 the coat upon his back? Certainly, our libt rties are openly to be in- 
 vaded ; our wives to be ravished ; our children slaved ; our families ruin- 
 ed; and our estates led away in triumph by every sturdy beggar and 
 malicious informer, but our (pretended) forfeits for conscience-sake; the 
 Lord of heaven and earth will be judge between us in this matter. 
 
 Reed. — Be silent there. 
 
 Penn. — I am not to be silent in a case wherein I am so much concern- 
 ed ; and not only myself, but many ten thousand families besides. 
 
 Obser. — They having rudely haled him in the Bale-dock, Wm. Mead 
 they left in the court, who spake as followeth: 
 
 Mead. — You men of the jury, here I do now stand to answer to an in- 
 dictment against me, which is a bundle of stuff full of lies and false- 
 hoods ; for therein I am accused, that I met, vi and armis, illicite and 
 tumultuouse. Time was when I had freedom to use a carnal weapon, 
 and then I thought I feared no man; but now I fear the living God, and 
 dare not make use thereof, nor hurt any man ; nor do I know I demeaned 
 myself as a tumultuous person. I say I am a peaceable man, therefore 
 it is a very proper question what Wm. Penn demanded in this case, an 
 oyer of the law on which our indictment is grounded. 
 
 Reed. — I have made answer to that already. 
 
 Mead, turning his face to the jury, said, you men of the jury, who 
 are my judges, if the Recorder will not tell you what makes a riot, a rout 
 or an unlawful assembly. Cook, (he that once they called) the Lord Cook, 
 tells us what makes a riot, a rout, and an unlawful assembly, — a riot is, 
 when three or more are met together to beat a man, or to enter forcibly 
 into another man's land, to cut down his grass, his wood, or break down 
 his pales. 
 
 Obsr. — Here the Recorder interrupted him, and said, I thank you, sir, 
 that you will tell me what the law is ? — scornfully pulling off his hat. 
 
 Mead. — Thou mays't put on thy hat, I have never a fee for thee now. 
 
 Brown. — lie talks at random, one while an Independent, another while 
 some other religion, and now a Quaker, and next a Papist. 
 
 Mead. — Turpo est doctori cum culpa redarguit ipsum. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. G5 
 
 Mayor. — You deserve to have your tongue cut out. 
 Reed. — If you discourse on this manner, I shall take occasion against 
 you. 
 
 Mead. — Thou didst promise me I should have fair liberty to be heard. 
 Why may I not have the privileges of an Englishman? I am an English- 
 man, and you might be ashamed of this dealing. 
 
 Reed. — I look upon you to be an enemy to the laws of England, which 
 ought to be observed and kept, nor are you worthy of such privileges as 
 others have. 
 
 Mead. — The Lord is judge between me and thee in this matter. 
 Obsr. — Upon which they took him away into the Bale-dock, and the 
 Recorder proceeded to give the jury their charge, as followeth: 
 
 Reed. — You have heard what the indictment is; it is for preaching to 
 the people, and drawing a tumultuous company after them ; and Mr. 
 Penn was speaking. If they should not be disturbed, you see they will 
 go on ; there are three or four witnesses that have proved this, that he 
 did preach there, that Mr. Mead did allow of it; after this you have 
 heard, by substantial witnesses, vvhat is said against them. Now we are 
 upon the matter of fact, which you are to keep to and observe as what 
 hath been fully sworn, at your peril. 
 
 Obsr. — The prisoners were put out of the court into the Bale-dock, and 
 the charge given to the jury in their absence, at which Wm. Penn, with 
 a very raised voice, it being a considerable distance from the bench, 
 spake, 
 
 Penn. — I appeal to the jury, who are my judges, and this great assem- 
 bly, whether the proceedings of the court are not most arbitrary, and 
 void of all law, in oifering to give the jury their charge in the absence of 
 the prisoners; I say it is directly opposite to, and destructive of the un- 
 doubted right of every English prisoner, as Cook in the 2 Inst. 20, on the 
 chapter of Magna Charter, speaks. 
 
 Obser. — The Recorder being thus unexpectedly lashed for his extra-judi- 
 cial procedure, said, with an enraged smile, 
 
 Reed. — Why ye are present, you do hear: do you not? 
 Penn. — No thanks to the court, that commanded me into the Bale- 
 dock; and you of the jury take notice, that I have not been heard, neither 
 can you legally depart the court, before I have been fully heard, having 
 at least ten or twelve material points to offer, in order to invalidate their 
 indictment. 
 
 Reed. — Pull that fellow down ; pull him down. 
 
 Mead. — Are these according to the rights and privileges of Englisli- 
 men, that we should not be heard, but turned into the Bale-dock for 
 making our defence, and the jury to have their charge given them in our 
 absence? I say these are barbarous and unjust proceedings. 
 
 Reed. — Take them away into the hole; to hear them talk all night, as 
 
 6* 
 
G6 LIFE OF 
 
 they would, I think doth not become the honor of the court ; and I think 
 you, (i. e. the jury,) yourselves, would be tired out, and not have patience 
 to hear them. 
 
 Obsr. — The jury were commanded up to agree upon their verdict, the 
 prisoners remaining in the stinking hole ; after an hour and half's time, 
 eight came down agreed, but four remained above ; the court sent an officer 
 for them, and they accordingly came down. The bench used many un- 
 worthy threats to the four that dissented; and the Recorder, addressing 
 himself to Bushell, said, Sir, you are the cause of this disturbance, and 
 manifestly shew yourself an abettor of faction. I shall set a mark upon 
 you, sir. 
 
 J. Robinson. — Mr. Bushell, I have known you near this fourteen years ; 
 you have thrust yourself upon this jury, because you think tliere is some 
 service for you ; I tell you, you deserve to be indicted more than any man 
 that hath been brought to the bar this day. 
 
 Bushell. — No, Sir John, there were threescore before me, and I would 
 willingly have got off, but could not. 
 
 Bludw. — I said, when I saw Mr. Bushell, what I see is come to pass ; 
 for I knew he would never yield. Mr. Bushell, we know what you are. 
 
 Mayor. — Sirrah, you are an impudent fellow, I will put a mark upon 
 you. 
 
 Obsr. — They used much menacing language, and behaved themselves 
 very imperiously to the jury, as persons not more void of justice, than 
 sober education. After this barbarous usage, they sent them to consider 
 of bringing in their verdict, and after some considerable time, they re- 
 turned to the court. Silence was called for, and the jury called by their 
 names. 
 
 Clerk. — Are you agi-eed upon your verdict? 
 
 Jury. — Yes. 
 
 Clerk. — Who shall speak for you? 
 
 Jury. — Our foreman. 
 
 Clerk. — Look upon the prisoners at the bar. How say you? Is Wm. 
 Penn guilty of the matter whereof he stands indicted, in manner and form, 
 or not guilty? 
 
 Foreman. — Guilty of speaking in Gracious street. 
 
 Court. — Is that all. 
 
 Foreman. — That is all I have in commission. 
 
 Reed. — You had as good say nothing. 
 
 Mayor. — Was it not an unlawful assembly? You mean, he was speak- 
 ing to a tumult of people there? 
 
 Foreman. — My Lord, this was all I had in commission. 
 
 Obsr. — Here some of the jury seemed to buckle to the question of the 
 court, upon which Bushell, Hammond, and some others, opposed them- 
 selves, and said, they allowed of no such word as an unlawful assembly, 
 
WILLIAM PENJS". 67 
 
 in their verdict, at which the Recorder, Mayor, Robinson, and Bludwortli, 
 took great occasion to vilify them, with most opprobrious language; and 
 this verdict not serving their turns, the Recorder expressed himself thus: 
 
 Reed. — The law of England will not allow you to depart, till you have 
 given in your verdict. 
 
 Jury. — We have given in our verdict, and we can give in no other. 
 
 Reed. — Geatlemen, you have not given your verdict, and you had as 
 good say nothing; therefore go and consider it once more, that we may 
 make an end of this troublesome bvisiness. 
 
 Jury. — We desire we may have pen, ink, and paper. 
 
 Obsr. — The court adjourns for half an hour; which, being expired, the 
 court returns, and the jury not long after. The prisoners were brought 
 to the bar, and the jurors' names called over. 
 
 Clerk. — Are you agreed of your verdict? 
 
 Jury. — Yes. 
 
 Clerk. — Who shall speak for you? 
 
 Jury. — Our foreman. 
 
 Clerk. — What say you? Look upon the prisoners. Is Wm. Penn guilty 
 in manner and form, as he stands indicted, or not guilty? 
 
 Foreman. — Here is our verdict; holding forth a piece of paper to the 
 clerk of the peace, which follows : 
 
 We, the jurors, hereafter named, do find Wm. Penn to be guilty of 
 speaking or preaching to an assembly, met together in Gracious street, 
 the 14th of August last, 1670, and that Mr. Mead is not guilty of the said 
 indictment. 
 
 Foreman, Thomas Veer, Henry Michel, John Bailey, 
 
 Edw. Bushell, John Brightman, Wm. Lever, 
 
 John Hammond, Chas. Milson, Jas. Damask, 
 
 Henry Henly, Gregory AValklet, Wm. Plumstead. 
 
 Obsr. — This both Mayor and Recorder resented at so high a rate, that 
 they exceeded the bounds of all reason and civility. 
 
 Mayor. — What, will you be led by such a silly fellow as Bushell, an 
 impudent, canting fellow? I warrant you, you shall come no more upon 
 juries in haste. You are a foreman indeed, (addressing himself to the 
 foreman,) I thought you had understood your place better. 
 
 Reed. — Gentlemen, you shall not be dismist till we have a verdict the 
 court will accept; and you shall be locked up without meat, drink, fire, 
 and tobacco. You shall not think thus to abuse the court; we will have 
 a verdict,' by the help of God, or you shall starve for it. 
 
 Penn. — My jury, who are .my judges, ought not to be thus menaced; 
 their verdict should be free, and not compelled; the bench ought to wait 
 upon them, but not forestall them; I do desire that justice may be done 
 me, and that the arbitrary resolves of the bench may not be made the 
 measure of my jury's verdict. 
 
G8 . LIFE OF 
 
 Kecd. — Stop that pratinf>; fciUow's mouth, or put him out of the court. 
 
 Mayor. — You have heard that h(! preached ; that he gathered a company 
 of tumultuous people; and that they do nut only disobey the martial 
 power, but the civil also. 
 
 Penn. — It is a great mistake, we did not make the tumult, but they 
 that interrupted us. Tlie jury cannot be so ignorant as to think that we 
 met there with a design to disturb the civil peace, since (1st) we were 
 by force of arms kept out of our lawful house, and met as near it in the 
 street as the soldiers would give us leave ; and (2d) because it was no 
 new thing, (nor with the circumstances exprest in the indictment, but 
 what was usual and customary with us,) 'tis very well known that we are 
 a peaceable people, and cannot offer violence to any man. 
 
 Obsr. — The court being ready to break up, and willing to huddle the 
 prisoners to their jail, and tlie jury to their chamber, Penii spake as 
 follows : 
 
 Penn. — The agreement of twelve men is a verdict in law, and such a 
 one being given by the jury, I require the clerk of the peace to record it, 
 as he will answer at his peril. And if the jury bring in another verdict 
 contrary to this, I affirm they are peijurcd men in hiw ; (and looking 
 upon the jury, said:) You are Englishmen, mind your })rivilege ; give not 
 away your right. 
 
 Bushell, &c. — Nor will we ever do it. 
 
 Obsr. — One of the jurymen pleaded indisposition of body, and therefore 
 desired to be dismissed. 
 
 Mayor. — You are as strong as any of them ; starve, tlien, and hold 
 your principles. 
 
 Reed. — Gentlemen, you must be content with your hard fate ; let your 
 patience overcome it ; for the court is resolved to have a verdict, and that 
 before you can be dismist. 
 
 Jury. — We are agreed, we are agreed, we are agreed. 
 
 Obsr. — The court swore several persons to keep the jury all night, with- 
 out meat, drink, fire, or any other accommodation. 
 
 Cryr. — yes, &.c. 
 
 Obsr. — The court adjourned till seven of the clock next morning (being 
 the 4th inst., vulgarly called Sunday), at which time the prisoners were 
 brought to the bar, the court sat, and the jury called in to bring in their 
 verdict. 
 
 Cryr. — yes, &c. Silence in the court, upon pain of imprisonment. 
 
 The juries names called over. 
 
 Clerk. — Are you agreed upon your verdict? 
 
 Jury. — Yes. 
 
 Clerk. — Who shall speak for you ? 
 
 Jury. — Our foreman. 
 
 Clerk. — What say you ? look upon the prisoners at the bar. Is William 
 
WILLIAM PENN. CI) 
 
 Pcnn guilty of the matter whereof he stands indicted, in manner and 
 form as aforesaid, or not guilty ? 
 
 Foreman. — AVilliam Penn is guilty of speaking in Gracious street. 
 
 Mayor. — To an unlawful assembly ? 
 
 Bushell. — No, my lord, we give no other verdict than what we gave last 
 night ; wo have no other verdict to give. 
 
 Mayor. — You are a factious follow ; I'll take a course with you. 
 
 Bludw. — I knew Mr. Bushell would not yield. 
 
 Bushell. — Sir Thomas, I have done according to my conscience. 
 
 Mayor. — That conscience of yours would cut my throat. 
 
 Bushell. — No, my lord, it never shall. 
 
 Mayor. — But I will cut yours as soon as I can. 
 
 Reed. — lie has inspired the jury ; he has the spirit of divination ; me- 
 thinks I feel him ; I will have a positive verdict, or you shall starve for it. 
 
 Penn. — I desire to ask the Recorder one question : Do you allow of the 
 verdict given of William Mead ? 
 
 Eccd. — It cannot be a verdict, because you are indicted for a conspiracy ; 
 and one being found not guilty, and not the other, it could not be a verdict. 
 
 Penn. — If not guilty be not a verdict, then you make of the jury and 
 Magna Charta but a mere nose of wax. 
 
 Mead. — How? Is not guilty no verdict? 
 
 Reed. — No, 'tis no verdict. 
 
 Pcnn. — I affirm that the consent of a jury is a verdict in law ; and if 
 William Mead be not guilty, it consequently follows that I am clear, since 
 you have indicted us of a conspiracy, and I could not possibly conspire 
 alone. 
 
 Obsr. — There were many passages which could not be taken which 
 passed between the jury and the court. The jury went up again, having 
 received a fresh charge from the bench, if possible to extort an unjust 
 verdict. 
 
 Cryr. — yes, &c. Silence in the court. 
 
 Court. — Call over the jury : which was done. 
 
 Clerk. — What say you ? Is William Penn guilty of the matter whereof 
 he stands indicted, in manner and form aforesaid, or not guilty ? 
 
 Foreman. — Guilty of speaking in Gracious street. 
 
 Reed. — What is this to the purpose ? I say I will have a vei-dict. And 
 speaking to E. Bushell, said, you are a factious fellow ; I will set a mark 
 upon you ; and whilst I have anything to do in the city, I will have an 
 eye upon you. 
 
 Mayor. — Have you no more wit than to be led by such a pitiful fellow? 
 I will cut his nose. 
 
 Penn. — It is intolerable that my jury should be thus menaced; is this 
 according to the fundamental law? Are not they my proper judges by 
 the Great Charter of England? What hoj)o is there of ever having jus- 
 
70 LIFE OF 
 
 tice done when juries are threatened and their verdict rejected ? I am 
 concerned to speak, and grieved to see such arbitrary proceedings. Did 
 not the Lieutenant of the Tower render one of them worse than a felon ? 
 And do you not plainly seem to condemn such for factious fellows who 
 answer not your ends ? Unhappy are those juries, who. are threatened to 
 be fined, and starved, and ruined, if they give not in their verdict contrary 
 to their consciences. 
 
 Reed. — My Lord, you must take a course with that same fellow. 
 
 Mayor. — Stop his mouth ; jailor, bring fetters, and stake him to the 
 ground. 
 
 Penn. — Do your pleasure ; I matter not your fetters. 
 
 Reed. — Till now I never understood the reason of the policy and pru- 
 dence of the Spaniards, in suffering the Inquisition among them ; and 
 certainly it will never be well with us till something like the Spanish In- 
 quisition be in England. 
 
 Obsr. — The jury being required to go together to find another verdict, 
 and steadfastly refusing it, (saying they could give no other verdict than 
 what was already given, ) the Recorder, in great passion, was running ofi" 
 the bench, with these words in his mouth : I protest I will sit here no 
 longer to hear these things. At which the Mayor calling. Stay, stay, he 
 returned, and directed himself unto the jui-y, and spake as foUoweth: 
 
 Reed. — Gentlemen, we shall not be at this pass always with you. You 
 will find the next session of Parliament there will be a law made that 
 those that will not conform shall not have the protection of the law. Mr. 
 Lee, draw up another verdict that they may bring it in special. 
 
 Lee. — I cannot tell how to do it. 
 
 Jury. — We ought not to be returned, having all agreed, and set our 
 hands to the verdict. 
 
 Reed. — Your verdict is nothing; you play upon the court'; I say you 
 shall go together and bring in another verdict, or you shall starve ; and I 
 will have you carted about the city, as in Edward the Third's time. 
 
 Foreman. — We have given in our verdict and all agree to it, and if we 
 give in another, it will be a force upon us to save our lives. 
 
 Mayor. — Take them up. 
 
 Officer. — My Lord, they will not go up. 
 
 Obsr. — The Mayor spoke to the Sheriff, and he came off his seat, and 
 said : 
 
 Sher. — Come, gentlemen, you must go up ; you see I am commanded 
 to make you go. 
 
 Obsr. — Upon which the jui'y went up, and several were sworn to keep 
 them without any accommodation, as aforesaid, till they brought in their 
 verdict. 
 
 Cryr. — yes, &c. The court adjourns till to-morrow morning at seven 
 of the clock. 
 
"WILLIAM PENN. 71 
 
 Obsr. — The prisoners -vrere remanded to Newgate, where they remained 
 till next morning, and then were brought into court, which being sat, they 
 proceeded as foUoweth : 
 
 Cryr. — yes, &c. Silence in court upon pain of imprisonment. 
 
 Clerk. — Set William Penn and William Mead to the bar. Gentlemen 
 of the jury answer to your names : Thos. Veer, Edw. Bushell, John 
 Hammond, Henry Henly, Henry Michel, John Brightman, Chas. Milson, 
 Gregory Walklet, John Baily, Wm. Lever, James Damask, Wm, Plum- 
 stead, are you all agreed of your verdict ? 
 
 Jury. — Yes. 
 
 Clerk. — Who shall speak for you ? 
 
 Jury. — Our foreman. 
 
 Clerk. — Look upon the prisoners : What say you, is William Penn 
 guilty of the matter whereof he stands indicted, in manner and form, &c., 
 or not guilty ? 
 
 Foreman. — ^You have there read in writing already our verdict, and our 
 hands subscribed. 
 
 Obsr. — The Clerk had the paper, but was stopped by the Recorder from 
 reading it ; and he commanded to ask for a positive verdict. 
 
 Foreman. — If you will not accept of it, I desire to have it back again. 
 
 Court. — That paper was no verdict, and there shall be no advantage 
 taken against you by it. 
 
 Clerk. — How say you ? Is William Penn guilty, &c., or not guilty ? 
 
 Foreman. — Not guilty. 
 
 Clerk. — How say you? Is William Mead guilty, &c., or not guilty? 
 
 Foreman. — Not guilty. 
 
 Clerk. — Then barken to your verdict : you say that William Penn is 
 not guilty in manner and form as he stands indicted ; you say that Wil- 
 liam Mead is not guilty in manner and form as he stands indicted, and 
 so you say all. 
 
 Jury. — Yes, we do so. 
 
 Obsr. — The bench being unsatisfied with the verdict, commanded that 
 every person should distinctly answer to their names, and give in their 
 verdict, which they unanimously did, in saying. Not guilty, to the great 
 satisfaction of the Assembly. 
 
 Reed. — I am sorry, gentlemen, you have followed your own judgments 
 and opinions rather than the good and wholesome advice which was given 
 you. God keep my life out of your hands ; but for this the court fines 
 you forty marks a man, and imprisonment till paid ; at which Penn stept 
 forward towards the bench, and said : 
 
 Penn. — I demand my liberty, being freed by the jury. 
 
 Mayor. — No you are in for your fines. 
 
 Penn. — Fines for what ? 
 
 Mayor. — For contempt of the court. 
 
72 LIFE OF 
 
 Penn. — T ask if it be according to the fundamental laws of England, 
 that any Englishman should be fined or amerced but by the judgment of 
 his peers or jury? since it expressly contradicts the fourteenth and twenty- 
 ninth chapter of the Great Charter of England which says, No freeman 
 ought to be amerced, but by the oath of good and lawful men of the 
 vicinage. 
 
 Reed. — Take him away, take him away, take him out the court. 
 
 Penn. — I can never urge the fundamental laws of England but you 
 cry, Take him away, take hiin away; but 'tis no wonder, since the Spanish 
 Inquisition hath so great a place in the Recorder's heart. God Almighty, 
 who is just, will judge you all for these things. 
 
 Obsr. — They haled the prisoners to the Bale-dock, and from thence sent 
 them to Newgate for the non-payment of their fines : and so were their 
 .i«ry. 
 
 While in Newgate prison William wrote the follow^ing affec- 
 tionate letters to his father, who was then in a declining state of 
 health. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO HIS FATHER. 
 
 "5th, 7di (Sept.) 1670. 
 "Dear Father, 
 
 " Because I cannot come, I write. These are to let thee know that 
 this morning about seven we were remanded to the sessions. The jury, 
 after two nights and two days being locked up, came down and offered 
 their former verdict, but that being refused as not so positive, they ex- 
 plained themselves in answering, not guilty, upon which the bench were 
 amazed, and the whole court so satisfied, that they made a .kind of hymn, 
 but that the Mayor, Recorder Robinson, &c., might add to their malice, 
 they fined us to the number of about twelve of us, for not pulling off our 
 hats, and kept us prisoners for the money. An injurious trifle which 
 will blow over, or we shall bring it to the common pleas, because it was 
 against law, and not by a jui'y sessed. 
 
 " How great a dissatisfaction tliree of their actions have begot, may 
 very reasonably be conjectured from the bare mention of them. Ist. 
 That the jury was about six times rejected in their verdict: and besides, 
 vain, fruitless, illegal menaces, were kept two days and two nights with- 
 out bed, tobacco, provisions, &c. 2nd. That a session should be held on 
 first-day, (the design we know.) 3rd. That the jury, the only judges by 
 law, should be fined 40 marks each, and to be prisoners till they have 
 paid it, and that without any jury to pass upon them. However, their 
 verdict is accepted for us, because they did not dare deny it. 
 
WILLIAM rEN^\ 78 
 
 "This is the substance. The circumstances I shall personally relate, 
 if the Lord will. I am more concerned at thy distemper, and the pains 
 that attend it, than at my own mere imprisonment, which works for the 
 best. I am, dear father, thy obedient son, 
 
 "WM. PENN."* 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO HIS FATHER. 
 
 "Newgate, 6, 7th, 1670. 
 
 "Dear Father: — I desire thee not to be troubled at my present con- 
 finement, I could scarce suffer on a better account, nor Ijy a worse hand, 
 and the will of God be done. It is more grievous and uneasy to me that 
 thou shouldst be so heavily exercised, God Almighty knows, than any 
 living worldly concernment. I am clear by the jury, and they in my 
 place — they are resolved to lay until- they get out by law ; and they, every 
 six hours, demand their freedom by advice of counsel. 
 
 "They have so overshot themselves,! that the generality of people 
 much detest them. I intreat thee not to purchase my liberty. They 
 will repent them of their proceedings. I am. now a prisoner notoriouslj' 
 against law. I desire the Lord God, in fervent prayer, to strengthen and 
 support thee, and anchor thy mind in the thoughts of the immutable 
 blessed state, which is over all perishing concerns. 
 
 " I am, dear father, thy obedient son, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN4 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO HIS FATHEK. 
 
 "Newgate, 7th Sept, 1670. 
 
 " Dear Father : — ^To say I am truly grieved to hear of thy present ill- 
 ness, are words that might be spared, because I am confident they are 
 better believed. 
 
 " If God in his holy will did see it meet that I should be freed, I could 
 heartily embrace it; yet considering I cannot be free, but upon such 
 terms as strengthening their arbitrary and base proceedings, I shall 
 rather choose to suffer any hardship, 
 
 " I am persuaded some clearer way will suddenly be found out to ob- 
 tain my liberty, which is no way so desirable to me, as on the account of 
 being with thee. I am not without hopes that the Lord will sanctify the 
 endeavors of thy physician unto a cure, and then much of my worldly 
 solicitude will be at an end. My present restraint is so far from being 
 humor, that I would rather perish than release myself by so indirect a 
 
 • Friend, vii. p. 59. f The Court. t Friend, vol. vji. p. 59. 
 
 7 
 
74 LIFE OF 
 
 f-ourse as to satiate their revengeful, avaricious appetites. The advan- 
 tage of such a freedom would fall very short of the trouble of accepting it. 
 " Solace thy mind in the thoughts of better things, dear father. Let 
 not this wicked world disturb thy mind, and whatever shall come to pass, 
 I hope in all conditions to approve myself thy obedient son, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN."* 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Sickness of Admiral Penn ; Release of William Penn from prison ; In- 
 terview with his Father ; Dying expressions of the Admiral ; His death 
 and epitaph; William Penn's controver.sy with Ives; Letter to the Vice- 
 Chancellor of Oxford ; Publishes his " Caveat against Popery ;" Is 
 arrested at meeting; His examination before Sir J. Robinson; Imprison- 
 ment in Newgate; Description of that Prison ; His tract on " Liberty of 
 Conscience." 
 
 1670-1. 
 
 The life of Admiral Penn was now drawing to its close. His 
 constitution had been impaired by hard service, changes of cli- 
 mate and anxiety ; and for some months he had been confined 
 to his bed by sickness. As the mists of time began to roll 
 away, and the light of eternity to dawn upon his mind, he found, 
 that in his eager pursuit of worldly glory, he had only been pur- 
 suing shadows, while the substantial enjoyments that flow from 
 a soul united to God, had long been hidden from him. His 
 heart now yearned towards his son, who was still in prison for 
 his faithful adherence to religious duty. In order to obtain his 
 release, he sent the money privately to pay his fine and that of 
 his companion in bonds. 
 
 The meeting between the father and son must have been 
 deeply moving to both ; and their sentiments, which were once 
 so wide asunder, had been brought into near agreement by the 
 change that had taken place in the father's mind. 
 
 • Friend, vi. 179. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 75 
 
 The more he saw of his son, the more he esteemed him for his 
 sincerity, his uniform kindness, and his entire devotion to his 
 sense of duty. He could not but acknowledge that in renouncing- 
 the honors of the world and assuming the cross, William had 
 chosen that better part which could not be taken from him. He 
 was sensible that while the persecuting laws remained in force, 
 his son would be exposed to many sufferings ; and he sent one 
 of his friends to the Duke of York with his dying request, that 
 he would endeavor to protect him, and use his influence with the 
 King on his behalf. The answer was encouraging; both the 
 King and the Duke promising to comply with his request. 
 
 Sensible of his approaching end, he addressed his son in these 
 words : " Son William, I am weary of the world ! I would not 
 live over my days again if I could command them with a wish; 
 for the snares of hfe are greater than the fears of death. This 
 troubles me, that I have offended a gracious God. 
 
 " The thought of that has followed me to this day. Oh ! have 
 a care of sin ! It is that which is the sting both of life and 
 death. Three things I commend to you : 
 
 " First. Let nothing in this world tempt you to wrong your 
 conscience ; so you will keep peace at home, which will be a 
 feast to you in the day of trouble. 
 
 "Secondly. Whatever you design to do, lay it justly and 
 time it seasonably, for that gives security and dispatch. 
 
 " Lastly. Be not troubled at disappointments, for if they may 
 be recovered, do it ; if they cannot, trouble is vain. If you could 
 not have helped it, be content ; there is often peace and profit 
 in submitting to Providence : for afflictions make wise. If you 
 could have helped it, let not your trouble exceed instruction for 
 another time. 
 
 " These rules will carry you with firmness and comfort through 
 this inconstant world." 
 
 At another time he inveighed against the profaneness and im- 
 piety of the age, and expressed his apprehensions that divine 
 judgments would fall upon England on account of the wicked- 
 ness of her nobility and gentry. Just before he died, looking 
 with composure at his son, he said : " Son WiUiam, if you and 
 
76 LIFE OF 
 
 your friends keep to your plain way of preaching, and to your 
 plain way of living, you will make an end of the priests to the 
 end of the world. Bury me by my mother. Live in love. Shun 
 all manner of evil, and I pray God to bless you all, and he will 
 bless you."* 
 
 Thus died Admiral Penn, a man who had been satiated with 
 worldly honors, whose greatest disappointment in the meridian 
 of his career was the religious disposition of his son, and whose 
 highest consolation in the evening of his day, was to behold that 
 same son walking in the path of self-denial, and dedicating his 
 heart to the service of God. 
 
 The following inscription on the monument erected to his 
 memory, in the City of Bristol, gives a succinct account of his 
 rapid promotions and brilliant career : 
 
 " To the just memory of Sir William Penn, Knight and some- 
 times General, born at Bristol, Anno. 1621, son of Captain Giles 
 Penn, several years consul for the English in the Mediterranean, 
 of the Penns of Penslodge, in the County of Wilts, and those 
 Penns of Penn in the County of Bucks, and by his mother from 
 the Gilberts in the County of Somerset, originally from York- 
 shire ; addicted from his youth to maritime affairs. He was 
 made Captain at the years of 21, Rear-Admiral of Ireland at 23, 
 Vice- Admiral of Ireland at 25, Admiral to the Straights at 29, 
 Vice-Admiral of England at 31, and General in the first Dutch 
 war at 32. Whence returning Anno 1655, he was Parliament- 
 man for the town of Weymouth; 1660, made Commissioner of 
 the Admiralty and navy, Governor of the town and fort of King- 
 sail, Vice-Admiral of Munster, and a member of that Provincial 
 Council ; and Anno 1664 was chosen Great Captain Commander 
 under his Royal Highness in that signal and most evidently suc- 
 cessful fio-ht affainst the Dutch fleet. Thus he took leave of the 
 sea, his old element, but continued still his other employs till 
 1669, at what time, through bodily infirmities contracted by the 
 care and fatigue of public affairs, he withdrew, prepared and 
 made for his end ; and with a gentle and even gale, in much 
 
 * No Cross no Crown, ch. xxi., 2d ed 1681. 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 77 
 
 peace, arrived and anchored in his last and best port, at Wan- 
 stead, in the County of Essex, the 16th of September, 1670, 
 being then but 49 and 4 months old. 
 
 " To his name and memory his surviving lady hath erected 
 this remembrance." 
 
 At his father's death, William Penn came into the possession 
 of an ample estate, affording an annual income of about fifteen 
 hundred pounds. This enabled him to contribute liberally to 
 charitable purposes, and there is abundant evidence to show 
 that throughout life, he made use of his wealth for the benefit of 
 others, rather than to promote his own ease or indulgence. 
 
 About this time he again appeared before the public in defence 
 of his principles. A dissenting preacher by the name of Ives, in a 
 discourse from the pulpit, had cast injurious reflections upon the 
 society of Friends, and upon Penn in particular. Being thus un- 
 justly assailed, he demanded of Ives an opportunity to clear him- 
 self of the charges, and a time was fixed for a public controversy 
 at a meeting to be held at West Weycomb. 
 
 At the time appointed, Jeremy Ives (a brother of the assailant) 
 appeared on behalf of his sect, and Penn was in readiness to 
 meet him. 
 
 According to the rules of controversy then in use, the assail- 
 ant was to speak first ; accordingly, Ives proceeded with a string 
 of syllogisms which he had brought ready prepared ; and when 
 he had exhausted his stock, he came down and left the house 
 with a few of his followers, but the greater part remained to hear 
 Penn's refutation ; which was satisfactory to most of the company. 
 Ives being mortified to find that many of the company remained 
 to hear his opponent, returned and expressed his disapprobation 
 of their conduct, which only tended to increase their disgust.* 
 
 Soon after this controversy Penn visited Oxford, where finding 
 that many of his brethren in religious profession had been cruelly 
 persecuted, through the instigation of the Vice-Chancellor of the 
 University, he addressed that officer a letter of severe reproof, 
 and expostulation.! 
 
 * EUwood's Life, p. 131. | Penn's Life, prefixed to his worlis, ix. 
 
 7* 
 
78 LIFE OF 
 
 The measures pursued by this high functionary to ensnare and 
 punish the dissenters, were of the most treacherous and disgrace- 
 ful kind. He employed an unprincipled man to go among the 
 Friends, Baptists, and other non-conformists, pretending to be of 
 their communion ; and when he had induced them, in conversa- 
 tion, to express themselves incautiously, he would accuse them 
 of treasonable language, and have them prosecuted.* There 
 was no class of men so much disliked by the heads of universi- 
 ties and the higher ranks of the clergy, as the Friends, for their 
 doctrines struck at the very root of the hierarchy, then so power- 
 ful in Great Britain. 
 
 It had been the policy of the clergy and heads of colleges, to 
 inculcate the opinion, among the people, that none but those who 
 had received a collegiate education, and a regular ordination by a 
 bishop, were authorized to preach the Gospel ; hence, they stigma- 
 tized the Independents, the Baptists, and some other dissenters, 
 as dangerous schismatics ; but the Friends were still more ob- 
 noxious to their censure, for they denied the absolute necessity 
 of human learning to qualify a minister of the Gospel ; maintain- 
 ing that a gift from on high was sufficient, and, moreover, that 
 this gift being received freely, should be exercised without fee or 
 reward from man. 
 
 In the year 1670, Penn wrote and published a tract called, 
 " A seasonable caveat against Popeiy," being an answer to a 
 pamphlet entitled, "An explanation of the Roman Catholic belief." 
 In this tract he treats of the Roman Catholic doctrines relative to 
 the Scriptures, the Trinity, prayer to saints and angels, justification 
 by merits, the eucharist, prayers in latin, and for the dead, &c. 
 Showing that for many of their principles and practices, there is 
 no authority in the Scriptures, nor in the example of the primitive 
 church. But although he thought it his duty to caution the pub- 
 lic against the inroads of Catholic doctrines, yet he declares, in 
 his introductory remarks, that nothing is further from his purpose 
 than " incensing the civil magistrate against them (were such a 
 thing possible) for he was himself a friend to an universal tolera- 
 
 • Cough's History, ii 344. Ellw od's Life, ld2. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 79 
 
 tion of faith and worship." Notwithstanding this tract and many 
 other passages in his writings, showing his strong opposition to 
 Papal doctrines, he was frequently accused of being a Cathohc, 
 and even a Jesuit ; so much were his enemies straitened to find 
 cause of accusation against him. 
 
 In the latter part of this year, being at a meeting in Wheeler 
 Street, a sergeant, w^ith soldiers, came and w^aited at the door 
 until he stood up to preach, when the sergeant came in, pulled 
 him down from his place, and taking him into the street delivered 
 him to a constable and his assistant, who took him to the Tower. 
 Here he was kept, and a message sent to Sir John Robinson, 
 Lieutenant of the Tower, by whose order he had been arrested. 
 In the evening the lieutenant, in company with Sir Samuel Star- 
 ling, Sir John Shelden, and others, came to the Tower and pro- 
 ceeded to an examination, of which the following account has 
 been given by an eye-witness. 
 
 Sir John Robinson — What is this person's name r* 
 
 Constable. — Mr. Penn, sir. 
 
 J. R. — Is your name Penn ? 
 
 W. P. — Dost thou not know me ? Hast thou forgot me ? 
 
 J. R. — I do not know you ; I do not desire to know such as 
 you are. 
 
 W. P. — If not, wdiy didst thou send for me hither? 
 
 J. R. — Is that your name, sir ? 
 
 W. P. — Yes, yes, my name is Penn ; thou knowest it is. I 
 am not ashamed of my name. 
 
 J. R, — Constable, where did you find him ? 
 
 Const. — At Wheeler Street, at a meeting, speaking to the 
 people. 
 
 J. R. — You mean he was speaking to an unlawful assembly ? 
 
 Const. — I do not know indeed, sir; he was there and he was 
 speaking. 
 
 J. R. — Give them their oaths. 
 
 W. P. — Hold, do not swear the man; there is no need of it, 
 I freely acknowledge I was at Wheeler Street, and that I spake 
 to an assembly of people there. 
 
 * Tlie iniltiinus was already made, and his name put in. 
 
80 LIFE OF 
 
 J. R., and several others. — He confesses it. 
 
 W. P. — I do so, I am not ashamed of my testimony. 
 
 J. R. — No matter, give them their oaths.* Mr. Penn, you 
 know the law better than I can tell you, and you know these 
 things are contrary to the law. 
 
 W. P. — If thou believest me to be better known in the law 
 than thyself, hear me, for I know no law I have transgressed. 
 All laws are to be considered strictly and hterally, or more ex- 
 planatorily, and lenitively. In the first sense, the execution of 
 many laws may be extrema injuria ^ the greatest wrong ; in the 
 latter, wisdom and moderation. I would have thee make that 
 part thy choice. 
 
 Now, whereas, I am probably to be tried by the late act 
 against Conventicles, I conceive it doth not reach me. 
 
 J. R. — No, sir, I shall not proceed upon that law. 
 
 W. P. — What then ? I am sure that law was intended for the 
 standard on these occasions. 
 
 J. R. — The Oxford Act of six months. 
 
 W. P. — That, of all laws, cannot concern me, for first, I was 
 never in orders, neither episcopally nor classically, and one of 
 them is intended by the preamble of the act. 
 
 J. R. — No, no, any that speak in unlawful assemblies, and 
 you spoke in an unlawful assembly. 
 
 W. P. — Two things are to be considered. First, that the 
 words " such as speak in any unlawful assemblies," alter the 
 case much ; for such is relative of the preamble, and cannot con- 
 cern prisoners in any other qualification, than under some ordi- 
 nation or mark of priesthood. I am persuaded thou knowest I 
 am no such person ; I was never ordained, nor have I any par- 
 ticular charge or stipend, that may entitle me to such a function, 
 and, therefore, I am wholly unconcerned in the word " such." 
 Secondly, an unlawful assembly, is too general a word ; the act 
 doth not define to us what is meant by an unlawful assembly. 
 
 J. R. — But other acts do. 
 
 • Thty were sworn t) answer such questions as should be asked, upon which 
 they gave the evidence before given by the constable. 
 
WILLIAM PEN N. 81 
 
 W. P. — That is not to the purpose, for that may be an unlaw- 
 ful assembly in one act that may, by circumstances, not be so 
 adjudged in another; and it is hard that you will not stick to 
 some one act or law, but to accomplish your ends, borrow a 
 piece out of one act to supply the defects of another, and of a 
 different nature from it. 
 
 J. R. — Will you swear? will you take the oath that the act 
 requires of you ? 
 
 W. P. — This is not to the purpose. 
 , J. R, — Read him the oath. 
 
 THE OATH. 
 
 I, W. p. do swear, that it is not lawful, upon any pretence 
 whatsoever, to take arms against the king, and that I do abhor that 
 traitorous position of taking arms, by his authority, against his 
 person, or against those that are commissionated by him, in pur- 
 suance of such commissions, and that I will not at any time en- 
 deavor any alteration of government, either in church or state. 
 
 J. R.— Will you take it ? 
 
 W. P. — What need I take an oath not to do that it is my 
 faith not to do, so far as concerns the king? 
 
 Lieut. Price. — Then swear it. 
 
 W. P. — The oath, in that respect, is already answered to all 
 intents and purposes, for if I cannot fight against any man, 
 (much less against the king,) what need I take an oath not to do 
 it ? Should I swear not to do what is already against my con- 
 science to do ? 
 
 J. R. — You will not take the oath then ? 
 
 W. P. — What if I refuse the oath, not because of the matter 
 contained in it, (which only can criminate in the sense of the 
 act,) but of scrupling any oath ? Shall I, therefore, be committed 
 to prison. This is most unequal. It was about fighting^ the 
 oath and act were designed, and not taking of oaths: therefore, 
 the denying to swear when there is a denial to fight or plot, is 
 no equitable ground for commitment. 
 
 J. R. — Do you refuse to swear? 
 
82 LIFE OF 
 
 W. p. — Yes, and that upon better grounds than those for 
 which thou wouldst have me swear, if thou wilt please to hear 
 me. 
 
 J. R. — I am sorry you should put me upon this severity, it is 
 no pleasant work to me. 
 
 W. P. — These are but words; it is manifest this is a prepense 
 malice : thou hast several times laid the meetings for me, and this 
 day in particular. 
 
 J. R. — No, I profess I could not tell you would be there. 
 
 W. P. — Thine own corporal told me, that you had intelligence 
 at the Tower, that I would be at Wheeler Street to-day, almost 
 as soon as I knew it myself. It is disingenuous and partial, I 
 never give thee occasion for such unkindness. 
 
 J. R. — I knew no such thing ; but if I had, I confess I should 
 have sent for you. 
 
 W. P. — That might have been spared, I do heartily beUeve it. 
 
 J. R. — I vow, Mr. Penn, I am sorry for you ; you are an in- 
 genious gentleman, all the world must allow you, and do allow 
 you that, and you have a plentiful estate. Why should you 
 render yourself unhappy by associating with such a simple 
 people. 
 
 W. P. — I confess I have made it my choice to relinquish the 
 company of those that are ingeniously wicked, to converse with 
 those that are more honestly simple. 
 
 J, R. — I wish you wiser. 
 
 W. P. — And I wish thee better. 
 
 J. R. — You have been as bad as other folks. 
 
 W. P. — When, and where ? I charge thee to tell the com- 
 pany to my face. 
 
 J. R. — Abroad, and at home too. 
 
 Sir John Sheldon (as is supposed). — No, no, Sir John, that 
 is too much, (or words to that purpose.) 
 
 W. P. — I make this bold challenge to all men, women and 
 children upon earth, justly to accuse me of ever having seen me 
 drunk, heard me swear, utter a curse, or speak one obscene 
 word, (much less that I ever made it my practice). I speak 
 this to God's glory, that has ever preserved me from the power 
 
WILLIAM PENJSr. 83 
 
 of those pollutions, and that from a child begat an hatred in 
 me towards them. But there is nothing more common than 
 when men are of a more severe life than ordinary, for loose per- 
 sons to comfort themselves with the conceit, "that they were 
 once as they are," as if there were no collateral, or oblique line 
 of the compass, or globe, men may be said to come from, to the 
 arctic pole ; but directly and immediately from the antarctic. 
 Thy words shall be thy burden, and I trample thy slander as dirt 
 under my feet. 
 
 J. R. — Well, Mr. Penn, I have no ill will towards you ; your 
 father was my friend, and I have a great deal of kindness for 
 you. 
 
 W. P. — But thou hast an ill way of expressing it. You are 
 grown too high to consider the plea of those you call your fore- 
 fathers, for liberty of conscience against the Papists, Cranmer, 
 Latimer, Ridley, Bradford, &c. It was then plea good enough, 
 " my conscience won't let me go to mass," and " my con- 
 science wills that I should have an English Testament." 
 
 But that single plea for separation, the7i reasonable, is now 
 by you that pretend to succeed them, adjudged unreasonable and 
 factious. 
 
 I say, since the only just cause of the first revolt from Rome, 
 was a dissatisfaction in point of conscience, you cannot reasona- 
 bly persecute others who have right to the same plea, and allow 
 that to be warrantable. 
 
 J. R. — But you do nothing but stir up the people to sedition : 
 and there was one of your friends that told me you preached 
 sedition, and meddled with the government. 
 
 W. P. — We have the unhappiness to be misrepresented, and I 
 am not the least concerned therein. Bring me the man that will 
 dare to justify this accusation to my face, and if I am not able to 
 make it appear that it is both my practice and all my friends to 
 instil principles of peace and moderation, (and only war against 
 spiritual wickedness, that all men may be brought to fear God 
 and work righteousness), I shall contentedly undergo the severest 
 punishment all your laws can expose me to. 
 
 As for the King, I make this offer, that if any living can make 
 
84 LIFE OF 
 
 it appear, directly or indirectly, from the time I have been called 
 a Quaker, (since from thence you date me seditious), I have 
 contrived or acted anything injurious to his person, or the En- 
 glish government, I shall submit my person to your utmost cruel- 
 ties, and esteem them all but a due recompense. It is hard that 
 I, being innocent, should be reputed guilty ; but the will of God 
 be done. I accept of bad report as well as good. 
 
 J. R, — Well, I must send you to Newgate for six months ; and 
 when they are expired you will come out. 
 
 W. P. — Is that all? Thou well knowest a larger imprisonment 
 has not daunted me. I accept it at the hand of the Lord, and 
 am contented to suffer his will. Alas ! you mistake your inte- 
 rest ; you will miss your aim ; this is not the way to compass 
 your ends. 
 
 J. R. — Youbiing yourself into trouble; you will he the heading 
 of parties, and drawing people after you. 
 
 W. P. — Thou mistakest: there is no such way as this to render 
 men remarkable. You are angry that I am considerable ; and 
 yet you take the very way to make me so, by making this bustle 
 and stir about one peaceable person. 
 
 J. R. — I wish your adhering to these things do not convert ycu 
 to something at last. 
 
 W. P. — I would have thee and all other men to know that I 
 scorn that religion which is not worth suffering for, and able to 
 sustain those that are afflicted for it ; mine is, and whatever may 
 be my lot for my constant profession of it, I am no ways careful, 
 but resigned to answer the will of God, by the loss of goods, 
 liberty, and life itself. When you have all, you can have no 
 more ; and then, perhaps, you will be contented, and by that 
 you will be better informed of our innocency. Thy religinri 
 persecutes^ and mine forgives ; and I desire my God to forgive 
 you all that are concerned in my commitment, and I leave you 
 all in perfect charity, wishing your everlasting salvation. 
 
 J. R. — Send a corporal with a file of musqueteers along with 
 him, ^ 
 
 W. P. — No, no, send thy laquey ; I know the way to Newgate. 
 
 This being the second time, within three months, that Penn 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 85 
 
 had been committed to Newgate, it may not be uninteresting to 
 the reader to inquire what was then the condition of that cele- 
 brated prison, and the general character of its inmates ? At 
 that period the attention of the British nation had not been 
 awakened to the condition of her prisons ; the philanthropy of 
 Howard had not yet been employed " to survey the mansions of 
 sorrow and pain," nor had the angelic spirit of Elizabeth Fry 
 yet visited those gloomy cells to instruct the ignorant, and call 
 the degraded to penitence and prayer. 
 
 Thomas EUwood, a cotemporary of Penn, who had himself 
 been immured in the same prison, describes Newgate as the loath- 
 some and pestilential abode of misery and crime. 
 
 For refusing to swear, he and many otlier Friends were com- 
 mitted and thrust into the "common side," which, he says, "is 
 generally accounted, and really is, the worst part of that prison, 
 not so much from the place as the people, it being usually stocked 
 with the veriest rogues and meanest sort of felons and pickpockets, 
 who, not being able to pay chamber rent on the master's side, 
 are thrust in there."* "When we came there," says Ellwood, 
 " we found that side of the prison very full of Friends, who were 
 prisoners there before, (as, indeed, were at that time all other 
 parts of that prison, and most of the other prisons about town), 
 and our addition caused a great throng on that side ; notwith- 
 standing which, we were kindly welcomed by our friends whom 
 we found there, and kindly entertained by them, as well as their 
 condition would admit, until we could get in our own accommo- 
 dations, and provide for ourselves. 
 
 " We had the liberty of the hall, (which is on the first story 
 over the gate, and which in the day-time is common to all tlie 
 prisoners on that side, felons as well as others, to walk in, and 
 to beg out of), and we had also the liberty of some other rooms 
 over the hall to walk or to work in a-days ; but in the night we 
 all lodged in one room, which was large and round, having in 
 the middle of it a great pillar of oaken timber, which bore up 
 the chapel that is over it. To this pillar we fastened our ham- 
 mocks at the one end, and to the opposite wall on the other end, 
 
 * EllwooJ"s Life, p 9J-94. 
 
86 LIFE OF 
 
 quite round the room, and in three degrees or three stories high, 
 one over the other ; so that they who lay in the upper and middle 
 row of hammocks were obliged to go to bed first, because they 
 were to climb up to the higher, by getting into the lower ; and 
 under the lower rank of hammocks, by the wall sides, were laid 
 beds upon the floor, in which the sick and such weak persons 
 as could not get into the hammocks lay; and, indeed, though 
 the room was large and pretty airy, yet the breath and steam 
 that came from so many bodies of different ages, conditions and 
 constitutions, packed up so close together, was enough to cause 
 sickness amongst us, and I believe did so, for there were many 
 sick, and some very weak. Though we were not long there, 
 yet in that time one of our fellow-prisoners, who lay in one of 
 those pallet-beds, died. 
 
 "A coroner's inquest being held over the body of the de- 
 ceased, one of the jury insisted upon being shown the room 
 where he had died ; this was granted by the keeper with great 
 reluctance, and w^hen the jury came to the door, the foreman 
 who led them, lifting up his hands, said, Lord bless me, what a 
 sight is here? I did not think there had been so much cruelty 
 in the hearts of Englishmen, to use Englishmen in this manner! 
 We need not now question (said he to the rest of the jury) how 
 this man came by his death: we may rather wonder that they 
 are not all dead, for this place is enough to breed an infection 
 among them."* 
 
 From a letter of Penn, addressed to the sheriff of London 
 during his imprisonment at Newgate, it may be inferred that he 
 and his friends had hired lodgings in another part of the prison, 
 but owing to the ill treatment they received from the jailors, they 
 determined to go into the common jail among the felons, rather 
 than submit to their extortions and abuse. 
 
 In the conclusion of his letter, he says, "we are not willing to 
 be bondsmen at our own cost, not for the value, of the house 
 rent and other additional expenses, but for our testimony against 
 the insulting menaces and extortions of some of the jailors, who 
 would cast us into the common stinking jail! and therefore are 
 resolved to undergo that severity."! 
 
 * Ellvvood's Life. f Life of Penn, prefixed to his works. 
 
WILLIAM PEN N. 87 
 
 How intense must have been the intolerance and bigotry of 
 that age! when a man of Penn's refined feeUngs, accomphshed 
 manners, and amiable deportment, could be thus cast into a 
 noisome prison among felons and vagabonds, merely because he 
 asserted the right to w^orship God according to his own convic- 
 tions of duty. 
 
 During the six months of his imprisonment, he found useful 
 employment for his pen, and wrote several religious tracts, the 
 most important of which is entitied, " The great cause of Liberty 
 of Conscience once more briefly Debated and Defended by the 
 Authority of Reason, Scripture, and Antiquity." 
 
 This work evinces ability and erudition, as well as the most 
 enlarged Christian charity. 
 
 It is not deemed necessary here to analyze its contents; for 
 although much needed at the time of its publication, none of its 
 positions w^ould be controverted now^ We should, however, 
 bear in mind that this and other writings of Penn, having the 
 same object, exerted a powerful influence in preparing the public 
 mind for that change of policy in regard to toleration, which lie 
 afterwards had the happiness to see adopted by the British go- 
 vernment. 
 
 While in Newgate he learned that the government was about 
 to enact further laws to enforce the Conventicle Act, and increase 
 its severity. This drew from him a respectful but spirited re- 
 monstrance, addressed "to the High Court of ParUament," in 
 which, after stating the great sufferings already endured by dis- 
 senters, and especially " by the poor, the widows, and the father- 
 less," he proceeds to state some of the principles of Friends in 
 relation to civil government. 
 
 First. That " they owned civil government as God's ordinance, 
 for the punishment of evil-doers and the praise of them that do 
 well," and though they could not comply wdth those laws which 
 prohibited them from worshiping God according to their con- 
 sciences; believing it to be His alone prerogative to preside in 
 matters of faith and worship, "yet they were ready to yield obe- 
 dience to every ordinance relating to human affiairs." 
 
 Secondly. They deny and renounce, as horrible impiety, all 
 plots and conspiracies. 
 
88 LIFE OF 
 
 Thirdly. That in all revolutions they had demeaned them- 
 selves peaceably, notwithstanding the numerous provocations 
 they had received. 
 
 Fourthly. That it was their fixed resolution to continue the 
 same, and where they could not actually obey^ they would 
 patiently suffer. 
 
 And finally, he desired, if these reasons were not satisfactory, 
 that Parliament would grant them a hearing, as they had " many 
 reasons to offer against such severe proceedings." 
 
 When the time of his imprisonment had expired, he was set 
 at liberty, and he then resumed his religious labours; passed 
 over into Holland, and visited some parts of Germany, in order 
 to preach the Gospel, but no particular account of this visit ap- 
 pears to have been preserved. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 His marriage ; Travels as a Minister ; Declaration of Indulgence issued by 
 Charles II. ; Effect of it on Dissenters ; Controversial tracts ; Penn's 
 Christian Quaker ; Public discussion with Thomas Hicks and others ; 
 Letter from William Penn to George Fox ; Letter of Dr. Henry Moore ; 
 Controversy with -John Perrot ; Letter to Friends in Maryland. 
 
 1672-73. 
 
 After his return from his first religious visit on the Continent, 
 Penn, then in his twenty-eighth year, entered into the married 
 state. The object of his choice, was Gulielma Maria Springett, 
 daughter of Sir William Springett, formerly of Darling in Sussex, 
 who was killed in the civil wars, at the siege of Bamber. His 
 widow was afterwards married to Isaac Pennington, and they 
 having embraced the doctrine of Friends, Gulielma, while un- 
 der their care, was convinced of the same principles, and also 
 became a member. She was not only beautiful in person, but 
 was esteemed a woman of extraordinary merit and great sweet- 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 89 
 
 ness of temper. Penn considered it "a match of Providence's 
 making," and says, " she loved him with a deep and upright 
 love, choosing him before all her many suitors."* 
 
 Soon after their marriage, they went to live at Rickmansworth, 
 in Hertfordshire. Being now settled in the most agreeable 
 manner, with a wife for whom he always cherished the most 
 tender affection, and in possession of an ample estate, which 
 must have claimed a considerable share of his attention, we yet 
 do not find him desisting: from his relijrious labors or taking 
 up his rest in temporal enjoyments. 
 
 In the summer of 1672, he took a journey to visit the meetings 
 of Friends in the counties of Kent, Sussex and Surrey ; during 
 which, his own memorandums furnish an evidence of great in- 
 dustry in his ministerial labors. In the space of three weeks he 
 and his companion attended meetings at twenty-one different 
 places, in which he was enabled to labor in the work of the 
 ministry with satisfaction and success. 
 
 After speaking of their last meeting on that journey as being 
 a season of divine consolation and refreshment, he concludes 
 with this acknowledgment : " And thus hath the Lord been with 
 us in all our travels for His truth, and with His blessings of peace 
 are we returned, which is a reward beyond all worldly trea- 
 sure."! 
 
 In this year (1672) Charles 11. issued a "declaration of indul- 
 gence," by which the penal laws against non-conformists were 
 suspended. This act, which appears in itself commendable, 
 was far from being satisfactory to the nation, on account of the 
 great extension of the king's prerogative implied in it ; for he 
 expressly stated in his proclamation, that it was granted " hy 
 virtue, of his supreme authority in ecclesiastical matters^'''' 
 and it was generally believed that his object was to favor the 
 Papists, to whose communion he was supposed to be secretly 
 attached. 
 
 As the king's declaration granted to dissenters no more than 
 they believed to be their natural and indefeasible right, they 
 were, generally, not backward in accepting its provisions, al- 
 
 * See his letter to his children. t Life, prefixed to his works. 
 
90 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 though disposed to protest against this arbitrary and dangerous 
 exercise of power, by which the monarch undertook to set aside 
 the laws of the realm without the concurrence of parliament. 
 
 The friends now began to enjoy a short respite from persecu- 
 tion, and upwards of four hundred who were in prison for non- 
 conformity, were immediately restored to their families. But 
 this season of toleration was the means of exciting among some 
 of the dissenting ministers a greater disposition to attack the 
 society of Friends, than they had hitherto manifested. While 
 the penal laws to enforce uniformity and suppress Conventicles, 
 were so barbarously executed, certain sects among the dissen- 
 ters exercised what they called "Christain prudence," in holding 
 their meetings but seldom, or at such times and places as would 
 be least suspected. By this means the Friends were exposed to 
 bear the brunt of the persecution, for they w^ould not abandon their 
 meetings, and when their meeting-houses were pulled down, 
 they met upon the ruins ; even the children among them assem- 
 bled to keep up the meetings after their parents were sent to 
 prison. 
 
 This fidelity and perseverance had a wonderful effect in spread- 
 ing their principles ; for a religion which could arm its votaries 
 with such fortitude and self-sacrificing zeal, must, it was thought, 
 be founded in sincerity and truth. Hence, many persons from 
 among the other dissenting societies, were induced to come 
 among them and embrace their principles.* The ministers find- 
 ing their flocks deserting them, as soon as the sunshine of tole- 
 ration brought them out from their hiding places, took up their 
 pens to controvert, and in many cases to misrepresent, the prin- 
 ciples of the society. To answer these attacks, afforded Penn 
 much employment during the first year of his residence at Rick- 
 mansworth. 
 
 As most of the tracts written at this time refer to publications 
 and circumstances now almost forgotten, it seems scarcely ne- 
 cessary to refer to them, further than to remark, that his answers 
 were written with ability, and were thought to be serviceable 
 to the cause of truth. 
 
 • Gougli, ii 3C8. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 91 
 
 On sending one of his tracts to Justice Fleming, Deputy Lieu- 
 tenant in Westmoreland, Penn wrote him a letter, in which, after 
 acknowledging a kindness the justice had done to his wife some 
 years before, he remarks, " I know of no religion that destroys 
 courtesy and kindness, which, rightly understood, are great in- 
 dications of true men, if not of good Christians."* 
 
 In the year 1673, accompanied by his wife and George White- 
 head, an eminent minister of the society, he visited the western 
 part of England. At Bristol, during the great fair, they were 
 joined by George Fox, who had just returned from America, 
 whither he had gone on a religious mission. Great meetings 
 were held in Bristol, and many were convinced of the principles 
 of Friends. 
 
 About this time, Thomas Hicks, a dissenting preacher, wrote 
 a pamphlet called "A dialogue between a Christian and a 
 Quaker," in which he misrepresented the principles of Friends, 
 by putting such silly and unsound expressions into the mouth of 
 his pretended Quaker, that they were easily confuted ; yet it was 
 written with so much art, as to make the public believe it was 
 the report of a dialogue with a real Friend. Penn, in order to 
 counteract its effect, wrote the first part of his " Christian Quaker, 
 and his Divine Testimony Vindicated," in which he treats of " the 
 light of Christ within, the great principle of God in man, the 
 root and spring of divine life and knowledge in the soul, that 
 by which salvation is effected for man, and which is the charac- 
 teristic of the people called Quakers ; their faith and testimony 
 to the world." In this able and excellent work, he maintains 
 the universality of divine grace, and its sufficiency for man's sal- 
 vation, which he proves conclusively from the Scriptures ; and 
 corroborates by the testimony of many among the Gentiles, who 
 were enlightened by it, and who " held and practised high sanc- 
 tity of life."t 
 
 It was not long, before Hicks published a second part of his 
 dialogue between a Quaker and a Christain, and then a third 
 part, all in the same strain of misrepresentation. Penn answered 
 these in two books, the first, entitled "Reason against Railing," 
 
 * Life, preGxed to his works. | Select works, folio, ~23, 237. 
 
92 LIFE OF 
 
 the other, " The counterfeit Christain Detected," in which he 
 exposed the perversions of Hicks, and explained the principles 
 of Friends. 
 
 But some members of the society were not disposed to let the 
 matter end here. They thought Hicks had taken an unfair ad- 
 vantage, by palming oflfupon the public a counterfeit Quaker, 
 and they appealed to his own society to give them an opportu- 
 nity to clear their profession of the odium cast upon it. This 
 was at length agreed to, and they named a time for a meeting 
 to be held at their meeting-house in London, but the Friends 
 objected to the time proposed, as Penn and Whitehead were at 
 a distance on a religious journey, and could not attend. The 
 others persisted in holding the meeting at that time, and there 
 being a great attendance on their side and but very few Friends, 
 Hicks was declared to be acquitted by a majority of voices. 
 
 On the return of Penn and Whitehead, they protested against 
 this unfair proceeding, and with much difficulty got another 
 meeting appointed at the same place. W'hen the parties met, 
 Thomas Ellwood read the charges against Hicks, but his parti- 
 sans, instead of allowing those charges to be investigated, com- 
 menced an attack on the doctrines of Friends, as stated in Penn's 
 Christian Quaker. 
 
 A long debate ensued, in which the principal speakers, on the 
 part of Hicks, were Jeremy Ives, William Kiffin, Thomas Hicks, 
 ThomasPlantandRobertFerguson ; and on the part of the Friends, 
 George Whitehead, Stephen Crisp, William Penn and George 
 Keith. A sketch of this debate is preserved in Sewell's History 
 of Friends. It was attended by several thousand people, and 
 continued till night without coming to any decision.* One of 
 the points at issue, related to the person of Christ, as may be 
 seen by the following fragment of a letter from William Penn 
 to George Fox, inserted in Clarkson's Life of Penn. 
 
 " Thy fatherly love," says he, " and tender care, I do with all gentle- 
 ness and true respect, receive ; but thou shalt understand the occasion of 
 our answer, wherein we stated that, ' the holy manhood was a member 
 of the Christ ut (Jud.' The (lucstiou was, ' if the manhood were a }>art uf 
 
 * Sewell, li. 216. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 93 
 
 Christ?' To this, we must either have answered nothing, or only a 
 Scripture, or in the terms of the question, which we did. 
 
 " If we had answered nothing, we had gratified the enemy, stumbled the 
 moderate, and grieved friends. 
 
 " If a Scripture, it had been no way satisfactory ; for the question, they 
 would have said, was not about the text, bvit about the understanding of it ; 
 and they would have charged us with so wresting it to a mystical sense, as to 
 shut out the person that appeared in the flesh ; so that if we had answered 
 them in any of those Scriptures, they would have asked, in all probability, 
 what man do you mean ? the spiritual and heavenly man ? the new crea- 
 ture or creation ; or that outwai'd man, that was outwardly born of the 
 Virgin in Palestine, and was there outwardly crucified? If we had said 
 DO, we had been lost. That they would have put a mystical construction, 
 on our words, if we had not answered them plainly, that is, by what we 
 understood by the Scripture rather than by the Scripture itself, I have 
 cause to believe, because the same person that proposed the question thus 
 expounded, after the meeting, our belief in Christ, ' that he was born of 
 a virgin, that is, of a virgin-nature and spirit; crucified, that is, slain by 
 sin in us ; rose, that is, rose up to rule us, and the like ' — making the peo- 
 ple believe, that we denied that person, that outwardly appeared, to be 
 the true Christ. 
 
 " Further, if we had answered in the terms of the question, we had 
 taken Christ into parts, whereas I cried twice to them, ' Christ is not to 
 be divided into parts.' But they still pressed the question, six thousand 
 people, I believe, being present, and many of them were desirous of an 
 answer. Upon this. Friends consented that it should 1)o answered them, 
 ' that the manhood was a part of Christ.' But I feared the word part, 
 and chose rather to say, that we believed the holy manhood to be a mem- 
 ber of the Christ of God, and my reasons for so doing were these ; first, 
 what needed we to grant more than was asked ? Friends only desired to 
 have us grant that the manhood was a part of Christ, in order to overthrow 
 T. Hick's attempts to prove us no Christians ; and that was of so great 
 moment in that solemn and great assembly as tongue cannot utter. Se- 
 condly, since we were willing to go no further in our confessions than 
 they asked at our hands, this was my reason for rejecting the word part 
 for MEMBER, to wit, that a body may be taken into members without a 
 breach of union, but not into parts. A member divides not : parts divide, 
 Christ is called the head, that is, the most noble member, the Church the 
 body, and particulars are styled members of that ])ody. Now calling these 
 members, divides them not into parts. Thirdly, I did not say, it was 
 BUT a member, and I often repeated, that it was of and belonging to 
 Christ, and in my confession at the close I said, that we believed in 
 Christ, both as he was the man -Jesus, and God over all, blessed for 
 ever. And I am sure that Paul divides him more than we did (Rom. ix. 5), 
 since he makes a distinction between Christ as God, and Christ as man. 
 
94 LIFE OF 
 
 Now if that hold, the one was not completely Christ without the other, 
 as said these Baptists. Therefore, G. K. said, that he was most excel- 
 lently called so, as God less excellently as man, and least excellently as to 
 his body. We might truly say then, that the body was a member, or 
 BELONGING TO THE TRUE CuRisT ; and if wc had said more, we had gone 
 too far, as I have learned. But, blessed be the Lord, I have not sought 
 to comprehend or imagine ; but as I am furnished upon the occasion, so 
 it goes. I value the invisible touches and feelings of heavenly virtue and 
 life beyond it all, nor am I delighted with these matters : but, dear George, 
 I confess I never heard any Friend speak so fully as to Christ's manhood 
 as thyself. I think so much in print, in our name as a people, would re- 
 move much prejudice, and the contest would come more to power against 
 power, than words against words ; only we must remember, that Christ 
 is said to have been in the wilderness, and to have brought the people 
 out of Egypt. If so, then he was Christ before he was born of the Virgin, 
 and the Apostles say that Christ is God, and that all things were made by 
 him ; though doubtless the great and glorious appearance might, by way 
 of eminency, most properly deserve and require that title. As for those 
 gross terms of human flesh and human blood, I never spoke or wrote them 
 since I knew the Lord's truth. And this I must needs say, we have been as 
 poor tossed sheep, up and down, much abused, villified and belied : but 
 over all God is raising the strong horn of his salvation ; and he has mag- 
 nified his name in all these bustles and stirs ; and truth has manifestly 
 gotten ground, and in no one thing, more than our plain confessions of 
 Christ : so much had the devil roosted and nestled himself in them under 
 their misapprehensions of our words in that particular ; and if any weak- 
 ness attended the phrasing of it, I hope and believe the simplicity in which 
 it was delivered will hide it from the evil watcher." (Here the first sheet 
 of the letter ends, the second being lost.) 
 
 Some time previous to the discussion with Hicks, an Inde- 
 pendent preacher, named John Fahlo, had written a book en- 
 titled, "Quakerism no Christianity." 
 
 Faldo now republished his work, and called together a coun- 
 cil of divines who accompanied it by a commendatory preface, 
 prepared by their joint labors. 
 
 An answer to this enlarged edition was prepared by Penn, 
 under the title, "A just rebuke to one and twenty learned and 
 reverend divines." This production coming into the hands of 
 Dr. Henry Moore, a learned and pious member of the established 
 church, he wrote a letter to Penn, in which he expresses him- 
 self thus : — 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 95 
 
 " Indeed, meeting with the little pamphlet of yours, newly come out, 
 wherein some twenty and odd learned and reverend divines are concerned, 
 I had the curiosity to buy and read it : and though I wish there were no 
 occasion for these controversies and contests betwixt those who have left 
 the church of Rome ; yet I found such a taste both of wit and seriousness 
 in that pamphlet, and the argument it was about so weighty, that I was 
 resolved to buy all of John Faldo's and all of yours touching that subject ; 
 but before that little pamphlet, I never met with any of your writings. 
 As to your other two books against John Faldo, whatever passages there 
 be that may not be agreeable to my sentiments, you will easily perceive 
 of what nature they are, by perusing my remarks upon G. K.'s immediate 
 revelation. But there are sundry passages in those two books of yours, 
 nobly Christian, and for which T have no small kindness and esteem for 
 you, they being testimonies of that which I cannot but highly prize 
 wherever I find it."* 
 
 Hitherto the controversial writings of Penn had been in de- 
 fence of his principles, when attacked by persons of other reli- 
 gious societies ; now, he was about to be engaged in a contro- 
 versy rendered more painful by the delusions of some who were 
 of his own communion. 
 
 The doctrine, which Friends have ever considered the corner 
 stone of their religious edifice, is the immediate teaching of the 
 Holy Spirit, which they believe is given to all, but more espe- 
 cially to those who have experienced the new birth, being 
 their bond of union with Christ, the head of the church. But 
 in every age there have been some who, for want of dwelling 
 in humility, watchfulness and prayer, have suffered their heated 
 imaginations to lead them into extravagant opinions, and dis- 
 orderly behavior. Such an one, in the primitive church, is de- 
 scribed by the apostle Paul, as "intruding into those things 
 which he hath not seen, vainly puffed up in his fleshly mind," 
 and not remaining in subordination to the head, which is Christ. 
 Among the early Friends, there were a number of persons 
 thus led away, whose defection gave much uneasiness to those 
 who were esteemed as fathers in the church. 
 
 One of these fanatics, named John Perrot, attained some no- 
 toriety by his sufferings at Rome. 
 
 Having gone to that city with another Friend by the name of 
 
 • Clarkson's Life of I'cnn. 
 
96 LIFE OF 
 
 John Luff (or Love), they declaimed with such boldness against 
 the idolatry and corruption prevailing there, that they were ar- 
 rested and put in prison. Luff was confined in the prison of 
 the Inquisition, where he died, not without strong suspicions 
 that he came to his end by violent means. Perrot was immured 
 in a hospital for the insane, which perhaps was a place not al- 
 together inappropriate to the state of his mind. From Rome, 
 he wrote to his friends in the apostolic style, signing himself 
 "John," without the surname, and adding by way of P. S. 
 " send this forward, and read my life in your meetings.''''* 
 After much effort on the part of his friends he was liberated, 
 and, returning to England, he began to manifest opposition to 
 the practice which prevailed among Friends, of taking off the 
 hat in time of public vocal prayer, saying, that unless they had 
 an immediate inward motion to take off their hats, they need not 
 do it, and he, professing to have no such evidence, refused to 
 comply. 
 
 This w^as considered, by the prominent members of the 
 Society, a species of disorder that could not be overlooked, for 
 one of the reasons they had always assigned for not taking otT 
 their hats in the presence of rulers and magistrates, was, that 
 this is an act of homage due only to the Almighty, and to be 
 paid Him by the congregation in time of public prayer, as well 
 as by the minister, while engaged in preaching the Gospel. 
 For this mode of manifesting reverence to the Divine majesty, 
 they adduced the authority of the apostle Paul, (1 Cor. xi. 4,) 
 and the practice of the primitive church. 
 
 Perrot being unwilling to comply with the judgment of the 
 society, w^as, after many admonitions, disowned; and subse- 
 quently, being placed in an office under government, he wore 
 a sword, and became a rigid exacter of oaths. Some time after 
 his expulsion, a pamphlet, attributed to him, was published 
 anonymously, called " The Spirit of the Hat." This brought 
 out a reply from Penn, with the singular title, " The Spirit of 
 Alexander the Coppersmith lately Revived, and now justly Re- 
 buked." Perrot followed up his attack upon the order and dis- 
 
 • Sewell's Hist. i. 358. Ellwood's Life, llG. 
 
TTILLIAM PENN". 9< 
 
 cipline of the Society, by another pamphlet, entitled, "Tyranny 
 and Hypocrisy detected," which was answered by Penn in a 
 publication called, "Judas and the Jews combined against 
 Christ and his followers."* 
 
 This controversy is important in the history of the Society of 
 Friends, from the principles involved in it. They were from 
 their first rise a people strongly attached to religious and civil 
 liberty, and some of them were disposed to view with jealousy 
 every restraint imposed by the discipline which George Fox 
 and other experienced minds proposed for their government. 
 It is, therefore, not surprising that some of them should have 
 been led astray by the high professions and plausible reasoning 
 of John Perrot. 
 
 Penn maintained that there is, and must be, a judgment in 
 the church when assembled, which is superior to the judgment 
 of individuals, for the Spirit of God does not lead into confu- 
 sion, but into order, harmony, and love. 
 
 At this time the Friends in Maryland being subjected to some 
 sufferings or disabilities on account of their scruples in regard 
 to taking oaths, Penn interposed his influence with Lord Balti- 
 more, the proprietary, and with the attorney general of the colo- 
 ny, to procure an order for their exemption. It appears that 
 the previous year (1672), a Yearly Meeting of Friends was held 
 at West river, in Maryland, being the first meeting of the kind 
 established on this continent, and dating its origin only three 
 years later than the Yearly Meeting of London. Hence we 
 may conclude that the number of Friends who had then settled 
 in the colony, must have been considerable, which may be 
 attributed to the wise and tolerant policy pursued by the pro- 
 piietary. To Sir George Calvert, the founder of Maryland, 
 must be awarded the merit of having been one of the first legis- 
 lators who had the wisdom to embrace, and the fidelity to 
 carry out in practice the great doctrine of religious toleration. 
 Although a member of the Catholic church, which in Europe 
 had shown the most unrelenting hostility to heretics, he gave 
 to all religious persuasions a free toleration, and to all believers 
 
 • Clark son, p. 50. 
 
 9 
 
98 LIFE OF 
 
 in Christianity he extended equal privileges in the civil govern- 
 ment. 
 
 It is probable that a legal provision for the exemption of those 
 who were scrupulous about taking oaths, had not been thought 
 of at the foundation of the colony, but it may be inferred, from 
 the following extract, from William Penn's letter to Friends in 
 Maryland, that his request on their behalf was granted. 
 
 "Dear Friends: — It fell to my lot to manage your concerns with the 
 attorney general of the colony and the Lord Baltimore about oaths : I 
 obtained to George Fox's paper the answer endorsed on the back. Now 
 my advice to you is to represent to them, 
 
 "First. — That oaths have arisen from corruptions; that falseness, dis- 
 trust, and jealousies, brought them into the world, as say Polybius, Gro- 
 tius. Bishop Gawden, and others, and God having redeemed you to truth- 
 speaking, the cause is taken away, viz. falsehood, and therefore the effect 
 by way of remedy, to wit, oaths should cease. 
 
 "Secondly. — Christ expressly forbids swearing; inasmuch as he doth 
 not only prohibit vain swearing, which was already forbidden under the 
 law, but that swearing which the law allowed. 
 
 " Thirdly. — That it is not only our sense : Polycarpus, Ponticns, Blan- 
 dina, Basilides, primitive martyrs, were of this mind ; and Justin Martyr, 
 Cyprian, Origin, Lactantius, Clemens Alexandrinus, Basilius, Magnus 
 Chrysostom Theophylact, Oecumenius, Chromatins, Euthymius, (Fathers,) 
 so read the text, not to mention any of the Protestant martyrs. There- 
 fore, should they be tender. 
 
 Fourthly. — There is no injury done to the plantation to take your 
 words; if any, to yovi that suffer the same penalty for a lie, which is 
 only due to perjury; and which the law, without your consent, does not 
 inflict ; your caution and pledge for honesty is as large as he that swears, 
 for as truth-speaking fulfils the law, so equal punishment with perjured 
 persons satisfies it. 
 
 Lastly. — That your coming thither as to a sanctuary, makes it reason- 
 able that they should not drive you thence for mere conscience, so well 
 grounded and confirmed by Scripture, reason, and authorities. Let your 
 yea and nay be all. 
 
 " The Lord Baltimore mentioned something about your allowing some 
 small matter for not performing martial matters. In that be wise, delibe- 
 rate, and passive ; only if they press too hard, interpose. 
 
 " I suppose they will be moderate in that and all other cases relating 
 to you, at least I was told and assured so. 
 
 " I have no more, but the truth prospers in meetings and out of them : 
 our adversaries fall before us, and the sober people of these three nations 
 are open to hear, and ready both to think and speak well of the way of the 
 
WILLIAM PEN N. 99 
 
 Lord. I sent jou one of Edward Burrough's books, and two small ones 
 of my own, as a token of my Ljve, Avliich accept. So the Lord God of 
 eternal strength preserve us all, living, fresh, zealous, and wise in that 
 which is pure of Himself, which he hath shed abroad in our hearts, to his 
 eternal praise and our everlasting comfort. Amen, saith my soul. 
 
 " Your friend and brother in the truth and cause of Christ Jesus, the 
 
 Light of the world, 
 
 "W. PENN. 
 "Anno, 1673." 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Declaration of Indulgence revoked; Persecution renewed; William Penn's 
 Letter to Justices of Middlesex ; Extract from his autobiography ; His 
 " Treatise on Oaths ;" On " England's Present Interest ;" " The cry of 
 the Oppressed ;" Dispute and Correspondence with Baxter. 
 
 1673-75. 
 
 In the year 1673, Charles 11. was induced by his necessities, 
 to yield to the wishes of Parliament, and to revoke the Decla- 
 ration of Indulgence issued the previous year. 
 
 The nation at that time was under great apprehensions of 
 papal encroachments from the suspected predilection of the 
 king, and the open preference shovv-n by his brother, the Duke 
 of York, for the Catholic religion. 
 
 It was generally believed that the solicitude professed by the 
 monarch to protect Protestant dissenters from the operation of 
 the penal laws was, in part at least, assumed for the purpose of 
 jirotecting the Catholics who were permitted by the Declara- 
 tion the exercise of their religious worship in private houses. 
 
 The Friends were much relieved by the indulgence granted 
 by the king, but they knew it was not to be relied on as a per- 
 manent measure, and in common with other Protestant dis- 
 senters, they desired that liberty of conscience should be 
 secured by act of Parliament, instead of the dispensing power 
 of the king, which was considered a dangerous exercise ot 
 
100 LIFE OF 
 
 prerogative. The Dissenters having seconded the views of the 
 Established Church in opposing the king's Declaration of Indul- 
 gence, the House of Commons became disposed to favor them, 
 and passed a bill for the relief of Protestant non-conformists, 
 but it met with opposition and delay in the House of Peers.* 
 The delay of this measure, and the withdrawal of the king's 
 indulgence, gave an opportunity for bigoted and malicious per- 
 sons to revive the persecutions against Friends under the Con- 
 venticle Act, and in many places they were subjected to great 
 sufferings by fines, imprisonment, and personal abuse. f 
 
 Some of the justices of Middlesex having sent the constables 
 to break up a meeting where William Penn was present, he 
 wrote them a letter of remonstrance, in which, after showing 
 that their conduct was not such as he expected from them, but 
 unneighborly and unjust, he proceeds to argue that this per- 
 secution was not only contrary to the wishes of the king, who 
 was the head of their church, but of the Parliament also, for it 
 had voted indulgence to the king's Protestant subjects, and 
 intended to ratify the same more firmly. He says, " we came 
 not to our liberties and properties by the Protestant religion ; 
 their date rises higher. Why then should a non-conformity to 
 it deprive us of them. The nature of body and soul, earth 
 and heaven, this world and that to come, differs. There can 
 be no reason to persecute any man in this world about any- 
 thing that belongs to the next. Who art thou (saith the holy 
 Scripture), that judgeth another man's servant? He must stand 
 or fall to his master, the great God. Let tares and wheat grow 
 together till the great harvest. To call for fire from heaven 
 was no part of Christ's religion, though the reproved zeal of 
 some of his disciples. His sword is spiritual, like his kingdom. 
 Be pleased to remember that faith is the gift of God : and 
 what is not of faith, is sin. We must either be hypocrites in 
 doing what we believe in our consciences we ought not to do, 
 or forbearing what we are fully persuaded we ought to do. 
 
 Either give us better faith, or leave us with such as we have, 
 
 • Humo's Hist E. iv. 26G. Cough's Hist ii. 375. 
 f Gougli, ii. 393. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 101 
 
 for it seems unreasonable in you to disturb us for this that we 
 have, and yet be unable to give us any other."* 
 
 These cogent arguments against persecution were unanswera- 
 ble, but in most cases unavailing; for bigotry does not stop to rea- 
 son, and prejudice is too often deaf to the appeals of humanity. 
 
 The same spirit of persecution was manifested in other coun- 
 ties, and Penn wrote to the king for protection, but his appeal 
 was in vain ; for Charles 11. , though opposed to persecution, 
 was too much engrossed with his pleasures to attend to such 
 cases, and was, moreover, at this time, embarrassed by the 
 state of his finances and the measures of Parliament. 
 
 The Oath of Allegiance was wrested from its intended pur- 
 pose in order to persecute the Friends. The magistrates or 
 judges when they had no evidence to convict them, would often 
 tender them this oath, knowing that they could not swear, and 
 then for a refusal to take it would commit them to prison, and 
 even subject them to the penalties of a premunire, under which 
 George Fox was kept in prison nearly fourteen months. 
 
 In order to obtain his release, Penn made application to the 
 Duke of York, who evinced a lively interest in his favor. The 
 following account of this interview is extracted from " Penn's 
 Autograph Apology for Himself "f 
 
 " The third time I came to court was in '73, having not fre- 
 quented it for five years. The business that drew me thither, 
 was the imprisonment of that servant of God, my worthy friend 
 George Fox, in Worcester Castle ; the cause, worshipping God 
 after another manner than that of the Church of England, and 
 lest it should prove too feeble a tie to hold him, the Justices of 
 the Peace that had laid his commitment, officiously tendered 
 him the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, not that he should 
 take them, but because they were pretty sure he would not 
 take them, as a supplemental snare to gratify their humor, and 
 accomplish their design against him. This ending in a Prae- 
 munire, and finding no applications in the country were likely 
 to succeed for his deliverance out of the hands of some very 
 angry, obstinate persons, it was resolved amongst us at London 
 
 * Life prefixed to his works. f Mem. P. II. S. vol iii. p. ii. p. 240. 
 
 9* 
 
102 LIFE OF 
 
 to remove him by habeas corpus to the King's bench, and try 
 what we could do at the court to procure his discharge. 
 
 " It fell to my lot to go on this errand, in which solicitation 
 William Mead accompanied me. The person we first addressed 
 ourselves to was the Earl of Middlesex, now also Dorsat, who 
 advised us to make our application to the Duke of York as 
 most powerful with the king, and that if he would receive us, 
 that nobody would be more zealous to perform what he under- 
 took, adding that he would speak to him, and that Fleetwood 
 Shepherd should introduce us. 
 
 " The time being fixt, we found that gentleman as was 
 agreed, and went with him to the Duke's palace, where he en- 
 deavored our admission by the means of the Duchess' Secre- 
 tary; but the house being very full of people and the Duke of 
 business, the said Secretary could neither procure our nor his 
 own admission ; but Colonel Aston, of the bed-chamber, then 
 in waiting, and my old acquaintance and friend (yet I had not 
 seen him in some years before) looking hard at me, thinking he 
 should know me, asked me in the drawing-room, first my name 
 and then my business, and upon understanding both, he pre- 
 sently gave us the favor we waited for, of speaking with the 
 Duke, who came immediately out of his closet to us. 
 
 " After something I said as an introduction to the business, I 
 delivered him our request. He perused it, and then told us 
 ' That he was against all persecution for the sake of religion. 
 That it was true he had in his younger time been warm, espe- 
 cially when he thought people made it a pretence to disturb 
 government, but that he had seen and considered things better, 
 and he was for doing to others as he would have others do unto 
 him ; and he thought it would be happy for the world if all 
 were of that mind ; for he was sure,' he said, ' that no man 
 was willing to be persecuted himself for his own conscience.' 
 He added that 'he looked upon us as a quiet, industrious people, 
 and though he was not of our judgment, yet he liked our good 
 lives,' with much more to the same purpose, promising he 
 would speak to his brother, and doubted not but that the king's 
 counsel would have orders in our friend's favor. 
 
 "I and my companion spoke as occasion oflTered, to recom- 
 
TTILLIAM PENN". 103 
 
 mend both our business and our character, but the less because 
 he prevented us in the manner I have expressed. 
 
 " When he had done upon this affair, he was pleased to take 
 a very particular notice of me, both for the relation my father 
 had had to his service in the navy, and the care he had pro- 
 mised him to show in my regard upon all occasions. 
 
 " That he wondered I had not been with him, and that when- 
 ever I had any business thither, he would order that I should 
 have access ; after which he withdrew and we returntd. 
 
 " This was my first visit to the court after five yeais' retirement ; 
 and this the success of it, and the first time I had spoken with 
 him since '65. That it should be grateful to me was no won- 
 der ; and, perhaps, that with some was the beginning of my 
 faults at court, but what impression it made upon my compa- 
 nion, and the expressions he used to declare it, cannot well 
 escape the memory of F. Shepherd, to whom, in the garden, he 
 presently related what had })ast, and his own extraordinary 
 satisfaction, both in that and the Duke." 
 
 The following letter to George Fox, was written soon after 
 the interview above related : 
 
 "Dear George Fox: — Thy dear and tender love m thy last letter I 
 received, and for thy business thus : A great lord, a man of nohle mind, 
 did as good as put himself in a loving way to get thy liberty. He pre- 
 vailed with the King for a pardon, but that we rejected. Then he prest 
 for a more noble release, that better answered hath. He prevailed, and 
 got the King's hand to a release. It sticks with the Lord Keeper, and 
 we have used and do use what interest we can. The King is angry with 
 him (the Lord Keeper), and promiseth very largely and lovingly; so that, 
 if we have been deceived, thou seest the grounds of it. But Ave have 
 sought after a writ of error these ten days past, well nigh resolving to 
 be as sure as we can; and an habeas corpus is gone or will go to-morrow 
 night. My dear love salutes thee and thy dear wife. Things are brave 
 as to Truth in these parts; great conviction upon the people. My wife's 
 dear love is to you all. I long and hope ere long to see thee. So, dear 
 George Fox, am, &c. 
 
 "WM. PENN." 
 
 It appears that through the exertions of Penn and others, 
 George Fox was brought by a writ of habeas corpus before the 
 court of the King's Bench, Sir Matthew Hall presiding, when 
 
104 LIFE OF 
 
 SO many errors were found in the indictment that he was cleared 
 and discharged by proclamation.* 
 
 In order to abate the rigor of persecutions by enlightening 
 the public mind, Penn wrote a Treatise on Oaths, which was 
 published in the year 1675. It is introduced by a short address 
 to Parliament, signed by himself and some of the most promi- 
 nent members of the Society, showing the hardships under 
 which they were suffering on account of their conscientious 
 refusal to swear, and praying that measures might be taken for 
 tlieir relief. 
 
 He assigns ten reasons why Friends cannot swear: 
 
 1st. As oaths were introduced on account of falsehood and 
 distrust, it is reasonable that a religion which establishes truth 
 and confidence should put an end to them. 
 
 2d. They subject truth and those that love it to the same 
 tests that have been invented against fraud, thereby effacing the 
 distinction between integrity and perfidiousness. 
 
 3d. By complying with the custom of taking oaths, we fear 
 we should be guilty of rebellion against the discoveries God 
 hath made to our souls of his ancient holy way of truth. 
 
 4th. Oaths have become so familiar among men, that they 
 have lost that " awful influence," which was the reason alleged 
 for using them. 
 
 5th. A proper sense of the omnipresence of God renders 
 oaths unnecessary. 
 
 6th. They do not afford to the hearer any certain evidence of 
 truth, for the judgments of God are not usually seen to attend 
 false swearing as they did in the ancient law of jealousy. 
 
 7th. We consider it presumptuous to summon God as a wit- 
 ness on trivial occasions. 
 
 8th. The form of the oath is itself objectionable, being made 
 up of superstition and ceremony. 
 
 9th. The example and precepts of our Saviour are directly 
 opposed to oaths of every kind. Under the Mosaic law, swear- 
 ing, like divorce, and some other practices, was permitted " be- 
 cause of the hardness of their hearts," but Jesus Christ refers 
 
 * Gough's Hist. ii. 391. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 105 
 
 to that law, and adds, " I say unto you, swear not at all," &c. ' 
 Matt. V. 33-37. 
 
 lOth. Swearing is contrary to the very nature of Christianity, 
 for it is intended to extirpate those dispositions in man which 
 first led to oaths. 
 
 It does not appear that this treatise had any immediate influ- 
 ence on the Parliament or nation, for persecution still continued 
 without abatement, which induced our author to publish another 
 treatise, in which he offers many weighty considerations of a 
 political nature to show the necessity of toleration. 
 
 This is a work of great ability, entitled " England's present 
 interest considered, with honor to the prince and safety to the 
 people, in answer to this one question : what is most fit, easy 
 and safe, at this juncture of affairs, to be done for quieting of 
 differences, allaying the heat of contrary interests, and making 
 them subservient to the interests of the government, and con- 
 sistent with the prosperity of the kingdom ?" 
 
 In this work he traces the history and progress of civil liberty 
 in England from the earliest times, showing that it existed long 
 before the Reformation, and had no necessary connexion with 
 the established church. Those rights and privileges w^hich he 
 terms English, and which are the proper birth-right of English- 
 men, may be reduced to three. 
 
 1st. An ownership, and undisturbed possession of property. 
 
 2d. A voting of every law that is made, whereby that owner- 
 ship may be maintained. 
 
 3d. An influence upon, and real share in \\\?iX judiciary power 
 that must apply every such law, which is the ancient, neces- 
 sary, and laudable use of juries. 
 
 " The first of these rights relates to security of estate and 
 liberty of person from the violence of arbitrary power." It 
 was not unknown to the ancient Britons; was established 
 among the Saxons, who were a free people, governed by laws 
 of which they themselves were the makers, and it was acknow- 
 ledged by the Norman Conqueror, who made a covenant, " to 
 maintain the good, approved and ancient laws of this kingdom, 
 and to inhibit all spoil and unjust judgment." 
 
 The second of these privileges he proves to be of ancient 
 
106 LIFE OF 
 
 date, for the Britons had their " council," the Saxons their 
 " wittangemote" or parliament, and William the Conqueror in 
 his laws refers to the "Common Council of the whole kingdom" 
 as acting with him. 
 
 The third privilege was w^ell established among the Saxons ; 
 for in the laws of King Etheh'ed, three hundred years before 
 the entrance of the Norman Duke, it is said, "In every hundred 
 let there be a court, and let twelve ancient freemen, together 
 with the Lord of the hundred, be sworn that they will not con- 
 demn the innocent nor acquit the guilty." This privilege w^as 
 also acknowledged under the Norman kings. 
 
 Hence he concludes that the Great Charter, made in the ninth 
 of Henry III., was not the nativity but restoration of ancient 
 privileges from abuses. No grant of new rigfits, but a new 
 grant, or confirmation rather, of ancient laws and liberties, 
 violated by King John and restored by his successor at the 
 expense of a long and bloody war, which showed them as reso- 
 lute to keep as their ancestors had been careful to make those 
 excellent laws. 
 
 He then refers to the provisions of Magna Charta, by which 
 these privileges were secured to the freemen of England, and 
 shows that these fundamental principles are binding on the 
 Parliament as w^ell as the King, for the representatives of the 
 people have no right to encroach on their liberties. 
 
 He lays down these great principles: That no man in England 
 is born slave to another, neither hath one a right to inherit the 
 sweat of the other's brow, or reap the benefit of his labor but 
 by consent ; therefore no man should be deprived of his pro- 
 perty unless he injure another man's, and then by legal judg- 
 ment. But certainly nothing is more unreasonable than to 
 sacrifice the liberty and property of any man for religion, when 
 he is not found breaking any law relating to natural and civil 
 things. 
 
 " Religion, under any modification, is no part of the old En- 
 glish government. A man may be a very good Englishman, 
 and yet a very indifferent churchman. 
 
 "Nigh three hundred years before Austin set his foot on En- 
 glish ground, had the inhabitants of this island a free govern- 
 
WILLIAM PEXN". 107 
 
 menty It is want of distinguishing between it and the modes 
 of religion which fills every clamorous mouth with such imper- 
 tinent cries as this, " Why do not you submit to the govern- 
 ment? As if the English civil government came in with 
 Luther, or were to go out with Calvin. What prejudice is it for 
 a Popish landlord to have a Protestant tenant, or a Presbyterian 
 tenant to have an Episcopahan landlord ? Certainly the civil 
 affairs of all governments in the world may be peaceably trans- 
 acted under the different liveries or trims of religion, where civil 
 rights are inviolably observed." 
 
 He then proceeds to maintain a sentiment far in advance of 
 that age, which is this : that so far from a government being 
 weakened or endangered by a variety of religious sentiments it 
 is, on the contrary, strengthened by them, provided that all 
 are equally tolerated, for it prevents combinations against the 
 government ; and he quotes from Livy to show that " Hannibal's 
 army, which for thirteen years roved up and down the Roman 
 empire, was made up of many countries, divers languages, laws, 
 customs and religions, yet under all their successes of war and 
 peace they never mutinied." 
 
 The last chapter of this work treats of general and practical 
 religion. He says "No one thing is more unaccountable and 
 condemnable among men than their uncharitable contests about 
 religion, indeed, about words and phrases, whilst they all ver- 
 bally meet in the most, if not only, necessary part of the Chris- 
 tian religion ; for nothing is more certain, than that if men would 
 but live up to one half of what they know in their consciences 
 they ought to practice, their edge would be taken off, Iheir blood 
 would be sweetened by mercy and truth, and this unnatural 
 sharpness qualified. They would quickly find work enough at 
 home ; each man's hands would be full by the unruliness of his 
 own passions and in subjecting his own will, instead of de- 
 vouring one another's good name, liberty or estate, compassion 
 would rise, and mutual desires to be assistant to each other in a 
 better sort of living. Oh! how delightful it would be to see 
 mankind, the creation of one God, that hath upheld them to this 
 day, of one accord, at least in the weighty things of God's holy 
 law." 
 
108 LIFE OF 
 
 In the conclusion of tliis excellent treatise he draws this cor- 
 rolary : that the way to quiet differences and promote the public 
 interest, is, 1st, To maintain inviolably the rights of liberty and 
 property ; 2d. That the Prince govern himself upon a balance 
 towards all religious interests ; and, Lastly, That minor differ- 
 ences be overlooked and practical religion promoted. 
 
 This treatise, and those which preceded it, not having had the 
 desired effect, and persecution still continuing, our author deter- 
 mined to make another effort to arrest it. 
 
 As he had before addressed his arguments to the reason and 
 consciences of the rulers and people, he now appealed to their 
 feelings of humanity by a small work entitled, " The continued 
 cry of the oppressed for justice, being a further account of the 
 late unjust and cruel proceedings of unreasonable men against 
 the persons and estates of the people called Quakers ; only for 
 their peaceable meetings to worship God; presented to the 
 serious consideration of the King and both houses of Parliament." 
 
 This little v^'ork relates many cases of great suffering among 
 Friends on account of religion ; their meetings being broken up, 
 the members, both men and women, being haled out by the hair 
 of their heads, and committed to prison, their houses rifled of 
 furniture, their stock driven off and sold, and their estates ruined. 
 
 His sympathy was also enlisted for the Friends in Germany 
 who were subjected to much persecution, and he wrote a letter 
 in Latin to the Senate of Embden, containing some noble sen- 
 timents. 
 
 At this time Penn still continued to reside at Rickmansworth 
 in Hertfordshire, where his labors in the Gospel ministry, and 
 the influence of his consistent example, were instrumental in 
 bringing many to unite with him in religious profession. The 
 celebrated Richard Baxter, in passing through that neighbor- 
 hood, found it filled with Friends, and regarding them as " lit- 
 tle better than lost people," he expressed a desire to preach to 
 them, in order, as he said, that " they might once hear what 
 could be said for their recovery."* Penn, on hearing of this, 
 wrote to him, and several letters passed between them, which 
 
 * Clarkson's Life of Penn. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 109 
 
 eventuated in a meeting for a public discussion at Rickmans- 
 worth. The particulars of this meeting are not known, except 
 that it continued from ten in the morning to five in the after- 
 noon, and two rooms were filled with the audience, amonp^ 
 whom were one lord, two knights, and four clergymen of the 
 established church. 
 
 As in most other religious controversies: neither party was 
 convinced, and each was satisfied with his own effort. A cor- 
 respondence between them followed. The letters of Baxter are 
 not known to be extant, but from Penn's replies we may infer 
 that his antagonist indulged in some harsh expressions. The 
 conclusion of Penn's last letter shows his Christian spirit. He 
 says, 
 
 " Do not so harshly represent, nor cruelly characterize a poor people 
 that are given up to follow the leadings of that Jesus, abundance of you 
 have long told us, has stood even all night at the door of our hearts, 
 knocking that he might come in; whose pure spirit and fear we desire to 
 be subject to, and wait upon God when together in true silence from all 
 fleshly thoughts, that we may find our hearts replenished with his Divine 
 love and life, in which to forgive our opposers and those that spitefully 
 use us. In which dear love of God, Richard Baxter, I do forgive thee, 
 and desire thy good and felicity; and when I read thy letter, the many 
 severities therein could not divert me from saying, that I could freely 
 give thee an apartment in my house and thy liberty therein, that I could 
 visit and yet discourse thee in much tender love, notwithstanding this 
 hard entertainment from thee."* 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Wm. Penn arbitrates between Byllinge and Fenwick; His letter to Fen- 
 wick ; Becomes a Trustee for Byllinge in the sale and settlement of 
 West New Jersey; Civil and religious liberty established there; Land 
 purchased of the Indians; Efforts to prevent the sale of rum to the 
 Indians; Speech of an Indian King; Progress of the Colony. 
 
 1675-1677. 
 
 The time was now drawing nigh when William Penn was to 
 take an active and conspicuous part in the aflTairs of the Ameri- 
 
 * See Letters to Uaxter, in Penn's Works. 
 
 10 
 
110 LIFE OF 
 
 can continent, and the steps by which he was led to it, are 
 worthy of note, as an instance in which Divine Providence 
 seemed to open for him a field of labors to which he was emi- 
 nently adapted. 
 
 In the year 1664 the Duke of York, Proprietary of the Pro- 
 vince of New York, assigned to Lord Berkeley and Sir George 
 Carteret, the tract of country to the east of the Delaware river, 
 and extending to the Hudson and the Atlantic. In honor of 
 Carteret, who was Governor of the island of Jersey, this terri- 
 tory received the name of New Jersey. 
 
 Lord Berkeley, in the year 1675, for the sum of one thousand 
 pounds, sold his half of the Province of New Jersey to John 
 Fenwick, in trust for Edward Byllinge and his assigns. 
 
 Fenwick and Byllinge, both members of the Society of 
 Friends, became involved in a dispute about the property, and 
 having confidence in the judgment of Penn, they agreed to refer 
 the matter to him for arbitration.* 
 
 After carefully examining the case, he gave his award, which, 
 not being satisfactory to Fenwick, he refused to comply with it. 
 
 The arbitrator was deeply grieved at his obstinacy, and much 
 concerned lest the dispute should give rise to a law-suit between 
 the parties, and thus bring discredit upon the society, which 
 prohibits litigation between its members. In order to induce 
 Fenwick to come forward and settle the difference, the following 
 letter was written : 
 
 "John Fenwick: — The present difference betwixt thee and Edward 
 Byllinge fills the hearts of Friends with grief, and with a resolution to 
 take it in two days into their consideration to make a public denial of the 
 person that offers violence to the award made, or that will not end it 
 without bringing it upon the public stage. God, the righteous judge, 
 will visit him that stands off. Edward Byllinge will refer the matter to 
 me again, if thou wilt do the like. Send me word: and, as opprest as I 
 am with business, I will find an afternoon to-morrow or next day to de- 
 termine, and so prevent tlae mischief that will certainly follow divulging 
 it in Westminster Hall. Let me know by the bearer thy mind. John! 
 let Truth, and the honor of it in this day, prevail ! Woe to him that 
 causcth offences ! I am an impartial man. 
 
 "WILLLiM PENN." 
 
 • Sinith's New Jersov, 79; and Clarkson's Life of Penn. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. Ill 
 
 This letter not having the desired effect, Penn wrote him two 
 others, the last of which is subjoined, on account of the good 
 feeling and true wisdom it exhibits : 
 
 "John Fenvtick: — I have, ujjon serious consideration of the present 
 difference, (to end it with benefit to you both, and as much quiet as may 
 be,) thought my counsel's opinion very reasonable: indeed, thy own de- 
 sire to have the eifi;ht parts added, was not so pleasant to the other party, 
 that it should now be shrunk from by thee as injurious ; and when thou 
 hast once thought a proposal reasonal)le, and given power to another to 
 fix it, 'tis not in thy power, nor indeed a discreet or civil thing, to alter 
 or warp from it, and call it a beiug forced. John! I am sorry that a 
 toy, a trifle, should thus rob men of their time, quiet, and a more profita- 
 ble employ. I have had a good conscience in what I have done in this 
 affair ; and if thou reposest confidence in me, and believest me to be a 
 good and just man, as thou hast said, thou shouldst not be upon such 
 nicety and uncertainty. Away with vain fancies, I beseech thee, and fall 
 closely to thy business. Thy days spend on, and make the best of what 
 thou hast. Thy grandchildren may be in the other world before the land 
 thou hast allotted will be employed. My counsel, I will answer for it, 
 shall do thee all right and service in the affair that becomes him, who, I 
 told thee at first, should draw it up as for myself. If this cannot scatter 
 thy fears, thou art unhappy, and I am soriy. Thy friend, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 This dispute being at length adjusted by the kind offices of 
 Penn, Fenwick embarked with his family in the ship Griffith, 
 accompanied by several other Friends, to take possession of the 
 land assigned him.* They landed at a "pleasant rich spot" on 
 the river Delaware, where they commenced a settlement, to 
 which he gave the name of Salem. t 
 
 This was the first English ship that came to the western part 
 of New Jersey, and none followed for nearly two years. In the 
 meantime Edward Byllinge becoming embarrassed in his cir- 
 cumstances, was desirous to transfer to his creditors his interest 
 in the territory, being the only means he had to satisfy their 
 claims. 
 
 At his earnest entreaty Penn consented to be associated as 
 joint trustee, with two of the creditors, Gawen Laurie, of Lon- 
 don, and Nicholas Lucas, of Hertford, to carry out his inten- 
 
 • Clarkson. f Smith's N. J., p. 79 ; Proud's Pa., i. 137. 
 
112 LIFE OF 
 
 tions and render the property available. Penn thus became 
 one of the chief instruments in the settlement of New Jersey, 
 and establishment of its colonial government, which prepared 
 him for the still greater work of founding a colony of his own. 
 
 In order to promote the settlement and proper government of 
 the colony, a constitution was drawn up in the spring of the 
 year 1676, under the title of "Concessions and Agreements of 
 the Proprietors, Freeholders, and Inhabitants of the Province of 
 West New Jersey," which was subscribed by one hundred and 
 fifty-one names; and in the summer of the same year, a deed of 
 partition was signed between Sir George Carteret on the one 
 part, and Edward BylUnge, William Penn, Gawen Laurie and 
 Nicholas Lucas on the other part. 
 
 This deed assigned to Carteret that part of the Province next to 
 New York, under the title of " New East Jersey," and to Byllinge, 
 Penn and others, the part bordering on the Delaware, called 
 " New West Jersey ;" the line being drawn " from the east side 
 of Little Egg Harbor, straight north through the country, to the 
 utmost branch of Delaware river."* 
 
 This arrangement gave to Carteret the settled part of the 
 Province on the Passaic and Raritan, and to Penn and his 
 friends the uncultivated portion on the Delaw^are, then mostly 
 in possession of the Indians. 
 
 The trustees, of whom Penn appears to have been the prime 
 mover, now wrote to Richard Hartshorne, a Friend of high 
 standing already settled in the Province, requesting his consent 
 to be joined in commission with two others, James Wasse and 
 Richard Guy : whom they authorized and instructed to act for 
 them in the public affairs of the colony. 
 
 In their letter to Hartshorne, after stating the agreement with 
 Carteret, they speak of the constitution they had adopted in the 
 following terms: 
 
 " We have made concessions by ourselves, being such as 
 Friends here, and there, (we question not,) will approve of, 
 having sent a copy of them to James Wasse ; there we lay a 
 foundation for after ages to understand tlieir liberty as men and 
 
 » Smith's Hist., SO. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. llo 
 
 Christians, that they may not be brought in bondage, but by 
 their own consent; for we put the power in the people.^ that is 
 to say, they to meet and choose one honest man for each pro- 
 priety who hath subscribed the concessions; all these men to 
 meet as an assembly, there to make and repeal laws, to choose 
 a governor, or a commissioner, and twelve assistants to execute 
 the laws during their pleasure ; so every man is capable lo 
 choose or be chosen. No man to be arrested, condemned, im- 
 prisoned or molested in his estate or liberty but by twelve men 
 of the neighborhood ; no man to lie in prison for debt, but that 
 his estate satisfy as far as it will go, and be set at liberty to 
 work; no person to be called in question or molested for his 
 conscience, or for worshiping according to his conscience ; with 
 many more things mentioned in the said concessions."* 
 
 The territory was to be divided into one hundred parts, of 
 which ten were assigned to Fenwick for his trouble and money 
 advanced to Lord Berkeley, and the remaining ninety reserved 
 for sale on account of the creditors of Byllinge. 
 
 West New Jersey being now opened for sale, the trustees 
 published and circulated through the kingdom a description of 
 it, with an invitation to Friends and others to purchase lands and 
 promote emigration. 
 
 In publishing these proposals for colonization, they w^ere care- 
 ful to advise, that "whosoever had a desire to be concerned in 
 this intended plantation, should weigh the thing well before the 
 Lord, and not headily and rashly conclude on any such remove, 
 and that they do not offer violence to the tender love of their 
 near kindred, but soberly and conscientiously endeavor to ob- 
 tain their good will and the unity of Friends where they live." 
 
 In the years 1677 and 1678 five vessels sailed for the Pro- 
 vince of West New Jersey with 800 emigrants, most of them 
 members of the Society of Friends. Among the first purchasers 
 were two companies of Friends — the one from Yorkshire, the 
 other from London, who each contracted for a large tract of 
 land. In 1677 commissioners, some of whom were chosen from 
 the London, and others from the Yorkshire company, were sent 
 
 * Smith, 81. 
 
 10* 
 
114 LIFE OF 
 
 out by the proprietors, with power to buy land of the natives, 
 to inspect the rights of such as claimed property, to order the 
 lands laid out, and to administer the government. 
 
 They came with other passengers, numbering in all 230, in 
 the ship Kent, which arrived at New Castle the 16th of the 6th 
 month, 0. S., and proceeding up the Delaware, landed at 
 Rackoon Creek, where the Swedes had some " scattering habi- 
 tations, but too few in number to accommodate them all, so 
 that many had to take up their abode in stables, or erect huts in 
 the Indian fashion." 
 
 The Commissioners proceeded up the river to the place where 
 Burlington now stands, which was then called Chygoes Island, 
 from the name of an Indian Sachem who lived there. Having 
 obtained interpreters from among the Swedes settled about New 
 Castle, by their aid they made several purchases of land, but 
 not having goods enough to pay for the whole, they agreed not 
 to settle on it until the full amount was paid. 
 
 At Chygoes Island they laid out a town. "After locating the 
 main street, they divided the land on each side into lots, — the 
 easternmost among the Yorkshire proprietors, the other among 
 the Londoners. The town was first called Beverley, then Brid- 
 lington, and finally Burlington."* 
 
 As the price of lands at that day, and the manner of dealing 
 with the IndianSj may be a matter of interest, the following list 
 of the articles given in exchange for the tract of country, ex- 
 tending twenty miles on the Delaware River, and lying between 
 Oldman's Creek and Timber Creek, is taken from Smith's His- 
 tory of New Jersey. It was purchased in the year 1677, when 
 the natives received for it, 30 match-coats, 20 guns, 30 kettles, 
 1 great kettle, 30 pair of hose, 20 fathoms of duffels, 30 petti- 
 coats, 30 narrow hoes, 30 bars of lead, 15 small barrels of pow- 
 der, 70 knives, 30 Indian axes, 70 combs, 60 pair of tobacco 
 tongs, 60 pair of scissors, 60 tinshaw looking glasses, 120 awl- 
 blades, 120 fish-hooks, '2 grasps of red paint, 120 needles, 60 
 tobacco boxes, 120 pipes, 200 bells, 100 Jews-harps and 6 an- 
 chors of rum. 
 
 • Smith's Hist. N. J., p. 95 to 99. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 115 
 
 In the same history it is stated, that about the year 1703, two 
 purchases, amounting to about one hundred ami fifty thousand 
 acres, were made from the Indians for seven thousand pounds. 
 
 Among the articles delivered to the natives, it is observable 
 that rum was one, from which it appears that the colonists had 
 (•not at that time seen the necessity of withholding, entirely, 
 from their red brethren, this destructive beverage, the cause of 
 so many quarrels among them, and which has so often led to 
 their degradation and ruin. Indeed, it could scarcely be ex- 
 pected, that persons who still continued to use it moderately 
 themselves, should foresee the consequences of its introduction 
 amono' the Indians, or foreo;o the advanta^'e of ofl'erins; them an 
 article they so eagerly desired. A few years subsequent to this 
 . purchase, the Friends became sensible that the sale of ardent 
 s})irits to the Indians, was a traffic that must be arrested. It is 
 stated in a pamphlet of Thomas Budd, written nine or ten years 
 after the transaction just mentioned, that they had a meeting with 
 the natives in order to prevent the sale to the natives of rum, 
 brandy, and other strong liquors. 
 
 There were eight kings present, one of whom stood up and 
 made the following speech. 
 
 " The strong liquor was first sold us by the Dutch, and they 
 are blind, they had no eyes, they did not see that it was for our 
 hurt. The next people that came among us, were the Swedes, 
 who continued the sale of the strong liquors to us ; they were 
 also blind, they had no eyes, they did not see it to be hurtful to 
 us to drink it, although we knew it to be hurtful to us ; but if 
 people will sell it to us, we are so in love with it, that we can- 
 not forbear it. When we drink it, it makes us mad ; we do not 
 know what we do; we then abuse one another, we throw each 
 other into the fire ; seven score of our people have been killed by 
 reason of drinking it, since the time it was first sold us. These 
 people that sell it have no eyes. But now there is a people 
 come to live amongst us that have eyes, they see it to be for our 
 hurt, they are willing to deny themselves the profit of it for our 
 good. These people have eyes ; we are glad such a people are 
 come among us ; we must put it down by mutual consent, the 
 cask must be sealed up, it must be made fast, it must not leak 
 
116 LIFE OF 
 
 by day or by night, in light or in the dark, and we give you these 
 four belts of wampum, which we would have you lay up safe 
 and keep by you, to be witnesses of this agreement; and we 
 would have you tell your children, that these four belts of wam- 
 pum are given you to be witnesses, betwixt us and you, of this 
 agreement."* ^ 
 
 The Colony of West New Jersey continued to prosper under / 
 the management of Penn and his associates. Colonists arrived / 
 in considerable numbers, good order and harmony prevailed, the / I 
 country proved to be productive, the air was salubrious, and the \' 
 Indians, being treated kindly and dealt with justly, were found /^ 
 to be excellent neighbors. The Friends, who had been perse-^ 
 cuted with relentless severity in their native land, found a peace- i 
 ful and happy asylum in the forests of the new w^orld, among a | 
 people who had hitherto been reputed as ruthless savages. 
 
 In the same province, ten years before, the " concessions" of ' 
 Carteret and Berkeley, required each colonist to provide himself 
 with a good musket, powder and balls ;t but now, the Friends 
 came among their red brethren, armed only with the weapons of 
 the Christian's warfare, integrity, benevolence and truth ; they 
 met them without fear or suspicion ; trusting in that universal 
 principle of light and life wliich visits all minds, and would, if 
 not resisted, bind the whole human family in one harmonious 
 fraternity. 
 
 The colonists made it their first care, on landing, to establish 
 meetings for Divine worship and Christian discipline. At the 
 place where Burlington now stands, their first meetings were 
 held, under a tent covered with sail-cloth. Here they were 
 kept up regularly at stated times, until John Woolston built his 
 house, which was the first frame house erected in Burlington. 
 
 At this house, and that of Thomas Gardner, soon after erected, 
 they continued to hold their meetings until a suitable meeting 
 house was built. 
 
 Among the first objects that claimed the attention of their 
 " Meetings for Discipline," were the care and support of the poor, 
 the orderly conduct of their members, and the solemnization of 
 marriages. 
 
 • Smith's N. Jersey, p. 100. f Smith's Hist, appendix, No, 1. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 117 
 
 In these several respects, as well as in the efforts for putting 
 an end to the traffic in ardent spirits with the natives, they faith- 
 fully followed their convictions of duty, and the colony was 
 blessed with an unusual degree of prosperity and happiness. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Journey to Holland and Germany ; Visits. Rotterdam, Ilaerlem, Amster- 
 dam ; Letter to King of Poland ; Visits Princess Elizabeth of the 
 Rhine, Crisheim, Frankfort, Duysburgh ; Attempts to visit the Countess 
 of Flachensteyn, and Burch; Rudely treated by the Graef; Returns to 
 AmstQi-dam ; Visits the Somerdykes ; Goes to Embden, Herwerden, 
 Wesel, Amsterdam, Rotterdam ; Passage to England ; Letter from the 
 Princess Elizabeth. 
 
 1677. 
 
 Although William Penn performed many journeys to different 
 parts of the British kingdom, and three to Germany, in the ser- 
 vice of the Gospel ; it does not appear that he kept a regular 
 journal except in one instance, which was during his travels in 
 Holland and Germany, in the year 1677. This journal, he says, 
 was written for his own satisfaction, and that of some relatives 
 and particular friends. Many years after its date, a copy of it 
 was found among the papers of the Countess of Conway, then 
 lately deceased, and a person who was intimate in that family, 
 requested permission to publish it, "for the common good," 
 to which the Author consented. Being too long for insertion 
 here, such passages only will be selected, as may be deemed 
 most interesting and instructive. 
 
 On the 25th .of the 5th month, (July, 0. S.) 1677, he took 
 passage on board the packet, in company with " George Fox, 
 Robert Barclay, George Keith, G. Watts, J. Furley, W. Tailcoat, 
 J. Yeamans, E. K. and two servants." In two. days they came 
 within half a league of the Brill. " During the passage," he says, 
 " we had good service in the ship with several passengers, 
 
118 LIFE OF 
 
 French and Dutch ; and though they seemed at first to be shy of 
 us and to slight us, yet at last their- hearts were much opened 
 in kindness towards us, and the universal principle had place." 
 At the Brill, they were met by Friends from Rotterdam, who ac- 
 companied them in a boat to that city, and on the morrow, being 
 the first day of the week, they had two meetings at B. Furley's 
 house, whither resorted a great company of people, " some of 
 them being of the most considerable of that city," among w^hom 
 the Gospel was preached with efficiency and success. 
 
 The following day they " spent in visiting Friends, from house 
 to house," all their visits being " precious meetings ;" and the 
 third day, in company with George Fox and two others, WiUiam 
 Penn took passage in a boat for Leyden and Haerlem. 
 
 At the latter place they had a satisfactory meeting, and then 
 proceeded to Amsterdam, where was held a general meeting for 
 the Friends of that country. In this meeting they had good ser- 
 vice ; George Fox, especially, being instrumental in handing forth 
 salutary advices concerning the establishment of church disci- 
 pline, for the preservation of good order, and promoting purity of 
 life. 
 
 Finding letters here from the Friends of Dantzick, complain- 
 ing of their grievous suflTerings on account of religion, William 
 Penn deemed it his duty to address, in their name, a letter to the 
 King of Poland, stating the religious principles of Friends, repre- 
 senting the severity of their treatment, and showing the impolicy 
 as well as injustice of persecution. 
 
 In this letter, he reminds the king of a noble saying of one of 
 his ancestors, Stephen, King of Poland, " I am king of men, not 
 of consciences, king of bodies, not of souls." 
 
 Taking leave of George Fox, he left Amsterdam, and accom- 
 panied by Robert Barclay and B. Furley, proceeded to Herwer- 
 den, where the Princess Elizabeth Palatine held her court. 
 
 As this Princess was a correspondent of P.enn, and through 
 his ministry and that of other Friends, w^as brought to acknow- 
 ledge the truth of their doctrines, a brief sketch of her life and 
 character, may not be inappropriate. She was a daughter of 
 Frederick V., the Elector Palatine, and of Elizabeth, daughter of 
 James I. of England, who held their court at the Castle of Heidel- 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 119 
 
 burg. It was situated on an eminence near a town of the same 
 name, on the south side of the Necker, ten leagues above its con- 
 fluence with the Rhine. The town was celebrated for its flourish- 
 ing University, and the Castle for its strength and picturesque 
 beauty. 
 
 The Elector Palatine had a numerous family, among whom 
 were, Charles Louis, who succeeded to his father's dignity; 
 Prince Rupert, well known in the history of England, and the 
 Princess Sophia, who married Ernest Augustus, Elector of Hano- 
 ver, from which union sprang the present royal family of England. 
 The Princess Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Frederick and 
 Elizabeth, was born in 1618. When she was about a yeaf old 
 her father was elected King of Bohemia, and with his wife re- 
 moved to Prague, the capital of that kingdom, where they were 
 crowned with great pomp and enthusiasm. He became the leader 
 of the Protestant league, called " the Evangelical Union," but 
 his reign was of short duration, being opposed by Ferdinand II. 
 the Catholic Emperor of Germany, and the Duke of Bavaria, 
 whose forces gained a great victory over the Bohemians, in the 
 immediate vicinity of their capital. 
 
 Within one year from his accession to the throne, Frederick 
 and his Queen were compelled to flee for their lives, and not 
 only was Bohemia wrested from him, but his enemies conquered 
 and devastated his hereditary dominions. Being compelled to 
 seek an asylum in Holland, they were kindly received by the 
 Prince of Orange, and provided with a residence at the Hague. 
 
 It was here that the young Princess Elizabeth pursued her 
 studies, and laid the foundation of those literary attainments for 
 which she became so distinguished. She was endowed with 
 great natural abilities, and being in early life subjected to the 
 discipline of affliction, her attention was turned to the cultivation 
 of her mind and the fulfilment of her religious duties. 
 
 Wlren she attained her sixteenth year, her uncle, Charles U. 
 of England, endeavored to negotiate a marriage between her and 
 Ladislaus, the young King of Poland, but there was one insuper- 
 able difficulty in the way. Poland was a Cathohc kingdom, and 
 the King would not be permitted to marry any but a Catholic 
 princess. As Charles was at heart a Papist, he would willingly 
 
120 LIFE OF 
 
 have seen his niece embrace the same faith, but his efforts were 
 in vain, for although the negotiations were protracted for two years, 
 EHzabeth continued firm in rejecting a crown which could only 
 be obtained by the renunciation of her Protestant principles. 
 
 In her twenty-third year, she was introduced to the celebrated 
 philosopher Rene Descartes, then residing in Holland, of whom 
 she became a zealous disciple. She went to his residence at 
 Eyndegeest, near Leyden, to receive instructions from him, and 
 so great was her proficiency in metaphysical studies, that he 
 dedicated to her his Principia Philosophise, declaririg that, " she 
 was the miracle of northern Europe." 
 
 By the treaty of Westphalia, in 1655, Charles Louis, the son 
 of Frederick V., Prince Palatine was restored to a part of his 
 father's dominions. When the Princess Elizabeth of the Rhine 
 was first visited by Penn, in 1671, she was the ruler of a small 
 territory in Westphalia, her residence being at Herwerden or 
 Herforden, in the county of Ravensberg. Here she governed 
 with great wisdom and clemency, devoting herself to the welfare 
 of her subjects, and " choosing a single life as the freest from 
 care, and best suited to study and meditation." " Though she 
 kept no sumptuous table in her own court, she spread the tables 
 of the poor in their solitary cells, breaking bread to virtuous pil- 
 grims, according to their want and her ability. Abstemious in 
 herself, and in apparel void of all vain ornaments."* 
 
 On the arrival of Penn and Barclay, in 1677, they apprised the 
 Princess of their intention to visit her, to which she replied, " she 
 was glad they were come, and should be ready to receive them 
 the next morning about the seventh hour." They went accord- 
 ingly, and were received "with a more than ordinary expression 
 of kindness." She was attended by her friend, the Countess de 
 Homes, and the interview, though cordial, was serious and im- 
 pressive, partaking of the character of a religious meeting. She 
 requested them to stay and dine with her, but they respectfully 
 declined, asking the privilege of another interview, which she 
 appointed to take place at two in the afternoon. 
 
 * Penn's " No Cross no Crown,*' aeccmif ediHon, pnWished in 1682 ; Life of Des- 
 cartes, and " The Friend." 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 121 
 
 At the time appointed they returned to the palace, where the 
 Princess and Countess, with several others, were assembled to 
 meet them. " It was at this meeting," says, the journal, " that 
 the Lord in a more eminent manner began to appear. The 
 eternal word showed itself a hammer at that day ; yea, ' sharper 
 than a two-edged sw^ord, dividing asunder between the soul and 
 the spirit — the joints and the marrow'.' Thus continued the 
 meeting, till about the seventh hour ; which done, with hearts and 
 souls filled with holy thanksgivings to the Lord for his abundant 
 mercy and goodness to us, we departed to our lodging." 
 
 The next morning, at the suggestion of the Countess, a meet- 
 ing was held at the palace, " for the more inferior servants of the 
 house, who would have been bashfvd to have presented them- 
 selves before the Princess." "At this meeting," continues the 
 journal, " the same blessed power that had appeared to vint 
 them of high, appeared also to visit them of low degree. 'Virtue 
 went forth of Jesus that day,' and the life of our God was shed 
 abroad amongst us, as a sweet savor, for which their souls bowed 
 before the Lord and confessed to our testimony." 
 
 At twelve they withdrew to their inn, and in the afternoon re- 
 turned, when the Princess and Countess reminded William Penn 
 of a promise made in one of his letters, to give them an account 
 of his first convincement, and of the troubles and consolations he 
 had experienced in his religious course. After some pause he 
 began his narrative, but before he had half done, supper was an- 
 nounced, which the Princess insisted they must eat with her. 
 After supper they returned to the Princess' chamber, when he 
 resumed his narrative, which continued till ten at night, and was 
 listened to " with earnest attention." The following day, being 
 the first of the week, they had a morning meeting in their cham- 
 ber at the inn, and at two in the afternoon they had another 
 meeting at the palace, w-hich was attended by several citizens 
 of the town, as well as the family of the Princess. In this meet- 
 ing the power of Divine grace was eminently manifested, and at 
 its close, the Princess, taking William Penn by the hand, en- 
 deavored to express " the sense she had of the power and pre- 
 sence of God," but she could not .proceed, and turning aside, 
 she sobbed aloud, saying, " I cannot speak to you my heart is 
 
 11 
 
122 LIFE OF 
 
 full." She pressed them to visit her again on their return out of 
 Germany, and they took their leave of her and the Countess, 
 " praying that they might be kept from the evil of this world." 
 
 On leaving Herwerden, Robert Barclay returned to Amster- 
 dam, and William Penn, George Keith and B. Furley, continued 
 their journey towards Frankfort, where they had several meetings 
 with religious people, both Calvanists and Lutherans, who re- 
 ceived them gladly, and acknowledged " the truth of their testi- 
 mony." They next proceeded to Crisheim, where they found, 
 to their great joy, " a meeting of tender, faithful people, but the 
 Inspector of the ('alvanists had enjoined the Vaught or chief 
 officer, not to suffer any preaching to be among them." This 
 order being disregarded by the Friends, they had " a good meet- 
 ing, from the 10th to the 3d hour," and the " Vaught himself stood 
 at the door behind the barn, where he could hear and not be 
 seen, who went to the priest and told him, that it was his work, 
 if they were heretics, to discover them to be such ; but for his 
 part, he had heard nothing but what was good,- and he would not 
 meddle with them." 
 
 Leaving the " little handful " of Friends at Crisheim, they went 
 on their way, conversing with serious people whom they met, 
 and distributing religious books, printed in the Dutch and Ger- 
 man languages. Having come again to Frankfort, they held 
 another meeting with the same persons who had so kindly re- 
 ceived them before ; to whom they " recommended a silent meet- 
 ing, that they might grow into an holy silence unto themselves; 
 that the mouth that calls God father, that is not of his own 
 birth, may be stopped, and all images confounded, that they 
 might hear the soft voice of Jesus to instruct them, and receive 
 his sweet life to feed them, and build them up." 
 
 Passing through Mentz, which he describes as a dark, super- 
 stitious place, Penn and his companions came to Duysburgh, in 
 the dominions of the Elector of Brandenburg, " in and near which, 
 they had been informed there were a retired, seeking people." 
 Here he delivered a letter of introduction to Doctor Mastricht, 
 a civilian, of whom he made inquiry concerning the Countess of 
 Falchensteyn and Bruch, a young person of extraordinary piety. 
 The doctor informed them that they would probably find her 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 123 
 
 that day (being the first of the week) at the mmister's house, in 
 Mulheim, which is opposite her father's castle, but they must be 
 careful, for her sake as well as their own, not to make themselves 
 public, as she was severely treated by her father, on account of 
 her religious inclinations. 
 
 They hastened towards Mulheim, but being on foot, and the 
 distance six miles, they found it could not be reached till the 
 meeting would be over, when she would return to the castle. 
 On the road they met with Henry Smith, a schoolmaster, by 
 whom they sent her a message, with a letter of introduction from 
 Doctor Mastricht, and in the course of an hour, received for 
 answer, that " she would be glad to meet them, but she knew 
 not where, unless they would go to the minister's house, at Mul- 
 heim, whither, if she could, she would come to them; but that a 
 strict hand was held over her by her father." 
 
 As they advanced towards the town, being obliged to pass 
 near her father's castle, it so happened that he came out to walk, 
 and observing that they were strangers, he sent one of his attend- 
 ants to inquire, *'who and from whence they were, and whither 
 they went ?" He then called them to him, and asked the same 
 questions, to which they answered, " that they were EngUshmen, 
 come from Holland, and going no further in those parts, than 
 his own town of Mulheim." 
 
 One of his gentlemen in attendance said, " why don't you pull 
 off your hats ? Is it respectful to stand covered in the presence 
 of the sovereign of the country?" The Friends replied, "it is 
 our practice in the presence of our Prince, who is a great 
 King, and we uncover not our heads to any, but in our duty to 
 Almighty God." Upon which the Graef called them Quakers, 
 saying " we have no need of Quakers here, get out of my domi- 
 nions; you shall not go to my town." They answered, "that 
 they were an innocent people, who feared God and had good 
 will towards men; that they had true respect in their hearts to- 
 wards him, and would be glad to do him any service, and that 
 the Lord had made it matter of conscience to them, not to con- 
 form to the vain and fruitless customs of the world." He then 
 sent some of his soldiers to conduct them out of his territories. 
 
 As they passed through the village where the schoolmaster dwelt, 
 
124 LIFE OF 
 
 they called on him, and after explaining their religious principles, 
 gave him another message for the Countess, desiring her " not 
 to be dismayed at the displeasure of her father, but to eye the 
 Lord, M'ho had visited her with his holy light, by which she had 
 seen the vanity of the world, and the emptiness of the religions 
 that are in it." Between nine and ten o'clock at night, they 
 reached the gates of Duysburgh, but finding them shut, and there 
 being no houses without the walls, they laid down together in 
 the field. " Here," says the journal, " we received both natural 
 and spiritual refreshment, blessed be the Lord. About three 
 in the morning we rose, sanctifying God in our hearts, that had 
 kept us that night ; and we walked till five, often speaking, one 
 to another, of the great and notable day of the Lord, dawning 
 upon Germany." 
 
 At Duysburgh, Penn wrote an affectionate and instructive letter 
 to the young Countess, from w^hora he received soon after, a 
 kind message, expressive of her regard for them, and her regret 
 at the treatment they had received. 
 
 He also wrote to the Graef, or Earl, expostulating with him 
 for his rude and unchristian behaviour. 
 
 On rejoining their friend, Doctor Mastricht, he seemed to be 
 alarmed at the result of their adventure ; expressing great appre- 
 hensions for the young Countess, whose father had already called 
 her Quaker, and would now, perhaps, treat her more severely. 
 Penn reproved his timidity, observing that "they minded the in- 
 ccnsings and wrath of man too much already, that true religion 
 would never spring or grow under such fears, and that it was 
 time for all who felt anything of the work of God in their hearts, 
 to cast away the slavish fear of man, and come forth in the bold- 
 ness of the true Christian life ; yea that svffeyHngs break and 
 make way for greater liberty, and that God is wiser and 
 stronger than man." 
 
 On the 8th of 7th month, (September, 0. S.) they returned to 
 Amsterdam, where they found the meeting of Friends greatly 
 enlarged, and heard there was much inquiry among the people con- 
 cerning their principles. After being present at a monthly meet- 
 ing for church discipline, and a "meeting for worship, which was 
 largely attended "by Baptists, Collegians, and others," they pro- 
 
willia:,! pexx. 125 
 
 ceeded on their journey and came to Wiewar', the mansion- 
 house of the Somerdykes. 
 
 These were three daughters of a wealthy nobleman of the 
 Hague. They had been much affected with the preaching of 
 John De Labadie, and through his influence had retired from 
 the world, in order to lead a life of piety and self-denial. De 
 Labadie was a Frenchman, at one time a Jesuit, afterwards a 
 Protestant, who becoming dissatisfied with the professors of the 
 reformed religion in Geneva, left them and came to Holland, 
 where he declaimed so vehemently against the apostasy of the 
 priests and people, that the clergy were enraged, and incited 
 the magistrates against him. Elizabeth, the Princess Palatine, 
 granted protection to him and his followers, but becoming dis- 
 satisfied with them she withdrew her favor, and they removed 
 to another place. During their residence at Herforden, in the 
 year 1671, William Penn, being there, thought it his duty to 
 visit them. He conversed with De Labadie and two of his 
 chief disciples, but was not permitted to see the people under 
 their care. He then discovered, that ahhough they had some 
 experience in spiritual religion, they were deficient in depth 
 and stability. 
 
 This company now resided with the Somerdykes, De Labadie 
 was deceased ; their pastors were Ivon and Du Lignon, and one 
 of the most distinguished of their society, was Anna Maria 
 Schurman, an ancient maiden lady, extensively known for her 
 acquirements in languages and philosophy. They were a serious, 
 plain people, and approached nearer to Friends than any other, 
 holding some of their meetings in silence, and allowing women 
 to preach. 
 
 Penn, being kindly received, proposed a religious meeting 
 with them, to be held tlie next day, which, being readily agreed 
 to, he withdrew. At the appointed time he returned, taking 
 with him J. Claus, a Dutchman, for his com})anion. Their in- 
 terview was long and interesting. Ivon, the chief pastor, gave 
 a history of J. De Labadie's life and religious labors. He was 
 folloM^ed by A. M. Schurman, who gave an account of her early 
 life, her pleasure in learning, and her love for the religion in 
 which she was educated, concluding with an ackno.wiedgmenl 
 
 11* 
 
126 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 that, "although from a child God had visited her at times, yet 
 she never felt such a powerful stroke as by the ministry of J. 
 De Labadie. She then saw her learning to be vanity, and her 
 religion like a body of death. She resolved to despise the 
 shame, desert her former way of living and acquaintance, and 
 to join herself with this litde family, that was retired out of the 
 world, among whom she desired to be found a living sacrifice, 
 offered up entirely to the Lord." After she had done, one of 
 the Somerdykes related, in a feeling manner, her experience ; 
 she was followed by Du Lignon, and then by a physician, who 
 was one of the family. 
 
 William Penn listened with much interest, and his heart being 
 warmed with love and good will towards them, he related a 
 portion of his own experience, concluding with a fervent exhor- 
 tation that, " they should wait in the light and the spirit of 
 judgment that had visited them, that all might be wrought out 
 that w^as not born of God, and so would they come to be born 
 of the incorruptible seed, of the word of God that liveth and 
 abideth forever." 
 
 Proceeding on his journey, he came to Embden, where there 
 had been a small congregation of Friends gatheretl through his 
 own ministerial labors six years before. This little flock was 
 much scattered by the most barbarous persecution; some of 
 them had been banished thirty or forty times, others imprisoned 
 in dungeons, and cruelly beaten. 
 
 Penn called upon Doct. Andrews, President of the Council 
 of State, in order to plead the cause of his suffering Friends. 
 That officer, he writes, "was much astonished to see what 
 manner of men we were; but after a little time he comported 
 himself with more kindness than we expected at his hand. I 
 asked him if he and the Senate had not received a letter in 
 Latin, from an Englishman, about two years since, concerning 
 their severity towards the people called Quakers? He told me 
 he had. I replied, I was the man, and I was constrained in 
 conscience to visit him on their behalf, and I could not see how 
 he, being a commonwealth's man and a Protestant, could per- 
 secute." 
 
 After some further discourse, in which the Doctor's objec- 
 tions were answered, he began to relent, and promised Penn, 
 
\^ILLIAM PENN. 127 
 
 that if he would write a remonstrance to the Senate, it should 
 be presented, and he would make it appear that he was not so 
 much their enemy as they supposed. 
 
 Being now on his return homeward, Penn called at Herwer- 
 den to see the Princess Elizabeth of the Rhine, and her compa- 
 nion the Countess de Homes; with whom he had several inter- 
 esting and impressive meetings, in which the power of Divine 
 grace was felt to prevail. 
 
 Among the persons he met with at the court of the Princess, 
 was the Graef of Donaw, with whom he had a conversation in 
 French, concerning the nature and end of true Christianity, and 
 the way that leads to eternal rest. They "both agreed that 
 self-denial, mortification, and victory, was the duty, and ought 
 to be the endeavor of every sincere Christian." Penn's parting 
 interview with the Princess and her family, was deeply affect- 
 ing to them all. After an earnest exhortation, he knelt in 
 prayer, " beseeching the Lord's presence with them, and re- 
 commending them to His protection." 
 
 From Herwerden they went to Wesel, a distance of 200 
 miles. During three days and nights they travelled, without 
 rest, in a wagon crowded with passengers, and covered only 
 with a ragged sheet. Among the company were some who 
 exceedingly annoyed the Friends, not only by their vain and 
 profane conversation, but by singing Luther's hymns, while 
 evidently unprepared and destitute of devotional feelings. At 
 Wesel they had a religious meeting with nine or ten persons, 
 " which lasted about four hours;" next they came to Cleves and 
 held another small meeting, and from thence to Amsterdam, 
 where they had a great meeting, " many people of note" re- 
 sorting to it, among whom the Gospel was preached freely. In 
 this city Penn met with George Fox, and they had a controversy 
 with Galenus Abrahams, the leader of the Socinian Menists, 
 who affirmed, in opposition to the Friends, "that there was no 
 Christian church ministry, or commission apostolical now in the 
 world." The discussion was conducted in two meetings, each 
 of which lasted five hours, and "ended," says Penn, "com- 
 fortably to us, because to a general satisfaction." 
 
 Accompanied by George Fox and B. Furley, he now pro- 
 ceeded to Leyden, and thence to Rotterdam, where he spent 
 
128 LIFE OF 
 
 some days in visiting Friends, holding religious meetings, and 
 writing or revising tracts and letters on religious subjects. 
 
 After taking a solemn leave of their friends, they came to the 
 Brill, where they took passage in the packet-boat for England. 
 The voyage was tempestuous; they were three days and two 
 nights at sea, the vessel so leaky that two pumps were kept 
 constantly going to prevent her from sinking. 
 
 Having safely landed at Harwich, he went on horseback to 
 London, — attended some meetings, and then hastened to Worm- 
 inghurst, where he found his wife, child, and family well, and 
 had "that evening a sweet meeting amongst them, in which 
 they were truly glad together." 
 
 During this journey, which occupied three months and ten 
 days, he travelled nearly three thousand miles, attended a great 
 number of meetings and private conferences, distributed many 
 religious books, and wrote or revised epistles and tracts, w^hich, 
 together with his journal, fill eighty folio pages of his printed 
 works. 
 
 Soon after his arrival in England, he received the following 
 letter from the Princess Palatine: 
 
 "Herford, the 29th of Oct., 1677. 
 
 "Dear Friend — Your tender care of my eternal well-being doth oblige 
 me much, and I will weigh evorj'^ article of your counsel to follow as 
 much as lies in me ; but God's grace must be assistant ; as you say your- 
 self, ' He accepts noticing that does not come from him.' If I had made 
 me bare of all worldly goods, and left undone what he requires most — I 
 mean, to do all in and by his Son — I shall be in no better condition than 
 at this present. Let me feel him first governing in my heart, then do 
 what he requires of me ; but I am not able to teach others, being not 
 * taught of God myself.' 
 
 " Remember my love to G. F., B. F., G. K., and dear Gertruyd. If you 
 write no worse than your postscript, I can make a shift to read it. Do 
 not think I go from what I spoke to you the last evening ; I only stay to 
 do it in a way that is answerable before God and man. I can say no 
 more now, but recommend to your prayers, 
 
 " Your true friend, ELIZABETH. 
 
 " I almost forgot to tell you, that my sister writes me word, she had 
 been glad you had taken your journey by Osenberg to return to Amster- 
 dam. There is also a Drossard, of Limburgh, near this place, (to whom I 
 gave an Exempler of K. B's Apology), very desirous to speak with some 
 of the Friends." 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 129 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Persecution of Dissenters ; William Penn petitions Parliament ; His 
 speeches before a Committee of the House of Commons; The Popish plot; 
 Consternation of the people ; Penn's Epistle to Friends ; His address to 
 Protestants. 
 
 1678-79. 
 
 The magistrates and people of England, being thoroughly 
 dissatisfied with the profligacy and misgovernment of King 
 Charles the Second, and suspecting him of a design to introduce 
 the Catholic religion, began to enforce with still greater rigor, 
 the laws against non-conformity. These acts, originally aimed 
 against the Papists, fell with peculiar severity upon Friends, 
 many of whom were now harassed with prosecutions in the Ex- 
 chequer on penalties of twenty pounds a month, or two-thirds 
 of their estates, for absence from the established churches. 
 Other dissenters, also suffering under the same laws, though not 
 to the same extent, the Parliament took the subject into con- 
 sideration, and were about to insert such a distinguishing clause 
 in the bill against Popery, as that they who would take the oath 
 and subscribe the declaration therein expressed, should not suf- 
 fer by those laws. At this juncture, William Penn, on behalf of 
 the society of Friends, presented petitions to both houses of 
 Parliament, stating that they were conscientiously scrupulous 
 against taking oaths, and praying that provision should be made 
 for their relief by allowing their word to be taken instead ( f an 
 oath, and if found guilty of falsehood, to be subjected to the 
 same penalties as were inflicted on others for perjury. On the 
 22d of the third month, (March,) 1678, he was admitted to a 
 hearing before a committee of Parliament, when he delivered 
 the following speech. 
 
 " If we ought to believe that it is our duty, according to the doctrine 
 of the Apostle, to be always ready to give an account of the hope that is 
 in us, and this to every sober and private inquirer, certainly much more 
 ought we to hold ourselves oldiged to declare with all readiness, when 
 called to it by so great an authority, what is not our hope ; especially 
 
130 LIFE OF 
 
 ■when our very safety is eminently concerned in so doing, and when we 
 cannot decline this discrimination of ourselves from Papists without being 
 conscious to ourselves of the guilt of our own sufferings, for so must every 
 man needs be who suffersmutely under another character than that which 
 truly belongeth to him and his belief. That which giveth me a more than 
 ordinary right to speak at this time, and in this place, is the great abuse 
 which I have received above any other of my profession ; for of a long time 
 I have not only been supposed a Papist, but a Seminary, a Jesuit, an 
 emissary of Rome, and in pay from the Pope — a man dedicating my en- 
 deavors to the interest and advancement of that party. Nor hath this 
 been the report of the rabble, but the jealousy and insinuation of persons 
 otherwise sober and discreet. Nay, some zealots for the Protestant reli- 
 gion have been so far gone in this mistake, as not only to think ill of us, 
 and decline our conversation, but to take courage to themselves to prose- 
 cute us for a sort of concealed Papists ; and the truth is, that, what with 
 one thing and what with another, we have been as the woolsacks and 
 common whipping-stock of the kingdom : all laws have been let loose 
 upon us, as if the design were not to reform, but to destroy us ; and this, 
 not for what we are, but for what we are not. It is hard that we must 
 thus bear the stripes of another interest, and be their proxy in punish- 
 ment ; but it is worse, that some men can please themselves in such a sort 
 of administration. But mark : I would not be mistaken. I am far from 
 thinking it fit, because I exclaim against the injustice of whipping Qua- 
 kers for Papists, that Papists should be whipt for their consciences. No : 
 for though the hand, pretended to be lifted up against them, hath, I know 
 not by what discretion, lighted heavily upon us, and we complain, yet we 
 do not mean that any should take a fresh aim at them, or that they should 
 come in our room, for we must give the liberty we ask, and cannot be false 
 to our principles, though it were to relieve ourselves ; for we have good 
 will to all men, and would have none suffer for a truly sober and consci- 
 entious dissent on any hand. And I humbly beg leave to add, that those 
 methods against persons so qualified, do not seem to me to be convincing, 
 or, indeed, adequate to the reason of mankind ; but this I submit to your 
 consideration. To conclude : I hope we shall be held excused of the men 
 of that (the Roman Catholic) profession, in giving this distinguishing- 
 declaration, since it is not with design to expose them, but, first, to pay 
 that regard we owe to the inquiry of this Committee, and, in the next 
 jjlace, to relieve ourselves from the daily spoil and ruin, which now at- 
 tend and threaten many hundreds of families, by the execution of laws 
 which, we humbly conceive, were never made against us." 
 
 This address was received with marked attention. 
 Notwithstanding his candid avowal, that he was opposed to 
 all persecution, even against the Papists, whose doctrines and 
 
WILLIAM PENN, 131 
 
 practices he totally condemned, they could not but respect his 
 noble independence and tolerant spirit. Such sentiments, though 
 cherished, perhaps, in the breasts of the wise and good, were 
 seldom heard, in that day, except from the mouths of the Friends; 
 for so great was the excitement, and so bitter the hostility in 
 England against the Roman Catholics, that few persons had 
 the courage openly to advocate the doctrine of universal tole- 
 ration. 
 
 Being admitted to a second hearing before the committee, 
 William Penn addressed them in the followins; languao^e. 
 
 " The candid hearing our sufferings have received from you, and the 
 fair and easy entertainment you have given us, oblige me to add whatever 
 can increase your satisfaction about us. I hope you do not believe I 
 would tell you a lie. I am sure I should choose an ill time and place to 
 tell it in ; but, I thank God, it is too late in the day for that. There are 
 some here who have known me formerly. I believe they will say I was 
 never that man ; and it would be hard if, after a voluntary neglect of the 
 advantages of this world, I should sit down in my retirement short of 
 common truth. 
 
 " Excuse the length of my introduction ; it is for this I make it. I was 
 bred a Protestant, and that strictly, too, I lost nothing by time or study. 
 For years, reading, travel, and observations, made the religion of my 
 education the religion of my judgment. My alteration hath brought none 
 to that belief; and though the posture I am in may seem strange to you, 
 yet I am conscientious ; and, till you know me better, I hope your charity 
 will call it rather my unhappiness than my crime. I do tell you again, 
 and here solemnly declare, in the presence of Almighty God, and before 
 you all, that the profession I now make, and the society I now adhere to, 
 have been so far from altering that Protestant judgment I had, that I am 
 not conscious to myself of having receded from an iota of any one principle 
 maintained by those first Protestants and Reformers of Germany, and our 
 own martyrs at home, against the See of Rome. On the contrary, I do, 
 with great truth, assure you, that we are of the same negative faith with 
 the ancient Protestant church ; and, upon occasion, shall be ready, by 
 God's assistance, to make it appear that we are of the same belief, as to 
 the most fundamental, positive articles of her creed, too ; and, therefore, 
 it is we think it hard, that though we deny in common with her those 
 doctrines of Rome, so zealously protested against (from whence the name 
 Protestants), yet that we should be so unhappy as to suffer, and that with 
 extreme severity, by those very laws on purpose made against the main- 
 tainers of those doctrines which we do so deny. We choose no suffering ; 
 for God knows what we have already suffered, and how many sufficient 
 and trading families are reduced to great poverty by it. We think our- 
 selves an useful people ; we are sure we are a peaceable people : yet, if we 
 
132 LIFE OF 
 
 must still suffer, lot us not suffer as Popish Recusants, but as Protestant 
 Dissenters. 
 
 " But I would obviate another objection, and that none of the least that 
 hath been made against us, namely, that we are enemies to government 
 in general, and particularly disaffected to that which we live under. I 
 think it not amiss, but very seasonable, yea, my duty, now to declare to 
 you, and this I do with good conscience, in the sight of Almighty God, 
 first, that we believe government to be God's ordinance ; and, next, that 
 this present government is established by the providence of God and the 
 law of the land, and that it is our Christian duty readily to obey it in all its 
 just laws, and wherein we cannot comply through tenderness of conscience, 
 in all such cases not to revile or conspire against the government, but 
 with Christian humility and patience tire out all mistakes about us, and 
 wait the better information of those, who, we believe, do as undeservedly 
 as severely treat us ; and I know not what greater security can be given 
 by any people, or how any government can be easier from the subjects 
 of it. 
 
 " I shall conclude with this, that we are so far from esteeming it hard 
 or ill, that this house hath put us upon this discrimination, that on the 
 contrary, we value it, as we ought to do, an high favor, and cannot choose 
 but see and hvimbly acknowledge God's providence therein, that you 
 should give us this fair occasion to discharge ourselves of a burden we 
 have, not with more patience than injustice, suffered but too many years 
 under. And I hope our conversation shall always manifest the grateful 
 resentment of our minds for the justice and civility of this opportunity ; 
 and so I pray God direct you." 
 
 The House of Commons being convinced that the unwilling- 
 ness of Friends to take the oath arose from religious scruples, 
 and satisfied that they were well affected towards the govern- 
 ment, agreed to insert a clause in the bill for their relief, but 
 after it had passed the Commons and gone to the House of Lords, 
 it was lost by a sudden prorogation of Parliament. In the sum- 
 mer of this year, (1678) the nation was thrown into a ferment, 
 by the disclosure of a pretended Popish plot, invented by a 
 wretched imposter, named Titus Gates. 
 
 This abandoned creature testified, to the council of state, that 
 he had been connected with the Jesuits, and had fallen under 
 their suspicion for revealing their conspiracy, which was nothing 
 less than a plan to murder the king, and bring the whole nation 
 under subjection to the Roman see. He said, the great fire of 
 London, another at St. Margaret's Hill, and a third at South wark, 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 133 
 
 had all been the work of the Jesuits, who intended to burn all 
 the chief cities in England. 
 
 This improbable fiction, being adapted to the popular preju- 
 dices, and encouraged by interested partisans, produced an un- 
 exampled degree of excitement and alarm. Even the Parlia- 
 ment was so far deluded or carried away by the popular feeling, 
 as to ordain a solemn fast, and appoint a form, of prayer to be 
 used, relating to the plot. They heard the evidence of Gates, 
 which, though contradictory and absurd in itself, was so well 
 supported by their own prejudices and passions, that they ex- 
 pressed, by a vote, their full belief in the conspiracy, and recom- 
 mended the informer to the favor of the king. Many Catholics 
 were charged with being parties or accessories to the plot, and 
 though doubtless innocent of the crime, they were condemned, 
 almost without evidence, and suffered an ignominious death. 
 The king, although incredulous as to the plot, found he could 
 not resist the whirlwind of passion that was sweeping over the 
 nation, and durst not oppose the popular will by the exercise 
 of his pardoning power. 
 
 The Friends had long been exposed to grievous sufferings by 
 means of the penal laws intended for the papists ; but now 
 those laws, being enforced with unusual rigor, fell with in- 
 creased severity upon those non-conformists who could not 
 take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy. William Penn, 
 having often been charged with being a Jesuit, was peculiarly 
 exposed to popular prejudice and suspicion: but at this period 
 of general alarm, his mind was stayed by an unwavering confi- 
 dence in the arm of Divine Power, and he wrote an excellent 
 epistle of advice to his brethren in religious profession. 
 
 He warns them of the trouble that is coming on the nation, 
 and the danger that will attend all those who partake of a 
 worldly spirit, and rely upon the arm of flesh. He says to them, 
 " Be ye disincumbered of the world, and discharged from its 
 cares. Fly, as for your lives, from the snares therein, and get 
 you into your watch-tower, the name of the Lord, which is not 
 a mere literal name, but a living spiritual power, a strong tower 
 indeed, an invincible fortress, where dwell ye with Him who 
 
 12 
 
134 LIFE OF 
 
 spoiiketh pence to his children and ordains quietness to them 
 tliat trust in him." 
 
 In the following year (1679), the troubles of the nation still 
 continuing, he wrote an "Address to Protestants of all Persua- 
 sions," more especially the magistracy and clergy, for the pro- 
 motion of virtue and charity. 
 
 This is an able work, and was thought so well adapted to 
 promote the public good, that a second edition was published a 
 few years ai\er\vards, when the nation became more quiet and 
 composed. The first part of the book treats of various otfences 
 against the laws of morality, which were then alarmingly pre- 
 valent in England ; for the licentiousness of the court had cor- 
 rupted many in the higher ranks, and the infection of vice and 
 impiety appeared to be spreading among the people. 
 
 . On this account the author expostulates with them, and asks 
 them to turn their attention to the state of their own hearts, and 
 bv repentance and reformation turn away the judgments of God, 
 which have in all ages been directed against wicked and profli- 
 gate nations. 
 
 He cites examples from history to show that national crimes 
 have always been followed by national calamities, which are 
 their necessary fruits by a law of divine appointment. 
 
 The second part of the work treats of certain evils that relate 
 to "The Ecclesiastical state of the Kingdom." 
 
 " The first of these, is making opinions articles of faith, at 
 least giving them the reputation of faith, and making them the 
 bond of Christian Society." By opinions, our author means all 
 tliose conclusions or propositions made by men articles of faith, 
 which are not expressly laid tlown in the Scripture, or so plainly 
 deducible from it, as to leave no room for doubt. He shows 
 that nearly all the schisms, and much of the animosity and 
 bloodshed which have taken place in Christendom, arose from 
 tliis cause ; and in order to avoid dissension and strife, he pro- 
 poses that the i^ery language of Holy Writ should alone be 
 used in expressing tlie beUef of religious societies, a practice 
 which was always carefully adhered to by the primitive Friends. 
 The second of these evils, is the misunderstanding of the nature 
 of faith, which, he says, is not a belief only of men's opinions 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 135 
 
 about the sacred text, nor even a mere belief that the things 
 contained in the Scriptures are true, " for this the devils and 
 hypocrites do, and yet are very bad believers." 
 
 He defines true faith to be " entirely believing and trusting in 
 God, confiding in his goodness, resigning up to his u'ill, obeying 
 his commands, and relying upon his conduct and mercies re- 
 specting this life, and that which is to come." This is " the 
 faith that works by love to the purifying of the heart." 
 
 "It is not a mere historical belief, but a faith that influences 
 the whole man into a suitable conformity to the nature, example 
 and doctrine of Christ, the object of that faith." 
 
 A third evil he treats of, is that of " debasing the true value 
 of morality under pretence of higher things, and mistaking, in 
 great measure, the very end of Christ's coming." By morality 
 he means virtuous living, purity of manners, justice, temperance, 
 truth, charity, and blamelessness in conversation, out of con- 
 science and duty to God and man. "This," he says, "is my 
 moral man, and it is notorious, how small an estimate two sorts 
 of people have put upon him, — the profane and the professors, 
 the Publicans and the Pharisees. 
 
 " The first despise him as too squeamish, nice and formal ; 
 they deride his regularity, and make a jest of his preciseness. 
 And thinking no man can be good because they are naught, and 
 that all must needs fall by those temptations they will not resist, 
 they construe sobriety to be a trick to decoy mankind, and put 
 a cheat upon the world." 
 
 " But that virtue should be undervalued by professors of re- 
 ligion is still more to be regretted. 
 
 " By this class morality is denied to be Christianity. Virtue, 
 they say, has no claim to grace, and as for a mere just man, 
 they "send him packing among the heathen for damnation." 
 
 "Let us not deceive ourselves; God will not be mocked; such 
 as we sow, we shall certainly reap. The tree is known by its 
 fruits, and will be judged according to its fruits." " The wages 
 of sin is death ; men will find it so, and every man shall receive 
 his reward suitable to his work." 
 
 " For people to talk of special grace^ and yet be carried 
 away by common temptation ; to let pride, vanity, covetousness, 
 
136 LIFE OF 
 
 revenge, &c., predominate, is provoking to God, But to con- 
 ceit that the righteous God will indulge his people in that latitude 
 which he condemns in other men, is abominable." 
 
 " It is sanctilication that makes the saint, and self-denial that 
 constitutes the Christian, and not fiUino^ our heads and elevatinof 
 our fancies by applying those promises to ourselves, which, as 
 yet, we have no interest in, though we may think they belong to 
 nobody else; this spiritual flattery of ourselves is most perni- 
 cious." " To conclude, nothing can be more apparent than 
 that freedom from actual sinning and giving newness of life 
 to the souls of men, was the great reason of Christ's coming, 
 and the end for which he has given us, out of his fulness, 
 " grace for grace." 
 
 " The fourth great ecclesiastical evil is, preferring human 
 authority above reason and truth." 
 
 Among several proofs of this, he dwells particularly upon the 
 great power and sway of the clergy, and the people's reliance 
 upon them, for the knowledge of religion and the way of life 
 and salvation. 
 
 "Is not prophecy," he says, "once the church's, now en- 
 grossed by them, and wholly in their hands? Who dare pub- 
 licly preach or pray that is not of their order? Have not they 
 only the keys in keeping? May anybody else pretend to the 
 power of absolution or excommunication ? much less to consti- 
 tute ministers? Are not all church rites and privileges in their 
 custody? Do not they make it their proper inheritance? Nay, 
 so much larger is their empire than Caesar's, that only they 
 begin with births and end with burials : men must pay them for 
 coming in and going out of the world." To pay for dying is 
 hard ! 
 
 " Thus their profits run from the womb to the grave, and 
 that which is the loss of others, is their gain and part of their 
 revenue." 
 
 " But what shall I say of the implicit reverence the people 
 have for the clergy, and dependence upon them about religion 
 and salvation, as if they were the only trustees of truth and high 
 treasures of Divine knowledge to the laity." 
 
 " The minister is chooser and taster, and everything for 
 
■R^ILLIAM rEx"«TN. 137 
 
 them." " They seem to have delivered up their spiritual 
 selves, and made over the business of religion, — the rights of 
 their souls, — to their pastor, and that scarcely with any limita- 
 tion of truth too. And as if he were, or could be, their gua- 
 rantee in the other world, they become very unsolicitous of any 
 further search here. So that if we would examine the respec- 
 tive parishes of Protestant, as well as Papish countries, we shall 
 find it is come to that sad pass, that very few have any other 
 religion than the tradition of their priests. They have given up 
 their judgment to him, and seem greatly at their ease, that they 
 have discharged themselves of the trouble of " working out 
 their ow^n salvation, and proving all things, that they might hold 
 fast that which is good," and in the room of that care bequeathed 
 the charge of those affairs to a standing pensioner for that pur- 
 pose." 
 
 The last point under this head, is the propagation of faith by 
 force, in which he says, I shall, with the Ecclesiastic, consider 
 the civil magistrate's share herein : " For though the churchmen 
 are principally guilty, who being professed ministers of a religion 
 which renounces and condemns force, excite the civil magistrate 
 to use it, both to impose their own beUef and suppress that of 
 other men, yet the civil magistrate, in running upon their errands, 
 and turning executioner of their cruelty upon such as dissent 
 from them, involves himself in their guilt." 
 
 Of this he says there are many instances, not only in the 
 reigns of Queen Elizabeth, King James, and Charles the First, 
 "but our own age abounds with proofs: thousands have been 
 excommunicated and imprisoned, whole families undone; not a 
 bed left in the house, not a cow left in the field, nor any corn in 
 the barn: widow^s and orphans stripped without pity, no regard 
 being had to age or sex. And what for? Only because of 
 their meeting to worship God after another manner, than accord- 
 ing to the form of the Church of England ; but yet in a very 
 peaceable way." " Nor have they only suffered thus by laws 
 intended against them, but after an excessive rate by laws know^n 
 to have been never designed against them, and only intended 
 against the Papists." 
 
 "We can prove sixty pounds taken for thirteen, and not one 
 
 12* 
 
138 LIFE OF 
 
 penny returned, as we made appear before a committee of the 
 late parliament, which is the penalty of four offences for one, to 
 say nothing of the gross abuses that have been committed 
 against our names and persons." "And though we are yet 
 unredressed, not a session of parhament has passed these seven- 
 teen years, in which we have not humbly remonstrated our suf- 
 fering condition." "We have done our part, which has been 
 patiently to suffer, and modestly to complain. It is your's now 
 to hear our groans, and, if ever you expect mercy from God, to 
 deliver us." He then proceeds to consider this branch of the 
 subject, under two heads, first, "Caesar's power," that is the 
 power of the civil magistrate; secondly, "the Church's power" 
 in things that relate to faith and conscience." 
 
 Under the first, he shows conclusively, that the civil magis- 
 trate has no rightful authority over conscience, for no human 
 power can compel the mind to worship God aright, and they 
 who attempt it invade the Divine prerogative." 
 
 Under the second head he shows that the power of the church 
 extends no further than to reject from its communion those who 
 have " fallen from the principles or practices enjoined by its 
 discipline ; but it is not authorized to compel uniformity by any 
 corporeal or pecuniary punishment." 
 
 To this work was appended a statement of the causes that 
 lead to persecution ; among which are, " First, The authors of 
 it have little or no religion at heart. " Secondly. A gross and 
 general mistake about the nature of Christ's church and king- 
 dom, which is not an outward or worldly kingdom that can be 
 set up by man and sustained by coercive laws, but it consists 
 of the reign of God in the souls of men ; it is a spiritual king- 
 dom, and none but spiritual weapons are to be used to reclaim 
 those who are ignorant or disobedient." "A third great cause 
 of persecution is this, that men make too niuny things necessary 
 to be believed to salvation and communion." "Persecution 
 entered with creed making." 
 
 If men can be brought to believe that salvation depends upon 
 a certain form of belief or profession, it is but a short step fur- 
 ther to conclude that they must use every means in their power 
 to save tlie souls of their fellow men by bringing them into this 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 139 
 
 form; and even to coerce or compel them to come in, it' other 
 means fail. 
 
 Our author remarks, near the close of this work, that " there 
 is a zeal without knowledge, that is superstition; there is a zeal 
 against knowledge, that is interest or faction; the true heresy ; 
 there is a zeal with knowledge, that is religion; and if you will 
 view the countries of cruelty, you will find them siipe7\stitioiis 
 rather than religious." " Religion is gentle, it makes men bet- 
 ter, more friendly, loving, and patient than before. And the 
 success which followed Christianity, while the professors of it 
 betook themselves to no other defence, plainly proves, both the 
 force of those passive arguments, above all corporal punish- 
 ments, and that we must never hope for the same prosperity til] 
 we fall into the same methods." 
 
 These extracts, from one of Penn's most important religious 
 works, may seem tedious to some readers, for in this age of 
 more liberal ideas, and especially in this country, where tolera- 
 tion is enjoyed as the inalienable right of every citizen; kq can 
 scarcely appreciate the value of such works, and the debt of 
 gratitude we owe to their authors. We must remember, how- 
 ever, that the change which has taken place in England and in 
 this country, by which religious liberty has been promoted or 
 secured, is, under the blessing of Divine Providence, to be attri- 
 buted to those patient sufferers for conscience sake, and those 
 able writers and ministers of the Gospel, who valiantly stood 
 forth as the champions of truth, when priests and rulers were 
 leagued against them, and gross darkness covered the people. 
 
 The following petition, addressed to William, Prince of 
 Orange, and dated London the 26th of the 12th month, alias 
 Feb'y, 1679, is interesting, on account of the excellent senti- 
 ments it contains; and we may reasonably conclude that it was 
 not without its influence on the mind of that Prince, when sub- 
 sequently he became King of England, and promoted the act 
 of toleration : 
 
 " Great Prince : — Give me leave to address myself in a matter of no 
 small moment. 'Tis true it may be objected, I am a stranger, and be- 
 cause no Prince, this liberty in me may look indecent : but when I con- 
 sider that I am an Englishman, and that no such can be a stranger to a 
 
140 LIFE OF 
 
 Prince so much English, and that beside the urgency of the case, what I 
 want of quality to justify this ft-eedom, shall be supplied with that dis- 
 tance and humility which become my inferior rank to a Prince of so much 
 eminence in the world, I cannot but overcome myself to believe that 
 neither my country nor condition can give any diflBculty to the reception 
 of this epistle, indeed, petition ; and so much the rather because the good- 
 ness and mildness of the King and Duke here, have allowed me this free- 
 dom with some success. 
 
 " But my more powerful encouragement is the steady practice of thy 
 famous ancestors, the Princes of Orange, whose actions have outdone 
 their quality; their great prudence in the conduct of human affairs, hav- 
 ing placed their names among the first of Kings, and which was very 
 remarkable, their singular and admirable care they had to hear, pity, and 
 help the distressed, especially when their miseries were the effects of 
 men's cruelty for the tenderness of their conscience, which is the subject 
 matter of this humble address. 
 
 "There are several inhabitants of Crevelt, (a town upon the Rhine, near 
 Cologne, a member of thj'^ ancient patrimony,) that have been banished, 
 without regard to age or sex, not for any offence by them committed 
 against the civil government or ministers of justice, and consequently free 
 from the charge of disloyalty orjmmorality ; but which is worse, I cannot 
 hear there was any reason rendered for the punishment, so that the judg- 
 ment preceded the trial, and the sentence was executed before the cause 
 was heard. 
 
 " Though I presume that which is to be alleged by the Drost or Chief 
 Governor under thy command, is their dissent from the reformed reli- 
 gion : but with submission, we must never reproach the Papists with 
 persecuting Protestants, if Protestants themselves will persecute Pro- 
 testants, because of some different apprehensions about religion, since 
 that were to deny an infallible jurisdiction over conscience in the Pope, 
 and assuming it to themselves, which in England we call Hating the 
 Traitor, but loving the Treason. And indeed it is scandalous, that they 
 whose ancestors labored under so much diiEculty for a reformation, should 
 not allow others liberty to reform themselves. For if the principles of 
 the first reformers be denied, the cause must be given up against all the 
 Protestants in the world: for this they went upon the tradition of the 
 Scripture before the tradition of the church, and conviction before authori- 
 ty. It was not enough then to say you must believe so, or you must not 
 do thus, there was conviction in the case or no compliance given, so that 
 Popery (concisely speaking) is obedience without conviction, and Pro- 
 testancy is obedience upon conviction, but in this case it seems authority 
 superceded conviction, and people were banished for not altering their 
 belief or acting against their consciences, when no man can believe against 
 this belief, nor yet practice contrary to it unless he will be an hypocrite. 
 If it is impossible for any one to give another faith, it must be unreason- 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 141 
 
 able in him to punish him for want of faith ; it is the gift of God, who alone 
 can enlighten us about Divine things. Nor did our meek Saviour leave 
 such an example to his disciples, who strictly forbad them to exercise do- 
 minion over one another, at least as Christians, as men of religion, which 
 comes to the point in hand. He also told us that his Kingdom was not of 
 this world, and gave that as a reason why he could not use such an unsuit- 
 able means as worldly power to sit it up. This unworldly way of speaking 
 is so little understood by his pretended followers, that they will easily leave 
 him to pursue their passions and gratify their interest. 
 
 " This gross apprehension of the natui*e of Christ's kingdom may well 
 be an occasion of their mistake about the means of promoting it, else it 
 were not credible that men should think clubs, prisons, and banishment 
 the proper mediums of enlightening the understanding. 
 
 " To be short, great Prince, God and Cfesar divide the man ; faith and 
 worship belong to God, civil obedience and tribute to Caesar. In the first, 
 with Prince William of Orange, (thy great ancestor,) indulge these poor 
 inoffensive people, it is Christian, it is Protestant, it is human, for religion 
 improves and not ruins nature ; Christ came to save, to implant meekness, 
 love and forbearance in the natures of men, and remember that the 
 heathens themselves had that notion of goodness, they always gave it pre- 
 cedency to power ; first Optimus, then jMaximus, and Antonius, and 
 other of their Emperors, forbad that Christians should be persecuted for 
 the cause of their religion, if they maintained a civil obedience to the laws. 
 Nor does variety of opinion hinder arts or ruin traffic, of which the coun- 
 tries under thy government are a demonstration against the clamors of 
 superstition. Thus Caesar giving God his due, if the people shall refuse 
 to C;Bsar that which belongs to Cassar, to wit, tribute and civil obedience, 
 let the law be executed with so much the more severity, by how much 
 their pretences to goodness exceed those of other men. 
 
 " I shall conclude, great Prince, with this humble request, that it would 
 please thee to command the Drost of those parts to suffer these dissenting 
 inhabitants of Crevelt now exiled, to return quietly to their habitations, 
 and that if nothing appear against them but what relates to faith and wor- 
 ship, so liberally allowed in the seven provinces under thy command, they 
 may enjoy the liberty of that their native country and the jarotection of its 
 civil goverment, that the great God who is King of kings and Lord of 
 lords, may bless and prosper thy affairs as he did those of thy predecessors, 
 who took the same course I have here recommended to thee." 
 
142 LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 William Penn becomes interested in political affairs ; Contests between 
 Whigs and Tories ; He sides with the Whigs ; His Tract on the election 
 of Parliament ; Accompanies Algernon Sidney to the Hustings ; Let- 
 ters to Sidney ; Dissolution of Parliament and new election ; " One 
 project for the good of England;" Motives which influenced Penn; 
 His independence and patriotism. 
 
 1679-80. 
 
 In the year 1679, William Penn became so deeply interested 
 in the political affairs of the kingdom, as to employ his pen and 
 his personal influence in an election for members of Parliament. 
 
 It had not been usual for members of the Society of Friends 
 to take an active part in the choice of their rulers ; some of 
 them did not even exercise the elective franchise,* and they 
 were precluded by their religious principles from holding any 
 office under the government which required the administration of 
 an oath, or gave the least countenance to the practice of war. 
 
 The king ha\dng issued writs for the election of a new Par- 
 liament in the early part of this year, a contest ensued between 
 the court and country parties, which, for the deep interest it ex- 
 cited, was then almost without a parallel in British history. 
 
 There was in the minds of a great part of the nation a pro- 
 found disgust with the measures pursued by the king and his 
 ministers ; they saw that he had sacrificed the interest and honor 
 of the kingdom, by his alliance with France ; and although it 
 was not then generally known that he received an annual pen- 
 sion from Louis XIV., as the reward of his perfidy, yet there 
 was a settled conviction that he intended to betray the Protestant 
 cause. The pretended Popish plot contributed to augment the 
 prejudice againt him, and the blood that had already been shed 
 on tliat account, seemed rather to inflame than allay the popular 
 fury. 
 
 • Clarkson, ch. xv. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 143 
 
 At this time originated those party names of Whig and Tory, 
 which have ever^ince been adhered to, and are now famihar to 
 every reader. 
 
 " The court party reproached their antagonists wnth their 
 affinity to the fanatical conventiclers w'ho in Scotland were 
 known by the name of Whigs ; the country party fancied a 
 resemblance between the courtiers and the popish banditti in 
 Ireland, who had received the appellation of Tories."* The 
 Whigs in England w^re then the stanch asserters of constitu- 
 tional freedom ; the Tories professed to be a conservative party, 
 who supported the king's prerogative, and at that time all the 
 influence of the court was exerted in favor of their election. 
 
 William Penn, although he could not approve of all the mea- 
 sures of either party, was by his principles drawn into sympathy 
 and co-operation with the Whigs ; among whom the distinguished 
 Algernon Sidney was his intimate friend, whose virtues, talents, 
 and liberal views, he greatly admired. 
 
 Just before the election, Penn issued a pamphlet entitled "Eng- 
 land's great interest in the choice of this Parliament." In this 
 work he alludes to the very peculiar circumstances in which the 
 nation was then placed on account of the sudden and surprising 
 dissolution of the last Parliament, " the strong jealousies of the peo- 
 ple," and the " universal agitation that prevailed. He considers 
 it a most important crisis in the affairs of the nation, and states 
 the work of the new Parliament to be, 1st, the discovery and 
 punishment of the plot ; 2dly. To remove and bring to justice 
 the evil counsellors of the king and arbitrary ministers of state ; 
 3dly. To detect and punish the pensioners of the former Parlia- 
 ment who had sold their influence to the court ; 4thly. To secure 
 frequent Parliaments as the only true check upon arbitrary minis- 
 ters, and therefore, feared, hated and opposed by them ; 5thly. 
 Security against popery and slavery, and relief for Protestant 
 dissenters ; 6thly. That in case this be done, the king be released 
 from his burdensome debts to the nation, and eased in the busi- 
 ness of his revenue. 
 
 He states the great importance of choosing " wise men, fear- 
 
 * Hume's History of England. 
 
144 LIFE OF 
 
 ing God and hating covetonsness." "We must," he says, "not 
 make our public choice the recompense of private favors from 
 our neighbors; they must excuse us that; the weight of the 
 matter will very well bear it ; this is our inheritance, all depends 
 upon it, and, therefore, none must take it ill that we use our 
 freedom about that which in its constitution is the great bulM'ark 
 of all our ancient English liberties." We, the commons of 
 England, are a great part of the fundamental government of it, 
 and three rights are so peculiar and inherent to us, that if we 
 will not throw them away for fear or favor, for meat and drink, 
 or those other little present profits that ill men offer to tempt us 
 with, they cannot be altered or abrogated." "The first of these 
 fundamentals is right and title to your lives, liberties and estates. 
 In this every man is a sort of little sovereign in himself; no man 
 has power over his person to imprison or hurt it, or over his 
 estate to invade or usurp it. Only your own transgression of the 
 laws (and those of your own making too) lays you open to loss, 
 which is but the punishment due to offences, and should be in 
 proportion to the fault committed. So that the power of England 
 is a legal power M'hich truly merits the name of government. 
 That which is not legal is tyranny and not properly a govern- 
 ment. The second fundamental that is your birthright, is legis- 
 lation. "No law can be made or abrogated without you." 
 Your third great right and privilege is executive ; that is, you 
 share in the execution and application of those law^s that you 
 agree to be made." No man, according to the ancient laws of 
 the realm, can be adjudged in matters of Hfe, liberty and estate, 
 but it must be by the judgment of his peers ^ that is, twelve men 
 of the neighborhood, commonly called a jury; though this has 
 been infringed by two acts made in the late long Parliament : 
 one against the Quakers in particular, and the other against 
 dissenters in general, called, " an act against seditious conventi- 
 cles." He then proceeds to declare the kind of men fitted for 
 the high trust of a seat in Parliament ; they should be honest and 
 capable ; men of industry and improvement ; possessed of liberal 
 principles, and sincerely attached to the Protestant religion, for 
 implicit faith and blind obedience in reUgion will also introduce 
 implicit faith and blind obedience in government." "So that it 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 145 
 
 is no more the law in the one than in the other, but the will and 
 power of the superior that shall be the rule and bond of our 
 subjection. This is that fatal mischief popery brings with it to 
 civil society, and for which such societies ought to beware of it, 
 and all those that are friends to it."* 
 
 WiUiam Penn would probably have confined his exertions in 
 favor of civil liberty to the issuing of this address, had not his 
 feelings been deeply interested for the success of his friend 
 Algernon Sidney, then a candidate for Parliament.! 
 
 He believed that the success of this enlightened patriot would 
 greatly promote the cause of civil and religious liberty, and he 
 not only used his influence among his friends to obtain votes for 
 him, but he accompanied him to the hustings at Guilford, where 
 Sidney was then a candidate against Dalmahoy, who was then 
 one of the court party. 
 
 \^'hile Penn was in the act of encouraging his friends, he was 
 stopped by the Recorder, who, in order to make him odious, 
 branded him with the name of Jesuit, and would have tendered 
 him the oaths, but this having been shown to be illegal, he then 
 proceeded lo use force, and "turned him out of court. "| 
 
 Though Sidney had the majority of votes, Dalmahoy was re- 
 turned, under the plea that the former was not a freeman of 
 Guilford. 
 
 On Penn's return to Worminghurst, he wrote to Algernon 
 Sidney the following letter : 
 
 " Dear Friend — I hope you got all well home, as I by God's goodness 
 have done. I reflected, upon the way, of things pas.sed at Guilford, and 
 that which occurs to me as reasonable is this, that so soon as the articles or 
 exceptions are digested, show them to Serjeant Maynard, and get his 
 opinion of the matter. Sir Francis Winnington and Wallope have been 
 used on these occasions t«o. Thou must have counsel before the com- 
 mittee ; and to advise first upon the reason of an address or petition with 
 them, in my opinion, is not imprudent, but very fitting. If they say that 
 (the conjuncture considered, thy qualifications and alliance, and his un- 
 gratefulness to the house,) they believe all may amount to an unfair 
 election, then I ofl'er to wait presently upon the Duke of Buckingham, 
 Earl of Shaftsbury, Lord Essex, Lord Halifax, Lord HoUis, Lord Gray, 
 and others, to use their utmost interest in reversing this )jusiness. This 
 
 • Penn's Select Works. f Clarkson. t Ibid. ch. xv. 
 
 13 
 
146 LIFE OF 
 
 may be done in five days, and I was not willing to stay till I come, which 
 will be with the first. Remember the non-residents on their side, as Legg 
 and others. I left order with all our interest to bestir themselves, and 
 watch, and transmit an account to thee daily. I bless God, I found all 
 well at home. I hope the disappointment so strange (a hundred and 
 forty poll-men as we thought last night considered) does not move thee. 
 Thou, as thy friends, had a conscientious regard for England ; and to be put 
 aside by such base ways is really a suffering for righteousness. Thou 
 hast embarked thyself with them that seek, and love, and choose the best 
 things ; and number is not weight with thee. I hope it is retrievable, 
 for to me it looks not a fair and clear election. Forget not that soldiers 
 were made free three weeks ago in prospect of the choice (and by the way 
 they went, as we may guess, for Dalmahoy's sake), and thyself so often 
 put by, a thing not refused to one of thy condition. Of the Lower 
 House, the Lord Cavendish, and especially Lord Russell, Sir Jo. Coven- 
 try, Powell, Saychevrill, Williams, Lee, Clergis, Boskowen, Titus, men, 
 some able, some hot (ardent), and fit to be nearly engaged in the know- 
 ledge of these things. 'Tis late, I am weary, and hope to see thee quickly. 
 Farewell. 
 
 " Thy faithful friend, WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 Although the court party by unfair means succeeded at Guil- 
 ford, it was not so throughout the kingdom, for all the influence 
 and patronage of the government could not prevent the return 
 of a Parliament still more disaffected towards the court than 
 the last. About two months after the assembling of Parliament, 
 the king, finding he could not carry his measures, nor protect 
 his prime minister from impeachment, suddenly dissolved it, and 
 issued writs for a new election. 
 
 This gave another opportunity for bringing forward Algernon 
 Sidney, and William Penn again became one of his supporters. 
 
 He proposed to him to become a candidate for Bamber, which 
 was in his own county, and he interested himself in paving the 
 way for him in that borough. The following is one of his letters 
 to Sidney,* 
 
 " Dear Friend — I am now at Sir John Fagg's, where I and my rela- 
 tions dined. I have pressed the point with what diligence and force I 
 could ; and to say true. Sir John Fagg has been a most zealous, and, he 
 believes, a successful friend to thee. But, upon a serious consideration 
 of the matter, it is agn^ed tliat thou comest down with all speed, but that 
 thou takest Hall-Laud in thy way, and bringcst Sir John Pelham with 
 
 • Clarkson, ch. x\. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 147 
 
 thee, which he ought less to scruple, because his having no interest can 
 be no objection to his appearing with thee ; the commonest civility that 
 can be is all [that is] desired. The borough has kindled at thy name, and 
 takes it well. If Sir John Temple may be credited, he assures me it is very 
 likely. He is at work daily. Another, one Parsons, treats to-day, but for 
 thee as well as himself, and mostly makes his men for thee, and perhaps 
 will be persuaded, if you two carry it not, to bequeath his interest to 
 thee, and then Captain Gorcing is thy colleague ; and this I wish, both 
 to make the thing easier and to prevent offence. Sir John Pelham sent 
 me word, he heard that thy brother Henry Sidney would be proposed to 
 that borough, or already was, and till he was sure of the contrary, it 
 would not be decent for him to appear. Of that thou canst best inform 
 him. That day you come to Bramber Sir John Faggwill meet you both; 
 and that night you may lie at Wiston, and then, when thou pleasest, with 
 us at Worminghurst. Sir John Temple has that opinion of thy good 
 reasons to persuade, as well as quality to influence the electors, that, with 
 what is and will be done, the business will prosper; which, with my true 
 good wishes that it may be so, is all at present from thy true Friend, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN. 
 " Sir John Fagg salutes thee." 
 
 From this letter it appears that the interest of Sir John Pel- 
 ham was expected to be exerted in favor of Algernon Sidney, 
 but he was engaged by the ministry to sustain Algernon's younger 
 brother Henry, who belonged to the court party. The polls closed 
 with a double return. Algernon thought himself elected, and 
 claimed his seat, but on the meeting of Parliament his election 
 was declared void.* 
 
 Soon after the election of this Parhament, Penn issued ano- 
 ther publication, intended to allay persecution, and promote the 
 prosperity of the kingdom ; it bears the title of " One project 
 for the good of England ; that is, our civil union is our civil 
 safety." 
 
 This work w^as dedicated to the Parliament, and ably main- 
 tains the position that the civil interests of all Pmtestants^ 
 whether Dissenters or members of the Established Church, are 
 the same. They can unite in denying the supremacy of the 
 Pope, and of all other foreign potentates. " The civil interests 
 of English Protestants being thus the same, and their religious 
 interest too, so far as concerns a negative to the usurpation and 
 error of Rome, I do humbly ask," he says, " if it be the interest 
 
 * Life of A. Sidney, by G. Van Santvoord. 
 
148 LIFE OF 
 
 of the government to expose those to misery that have no other 
 interest than the government? Or if it be just or equal that the 
 weaker should be prosecuted by the more powerful Protestants?" 
 
 He proceeds to show that nothing can be better calculated to 
 build up the church of Rome, and enable her to regain her 
 ascendancy in England, than for Protestants of different per- 
 suasions to weaken and destroy one another. 
 
 The commercial and manufacturing interests of the kingdom 
 were also impaired by persecution, for it wasted the estates, and 
 deranged the business of industrious citizens. Having shown 
 the many evils resulting from the penal laws enacted to secure 
 uniformity in religion, and the ill success that must always attend 
 them, he then brings forward his " Project for the good of Eng- 
 land," which is a new test in the form of a declaration to be 
 subscribed without an oath. This declaration contains an ac- 
 knowledgment of King Charles the Second, as lawful king of 
 the realm, and denies the authority of the Pope or See of Rome 
 to depose him or absolve his subjects from their allegiance. 
 
 It denies the claim of the Pope to be Christ's vicar, disclaims 
 the doctrines of purgatory and transubstantiation, and declares 
 the worship of the Catholic Church to be superstitious and idola- 
 trous. This tract, as well as that which immediately pre- 
 ceded it, was issued without the author's name, and with the 
 signature of Philanglus. 
 
 In estimating the character and principles of Penn, these po- 
 litical tracts, and the part he took in favor of the election of Al- 
 gernon Sidney, are worthy of especial attention. They show 
 most conclusively that he was not only opposed to the papal 
 predilections of the king, but deeply interested in promoting the 
 success of the Whigs, and especially of the patriotic Sidney, a 
 republican in principle, who was more feared and hated by the 
 court, than almost any other man in the kingdom. Yet in the 
 face of all this evidence, his enemies of that day, in order to 
 subject him to public odium, persisted in calling him a Jesuit ; 
 and even in this age, when we are enjoying the benefits of his 
 tolerant and liberal principles, he has been held up to public 
 reprobation as a courtier whose sympathies were all on the side 
 of arbitrary j)ower. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 149 
 
 It is true that he enjoyed ready access to the king, and that 
 he often made use of this privilege to plead the cause of suffer- 
 ing humanity, not only in procuring the release of his imprisoned 
 brethren, but in securing pardon and protection to those of other 
 religious persuasions. 
 
 How, then, shall we account for the favor he enjoyed at court ? 
 There is only one way, and that is so singular as to be consi- 
 dered incredible by men of the world. He w^as an honest, sin- 
 cere-hearted man, one of the very few of that class who ever 
 appeared at the court of Charles H., and that monarch, profli- 
 gate as he was, had the discernment to discover, and the good 
 sense to appreciate, those sterling qualities which stood out in 
 bold relief, when contrasted with the fawning sycophants by 
 whom he was surrounded. The favor he showed to Penn, was 
 a memorable instance, of the homage that vice pays to virtue. 
 
 As to Penn himself, we cannot doubt that his pure spirit was 
 disgusted with the licentiousness of the court, for we find in 
 many of his writings, that he attacked with boldness and energy 
 the profligate manners of the age, and his domestic life was so 
 exemplary, as to be above the reach of calumny. 
 
 His motives, then, in appearing at court, were of the noblest 
 character ; he felt it his duty to use his influence for the promo- 
 tion of individual happiness, and national prosperity. But in 
 doing this, it must be conceded, that his example was not with- 
 out danger, if followed by others of less independence and firm- 
 ness of character. It was said, by the Divine teacher, " they 
 that wear soft clothing are in king's houses," and it is generally 
 found that the pliancy of their principles corresponds wath the 
 softness of their apparel. 
 
 Public honors and sumptuous living, have a wonderful influ- 
 ence in subduing that sternness of purpose with which the young- 
 disciple sets out in pursuit of spiritual good. If he permit him- 
 self to be seduced, in the least degree, from this purpose, by the 
 disguised flattery of the world, he incurs the risk of gradually 
 losing his hold upon better things, the desires that appeared to 
 be subdued, spring up afresh, and he must either retrace his 
 steps by a timely retreat, or go forward and make shipwreck of 
 the faith. 
 
 13* 
 
150 LIFE OF 
 
 Among the few who have maintained their integrity while 
 mingling with the incumbents of high political station, William 
 Penn affords a most remarkable instance, and yet the professors 
 of religion should hesitate to expose themselves to the tempta- 
 tions incident to such an intercourse, without an imperative ne- 
 cessity. 
 
 His circumstances were peculiar : born to the possession of 
 wealth and rank, introduced in early life to the society of the 
 most distinguished men, possessed of great learning and talents, 
 he had the power to render effectual relief to thousands who 
 were suffering under the iron rod of persecution ; and he could 
 not exert the influence he possessed, without appearing at court 
 and exchanging civilities with men whose principles were as 
 apposite to his own, as darkness to light. Nor can it be sup- 
 posed that the king considered him as a partisan of the court, 
 for his political writings, as well as the course he pursued at the 
 hustings in Guilford, had identified him with the Whigs. 
 
 There is another point in which the professors of religion, and 
 especially ministers of the Gospel, should closely examine them- 
 selves, before they venture to follow the example of Penn. The 
 share he took in obtaining votes, and speaking at the hustings 
 to promote the election of Algernon Sidney. It cannot be denied 
 that the political arena, both in England and America, is a most 
 UTifavorable field for the growth of religous principles. Men of 
 all parties who mingle in the strife generally attendant on elec- 
 tions, are too much in the habit of using means to promote the 
 success of their candidates, which are not consistent with Chris- 
 tian principles. And, moreover, the very excitement which pre- 
 vails at such times, is unfavorable to that quiet contemplative 
 spirit, which peculiarly becomes the station of those '* who min- 
 ister about holy things." 
 
 In considering the course that Penn pursued in the election 
 at Guilford, justice to his memory requires that we should bear 
 in mind the motives that prompted him, and the very important 
 objects he had in view. He says, in one of his letters to Sidney, 
 " thou, as thy friends, had a conscientious regard for England, 
 and to be put aside for such base way's, is really a suffering for 
 righteousness. 
 
WILLIAM PEXN. 151 
 
 "Thou hast embarked thyself with them that seek, and love 
 and choose the best things, and number is not weight with thee." 
 It was, therefore, with a view to promote the highest interests of 
 his country, and the progress of religious liberty, that he departed 
 from the line of conduct generally adopted by his brethren in 
 religious profession. 
 
 William Penn had for some years, previous to this time, been 
 concerned as a trustee in the management of West New Jersey, 
 which continued to prosper, and to attract towards its shores 
 a constant stream of emigration, but in the year 1680, much dis- 
 satisfaction was excited among the colonists by the exaction of 
 a duty on imports and exports, imposed by the Governor of New 
 York, and collected at the Hoarkills, a town at the capes of the 
 Delaware, since called Lewistown. 
 
 Tliis duty being considered an onerous and illegal exaction, 
 the trustees complained to the Duke of York, then proprietary 
 of the Province of New York, who referred the consideration of it 
 to commissioners to examine the subject, and report to him. The 
 argument submitted by the trustees, on behalf of the colony, is 
 remarkable for its ability, and some of the view^s it exhibits, as 
 well as the diction in which they are conveyed, bear evident 
 marks of William Penn's style of thought and expression. 
 
 After showing that the Duke had granted to Berkley, and 
 that he had transferred to the trustees of Byllinge, his title, not 
 only to the soil, but to the government of West New Jersey, for 
 which they had paid a valuable consideration, and, that in the 
 conveyance, the powers of government ivere expressly granted^ 
 he proceeds to prove that the power of taxation, claimed by the 
 Duke's agents, was a flagrant violation of English liberty. " To 
 give up this," he says, (the power of making laws,) " is to change 
 the government, to sell, or rather resign, ourselves to the will of 
 another : and that for nothing. For under favor we buy nothing 
 of the Duke, if not the right of an undisturbed colonizing, and 
 that as Englishmen, with no diminution but expectation of some 
 increase, of those freedoms and privileges enjoyed in our own 
 country ; for the soil is none of his, 'tis the natives', by the Jus 
 gentium, by the laws of nations, and it would be an ill argu- 
 ment to convert to Christianity, to expel instead of purchasing 
 them out of those countries. 
 
lo2 LIFE OF 
 
 " If then the country be theirs, it is not the Duke's, he can- 
 not sell it ; then what have we bought ? we are yet unanswered 
 on this point, and desire you to do it with all due regard to the great 
 honor and justice of the Duke. If it be not the right of colon- 
 izing, then which way have we our bargain, that pay an arbitrary 
 custom, neither known to the laws of England nor the settled 
 constitution of New York, and those other plantations ? 
 
 " This very tax, of five per cent., is a thing not to be found in 
 the Duke's conveyances ; but an after business, a very surprise 
 to the planter ! and such an one as, could they have foreseen, 
 they would have sooner taken up in any other plantation in 
 America. Customs, in all governments in the world, are laid 
 upon trade, but this upon planting is unprecedented. Had we 
 brought commodities to these parts to sell, made profit out of 
 them, and returned to the advantage of traders, there had 
 been some color or pretence for this exaction ; but to require 
 and force a custom from persons for coming to their property, 
 their own terra-firma, their habitations, in short for coming home, 
 is without a parallel ; this is paying custom, not for trading, but 
 landing ; not for merchandizing, but planting ; in very deed, for 
 hazarding ; for there we go, carry over our families and estates, 
 and adventure both for the improvement of a wilderness, and we 
 are not only told we must pay hereafter out of our gains and im- 
 provements, but must pay out of our poor stock and principal, 
 (put into goods), five pounds in the hundred, and not as they are 
 there worth, but as they here cost, and this for coming to plant ; 
 so that the plain English of the tragedy is this ; we twice buy 
 this moiety of New Jersey, first of Lord Berkley, and next of the 
 natives, and what for? the better to mortgage ourselves and pos- 
 terity to the Duke's governors, and give them a title to our per- 
 sons and estates, that never had any before. But pray consider, 
 can there be a house without a bottom, or a plantation before a 
 people ? if not, can there be a custom before a trade ? Besides, 
 there is no end of this power, for since we are, by this precedent, 
 assessed without any law, and thereby excluded our English 
 right of common assent to taxes, what security have we of any 
 thing we possess ? we can call nothing our own, but are tenants 
 at will, not only for the soil, but for all our personal estates ; we 
 
TTILLIAM PENN. 153 
 
 endure penury and the sweat of our brows to improve them, 
 at our own hazard only. This is to transplant not from good to 
 better, but from good to bad ; this sort of conduct has destroyed 
 governments, but never raised one to true greatness, nor ever 
 will in the Duke's territories, whilst there are so many countries 
 equally as good, in soil and air, surrounded with greater freedom 
 and security." 
 
 This remonstrance was so effectual, that the commissioners 
 reported favorably, and the duty was remitted. 
 
 In the following year, Penn became interested in the property 
 and government of East New Jersey, of which, Elizabethtown 
 was the capital. 
 
 Sir George Cartaret, the former proprietary of this Province, 
 having died, it was 'sold under his will to pay his debts, and Penn 
 became the purchaser^ on behalf of himself and eleven other 
 persons. 
 
 The twelve proprietaries soon after admitted twelve others 
 into co-partnership with them, and to these twenty-four proprieta- 
 ries the Duke of York made a fresh grant of East New Jersey, 
 bearing date the 14th of March, 1682 ;* they instituted a govern- 
 ment, called the Council of Proprietors, whose meetings were 
 held twice in the year, at Perth Amboy. All the proprietaries, 
 except tw^o, were members of the society of Friends, and in the 
 year 1683, Robert Barclay, of Urie in Scotland, a noted member 
 and writer of the society, was made Governor of East Jersey, for 
 life, and Thomas Rudyard, of the same society, residing in the 
 colony, was Deputy Governor. West New Jersey, having be- 
 come quite populous, Edward Byllinge was chosen Governor 
 by the proprietaries in England, and he commissioned Samuel 
 Jennings, a minister in the society of Friends, to act as deputy 
 Governor. These two Provinces, East and West New Jersey, 
 continued in a prosperous state for many years, but much incon- 
 venience having arisen, from the large number of proprietaries, 
 they agreed to surrender the government to the British crown, 
 which was done in the reign of Queen Anne, by an instrument 
 dated the 15th of April, 1702. 
 
 * Smith's History of New Jersey, p. 117 to 156. 
 
154 LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 William Penn applies to Charles II. for lands in America ; Obtains a 
 grant of Pennsylvania ; Letter to R. Turner ; Terms of the Royal 
 Charter ; Letter to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania ; Sends out Mark- 
 ham as Deputy ; Arrival of Markham ; Boundaries ; Penn issues de- 
 scription of the Colony and proposals for settlement; Letter to R. Turner 
 and others. 
 
 1680-81. 
 
 William Penn, having been for many years actively and suc- 
 cessfully engaged in the colonization of New Jersey, became 
 well informed concerning the extent and resources of the ad- 
 joining territories ; and thus his thoughts were turned towards 
 that great enterprise of founding a colony on the western bank 
 of the Delaware, which has proved to be the crowning achieve- 
 ment of his useful and eventful life. He inherited from his 
 father a claim on the British government for money advanced 
 and services rendered to the amount of sixteen thousand pounds, 
 and in the year 1680 petitioned Charles II. to grant him, in lieu 
 of this sum, a tract of country in America, lying north of Mary- 
 land, " bounded on the east by the Delaware river, on the west 
 limited as Maryland, and northward to extend as far as planta- 
 ble."* 
 
 The object of this enterprise \vas not only to provide a peace- 
 ful home for the persecuted members of his own society, but to 
 afford an asylum for the good and oppressed of every nation, 
 and to found an empire where the pure and peaceable principles 
 of Christianity might be carried out in practice. 
 
 The petition being referred to the " Committee of the Privy 
 Council for the affairs of trade and plantations," they notified the 
 agent of Lord Baltimore, and Sir John Werden, agent of the 
 Duke of York, in order that they might report whether the pro- 
 posed grant would be consistent with the boundaries of Mary- 
 
 « Hazard's An , 475. 
 
WILLIAM PENISr. 155 
 
 land and New York.* At a subsequent meeting of the com- 
 mittee, a letter was produced from Sir John Werden, objecting 
 to Penn's request, on the ground that " the territory west of the 
 Delaware, was an appendage to the government of New York, 
 being known by the name of Delaware colony, or more particu- 
 larly. New Castle colony, and planted promiscuously by Swedes, 
 Finlanders, Dutch, and English," At the same time a letter 
 from the agent of Lord Baltimore was read, desiring, if the grant 
 should be made to Penn, that "it might be expressed to be 
 lands north of the Susquehaimah t'urt^ which is the boundary 
 of Maryland northward." 
 
 When the opposition on the part of the Duke of York's agent 
 became known to Penn, he had an interview with the Duke, and 
 succeeded in removing his objections, after which a second let- 
 ter was addressed by Sir J. Werden to the Secretary, in M^hich 
 he says, " his royal highness commands me to let you know, in 
 order to your informing their lordships of it, that he is very 
 willing Mr. Penn's request may meet with success."! The pe- 
 tition being referred, by the Lords of Trade, to the attorney gene- 
 ral Sir Wm. Jones, he reported that " it did not appear to en- 
 trench upon the boundaries of Lord Baltimore's province nor 
 those of New York, so that the tract of land desired by Mr. 
 Penn seems to be undisposed of by his majesty; except the 
 imaginary lines of New England patents, which are bounded 
 westwardly by the main ocean, should give them a real, though 
 impracticable right, to all those vast territories." At a meetino- 
 of the committee, January 25, 1681, the boundaries of the pro- 
 posed patent to Penn, settled by Lord Chief Justice North, with 
 the alterations of Sir John Werden, were read and approved. 
 From these proceedings it appears that great care was taken to 
 adjust the boundaries of the proposed province, so as not to 
 entrench upon former patents ; nevertheless, we shall find that 
 the line between the territories of Penn and Lord Baltimore was, 
 for a long period, a subject of controversy, attended with much 
 annoyance and heavy expense. 
 
 At one of the meetings of the committee a paper was read 
 
 • Hazard's An., 475. \ Ibid, 480. 
 
156 LIFE OF 
 
 from the Bishop of London, desiring that Penn " be obhged, by 
 his patent, to admit a chaplain of his lordship's appointment, 
 upon the request of any number of planters, which was referred 
 to the Lord Chief Justice North." At a subsequent meeting of 
 the committee, a draft of the patent was read, and there being a 
 blank left for the name, it was agreed to leave the nomination 
 of it to the King. 
 
 At length, after many delays and much solicitude, Penn had 
 the gratification to learn that his patent was prepared for the 
 King's signature, which was affixed to it under date 4th of 
 March, A. D. 168L "This venerable document, which is still 
 preserved, and now hung up in the office of the Secretary of 
 State at Harrisburg, is written on strong parchmerit in the old 
 EngUsh handwriting, each line underscored with red ink, and 
 the borders gorgeously decorated with heraldic devices."* 
 
 The satisfaction of Penn on this occasion, and the delicacy of 
 his feelings with regard to the name bestowed on the province, 
 may be seen in the following letter to his friend Robert Turner: 
 
 "5th, of 1st mo , 1681. 
 
 " Dear Friend: — My true love in the Lord salutes thee and dear friends 
 that love the Lord's precious truth in those parts. Thine I have, and for 
 my business here, know that after many waitings, watchings, soliciting^, 
 and disputes in council, this day my country was confirmed to me under 
 the great seal of England, with large powers and privileges, by the name 
 of Pennsylvania ; a name the King icoidd give it in honor of my father. 
 I chose New Wales, being, as this, a pretty hilly country, but Penn being 
 "Welsh for a head, as Penmanmoire in Wales, and Penrith in Cumberland, 
 and Penn in Buckinghamshire, the highest land in England, called this 
 Pennsylvania, which is the high or head icoodlaiids ; for I proposed, when 
 tlie Secretary, a Welshman, refused to have it called New Wales, Sglvania, 
 and they added renn to it; and though I much opposed it, and went to 
 the King to have it struck out and altered, he said it was past, and would 
 take it upon him ; nor could twenty guineas move the under secretary to 
 vary the name ; for I feared lest it should be looked on as a vanity in me, 
 and not as a respect in the King, as it truly was, to my father, whom he 
 often mentions with praise. Thou mayest communicate my grant to 
 Friends, and expect shortly my proposals. 
 
 " It is a clear and just thing, and my (!od tliat has given it me through 
 
 • Hazard's An., 500. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 157 
 
 many diJBculties, will, I believe, bless and make it the seed of a nation. 
 I shall have a tender care to the government, that it be vrell laid at first. 
 No more now, but dear love in the truth. Thy true friend, 
 
 "WM. PENN."* 
 
 The royal patent or charter of Pennsylvania, consists of twenty- 
 three articles, and is too long for insertion here, but some of its 
 leading provisions may be interesting to the reader. 
 
 The preamble declares, that William Penn's application for 
 the territory arose out of " a commendable desire to enlarge the 
 British empire, and promote such useful commodities as may 
 be a benefit to the King and his dominions; and also, to reduce 
 tlie savage nations, by just and gentle manners, to the love of 
 civil society and the Christian religion." 
 
 .. The charter states that the King, favoring his petition and 
 good purpose, and having also a regard to the memory and 
 merits of his late father. Sir William Penn, "doth grant unto the 
 said William Penn, his heirs and assigns, all that tract or part 
 of land in America, bounded on the east by the Delaware river, 
 from twelve miles distance northward of New Castle town, unto 
 the three and fortieth degree of northern latitude. The said 
 land to extend w^estward, five degrees in longitude, to be com- 
 puted from the said eastern bounds, and the said lands to be 
 bounded on the north by the beginning of the three and for- 
 tieth degree of northern latitude, and on the south by a circle 
 drawn at twelve miles distance from New Castle, northward and 
 westward, unto the beginning of the fortieth degree of northern 
 latitude, and then by a straight line westward to the limits of 
 longitude above mentioned." William Penn is made absolute 
 proprietary, saving to the King and his successors the sove- 
 reignty of the country, and the allegiance of Penn, as well as of 
 all who shall be tenants under him. The grant was " not in 
 capite^'' but in " free and common socage, by fealty only," yield- 
 ing and paying to the King two beaver skins annual/^, to be 
 delivered at the castle of Windsor, and also the fifth part of all 
 the gold and silver ore which shall be found within the limits 
 aforesaid. The proprietary, with the assent and approbation of 
 
 * Hazard's An., 500. 
 
 14 
 
158 LIFE OF 
 
 the freemen of the colony, was empowered to make all neces- 
 sary laws, not inconsistent with the laws of England. He was 
 authorized to appoint magistrates and judges, to grant pardons, 
 except for the crimes of wilful murder and treason, and in these 
 cases to grant reprieves until the King's pleasure should be 
 known therein. The laws of the province were to be trans- 
 mitted to the privy council for approbation. 
 
 Appeals from the judgment of the colonial courts might, in 
 certain cases, be taken to the King. The fruits and commodi- 
 ties of the province might be imported into any of the ports of 
 " England^ and not into any other port whatsoever^'' but 
 within a year after the landing of the same in England, they 
 might be reshipped to any other country, paying such duties as 
 British subjects are bound to pay. Penn and his heirs, were to 
 enjoy such customs on imports and exports, in the province, as 
 he or they, and the people there, when assembled, may reasonably 
 assess, " saving to the King, and his successors such impositions 
 and customs, as are, or by act of Parliament shall be, appoint- 
 ed.'''' But the King was to levy no taxes upon the inhabitants of 
 the province, without the consent of the proprietary or assembly, 
 or by act of Parliament. 
 
 Penn was invested with all the powers of a " captain-general," 
 '* to levy, muster, and train all sorts of men," to make war by 
 sea and land, against barbarous nations, pirates and robbers. 
 It was provided, that on the application of the inhabitants of 
 said province, to the number of twenty, to the Bishop of London, 
 for a preacher to be sent to them, he should be permitted to re- 
 side in the province ; and lastly, that if any difference should 
 arise, concerning the meaning of the charter, it should be con- 
 strued in a manner most favorable to the proprietary.* 
 
 It has been thought by some, that " the spirit of freedom 
 which breathes through this charter, is at variance with the cha- 
 racter of its grantor, and with his policy towards the colony of 
 Massachusetts, particularly in the independence of legal control 
 permitted to the legislative power."t It is said to have been 
 " drafted by Penn himself, from the charter of Maryland ; origi- 
 
 » Hazard's Annals of Pennsylvania. \ Gordon's Hist, of Pcnnsjlvania. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 159 
 
 nally drafted by Sir Geo. Calvert, Secretary of State to James the 
 First, and was revised by Chief Justice North, and the Attorney 
 General, Sir Wm, Jones, who added two important clauses." 
 It is obvious that the article investing the proprietary with the 
 powers of a captain-general, and the clause allowing ministers of 
 the church of England to reside in the province, did not emanate 
 from Penn, but were inserted at the suggestion of others, the 
 former being contraiy to his principles, and the latter wholly un- 
 necessary. 
 
 The restriction upon the commerce of the province, requiring 
 it all to pass through English ports, was in accordance with the 
 policy long pursued by the British government, which sought to 
 secure to the mother country all the benefits of colonial trade. 
 
 The right of the British Parliament to tax the colony, which is 
 implied in this charter, must have been repugnant to the feelings 
 of the proprietary, as well as opposed to his interest, but at that 
 period the momentous consequences involved in it were, proba- 
 bly, not foreseen. 
 
 Within a month from the date of the charter, the King issued 
 a declaration, stating the grant that had been made to Penn, and 
 requiring all persons settled in the province to yield obedience 
 to him as absolute proprietor and governor. About the same 
 time, Penn addressed the following letter to the inhabitants of 
 Pennsylvania : 
 
 " Mt Friends : — I Avish you all happiness, here and hereafter. These are 
 to let you know that it hath pleased God, in his providence, to cast you 
 within my lot and care. It is a business that, though I never undertook 
 before, yet God hath given me an understanding of my duty, and an honest 
 mind to do it uprightly. I hope you will not be troubled at your change, 
 and the King's choice, for you are now fixed at the mercy of no governor 
 that comes to make his fortune great ; you shall be governed by laws of 
 your own making, and live a free, and if you will, a sober and indtistrious 
 people. I shall not usurp the right of any, or oppress his person. God 
 has furnished me with a better resolution, and has given me his grace to 
 keep it. In sh(jrt, whatever sober and free men can reasonaljly desire, 
 for the security and improvement of their own happiness, I shall heartily 
 comply with, and in five months resolve, if it please God, to see you. In 
 the meantime, pray submit to the commands of my deputy, so far as they 
 are consistent with the law, and pay him those dues [that formerly you 
 
160 LIFE OF 
 
 paid to the order of the Governor of New York] for my use and benefit ; 
 and so I wish God to direct you in the way of rigliteousness, and therein 
 prosper you and your children after you. 
 
 " I am your true friend, WM. PENN.* 
 
 "London, 8th of the month called April, 1681." 
 
 This letter, together with the King's declaration, was taken 
 out to the province by William Markham, a cousin of the pro- 
 prietary, who was commissioned to act as his deputy. 
 
 The commission to Markham, dated 10th of April 1681, con- 
 tains the following directions :t 
 
 1st. " To call a council, and that to consist of nine, he pre- 
 siding." 2d. " That he does there read my letter to the inha- 
 bitants, and the King's declaration of subjection; then (or there) 
 take the inhabita:nts' acknowledgment of my authority and pro- 
 priety." 3d. " To settle bounds between me and my neighbors, 
 to survey, set out, rent or sell lands, according to [my.] instruc- 
 tions, bearing date the 8th of the month called April, 1681." 
 4th. " To erect courts, appoint sheriffs, justices of the peace," &c. 
 5th. " To call to his aid any of the inhabitants of those Provinces, 
 for the legal suppression of tumults," &c. 
 
 Capt. Markham arrived at New York on the 21st of June, 
 0. S. (then 4th month), where he obtained an order from the 
 Lieutenant Governor of that Province, for the surrender of the 
 territory embraced in the charter of Pennsylvania, which had 
 hitherto been under his jurisdiction. Markham w^as, also, the 
 bearer of a letter from the King to Lord Baltimore, apprising him 
 of the grant of Pennsylvania to William Penn, and requiring both 
 parties to adjust boundaries. " Lord Baltimore being in the 
 province, had an interview with Markham at Upland, (now 
 called Chester) which resulted in discovering, from actual obser- 
 vation, that Upland itself was at least twelve miles south of 40 
 degrees, and that boundaries [claimed by Baltimore] would ex- 
 tend to Schuylkill." This discovery ended the conference, and 
 gave fresh incentives to Penn to obtain from the Duke of York 
 a grant of the Delaware settlements, as without such grant, he 
 had now reason to fear the loss of the whole peninsula.^ 
 
 * Hazard's An., 502. f See the com. in full ; — Hazard's An. 504. 
 
 ^ Hazard's An., quoted from Chalmers. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 161 
 
 Having taken these measures to secure his title to the pro- 
 vince, Penn next drew up a description of it, from the best in- 
 formation he then possessed, and issued proposals for its coloni- 
 zation. 
 
 This document is introduced, by an argument in defence of 
 colonies, intended to remove the prejudices of some, who thought 
 they weakened the mother country, by drawing ojOT her popula- 
 tion and resources. He enters into an elaborate investigation 
 of the subject, showing that the wisest and best men of ancient 
 times were concerned in this great work of planting the seeds of 
 nations, which, as they grow up to maturity, furnish the materials 
 of commerce, promote the comforts of life, contribute to the in- 
 crease of knowledge, and extend the boundaries of civilization. 
 
 " Let it be considered," he says, " that the plantations employ 
 many hundreds of shipping, and many thousands of seamen, 
 which must be, in divers respects, an advantage to England, 
 being an island, and by nature fitted for navigation above any 
 country in Europe. This is followed by other depending trades, 
 as ship-wrights, carpenters, sawyers, hewers, trunnel-makers, 
 joiners, slop-sellers, dry-satlers, iron-workers, the Eastland mer- 
 chants, timber-sellers and victuallers; with many more trades 
 which hang upon navigation ; so that we may easily see the ob- 
 jection (that colonies or plantations hurt England,) is at least of 
 no strength, especially if we consider how many thousand blacks 
 and Indians are also accommodated with clothes, and many 
 sorts of tools and utensils from England, and that their labor is 
 mostly brought hither, which adds wealth and people to the 
 English dominions."* 
 
 After alluding to the conveniences for navigation, the variety 
 of timber, and the abundant means of subsistence, he thus 
 speaks of the government. " According to the patent, the peo- 
 ple and governor have a legislative power, so that no law can 
 be made, nor money raised, without the people's consent. The 
 rights and freedoms of England to be in force there ; * may 
 enact what laws we please except against allegiance, which 
 would be void.' So soon as any are engaged with me, we shall 
 
 • Hazard's Annals, 307. 
 
 14* 
 
162 LIFE OF 
 
 begin a scheme or draft together, such as shall give ample tes- 
 timony of my sincere inclinations to encourage planters, and 
 settle a free, just, and industrious colony there." 
 
 The conditions on which land might be taken up, were as 
 follows. Those who wish to buy shares in the province, can 
 have 5000 acres for j6100, and to pay annually one shilling 
 quit-rent fur each hundred acres ; the quit-rent not to begin 
 till 1684. Those who only rent, are to pay one penny per acre, 
 not to exceed 200 acres. Persons who take over servants, [/. e. 
 laborers,] are to be allowed 50 acres per head, and 50 acres to 
 every servant when his time is expired. 
 
 Lest any should engage in this enterprise, inconsiderately, he 
 adds this caution : " Because I know how much people are apt 
 to fancy things beyond what they are, and that imaginations are 
 great flatterers of the minds of men, to the end that none may 
 delude themselves with an expectation of an immediate amend- 
 ment of their conditions, so soon as it shall please God that they 
 arrive there, I would have them understand, they must look for 
 a winter before a summer comes; they must be willing to be 
 two or three years without some of the conveniences they enjoy 
 at home, and yet I must needs say, that America is another 
 thing than it was at the first planting of Virginia and New En- 
 gland, for there is better accommodation, and English provisions 
 are to be had at easier rates. The passage will come, for mas- 
 ters and mistresses, at most, at <£6 a head ; for servants, £b a 
 head, and for children, under seven years of age, 50 shillings. 
 * * * To conclude, I desire all my dear country folks, who 
 may be inclined to go into those parts, to consider seriously the 
 premises, as well the present inconveniences, as future ease and 
 plenty, that so none may move rashly, or from a fickle, but sohd 
 mind ; having, above all things, an eye to the providence of God, 
 in the disposal of themselves. And I would further advise all 
 such, at least to have the permission, if not the good liking of 
 their near relatives, for that is both natural and a duty incum- 
 bent upon all, and by this means will natural aflection be pre- 
 served, and a friendly and profitable correspondence maintained 
 between them. In all which, I beseech Almighty God to direct 
 us, that his blessing may attend our honest endeavor, and then 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 163 
 
 the consequence of all our undertakings will turn to the glory 
 of his great name, and the true happiness of us and our pos- 
 terity." 
 
 Soon after these proposals were issued, they were foi'W'arded 
 to some of his friends with the following interesting letter :* 
 
 "Westminster, 12th of 2d mo., [April] '81. 
 
 " Frs. R. Turner, Antt. Sharp & Roger Roberts : — My love salutes 
 you in the abiding truth of our God, that is precious in all lands ; the Lord 
 God of righteousness keep us in it, and then shall we be daily witnesses of 
 the comforts and refreshments that come from it, to his praise that is the 
 foundation of all good. 
 
 " Having published a paper with relation to my province in America (at 
 least what I thought advisible to publish), I here enclose one that you 
 may know and inform others of it. I have been, these 13 years, the ser- 
 vant of truth and Friends, and for my testimony sake lost much, not only 
 by the greatness and preferments of this world, but £1G,000 of my estate, 
 that had I not been what I am, I had long ago obtained. But I murmur 
 not, the Lord is good to me, and the interest [of] his truth with his peo- 
 ple, may more than repair it. For many are drawn forth to be concerned 
 with me, and perhaps this way of satisfaction has more of the hand of God 
 in it, than a downright payment ; this I can say, that I had an opening of 
 joy as to these parts, in the year 1661, at Oxford; twenty years since ; and 
 as my understanding and inclination have been much directed to observe 
 and reprove mischiefs in government, so it is now put into my power to set- 
 tle one. For the matters of liberty and privilege, I propose that which is 
 extraordinary, and to leave myself and successors no poiver of doing mis- 
 chief that the uhU of one man may not hinder the good of an whole country. 
 But to publish these things now, and here, as matters stand, would not be 
 wise ; and I am advised to reserve that till I come there. 
 
 " Your ancient love to me, makes me believe you will have a brotherly 
 eye to my honest concern, and what truth makes you free to do, you will ; 
 and more I expect not. ^Tis a clear, unintangled and, I may say, honor- 
 able bottom. No more, but let Friends know it, as you are free. 
 
 " With my friendship, in that which no water can quench, nor time make 
 wax old, nor distance wear out, 
 
 " Your friend and brother, 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 " The'cnclosed was first read to traders, planters and shipmasters, that 
 know those parts, and finally to the most eminent Friends, hereaway, and 
 so comes forth. I have forborne pains and allurement, and with truth. 
 
 "W P." 
 
 • Copied from MS. in the Archives of American Philosophical Soc, Pbiia. 
 
164 LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 William Pcnn's position and views : Conditions of settlement in his Pro- 
 vince ; Letter to J. Harrison ; To R. Turner ; From J. Claypole ; William 
 Penn refuses to sell monopoly of Indian trade ; Three Commissioners sent 
 to Pa. ; Their Instructions ; arrival of two ships with colonists ; William 
 Penn's religious labors ; Tract called " Examination of Liberty Spiritual;" 
 Letter to Friends of Bristol ; To R. Vickers ; Death of his Mother. 
 
 1681-82. 
 
 By the patent of King Charles 11., William Penn had acquired 
 the royal grant of a vast and fertile territory ; he was the abso- 
 lute proprietary and feudal sovereign of a province, which, for 
 extent of surface and natural resources, had few equals among 
 the North American Colonies. It was now to be proved by his 
 conduct whether the love of civil and religious liberty, so earn- 
 estly advocated in his writings, was a sincere and permanent 
 sentiment of the hearrt. Would he carry out in practice those 
 Christian principles he had promulgated to the world ? Or 
 would he, like the great mass of legislators and statesmen, in 
 the intoxication of power, forget the rights of humanity? His 
 position was well adapted to test the vitality of his religious 
 principles; but his previous life had given assurance that his 
 power would be used for the benefit of mankind, and nobly did 
 his subsequent conduct redeem the pledge. 
 
 We have seen by his excellent letter to the inhabitants of 
 Pennsylvania, that it was his intention " they should be governed 
 bylaws of their own making, in order that they might be ?ifree 
 people,'''* and the conditions or concessions agreed upon, be- 
 tween the proprietary and those purchasers who were to be 
 engaged with him in the enterprise, evince an earnest desire 
 that justice should be done to the Indians, who were then the 
 principal owners of the soil. But it may be asked, what did 
 Penn purchase of the king by the relinquishment of his father's 
 claim, if it w^as not a title to the soil and government of the 
 privince .'' 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 165 
 
 This may be answered by reference to his remonstrance 
 against the duty imposed by the agents of the Duke of York on 
 the commerce of New Jersey, hi that able document he says, 
 " we buy nothing of the Duke, if not the right of an undis- 
 turbed colonizing, for the soil is none of his^ ^tis the natives 
 by the jus gentium, by the laws of nations, and it would be 
 an ill argument to convert to Christianity, to expel, instead of 
 purchasing them out of those countries."* 
 
 The conditions or concessions are dated the 11th of July, 
 1681, and consist of twenty articles. The first ten relate to 
 the survey of a city, "In the most convenient place upon the 
 river for health and navigation, the apportionment of city lots 
 to country purchasers, the laying out of roads, and the working 
 of mines. In the remaining articles, regulations are established .7' 
 for dealing with the natives. Goods sold to them or exchanged 
 for furs, were to be exhibited in open market, in order that im- 
 position might be prevented, or frauds detected; no colonist 
 allowed to affront or wrong an Indian, without incurring the 
 same penalty, as if committed against his fellow-planter; all 
 differences between Indians and colonists to be settled by a 
 jury of twelve men, six of whom should be Indians ; and the 
 natives were to have all the privileges of planting their grounds 
 and providing for their families, enjoyed by the colonists. 
 
 The following letter from the proprietary dated 25th of 6th 
 month (then August), 1681, gives an interesting view of his 
 prospects and state of mind at this time. 
 
 "Dear -James Harrison : — In the fellowship of the gospel of love and 
 peace, Avith God our Father who hath brought Jesus Christ from tlie dead, 
 do I tenderly salute thee ; owning thy love and kindness to me, of which 
 thine of the 5th month last, gave me a sense and fresh remembrance ; which 
 met me at London on my return from the west, where the Lord prospered 
 me beyond words, blessed be his honored name. 
 
 " As to my voyage, it is not like to be so quick as I hoped ; for the people 
 upon whose going, both my resolutions and service in going depended, 
 though they buy, and mostly send servants to clear and sow a piece of 
 land against they come, not one of them can now get rid of their concerns 
 here till spring. When they go, I go. My going vsdth servants, will not 
 
 * Smith's N. Jersey. 
 
166 LIFE OF 
 
 settle a government, the great end of my going ; besides, many flock in to 
 be concerned with me. I am like to have many from France, some from 
 Holland, and, I hear, some Scotch will go. For my country, I eyed the 
 Lord in the obtaining of it, and more was I drawn inward to look to him 
 and to owe it to his hand and power, than to any other way. I have so 
 obtained it, and desire that I may not be unworthy of his love, but do that 
 which may answer his kind providence, and serve his truth and people ; 
 that an example may be set up to the nations ; there may be room there, 
 though not here, for such an holy experiment. 
 
 " Now dear James, for the fifty acres a servant to the master, and fifty to 
 the servant. This is done for their sakes that can't buy ; for I must either 
 be paid by purchase or rent, that is, those that can't buy may take up, if 
 a master of a family, 200 acres at a penny an acre [rent] , afterwards 50 
 acres a head, for every man and maid servant, but still at same rent ; else 
 none would buy or rent, and so I should make nothing of my country : 
 however, to encourage poor servants to go and be laborious, I have abated 
 the \d to jd per acre, when they are out of their time. Now, if any about 
 thee will engage and buy, there may be ten, yea twenty, to one share, 
 which will be but five pounds a piece, for which each will have 250 acres. 
 
 " For those that can't pay their passage, let me know their names, num- 
 ber and ages ; they must pay double rent to them that help them over. 
 But this know, that this rent is never to be raised, and they are to enjoy 
 it forever. For the acre, it is the common statute acre by our law al- 
 lowed. 
 
 " So, dear James, thou mayst let me hear of thee, and how things incline. 
 I shall persuade none, 'tis a good country, with a good conscience it will 
 do well. I am satisfied in it, and leave it with the Lord, and in the love 
 and fellowship of the truth I end, in love to thy family and honest friends, 
 thy friend and brother, WM. PENN. 
 
 " P. S. I here sign thee an authority to sell to any about thee that will 
 buy. A ship goes with commissioners suddenly, in five weeks, to lay out 
 the first and best land to the first adventurers. If any deal, let me know. 
 . I clear the King's aind Indian's title, the purchasers pay the scrivener and 
 surveyor, I sign the deeds at Thos. Rudyard's, when I know who and 
 what. W. P."* 
 
 Another letter of William Penn, dated September 4th, '81, to 
 Robert Turner, then in Ireland, speaks of his refusing an advan- 
 tageous offer for a monopoly of the Indian trade. f He says, 
 "I have lately been in the West of England, and had a pros- 
 perous journey in the Lord's service. At my return found thine 
 
 * Copied from Pembcrton's MSS. 
 
 f Mem. Penna. Hist. Soc. vol. i. part i. 104. Hazard's Annals, 521. 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 167 
 
 to me. The most material is about the quit-rent, &c. Philip 
 (Ford) Avill be large to thee upon it. I am content to sell it to 
 a beaver's skin, which is about a crown value at ten years pur- 
 chase. I did refuse a great temptation last second-day, which 
 was <£6000, and pay the Indians for six shares, and make the 
 purchasers a company, to have wholly to itself the Indian trade 
 from South to North, between Susquehanna and Delaware rivers, 
 paying me 2^ per cent, acknowledgment or rent ; but as the 
 Lord gave it me over all and great opposition, and that I never 
 had my mind so exercised to the Lord about any outward sub- 
 stance, I would not abuse His love, nor act unworthy of his 
 providence, and so defile what came to me clean. No ; let 
 the Lord guide me by his wisdom, and preserve me to honor 
 his name and serve His truth and people, that an example and 
 standard may be set up to the nations ; there may be room there, 
 though none here." 
 
 This statement is corroborated by a letter dated 10th of 7th 
 month (Sept.) 1681, written by James Claypole, who became 
 largely interested in the colony. He says, " Wm. Penn does 
 not intend starting for Pennsylvania till next spring, and then it 
 is likely there will be many people ready to go from England, 
 Scotland, and Ireland. He is offered great things; ^6000 for 
 a monopoly in trade, which he refused, and for islands and par- 
 ticular places, great sums of money, but he designs to do things 
 equally betw^een all parties, and I believe truly does aim more 
 at justice and righteousness, and spreading of truth, tlian at his 
 own particular gain. I tried him about the proposals to take 
 jElOO for 5000 acres, and abate the quit-rent, which he refused, 
 intending to do equal by all. If thou will be concerned in one 
 half of the 5000 acres, I will have the other half, and make as 
 good terms for thee as for myself."* 
 
 This noble conduct of Penn in refusing to sell the monopoly 
 of the Indian trade, lest he should act unworthy of his trust, and 
 " defile that wdiich came to him clean," is in perfect accordance 
 with his whole course through life ; for he never permitted his 
 own interest or aggrandizement to stand in the way of pro- 
 moting the glory of God or the good of mankind. 
 
 • Hazard's An., 522, from Claypole's Letter Book. 
 
168 LIFE OF 
 
 In the autumn of this year three commissioners were appoint- 
 ed by the proprietary to proceed to the colony, make arrange- 
 ments for a settlement, lay out a town, and treat with the 
 Indians. 
 
 Their names were Wm. Crispin, John Bezar, and Nathaniel 
 Allen. His letter of instructions to them, dated 30th of Sept., 
 1681, contains many judicious directions, some of which are 
 here subjoined. 
 
 1. He enjoins them to take especial care of the people that shall embark 
 with them, that they may be accommodated with conveniences, as to food, 
 lodging, and places for their goods, concerning which his deputy, Wm. 
 Markham, then " 07i the spot," would be able to direct them. 
 
 2. Let the rivers and creeks be sounded on the Pennsylvania side of the 
 river Delaware, " especially at Upland [Chester,] in order to settle a great 
 town, and be sure to make your choice where it is most navigable, high, 
 dry, and healthy ; that is, where most ships may best ride, of deepest 
 draught of water, if possible to load or unload at the bank or key-side, 
 without boating or lighterage." 
 
 " It would be well if the river coming into that creek be navigable at 
 least for boats up into the country." * * * * * 
 
 3. " Such a place being found out, lay out ten thousand acres contigu- 
 ous to it, in the best manner you can, as the bounds and extent of the 
 liberties of the said town." 
 
 4. " Every share of five thousand acres shall have one hundred acres of 
 land out of that ten thousand." * * * * 
 
 5. " That no more land be surveyed till this be iirst fixed and the peo- 
 ple upon it, which is best both for comfort, safety, and trafBc." * * * 
 
 6. "If it shall happen that the most convenient place for a great town 
 be already taken up, in greater quantity of land than is consistent with 
 the town plot, and that land not already improved, you must use your 
 utmost skill to persuade them to part with so much as will be necessary, 
 that so good a design be not spoiled. That is, where they have ten acres 
 by the water-side to abate five, and to take five more backward, and so 
 proportionally." * * * * "Be impartially just, and courteous to 
 all, that is both pleasing to the Lord and wise in itself." 
 
 7 and 8. " If you gain your point in this respect, (of which be very 
 careful,) fall to dividing as before, according to shares, then subdivide," 
 &c. * * * 
 
 9. " Be tender of ofiending the Indians, and hearken by honest spies, if 
 you can hear that any body inveigles them not to sell, or to stand off, and 
 raise the value upon you. You cannot want those that will inform you ; 
 but to soften them to me, and the people, let them know that you are come 
 to sit down lovingly among them. Let my letter and conditions, with mj 
 
WILLIAM TENN. 169 
 
 purcliasers about just dealing with them, be road in their tongue, that 
 they may see we have their good in our eye, equal with our own interest, 
 and after reading my letter and the said conditions, then present their 
 kings with what I send them, and make a friendship and league with 
 them, according to those conditions, which carefully observe, and get 
 them to comply with. Be grave ; they love not to be smiled on." 
 
 10. "From time to time, in my name, and for my use, buy land of 
 them, where any justly pretend, for they will sell one another's if you be 
 not careful ; that so, such as buy and come after these adventurers, may 
 liave land ready, but by no moans sell any land till I come." * * * 
 
 11. "Let no islands be disposed of to any body, till I come." 
 
 12. "Be sure to settle the figure; of the town, so as that the streets 
 hereafter may be uniform down to the water from the country bounds ; 
 lot the place of the storehouses be on the middle of the key, which will yet 
 serve for market and statehouses too. This may be ordered when I come, 
 only let the houses be built on a line, or upon a line as much as may be." 
 
 13. " Pitch upon the very middle of the plat, where the town or line* of 
 houses is to be laid or run, facing the harbor and great river, for the situ- 
 ation of my house, and let it be, not the tenth part of the town as the con- 
 ditions say, viz., that out of every hundred thousand acres, shall be 
 reserved to me ten, but I shall be contented with less than a thirtieth 
 part, to wit, three hundred acres, whereas several will have two, by pur- 
 chasing two shares, that is, ten thousand acres, and it may be fitting for 
 me to exceed a little." 
 
 14. " The distance of each house from the creek or harbor should be, 
 in my judgment, a measured quarter of a mile, at least two hundred paces, 
 because of building hereafter streets downward to the harbor." 
 
 15. " Let every house be placed, if the person pleases, in the middle of 
 its plat, as to the breadth-way of it, that so there may be ground on each 
 side for gardens or orchards, or fields, that it may he a green couniry town, 
 which will never be burnt and always wholesome." * * * * 
 
 Lastly. " Be sure to keep the conditions hereunto affixed, and see that 
 no vice or evil conversation go uncomplained of or unpunished in any, 
 that God be not provoked to wrath against the country." * * * 
 
 "WM. PENN. 
 «• • * • 30th of September, 1G81." 
 
 The wisdom evinced in these instructions, with regard to the 
 location and plan of the " great town" intended to be built on 
 the Delaware, is very remarkable. How much it is to be re- 
 gretted that his design of " a green country town, that would 
 never be burnt, and always be wholesome," was not more fully 
 realized. 
 
 15 
 
170 LIFE OF 
 
 The letter to the Indians sent by the commissioners, and re- 
 ferred to in the instructions, was as follows :* 
 
 "London, 18th of 8th mo., 1681. 
 
 " My Friends: — There is one great God and power that hath made the 
 world and all things therein, to whom you, and I, and all people owe 
 their being and well-being, and to whom you and I must one day give an 
 account for all that we have done in the world. 
 
 " This great God has written his law in our hearts, by which we are 
 taught and commanded to love, and to help, and to do good to one an- 
 other. Now this great God hath been pleased to make me concerned in 
 your part of the world ; and the King of the country where I live hath 
 given me a great province therein ; but I desire to enjoy it with your love 
 and consent, that we may always live together as neighbors and friends ; 
 else what would the great God do to us, who hath made us (not to devour 
 and destroy one another, but) to live soberly and kindly together in the 
 world ? Now, I would have you well observe, that I am very sensible of 
 the unkindness and injustice which have been too much exercised toward 
 you by the people of these parts of the world, who have sought themselves 
 to make great advantages by you, rather than to be examples of justice 
 and goodness unto you. This I hear hath been a matter of troul)le to you, 
 and caused great grudging and animosities, sometimes to the shedding of 
 blood, which hath made the great God angry. But I am not such a man, 
 as is well known in my own country. I have great love and regard 
 toward you, and desire to win and gain your love and friendship by a 
 krnd, just and peaceable life ; and the people I send are of the same mind, 
 and shall in all things behave themselves accordingly ; and if in any thing 
 any shall oifend you or your people, you shall have a full and speedy satis. 
 faction for the same, by an equal number of just men on both sides, that 
 by no means you may have just occasion of being offended against them. 
 
 " I shall shortly come to see you myself, at which time we may more 
 largely and freely confer and discourse of these matters. In the mean 
 tame I have sent my commissioners to treat with you about land and a 
 firm league of peace. Let me desire you to be kind to them and to the 
 people, and receive the presents and tokens which I have sent you, as a 
 testimony of my good will to you, and of my resolution to live justly, 
 peaceably, and friendly with you. I am, your loving friend, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 The commissioners took passage in one of the two ships 
 which sailed for the colony in the autumn of this year. 
 
 One of these ships was called the John and Sarah of London, 
 
 • Clarkson's Life of Penn, 166. Hazard's An. 532. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 171 
 
 Capt. Henry Smith, which was the first that arrived with emi- 
 grants after the cession to Penn. The other was the Bristol 
 Factor, Roger Drew master, which sailed from the city of 
 Bristol, and arrived at Upland (now called Chester) on the 11th 
 of December, when the passengers, seeing some houses, went 
 ashore, and the river freezing over that night, they remained 
 there all winter.* 
 
 It is stated by the historians Proud, Gordon, and Clarkson, 
 that another ship with passengers, the Amity of London, Capt. 
 Dimon, sailed near the same time, and being blown off the 
 coast, did not arrive till spring ; but it appears from the letters 
 of James Claypole, quoted in Hazard's Annals, that " she did 
 not leave England till April of the next year.f 
 
 Although the emigrants arrived at an inclement season, they 
 probably experienced but little inconvenience, most of them 
 being well provided with stores, and the colonists, already there, 
 treating them with kindness and hospitality. The population of 
 the province, exclusive of Indians, was, at this time, about two 
 thousand souls, consisting mostly of Swedes and English, whose 
 habitations were scattered along the western bank of the Dela- 
 ware. 
 
 There were six houses erected for public worship ; three of 
 them by the Swedes; one at Christina, one at Wicacoa (now 
 Southwark,) and one at Tenecum; and three by the Friends: 
 one at Chester, another at Shackamaxon, (now Kensington,) 
 and another at the Falls of the Delaware. | 
 
 Notwithstanding the engagements of Penn, while disposing of 
 his lands and making arrangements for the supply and govern- 
 ment of his colony, must have been numerous and pressing; he 
 nevertheless found time to attend to his religious duties, which 
 with him were always paramount. By his letters we have seen 
 that he had just performed a journey to the west of England on 
 a religious mission; and there appears among his printed works 
 a tract issued this year, called a "Brief Examination of Liberty 
 Spiritual, both with respect to Persons in their private capacity 
 and in their Church Society and Communion." This work was 
 
 * Hazard's An. f ^^'^' ^37 and 557. t Proud i. 205, note. 
 
172 LIFE OF 
 
 called forth by a difference of sentiment among Friends in 
 England, in relation to the exercise of church discipline. 
 
 A small party, led by John Wilkinson and John Story, having 
 separated from the body, endeavored to draw others after them, 
 under the pretence of a higher spirituality and greater freedom 
 from the proscriptions of men. They maintained that rules of 
 discipline, by which the members were limited or controlled in 
 their conduct and conversation, were an imposition upon con- 
 science, — that every Christian having the light of Divine truth in 
 his own mind for a guide, should be left to its dictates, and that 
 the church should do no more than advise its members, but in 
 no case proceed to disown them. 
 
 These objections to the discipline of Friends were answered 
 by Wilham Penn, in his usual clear and vigorous style. 
 
 About this time his sympathy was deeply moved by the 
 sufferings of Friends in the city of Bristol, where the penal 
 laws were put in force against them and executed with bar- 
 barous cruelty; breaking up their meetings, haling men, women, 
 and even children, to prison, and imposing heavy fines upon 
 them, to the ruin of their estates. Having used every means 
 in his powder, to arrest these unjust and cruel proceedings, 
 but without success, he addressed them a letter of sympa- 
 thy and encouragement, from which the following passages are 
 quoted: " My beloved brethren and sisters! be not cast down 
 at the rage of evil men, whose anger works not the righteous- 
 ness of God, and whose cruelty the Lord will limit. 
 
 " Nothing strange or unusual is come to pass ; it makes well 
 for them that eye the Lord, in and through these sufferings. 
 There is food in affliction, and though the instruments of it 
 cannot see it, all shall work together for good to them that fear 
 the Lord. Keep your ground in the truth, that was and is the 
 saints' victory." ***** " The Lord God, by his 
 power, keep your hearts living to Him, that it may be your de- 
 light to wait upon Him and receive the bounty of his love; that 
 being fed with daily bread, and drinking of his cup of blessing, 
 you may be raised above the fear or trouble of earthly things, 
 and grow strong in Him who is your crown of rejoicing ; that 
 having answered his requirings and walked faithfully before 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 173 
 
 Him, you may receive in the end of your days tlie welcome sen- 
 tence of gladness. Eternal riches are before you, an inheritance 
 incorruptible. Press after the glorious mark, let your minds be 
 set on things that are above, and when Christ, that is the glory 
 of his poor people, shall appear, they shall appear with Him in 
 glory, when all tears shall be wiped away, and there shall be no 
 more sorrow or sighing, but they that overcome shall be as 
 Mount Sion, that shall never be moved."* 
 
 Soon after the date of this letter he had a narrow escape from 
 arrest and imprisonment. On going to the meeting at Grace 
 Church street, he found the yard crowded with soldiers. He 
 entered the house, and after sitting awhile, rose and began to 
 preach; upon this a constable, with his staff, came forward and 
 bade him desist and come down ; he paid no attention to the 
 order, but went on and finished his discourse. George Fox, 
 who preached after him, was assailed in the same manner, but 
 the constable, who was a feeling man, was so affected by their 
 discourses, and by the solemnity which covered the meeting, 
 that he was completely disarmed. He had been sent with a 
 warrant, and accompanied by an informer named Hilton, but 
 finding the informer gone, the constable excused himself from 
 the performance of his ungrateful office. f 
 
 Among the letters of Penn written this year, was one to 
 Robert Vickris, whose son had joined the society of Friends. 
 It is here inserted on account of its pious sentiments, happily 
 expressed : 
 
 " Dear Friend : — In my dear and heavenly farewell to the city of Bris- 
 tol, thou wert often upon my spirit, and the wishes of my soul are, that 
 the Lord would abundantly fill thee with the consolations of his Holy 
 Spirit, and that the days thou hast to pass on this side of the grave thou 
 mayest be fitting for his coming, that comes as a thief in the night, that 
 at what watch of the night soever it be, thou mayest awake with his like- 
 ness, and enter the rest that is eternal. So the Lord more and more 
 gather thee out of every visible, fading thing, and prepare thee for him- 
 self. Dear friend, bo faithful to that appearance of God and manifesta- 
 tion of the love of the Lord to thy soul, that visits thee. The Lord is nosir 
 thco, with thee, and in thee, to enlighten, melt, and refresh thee. 'Ti.s 
 
 * Life prefixed to works. t Clarkson. 
 
 15* 
 
174 LIFE OF 
 
 his presence, not seen or felt of the wicked, that gathers and revives the 
 soul that seeks him. So the Lord be with thee, and remember into thy 
 bosom the sincere love thou hast shown to thy son and his friends ! 
 " I say no more, but in the Lord farewell. 
 
 " Thy truly affectionate friend, WM. PENN."* 
 
 In the early part of the year 1682, he was deeply afflicted by 
 the death of his mother, to whom he was most tenderly attached. 
 
 She was an excellent woman, and had been to him a kind 
 and judicious parent, ever ready to sympathize with him, and 
 to extend counsel and relief during the many trials he encoun- 
 tered for the sake of his religion. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Penn's frame of Government ; Compared with that of Locke ; Preface to 
 his Constitution ; Code of Laws ; Free Society of Traders ; Slaves for 
 a term of years ; Letters to Emperor of Canada and to the Indians ; 
 Deeds from Duke of York ; Letter of William Penn to his wife and 
 children ; Embarks for America ; Letter to S. Crisp. 
 
 1682. 
 
 In the spring of this year William Penn was actively engaged 
 in preparations for his voyage to America, and in drafting a 
 frame of government for his infant colony. 
 
 It must not be supposed, however, that the admirable consti- 
 tution and code of laws, which have shed so much lustre on 
 his name, were the unaided result of his single genius. Although 
 there was probably no man then living whose mind was so free 
 from prejudice, and so fully enlightened on the subject of go- 
 vernment ; yet there were among his friends, concerned with 
 him in the enterprise, several persons of enlarged minds and 
 liberal ideas, who performed an important, though subordinate 
 share, in that great work. They had frequent conferences toge- 
 
 * Clarkson. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 175 
 
 ther; the proprietarj's views were "overruled in many particu- 
 lars,"* and the code they adopted was the result of their united 
 labors. 
 
 It must also be considered that the doctrines and discipline 
 of the society of Friends, which were first promulgated by 
 George Fox, had a controlling influence on the mind of Penn, 
 and furnished him with views and principles, which being en- 
 grafted into his constitution and laws, gave rise to their most 
 salutary and remarkable features. In order to illustrate this 
 position, let us compare the circumstances that conspired to 
 the training of his mind, and the results developed in his frame 
 of government, with those of Locke, his great cotemporary. 
 
 As fellow students at Oxford, they had both drunk deeply 
 from the same fountains of classic literature ; as members of 
 the Royal Society and compeers of Newton, they had kept pace 
 with the progress of modern philosophy ; having both travelled 
 on the continent, they had observed the merits and defects of 
 foreign governments; and being on terms of familiar intercourse 
 with British statesmen, they had all the lights that could be 
 derived from their experience. 
 
 Yet when they came to lay the foundations of government for 
 American colonies, how different were the principles on which 
 they built ! 
 
 Locke, in the constitution he drafted for Carolina, endeavored 
 to perpetuate the distinctions of rank by creating an order of 
 nobility. Penn, being desirous to promote general equality, 
 abolished the laws of primogeniture. Locke, to protect the 
 rights of property, provided a council of hereditary Palatines, 
 and none but large proprietors were eligible to the legislature. 
 Penn, to secure personal liberty, placed the legislative power in 
 the hands of the people, and provided for annual elections by 
 ballot. " To the charter which Locke invented for Carolina, the 
 Palatines voted an immutable immortality ; and it never gained 
 more than a short partial existence. To the people of his Pro- 
 vince, Penn left it free to subvert or alter the frame of govern- 
 ment, and its essential principles remain to this day without 
 change."! 
 
 • Gordon's Hist, of Pa„ 63, f Bancroft, U, S, ii. 392. 
 
176 LIFE OF 
 
 How shall we account for this remarkable disparity ? Both 
 were possessed of talents and virtues of the highest order, com- 
 bined with humane and tolerant feehngs. 
 
 Is not the superiority of Penn's frame of government to be 
 attributed to the peculiar influence of his religious associations? 
 He was united in fellowship with a people whose principles and 
 practice were essentially democratic ; they acknowledged no 
 distinction of clergy and laity ; they placed a low estimate on 
 hereditary rank, and they laid the foundation of their church 
 discipline on the supremacy of that divine principle in man, 
 which leads to equahty of rights and universal fraternity. 
 
 The first constitution or frame of government agreed upon 
 in England between the proprietary and others concerned in 
 the first settlement, is dated the 25th of April, 1682. It 
 was published in the following month, accompanie.d by a pre- 
 face explanatory of the general principles of government. This 
 admirable paper is here inserted entire. 
 
 " The Preface. — When the great and wise God had made the world, of 
 all his creatures it pleased him to choose man his deputy to rule it ; and 
 to fit him for so great a charge and trust, he did not only qualify him with 
 skill and power, but with integrity to use them justly. This native good- 
 ness was equally his honor and his happiness, and whilst he stood here, 
 all went well ; there was no need of coercive or compulsive means ; the 
 precept of divine love and truth in his bosom, was the guide and keeper 
 of his innocency. But lust prevailing against duty, made a lamentable 
 breach upon it ; and the law, that had before no power over him took place 
 upon him and his disobedient posterity, that such as would not live con- 
 formably to the holy law within, should fall under the reproof and correc- 
 tion of the just law without, in a judicial administration. 
 
 " This the Apostle teaches in divers of his epistles. ' The law,' says ho, 
 ' was added because of transgression,' In another place, ' knoAving that the 
 law was not made for the righteous man, but for the disobedient and ungodly, 
 for sinners, for unholy and profane, for murderers,' * * * and others. 
 But this is not all ; he opens and carries the matter of government a little 
 further: 'Lot every soul be subject to the higher powers, for there is no 
 power but of God. The powers that be are ordained of God ; whosoever 
 therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God ; for rulers are 
 not a terror to good works but to evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of 
 the power ? Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the 
 same. — He is the minister of Go 1 to thee for good. — Wherefore ye must 
 needs be subject, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake.' 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 177 
 
 " This settles the divine right of government beyond exception, and th;Tt 
 for two ends : first, to terrify evil doers ; secondly, to cherish those that do 
 well ; which gives government a life beyond corruption, and makes it as 
 durable in the world as good men shall be. So that government seems to 
 me a part of religion itself, a thing sacred in its institution and end ; for, 
 if it does not directly remove the cause, it crushes the eifects of evil, 
 and is, as such, though a lower, yet an emination of the same divine 
 power that is both author and object of pure religion ; the difference lying 
 here, that the one is more free and mental, the other more corporal and 
 oom]uilsive in its operation ; but that is only to evil doers, government 
 itself being otherwise as capable of kindness, goodness, and charity, as a 
 more private society. They weakly err who think there is no other use 
 of government than correction, which is the coarsest part of it. Daily 
 experience tells us, that the care and regulation of many other affairs,* 
 more soft and daily necessary, make up much the greatest part of govern- 
 ment, and which must have followed the peopling of the world, had Adam 
 never fallen, and will continue among men on earth under the highest 
 attainments they may arrive at by the coming of the blessed second Adam, 
 the Lord from heaven. Thus much of government in general, as to its 
 rise and end. 
 
 " For particular frames and modes, it will become me to say little, 
 and, comparatively, I will say nothing. My reasons are, first, that the 
 age is too nice and diflBcult for it, thei*e being nothing the wits of men are 
 more busy and divided upon. 'Tis true they seem to agree in the end, to 
 wit, happiness, but in the means they differ, as to divine, so to this human 
 felicitj^ ; and the cause is much the same, not always want of light and 
 knowledge, but want of using them rightly. Men side with their pas- 
 sions against their reason : and their sinister interests have so strong a 
 bias upon their minds, that they lean to them against the good of the 
 things they know. 
 
 " Secondly. I do not find a model in the world, that time, place, and 
 some singular emergencies have not necessarily altered ; nor is it easy to 
 frame a civil government that shall serve all places alike. 
 
 " Thirdly. I know what is said by the several admirers of monarchy, 
 aristocracy and democracy, which are the rule of one, of a few, and of 
 many, and are the three common ideas of government when men discourse 
 on that subject. But I choose to solve the controversy with this small 
 distinction, and it belongs to all three : any government is free to the peo- 
 ple under it, whatever be the frame, where the laws rule and the people 
 are a party to those laws : and more than this is tyranny, oligarchy or 
 confusion. 
 
 " But, lastly, when all is said, there is hardly one frame of government 
 in the world so ill designed by its first founders, that in good hands would 
 not do well enough ; and story tells us, that the best in ill ones can da 
 nothing that is great and good : witness the Jewish and Roman states. 
 
178 LIFE OF 
 
 Governments, like clocks, go from the motion men give them ; and as 
 governments are made and moved by men, so by them they are ruined 
 too. Wherefore governments rather depend upon men than men upon 
 governments. Let men be good, and the government cannot be bad. If 
 it be ill, they will cure it. But if men be bad, let the government be 
 ever so good, they will endeavor to warp and spoil it to their turn. 
 
 " I know some say, Let us have good laws, and no matter for the men 
 that execute them. But let them consider, that though good laws do well, 
 good men do lietter ; for good laws may want good men, and be abolished 
 or evaded by ill men ; but good men will never want good laws, nor suf- 
 fer ill ones. 'Tis true, good laws have some awe upon ill ministers, but 
 that is where these have not power to escape or abolish them, and where 
 the people are generally wise and good ; but a loose and depraved people 
 •{which is to the question) love laws and an administration like themselves. 
 That, therefore, which makes a good constitution must keep it, namely, 
 men of wisdom and virtue, qualities that, because they descend not with 
 worldly inheritances, must be carefully propagated by a virtuous educa- 
 tion of youth, for which after ages will owe more to the care and prudence 
 of founders and the successive magistracy, than to their parents for their 
 private patrimonies. 
 
 " These considerations of the weight of government, and the nice and 
 various opinions about it, made it uneasy to me to think of publishing the 
 ensuing Frame and Conditional Laws, foreseeing both the censures they 
 will meet with from men of diiferent humors and engagements, and the 
 occasion they may give of discourse beyond my design. 
 
 " But next to the power of necessity, which is a solicitor that will take 
 no denial, this induced me to a compliance, that we have, with reverence 
 to God and good conscience to men, to the best of our skill contrived and 
 composed the frame and laws of this government to the great end of all 
 government, viz. to support power in reverence with the people, and to 
 secure the people from the abuse of power, that they may be free by their 
 just obedience, and the magistrates honorable for their just administra- 
 tion ; for liberty without obedience is confusion, and obedience without 
 liberty is slavery. 
 
 "To carry this evenness is partly owing to the constitution, and partly 
 to the magistracy ; where either of these fail, government will be subject 
 to convulsions, but where both are wanting, it must be totally subverted ; 
 then where both meet, the government is like to endure, which I humbly 
 pray and hope God will please to make the lot of this of Pennsylvania. 
 Amen. WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 The frame or constitution consisted of twenty-four articles, 
 and the following are some of the most important provi- 
 sions. The government to consist of the governor and free- 
 men of the province, in form of a Provincial Council and 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 179 
 
 General Assembly, by whom all laws shall be made, courts 
 erected, officers chosen and public affairs transacted. The 
 freemen to choose by ballot, at the first election, seventy-two 
 persons for a Provincial Council, one-third of them to serve 
 three years, one-third two years, and one-third one year ; and at 
 every succeeding annual election, to choose twenty-four persons 
 to serve three years, so that one-third should go out every year, 
 and the body always remain seventy-two in number. Two- 
 thirds of the council to constitute a quorum for the enactment 
 of laws, establishment of courts, &c. ; but in cases of less mo- 
 ment, twenty-four to constitute a quorum. In this council, the 
 governor or his deputy to preside, and have a treble vote. All 
 bills were to be prepared by the governor and council, and 
 "published thirty days before the meeting of the Assembly in 
 order to the passing of them into laws or rejecting them as the 
 Assembly shall see meet." The governor and council to have 
 the inspection and management of the public treasury, to see 
 the laws faithfully executed, to act as a court of appeals, to erect 
 and order all public schools, and encourage useful sciences and 
 laudable inventions. The general assembly to consist of not 
 exceeding two hundred persons, to be chosen annually by ballot, 
 to meet at the capital of the Province, and during eight days 
 they may confer with each other, and if any of them see meet, 
 with a committee of the council to be appointed for that purpose, 
 in order that they may propose any alterations or amendments 
 to the promulgated bills, and on the ninth day of their meeting, 
 the bills being read to them by the clerk of the council, and the 
 occasion or motives of them explained by the governor or his 
 deputy, the Assembly " shall give their affirmation or negative, 
 which to them seemeth best." For the better establishment of 
 the government, and to the end that there may be an universal 
 satisfaction in laying the fundamentals thereof, the General 
 Assembly shall or may for the first year consist of all the 
 freemen of the province. In order that the government might 
 be speedily settled, William Penn was to appoint the first judges, 
 treasurers, sheriffs, &c., but their successors were to be chosen 
 by the Governor and Council. 
 
 This frame of government was followed by a code of laws, 
 
180 LIFE OF 
 
 forty in number, agreed upon in England, and intended to be 
 altered and amended by an assembly in Pennsylvania, as was 
 done the following year. These laws described the quaUfications 
 of freemen entitled to vote or to be elected, Mdiich included not 
 only land-holders, but "every inhabitant, artificer, or other resi- 
 dent, that pays scot and lot to the government." 
 
 No taxes were to be collected but by law" ; in the courts, all 
 persons might appear in their own way, and plead their own 
 cause ; all trials were to be by jury ; no oaths to be required ; 
 all fines to be moderate ; all prisons to be work-houses ; all mar- 
 riages to be published before solemnized, and to be solemnized 
 by the parties taking one another as husband and wife, before 
 witnesses, signing a certificate of the same and having it re- 
 corded. The estates of felons were liable to make satisfaction 
 to the family wronged to twice the value, and in default of such 
 payment being made, the felons to be bondsmen in the work- 
 house until the party injured be satisfied. All children of the 
 age of twelve years, to be taught some useful trade. Slander- 
 ers to be punished as enemies of the public peace. 
 
 Members of the council and assembly, and all judges, to be 
 such as profess faith in Jesus Christ, and are not convicted of 
 "unsober or dishonest conversation." All persons who con- 
 fess one Almighty God to be the creator, upholder, and ruler of 
 the world, and hold themselves obliged to live peaceably and 
 justly in civil society, shall in no ways be molested on account 
 of their persuasion or practice in matters of faith and worship, 
 nor be compelled to frequent or maintain any religious worship 
 or ministry whatever. According to the good example of 
 the primitive Christians, and for the ease of the creation, 
 every first day of the week, called the Lord's day, people 
 shall abstain from their common daily labor, that they may 
 the better dispose themselves to worship God, according to their 
 understandings. All offences against God, such as swearing, 
 cursing, lying, profane talking, drunkenness, &c. ; all felonies, 
 murders, duels, &c. ; and all stage-play, cards, dice and gam- 
 bling, to be severely punished, according to the appointment of 
 the governor and freemen, in provincial council and general 
 assembly. This code of laws was enacted and signed in Eng- 
 land by the governor and freemen, the 6th of May, 1682. 
 
WILLIAM PENIS'. 181 
 
 This frame of government was afterwards modified, as to form, 
 but its distinctive principles are still found in the constitution of 
 Pennsylvania, and have exercised a salutary influence on the 
 legislation of other States, as well as in the formation of the 
 Federal Union. The great principle of religious liberty, had 
 before been proclaimed in Rhode Island and in Maryland; it 
 was reserved for Penn only to give it a clearer expression and 
 wider field of action. The privilege allowed to every man, of 
 worshipping God according to the dictates of his own conscience, 
 is not placed on the ground of humane toleration, but established 
 as an inherent right. 
 
 In his penal code, the founder of Pennsylvania, was also far 
 in advance of his age. Although by the charter, his laws were 
 subject to repeal, when not consistent with the laws of England, 
 he ventured to abolish, almost entirely, her sanguinary code, re- 
 serving the penalty of death for wilful murder only. It must be 
 admitted, that even in this case, capital punishment was con- 
 trary to the principles of Friends, but perhaps the change they 
 effected was as great as their dependent condition would allow. 
 Penn " looked upon reformation as the great end of retributive 
 justice." " In pursuance of this idea, he exempted from the in- 
 fliction of death, about 200 offences, which were capitally 
 punished by the English law."* The sentiment expressed in 
 his laws, that every prison should be a work-house, and the 
 humane regulations established for jails, gave rise to a new 
 mode of punitive justice, the Penitentiary system, in which 
 Pennsylvania has taken the lead. 
 
 A mild code of laws vigorously executed, is the true policy of 
 nations ; for it is not the severity, but the certainty of punish- 
 ment, that deters from the commission of crime. It is justly 
 observed by Penn, that "they weakly err, who think there is no 
 other use of government, than correction, which is the coarsest 
 part of it." To provide the means of a good education for 
 every child, and to see that all are taught some good trade or 
 profession, w^ould do more for the promotion of peace and hap- 
 piness, than all the machinery of courts and prisons. 
 
 * J. R Tyson's adJress on the 200th anniversary of the birth of Penn. 
 
 16 
 
182 LIFE OF 
 
 There was one s^reat defect In the constitution of Pennsylvania, 
 which was beyond the power of Penn to avoid or remedy. He 
 held the Province as a fief, from the crown ; he was a feudal 
 sovereign, acting- as the executive of a democracy; and these 
 two elements were found incompatible. His sweetness of tem- 
 per and weight of character, enabled him while in the Province 
 to maintain the balance of power, but in his absence no deputy 
 could be found to supply his place ; and to this cause may be 
 attributed many of the dissensions that afterwards arose. 
 
 When we take into view, that his constitution was then un- 
 paralleled for its excellence, and that he ever showed a willing- 
 ness to alter it in accordance with the wants and capacities of 
 the people, we shall find few, if any other legislators in ancient 
 or modern times, who so richly merit the gratitude of posterity. 
 To use the language of a modern observer,* " In the early con- 
 stitutions of Pennsylvania are to be found the distinct annuncia- 
 tion of every great principle ; the germ, if not the development of 
 every valuable improvement in government or legislation, which 
 have been introduced into the political systems of more modern 
 epochs." 
 
 While drafting the constitution and laws for his colony, Penn 
 consulted not only those concerned with him in the enterprise, 
 but other enlightened minds, as appears by the following letter : 
 
 TO ALGERNON SIDNEY. 
 
 " 13th October, 1681. 
 
 "There arc many things make a man's life uneasy in the world, which 
 are great abates to the pleasure of living, but scarcely one equal to that of 
 the unkindness or injustice of friends. 
 
 " I have been asked by several, since I came last to town, if Col. Sidney 
 and I were fallen out, and when I denied it, and laughed at it, they told 
 mo I was mistaken, and to convince me, stated that he had used me very 
 ill to several persons, if not companies, saying, I had a good country, but 
 the basest laws in the world, not to be endured or lived under, and that 
 the Turk was not more absolute than I. This made me remember the 
 discourse we had together, at my house, about me drawing constitutions, 
 not as proposals, but as if fixed to tlu; hand. And that as my act, to which 
 the rest were to comply if they would be concerned with me. But withal, 
 
 * T. I. Wharton, see Watson's Annals, i, 314. 
 
WILLIAM PEXN. 18v) 
 
 I could not but call to mind, that the objections were presently complied 
 with, both by my verbal denial of all such constructions as the ivords might 
 hear, as if they viere imposed and not yet free for debute. And, also, that 1 
 took my pen, and immediately altered the terms, so as they corresponded 
 (and truly, I thought more properly,) with thy objection and sense. Upon 
 this thou didst draw a draft, as to the frame of government, gave it me to 
 read, .and we discourst it with a considerable argument ; it was afterwards 
 called for back by thee to finish and polish ; and I suspended proceedings 
 in the business ever since, (that being to be done after other matters,) in- 
 stead of any further conference about it. 
 
 " I meet with this sort of language in the mouths of several ; I shall not be- 
 lieve it ; 'tware not well in me to an enemy, less so to a friend ; but if it be 
 true, I shall be sorry we ever were so well acquainted, or that I have given 
 so much occasion to them that hate us, to laugh at me for more true 
 friendship and steadj^ kindness than I have been guilty of to any man I 
 know living. It becomes not my pretensions to the things of another life, 
 to be much in pain about the uncertainties of this ; but be it as it will, I 
 am yet worth a line ; and I would pray one of the truth of the fact, for the 
 injury it hath done me already, is nothing to the trouble it will give me if 
 I have deserved it ; and if I have not, of losing a friend upon a mistake ; 
 not that I meanly creep for a friendship that is denied me ; I were unfit 
 for it then. I can be but where I was before, not less in myself nor my 
 own peace, which a steady virtue will make a sufficient comfort and sanc- 
 tuary. Thy real friend, WM. PENN."* 
 
 • In Dixon's life of Penn, page 183, he says, " Penn resolved, at the instance of 
 Sidney, to secure an essentially democratic basis for his scheme of government, 
 and allow the m'nor details to be filled in as time, events, and the public good, 
 should render them necessary." Again, on page 184, he says, the constitution 
 " had been drawn up with great care by Penn and Sidney, together.'' • • "So 
 intricate and continuous was this mutual aid, that it is quite impossible to separate 
 the exact share of one legislator from that of the other." The only authority he 
 cites for these sentiments, is the above letter of Penn to Sidney, (13th Oct. '81) 
 which, I think, will scarcely warrant the inferences he draws from it. Penn did, 
 undoubtedly, consult his (riend, Algernon Sidney, as well as many others, an 1 after 
 making "a verbal denied of all suck constructions" as Sidney had put upon his 
 language, he took his pen and "altered the terms" of his draft. It appears that 
 Sidney drew a draft which he took home to finish, but there is no evidence, in the 
 letter, that Penn made any use of it. 
 
 Dixon seems anxious to give credit to Sidney, but he says nothing of th(jse sa- 
 gacious, but less eminent, men, who were concerned with Penn in the enterprise, 
 and undoubtedly assisted in framing his constitution and laws. 
 
 In Professor Ebeling's History of Pennsylvania, translated by P. S. Duponceau, 
 he says, "It is even certain, that some parts of this plan [of gov't ] were adopted 
 by him, ut the urgent request of the Friends, who made it a condition of their 
 taking a part in the settlement of the Province." See Markham's letter, in Chal- 
 mers, p. 660. 
 
184 LIFE OF 
 
 A short time previous to the signing of the constitution and 
 code of laws for Pennsylvania, the proprietary had granted a 
 charter for a company, to be called "the Free Society of Traders." 
 They purchased 20,000 acres of land, and he granted them ex- 
 tensive privileges and jurisdiction within their own territory, to 
 be erected into a manor. They published, in the spring of this 
 year, in London, their articles of settlement, with a description 
 of the advantages they offered to subscribers, in which they say, 
 " it is a very unusual society, for it is an absolute free one, and 
 in a free country ; a society without oppression, wherein all may 
 be concerned that will, and yet have the same liberty of private 
 traffic as though there were no society at all ; so that this society 
 is calculated to promote the public good, and to encourage the 
 private." " This union of traffic prevents emulation, for every 
 one is interested in every one's prosperity, and the profit must 
 be greater and surer, and navigation, manufactures and arts 
 better encouraged than by force of private and divided stocks." 
 Two of the most remarkable provisions in their constitution, relate 
 to black servants and Indians, viz. " Black servants to be free 
 at fourteen years end, on giving to the society two-thirds of 
 what they can produce on land allotted to them by the soceity, 
 with stock and tools ; if they agree not to this, to be servants till 
 they do." " Society to assist Indians settling in towns, with 
 advice and artificers." Penn was a member of this company, 
 and " besides his subscription, which w^as considerable, he gave 
 them the quit-rents on all their land."* 
 
 This society appears to have been founded on nearly the same 
 principles with some modern associations, projected with the 
 design of giving to individual efforts the advantage of concerted 
 action, of excluding the rivalry of adverse interests, and causing 
 benevolence and traffic to walk hand in hand. It does not ap- 
 pear to have answered the expectations of its founders, and it 
 would be interesting to inquire into the causes of its failure, 
 which probably arose from the difficulty of finding suitable agents 
 to carry out its purposes, and from the keen competition of pri- 
 
 • Claypole's letter, in Hazard's Annals, i p. 580. 
 
WILLIAM TEXX. 185 
 
 A'ate enterjirise, wliich is generally conducted with more economy 
 and sagacity than the affairs of large corporations. 
 
 The provision in relation to black servants is remarkable, as 
 one of the earliest instances in which the laudable purpose of 
 manumission, after a term of servitude, was secured by law, for 
 in that day, some of the most enUghtened minds did not perceive 
 tlie wrong done to the African race by holding them in bondage, 
 nor the great evil inflicted on the colonists by introducing the 
 system of slavery. James Claypole, in writing this year to a 
 friend in Pennsylvania, says, " we calculate there will go thither 
 from hence, above one thousand Friends, this year, then William 
 Penn and his family goes." "I have a great drawing on my 
 mind to remove with my family thither, so that I am given up, 
 if the Lord clears my way, to be gone next spring. Advise me 
 in thy next, w^hat I might have two negroes for, that might be 
 fit for cutting down trees, building, ploughing, or any sort of 
 labor that is required in the first planting of a country."* In 
 another letter, dated July 24th, 1682, he says, "I have 100 
 acres where our capital city is to be, upon the river near Schiiyl- 
 Jeill and Peter Cook, there I intend to plant and build my first 
 house."! From this it would appear, that the commissioners 
 sent out by Penn, had then fixed upon the present site of Phila- 
 delphia, and communicated the fact to the proprietary or his 
 friends in England. 
 
 The Free Society of Traders being about to send a messenger 
 to the Indian Sachem, called "the Emperor of Canada," in order 
 to explain their purposes and invite him to trade with them, 
 Penn furnished them with the following introductory letter to 
 "the Emperor:" 
 
 " The groat God that made thee and me and all the world, incline our 
 hearts to love peace and justice, that we may live friendly together as bo- 
 comes the workmanship of the great God. The King of England, who is 
 a groat prince, hath, for divers reasons, granted me a large countrj^ in 
 America, which, however, I am willing to enjoy upon friendly terms Avith 
 thee ; and this I will say, that the people who come with me, are a just, 
 plain and honest people, that neither make war upon others, nor fear loar 
 from others, herauae they will he just. 
 
 • Hazard's Annals, 557. t Ibid, 579. 
 
 16* 
 
186 LIFE OF 
 
 "I have set up a society of traders in my province, to traffic with thee 
 and thy people for your commodities ; that you may be furnished with 
 that which is good at reasonable rates ; and that society hath ordered their 
 president to treat with thee about a fur trade, and have joined with me 
 to send this messenger to thee, with certain presents from us to testify our 
 willingness to have a fair correspondence with thee, and what this agent 
 shall do in our names, we will agree unto. I hope thou Avilt kindly re- 
 ceive him, and comply with his desires on our behalf, both with respect to 
 land and trade. 
 
 " The great God be with thee. Amen. 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 " London, 21st day of the 4th month, called June, 1682." 
 
 Thomas Holmes, Surveyor General, who went out this year, 
 was also furnished with a letter from Penn to the Indians, which 
 he read to them not long after his arrival. The place where 
 they were convened is not certainly known ; some suppose it was 
 at Shackamaxon. The letter was as follows : 
 
 " The great God who is the power and wisdom that made you and me, 
 incline your hearts to righteousness, love and peace. This I send to assure 
 you of my love, and to desire you to love my friends ; and when the great 
 God brings me among you, I intend to order all things in such a manner 
 that we may all • live in love and peace, one with another, which I hope 
 the great God will incline both me and you to do. I seek nothing but the 
 honor of his name, and that we who are his workmanship, may do that 
 which is well pleasing to Him. The man who delivers this to you is 
 my especial friend — sober, wise, and loving — you may believe him. I 
 have already taken care that none of my people wrong you, by good laws 
 I have provided for that purpose ; nor will I ever allow any of my people 
 to sell rum to make you drunk. If any thing should be out of order, ex- 
 pect, when I come, it shall be mended ; and I will bring you some things 
 of our country, that are useful and pleasing to you. So I rest in the love 
 of God that made us. 
 
 " I am your loving friend, W. PENN." 
 
 " England, 2lst of 2d month, 1682." 
 
 As the province of Pennsylvania had been for some time 
 under the jurisdiction of the Governor of New York, Penn 
 thought it prudent to obtain from the Duke of York a deed of 
 conveyance for it, wliich was readily granted under date 21st 
 of August, 1682. He also, after much negotiation, obtained 
 from the Duke two deeds of feoffment, dated the 24th of the 
 same month, by one of which he conveyed the town of New 
 Castle and the country lying within a circle of twelve miles 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 187 
 
 about it, and by the other he conveyed all the land on Delaware 
 Bay, from twelve miles south of New Castle to Cape Heniopen. 
 These territories, which now form the State of Delaware, were 
 to be held " in free and common socage," and he was to pay 
 to the Duke for the first, the yearly rent of five shillings, and for 
 the second " ojie rose at the feast of St. Michael the Archangel, 
 yearly, if demanded," together with a moiety of all the rents 
 and profits thereof.* 
 
 Having made his arrangements for a passage to Pennsvlvania 
 in the ship Welcome, of 300 tons burthen, Robt. Greenway 
 master, Penn addressed a beautiful and instructive letter to his 
 wife and children, which is here inserted. Of this letter it has 
 been said by a celebrated critic, f that " there is something, we 
 think, very touching and venerable in the affectionateness of its 
 whole strain, and the patriarchal simplicity in which it is con- 
 ceived, while the language appears to us to be one of the 7nost 
 beautiful specimens of that soft and mellow English, which, 
 with all its cumbrous volume, has, to our ear, a far richer and 
 more pathetic sweetness than the epigrams and apothegms of 
 modern times." 
 
 "My dear Wife and Childrex: — My love, which neither sea, nor 
 land, nor death itself, can extinguish or lessen toward you, most endear- 
 edly visits you with eternal embraces, and will abide with you for ever • 
 and may the God of my life watch over you and bless you, and do you 
 good in this world and for ever ! — Some things are upon my spirit to leave 
 with you in your respective capacities, as I am to one a husband, and to 
 the rest a father, if I should never see you more in this world. 
 
 " My dear wife ! remember thou wast the love of my youth, and much 
 the joy of my life ; the most beloved, as well as the most worthy of all my 
 earthly comforts : and the reason of that love was more thy inward than 
 thy outward excellencies, which yet were many. God knows, and thou 
 knowest it, I can say it was a match of Providence's making ; and God's 
 image in us both was the first thing, and the most amiable and eno-ao-ino- 
 ornament in our eyes. Now I am to leave thee, and that without know- 
 ing whether I shall ever see thee more in this world, take my counsel into 
 thy bosom, and let it dwell with thee in my stead while thou livest. 
 
 " First: Let the fear of the Lord and a zeal and love to his glory dwell 
 richly in thy heart ; and thou wilt watch for good over thyself and thy 
 dear children and family, that no rude, light, or bad thing be committed : 
 
 • Hazard's Annals, ."SSS. 
 
 •j- Jeiiiey's Review of Clarkson's Life of Penn, July, 1813. 
 
180 LIFE OF 
 
 forty in number, agreed upon in England, and intended to be 
 altered and amended by an assembly in Pennsylvania, as was 
 done the following year. These laws described the qualifications 
 of freemen entitled to vote or to be elected, which included not 
 only land-holders, but "every inhabitant, artificer, or other resi- 
 dent, that pays scot and lot to the government." 
 
 No taxes were to be collected but by law ; in the courts, all 
 persons might appear in their own way, and plead their own 
 cause; all trials were to be by jury; no oaths to be required; 
 all fines to be moderate ; all prisons to be work-houses ; all mar- 
 riages to be published before solemnized, and to be solemnized 
 by the parties taking one another as husband and wife, before 
 witnesses, signing a certificate of the same and having it re- 
 corded. The estates of felons were liable to make satisfaction 
 to the family wronged to twice the value, and in default of such 
 payment being made, the felons to be bondsmen in the work- 
 house until the party injured be satisfied. All children of the 
 age of twelve years, to be taught some useful trade. Slander- 
 ers to be punished as enemies of the public peace. 
 
 Members of the council and assembly, and all judges, to be 
 such as profess faith in Jesus Christ, and are not convicted of 
 "unsober or dishonest conversation." All persons who con- 
 fess one Almighty God to be the creator, upholder, and ruler of 
 the world, and hold themselves obliged to live peaceably and 
 justly in civil society, shall in no ways be molested on account 
 of their persuasion or practice in matters of faith and worship, 
 nor be compelled to frequent or maintain any religious worship 
 or ministry whatever. According to the good example of 
 the primitive Christians, and for the ease of the creation, 
 every first day of the week, called the Lord's day, people 
 shall abstain from their common daily labor, that they may 
 the better dispose themselves to worship God, according to their 
 understandings. All offences against God, such as swearing, 
 cursing, lying, profane talking, drunkenness, &c. ; all felonies, 
 murders, duels, &c. ; and all stage-play, cards, dice and gam- 
 bUng, to be severely punished, according to the appointment of 
 the governor and freemen, in provincial council and general 
 assembly. This code of laws was enacted and signed in Eng- 
 land by the governor and freemen, the 6th of May, 1682. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 181 
 
 This frame of government was afterwards modified, as to form, 
 but its distinctive principles are still found in the constitution of 
 Pennsylvania, and have exercised a salutary influence on the 
 legislation of other States, as well as in the formation of the 
 Federal Union. The great principle of religious liberty, had 
 before been proclaimed in Rhode Island and in Maryland ; it 
 was reserved for Penn only to give it a clearer expression and 
 wider field of action. The privilege allowed to every man, of 
 worshipping God according to the dictates of his own conscience, 
 is not placed on the ground of humane toleration, but established 
 as an inherent right. 
 
 In his penal code, the founder of Pennsylvania, was also far 
 in advance of his age. Although by the charter, his laws were 
 subject to repeal, when not consistent with the laws of England, 
 he ventured to abolish, almost entirely, her sanguinary code, re- 
 serving the penalty of death for wilful murder only. It must be 
 admitted, that even in this case, capital punishment was con- 
 trary to the principles of Friends, but perhaps the change they 
 etlected was as great as their dependent condition would allow. 
 Penn " looked upon reformation as the great end of retributive 
 justice." " In pursuance of this idea, he exempted from the in- 
 fliction of death, about 200 offences, which were capitally 
 punished by the English law."* The sentiment expressed in 
 his laws, that every prison should be a work-house, and the 
 humane regulations established for jails, gave rise to a new 
 mode of punitive justice, the Penitentiary system, in which 
 Pennsylvania has taken the lead. 
 
 A mild code of laws vigorously executed, is the true policy of 
 nations ; for it is not the severity, but the certainty of punish- 
 ment, that deters from the commission of crime. It is justly 
 observed by Penn, that "they weakly err, who think there is no 
 other use of government, than correction, which is the coarsest 
 part of it." To provide the means of a good education for 
 every child, and to see that all are taught some good trade or 
 profession, would do more for the promotion of peace and hap- 
 piness, than all the machinery of courts and prisons. 
 
 * J. R Tyson's address on the 200th anniversary of the birth of Penn. 
 
 16 
 
190 LIFE OF 
 
 it more than treasure, and follow it, and you shall bo blessed here, and 
 happy hereafter. 
 
 " In the first place, remember j^our Creator in the days of your youth. 
 It was the glory of Israel, in the second of Jeremiah : and how did God 
 bless Josiah, because he feared him in his youth ! and so he did Jacob, 
 Joseph and Moses. my dear children, remember, and fear and serve 
 Him who made 3'^ou, and gave you to me and your dear mother ; that you 
 may live to him aud glorify him in your generations ! 
 
 " To do this, in your youthful days seek after the Lord, that you may 
 find him ; remembering his great love in creating you ; that you are not 
 beasts, plants, or stones, but that he has kept you, and given you his grace 
 ■wnthin, and substance without, and provided plentifully for you. This 
 remember in your youth, that you may be kept from the evil of the world : 
 for in age it will be harder to overcome the temptations of it. 
 
 " "Wherefore, my dear children, eschew the appearance of evil, and love 
 and cleave to that in your hearts which shows you evil from good, and 
 tells you when you do amiss, and reproves you for it. It is the light of 
 Christ that he has given you for your salvation. If you do this, and fol- 
 low my counsel, God will bless you in this world, and give you an inheri- 
 tance in that which shall never have an end. For the light of Jesus is of 
 a purifying nature ; it seasons those who love it and take heed to it ; and 
 never leaves such, till it has brought them to the city of God, that has 
 foundations. that ye may be seasoned with the gracious nature of it ! 
 hide it in your hearts, and flee, my dear children, from all youthful lusts; 
 the vain sports, pastimes and pleasures of the world ; redeeming the time, 
 because the days are evil ! — You are now beginning to live ! — What would 
 some give for your time. Oh ! I could have lived better, were I, as you, 
 in the flower of youth. — Therefore love and fear the Lord, keep close to 
 meetings, and delight to wait on the Lord God of ycur fether and mother, 
 among his despised people, as we have done ; and count it your honor to 
 be members of that society, and heirs of that living fellowship which is 
 enjoyed among them, for the experience of which your father's soul bless- 
 eth the Lord for ever. 
 
 " Next, be obedient to your dear mother, a woman whose virtue and 
 good name is an honor to you ; for she hath been exceeded by none in her 
 time for her plainness, integrity, industry, humanity, virtue, and good 
 \inderstanding — qualities not usual among women of her worldly condi- 
 tion and quality. Therefore honor and obey her, my dear children, as 
 your mother and your father's love aud delight ; nay, love her too, for she 
 loved your father with a deep and upright love, choosing him before all 
 her many suitors : and though she be of a delicate constitution and noble 
 spirit, yet she descended to the utmost tenderness and care for you, per- 
 forming the painfulest acts of service to you in your infancy, as a mother 
 and a nurse t( 0. I charge you, before the Lord, honor and obey, love and 
 cherish your dear mother. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 191 
 
 Next: betake yourselves to' some honest, mdustrious course of life, ami 
 that not of sordid covetousness, but for example and to avoid idlenes.-i. 
 And if you change your condition and marry, choose, with the knowledj;-e 
 and consent of your mother, if living, or of guardians, or those that have 
 the charge of you. Mind neither beauty nor riches, but the fear of the 
 Lord, and a SAveet and amialde disposition, such as you can love above all 
 this world, and that may make your habitations pleasant and desirable to 
 you. 
 
 " And being married, be tender, affectionate, patient, and meek. Live 
 in the fear of the Lord, and he will bless you and your off"spring. Bo sure 
 to live within compass ; borrow not, neither be beholden to anj"-. Ruin 
 not yourselves by kindness to others ; for that exceeds the due b(mnds of 
 friendship, neither will a true friend expect it. Small matters I heed 
 not. 
 
 " Let your industry and parsimony go no further than for a sufficiency 
 for life, and to make a provision for your children, and that in modera- 
 tion, if the Lord gives you any. I charge you help the poor and needy ; 
 let the Lord have a voluntary share of your income for the good of the 
 poor, both in our society and others ; for we are all his creatures ; remem- 
 bering that ' he that giveth to the poor lendeth to the Lord.' 
 
 " Know well your in-comings, and your out-goings may be better regu- 
 lated. Love not money nor the world ; use them only, and they will serve 
 you ; but if you love them you serve them, which will debase your spirits 
 as well as offend the Lord. 
 
 " Pity the distressed, and hold out a hand to help them : it may be your 
 case ; and as you mete to others God will mete to you again. 
 
 " Be humble and gentle in your conversation ; of few words, I charge 
 you ; but always pertinent when you speak, hearing out before 3-ou at- 
 tempt to answer, but then speaking as if you would persuade, not impose. 
 
 " Affront none, neither revenge the. affronts that are done to you ; but 
 forgive, and you shall be forgiven of your heavenly father. 
 
 " In making friends, consider well first ; and when you are fixed be 
 true, not wavering by reports nor deserting in affliction, for that becomes 
 not the good and virtuous. 
 
 "Watch against anger, neither speak nor act in it ; for, like drunken- 
 ness, it makes a man a beast, and throws people into desperate incon- 
 veniences. 
 
 " Avoid flatterers, for they are thieves in disguise ; their praise is costly, 
 designing to get by those they bespeak ; they are the worst of creatures ; 
 they lie to flatter, and flatter to cheat ; and, which is worse, if you believe 
 them you cheat yourselves most dangerously. But the virtuous, though 
 poor, love, cherish and prefer. Remember David, who, asking the Lord, 
 ' Who shall abide in thy tabernacle? who shall dAvell upon thy holy hill?' 
 answers, ' He that walketh uprightly, worketh righteousness, and speak- 
 eth the trnth in his heart ; in whose eye the vile person is contemned, but 
 honoreth them who fear the Lord.' 
 
192 LIFE OF 
 
 " Next, my chikli-en, he temperate in all tfiings ; In your diet, for that is 
 physic J)y prevention ; it keeps, nay, it makes people healthy, and their 
 generation sound. This is exclusive of the spiritual advantage it brings. 
 Be also plain in your apparel ; keep out that lust which reigns too much 
 ever some ; let your virtues be your ornament, remembering life is more 
 than food, and the body than raiment. Let your furniture be simple and 
 cheap. Avoid pride, avarice and luxury. Read my ' No Cross no Crovra.' 
 There is instruction. Make your convei-sation with the most eminent for 
 wisdom and piety, and shun all wickea men as you hope for the blessing 
 of God and the comfort of your father's living and dying prayers. Be 
 sure you speak no evil of any — no, not of the meanest ; much less of your 
 superiors, as magistrates, guardians, tutors, teachers, and elders in 
 Christ. 
 
 " Bo no busybodies ; meddle not with other folk's matters, but when 
 in conscience and duty prest ; for it procures trouble, and is ill manners, 
 and very unseemly to wise men. 
 
 " In your families, remember Abraham, Moses and Joshua, their in- 
 tegrity to the Lord ; and do as you have them for your examples. 
 
 "Let the fear and service of the living God be encouraged in your 
 houses, and that plainness, sobriety and moderation in all things as be- 
 cometh God's chosen people ; and as I advise you, my beloved children, 
 do you counsel j^ours, if God should give you any. Yea, I counsel and 
 command them as my posterity, that they love and serve the Lord God 
 with an upright heart, that he may bless you and yours from gentration 
 to generation. 
 
 " And as for you, who are likely to be concerned in the government of 
 Pennsylvania and my parts of East Jersey, especially the first, I do 
 charge you before the Lord God and his holy angels, that you be lowly, 
 diligent, and tender, fearing God, loving the people, and hating covetous- 
 ness. Let justice have its impartial course, and the law free passage. 
 Though to your loss, protect no man against it ; for you are not above the 
 law, but the law above you. Live, therefore, the lives yourselves you would 
 have the people live, and then you have right and boldness to punish the 
 transgressor. Keep upon the square, for God sees you : therefore do your 
 duty, and be sure you see with your own eyes, and hear with your own ears. 
 Entertain no lurchers, cherish no informers for gain or revenge ; use no 
 tricks ; fly to no devices to support or cover injustice ; but let your hearts 
 be upright before the Lord, trusting in him above the contrivances of men, 
 and none shall be able to hurt or supplant. 
 
 "Oh! the Lord is a strong God, and he can do whatsoever he pleases; 
 and though men consider it not, it is the Lord that rules and over-rules in 
 the kingdoms of men, and he builds up and pulls down. I, your father, 
 am the man that can say, ' He that trusts in the Lord shall not be con- 
 founded. But God, in due time, will make his enemies be at peace with 
 him.' 
 
WILLIAM PEN]^. 193 
 
 " If you thus behave ^yourselves, and so become a terror t3 evil doors 
 and a praise to them that do well, God, my God, will be with you in wis- 
 dom and a sound mind, and make you l)lessed instruments in his hand 
 for the settlements of some of those desolate parts of the world, which my 
 soul desires above all worldly honors and riches, both for you that go and 
 you that stay ; you that govern and you that are governed ; that in the 
 end you may be gathered with me to the rest of God. 
 
 " Finally, my children, love one another with a true, endeared love, and 
 your dear relations on both sides, and take care to preserve tender affec- 
 tion in your children to each other, often marrying within themselves, so 
 as it be without the bounds forbidden in God's laws, that so they may 
 not, like the forgetting, unnatural world, grow out of kindred and as cold 
 as strangers ; but, as becomes a truly natural and Christian stock, you, 
 and yours after you, may live in the pure and fervent love of God towards 
 one another, as becometh brethren in the spiritual and natural relation. 
 
 " So, my God, that hath blessed me with his abundant mercies, both of 
 this and the other and better life, be with you all, guide you by his coun- 
 sel, bless you and bring you to his eternal glory ! that you may shine, my 
 dear children, in the firmament of God's power with the blessed spirits of 
 the just — that celestial family — praising and admiring him, the God and 
 Father of it, for ever. For there is no God like unto him ; the God of 
 Abraham, of Isaac and of Jacob, the God of the Prophets, the Apostles, 
 and Martyrs of Jesus, in whom I live forever. 
 
 " So farewell to my thrice dearly beloved wife and children ! — Yours, 
 as God pleaseth, in that which no waters can quench, no time forget, nor 
 distance wear away, but remains forever, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 " Worminghurst, fourth of sixth month, 1682." 
 
 He embarked at Deal, in company with about 100 passengers, 
 mostly Friends from Sussex, where his house at Worminghurst 
 was seated. On the 30th of August (then the 6th month), he 
 addressed, from the Downs, " a salutation to all faithful Friends 
 in England," and near the time of his departure, he wrote as 
 follows to his friend Stephen Crisp, an eminent minister of the 
 Gospel : 
 
 " Dear Stephen Crisp — My dear and lasting love in the Lord's ever- 
 lasting truth reaches to thee, with whom is my fellowship in the Gospel of 
 Peace, that is more dear and precious to my soul than all the treasures 
 and pleasures of this world ; for, when a few years are passed, we shall 
 all go the way whence we shall never return : and that we may un- 
 weariedly serve the Lord in our day and place, and, in the end, enjoy a 
 portion with the blessed that are at rest, is the breathing of my soul ! 
 
 17 
 
194 LIFE OF 
 
 " Stephen ! wo know one another, and I need not pay much to thee ; but 
 this I will say, thy parting dwells with me, or rather thy love at my part- 
 ing. How innocent, how'tender, how like the little child that has no guile ! 
 The Lord will bless that ground (Pennsylvania). I have also a letter 
 from thee, which comforted me ; for many are my trials, yet not more than 
 my supplies from my Heavenly Father, whose glory I seek, and the re- 
 nown of his blessed name. And truly, Stephen, there is work enough, and 
 here is room to work in. Surely God will come in for a share in this 
 planting-work, and that leaven shall leaven the lump in time. I do not 
 believe the Lord's providence had run this way towards me, but that he 
 has an heavenly end and service in it ; so with him I leave all, and myself 
 and thee, and his dear people, and blessed name on earth. 
 
 '' God Almighty, immortal and eternal, be with us, that in the body 
 and out of the body we may be his forever ! — I am, in the ancient dear 
 fellowship, thy faithful friend and brother, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 His arrival at New Castle ; Reception and Speech ; Landing at Chester 
 Goes to Philadelphia ; Reception ; Changes the names of the Streets 
 Lots on the Delaware ; Boundaries of the City ; Journey to New York 
 " Great Treaty" with the Indians. 
 
 1682. 
 
 After having been at sea about two months, which was then 
 considered a " prosperous passage," WiUiam Penn and his 
 friends in the ship Welcome arrived within the capes of the 
 Delaware. 
 
 During the passage, the small-pox made its appearance with 
 great virulence, and occasioned much distress. One of the pas- 
 sengers, in giving an account of the voyage, says, " the good 
 conversation of William Penn was very advantageous to all the 
 company." 
 
 " His singular care was manifested in contributing to the ne- 
 cessities of many w^ho were sick of the small-pox then on board. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 195 
 
 of which about thirty died." During the passage, they had 
 " many good meetings on board."* 
 
 From a letter of Penn to the Board of Trade in England, it 
 has been generally supposed that he landed at New Castle on 
 the 24th of October (then the 8th month), which has been cele- 
 brated as an anniversary, but he probably alluded to his arrival 
 within the capes, for it appears by an official record in New 
 Castle, that he arrived before that town on the 27th of October, 
 1682. On the following day he produced his deeds from the 
 Duke of York and received possession of the town and county 
 adjoining, which was signified by "the delivery of turf, and 
 twig, and water, and soyle of the river Delaw^are."! 
 
 He was joyfully welcomed by the inhabitants, whom he called 
 together at the court-house, when " he made a speech to the 
 old magistrates, in which he explained to them the design of 
 his coming, the nature and end of government, and of that more 
 particularly wdiich he came to establish. :j: 
 
 He next renewed the magistrates' commissions, and received 
 from them and some of the other inhabitants, written pledges 
 of fidelity and obedience. 
 
 This act has been considered by some as a stretch of power, 
 inasmuch as the deeds from the Duke of York did not, like the 
 charter for the province of Pennsylvania, in express terms, endow 
 him with political authority. But there can be no doubt it was 
 imderstood he was to be the governor of the territory on behalf 
 of the Duke to whom he was to pay, as stated in the deeds, a 
 moiety of all the rents and profits. 
 
 The next day, being the 29th, he was at Upland (Chester), 
 whence he addressed a summons to the justices and some of the 
 inhabitants of the territory adjoining New Castle, to meet him in 
 that town on the 2d of November, where he intended to hold a 
 court. § 
 
 At the time appointed, his first court was held at New Castle, 
 when the governor presided, there being " present Capt. Wm. 
 Markham, Mayor Thos. Holme, Wm. Haigh, John Simcock, 
 
 • Testimony of Richard Townsend ; Proud's History of Pennsylvania, i. 228. 
 ■j- Hazard's Annals, 596. ^ Clarkson. § Hazard's Annals, 599. 
 
196 LIFE OF 
 
 Thos. Brazie, of the Council; John Moll, John De Haes, Wm. 
 Simphill, Arnoldus de la Grange, John Cann, justices.* Go- 
 vernor Penn made a speech to the justices and inhabitants pre- 
 sent, stating that he had called this court chiefly " to settle their 
 lands and possessions, and he therefore desired them to bring 
 in to the next court to be held at New Castle, all their 
 patents, surveys, grants and claims, in order that he might 
 confirm, not only those who had a sufficient title, but also 
 those who yet wanted a title, so far forth as equity, justice, 
 and reason could require." He requested the magistrates to 
 look over their town-plots, and see what vacant room may be 
 found therein, for the accommodation of new settlers. He de- 
 sired if any had requests or petitions to present to him, that they 
 might now do it for an answer at the next court day; and, 
 finally, as for want of an assembly, there were not yet sufficient 
 laws provided for the country, he directed them to follow the 
 laws of his royal highness, provided for the province of New 
 York, so far as they M'ere consistent with the laws of England. 
 He assured the inhabitants that they should enjoy the same pri- 
 \dleges with those of the pro\'ince of Pennsylvania, and that for 
 the future they should be governed by such laws as they them- 
 selves, by their representatives should consent to, for which pur- 
 pose he would call an assembly as soon as conveniently might be. 
 
 A few days after this, William Markham, on behalf of the 
 governor, received possession of the lower counties on Delaware 
 Bay, conveyed by the Duke of York's second deed of feoffment. 
 
 On Penn's arrival at Upland, he changed its name as thus 
 related by Clarkson: "This was a memorable event, and to be 
 distinguished by some marked circumstance. He determined, 
 therefore, to change the name of the place. Turning round to 
 his friend Pearson, one of his own society, who had accompa- 
 nied him in the ship Welcome, he said, Providence has brought 
 us here safe. Thou hast been the companion of my perils. 
 W' hat wilt thou that I should call this place ?' Pearson said, 
 ' Chester,' in remembrance of the city from whence he came. 
 W^illiam Penn replied that it should be called Chester, and that 
 
 * Hazard's Annals, 600. 
 
TriLLTA:\r tenx. 197 
 
 when ho (livided the land into counties, one of them shoidd be 
 called by the same name."* 
 
 Tradition relates that from Chester to Philadelphia he went 
 with some of his friends in an open boat or barge, and we can 
 readily imagine how delighted he must have been, while passing 
 up the noble Delaware, beliolding its banks shaded with ma- 
 jestic forests clad in all the variegated foliage of autumn, its 
 surface covered with wild fowl, and everything around indicating 
 a solit\ule and grandeur peculiar to the new world. 
 
 After passing four miles above the mouth of the Schuylkill, 
 they came to a place called Coaquannock, where there was a 
 high, bold shore, covered with lofty pines. Here the site of the 
 infant city of Philadelphia had been established, and we may 
 be assured his approach was hailed with joy by the wliole popu- 
 lation ; the old inhabitants, Swedes and Dutch, eager to catch a 
 glimpse of their future governor, and the Friends who had gone 
 before him anxiously waiting his arrival. 
 
 How intensely interesting must have been the scene, espe- 
 cially if enlivened, as it probably was, by the Indians in their 
 canoes advancing to meet him. He had heard and read de- 
 scriptions of their persons and manners ; he had written kind 
 letters to them, and had thought much ui)on the means of pro- 
 moting their improvement; but now, for the first time, he looked 
 upon their athletic forms and striking features ; their robes of 
 fur and waA'ing plumes ; ami while emotions of love and good 
 will arose in his heart, he lelt that these too are the children of 
 the Universal Parent. 
 
 The high bank of the Delaware was at this place penetrated 
 by a small stream called Duck Creek, which being deej) at its 
 mouth, and having a low sandy beach, offered a convenient 
 place for landing. Here the proprietary and his companions 
 went on shore near a house then being erecteil, which was 
 called "Guest's new house," and afterwards known as the 
 " Blue anchor tavern." Peim was so pleased with the conveni- 
 encics of this spot, that he made it a public landing place in his 
 original city charter; and the little haven at the creek's niouth 
 
 * Clarkson's Lite of Ponn. 
 
 17* 
 
198 LIFE OF 
 
 SO pleased him as a fit harbor for vessels in the winter and 
 security from the driving ice, that he also appropriated so much 
 of it as lay east of little Dock Creek to be a great dock forever, 
 to be deepened by digging when needful.* 
 
 The time of his arrival is noted in the following minute of a 
 Friends' meeting, held at Fairman's mansion, Shackamaxon, 
 (Kensington) : 
 
 " At a Monthly Meeting the 8th of 9th month (November), 
 1682. At this time Governor Penn and a multitude of Friends 
 arrived here and erected a city called Philadelphia, about half a 
 mile from Shackamaxon, where meetings were established, &c. 
 Thomas Fairman, at the request of the governor, removed him- 
 self and family to Tacony, where there was also a meeting 
 appointed to be kept, and the ancient meeting of Shackamaxon 
 removed to Philadelphia."! 
 
 The; date of his landing at Philadelphia must have been only 
 a few days previous to this, for he w^as at New Castle, as we 
 have seen, on the 2d of the same month. 
 
 There is a tradition connected with his arrival, which is thus 
 related by Watson : "The Indians, as well as the whites, had 
 severally prepared the best entertainment the place and circum- 
 stances could admit. William Penn made himself endeared to 
 the Indians by his marked condescension and acquiescence in 
 their wishes. He walked with them, sat with them on the 
 ground, and ate with them of their roasted acorns and homony. 
 At this they expressed their great delight, and soon began to 
 show how they could hop and jump ; at which exhibition, Wil- 
 liam Penn, to cap the climax, sprang up and beat them all! We 
 are not prepared to credit such light gaiety in a sage governor 
 and religious chief; but we have the positive assertion of a 
 woman of truth who says she saw it. There may have been 
 very wise policy in the measure as an act of conciliation, worth 
 more than a regiment of sharp-shooters. He was then suffi- 
 ciently young for any agility, and we remember that one of the 
 old journalists among the Friends incidentally speaks of him as 
 
 * Watson's Annals, i. 132. 
 
 ■j- Ilntl. 140. This date is old style, it being the 9th month from the 1st of 
 March, then the beginning of the year. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 199 
 
 having naturally an excess of levity of spirit for a grave "minis- 
 ter."* 
 
 The site of Philadelphia had been determined by the Com- 
 missioners, in conformity with the proprietary's instructions 
 before his arrival, and it is probable some progress had been 
 made in laying out the streets and building houses. 
 
 Several changes were made in the location and names of the 
 streets after Governor Penn's arrival. 
 
 Broad Street, which is parallel with the Delaware, and lies 
 nearly midway between that river and the Schuylkill, had not 
 been located on the highest ground, and the Governor had it 
 changed to the top of the ridge, though nearer the Schuylkill, 
 so that the public buildings intended to be placed there should 
 overlook the whole city. 
 
 Many of the streets had been named after prominent indi- 
 viduals among the Colonists ; for instance, what is now Walnut, 
 was first called Pool Street, Mulberry w^as Holme's Street, Chest- 
 nut was Union Street, &c.,t which not being satisfactory to the 
 Proprietary he gave the name of High Street to the wide cen- 
 tral avenue leading from river to river; and the other main 
 streets parallel with it he called after the names of forest trees 
 found there. The cross streets were named according to their 
 numbers : as Front, Second, Third, &c., beginning at each river 
 and counting to Broad Street. He reserved, in the middle of 
 the city at the intersection of High and Broad Street, a large 
 square for public buildings, and for health and recreation; and 
 in each of the four divisions of the city, was a square for public 
 walks. 
 
 It w^as his intention and original plan not to permit buildings 
 to be erected on the river banks, but to have there a wide prome- 
 nade the whole length of the city. This beautiful and salutary 
 arrangement was in after years allowed to be infringed, and 
 hence the crowded and irregular streets that deform the eastern 
 front of the city. 
 
 The commissioners were instructed to lay off ten thousand 
 acres " as the bounds and extent of the hberties of the said 
 
 • Watson's Annals, i. 55. -J- Hazard's Annals, 594. 
 
200 LIFE OF 
 
 town," which would have included a large portion, if not all the 
 suburbs now attached to it under different corporations, but this 
 being thought too large he permitted the surveyor, at the instance 
 of the colonists to restrict the corporate limits to about one mile 
 front on the Delaware, and extending back to the Schuylkill, 
 embracing an area of about twelve hundred acres.* Subsequent 
 experience has shown the wisdom of his original design, and 
 while we admire his foresight, we cannot but lament that his 
 plans were not more fully adopted. 
 
 After viewing the site chosen for the city, giving such direc- 
 tions for its building as he thought expedient, and attending 
 some of the meetings of Friends, Penn went to New York to 
 "pay his duty to the Duke of York by visiting his province."! 
 We have no particular account of this journey, but from one of 
 his letters it appears that he was on Long Island, where there 
 were some meetings of Friends, and in passing through East 
 Jersey he visited others. He returned from this journey towards 
 the end of November (then the 9th month), and there is reason 
 to believe it was at this time he held the treaty of amity with 
 the Indians, which has been so widely celebrated as the " Great 
 Treaty^'' under the elm tree at Kensington, a transaction which 
 has been illustrated by the pencil of an eminent artist, and has 
 received the highest praise from historians. 
 
 It was of this treaty that Voltaire made the remark, now be- 
 come trite by frequent repetitions, that it was " the only league 
 between those nations and the Christians which was never sworn 
 to and never broken. "| 
 
 It is to be regretted that no circumstantial account is found 
 in any cotemporary record concerning this treaty. The descrip- 
 tion given of it by Clarkson was derived chiefly from tradition, 
 and has been shown to be erroneous in several particulars. He 
 was a M'riter of scrupulous fidelity, but in this, as in some other 
 instances, he has erred for want of having access to documents 
 only to be found in this country, which he never visited. 
 
 An able and elaborate memoir, by Peter S. Duponceau and J. 
 
 • J. \\. Tyson's Discourse, delivered at Philadelphia in 1844, pp. 17 and 18. 
 \ Penn's letter to Board of Trade, Proud i. 268. 
 % Dictionnaire Fhilosophique, word Quaker. 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 201 
 
 Francis Fisher, presented to the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
 vania, and published in their third volume, part ii., gives by far 
 the best account of this transaction that is now extant. 
 
 The time of the treaty is not precisely known, but for reasons 
 stated at large in that paper, it must have been soon after Penn's 
 return from New York, and before the meeting of the Assembly 
 . at Chester, which took place on the 4th of December, 1682. The 
 purpose of the treaty is erroneously stated by Clarkson to have 
 been to ratify a purchase of lands made of the Indians by the 
 Commissioners, as well as to establish a league of friendship. 
 The first of these objects could not have been intended, for 
 Such purchases were always secured by deeds, which were pre- 
 served and recorded, but no record exists of any such purchase. 
 Penn made two purchases of land from the Indians the follow- 
 ing spring, and Markham had purchased Pennsbury Manor 
 before the Governor's arrival, which, having been paid for, 
 needed no confirmation. Nor is it likely that the proprietary 
 would so soon attempt to purchase their lands ; it is altogether 
 probable he would first seek their acquaintance, and establish a 
 treaty of amity with them, which would facilitate their subse- 
 quent transactions. 
 
 The place of meeting has, with much unanimity among those 
 who have examined the subject, been fixed at Shackamaxon, 
 now called Kensington. It appears by ancient records, that the 
 name of this place was then written Sachamexing, which signi- 
 fies the Place of Kings, being derived from Sakima, which in the 
 Delaware language means a king or chief.* The treaty for the 
 purchase of Pennsbury Manor, previously held with the Indians by 
 Captain Markham, was at this place, and w^e have reason to believe 
 it had long been resorted to by the Indians when holding their 
 councils. From the time of Penn down to the present day, 
 tradition among the Indians as well as the inhabitants of Phila- 
 delphia, has been uniform in designating the elm tree at Ken- 
 sington as the spot where the great treaty was held, and so 
 confidently was this believed during the American Revolution, 
 
 * Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa., iii. p. ii. 113. My friend Geor?e M. Justice of Phila- 
 delphia has also in his possession ancient documents confirmmg this statement. 
 
202 LIFE OF 
 
 that the British General Simcoe, when his troops occupied the 
 town, placed a guard around the venerated tree to protect it 
 from injury.* 
 
 Having determined the time, the object, and the locality of 
 the treaty, we come now to consider the persons concerned in 
 it, and the attendant circumstances. From the best information 
 that can now be gathered, it appears that at least three Indian 
 tribes were present : the Lenni Lenape, living near the banks of 
 the Delaware ; the Mingoes, a tribe sprung from the Iroquois 
 and settled at Conestogo, and the Shawnees, a Southern tribe 
 that had removed to the Susquehannah. 
 
 There is reason to suppose that Governor Penn would be ac- 
 companied, as usual, by some members of his council, as well 
 as his secretary and surveyor. Tradition relates that a number 
 of prominent Friends were present, among whom was an an- 
 cestor of Benjamin West, whose portrait is introduced by the 
 artist into his celebrated painting of the treaty scene. 
 
 We must not take our idea of Penn's appearance from West's 
 picture, in which he is represented as a corpulent old man, for 
 at that time he was in the prime of life, being only thirty-eight 
 years of age, athletic and active, graceful in person, and pleas- 
 ing in manners. 
 
 " His favorite mode of travelling was by water ;" he kept a 
 barge furnished with a sail, and manned by a boatswain, a 
 cockswain and six oarsmen."! 
 
 His mansion at Pennsbury Manor was then being built ; it 
 was near the Friends' settlement at the Falls, and opposite Bor- 
 dentown. On his return from New York, he would take these 
 settlements in his way, and from Pennsbury he would go to 
 Shackamaxon in his usual manner by water. If on his return from 
 New York he went first to Chester, then the seat of his govern- 
 ment, he would nevertheless go in his barge to the place of 
 treaty, for the roads at that time were few and difficult. 
 
 Let us now, from the facts ascertained, and the circumstances 
 reported by historians, endeavor to picture the scene, when 
 
 • Watson i. 136. 
 
 I J. F. Fisher, private Life of William Penn, in Mem. Hist. See. Pa , vol. iii p. ii. 
 
WILLIAM PEXX. 203 
 
 the founder of Pennsylvania met in council the Indian chiefs 
 surrounded bv their tribes. 
 
 It is near the close of November, — the lofty forest trees on the 
 banks of the Delaware have shed their summer attire, the g-round 
 is strewed with leaves, and the council fire burns brightly, 
 fanned by the autumnal breeze. Under the wide-branching elm 
 the Indian tribes are assembled, but all unarmed, for no warlike 
 weapon is allowed to disturb the scene. In front are the chiefs 
 with their counsellors and aged men on either hand. Behind 
 them, in the form of a half moon, sit the young men, and some 
 of the aged matrons ; while beyond, and disposed in still widen- 
 ino; circles, are seen the vouth of both sexes.* Amons the 
 assembled chiefs there is one who holds a conspicuous rank : 
 the Great Sachem Taminend, one of nature's noblemen, revered 
 for his M-isdom and beloved for his goodness. f But see! a barge 
 is approaching, bearing at its mast-head the broad pennant of 
 the governor, the oars are plied with measured strokes, and near 
 the helm sits William Penn, attended by his council. Among 
 them are Markham, his secretary, Holmes, surveyor-general, 
 Sinicox, Haigue, Taylor and Pearson. On the river bank, 
 waiting with others to join them, is Lacy Cock, the hospitable 
 Swede, whose dwelling is near the treaty ground. They are 
 plainly dressed, and the proprietary is only distinguished from 
 the rest by a skj'-blue sash of silk net work that encircles his 
 waist. j They land and advance towards the council fire, the 
 governor, having his cousin ^larkliam on the right, and his 
 friend Pearson on the left, is preceded by some of his attendants, 
 bearing presents, which they spread upon the ground. § 
 
 They pause when they approach the council fire, — Taminend 
 puts on his chaplet, surmounted by a small horn, the emblem of 
 kingly power, || and then, through an interpreter, he announces 
 to William Penn that the nations are ready to hear him. 
 
 Being thus called upon, he begins his speech : " The Great 
 Spirit," he says, "who made me and you, who rules the 
 heavens and the earth, and who knows the innermost thoughts 
 
 * Penn's letter to Free Society of Traders. 
 
 + Duponceau's Oration and Heckawalder's History of Indians. 
 
 % Clarkson, § Ibid. \ W. P.'s letter to Free Society of Traders. 
 
204 LIFE OF 
 
 of men, knows that I and my friends have a hearty desire to 
 live in peace and friendship with you, and to serve you to the 
 utmost of our power. It is not our custom to use hostile 
 weapons against our fellow creatures, for which reason we have 
 come unarmed. Our object is not to do injury, and thus pro- 
 voke the Great Spirit, but to do good. 
 
 " We are met on the broad path-way of good faith and good 
 will, so that no advantage is to be taken on either side, but all 
 to be openness, brotherhood, and love." Here the governor 
 unrolls a parchment containing stipulations for trade, and pro- 
 mises of friendship, which, by means of an interpreter, he ex- 
 plains to them, article by article, and placing it on the ground, 
 he observes that the ground shall be common to both people. 
 He then proceeds, "I will not do as the Marylanders did, that 
 is, call you children or brothers only; for parents are apt to 
 whip their children too severely, and brothers sometimes will 
 differ; neither will I compare the friendship between us to a 
 chain, for the rain may rust it, or a tree may fall and break it, 
 but I will consider you as the same flesh and blood with the 
 Christians, and the same as if one man's body were to be 
 divided into two parts."* 
 
 This speech being listened to by the Indians in perfect silence, 
 and with much gravity, they take some time to deliberate, and 
 then the King orders one of his chiefs to speak to William Penn. 
 
 The Indian orator advances, and in the King's name salutes 
 him; then, taking him by the hand, he makes a speech, pledg- 
 ing kindness and good neighborhood, and that the Indians and 
 English must live in love as long as the sun and moon shall 
 endure. t 
 
 There is evidence to show that the stipulations of this treaty 
 or league of amity were committed to writing, but the '■ecord 
 has been sought for without success. We have, however, the 
 principal items, or links of the chain, as mentioned by governor 
 Gordon, in a speech he made to the same tribes, the 26th of 
 May, (then the 3d month, 1728.) He said : 
 
 • Clarkson. f ^^i*^' ^^^ W- ^'^ l^'ter to " Free Soc. of Traders." 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 205 
 
 " My friends and brethren^ — You are sensible that the great 
 William Penn, the father of this country, when he first brought 
 the people with him over the broad sea, took all the Indians, 
 the old inhabitants, by the hand, and because he found them to 
 be a sincere, honest people, he took them to his heart, and loved 
 them as his own. He then made a strong league and chain of 
 friendship with them, by which it was agreed that the Indians 
 and the English, with all the Christians, should be as one peo- 
 ple. Your friend and father, William Penn, still retained a 
 warm affection for all the Indians, and strictly commanded 
 those whom he sent to govern this people, to treat the Indians 
 as his children, and continued in this love for them until his 
 death." * * * 
 
 " I am now to discourse wdth my brethren the Conestogoes, 
 Delawares, Ganawese, and Shawnese Indians upon the Susque- 
 hannah, and to speak to them. 
 
 " My brethren, — You have been faithful to your leagues with 
 us, your hearts have been clean, and you have preserved the 
 chain from spots or rust, or if there were any, you have been 
 careful to wipe them away ; your leagues with your father Wil- 
 liam Penn, and with his governors, are in writing on record, 
 that our children and our children's children may have them in 
 everlasting remembrance. And we know that you preserve the 
 memory of those things amongst you, by telling them to your 
 children, and they again to the next generation, so that they 
 remain stamped on your minds never to be forgot. 
 
 " The chief heads or strongest links of this chain, I find, are 
 these nine, viz. : 
 
 " 1st. That all Wm. Penn's people or Christians, and all the 
 Indians, should be brethren, as the children of one Father, 
 joined together as with one heart, one head, and one body. 
 
 " 2d. That all paths should be open and free to both Chris- 
 tians and Indians. 
 
 " 3rd. That the doors of the Christian's houses should be 
 open to the Indians, and the houses of the Indians open to the 
 Christians, and that they should make each other welcome as 
 their friends. 
 
 " 4th. That the Christians should not believe any false rumors 
 
 18 
 
206 LIFE OF 
 
 or reports of the Indians, nor the Indians believe any such ru- 
 mors or reports of Christians, but should first come as brethren 
 to inquire of each other ; and that both Christians and Indians, 
 -when they have any such false reports of their brethren, they 
 should bury them as in a bottomless pit. 
 
 " 5th. That if the Christians heard any ill news, that may be to 
 the hurt of the Indians, or the Indians heard any such ill news, 
 that may be to the injury of the Christians, they should acquaint 
 each other with it speedily, as true friends and brethren. 
 
 "6th. That the Indians should do no manner of harm to the 
 Christians, nor to their creatures, nor the Christians do any hurt 
 to the Indians, but each treat the other as brethren. 
 
 " 7th. But as there are wicked people in all nations, if either 
 Indians or Christians should do any harm to each other, com- 
 plaint should be made of it by the persons suffering, that right 
 may be done ; and when satisfaction is made, the injury or wrong 
 should be forgot, and be buried as in a bottomless pit. 
 
 " 8th. That the Indians should in all things assist the Christians 
 and the Christians assist the Indians, against all wicked people 
 that would disturb them. 
 
 " 9th. And lastly, that both Christians and Indians should ac- 
 quaint their children with this league and firm chain of friend- 
 ship made between them, and that it should always be made 
 stronger and stronger, and be kept bright and clean, without 
 rust or spot, between our children and children's children, while 
 the creeks and rivers run, and while the sun, moon and stars 
 endure." 
 
 The elm tree, at Kensington, under which the treaty was rati- 
 fied, called the treaty tree, was blown down in 1810. It was 24 
 feet in girth, and believed to be about 280 years old. A part 
 of the trunk was sent to the Penn family in England, and of the 
 remainder, many small articles of furniture were made, which are 
 preserved as precious relics. On the site of the treaty, a small 
 monument has been erected by the Penn Society at Philadel- 
 phia, with appropriate inscriptions, and a scion of the great elm, 
 is now vigorously growing tliere. 
 
 The legislature of Pennsylvania, at its session in 1849, 
 appropriated $5000 for the purchase of the treaty ground, and 
 
TTILLIAM PENN. 207 
 
 the Historical Society of Pennsylvania has recently appointed a 
 committee to aid in carrying this purpose into effect. 
 
 Having given all the particulars, now extant, concerning this 
 celebrated transaction, the inquiry presents itself, why should 
 this treaty have inspired so much interest as to make " its fame 
 co-extensive with the civilized world?" /In all the North Ameri- 
 can colonies treaties were made with the Indians, and, doubtless, 
 some of them were obser\'ed in good faith. It was not unusual 
 to purchase their lands ; the Swedes had made such purchases 
 on the banks of the Delaw^are, long before the arrival of Penn. 
 The pre-eminent importance of the " great treaty," consists in 
 this, it was the 7?r.y/ time William Penn had met the Indian chiefs 
 in council, to make with them the firm league of friendship, 
 which was never violated ; and gave rise to a kindly intercourse 
 between the Friends and the aborigin'es, that continues to this 
 day. It was like laying the corner-stone of a great edifice, 
 whose enduring strength and beautiful proportions have called 
 forth the admiration of succeeding ages. 
 
 The whole conduct of Penn towards the Indians, was founded 
 in justice and love, he not only paid them for their lands, but he 
 employed every means in his power to promote their happiness 
 and moral improvement. 
 
 The Indians, on their part, treated the colonists in the most 
 hospitable manner, supplying them frequently with venison, 
 beans and maize, and refusing compensation. For William 
 Penn they felt, and often expressed, the utmost confidence and 
 esteem. So great was the reverence inspired by his virtues, 
 that his name was embalmed in their affections, and handed down 
 to successive generations. 
 
 Heckewalder, in his history of the Indian nations, speaks of 
 the care they took, by means of strings or belts of wampum, to 
 preserve the memory of their treaties, and especially those they 
 made with William Penn. He says, " they frequently assembled 
 together in the woods, in some shady spot, as nearly as possible 
 similar to those where they used to meet their brother Miquon^ 
 and there lay all his words and speeches, with those of his de- 
 scendents, on a blanket or clean piece of bark, and with great 
 satisfaction go successively over the whole. This practice, which 
 
208 LIFE OF 
 
 I have repeatedly witnessed, continued until the year 1780, when 
 the disturbances which took place put an end to it, probably 
 forever."* 
 
 At a treaty held at Easton, in Pennsylvania, with the Indians, 
 ill 1756, in Governor Morris's administration, Teedyuscung, the 
 Delaware chief, spoke as follows : " Brother Onas and the peo- 
 ple of Pennsylvania, we rejoice to hear from you, that you are 
 willing to renew the old good understanding, and that you call 
 to mind the first treaties of friendship made by Onas, our great 
 friend, deceased, with our forefathers, when himself and his peo- 
 ple first came over here."t 
 
 The name of Onas was given to William Penn by the Iroquois, 
 whom the proprietary, and generally the English colonial govern- 
 ments, supported in their claim of superiority over the other In- 
 dian tribes ; it seems that the Delawares adopted the name, at 
 least in their public speeches ; among themselves they called 
 him, in their own language, Miquon. Both these w^ords signify 
 a quill or pen.J 
 
 It is certain that no other man ever attained so great an in- 
 fluence over their minds ; and the affectionate intercourse be- 
 tween them and the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, which con- 
 tinued as long as the principles of the first colonists preserved 
 their ascendency, is the most beautiful exemplification afforded 
 by history, that the peaceable doctrines of Christ, are adapted to 
 promote the happiness of man. 
 
 In the other colonies, the aborigines were considered as dan- 
 gerous neighbors, inured to cruelty and delighting in blood. 
 They had been rendered suspicious by tiie repeated injuries of 
 the whites, and were undoubtedly brave and revengeful. Penn 
 and his associates, relying on the purity of their motives and the 
 protection of Divine providence, came among them unarmed, 
 and professing the principle of non-resistance. The justice of 
 his measures and the kindness of his deportment, won their con- 
 fidence and esteem: the blood-stained tomahawk was buried, the 
 tokens of peace were exchanged, and the ferocity of their nature 
 
 • Memoirs Hist Soc of Pii , vol. iii part ii. I'IS. 
 
 f I'roud's Hist. I'u. i. 2H. \ Mem. Hist. S )c. I'a. iii, part ii 1-.9. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 209 
 
 was subdued by the tender, cementing influence of Christian 
 love. 
 
 But nations are slow to learn the lessons of Divine wisdom. 
 The intercourse so happily begun in love, and continued for suc- 
 cessive generations, was eventually disturbed and broken by the 
 violence of human passions. The red man, unable to cope with 
 the grasping, aspiring Anglo-Saxon, was driven from his old 
 hunting-grounds, and taking his course to the far north-west, 
 he bade adieu, with an aching heart, to the graves of his fathers. 
 But still, he has not forgotten the '■'■great treaty,^'' and among 
 the scattered remnants of those once powerful tribes, now seated 
 by the clear lakes of Canada, or wandering on the banks of the 
 turbid Missouri, the name of the great and good Onas continues 
 to be held in grateful remembrance. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Assembly meets at Chester ; Constitution and Laws passed ; Wni. Penn 
 goes to Maryland to meet Lord Baltimore ; Visits Friends Meetings ; 
 Letter to a friend ; Letter to one who had censured him ; Letter to Lord 
 Culpepper ; Letter to Lord Hyde ; Assembly meets in Philadelphia ; 
 Kew Charter ; Wm. Penn meets Lord Baltimore at New Castle ; Treaty 
 with Indians for land ; Indian walk ; Trial for coining false money ; 
 Trial for Witchcraft ; Letter to Col. Henry Sidney. 
 
 1682-'3. 
 
 Within three weeks from the time of his landing at New 
 Castle, William Penn issued writs for an election of representa- 
 tives to a General Assembly to be held at Chester. Agreeably 
 to the summons, the Assembly, consisting of members from the 
 province of Pennsylvania and the three lower counties, called 
 the territories, met at Chester the 4th of December, (then 10th 
 month,) 1682, and chose Nicholas Moore for their speaker. 
 They adopted rules for their government, among which was one 
 
 18* 
 
210 LIFE OF 
 
 requiring that " none speak but once before the question is put, 
 nor after, but once, and that none fall from the matter to the 
 person, and svperjlitons and tedious speeches may be stopped 
 by the speaker." Under these salutary restrictions, we may 
 readily suppose they proceeded rapidly with their business. 
 
 A petition was presented from the inhabitants of the three 
 lower counties, then called New Casde, Jones, and New Deal, 
 "humbly desiring that they may be favored with an act of union, 
 by the governor and Assembly, for their incorporation with the 
 province of Pennsylvania, in order to the enjoyment of all the 
 rights and privileges of that province." This petition was 
 granted, and an act of union passed, which also provided for 
 the naturalization of foreigners already settled in the province 
 and territories.* This act being approved by the governor, the 
 Swedes deputed Lacy Cock to acquaint him, that they would 
 love, serve, and obey him with all they had, declaring, " it was 
 the best day they ever saw."t An act of settlement w^as passed 
 at the same time, which states that, owing to the " fewness of 
 the inhabitants, their inability in estate, and unskilfulness in 
 matters of government," three persons out of each of the six 
 counties shall serve for the Provincial Council, and nine from 
 each covmty for members of the Assembly, " instead of the num- 
 ber designated in the charter ; and after the present, your six 
 from each county shall compose the Assembly." In the same 
 act some other changes in the constitution are provided for, but 
 its main features and essential principles, as agreed upon in 
 England, are preserved, and the humble acknowledgments of 
 the Assembly are expressed for it, with a promise that it shall 
 be universally observed. 
 
 At this session was passed the " Great Law," or code of laws, 
 consisting of sixty nine sections, which long formed the basis of 
 jurisprudence in Pennsylvania.! It embraces most of the laws 
 agreed upon in England, and some others afterwards suggested. 
 Among the latter is a clause, attributed to the proprietary, re- 
 quiring the estates of intestates to go to the wife and children, 
 
 * Hazard's An., 615. | Clarkson. 
 
 % Hazard's An. f 34. Proud and Gnrt'on, say fil chapters. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 211 
 
 which, by abrogating the English law of primogeniture, was in- 
 strumental in promoting that general equality of condition, and 
 division of property, deemed so essential in a republican govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The first section of this code has been so much admired for 
 its liberality and eloquence, that it may be inserted entire: 
 
 " Almighty God, being only Lord of conscience, Father of lights and 
 spirits, and the author as well as object of all Divine knowledge, faith, 
 and worship ; who only can enlighten the mind, and persuade and con 
 vince the understanding of people, in due reverence to his sovereignty 
 over the souls of mankind. It is enacted by the authority aforesaid, that 
 no person now or at any time hereafter living in this province, who shall 
 confess and acknowledge one Almighty God to be the Creator, upholder, 
 and ruler of the world, and that professeth him or herself obliged in con 
 science to live peaceably and justly under the civil government, shall in 
 anywise be molested or prejudiced for his or her conscientious persuasion 
 or practice ; nor shall he or she at any time be compelled to frequent or 
 maintain any religious worship, place, or ministry whatever, contrary to 
 his or her mind, but shall freely and fully enjoy his or her Christian 
 liberty in that respect, without any interruption or reflection : and if any 
 person shall abuse or deride any other for his or her different persuasion 
 and practice in matter of religion, such shall be looked upon as a disturb- 
 er of the peace, and be punished accordingly. 
 
 " But to the end that looseness, irreligion, and atheism may not creep 
 in under pretence of conscience, in this province: be it further enacted by 
 the authority aforesaid, that according to the good example of the primi- 
 tive Christians, and for the ease of the Creation, every first day of the 
 week, called the Lord's Day, people shall abstain from their common toil 
 and labor, that whether masters, parents, children, or servants, they may 
 the better dispose themselves to read the Scriptures of truth at home, or 
 to frequent such meetings of religious worship abroad as may best suit 
 their respective persuasions." 
 
 After a session of four days, (from the 4th to the 7th inclu- 
 sive,) the Assembly adjourned, affording an instance of unan- 
 imity and despatch almost unexampled. On the 11th of Decem- 
 ber, (10th month,) Penn set out for Maryland to meet Lord 
 Baltimore, to whom he had previously sent a messenger to make 
 arrangements for a negotiation in relation to boundaries. The 
 time agreed on was the 19th, and the interview is thus related 
 in a letter of Penn to " the Lords of the Committee of Planta- 
 tions," in London. 
 
212 LIFE OF 
 
 " I came to West river, whore I met the proprietor, attended suitable 
 to his character, who took the occasion, by his civilities, to show me the 
 greatness of his power. The next day we had conference about our busi- 
 ness of the bounds, both at the same table, with our respective members 
 of council. 
 
 " The first thing I did was to present tlie King's letter, which consistcid 
 of two parts : one, that the Lord Baltimore had but two degrees ; aild the 
 other, that beginning at Watkins' Point, he should admeasure his said 
 degrees, at 60 miles to a degree. This being read by him, first privately, 
 then publicly, he told me the King was greatly mistaken, and that he 
 would not leave his patent to follow the King's letter, nor could a letter 
 void his patent ; and by that he would stand. 
 
 " This was the substance of what he said from first to last, during the 
 whole conference. To this I answered, the King might be misinformed 
 rather than mistaken, and that I was afraid the mistake would fall on his 
 side ; for though his patent begins at Watkins' Point, and goes to the 
 fortieth degree of north latitude, yet it presumed that to be in the thirty- 
 eighth, else Virginia would be wronged, which should extend to that 
 degree ; however, this I assured him, that when I petitioned the King for 
 five degrees north latitude, and that petition was referred to the Lords of 
 the Committee of Plantations : at that time it was urged by some present, 
 that the Lord Baltimore had but two degrees; upon which the Lord Presi- 
 dent, turning his head to me, at whose chair I stood, said, 'Mr. Penn, will 
 not three degrees serve your turn?' I answered, 'I submit both the what, 
 and how, to the honorable board.' 
 
 "To this his uncle, and chancellor, returned, that to convince me his 
 father's grant was not by degrees, he had more of Virginia given him, 
 but being planted, and the grant intending only land not planted, or pos- 
 sessed, but of savage natives, he left it out, that it might not forfeit the 
 rest : of which the Lord Baltimore takes no notice, in his narrative, that 
 I remember. But, by that answer, he can pretend nothing to Delaioare; 
 which was at, and before, the passing of that patent, bought and planted 
 by the Dutch; and so could not be given. But, if it were, it was forfeit- 
 ed, for not reducing it, during twenty years, under the English sovereign- 
 ty, of which he held it; but was at last reduced by the King, and there- 
 fore his, to give as he pleaseth. 
 
 " Perceiving that my pressing the King's letter was uneasy, and that 
 I had determined myself to dispose him with utmost softness to a good 
 compliance, I waived that of the two degrees, and pressed the admeasure- 
 ment only, the next part of the letter. For though it were two degrees 
 and a half from Watkins' Point to forty degrees, yet let it be measured 
 at sixty miles to a degree, and I would begin at forty degrees, fall as it 
 would. My design was, that every degree being seventy miles, I should 
 get all that was over sixty, the proportion intended the Lord Baltimore, 
 by the grant, and computation of a degree, at that time of the day. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 213 
 
 " Thus he had enjoyed the full favor intended him, and I had gained a 
 door of great importance to the peopling and improving of his majesty's 
 province. But he this also rejected."* 
 
 Although this effort of Penn to obtain an adjustment of the 
 boundaries was unsuccessful, he was entertained with much 
 courtesy and hospitality by Lord Baltimore, and after the con- 
 ference, he spent some days in visiting the meetings of Friends 
 in Maryland. On the 29th of the same month he returned to 
 Chester, where he wrote to a friend as follows : 
 
 " I bless the Lord I am very well, and much satisfied with my place 
 and portion ; yet busy enough, having much to do to please all, and yet 
 to have an eye to those that are not here to please themselves. 
 
 " I have been at New York, Long Island, East Jersey, and Maryland, 
 in which I have had good and eminent service for the Lord. 
 
 " I am now casting the country into townships for large lots of land. 
 I have held an Assembly, in which many good laws are passed. We 
 could not stay safely till the spring for a government. I have annexed 
 the territories lately obtained to the province, and passed a general natu- 
 ralization for strangers ; which hath much pleased the people. As to out- 
 ward things, we are satisfied ; the land good, the air clear and sweet, the 
 springs plentiful, and provision good and easy to come at ; an innumerable 
 quantity of wild fowl and fish : in fine, here is what an Abraham, Isaac, 
 and Jacob would be well contented with ; and service enough for God, for 
 the fields are here white for harvest. 0, how sweet is the quiet of these 
 parts, freed from the anxious and troublesome solicitations, hurries, and 
 perplexities of woeful Europe \" * * * 
 
 "Blessed be the Lord, that of 23 ships none miscarried, only two or 
 three had the small-pox, else healthy and swift passages generally, such 
 as have not been known ; some but twenty-eight days, and few longer than 
 six weeks. Blessed be God for it, who is good to us and follows us with 
 his abundant kindness : my soul fervently breathes, that in his heavenly 
 guiding wisdom we may be kept, that we may serve him in our day, and 
 lay doAvn our heads in peace." 
 
 It is probable that Penn remained in Chester, then the seat of 
 his government, during the latter part of the winter of 1682-3. 
 There are several of his letters extant, written at this time. One 
 of them was addressed to a friend who had unduly reflected 
 upon him, viz. :t 
 
 • Proud's Hist., P. i. 268. f Proud. 
 
214 LIFE OF 
 
 " My old Friexd : — I could speak largely of God's dealings -with me in 
 getting this thing; what an inward exercise of faith and patience it cost 
 me, in passing. The travail was mine, as well as the debt and cost ; 
 through the envy of many, both professors, false friends, and profane: 
 my God hath given it me, in the face of the world ; and it is to hold it in 
 true judgment, as a reward of my sufferings : and that is seen here, what- 
 ever some despisers may say or think. 
 
 " The place God hath given me ; and I never felt judgment for the power 
 I kept, but trouble for what I parted with. 
 
 " It is more than a worldly title or patent, that hath cloathed me in this 
 place. Keep thy place. I am in mine. I am not sitting down in a 
 greatness which I have denied. I am day and night spending my life, 
 my time, my money, and am not sixpence enriched by this greatness, 
 (costs in getting, settling, transportation, and maintenance now, in a pub- 
 lic manner, but at my ovm charge, duly considered,) to say nothing of my 
 hazard, and the distance I am from a considerable estate, and, which is 
 more, from my dear wife and poor children. 
 
 "Well! the Lord is a God of righteous judgment. Had I indeed sought 
 greatness, I had stayed at home, where the difference between what I am 
 here and what was offered, and I could have been there in power and 
 wealth, is as wide as the places are. — No : I came for the Lord's sake ; 
 and, therefore, have I stood to this day, well, and diligent, and successful : 
 blessed be his power ! Nor shall I trouble myself to tell thee what I am 
 to the people of this place, in travails, watchings, spendings, and to my 
 servants every way freely, not like a selfish man. I have many witnesses. 
 To conclude : It is now in Friends' hands. Through my travail, faith, 
 and patience, it came. If Friends here keep to God in the justice, mercy, 
 equity, and fear of the Lord, their enemies will be their footstool ; if not, 
 their heirs, and my heirs too, will lose all, and desolation will follow. 
 But, blessed be the Lord, we are well, and live in the dear love of God, 
 and the fellowship of his tender heavenly Spirit ; and our faith is for our- 
 selves and one another, that the Lord will be with us a King and Coun- 
 sellor for ever. Thy ancient, though grieved friend, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN.* 
 
 *' Chester, .5th of 12th mo., 1682." 
 
 Another of his letters of same date is addressed to Lord Cul- 
 pepper. This nobleman was one of the proprietors of Virginia, 
 under a charter of Charles 11., to him and Lord Arlington, and 
 
 * The expression in this letter, " had I sought greatness I had stayed at home" 
 probably alludes to the intention of King Charles II. to raise Sir William I'enn to 
 a peerage, under the title of Lord Weymouth, which was frustrated by his son and 
 hrir beroming a Friei,d. See .Memorials of Sir W. Penn, by Greiiville Penn, vol. 
 ii. p 5C4. 
 
WILLIAM PEXN. 215 
 
 he had just arrived as the governor of that colony. In this let- 
 ter Penn says : 
 
 " I am mightily taken with this part of the world : here is a great deal 
 of nature, which is to be preferred to base art, and methinks that simpli- 
 city with enough, is gold to lacker, compared with European cunning. 
 
 " I like it so well, that a plentiful estate, and a great acquaintance on 
 the other side, have no charms to remove ; my family being once fixed 
 with me, and if no other thing occur, I am like to be an adopted Ame- 
 rican. 
 
 " Our province thrives with people, our next increase will be the fruit 
 of their labor. Time, the maturer of things below, will give the best ac- 
 count of tliis country. Our heads are dull, what fineness transplantation 
 will give, I know not ; but our hearts are good and our hands strong. 
 
 " I hear thou intendest a progress into Maryland this summer. If this 
 place deserve a share of it, all that I can command, shall bid thee wel- 
 come. 
 
 " I am, thou knowest, an unceremonious man, but I profess myself a man 
 of Christian decency, and besides, a relation by my wife, whose great 
 grand-mother was thy great aunt. With all sincerity, &c. 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN."* 
 
 A third letter written at this time was addressed to " the 
 Lord Hyde." This was Laurence Hyde, second son of the 
 Earl of Clarendon, afterwards Earl of Rochester. He occupied 
 high offices under Charles, James, and Queen Anne; was es- 
 teemed an adroit courtier, but a sincere and honorable man, 
 and seems always to have been the friend of Penn.f 
 
 TO THE LORD tTiDE. 
 
 " My Noble Friend: — I humbly take this opportunity, by a gentleman 
 of Virginia, Colonel Hill, (recommended in an interest he hath in this 
 proArince, to my favor, by the Lord Culpepper,) to pay my sincere re- 
 spects, beseeching God to remember and retaliate to thee and thine the 
 many favors I am indebted to thee. I thank God, I am very well, and 
 the province thrives. I hope the crown will sensibly receive honor and 
 credit, and profit by it. But humanly speaking, it will much depend 
 upon the benign influence of thy power and goodness ; and there I hum- 
 bly leave it, as thence, in a great measure, (I must say,) I originally 
 fetcht it. 
 
 " In my last, per a Maryland conveyance, I sent a letter with one in it 
 
 • Mem Penna. Hist. So., iv. i. 173. f Ibid. 
 
216 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 to the Duke. I did therein inclose a natural boundary for the tract of 
 land he so often pleased to promise a patent for, and which it is so much 
 his own interest to quicken Sir J. Warden in, who I hear is too Spanish, 
 and as he told me they call him in Spain, Don Juan del Ablo, for my 
 agent can hardly make him understand the Duke's commands, without a 
 more powerful interpreter. The draiight of the bounds is in my agent's 
 hands. I most humbly pray thy favor in its despatch. The planters 
 must resort to those two counties. The quit-rent is a penny per acre, 
 formerly little more than a farthing per acre. I have ordered two manors 
 for the Duke, of ten thousand acres a-piece, and intend two more. 
 
 " Their value, besides the quit-rent, Avill bo great in a few years. 
 
 " I shall add only, that my good wishes are most sincere and fervent 
 for thy true prosperity, as becomes one that by all gratitude is bound to 
 approve himself, &c. W. P. 
 
 "Pray let Pennsylvania furnish the King, the Duke, and thyself, with 
 beavers and otters for hats and muffs. I have sent some of each accord- 
 ingly.— 
 
 "'Tis the heart, not the gift that gives acceptance. — Vale. 
 
 " Chester, the 5th of the 12th mo , 1682." 
 
 On the 10th of the first month (March,) 1683, Penn met the 
 Provincial Council at Philadelphia, and the Assembly two days 
 afterwards. The Council consisted of three members from each 
 of the six counties, and the Assembly of nine members from each 
 county, agreeably to "the act of settlement," passed at the 
 last session, but some doubts having arisen about the constitu- 
 tionality of this mode of reducing the number of representatives, 
 a member of the Assembly moved, "that the governor may be 
 desired that this alteration may not hinder the people from the 
 benefit of the charter." The governor answered that, "they 
 might amend, alter, or add for the public good, and that he was 
 ready to settle such foundations as might be for their happiness 
 and the good of their posterity, according to the powers vested 
 in him." 
 
 On the 20th, " the governor and council desired a conference 
 about the charter, and then, the question being asked by the 
 governor, whether they would have the old charter or a new 
 one ? they unanimously desired there might be a new one, with 
 the amendment put into a law which is past."* The next day 
 
 • Minutes of Council, i. 7. Proud, i. 239. Colonial Rec. i. 9, 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 217 
 
 Griffith Jones and Thomas Fitzwater, came with a written mes- 
 sage from the House of Assembly, expressing "the thankful 
 acknowledgments of the house to the governor, for his kind 
 speech to them yesterday, and gratefully embracing his offers, 
 proposing what they desired might be inserted in the charter."* 
 
 A joint committee of the two houses was appointed to draft a 
 new charter, which being done, it was read in Council, the mem- 
 bers of Assembly being present ; and after some debate it was 
 agreed to and signed by the governor, to whom the old charter 
 was returned, with "the hearty thanks of the whole house." 
 
 The second charter, embraced the same principles as the first, 
 and much of it was in the same language ; the number of dele- 
 gates from each county was reduced to three for the Council, 
 and six for the Assembly, with the privilege of each house being 
 enlarged with the increase of inhabitants. 
 
 The governor's treble vote was abolished, but the privilege of 
 originating bills was still confined to the Governor and Council, 
 who were required to publish the proposed bills before the meet- 
 ing of the Assembly. This feature was well adapted to the cir- 
 cumstances of an infant colony, as it saved much time in legis- 
 lation, but it was subsequently changed, with the consent of the 
 proprietary, by giving to the Assembly, at their request, power 
 to originate all legislative measures. 
 
 By one of the acts passed at this time provision was made for 
 the appointment, at every county court, of three peace-makers, 
 in the nature of common arbitrators, to hear and determine all 
 differences between individuals. 
 
 In grateful acknowledgment of the governor's services, and 
 in consideration of his expenses in establishing the colony, the 
 Assembly granted him an impost upon certain imports and ex- 
 ports, but he, with a generosity which he had afterwards cause 
 to repent, declined to avail himself of it for the present. 
 
 After a harmonious session of twenty-one days, the Assembly 
 adjourned, having in this brief time, not only amended the 
 charter, and enacted many new laws, but revised and confirmed 
 the whole civil and criminal code. 
 
 • Gordon's Hist Pa. 8L 
 
 19 
 
218 LIFE OF 
 
 A few weeks after the adjournment of the Assembly, Penn 
 was engae;ed in making a treaty with the Indians for the pur- 
 chase of land, as stated in the following extract from his letter 
 to "The Lords of the Committee of Plantations, in London:" 
 
 " In the month called May, Lord Baltimore sent three gentlemen to let 
 me know he would meet me at the head of the Bay of Chesapeake : I was 
 then in treaty with the kings of the natives for land ; but three days after 
 we met ten miles from New Castle, which is thirty from the Bay. 
 
 " I invited him to the town, where, having entertained him as well as 
 the town could aiford on so little notice, and finding him only desirous of 
 speaking with me privately, I pressed that we might, at our distinct lodg- 
 ings, sit severally with our councils, and treat by way of written memo- 
 rials, which would prevent the mistakes or abuses that may follow from 
 ill designs or ill memory ; but he avoided it, saying, ' He was not well, 
 and the weather sultry, and would return with what speed he could, re- 
 serving any other treaty to another season.' Thus we parted at that time. 
 ! had been before told by divers, that the said Baltimore had issued 
 forth a proclamation to invite people by lower prices and greater quan- 
 tities of land, to plant in the lower counties ; in which the Duke's good- 
 ness had interested me, as an inseparable benefit to this whole province. 
 I was not willing to believe it ; and being in haste I omitted to ask him. 
 But I had not been long returned before two letters came from two judges 
 of the county courts, that such a proclamation was abroad, that the peo- 
 ple too hearken to it, but yet prayed my directions. I bade them keep 
 their ground and not fear, for the King would bo judge."* 
 
 On his return from New Castle, his negotiation with the In- 
 dians was, probably, renewed, there being two deeds on record 
 for land purchased of them about this time. The first, dated 
 June 23d, 1683, between William Penn and Kings Tamanen 
 and Metamequan, conveys their land near Neshemanah [Nesha- 
 miny] creek and thence to Pennapecka [Pennypackj.f The 
 other, which bears date the 14th of July following, is for lands 
 lying between the Schuylkill and Chester Rivers. J 
 
 In one of the purchases of land made from the Indians, it 
 was stipulated that it should extend "as far back as a man could 
 walk in three days." Tradition relates that William Penn him- 
 self, with several of his friends and a number of Indian chiefs, 
 
 * Proud, i -71. f Watsoirs An. i. 143. 
 
 4 Mem. Pa. Hist. S.c. iii. II. 157. 
 
WILLIAM PEXN. 219 
 
 " began to walk out this land at the mouth of the Neshaminy, 
 and walked up the Delaware ; that in one day and a half, they 
 got to a spruce tree near the mouth of Baker's Creek, when 
 William concluding this would include as much land as he 
 would want at present, a line was run and marked from the 
 spruce tree to Neshaminy, and the remainder left to be walked 
 out when it should be wanted for settlement." " It is said they 
 walked leisurely, after the Indian manner, sitting down some- 
 times to smoke their pipes, to eat biscuit and cheese, and drink 
 a bottle of wine. It is certain they arrived at the spruce tree in a 
 day and a half, the whole distance rather less than thirty miles." 
 The remainder of the line was not run till the 20th of September, 
 1733, when the Governor of Pennsylvania employed three of the 
 fastest walkers that could be found, one of whom, Edward Mar- 
 shall, walked in a day and a half, the astonishing distance of 
 eighty-six miles. The name of William Penn has, by some per- 
 sons, been unjustly coupled with this disgraceful transaction, 
 which did not take place till many .years after his death. The 
 Indians felt themselves much aggrieved by this unfair admeasure- 
 ment of their lands ; it was the cause of the first dissatisfaction 
 between them and the people of Pennsylvania, and it is remark- 
 able, that the first murder committed by them in the province, 
 seventy-two years after the landing of Penn, was on this very 
 ground, which had been taken from them by fraud.* 
 
 During the year 1683, the Prcrv'incial Council held its meet- 
 ings in Philadelphia : it was convened very frequently and the 
 minutes show that William Penn always presided. 
 
 Among its judicial proceedings, only two cases are of suffi- 
 cient interest to be cited. One was the trial of Charles Picker- 
 ing and others, for coining " Spanish bitts and Boston money," 
 alloyed with too large a proportion of copper. They were found 
 guilty, and Pickering, being the principal in the fraud, was sen- 
 tenced by the court to make full satisfaction, in good and cur- 
 rent money, to every person that should, withm a month, bring 
 in any of this base and counterfeit coin, which was to be called 
 
 * See, in Hazard's Reg. vi. 209, a communication from John Watson of Buck- 
 ingham, to the Am. Phil. Soc at Phil, 
 
220 LIFE OF 
 
 in by proclamation, and the money brought in, mehed down 
 and given to him. He was fined <£40 towards building a court 
 house, and required to find security for his ^'- good abearance.^'' 
 His accomplices having confessed their guilt, one of them was 
 fined JGIO, and the other, a servant, was sentenced to sit an 
 hour in the stocks. 
 
 The other case, was a trial for witchcraft^ the only one on 
 the records. This appears to have originated among the Swedes, 
 who probably brought with them from their native land, some of 
 the Scandinavian superstitions. The persons accused were 
 Margaret Mattson and Yeshro Hendrickson. Lacy Cock acted 
 as interpreter between them and the governor. The following 
 is a sample of the evidence: "Henry Drystreet, attested, saith 
 he was told, twenty years ago, that the prisoner at the bar was 
 a wdtch, and that several cow^s were bewitched by her." " An- 
 naky Coolin, attested, saith that her husband took the heart of 
 a calf that had died, as they thought, by witchcraft, and boiled 
 it, whereupon the prisoner at the bar came in and asked them 
 what they w^ere doing ; they said boiling of flesh ; she said they 
 had better they had boiled the bones, with several other U7i- 
 seemly expressions.^^ 
 
 The governor gave the jury their charge concerning the case, 
 of which, it is to be regretted, there is no record. " The jury 
 went forth and upon their return, brought her in guilty of the 
 common fame of being a witch, but not* guilty in manner 
 and form as she stands indicted." 
 
 In the summer of 1683, Capt. Wm. Markham proceeded to 
 England, probably on business for Penn, by whom he was fur- 
 nished with the following letter to Col. Henry Sidney, who was 
 the third son of the Earl of Leicester, and brother to the cele- 
 brated Algernon Sidney. 
 
 "My old worthy Friend: — The great parts of friendship are love, 
 truth, and constancy, and from the time it pleased thee to receive mine, 
 it hath not wandered in any one respect, but I still love and honor thee, 
 and would be glad I could be of any service to thee ; at this distance, to 
 
 • Colonial Rec. i. 41. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 221 
 
 be sure, I cannot, but neither can distance wear out the impressions a Ion-- 
 and kind acquaintance hath made upon my mind. 
 
 " "lis with this familiar talk I begin to entertain thee, though a great 
 man, now in government, and long deserving to have been so in thyself, 
 nor shall I ask any excuse for this freedom with a person whose good 
 nature will not be offended, and whose good sense loveth little ceremony 
 in writing. 
 
 " I writ from sea a begging letter, for a few fruit trees of the Lord Sun- 
 derland's gardener's raising out of his rare collection, that by giving them 
 a better climate, we may share with you the pleasure of excellent fruit, 
 the success of which I hear nothing of. 
 
 " I have been here about nine months, and have had my health, I thank 
 God, very well; I find the country wholesome, land, air, and water good; 
 divers good sorts of wood and fruits that grow wild, of which plums, 
 peaches, and grapes are three ; also cedar, Cyprus, chestnut, and black 
 walnut and poplar, with five sorts of oak, black and white, Spanish red 
 and swamp oak, the most durable of all, the leaf like the English willow. 
 " Wo have laid out a town a mile long and two miles deep. On each 
 side of the town runs a navigable river, the least as broad as the Thames 
 at Woolwich, the other about a mile over. I think we have near about 
 eighty houses built, and about three hundred farms settled round the 
 town. I fancy it already pleasanter than the Weald of Kent, our soil 
 being clearer, and the country not much closer ; a coach might be driven 
 twenty miles end-ways. 
 
 " We have had fifty sail of ships and small vessels, since the last sum- 
 mer, in our river, which shows a good beginning. And though I hopti 
 God will prosper our honest care and industry, yet a friend at court is a 
 good thing, and I flatter myself to believe I shall never want one while 
 thou art there. 
 
 " Wherefore give mo leave to recommend the bearer, my agent and kins- 
 man, Captain William Markham, to thy favor and power. I hear the 
 Lord Sunderland is Secretary of State again ; I also remember his kind 
 promises, and the mighty influences thou deservedly hast upon him ; pray 
 use it in my affair, that not only I and my family, but the province may 
 owe a singular acknowledgment to thy kindness. 
 
 " That in which I so earnestly solicit thy assistance, he will better com- 
 municate than I can write it; and I would not make my letter trouble- 
 some. 
 
 " The business is just, and honorable, and prudent for the crown to 
 hear me in, and that I hope will make it easy to my noble friends to favor 
 me. I have written to the Lord Sunderland about it, for it belongs to his 
 station, and since no man can better welcome it to him than thyself, Ift 
 me throw myself upon thee, and beg both thy introduction of him and 
 countenance of the business to the Lord. God will reward thee, and we 
 here shall rest the debtors of thy goodness, with much thankfulness. 
 
 19* 
 
222 LIFE OF 
 
 " I have only to ask pardon for a poor present I send, of the growth of 
 our country. Reniomher that the oiferings of old were valued by the 
 hearts of them that made them ; which gives me assurance it will be ac- 
 cepted. 
 
 "I hear little news, and am not very careful of it; but a line of thy 
 health, and success of thy affairs, will be very pleasant ; nobody interest- 
 ing himself with more affection and sincerity in thy prosperity than, 
 '• My worthy friend, 
 
 " Thy very faithful friend, 
 
 •WILLIAM PENN.* 
 "Philadelphia, the 24th of the 5th month, (July,) 1683. 
 
 " I know not if your brothers are on so good terms or alliance with me. 
 that I may remember myself to them. — Vale. 
 
 "For Colonel Hexrt Sidney, in Leichesterfield." 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Early history of Pennsylvania ; Rapid improvement ; Charter of the Colo- 
 nists ; Their labors in building and planting ; AVilliam Penn's interest 
 in their progress ; Meetings of Friends ; Anecdotes of the early settlers ; 
 Richard Townsend's testimony ; William Penn's journey to the interior 
 of Pennsylvania : His account of the country and the Indians, in a letter 
 to the Free Society of Traders. 
 
 1683. 
 
 In tracing the progress of nations, as well as individuals, 
 who have attained to greatness and renown, we love to go 
 back to their earliest history; and while we observe the de- 
 velopment of character resulting from their trials and strug- 
 gles, we can excuse the mistakes of inexperience, and rejoice in 
 the triumphs of genius and perseverance. 
 
 The origin of European nations, as well as the most renowned 
 empires of antiquity, is involved in obscurity, and blended with 
 fable, but from the foundation of the American colonies, we have 
 the advantage of cotemporary records; which, as time advances, 
 become more and more precious, for every fact and incident, 
 
 • Mem. Hist Soc, of Pa. 
 
WILLIAM PENX. 223 
 
 however trivial, of those primitive times, possesses an interest to 
 the philosophic inquirer. 
 
 The early history of Pennsylvania has peculiar attractions for 
 the moralist and the student of political economy. The entire 
 absence of military defences, the long period of uninterrupted 
 peace, the freedom and liberality of her institutions, the patri- 
 archal simplicity of manners blended with moral refinement, 
 and the unexampled rapidity of her growth, are features that 
 cannot be found, so happily blended, in the history of any other 
 people. 
 
 In the year of Penn's arrival, and during the two years next 
 succeeding, ships w^th emigrants arrived from London, Bristol, 
 Ireland, Wales, Cheshire, Lancashire, Holland, Germany, &c., 
 to the number of fifty sail.* 
 
 The colonists, in their native land, had been mostly husband- 
 men, tradesmen and mechanics : among them were some good 
 scholars, but generally their education was limited, and their 
 manners were simple, hearty and unceremonious. Many of them 
 had good estates, and were well provided with all the comforts 
 that could be had in a new country. Some brought with them 
 the frames of houses ready to be set up, others built cabins of 
 logs, and covered them with clap-boards. Huts covered with 
 bark and turf were constructed, to shelter them while building 
 their houses ; and excavations made in the bank of the Delaware 
 at Philadelphia, called caves, served for temporary dwellings for 
 the poorer classes. 
 
 Penn manifested great interest in the progress of the infant 
 city; his personal attention and cordial manners, afforded en- 
 couragement to the builders, and it is said, he furnished a plan 
 for the construction of their dwellings, which combined economy 
 with comfort. 
 
 A large proportion of the colonists being members of the so- 
 ciety of Friends, who had come with the view of enjoying 
 religious liberty, their first care was to establish meetings for 
 worship and discipline. In a letter from Friends in Pennsylvania 
 to their brethren in Great Britain, dated 17th of 1st month 
 
 • Proud's Hist. Pa. i 219. 
 
224 LIFE OF 
 
 (March), 1683, they give the following account of their meet- 
 ings: 
 
 " In Pennsylvania, there is one at Falls, one at the governor's house, 
 [Pcnnsbury] , one at Colchester river, all in the county of Bucks : one at 
 Tawcony, one at Philadelphia, both in that county : one at Darby, at John 
 Blunston's, one at Chester, one at Ridley, at J. Simcock's, and one at Wm. 
 Ruse's at Chichester in Cheshire. [?] There be three monthly meetings of 
 men and women, for truth's service : in the county of Chester one, in the 
 county of Philadelphia another, and in the county of Bucks another. And 
 [we] intend a yearly meeting in the third month next. Here our care is, as 
 it was in our native land, that we may serve the Lord's truth and people. 
 * * -x- * _A.nd for our outward condition fis men, blessed be God, we 
 are satisfied ; the countries are good — the land, the water, the air — room 
 enough for many thousands to live plentifully, and the back lands much 
 the best ; good increase of labor, all sorts of grain, promising sufficient, 
 and by reason of many giving themselves to husbandry, there is like to be 
 great fruitfulness in some time. But they that come upon a mere out- 
 ward account, must work or be able to maintain [themselves]. Fowl, 
 lish, and venison are plentiful, and of pork and beef is no want, consider- 
 ing tliat about two thousand people came into this river last year. 
 
 " Dear friends and brethren, we have no cause to murmur, our lot is 
 fallen, every way, in a goodly place, and the love of God is, and growing, 
 among us, and we are a family at peace within ourselves, and truly great 
 is our joy therefor." * * * * 
 
 Signed by William Penn, S. Jannings, Christ. Taylor, Jas. Harrison, 
 and others.* 
 
 In addition to the means of subsistence mentioned in the fore- 
 going letter, " the wild pigeons came in such numbers, that the 
 air w^as sometimes darkened by their flight ; and flying low, those 
 that had no other means to take them, sometimes supplied them- 
 selves by throwing at them as they flew, and salting up what 
 they could not eat, they served them for bread and meat in one. 
 They were thus supplied, at times, for the first two or three 
 years, by whi^h time they liad raised sufficient out of the ground 
 by their own labor; those settlers had, at this time, neither horses 
 nor plough, but tilled the ground with hoes. The natives were 
 remarkably kind to them, in supplying them with such provisions 
 as they could spare, and were otherwise serviceable in many 
 respects." 
 
 • MSS .\m. I'hil. Soc. at Pliiladdpliia. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 225 
 
 "John Chapman having settled in the woods, the farthest hack of any 
 English inhabitants, found the Indians very kind to his family, as well as 
 to the other settlers that came after him, often supplying them with corn 
 and other provisions, which here, as in other places, were many times very 
 scarce, and hard to be procured. In one of those scarce times, Chapman's 
 eldest daughter, Mara, supplied his family by an unexpected incident. 
 Being near Nashamony Creek, she heard an uncommon noise, like the 
 bleating of something in distress, and going forward to see the occasion, 
 found a large buck on Avhich a wolf had just before seized, and it having 
 got from him, had fled for safety into the creek, just under a high bank, 
 and being somewhat hurt, but in a greater fright, it stood still till she 
 alighted, took the halter from the beast she rode, and with a stick put it 
 over his horns, and secured him till more help came, on which the wolf 
 retired ; the Ijuck being large and fat, was serviceable to the family. 
 Abraham and Joseph Chapman, being then boys, about nine or ten years 
 old, one evening going to hunt their cattle, came across an Indian in the 
 woods, who told them to go back, or they would be lost ; in a little time, 
 taking his advice, they went back, but it was within night before they 
 got home, where they found the Indian, who careful lest they should have 
 lost themselves, had repaired thither in the night to see. And their 
 parents, about that time, going to the yearly meeting, and leaving a young 
 family at home, the Indians would come every day to see that nothing was 
 amiss among them. Such in many instances, was the treatment of the 
 natives of the country, in the original settlement of it."* 
 
 A further account of their mode of living and the progress of 
 the colony, is given in a letter of Richard Townsend, who came 
 from England in the same ship with William Penn. 
 
 " At our arrival," he says, "we found it a wilderness ; the chief inha- 
 bitants were Indians, and some Swedes, who received us in a friendly 
 manner ; and although there was a great number of us, the good hand of 
 Providence was seen in a particular manner, in that provisions were found 
 for us by the Swedes and Indians at very reasonable rates, as well as 
 brought from divers other parts, that were inhabited before. 
 
 "Our iirst concern was to keep up and maintain our religious worship, 
 and in order thereto, we had several meetings in the houses of the inhabi- 
 tants ; and one boarded meeting house was set up, where the city was to 
 be, (near the Delaware) ; and as we had nothing but love and good-will in 
 our hearts, one to another, we had very comfortable meetings from time 
 to time, and after our meeting was over, we assisted each other in build- 
 ing little houses for our shelter. 
 
 " After some time I set up a mill, on Chester Creek, which I brought, 
 ready framed, with me from London, which served for grinding of corn 
 and sawing of boards, and was of groat use to us. Besides, I, with Joshua 
 
 * Smith's Hist. Pa. in Hazard's Keg. Proud's Hist Fa, 
 
226 LIFE OF 
 
 Tittery, made a net, and caught great quantities of fish, which supplied 
 ourselves and oiany others ; so that notwithstanding it was thought near 
 three thousand persons came in the first year, we were so providentially 
 provided for, that we could buy a deer for about two shillings, and a large 
 turkey for about one shilling, and Indian corn for about two shillings and 
 six-pence per bushel. And as our worthy proprietor treated the Indiana 
 with extraordinary humanity, they became very civil and loving to us, and 
 brought in abundance of venison. As in other countries the Indians were 
 exasperated by hard treatment, which hath been the foundation of much 
 bloodshed, the contrary treatment here hath produced their love and 
 affection. 
 
 " About a year after our arrival, there came in about twenty families from 
 High and Low Germany, of religious, good people, and settled about six 
 miles from Philadelphia, and called the place Germantown. The country 
 continually increasing, people began to spread themselves further back. 
 And also a place called North Wales was settled by many of the ancient 
 Britons, an honest inclined people, although they had not generally then 
 made profession of the truth, as held by us ; yet in a little time, a large 
 convincement was among them, and divers meeting houses built. 
 
 " About the time Germantown was laid out, I settled upon my tract of 
 land which I had purchased of the proprietor in England, about a mile from 
 thence, where I set up a house and a corn-mill, which was very useful to 
 the country for several miles round. But there not being plenty of horses, 
 people generally brought their corn on their backs many miles. I remem- 
 ber one man had a bull so gentle, that he used to l)ring his corn on him 
 instead of a horse. 
 
 " Being now settled about six or seven miles from Philadelphia, where, 
 leaving the chief body of Friends, together with the chief place for provi- 
 sions as before mentioned, flesh meat was very scarce with me for some 
 time, of which I found the want. I remember I was once supplied by a 
 particular instance of Providence, in the following manner : being in my 
 meadow, mowing grass, a young deer came and looked on me : I went on 
 mowing for some time, and he still continued to look upon me ; upon which I 
 laid down my scythe and went towards him ; when I came pretty near, he 
 ran off a small circuit ; I went to my work again ; he continued looking on 
 me, so that at several times I left work to go towards him, but he still kept 
 at a little distance; at last going towards him, and he, looking upon me, did 
 not mind his steps, but ran forcibly against the body of a great tree and 
 stunned himself, so that he fell ; upon which I ran forward, and getting 
 upon him, held him by the legs, and a great struggle we had, until I had 
 tired him out ; being then in a manner lifeless, I took him by the legs, 
 threw him on my shoulders, and carried him about a quarter of a mile to 
 my house ; he grew more alive, and struggled hard before I got home ; but 
 with much ado I secured him, and got disengaged from my load by a 
 neighbor, who, happening to bo at my house, killed him for me. The car- 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 227 
 
 case proved very serviceable to my family. I could relate several other 
 acts of Providence of this kind, but omit them for brevity. 
 
 " As people began to spread and improve their lands, the country be- 
 came more fruitful, so that those vrhich came in after us were plentifully 
 supplied, and vyith what we abounded began a small trade abroad; and as 
 Philadelphia increased, vessels were built, and many employed. Both 
 country and trade have been wonderfully increasing to this day ; so that 
 from a wilderness, the Lord, by his good hand of providence, hath made it a 
 fruitful field ; on which to look back and observe all the steps, would ex- 
 ceed my present purpose ; yet being now in the eighty-fourth year of my 
 age, and having been in this country near forty-sis years, and my memory 
 pretty clear concerning the rise and progress of the province, I can do no 
 less than return praises to the Almighty, when I look back, and consider 
 his bountiful hand, not only in temporals, but in the great increase of our 
 meetings, wherein he hath" many times manifested his great loving-kind- 
 ness, in reaching to, and convincing many of the principles of Truth ; and 
 those that were already convinced, and continued faithful, were not only 
 blessed with plenty of the fruits of the earth, but also with the dew of 
 heaven. I am engaged in my spirit to supplicate the continuance thereof 
 to the present rising generation ; that as they increase, so Truth may in- 
 crease in their hearts ; that as God hath blessed their parents, the same 
 blessing may remain on their offspring, to the end of time ; that it may be 
 so, is the hearty desire and prayer of 
 
 " Their ancient and loving friend, 
 
 " RICHARD TOWNSEND."* 
 
 In the spring or summer of 1683, William Penn made a jour- 
 ney to the interior of his province, during which, he made him- 
 self more fully acquainted with its surface, soil, and natural pro- 
 ductions, and visited the Indians in their wigwams, with whom 
 he learned to converse in their own language. The result of 
 his observations, is communicated in the following interesting 
 letter to the Free Society of Traders : 
 
 "My kind Friend: — The kindness of yours by the ship Thomas and 
 Ann, doth much oblige me; for by it I perceive the interest you take in my 
 health and reputation, and in the prosperous beginning of this province, 
 which you are so kind as to think may much depend upon them. In re- 
 turn of which I have sent you a long letter, and yet containing as brief an 
 account of myself and the affairs of this province as I have been able 
 to make. 
 
 " In the first place. I take notice of the news you sent me, whereby I 
 find some persons have had so little wit, and so much malice, as to report 
 my death: and, to mend the matter, dead a Jesuit too. One might have 
 
 • Smith's Hist. Pa. and Proud's Hist. 
 
228 LIFE OF 
 
 reasonably hoped that this distance, like death, would have been a pro- 
 tection against spite and envy ; and indeed absence, being a kind of death, 
 ought alike to secure the name of the absent as of the dead, because they 
 are equally unable as such to defend themselves; but they who intend 
 mischief do not use to follow good rules to effect it. However, to the great 
 sorrow and shame of the inventors, I am still alive and no Jesuit; and, I 
 thank God, very well. And without injustice to the authors of this, I 
 may venture to infer, that they who wilfully and falsely report, would 
 have been glad had it been so. But I perceive many frivolous and idle 
 stories have been invented since my departure from England, which per- 
 haps at this time are no more alive than I am dead. 
 
 " But if I have been unkindly used by some I left behind me, I found 
 love and respect enough where I came ; an universal kind welcome, every 
 sort in their way. For here are some of several nations, as well as divers 
 judgments : nor were the natives wanting in this ; for their Kings, 
 Queens, and great men, both visited and presented me, to whom I made 
 suitable returns. 
 
 " For the province, the general condition of it take as followeth: 
 
 " 1. The country itself, its soil, air, water, seasons, and produce, both 
 natural and artificial, are not to be despised. The land containeth divers 
 sorts of earth, as sand, yellow and black, poor and rich ; also gravel, both 
 loamy and dusty ; and in some places a fast fat earth, like that of our best 
 vales in England, especially by inland brooks and rivers : God in his wis- 
 dom having ordered it so, that the advantages of the country are divided; 
 the back lands being generally three to one richer than those that lie by 
 navigable rivers. We have much of another soil, and that is a black 
 hazel mould upon a stony or rocky bottom. 
 
 '* 2. The air is sweet and clear, and the heavens serene, like the south 
 parts of France, rarely overcast ; and as the woods come by numbers of 
 people to be more cleared, that itself will refine. 
 
 "3. The waters are generally good; for the rivers and brooks have 
 mostly gravel and stony bottoms, and in numbers hardly credible. We 
 have also mineral waters, which operate in the same manner with those 
 of Barnet and North Hall, not two miles from Philadelphia. 
 
 "4. For the seasons of the year, having by God's goodness now lived 
 over the coldest and hottest that the oldest liver in the province can re- 
 member, I can say something to an English understanding. 
 
 " First of the fall, for then I came in. I found it from the twenty-fourth 
 of October to the beginning of December, as we have it usually in Eng- 
 land in September, or rather like an English mild spring. From Decem- 
 ber to the beginning of the month called March, we had sharp frosty 
 weather; not foul, thick, black weather, as our north-east winds bring 
 with them in England, but a sky as clear as in the summer, and the air 
 dry, cold, piercing, and hungry ; yet I remember not that I wore more 
 clothes than in England. The reason of this cold is given from the great 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 229 
 
 lakes, which are fed by the fountains of Canada. The winter before was 
 as mild, scarce any ice at all, while this for a few days froze up our great 
 river Delaware. From that month to the month called June, we enjoyed a 
 sweet spring ; no gusts, but gentle showers and a fine sky. Yet this I 
 observe, that the winds here, as there, are more inconstant, spring and 
 fall, upon that turn of nature, than in summer or winter. From thence 
 to this present month, August, which endeth the summer, commonly 
 speaking, we have had extraordinary heats, yet mitigated sometimes by 
 cool breezes. The wind that ruleth the summer season is the south-west ; 
 but spring, fall, and winter, it is rare to want the north-western seven 
 days together. And whatever mists, fogs, or vapors foul the heavens 
 by easterly or southerly winds, in two hours time are blown away ; the 
 one is followed by the other ; a remedy that seems to have a peculiar pro- 
 vidence in it to the inhabitants, the multitude of trees yet standing being 
 liable to retain mists and vapors, and yet not one quarter so thick as I 
 expected. 
 
 " 5. The natural produce of the country, of vegetables, is trees, fruits, 
 plants, flowers. The trees of most note are the black walnut, cedar, 
 cypress, chestnut, poplar, gum-wood, hickory, sassafras, ash, beech, and 
 oak of divers sorts, as red, white, and black; Spanish chestnut, and 
 swamp, the most durable of all ; of all which there is plenty for the use 
 of man. 
 
 " The fruits I find in the woods are the white and l)lack mulberry, 
 chestnut, walnut, plums, strawberries, cranberries, hurtlebei-ries, and 
 grapes of divers sorts. The great red grape, now ripe, called by igno- 
 rance the fox-grape, because of the relish it hath with unskilful palates, 
 is in itself an extraordinary grape ; and by art, doubtless, may be culti- 
 vated to an excellent wine, if not so sweet, yet little inferior to the Fron- 
 tiuiac, as it is not much unlike it in taste, ruddiness set aside ; which, in 
 such things, as well as mankind, differs the case much. There is a white 
 kind of muscadel, and a little black grape, like the cluster grape of Eng- 
 land, not yet so ripe as the other ; but, they tell me, when ripe, sweeter, 
 and that they only want skilful vinerons to make good use of them. I 
 intend to venture on it with my Frenchman this season, who shows some 
 knowledge in those things. Here are also peaches very good, and in 
 great quantities, not an Indian plantation without them ; but whether 
 naturally here at first I know not. However, one may have them by 
 bushels for little. They make a pleasant drink, and I think not inferior 
 to any peach you have in England, except the true Newington. It is 
 disputable with me, whether it be best to fall to fining the fruits of the 
 country, especially the grape, by the care and skill of art, or send for 
 foreign stems and sets already good and approved. It seems most reason- 
 able to believe, that not only a thing groweth best where it naturally 
 grows, but will hardly be equalled by another species of the same kind, 
 that doth not naturally grow there. But to solve the doubt, I intend, if 
 
 20 
 
230 LIFE OF 
 
 God give me life, to try both, and hope the consequence will be as good 
 wine as any European countries of the same latitude do yield. 
 
 " 6. The artificial produce of the country is wheat, barley,* oats, rye, 
 peas, beans, squashes, pumkins, water melons, musk-melons, and all herbs 
 and roots that our gardens in England usually bring forth. 
 
 " 7. Of living creatures, fish, fowl, and the beasts of the wood, here are 
 divers sorts, some for food and profit, and some for profit only : for food 
 as well as profit, the elk, as big as a small ox ; deer, bigger than ours ; 
 beaver, raccoon, rabbits, squirrels ; and some eat young bear and com- 
 mend it. Of fowl of the land there is the turkey, (forty and fifty pounds 
 weight,) which is very great, pheasants, heath-birds, pigeons, and par- 
 tridges in abundance. Of the water, the swan, goose, (white and gray) ; 
 brands, ducks, teal, also the snipe and curloe, and that in great numbers ; 
 but the duck and teal excel, nor so good have I ever eaten in other coun- 
 tries. Of fish there is the sturgeon, herring, rock, shad, cat's-head, sheep's- 
 head, eel, smelt, perch, roach ; and in inland rivers trout, some say salmon 
 above the Falls. Of shell-fish, we have oysters, crabs, cockles, conchs, 
 and muscles ; some oysters six inches long, and one sort of cockles as big 
 as the stewing oysters ; they make a rich broth. The creatures for profit 
 only, by skin or fur, and which are natural to these parts, are the wild 
 cat, panther, otter, wolf, fox, fisher, minx, musk-rat ; and of the water, 
 the whale for oil, of which we have a good store ; and two companies of 
 whalers, whose boats are built, will soon begin their work, which hath 
 the appearance of considerable improvement; to say nothing of our reason- 
 able hopes of good cod in the bay. 
 
 " 8. We have no want of horses, and some are very good and shapely 
 enough. Two ships have been freighted to Barbadoes, with horses and 
 pipe-staves, since my coming in. Here is also plenty of cow-cattle and 
 some sheep. The people plough mostly with oxen. 
 
 " 9. There are divers plants, which not only the Indians tell us, but we 
 have had occasion to ^irove, by swellings, burnings, and cuts, that they 
 are of great virtue, suddenly curing the patient ; and for smell, I have ob- 
 served several, especially one, the wild myrtle, the other I know not what 
 to call, but they are most fragrant. 
 
 " 10. The woods are adorned with lovely flowers for color, greatness, 
 figure, and variety. I have seen the gardens of London best stored with 
 that sort of beauty, but think they may be improved by our woods. I 
 have sent a few to a person of quality this year for a trial. Thus much of 
 the country : next, of the natives or aborigines. 
 
 " 11. The natives I shall consider in their persons, language, manners, 
 religion, and government, with my sense of their original. For their per- 
 
 * Edward Jones had for one Q:rain of English barley seventy stalks and ears of 
 barley ; and it is common for one bushel sown to reap forty, often fifty, and some- 
 times sixty. Thiee pecks of wheat sow an acre here. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 231 
 
 sons, they are generally tall, straight, well built, and of singular propor- 
 tion; they tread strong and clever, and mostly walk with a lofty chin. 
 Of complexion black, but by design, as the gipsies in England. They 
 grease themselves with bear's fat clarified ; and using no defence against 
 sun and weather, their skins must needs be swarthy. Their eye is little 
 and black, not unlike a straight-looked Jew. The thick lip and flat nose, 
 so frequent with the East Indians and blacks, are not common to them ; 
 for I have seen as comely European-like faces among them, of both sexes, 
 as on your side the sea ; and truly an Italian complexion hath not much 
 more of the white ; and the noses of several of them have as much of the 
 Roman, 
 
 " 12. Their language is lofty, yet narrow ; but, like the Hebrew in sig- 
 nification, full. Like short-hand in writing, one word serveth in the 
 place of three, and the rest are supplied by the understanding of the hear- 
 er ; imperfect in their tenses, wanting in their moods, participles, adverbs, 
 conjunctions, interjections. I have made it my business to understand 
 it, that I might not want an interpreter on any occasion ; and I must say 
 that I know not a language spoken in Europe, that hath words of more •■ 
 sweetness or greatness, in accent and emphasis, than theirs: for instance, 
 Octocockon, Rancocas, Oricton, Shak, Marian, Poquesian, all which are 
 names of places, and have grandeur in them. Of words of sweetness, 
 anna is mother, issimus, a brother ; neteap, friend ; usqueoret, very good ; 
 pane, bread ; metsa, eat ; matia, no ; Jiatta, to have ; pai/o, to come ; Sepassen, 
 Passijon, the names of places; Tamane, Secane, Menanse, Secatareus, are 
 the names of persons. If one ask them for anything they have not, they 
 will answer, matia ne liatta, which, to translate, is, ' Not I have,' instead 
 of, ' I have not.' 
 
 " 13. Of their customs and manners there is much to be said. I will 
 begin with children. So soon as they are born they wash them in water, 
 and while very young, and in cold weather to choose, they plunge them 
 in the rivers to harden and embolden them.' Having wrapt them in a clout, 
 they lay them on a strait thin board a little more than the length and 
 breadth of the child, and swaddle it fast upon the board to make it 
 straight ; wherefore all Indians have flat heads ; and thus they carry them 
 at their backs. The children will go very young, at nine months com- 
 monly. They wear only a small clout round their waist till they are big. 
 If boys, they go a-fishing till ripe for the woods, which is about fifteen. 
 Then they hunt ; and, having given some proofs of their manhood by a 
 good return of skins, they may marry : else it is a shame to think of a 
 wife. The girls stay with their mothers, and help to hoe the ground, 
 plant corn, and carry burthens ; and they do well to use them to that, 
 while young, which they must do when they are old ; for the wives are 
 the true servants of the husbands : otherwise the men are very afi'ection- 
 ate to them. 
 
232 LIFE OF t 
 
 " 14. When the young women are fit for marriage, they wear something 
 upon their heads for an advertisement, but so as their faces are hardly to 
 be seen but when they please. The age they marry at, if women, is about 
 thirteen and fourteen ; if men, seventeen and eighteen. They are rarely 
 older. 
 
 "15. Their houses are mats or barks of trees, set on poles in the fashion 
 of an English barn, but out of the power of the winds, for they are hardly 
 higher than a man. They lie on reeds or grass. In travel they lodge in 
 the woods about a great fire, with the mantle of dufiils they wear by day 
 wi*apt about them, and a few boughs stuck round them. 
 
 " 16. Their diet is maize or Indian corn divers ways pi'epared, some- 
 times roasted in the ashes, sometimes beaten and boiled with water, which 
 they call homine. They also make cakes not unpleasant to eat. They 
 have likewise several sorts of beans and peas that are good nourishment : 
 and the woods and rivers are their larder. 
 
 " 17. If an European comes to see them, or calls for lodgings at their 
 house or wigwam, they give him the best place and first cut. If they 
 come to visit us, they salute us with an Itali, which is as much as to say, 
 ' Good be to you V and set them down, which is mostly on the ground, 
 close to their heels, their legs upright : it may be they speak not a word, 
 but observe all passages. If you give them anything to eat or drink, 
 well, for they will not ask ; and, be it little or much, if it be with kind- 
 ness, they are well pleased : else they go away sullen, but say nothing. 
 
 " 18. They are great concealers of their own resentments, brought to it, 
 I believe, by the revenge that hath been practised among them. In either 
 of these they are not exceeded by the Italians. A tragical instance fell 
 out since I came into the country. A king's daughter, thinking herself 
 slighted by her husband in suffering another woman to lie down between 
 them, rose up, went out, plucked a root out of the ground, and ate it, upon 
 which she immediately died ; and for which, last week, he made an offer- 
 ing to her kindred for atonement and liberty of marriage, as two others 
 did to the kindred of their wives, who died a natural death : for till widow- 
 ers have done so, they must not marry again. Some of the young women 
 are said to take undue liberty before marriage for a portion ; but when 
 married, chaste. * * * 
 
 " 19. But in liberality they excel. Nothing is too good for their friend. 
 Give them a fine gun, coat, or other thing, it may pass twenty hands be- 
 fore it sticks : light of heart, strong affections, but soon spent : the most 
 merry creatures that live : they feast and dance perpetually ; they never 
 have much, nor want much. Wealth circulateth like the blood. All 
 parts partake ; and though none shall want what another hath, yet exact 
 observers of property. Some kings have sold, others presented me with 
 several parcels of land. The pay or presents I made them, were not 
 hoarded by the particular owners ; but the neighboring kings and their 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 233 
 
 clans being present when the goods were brought out, the parties chief] j 
 concerned consulted what, and to whom they should give them. To every 
 king, then, by the hands of a person for that work appointed, Is a pro- 
 portion sent, so sorted and folded, and with that gravity which Is admi- 
 rable. Then that king subdivided It In like manner among his depen- 
 dants, they hardly leaving themselves an equal share with one of their 
 subjects : and be It on such occasions as festivals, or at their commoa 
 meals, the kings distribute, and to themselves last. They care for little, 
 because they want but little : and the reason Is, a little contents them. In 
 this they are sufficiently revenged on us. If they are ignorant of our 
 pleasures, they are also free from our pains. They are not disquieted 
 with bills of lading and exchange, nor perplexed with Chancery suits and 
 Exchequer reckonings. We sweat and toil to live. Their pleasure feeda 
 them ; I mean their hunting, fishing, and fowling, and this table Is spread 
 evei'ywhere. They eat twice a-day, morning and evening. Their seats 
 and table are the ground. Since the Europeans came into these parts, 
 they are grown great lovers of strong liquors, rum especially ; and for It 
 exchange the richest of their skins and furs. If they are heated with 
 liquor, they are restless till they have enough to sleep. That is their cry, 
 ' Some more, and I will go to sleep ; ' but, when drunk, one of the most 
 wretched spectacles In the world. 
 
 "20. In sickness, impatient to be cured, and for It give anj'thing, espe- 
 cially for their children, to whom they are extremely natural. They dr;nk 
 at those times a teran or decoction of some roots in spring water ; and if 
 they eat any flesh, it must be of the female of any creature. If they die, 
 they bury them with their apparel, be they man or woman, and the near- 
 est of kin fling in something precious with them, as a token of their love ; 
 their mourning Is blacking of their faces, which they continue for a year. 
 They are choice of the graves of their dead : lest they should be lost by 
 time, and fall to common use, they pick off the grass that grows upon 
 them, and heap up the fallen earth with great care and exactness. 
 
 "21. These poor people are under a dark night In things relating to 
 religion, to be sure the tradition of It : yet they believe a God and immor- 
 tality, without the help of metaphysics : for they say there Is a great 
 king, that made them, who dwells in a glorious country to the southward 
 of them : and that the souls of the good shall go thither, where they shall 
 live again. Their worship consists of two parts, sacrifice and cantlco. 
 Their sacrifice is their first fruits. The first and fattest buck they kill, 
 goeth to the fire, where he Is all burnt, with a mournful ditty of him who 
 performeththe ceremony, but with such marvellous fervency and labor of 
 body, that he will even sweat to afoam. The other part is their cantlco, per- 
 formed by round dances, sometimes words, sometimes songs, then shouts ; 
 two being in the middle who begin, and by singing and drumming on a 
 board, direct the chorus. Their postures In the dance are very antic and 
 
 20* 
 
234 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 differing, but all keep measure. This is done with equal earnestness and 
 labor, but great appearance of joy. In the fall, when the corn cometh in, 
 they begin to feast one another. There have been two great festivals already, 
 to which all come that will. I was at one myself. Their entertainment 
 was a great seat by a spring under some shady trees, and twenty 
 bucks, with hot cakes of new corn, both wheat and beans, which they 
 make up in a square form, in the leaves of the stem, and bake them 
 in the ashes, and after that they fall to dance. But they who go must 
 carry a small present in their money ; it may be sixpence, which is made 
 of the bone of a fish ; the black is with them as gold ; the white silver ; 
 they call it wampum. 
 
 "22. Their government is by kings, which they call sachama, and those 
 by succession ; but always of the mother's side. For instance, the chil- 
 dren of him who is now king will not succeed, but his brother by the 
 mother, or the children of his sister, whose sons (and after them the chil- 
 dren of her daughters) will reign, for no woman inherits. The reason 
 they render for this way of descent is, that their issue may not be spu- 
 rious. 
 
 " 23. Every king hath his council ; and that consists of all the old and 
 wise men of his nation, Avhich perhaps is two hundred people. Nothing 
 of moment is undertaken, be it war, peace, selling of land, or traffic, 
 without advising with them, and, which is more, with the young men too. 
 It is admirable to consider how powerful the kings are, and yet how they 
 move by the breath of their people. I have had occasion to be in council 
 with them upon treaties for land, and to adjust the terms of trade, Their 
 order is thus : The king sits in the middle of an half-moon, and has his 
 council, the old and wise, on each hand. Behind them, or at a little dis- 
 tance, sit the younger fry in the same figure. Having consulted and re- 
 solved their business, the king ordered one of them to speak to me. He 
 stood up, came to me, and in the name of the king saluted me, then took 
 me by the hand, and told me that he was ordered by his king to speak to 
 me, and that now it was not he but the king who spoke, because what he 
 should say was the king's mind. He first prayed me to excuse them, that 
 they had not complied with me the last time. He feared there might be 
 some fault in the interpreter, being neither Indian nor English. Besides, 
 it was the Indian custom to deliberate and take up much time in council 
 before they resolved ; and that, if the young people and owners of the land 
 had been as ready as he, I had not met with so much delay. Having thus 
 introduced his matter, he fell to the bounds of the land they had agreed to 
 dispose of, and the price ; which now is little and dear, that which would 
 have bought twenty miles not buying now two. During the time that this 
 person spoke, not a man of them was observed to whisper or smile — the 
 old grave, the young reverent, in their deportment. They speak little, but 
 fervently, and with elegance. I have never seen more natural sagacity, 
 considering them without the help (I was going to say the spoil) of tradi- 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 235 
 
 tion ; and he will deserve the name of wise who outwits them in any treaty 
 about a thing they understand. When the purchase was agreed, great 
 promises passed between us of kindness and good neighborhood, and that 
 the English and Indians must live in love as long as the sun gave light : 
 which done, another made a speech to the Indians, in the name of all the 
 Sachamakers or Kings ; first, to tell them what was done ; nest, to charge 
 and command them to love the Christians, and particularly to live in peace 
 with me and the people under my government ; that many Governors had 
 been in the river ; but that no Governor had come himself to live and stay 
 here before : and having now such an one, who had treated them well, 
 they should never do him or his any wrong ; at every sentence of which 
 they shouted, and said Amen in their way. 
 
 "24. The justice they have is pecuniary. In case of any wrong or CA'il 
 fact, be it murder itself, they atone by feasts and presents of their wam- 
 pum, which is proportioned to the quality of the offence or person in- 
 jured, or of the sex they are of. For, in case they kill a woman, they pny 
 double ; and the reason they render is, ' that she breedeth children, which 
 men cannot do.' It is rare that they fall out if sober ; and if drunk they 
 forgive, saying, ' It was the drink, and not the man, that abused them.' 
 
 "25. We have agreed, that in all diiferences between us, six of each 
 side shall end the matter. ^ Do not abuse them, but let them have justice, 
 and you win them. ) The worst is, that they are the worse for the Chris- 
 tians, who have propagated their vices, and yielded them tradition for ill 
 and not for good things. But as low an ebb as these people are at, and 
 as inglorious as their own condition looks, the Christians have not outlived 
 their sight with all their pretensions to an higher manifestation. What 
 good then might not a good people graft, where there is so distinct a know- 
 ledge left between good and evil ? I beseech God to incline the hearts of all 
 that come into these parts to outlive the knowledge of the natives by a fixt 
 obedience to their greater knowledge of the will of God ; for it were miser- 
 able indeed for us to fall under the just censure of the poor Indian con- 
 science, while we make profession of things so far transcending. 
 
 " 26. For their original, I am ready to believe them of the Jewish race, 
 I mean of the stock of the ten tribes, and that for the following reasons : 
 first, they were to go to a land not planted nor known, which to be sure 
 Asia and Africa were, if not Europe ; and He who intended that extraor- 
 dinary judgment upon them might make the passage not uneasy to them, 
 as it is not impossible in itself from the easternmost parts of Asia to the 
 westernmost of America.* In the next place, I find them of the like coun- 
 tenance, and their children of so lively resemblance, that a man would 
 think himself in Duke's Place or Berry-street, in London, Avhen he seeth 
 them. But this is not all : they agree in rites ; they reckon by moons ; 
 they offer their first fruits ; they have a kind of feast of tabernacles ; they 
 
 * This bold conjecture, though thought riJiculous at the time, has since been 
 verified by the discoveries of Captain Cook and later navigators. 
 
236 LIFE OF 
 
 are said to lay their altai* upon twelve stones ; their mourning a year ; cus- 
 toms of women ; with many other things that do not now occur. So much 
 for the natives. Next, the old planters will be considered in this relation, 
 before I come to our colony and the concerns of it. 
 
 " 27. The first planters in these parts were the Dutch, and soon after 
 them the Swedes and Finns. The Dutch applied themselves to traffic, the 
 Swedes and Finns to husbandry There were some disputes between them 
 for some years ; the Dutch looking upon them as intruders upon their pur- 
 chase and possession, which was finally ended in the surrender made by 
 John Rizeing, the Swedish Governoi-, to Peter Styresant, Governor for the 
 States of Holland, anno 1655, 
 
 " 28.. The Dutch inhabit mostly those parts of the province that lie upon 
 or near the Bay, and the Swedes the Freshes of the river Delaware. 
 There is no need of giving any description of them, who are better known 
 there than here ; but they are a plain, strong, industrious people, yet have 
 made no great progress in culture, or propagation of fruit-trees; as if they 
 desired rather to have enough than plenty or traffic. But I presume the 
 Indians made them the more careless by furnishing them with the means 
 of profit, to wit, skins and furs for rum and such strong liquors. They 
 kindly received me as well as the English, who were few before the people 
 concerned with me came among them. I must needs commend their 
 respect to authority, and kind behavior to the English. They do not de- 
 generate from the old friendship between both kingdoms. As they ai'e 
 people proper and strong of body, so they have fine children, and almost 
 every house full : rare to find one of them without three or four boys and 
 as many girls ; some six, seven, and eight sons. And I must do them that 
 right, I see few young men more sober and laborious. 
 
 "29. The Dutch have a meeting-place for religious worship at New- 
 castle ; and the Swedes three ; one at Christina, one at Tenecum, and one 
 at Wicoco, within half a mile of this town. 
 
 " 30. There rests that I speak of the condition we are in, and what set- 
 tlement we have made ; in which I will be as short as I can ; for I fear, 
 and not without reason, that I have tried your patience with this long 
 story. The country lieth bounded on the east by the River and Bay of 
 Delaware and Eastern Sea. It hath the advantage of many creeks, or 
 rivers rather, that run into the main river or bay, some navigable for great 
 ships, some for small craft. Those of most emineucy are Christina, Bran- 
 dywine, Skilpot, and Sculkil, any one of which has room to lay up the 
 royal navy of England, there being from four to eight fathom water. 
 
 "31. The lesser creeks or rivers, yet convenient for sloops and ketches 
 of good burthen, are Lewis, Mespillion, Cedar, Dover, Cranbrook, Fever- 
 sham, and Georges below ; and Chichester, Chester, Toaca%vny, Pamma- 
 pecka, Portquessin, Neshimenck, and Pennberry in the Freshes : many 
 lesser, that admit boats and shallops. Our people are mostly settled upon 
 the upper rivers, which are pleasant and sweet, and generally bounded 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 237 
 
 with good land. The planted part of the province and territories is cast 
 into six counties : Philadelphia, Buckingham, Chester, Newcastle, Kent, 
 and Sussex, containing about four thousand souls. Two General Assem- 
 blies have been held, and with such concord and dispatch that they sat 
 but three weeks, and at least seventy laws were passed without one dissent 
 in any material thing. But of this more hereafter, being yet raw and new 
 in our gear. However, I cannot forget their singular respect to me in this 
 infancy of things, who, by their own private expenses, so early considered 
 mine for the public, as to present me with an impost upon certain goods 
 imported and exported, which, after my acknowledgment of their affec- 
 tion, I did as freely remit to the province and the traders to it. And for 
 the well-government of the said counties, courts of justice are established 
 in every county, with proper officers, as justices, sheriffs, clerks, consta- 
 bles ; which courts are held every two months. But, to prevent law-suits, 
 there are three peace-makers chosen by every county court, in the nature 
 of common arbitrators, to hear and end differences between man and man. 
 And spring and fall there is an orphans' court in each county, to inspect 
 and regulate the affiiirs of orphans and widows. 
 
 "32. Philadelphia: the expectation of those who are concerned in this 
 province is at last laid out, to the great content of those here who are any 
 ways interested therein. The situation is a neck of land, and lieth between 
 two navigable rivers, Delaware and Sculkill, whereby it hath two fronts 
 upon the water, each a mile, and two from river to river. Delaware is a 
 glorious river ; but the Sculkill, being an hundred miles boatable above 
 the Falls, and its course north-east towards the fountain of Susquehannah 
 (that tends to the heart of the province, and both sides our own), it is like 
 to be a great part of the settlement of this age. I say little of the town 
 itself, because a platform will be shown you by my agent, in which those 
 who are purchasers of me, will find their names and interests. But this I 
 will say, for the good providence of God, that of all the many places I have 
 seen in the world, I remember not one better seated ; so that it seems to me 
 to have been appointed for a town, whether we regard the rivers, or the 
 conveniency of the coves, docks, and springs, the loftiness and soundness of 
 the land, and the air, held by the people of those parts to be very good. 
 It is advanced within less than a year, to about fourscore houses and cot- 
 tages, such as they are, where merchants and handicrafts are following 
 their vocations as fast as they can ; while the countrymen are close at their 
 farms. Some of them got a little winter corn in the ground last season ; 
 and the generality have had a handsome summer-crop, and are preparing 
 for their winter corn. They reaped their barley this year, in the month 
 called May, the wheat in the month following ; so that there is time in 
 these parts for another crop of divers things before the winter season. 
 We are daily in hopes of shipping to add to our number ; for, blessed be 
 God ! here is both room and accommodation for them : the stories of our 
 necessity being either the fear of our friends, or the scarecrows of our 
 
238 LIFE OF 
 
 enemies ; for the greatest hardship we have suffered hath been salt meat, 
 which, by fowl in winter and fish in summer, together with some poultry, 
 lamb, mutton, veal, and plenty of venison, the best part of the year, hath 
 been made very passable. I bless God I am fully satisfied with the coun- 
 try and entertainment I got in it ; for I find that particular content, which 
 hath always attended me, where God in his providence hath made it my 
 place and service to reside. You cannot imagine my station can be at 
 present free of more than ordinary business ; and, as such, I may say it 
 is a troublesome work. But the method things are putting in will facili- 
 tate the charge, and give an easier motion to the administration of affairs, 
 However, as it is some men's duty to plough, some to sow, some to water, 
 and some to reap, so it is the wisdom as well as the duty of a man to yield 
 to the mind of providence, and cheerfully as well as carefully embrace 
 and^foUow the guidance of it. 
 
 " 33. For your particular concern I might entirely refer you to the let- 
 ters of the President of the Society ; but this I will venture to say, your 
 provincial settlement, both within and without the town, for situation and 
 soil,*are without exception. Your city lot is a whole street, and one side 
 of a street, from river to river, containing near one hundred acres not 
 easily valued; which is, besides your four hundred acres in the city- 
 liberties, part of your twenty thousand acres in the country. Your tan- 
 nery hath plenty of bark. The saw-mill for timber and the place of 
 the glass-house are so conveniently posted for water-carriage, the city-lot 
 for a dock, and the whalery for a sound and fruitful bank, and the town 
 Lewis by it to help your people, that by God's blessing the affairs of the 
 society will naturally grow in their reputation and profit. I am sure I 
 have not turned my back upon any offer that tended to its prosperity ; and 
 though I am ill at projects, I have sometimes put in for a share with her 
 officers to countenance and advance her interest. You are already in- 
 formed what is fit for you further to do. Whatsoever tends to the pro- 
 motion of wine and to the manufacture of linen in these parts, I cannot 
 but wish you to promote ; and the French people are most likely in both 
 respects to answer that design. To that end I would advise you to send 
 for some thousands of plants out of France, with some able vinerons, 
 and people of the other vocation. But because I believe you have been 
 entertained with this and some other profitable subjects by your president, 
 Nicholas Moore, I shall add no more, but to assure you that I am heartily 
 inclined to advance your just interest, and that you will always find me 
 your kind and cordial friend, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN.* 
 
 « Phila. 16th of 6th month (August), 1683." 
 
 • Proud's Hist. Pa. i. 264. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 239 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Lord Baltimore's Demand ; His Aggressive Measure ; History of the Con- 
 troversy with him ; Early Settlements on the Delaware by the Dutch 
 and Swedes ; William Penn's Letter to Duke of York ; Negotiation Avith 
 New Jersey ; William Penn's Letter to Friends in Pa. ; Sufferings of 
 Friends in England ; Reasons for William Penn's Return there ; Com- 
 missions the Provincial Council to act in his stead ; Commissions 
 Judges ; Population of Pa. and Indian tribes ; Letter from S. Crisp ; 
 Letter of William Penn to Inhabitants of Pa. ; His Arrival in England ; 
 Letter to J. Harrison ; Fragment of his Autobiography. 
 
 1684. 
 
 The controversy with Lord Baltimore concerning boundaries, 
 was the greatest, if not the only, source of disquietude to Wil- 
 liam Penn, during the first two years of his administration. To 
 obtain an amicable adjustment of the matter in dispute, he had 
 made two efforts, which being unsuccessful, there was no alter- 
 native but to refer the whole subject to the legal tribunals in 
 England. In the meantime, Lord Baltimore sent an agent to 
 make a formal demand, of all the country south of the fortieth 
 degree of north latitude, both in the province of Pennsylvania 
 and the territories annexed ; and this not being acceded to, a 
 party from Maryland, under the command of Col. George Tal- 
 bott, in the spring of 1684, came and made forcible entry on 
 several plantations in the lower counties. Upon this, the gover- 
 nor and council at Philadelphia, sent a copy of Penn's answer to 
 Lord Baltimore's demand, showing the grounds of their refusal, 
 and at the same time took legal measures to reinstate the per- 
 sons who had been dispossessed, and if necessary, to have the in- 
 vaders prosecuted according to law. 
 
 This controversy embraced interests of great importance to 
 William Penn, and as he has been unjustly censured, by some 
 writers, for the course he pursued, it appears requisite to examine 
 the grounds of his claim, and that of Lord Baltimore, to the ter- 
 ritory in dispute. It has been stated in a preceding chapter, 
 
240 LIFE OF 
 
 that on Penn's application to the King for the grant of his pro- 
 vince, the agents of Lord Baltimore and of the Duke of York, 
 proprietaries of the adjoining territories, were consulted, and 
 great care was taken to prevent any encroachment on their do- 
 mains. 
 
 The patent for Maryland, called for the fortieth degree of 
 north latitude, for its northern boundary, which is described 
 as lying on the Bay of Delaware^ but owing to the imperfec- 
 tion of instruments, or the unskilfulness of those who took the 
 observations, there was an error in the latitude assigned to the 
 boundaries of all the colonies, from North Carolina to Connec- 
 ticut. This error was not discovered till after the date of Penn's 
 patent, but it appears from a letter of Sir John Werden, agent 
 of the Duke of York, that very little reliance was placed on the 
 latitude,* and twelve miles north of New Castle was named 
 in charter, as the southern boundary of Pennsylvania, which 
 was supposed to be in the beginning of the fortieth degree of 
 north latitude. 
 
 It was intended that Lord Baltimore's patent should include 
 two degrees of latitude, and at that time a degree was com- 
 puted at sixty miles. It was also intended that Penn's bounda- 
 ries should include three degrees of latitude, as expressed in 
 the charter, from " the beginning of the fortieth'to the beginning 
 of the forty-third degree." But the northern boundary of Penn- 
 sylvania is under the forty-second degree, which appears to have 
 been considered equivalent to the beginning of the forty-third, 
 and in order to include three degrees, the southern boundary 
 must have been at the end of the thirty-ninth, or beginning of 
 the fortieth degree of north latitude. 
 
 There were no correct maps of the British territories in 
 America, at the time these charters were granted. The bounda- 
 ries of Maryland appear to have been founded on Smith's map, 
 contained in his history of Virginia. *' In that map the latitude 
 of forty degrees north, appears near where the division line be- 
 tween the provinces was eventually settled,"! which gave to 
 Penn a considerable part of what he claimed ,on the south, but 
 did not allow him the three degrees intended to be granted. 
 
 • Hazard's Annals. f Life of Penn. Friends" Library, chap xxii. 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 241 
 
 The colony of Maryland was founded in 1634. 
 
 The royal patent to Lord Baltimore, dated in 1632, contained 
 a restriction of the grant, to lands not planted or in possession 
 of any Christian people. Previous to this date, the Dutch, 
 under Cornelius May, had sailed up the Delaware and asserted 
 a claim to its western shore. They planted a colony in 1623, 
 at Fort Nassau, where Timber Creek enters the Delaware, a few 
 miles from the mouth of the Schuylkill: and in 1631, they made 
 another settlement on Lewis Creek, near Cape Henlopen. They 
 made two purchases of land from the natives, one of which ex- 
 tended from Cape Henlopen to the mouth of the river Delaware. 
 
 In 1638, a colony of Swedes arrived under Governor Minuit, 
 and erected a fort at the mouth of Minquas River, now called the 
 Christeen. The Dutch governor of the New Netherlands [now 
 New York], protested against this settlement, as an encroachment 
 on the rights of the Dutch West Indian Company, but he took no 
 effectual measures to resist it. In 1643, the Swedish govern- 
 ment sent two ships of war and an armed transport with emi- 
 grants, under the command of John Printz, who was appointed 
 governor of the colony, with instructions to assert, by force of 
 arms, the Swedish claim to the whole western shore of the Dela- 
 ware River and Bay. The Swedes built three forts, all below 
 the Dutch fort, Nassau. 
 
 After some years of altercation between the rival colonists, 
 Peter Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor of the New Netherlands, 
 appeared, in 1655, with a naval force before Fort Christiana, and 
 obhged the Swedes to capitulate, which put an end to their do- 
 minion on the Delaware. The Dutch retained possession until 
 1664, when the New Netherlands being conquered by the En- 
 glish, they also took possession of the Dutch settlements on the 
 Delaware River and Bay.* This territory was granted by 
 Charles II. to his brother, the Duke of York, and never was in 
 possession of Lord Baltimore ; w^ho had indeed claimed it of the 
 Dutch, but they resisted his claim, and he did not assert any 
 title to it during eighteen years — or from the time it was con- 
 
 * Original settlements on the Delaware, by B. Ferris ; Bancroft, U. S. ii. 280. 
 
 21 
 
242 LIFE OF 
 
 quered by the Eno;lish, until it was granted to William Pcnn by 
 the King and the Duke of York. 
 
 In his answer to Lord Baltimore's demand, Penn very justly 
 observes, "if the Lord Baltimore's patent were title good enough 
 for what was another's before, and which he never enjoyed since, 
 Connecticut colony might put in for New York, as reasonably 
 as the Lord Baltimore can for Delaware, their patent having 
 that part of the Dutch territories within its bounds, on the same 
 mistake." In conclusion he says, "I must take leave to refer 
 the Lord Baltimore to his royal highness, who is a prince, doubt- 
 less, of too much honor, to keep any man's right, and of too much 
 resolution to deliver up his owm ; w^hose example I am resolved 
 to follow." 
 
 When we consider that the claim set up by Lord Baltimore, if 
 successful, would have taken all the lands on the western side 
 of the Delaware, from the city of Philadelphia to the Capes, that 
 it would have given to Maryland the command of Delaware Bay, 
 and would have deprived Penn of several valuable seaports ; we 
 cannot be surprised that he should resist it with firmness ; con- 
 vinced as he was, thai it was not founded in justice. The mild- 
 ness of his measures, and the courtesy of his defence, stand out 
 in bold relief when contrasted with the proceedings of his anta- 
 gonist. 
 
 A letter he wrote to the Duke of York, throws further light 
 upon this subject : 
 
 " Great Prince — It is some security to me, and an happiness I must <^^^" 
 and honor, that in these my humble and plain addresses, I have to do 
 with a prince of so j^reat justice and resolution ; one that will not be baflfled 
 by crafts nor blinded by atfection ; and such a prince, with humility be it 
 spoken, becometh the just cause I have to lay before him. 
 
 " Since my last, by which I gave the Duke to understand that the Lord 
 Baltimore had sent agents to offer terms to the people, to draw them from 
 their obedience of this government, where his Royal Highness had placed 
 them, and that without having any special order for the same, it hath 
 pleased that lord to commissionate Col. George Talbot to come, with armed 
 men, within live miles of New Castle town, there upon a spot of ground 
 belonging to one Ogle, that came with Captain Cai-r, to reduce that place 
 by force, erected a fort of the bodicb of trees, raised a breastwork, and 
 palisaded the same, and settled armed men therein. The president of 
 that town and county, together witla the sheriff and divers magistrates 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 243 
 
 and inhabitants of the same, went to the said fort, demanded of Colonel 
 George Talbot the reason of such actions, being a warlike invasion of the 
 right of his majesty's- subjects, never in his possession. He answered 
 them, after having bid them stand off, (presenting guns and musqucts at 
 their breasts ) that he had the Lord Baltimoie's commission for what he 
 did. The president being an old experienced man, advised him to depart, 
 and take heed how he obej'ed su-ch commands as these were, since acting in 
 such a way of hostility against the right of his majesty's subjects not in 
 rebellion, and not by his commission, might cost him and his lord dear 
 in the issue. He still refused, upon which proclamations were made in 
 the king's name, that they should depart, but he, with some more, would 
 not depart but in the name of Lord Baltimore, refusing to go in the 
 king's name: and there the garrison is kept, the commander and sol- 
 diers threatening to fire upon and kill all such as shall endeavor to de- 
 molish the block-house, and say they have express commands so to do 
 from that lord. 
 
 " How far those practices will please the king or duke, is not fit for me 
 to say ; but if not mistaken, I shall be able to make evident by law, he 
 hath almost cancelled his allegiance to the king herein, and exposed him- 
 self to his mercy for all he hath in the world. 
 
 " I hear he is gone for England, and was so just as to invite me, by a let- 
 ter in March, delivered in the end of April, informing me that towards 
 the end of March, he intended for England. This was contrived that he 
 might get the start of me, that making an interest before I arrived, he 
 might block up my way, and carry the point. But such arts will never 
 do, where there is no matter to work upon, which I am abundantly satis- 
 fied they will not, they cannot find in the duke, with whom I know he 
 hath great reason to ingratiate his cause and malconduct, if he could. 
 
 " I am following him as fast as I can, though Colonel Talbot, since his 
 departure, threatened to turn such out by violence, as would not submit 
 to him, and drive their stock for arrears : believing that the worse the 
 better, I mean, the more illegal and disrespectful he and his agents are 
 to his majesty and royal highness, and humble and patient I am, they 
 will the more favor my so much abused interest. 
 
 " I add no more, but to pray that a perfect stop be put to all his proceed- 
 ings till I come, who hope to show myself the king's dutiful, and (in refer- 
 ence to his American empire,) not unuseful subject, and as well as the 
 duke's most faithful friend, to serve him to my power, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN.* 
 
 "Philadelphia, the 8th ofthe 4th month (June), 1684." 
 
 In the spring of this year Gov. Penn sent his friend, Robert 
 Turner, on an embassy to New Jersey, in order to negotiate with 
 the General Assembly of that province, for the passage of laws 
 * Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa. IV. i. 178. 
 
244 LIFE OF 
 
 to reclaim fugitives from justice, and to lay an impost on "strong 
 spirits and liquors." This method of raising a revenue, he says, 
 " seemeth the most insensible of any to supply the wants of our 
 governments, for the rich and the drunkard will be most con- 
 cerned in it." A bill was prepared for such a law in Penn- 
 sylvania, but without similar legislation in the adjoining pro- 
 vince it would have been ineffectual. 
 
 During this time, Penn was engaged, not only in administer- 
 ing the civil affairs of the colony, but in assisting the Friends to 
 improve their system of church government, and to organize 
 their meetings for discipline.* 
 
 The following letter, written this year, was addressed to the 
 members of his own religious society in Pennsylvania, viz : 
 
 "Dear Friends: — * * * * It is upon me, and long hath been, 
 from the God of truth and righteousness, to communicate to you a short 
 word of counsel and advice. God hath brought us hither, and we are yet 
 among the living. He hath a work for us to do here, though the spiteful 
 and envious will not believe us. ! that we may be faithful to the mea- 
 sure of grace received, that the evil-minded may be disappointed. Friends, 
 keep in the sense of that which first visited you and kept you, and He that 
 was with you to bless you in your native country, will be with you and 
 bless you and yours, and make you a blessing to them that you are come 
 among, who know him not, in this wilderness, also. The earth is the 
 Lord's, and his presence fills it, and his power upholds it, and it is a pre- 
 cious thing to enjoy and use it in the sense and feeling of the same : truly 
 this honor have all the saints, to whom he will give it for a quiet habita- 
 tion. Have a care of cumber, and the love and care of the world. It is 
 the temptation that lieth nearest to those who are redeemed from loose- 
 ness, or not addicted to it. The moon, the figure of the changeable world, 
 is under the foot of the true woman, whose seed we ought to approve 
 ourselves — God hath ordained it for a footstool, and we must not make a 
 throne of it, nor doth it become them who seek heavenly places in Christ 
 Jesus. Show forth a blessed example, for the Lord's sake: and truly 
 blessed is that man and woman who, in the invisible power, rule their af- 
 fections about the visible things, and who use the world as true travellers 
 and pilgrims, whose home is not here below : such do not extort, grind, or 
 oppress their neighbors in their dealings, but are content with moderate 
 gain, looking to the blessing that follows ; knowing right well, that they 
 who overvalue and overcare, fall into divers snares and sorrows, that hurt 
 and pierce the soul's peace. And in like manner, dear friends, have a 
 care of looseness, for it becometh us to be watchful, and to gird up the 
 loins of our minds, and be sober and hope to the end. Are we from under 
 * Clarkson, 151. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 245 
 
 outward sufferings and trials that we once knew, and that carry an hu- 
 miliation with them upon the spirits of people ? Let us be more circum- 
 spect, that we forget not the Lord nor his tender mercies towards us ! for 
 he is God, and he can find us out, and trouble, and vex, and plague the 
 disobedient and careless here, as well as in other lands. Be zealous there- 
 fore for the Lord, for 'he is a jealous God,' and especially over those that 
 have betrothed themselves unto him by the profession of his holy truth ! 
 yea, he will be avenged of the hypocrite and rebellious, but the obedient 
 he will bless, which my soul prayeth you may be, that so I may never 
 have an occasion to exercise any other power than that of love and bro- 
 therly kindness. And, dear friends, remember who it was that said to 
 his children and followers, ' Ye are brethren,' and have a care of natural- 
 ness in the profession of the truth. To be without natural affection to one 
 another in the truth, is a mark of apostasy ! Wherefore, love one another, 
 and help, and assist, and comfort one another. This was the new and 
 living commandment of our blessed Lord and Master, which, if you keep, 
 then can you not fall out, backbite, slander, go to law, or hate one another, 
 in the sight of the world, and that for the things that perish ! verily, if 
 any do these things, the wrath of God will overtake them. 
 
 " 0, friends, let us call to mind the day that hath dawned upon us, and 
 what manner of persons we ought to be. 
 
 " Besides, you know that the eyes of the inhabitants of the lands, and 
 those of neighboring countries, yea, the people of remote regions, are upon 
 us and our doings : how we live, how we rule, and how we obey; and joy 
 would it be to some to see us halt, hear evil tidings of our proceedings, as 
 it would be a heavy and an unspeakable grief to those that wish well to 
 our Zion. Friends, God requireth great watchfulness from you, especially 
 elders and teachers in the church of Christ, that they watch over their 
 own and other families, that whatever appears in any contrary to the tes- 
 timony and mind of Truth, may be brought to judgment and disowned, 
 that the camp of the Lord may be kept clean of the uncircumcised who 
 resist the Spirit. 
 
 " My friends, remember that the Lord hath brought you upon the stage, 
 he hath now tried you with liberty, yea, and with power too ; he hath 
 now put precious opportunities into your hands : have a care of a per- 
 verse spirit, and do not provoke the Lord by doing those things by which 
 the inhabitants of the land grieved his Spirit, that were before you : but 
 sanctify God, the living God in your hearts, that his blessings may fall 
 and rest as the dew of heaven upon you and your offspring ! then shall it 
 be seen by the nations, that there is no enchantment against Jacob, nor 
 divination against Israel, but your tents shall be goodly, and your dwell- 
 ings glorious ; which is the daily humble supplication of my soul to m j 
 God and your God, and to my Father and your Father ; who am with un- 
 feigned love, in that lasting relation, 
 
 '^ Your tender, faithful friend and brother, WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 21* 
 
246 LIFE OF 
 
 While the colonists of Pennsylvania were busily and happily 
 engaged in clearing their grounds, erecting their habitations and 
 houses for worship, establishing meetings, and enjoying all the 
 blessings of civil and religious liberty; their sympathies were 
 awakened by the sufferings of their brethren in Great Britain, who 
 were subjected to the severest persecution. 
 
 The laws against non-conformists continued to be enforced 
 with rigor, persons who met peaceably for the performance of 
 Divine worship, were prosecuted as rioters, their meetings were 
 broken up by armed troops, and many hundreds of men and 
 women, separated from their families, were confined in noisome 
 prisons, where some had remained for years, and others were 
 released only by death. 
 
 The feelings of William Penn, always alive to the sufferings 
 of others, were deeply moved at hearing these reports. As the 
 Duke of York had always been his friend, and was then sup- 
 posed to have great influence with the king, he had reason to 
 believe that his personal influence and exertions, might be in- 
 strumental to mitigate the sufferings of his friends. 
 
 The controversy respecting the boundaries of Pennsylvania 
 and Maryland, was soon to be brought before "the Lords of 
 the Committee of Trade and Plantations." Lord Baltimore had 
 already gone over to urge his claim ; it was, therefore, highly 
 important that Penn should be present to protect his own inter- 
 ests and those of the province. In addition to these considera- 
 tions, we may reasonably conclude, that his desire to join his 
 family, from which he had now been separated nearly two years, 
 was not the least among the motives that determined him to re- 
 turn to England. 
 
 As the time of his departure drew nigh, there were many im- 
 portant arrangements to be made, in order to secure the pros- 
 perity of the colony during his absence ; these he proceeded to 
 accomplish with his usual activity and diligence. One of the 
 first was, to improve and secure the friendly intercourse, so 
 happily begun, with the Indians. For this purpose, he had fre- 
 quent conferences with them. It is stated by Oldmixon, a co- 
 temporary historian, that "he laid out some thousands of pounds 
 to instruct, support and oblige them." " There are," he says, 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 247 
 
 " ten Indian nations within the Umits of his province, and the 
 number of souls of these barbarians is computed at about six 
 thousand. The number of inhabitants of Swedish or Dutch ex- 
 traction, may be about three thousand souls," He "made a 
 league of amity with nineteen Indian nations, between them and 
 all the Enghsh in America, he established good laws, and saw 
 his capital so well inhabited, that there were then near 300 houses 
 and 2500 souls in it, besides twenty other townships."* The 
 whole white population of his dominions, at this time, was " about 
 seven thousand."! 
 
 Before he left the province, he was called upon to settle a 
 question of some interest to the citizens of Philadelphia in rela- 
 tion to the front lots near the river Delaware. He had reserved 
 the river bank for the common use of all, and to promote the 
 health of the city. Those who owned lots adjoining this bank, 
 claimed the right to build vaults or stores on it, opposite their 
 property, but he decided that they had no more right to do so 
 than those who held lots further back. They might build stairs 
 or construct wharves at the termination of the streets, but the 
 bank was intended for a common exchange or public walk. 
 
 At this time the Ketch Endeavor arrived from England with 
 letters and passengers. She brought Penn a letter from his old 
 friend, Stephen Crisp, from which the following extracts are 
 taken : viz : 
 
 " Dear William — I have had a great exercise of spirit concerning thee, 
 which none knows but the Lord ; for my spirit has been much bowed into 
 thy concern, and difficulty of thy present circumstances ; and I have had 
 a sense of the various spirits, and intricate cares, and multiplicity of 
 affairs, and these of various kinds, which daily attend thee, enough to 
 drink up thy spirit, and tire thy soul ; and which if it be not kept to the 
 inexhaustible fountain, may be dried up. And this I must tell thee, 
 which thou also knowest, that the highest capacity of natural wit and 
 parts, will not and cannot perform what thou hast to do, viz. to propagate 
 and advance the interest and profit of the government and plantations, 
 and at the same time to give the interest of truth, and testimony of the 
 holy name of God, its due preference in all things : for to make the wil- 
 derness sing forth the praise of God, is a skill beyond the wisdom of this 
 
 * Oldmixon, quoted by Proud, i. 237, and Clatkson, 151. t Ibid, 152. 
 
248 LIFE OF 
 
 world. It is greatly in man's power to make a wilderness into fruitful 
 fields, according to the common course of God's providence, who gives 
 wisdom and strength to be industrious ; but then, how he who is the 
 Creator may have his due honor and service thereby, is only taught by 
 his spirit, in them who singly wait upon him. 
 
 " There is a wisdom in government that hath respect to its own pre- 
 servation, by setting up what is profitable to it, and suppressing what 
 may be a detriment ; and this is the image of the true wisdom ; but the 
 substance is the birth that is heavenly, which reigns in the Father's 
 kingdom till all is subdued, and then gives it up to him whose it is. There 
 is a power on earth, that is of God, by which princes decree justice, this 
 is the image, and there is a power which is heavenly, in which the Prince 
 of Peace, the Lord of Lords, doth i-eign in an everlasting kingdom, and 
 this is the substance. By this power, is the spiritual wickedness in high 
 places brought down ; he that is the true delegate in this power, can do 
 great things for God's glory, and shall have his reward, and shall be a 
 judge of the tribes ; and whosoever else pretend to judgment, will seek 
 themselves; beware of them; the times ai'e perilous."* 
 
 Governor Penn, having determined to embark in the Endeavor, 
 commissioned the Provincial Council to act in his stead, of which 
 Thomas Lloyd was president, to whom he entrusted the keeping 
 of the Great Seal. Nicholas Moore, Wm. Welch, Wm. Wood, 
 Robt. Turner and John Eckly, were commissioned as pro^dncial 
 judges for two years ; his cousin. Colonel Markham was secre- 
 tary, and James Harrison his steward had charge of his house 
 and manor at Pennsbury. 
 
 Having completed his arrangements, he embarked the 12th 
 of the 6th month (August), greatly to the regret of the whole 
 country, for he had, by his uniform justice and kindness, en- 
 deared himself to all. From on board the vessel he wrote the 
 following letter : 
 
 " To Thomas Llotd, J. Clavfole, J. Simcock, C. Taylor, and J. Har- 
 rison, to be communicated in Meetings in Pennsylvania and the Ter- 
 ritories thereunto belonging, among Friends. 
 
 " My love and my life is to you, and with you, and no water can quench 
 it, nor distance wear it out, or bring it to an end. I have been with you, 
 cared over you, and served you with unfeigned love ; and you are beloved 
 of me, and near to me beyond utterance. I bless you in the name and 
 
 • Crisp's Works, 385. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 249 
 
 power of the Lord, and may God bless you with his righteousness, peace, 
 and plenty all the land over ! that you would eye him in all, through 
 all, and above all the labor of your hands, and let it be your first care 
 how you may glorify him in your undertakings ; for to a blessed end are 
 you brought hither ; and if you see and keep but in the sense of that pro- 
 vidence, your coming, staying and imjjroving, will be sanctified: but if 
 any forget him, and call not upon his name in truth, he will pour out his 
 plagues upon them, and they shall know who it is that judgeth the chil- 
 dren of men. 
 
 " 0, you are now come to a quiet land ; provoke not the Lord to trouble 
 it ! And now that liberty and authority are with you and in your hands, 
 let the government be upon His shoulders in all your spirits, that you 
 may rule for him under whom the princes of this world will one day es- 
 teem it their honor to govern and serve in their places. I cannot but say, 
 when these things come mightily upon my mind, as the Apostle said of 
 old, ' What manner of persons ought we to be in all godly conversation ?' 
 Truly the name and honor of the Lord are deeply concerned in you as to 
 the discharge of yourselves in your present station, many eyes being upon 
 you ; and remember that, as we have been belied about disowning the 
 true religion, so, of all government, to behold us exemplary and Chris- 
 tian in the use of it will not only stop our enemies, but minister convic- 
 tion to many on that account prejudiced. that you may see and know 
 that service, and do it for the Lord in this your day ! 
 
 " And thou, Philadelphia, the virgin settlement of this province, named 
 before thou wert born, what love, what care, what service, and what tra- 
 vail hast here been to bring thee forth and preserve thee from such as 
 would abuse and defile thee ! 
 
 " that thou mayest be kept from the evil that would overwhelm thee : 
 that, faithful to the God of thy mercies, in the life of righteousness, thou 
 mayest be preserved to the end ! My soul prays to God for thee, that thou 
 mayest stand in the day of trial, that thy children may be blessed of the 
 Lord, and thy people saved by his power. My love to thee has been great, 
 and the remembrance of thee affects my heart and mine eye. — The God 
 of eternal strength keep and preserve thee to his glory and thy peace ! 
 
 " So, dear friends, my love again salutes you all, wishing that grace, 
 mercy and peace, with all temporal blessings, may abound richly amongst 
 you ! so says, so prays your friend and lover in the truth, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 After a passage of about seven weeks, he landed within seven 
 miles of his own residence. His arrival is announced in the 
 following letter to his steward at Pennsbury. 
 
250 LIFE OF 
 
 " Worminghurst, 7th 8th, '84. 
 
 "Dear James Harrison: — My dear love salutes thee and thine, my 
 family and friends thereaway, the presence of the Lord be with you. Last 
 sixth day, being the 3d inst., I got safe to my family, and found them 
 well, to my joy in the Lord. 
 
 " Phil. Leniain has, most carelessly, left behind the York papers that 
 Thomas Lloyd brought, and should have come as the ground and very 
 strength of my coming : so that I am now here with my finger in my 
 mouth. He would not have done me a worse injury, nor balked a great- 
 er service, if he had had the bribe of £1000 to do it. Wherefore let him 
 be quickened to send them by the first ship that comes out of Maryland or 
 Virginia. 
 
 "Let Thomas Lloyd step to York and get fresh affidavits of the three 
 men that can swear the Dutch possession of river and bay, before Balti- 
 more's patent, in the Governor's presence and under the seal of the pro- 
 vince. 
 
 " By East come wine and strong beer ; let the beer be sold for as much 
 profit as is reasonable, and some of the wine. Some may be kept for me, 
 especially sack and such like, to be the better for age. 
 
 " There are seeds for Ralph, [the gardener,] value here four pounds 
 and odd money. By an Irish ship comes value 150 pounds in provisions, 
 butter, cheese, beer, shoes, &c. * * * * 
 
 " My love to Friends of your meeting, to those of Philadelphia and 
 Chester, especially J. Simcock, C. Taylor, T. Lloyd, T. Janney, T. 
 Holmes, W. Clayton, W. Yardly ; Friends of the other side, [Jersey,] and 
 J. Longhurst. Let Ralph follow his garden and get the yards fenced in, 
 and doors to them. Expect news and further directions by the next ship. 
 Ships come out of Maryland and Virginia the 10th, 11th and 12th months. 
 Quicken T. Lloyd and P. Lemain as aforesaid. Farewell in the love of 
 God. Thy true friend. 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 " I have sent some walnuts for Ralph to set, and other seeds of our own 
 that are rare good." 
 
 Soon after his arrival in England, he waited on the king and 
 Duke of York, as related in the following extract from fragments 
 of an autobiography, called an "Apology for Himself."* 
 
 " I arrived from America the 6th of October, '84, at Wonder, in Sus- 
 sex, being within seven miles of my own house ; whence, after some days 
 of refresment, I went to wait upon the King and Duke, then both at New 
 Market, who received me very graciously, as did the ministers very civil- 
 ly. Yet I found things in gi.'neral with another face than I left them: 
 
 * Mom. Hist. Soc. Pa. iii. part ii. 235. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 251 
 
 sour and stern, and resolved to hold the reins of power with a stiifer hand 
 than heretofore, especially over those that were observed to be State or 
 Church Dissenters, conceiving that the opposition which made the govern- 
 ment uneasy, came from that sort of people, and, therefore, they should 
 either bow or break. 
 
 " This made it hard for me, a profest Dissenter, to turn myself — for 
 that party having been my acquaintance, my inclination, and my interest 
 too : to shift them I would not, to serve them I saw I could not, and to 
 keep fair with a displeased and resolved government, that had weathered 
 its point upon them, humbled and mortified them, and was daily improv- 
 ing all advantages against them, was a difiicult task to perform. 
 
 "Finding myself narrowed in this manner, that one day I was received 
 well at court as proprietor and governor of a province of the crown, and 
 the next taken up at a meeting by Hilton and CoUingwood, and the third 
 smoakt ( ?] and informed of for meeting with the men of the whig stamp. 
 After informing myself of the state of things, I cast about in mind what 
 way I might be helpful to the public, and as little hurtful to my concerns 
 as I could, for I had then a cause depending aljout bounds of land in 
 America with the Lord Baltimore, before the council, that was of import- 
 ance to me. 
 
 " Upon the whole matter, I found no point so plain, so honest, so sensi- 
 ble, that carried such weight, conviction, and compassion with it, and that 
 would consequently find an easier reception and more friends, than liberty 
 of conscience, my old post and province. I therefore sought out some bleed- 
 ing cases, which was not hard to do, Bristol, Norwich, &c., being ready 
 at hand in bloody letters — barbarities never used certainly in a Pro- 
 testant country — especially at Bristol. The relations are in print. But 
 finding them uneasy under generals, as too much to grant at once, I began 
 with a particular case. It was that of Richard Vickris, an honest, sober, 
 and sensible man, of good reputation and estate in that city. He was 
 under sentence of death upon the statute of the 35th of Queen Elizabeth, 
 for not abjuring the realm as Dr. Cheny did, that was under sentence. 
 His crime only worshiping of God his own way, but could not abjure be- 
 cause he could not swear at all. The heat had been great in that city, 
 and an example they would make, and chose these two men as eminent 
 in their persuasion, and as having something to lose. But the thing 
 looked so like a snare, the fruit of private malice and avarice, and the 
 said R. Vickris, being a meek and quiet person, upon my assuring them 
 he was, and would live peaceably under the government, the Duke pro- 
 mised to press the King in his favor, who grew harsh and very tender to 
 be spoken to upon that head, though for the very Papists in the new case 
 of the long writ set a-foot about that time. And the Duke was as good 
 as his word. He was pardoned. 
 
 " That my aesign might succeed the better with the King, it came into 
 my mind to write something of the true interest of the King and king- 
 
252 LIFE OF 
 
 dom, have it transcribed fair, and present it in manuscript, the times 
 being too set, ( ? ) and rough for print. In this I undertook to show that 
 since it was so, that his kingdom was divided into such great bodies, op- 
 posite to each other, and near an equality in strength and value, all things 
 considered, though not perhaps in number, and that nothing would serve 
 either party but the ruin of the other, and that it was too great a loss to 
 his crown to gratify either so far, he was not to suffer his authority to 
 humor their passions, but overrule both with justice, wisdom, and good- 
 ness ; that he might be King, and have the benefit of his whole people. 
 
 " Adding, that he might be easy if the uneasy are made so, and not 
 sooner — and that the revenue was not as in old time upon tenures and in 
 lands, but upon trade which lay much in the hands of the party he was 
 angry with, however, that it would discourage and confound trade to be 
 sure, if he changed the course of his government, and therefore to look 
 upon past things as a King, and not as a man, without passion, and not 
 suffer his own resentment or his ministers' flatteries, interests or revenges 
 to carry him further than was good for his interest. And that upon the 
 trial of a true liberty of conscience he would find [it] more the advantage 
 of the crown than any private man or particular party." * * * * 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Death of Charles II. ; Letter of William Penn concerning it ; Accession of 
 James II. ; He openly professes the Roman Catholic religion ; Influence 
 of the Priests and Imprudence of the King; His regard for William 
 Penn ; The King professes Tolerant Principles, and promises to protect 
 the Church of England: Friends' Petition for Relief ; 1400 of their Mem- 
 bers in Prison ; William Penn uses his Influence for Liberty of Con- 
 science; Takes lodgings at Kensington ; Letter to J.Harrison; Mon- 
 mouth's Insurrection quelled ; Cruelties of Jeffreys ; Executions ; Let- 
 ter of William Penn to J. H. ; Protestants persecuted in France ; Wil- 
 liam Penn's position and services at Court ; Intercedes for J. Locke ; 
 Unpopularity of the King ; William Penn shares the odium ; Tract 
 called ''Fiction Found Out;" Correspondence with Tillotson; The Boun- 
 dary Question; Order in Council relating to it; Affairs of Pennsylvania; 
 William Penn's letters. 
 
 1685. 
 
 In the winter of 1684-5 King Charles II. died of an apoplexy, 
 and his brother James, Duke of York, peaceably succeeded to 
 
"WILLIAM PENN. 253 
 
 the throne under the title of James II. Although the late King 
 had at one time been extremely popular, on account of his affa- 
 bihty, generosity, and unequalled urbanity, he had, by a long 
 course of profligacy and extravagance in his private hfe, as well 
 as misgovernment and perfidy in his public affairs, forfeited the 
 affections and confidence of a loyal people. 
 
 In a letter of William Penn to Thos. Lloyd, dated the 16th of 
 the first month, (March,) 1685, he gives some interesting parti- 
 culars relating to this event, viz. : 
 
 " The King is dead : and the Duke succeeds peaceably. He was well 
 on first-day night, — being the first of February (so called) ; about eight 
 next morning, as he sat down to shave, his head twitched both ways, or 
 sides, and he gave a shriek, and fell as dead, and so remained some hours ; 
 they opportunely blooded and cupped him, and plied his head with red- 
 hot frying pans. lie returned, (revived,) and continued till sixth day 
 noon, but mostly in great tortures. He seemed very penitent, asking par- 
 don of all, even the poorest subject he had wronged; prayed for pardon, 
 and to be delivered out of the world — the Duke appearing mighty humble 
 and sorrowful. * * * He was an able man for a divided and troubled king- 
 dom. The present King was proclaimed about three o'clock that day. A 
 proclamation followed, with the King's speech, to maintain the Church 
 and State as established, to keep property and use clemency. Tonnage 
 and poundage, with the excise, are revived de bene esse, till the Parliament 
 meet. One is now choosing. The people of Westminster just gone by 
 to choose. It sits the 19th of the 3d month next. In Scotland one next 
 month. Severities continue still, but some ease to us faintly promised. 
 Be careful that no indecent speeches pass against the government, for the 
 King, going with his Queen publicly to mass in Whitehall, gives occa- 
 sion. He declared he concealed himself to obey his brother, and that now 
 he would be above-board ; which we like the better on many accounts. 
 I was with him, and told him so ; but, withal, hoped we should come in 
 for a share. He smiled, and said he desired not that peaceable people 
 should be disturbed for their religion. And till his coronation, the 23d, 
 when he and his consort are together to be crowned, no hopes of release ; 
 and, till the Parliament, no hopes of any fixed liberty. My business, I 
 would hope, is better. The late King, the Papists will have, died a Ro- 
 man Catholic ; for he refused (after his usual way of evading uneasy 
 things, with unpreparedness first, and then weakness) the Church of Eng- 
 land's communion. Bishop Ken, of Wells, pressing him, that it would be 
 to his comfort and that of his people to see he died of that religion he 
 had made profession of when living ; but it would not do. And once, all 
 but the Duke, Earl of Bath, and Lord Feversham, were turned out ; and 
 one Huddlestone, a Romish priest, was seen about that time near the 
 
 22 
 
254 LIFE OF 
 
 chamber. This is most of our news. The Popish lords and gentry go to 
 Whitehall to mass daily ; and the Tower, or Royal Chapel, is crammed 
 by vying with the Protestant lords and gentry. The late King's children, 
 even by the Duchess of Portsmouth, go thither. 
 
 " Our King stands more upon his terms, than the other, with France : 
 and though he has not his brother's abilities, he has great discipline and 
 industry. Alas ! the world is running over to you : and great quantities 
 together is to put the sale of lands out of my own hands,* after I have 
 spent what I got by my own on the public service, for I am £3000 worse 
 in my estate than at first : I can say it before the Lord : I have only the 
 comfort of having approved myself a faithful steward, to my understand- 
 ing and ability ; and yet I hope my cMldren shall receive it in the love of 
 yours ichen we are gone." * * * '< Keep up the people's hearts and 
 love," &c. I hope to be with them next fall, if the Lord prevent not. I 
 long to be with you. No temptations prevail to fix me here. The Lord 
 send us a good meeting. Amen, &c." 
 
 On the King's accession to the throne he was received with 
 favor by the nation, although his profession of the Roman 
 Cathohc religion was incompatible with a station in which, 
 according to the British constitution, he was the head of the 
 established church. There was a powerful party who, in the 
 late reign, had been opposed to his succession on this account, 
 and were now watching with jealous eyes everj' measure of his 
 cabinet. Under these circumstances, common prudence would 
 have dictated that he should enjoy his religion in his own pri- 
 vate chapel, and protect its members from persecution to the 
 extent of his power, without offending the prejudices of the 
 nation by an ostentatious display of its ceremonies. Instead of 
 this concihatory course, the King, who was under the influence 
 of his confessor, Father Peter, seemed to set public opinion at 
 defiance ; he not only went openly vn\h his family to mass at 
 Whitehall, but he suffered the Jesuits to build a college at the 
 Savoy, in London, sent an ambassador to Rome, and received 
 the Pope's nuncio with honors, even kneeling in his presence. 
 
 James, while Duke of York, had, for many years, been the 
 friend and patron of William Penn, whom he admitted to terms 
 of familiar intercourse, not usual between a Prince and a sub- 
 
 * This alludes to large purchases made by speculators at first prices, which pre- 
 vented the proprietary from deriving any advantage from the enhanced value of 
 lands. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 255 
 
 ject. This partiality on the part of the Duke arose, in the first 
 place, from his great regard for Admiral Penn, and was, doubt- 
 less, confirmed and augmented by the agreeable manners and 
 excellent qualities of his son. After his accession to the throne 
 he continued to manifest the same regard, which, as it gave 
 Penn ready access to the royal closet, enabled him to use his 
 influence for the relief of many, both of his own and other reli- 
 gious persuasions, who were suffering for conscience sake. 
 
 It will be remembered that in the year 1673, in order to ob- 
 tain the liberation of George Fox, he waited on the Duke, who 
 received him in the most cordial manner, and assured him "that 
 he was against all persecution for the sake of religion, that it 
 was true he had, in his younger time, been warm, especially 
 when he thought people made it a pretence to disturb govern 
 ment, but that he had seen and considered things better, and 
 he was for doing to others as he would have others do unto him, 
 and he thought it would be happy for the world if all were of 
 that mind, for he was sure, he said, that no man was willing to 
 be persecuted himself, for his own conscience."* , 
 
 This declaration of sentiment being followed by a promise of 
 aid in obtaining the release of his friend, and by an obliging 
 deportment at the time he applied for his province, made an 
 indelible impression upon the mind of Penn, who, believing 
 James to be sincere in his professions, became attached to him 
 from affection and gratitude. 
 
 " The King universally passed for a man of great sincerity 
 and great honor,"t and as he still continued to profess himself 
 in favor of universal toleration, it is not surprising that his per- 
 sonal friends should have relied on the purity of his motives. 
 
 On the first day of his reign, the King, in council assembled 
 at Whitehall, made a speech disclaiming all arbitrary principles 
 in government, and promising protection to the Church of Eng- 
 land, which gave great satisfaction to the nation, and he soon 
 received, from all parts of the kingdom, congratulatory addresses, 
 some of which were couched in terms of servile adulation. It 
 does not appear that the Society of Friends at this time offered 
 
 • Peim's Apology for himself, quoted in Chap. VII. -|- Hume. 
 
256 LIFE OF 
 
 any congratulations, though there is a fictitious address attri- 
 buted to them, and preserved in Hume's History of England, 
 which must have been intended as a burlesque. 
 
 Their first address, dated 2d of the first month, called March, 
 1685, was of a very different kind, being intended merely to 
 bring before the King the suffering condition of their members 
 left in prison at the death of King Charles 11. 
 
 This address being brief, is here inserted : 
 
 " TO KING JAMES THE SECOND. 
 
 " The humble application of the people called Quakers. 
 
 " Whereas, it hath pleased Almighty God (by whom kings reign), to 
 take hence the late King Charles the Second, and to preserve thee peacea- 
 bly to succeed: we, thy subjects, heartily desire that the Giver of all good 
 and perfect gifts, may please to endue thee with wisdom and mercy in the 
 use of thy great power, to his glory, the King's honor, and the kingdom's 
 good. And it being our sincere resolution, according to our peaceable 
 principles and conversation, (by the assistance of Almighty God), to live 
 peaceably and honestly, as becomes true and faithful subjects under the 
 King's government, and a conscientious people that truly fear and serve 
 God, we do humbly hope that the King's tenderness will appear and ex- 
 tend with his power to express the same, recommending to his princely 
 clemency the case of our present suffering friends hereto annexed.'^* 
 
 This address was accompanied by a statement, showing that 
 upwards of 1400 members of the Society, of both sexes, were 
 continued prisoners in England and Wales, only for worshiping 
 God according to their sense of duty, and for conscientiously 
 refusing to swear. " Besides some hundreds had died prison- 
 ers, many by means of this long imprisonment, since the year 
 1680, thereby making widows and fatherless, and leaving poor 
 innocent families desolate in distress and sorrow." The libera- 
 tion of these prisoners did not take place for a year after their 
 case was brought before the King, and there is reason to believe 
 it was then done chiefly through the personal influence and in- 
 tercession of William Penn. As his object in returning to Eng- 
 land was to solicit the liberation of his friends, and to obtain a 
 favorable settlement of the boundary question, it became neces- 
 
 * Cough's Hist. Quakers. 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 257 
 
 sary for him to appear frequently at court : he therefore took 
 lodgings for himself and family at Kensington. 
 
 By the following extract from a letter to James Harrison, 
 dated Kensington, 11th of 5th month, (July,) 1685, it appears 
 that he met with many delays in the prosecution of his pur- 
 poses. " We are all well through the Lord's mercy, and long 
 to be with you, especially the children; my business here has 
 been thrown off, with other people's, first by the late King's 
 death, then the coronation, next the Parliament, now this insur- 
 rection, almost over, for the Duke of Monmouth is defeated, and 
 he and Grey taken, will be brought up to London next third 
 day. I hope now I may be despatched." "We had a blessed 
 quiet, though but a small General Meeting, things are very well 
 on Truth's account in this nation and L'eland. 
 
 " Salute me to Friends generally, and to your meeting espe- 
 cially. I beseech God to bless you with Joseph's portion. My 
 love to my family.* 
 
 "0! that they would, from the Lord, be sober and diligent, 
 that they may have a good name and be my joy." 
 
 The Duke of Monmouth's insurrection, alluded to above, 
 having been a rash and ill-concerted enterprise, was quelled 
 promptly by the King's troops, and was followed by a series of 
 trials and executions the most atrocious that, for many genera- 
 tions, had been witnessed by the British people. Jeffreys, who 
 had been made Chief Justice by the late King, and was con- 
 tinued in office by the present monarch, w^as noted for his arbi- 
 trary and tyrannical disposition; which prompted him to overstep 
 the bounds of decency, as well as the forms of law, in order to 
 wreak his vengeance, and that of his royal master on the unhap- 
 py victims who were brought before him. It had been usual 
 in cases of insurrection, to punish severely the leaders and influ- 
 ential men concerned in them, but after a few public executions, 
 to grant a general amnesty to those of inferior rank. 
 
 Now a very different course was pursued : Monmouth, and a 
 few others of high rank, were executed ; but generally, the rich 
 were allowed to purchase pardons at exorbitant rates, to gratify 
 
 * His family, i. e , his workmen anJ servants at Pennsbury, 
 
 22* 
 
258 LIFE OF 
 
 the avarice of the judge or enrich the favorites of the court ; 
 while hundreds of the poor and the ignorant, who had been de- 
 luded by their superiors, were condemned and executed without 
 mercy. 
 
 In a letter of Penn to James Harrison, dated 2d of 8th month, 
 (October) 1685, alluding to these executions, he says : " About 
 three hundred hanged in divers towns in the w^est, about one 
 thousand to be transported. I begged twenty of the King. Col. 
 Holmes, young Hays, the two Hewlings, Lark, and Hix, minis- 
 ters, are executed. Preparations in Westminster Hall for trial of 
 Lords Grey, Delamere,' Gerard, &c. Sir G. Gerard, and Sir R. 
 Cotton committed. 
 
 " The keeper dead, and Lord Jeffreys, Chief Justice and 
 
 Baron of W , made Lord Chamberlain, and is, as said, to 
 
 be Earl of C ."* 
 
 It must have been a happy relief to those prisoners whom 
 Penn " begged of the king," when they found that instead of the 
 hardships and bondage usually assigned to transported convicts, 
 they were to enjoy the privileges of civil and religious liberty in 
 Pennsylvania. In another of his letters to his steward, near the 
 same date, he thus refers to two executions which had just taken 
 place. " There is daily inquisition for those engaged in the late 
 plots, some die denying, as Alderman Cornish, others confessing 
 but justifying. Cornish died last 6th day, in Cheapside, for 
 being at the meeting that Lord Russel died for, but denied it 
 most vehemently to the last. A woman, one Gaunt of Wappen, 
 of Doct. Moore's acquaintance, was burned the same day at Ty- 
 burn for the high treason of hiding one of Monmouth's army, 
 and the man saved came in [as witness] against her. She died 
 composedly and fearless, interpreting the cause of her death 
 God'^s cause. Many more to be hanged, great and small. It 
 is a day to be wise. I long to be with you, but the eternal God 
 do as he pleases. 0! be watchful, fear and sanctify the Lord 
 in your hearts. "f In the same letter he refers, in the following 
 terms, to the cruelties then inflicted on the Huguenots in France, 
 on the revocation of the Edict of Nantz. " In France, not a 
 
 • Pemberton's MSS, f Ibid. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 259 
 
 meeting of Protestants left, they force all, by not suffering them 
 to sleep, to conform ; they use drums or fling water on the 
 drowsy till they submit or run mad. They pray to be killed, 
 but the King has ordered his dragoons to do any thing but kill." 
 * * * "Such as fly and are caught, are executed or sent to 
 the galleys to row. Thus they use all qualities, from dukes 
 and duchesses to the meanest of that way. Many [persons] 
 and much wealth will visit your parts. Be wise, weighty, and 
 strict against looseness. Believe me it is an extraordinary day^ 
 such as has not been since generations ago. Read this to 
 iveighty Friends and magistrates, in private, and gird up your 
 loins and serve the Lord in this juncture. No matter in what 
 part they settle in our country, let not temjioral interest sway, 
 on my land or on theirs that have bought of me ; no matter, the 
 public will [gain] in a while by their establishment."* 
 
 It is worthy of note how careful he was that his friends in 
 America should act with prudence in that " extraordinary 
 day,'''' advising his steward to read his letter '^ to weighty Friends 
 and magistrates, in private." There is abundant evidence to 
 show that Penn, at this time, though on intimate terms with his 
 sovereign, abstained, as much as possible, from entering into 
 the measures or imbibing the spirit of either of the great political 
 parties then contending for power ; his objects in frequenting 
 the court w^ere, to obtain justice for his province in the boun- 
 dary question ; to plead the cause of the innocent and suffering 
 of all religious persuasions ; to extend the hand of mercy to those 
 who fell under the displeasure of the government, and to advise 
 the King to those measures of clemency and moderation, which 
 would have established his throne. f 
 
 One of the first persons whom he endeavored to serve, by the 
 use of his influence at court, was his old friend and fellow stu- 
 dent, John Locke, then an exile in Holland on account of his 
 "opposition to Popery and arbitrary power." The King autho- 
 rized him to inform Locke, that he should be pardoned : but the 
 blameless philosopher replied, after expressing his sense of his 
 friend's kindness, that " he had no occasion for a pardon when 
 he had not been guilty of any crime."| 
 
 • Pemberton's MSS. \ See Lawton's Memoir, quuted in chap. xxf. 
 
 \ Clarkson. 
 
260 LIFE OF 
 
 The following passage from Gerard Croese, shows the stand- 
 ing of Penn with the king, and the manner in which he used his 
 influence. 
 
 " William Penn was greatly in favor with the King — the Quaker's sole 
 patron at court — on whom the hateful eyes of his enemies were intent. 
 The King loved him as a singular and entire friend, and imparted to him 
 many of his secrets and counsels. He often honored him with his com- 
 pany in private, discoursing with him of various affairs, and that, not for 
 one, but many hours together, and delaying to hear the best of his peers 
 who at the same time were waiting for an audience. One of these being 
 envious, and impatient of delay, and taking it as an affront to see the other 
 more regarded than himself, adventured to take the freedom to tell his 
 majesty, that when he met with Penn he thought little of his nobility. 
 The King made no other reply, than that Penn always talked ingenuously, 
 and Tie heard him willingly. Penn, being so highly favored, acquired 
 thereby a number of friends. Those also who formerly knew him, when 
 they had any favor to ask at court, came to, courted, and entreated Penn 
 to promote their several requests. Penn refused none of his friends any 
 reasonable office he could do for them, but was ready to serve them all, 
 but more especially the Quakers, and these wherever their religion was 
 concerned. It is usually thought, when you do me one favor readily, 
 you thereby encourage me to expect a second. Thus they ran to Penn 
 without intermission, as their only pillar and support, who always caressed 
 and received them cheerfully, and effected their business by his influence 
 and eloquence. Hence his house and gates were daily thronged by a nu- 
 merous train of clients and suppliants, desiring him to present their 
 addresses to his majesty. There were sometimes there two hundred and 
 more. When the carrying on of these affairs required money for writings, 
 such as drawing things out into form and copyings, and for fees and other 
 charges which are usually made on such occasions, Penn so discreetly 
 managed matters, that ovit of his own, which he had in abundance, he 
 liberally discharged many emergent expenses." 
 
 The zeal manifested by the King in promoting the Catholic 
 religion, the high tone he assumed with regard to the royal pre- 
 rogative, and the judicial murders perpetrated in his name by 
 Jeffreys and others, were rapidly alienating the affections of the 
 people. The odium of his proceedings, attached to all who 
 were known to enjoy his confidence, and among others, Penn 
 was accused of favoring the Catholic rehgion and the arbitrary 
 measures of the court. The old charge of his being bred at St. 
 Omers and a Jesuit in disguise, was revived, and owing to the 
 highly excited state of the public mind, was believed by many. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 261 
 
 Soon after the King's accession, a copy of verses, full of flattery 
 to the new sovereign and of Popish predilections, was pubhshed, 
 with the initials of his name, and supposed by many to be his 
 production. In order to clear himself and disabuse the minds 
 of his friends, he issued the following paper, addressed to them, 
 which he entitled " Fiction Found Out." 
 
 "Dear Friends — I have -vrritten this for your satisfaction, and yet not for 
 yours, as you will say, but to inform those many that importune you on 
 my account, asking if I was the author of the condoling and congratula- 
 tory verses on the late and present King, printed (say they) in my name, 
 concluding if I were the author I must have turned Papist, flatterei", and 
 what they please. * * * 
 
 "For the verses — if it be considered, the two letters W. P. begin five 
 hundred names besides mine ; and I that pretend not to poetry at any 
 time, should hardly have done it then, when I must needs look to have 
 such sad company as the dull flattery of all the suburbs of the town. 
 But that I did not write them, the stuff itself shows ; and they must be 
 bereaved of sense, as well as charity, that can think it. For to own my- 
 self a Quaker and jeer the profession ; to use their phrases and profane 
 them ; to promise as Quakers to live peaceably, and yet engage to be no 
 more such ; to make ourselves loyal in one stanza, and ask pardon for not 
 being so in another ; be now a mistaken and wilful rout, and presently 
 the loving and loyal friends of Charles and James ; make up a jar and a 
 nonsense that I have not been used to be guilty of in prose ; and when- 
 ever I turn such a penny-poet, let such confusion be my judgment. How- 
 ever, it would look rude to be angry at them, for certainly they put a 
 mighty compliment upon my name that thought two letters of it would 
 make their drug sell. And because I am so known a friend to property, 
 to the unknown hawker-wit that wi'it them, I leave them with the credit 
 of all the fine and foolish fancy they are labored with : contenting myself 
 against all defamations, that I have this defence for my religion and con- 
 duct in my conclusions : 
 
 "1st. That the grace of God within me, and the Scriptures without me, 
 are the foundation and declaration of my faith and religion, and let any 
 man get better if he can. 
 
 " 2dly. That the profession I make of this religion, is in the same way 
 and manner that I have used for almost these eighteen years last past. 
 
 " 3dly. That my civil conduct, I humbly bless my God, has been with 
 peace on earth, and good will to all men, from the King on the throne to 
 the beggar on the dung-hill. 
 
 " I have ever loved England, and moderation to all parties in it, and 
 long seen and foreseen the consequences of the want of it. I would yet 
 heartily wish it might take place, and persuasion that of persecution, that 
 
262 LIFE OF 
 
 we might not grow barbarous for Chnstianity, nor abuse and undo one 
 another for God's sake. 
 
 " These have been, these are, and with God's strength shall be, through 
 all the crooked and uneven paths of time, the principles and practice of 
 " Your ancient and constant friend, 
 
 "WM. PENN. 
 " Worminghurst- place, the last of the 2d month, called April, 1685." 
 
 How strange soever it may seem to us, that any man ac- 
 quainted with William Penn, should think him a Papist or Jesuit 
 in disguise, it yet appears there were many who then believed 
 it, and among others Doctor Tillotson, afterwards Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, expressed some suspicions of him, which coming to 
 the knowledge of our author, occasioned the following corres- 
 pondence: viz. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO DR. TILLOTSON. 
 
 "Worthy Friend — Being often told that Dr. Tillotson should suspect me, 
 and so report me, a Papist, I think a Jesuit, and being closely prest, I take 
 the liberty to ask thee, if any such reflection fell from thee? If it did, I am 
 sorry one I esteemed ever the first of his robe should so undeservedly stain 
 me, for so I call it ; and, if the story be false, I am sorry they should so abuse 
 Dr. Tillotson as well as myself, without a cause. I add no more, but that 
 I abhor two principles in religion, and pity those that own them. The 
 first is obedience upon autliority without conviction, and the other the de- 
 stroying them that differ from me for God's sake. Such a religion is with- 
 out judgment, though not without teeth. Union is best, if right; else 
 charity : and, as Hooker said, the time will come when a few words spoken 
 with meekness, humility, and love, shall be more acceptable than volumes 
 of controversies, which commonly destroy charity, the very best part of 
 the true religion ; I mean not a charity that can change with all, but bear 
 all, as I can Dr. Tillotson in what he dissents from me, and in this re- 
 flection too, if said, which is not yet believed by thy Christian and true 
 Friend, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 "Charing-Cross, 22d 11th mo. 1685." 
 
 DR. TILLOTSON TO WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 " Honored Sir — The demand of your letter is very just and reasona- 
 ble, and the manner of it very kind ; therefore, in answer to it, be pleased 
 to take the following account : 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 263 
 
 '• The last time yuu did me the favor to see me at my house, I did, ac- 
 cording to the freedom I alwaj's use where I profess any friendsliip, acquaint 
 you with somethiuij; I had heard of a correspondence you held with some 
 at Rome, and particularly with some of the Jesuits there. At which you 
 seemed a little surprised ; and after some general discourse about it, you 
 said 3'ou would call on me some other time, and speak further of it. Since 
 that time I never saw you, but by accident and in passage, where I thought 
 you always declined me, particularly at Sir William Jones's chamber, 
 which was the last time, I think, I saw you ; upon which occasion I took 
 notice to him of your strangeness to me, and told what I thought might 
 be the reason of it, and that I was sorry for it, because I had a particular 
 esteem of your parts and temper. The same, I believe, I have said to 
 some others, but to whom I do not so particularly remember. Since your 
 going to Pennsylvania, I never thought more of it, till lately, being in 
 some company, one of them pressed me to declare whether I had not 
 heard something of you which had satisfied me that you were a Papist? 
 I answered. No ; by no means. I told him what I had heard, and what I 
 said to you, and of the strangeness that ensued upon it ; but that this never 
 went further with me than to make me suspect there was more in that 
 report which I heard than I was at first willing to believe ; and that, if 
 any made more of it, I should look upon them as very injurious both to 
 Mr. Penn and myself. 
 
 "This is the truth of that matter; and whenever you will please to 
 satisfy me that my suspicions of the truth of that report I had heard was 
 groundless, I will heartily beg your pardon for it. I do fully concur with 
 you in the abJiorrence of the two principles you mention, and in your ap- 
 probation of that excellent saying of Mr. Hooker, for which I shall ever 
 highly esteem him. I have endeavored to make it one of the governing 
 principles of my life, never to abate anything of humanity or charity to 
 any man for his difiFerence from me in opinion, and particularly to those 
 of your persuasion, as several of them have had experience. I have been 
 ready upon all occasions to do them all offices of kindness, being truly 
 sorry to see them so hardly used ; and though I thought them mistaken, 
 yet in the main I believed them to be very honest. I thank you for your 
 letter, and have a just esteem of the Christian temper of it, and rest your 
 faithful friend, "JO. TILLOTSON." 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO DR. TILLOTSON. 
 
 " Worthy Friend — Having a much less opinion of my own memory 
 than of Dr. Tillotson's truth, I will allow the fact, though not the jealousy: 
 for, besides that I cannot look strange where I am well used, I have ever 
 treated the name of Dr. Tillotson with another regard. I might be grave, 
 and full of my own business. I was also then disappointed by the Doc- 
 tor's ; but my nature is not harsh, my education less, and my principle 
 
256 LIFE OF 
 
 any congratulations, though there is a fictitious address attri- 
 buted to them, and preserved in Hume's History of England, 
 which must have been intended as a burlesque. 
 
 Their first address, dated 2d of the first month, called March, 
 1685, was of a very different kind, being intended merely to 
 bring before the King the suffering condition of their members 
 left in prison at the death of King Charles II. 
 
 This address being brief, is here inserted : 
 
 " TO KING JAMES THE SECOND. 
 
 " The humble application of the people called Quakers. 
 
 " Whereas, it hath pleased Almighty God (by whom kings reign), to 
 take hence the late King Charles the Second, and to preserve thee peacea- 
 bly to succeed: we, thy subjects, heartily desire that the Giver of all good 
 and perfect gifts, may please to endue thee with wisdom and mercy in the 
 use of thy great power, to his glory, the King's honor, and the kingdom's 
 good. And it being our sincere resolution, according to our peaceable 
 principles and conversation, (by the assistance of Almighty God), to live 
 peaceably and honestly, as becomes true and faithful subjects under the 
 King's government, and a conscientious people that truly fear and serve 
 God, we do humbly hope that the King's tenderness will appear and ex- 
 tend with his power to express the same, recommending to his princely 
 clemency the case of our present suffering friends hereto annexed."* 
 
 This address was accompanied by a statement, showing that 
 upwards of 1400 members of the Society, of both sexes, were 
 continued prisoners in England and Wales, only for w^orshiping 
 God according to their sense of duty, and for conscientiously 
 refusing to swear. " Besides some hundreds had died prison- 
 ers, many by means of this long imprisonment, since the year 
 1680, thereby making widows and fatherless, and leaving poor 
 innocent families desolate in distress and sorrow." The libera- 
 tion of these prisoners did not take place for a year after their 
 case was brought before the King, and there is reason to believe 
 it was then done chiefly through the personal influence and in- 
 tercession of William Penn. As his object in returning to Eng- 
 land was to solicit the liberation of his friends, and to obtain a 
 favorable settlement of the boundary question, it became neces- 
 
 * Gough's Hist. Quakers. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 2r57 
 
 sary for him to appear frequently at court : he therefore took 
 lodgings for himself and family at Kensington. 
 
 By the following extract from a letter to James Harrison, 
 dated Kensington, 11th of 5th month, (July,) 1685, it appears 
 that he met with many delays in the prosecution of his pur- 
 poses. " We are all well through the Lord's mercy, and long 
 to be with you, especially the children; ray business here has 
 been thrown off, with other people's, first by the late King's 
 death, then the coronation, next the Parliament, now this insur- 
 rection, almost over, for the Duke of Monmouth is defeated, and 
 he and Grey taken, will be brought up to London next third 
 day. I hope now I may be despatched." " We had a blessed 
 quiet, though but a small General Meeting, things are very well 
 on Truth's account in this nation and Ireland. 
 
 " Salute me to Friends generally, and to your meeting espe- 
 cially. I beseech God to bless you with Joseph's portion. My 
 love to my family.* 
 
 "0! that they would, from the Lord, be sober and diligent, 
 that they may have a good name and be my joy." 
 
 The Duke of Monmouth's insurrection, alluded to above, 
 having been a rash and ill-concerted enterprise, was quelled 
 promptly by the King's troops, and was followed by a series of 
 trials and executions the most atrocious that, for many genera- 
 tions, had been witnessed by the British people. Jeffreys, who 
 had been made Chief Justice by the late King, and was con- 
 tinued in office by the present monarch, was noted for his arbi- 
 trary and tyrannical disposition ; which prompted him to overstep 
 the bounds of decency, as well as the forms of law, in order to 
 wreak his vengeance, and that of his royal master on the unhap- 
 py victims who were brought before him. It had been usual 
 in cases of insurrection, to punish severely the leaders and influ- 
 ential men concerned in them, but after a few public executions, 
 to grant a general amnesty to those of inferior rank. 
 
 Now a very different course was pursued : Monmouth, and a 
 few others of high rank, were executed ; but generally, the rich 
 were allowed to purchase pardons at exorbitant rates, to gratify 
 
 * His family, i. e , his workrnon and servants at Pennsbury. 
 
 22* 
 
206 LIFE OF 
 
 By an order of Council, dated 13th of November, '85, it appears 
 that, "the substance of the said lords' report was, that the said 
 lands intended to be granted by the Lord Baltimore's patent were 
 only cultivated and inhabited by savages, and that the part then 
 in dispute, was inhabited and planted by Christians, at and before 
 the date of the Lord Baltimore's patent, as it had been ever 
 since to that time, and continued as a distinct colony from that 
 of Maryland, so that the lords offered it as their opinion, that for 
 avoiding further difference, the tract of land lying between the 
 River and Bay of Delaware, and the Eastern Sea, on one side, 
 and Chesapeake Bay on the other, be divided into two equal 
 parts by a line from the latitude of Cape Henlopen to the fortieth 
 degree of north latitude, (the south boundary of Pennsylvania, 
 by charter,) and that one-half thereof be adjudged to his majesty 
 (viz. King James, who, when Duke of York, granted it to Wil- 
 liam Penn), and the other half remain to the Lord Baltimore, as 
 comprised in his charter."* 
 
 The line designated in this order is the boundary between the 
 States of Delaware and Maryland ; but the line between Penn- 
 sylvania and Maryland, notwithstanding the many efforts made 
 by Penn for its adjustment, continued in dispute during the re- 
 mainder of his life, and was not finally settled until the year 
 1762, when it was run by "two ingenious mathematicians," 
 Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, who came out from England 
 for that purpose ; and hence it is called Mason and Dixon's 
 Line.f 
 
 While Penn was engaged in obtaining an adjustment of boun- 
 daries, and pleading the cause of religious liberty in England, 
 his friends in Pennsylvania were pushing forward their improve- 
 ments in building and planting, and performing their novitiate in 
 legislation. The increase of population continued to be rapid, 
 the colony was peaceful and prosperous, but some disorders 
 ensued, and they felt the want of the proprietary's presence; yet 
 were too unmindful of his expenses abroad. In a letter to James 
 Harrison, dated 30th of 5th month (July), '85, he says, " I have 
 had two letters more with three bills of exchange. I am sorry 
 
 • I'rouJ's Hisl. Pa i 293. t Ibid. ii. 211. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 267 
 
 the public is so unmindful of me as not to prevent bills upon me, 
 that am come on their errand, and had rather have lost a thou- 
 sand pounds, than have stirred from Pennsylvania. The re- 
 proaches that I hear daily of the conduct of things, bears hard 
 upon my spirit too. 
 
 " Tlie Lord order things for his glory, James, send no more 
 bills, for I have enough to do to keep all even here, and think of 
 returning with my family : that can't be [done] without vast 
 charge."* In a letter, near the same date, to Thomas Lloyd, 
 John Sim cock, Chr. Taylor, J. Harrison and Robert Turner, he 
 says, " I am sorry at heart for your animosities ; cannot more 
 friendly and private courses be taken, to set matters right in an 
 infant province, whose steps are numbered and watched .'' For 
 the love of God, me, and the poor country, be not so govern- 
 mentish, so noisy and open in your dissatisfactions ; some folks 
 love hunfing in government itself." "It is an abominable thing 
 to have three warrants for one purchase ; 'tis oppression that my 
 soul loathes ; I do hereby require it, that P. L. be called to an 
 account for requests and warrants^ &c., for town lot, liberty 
 lot, and the rest of the purchase : why not one warrant for all, 
 at least for liberty lot and the remainder ? This is true and 
 right oppression, besides several things set down that are not in 
 law nor in my regulations." 
 
 About the same time, he received from the General Assembly 
 of Pennsylvania the following letter: viz. 
 
 " Most Excellent Governor — We, the Freemen of the Province of 
 Pennsylvania and Territories, do, with unfeigned love to your person and 
 government, with all due respect acquaint you, that we have, this last 
 day of our sess'on, passed all such bills as we judged meet to pass into 
 laws, and impeached Nicholas Moore, a member of the Assembly, of ten 
 articles, containing divers high crimes and misdemeanors, and, in the 
 presence of the President and Provincial Council, made very clear proof 
 of the said articles. 
 
 "We have had the person of Patrick Robinson under restraint for 
 divers insolencies and aifronts to the Assembly ; — but there was a right 
 and good understanding betwixt the President, Council, and Assembly, 
 and a happy and friendly farewell. 
 
 " Dear and honored Sir, the honor of God, the love of your person, 
 
 • Pemberton's MSS. 
 
268 LIFE OF 
 
 and the preservation of the peace and welfare of the government, were, 
 we hope, the only centre to which all our actions did tend. And, although 
 the wisdom of the Assembly thought fit to humble that aspiring and cor- 
 rupt minister of state, Nicholas Moore, yet to you, dear Sir, and to the 
 happy success of your aifairs, our hearts are open, and our hands ready 
 at all times to subscribe ourselves, in the name of ourselves and all the 
 Freemen we represent, your obedient and faithful Freemen, 
 
 "JOHN WHITE, Speaker. 
 
 " P, S. — Honored Sir — We know your wisdom and goodness will make 
 a candid construction of all our actions, and that it shall be out of the 
 power of malicious tongues to separate betwixt our Governor and his 
 Freemen, who extremely long for your presence, and speedy arrival of 
 your person." 
 
 Judge Moore was President of the Free Society of Traders, 
 and was charged with " violence, partiality and negligence," in 
 a case in which that society was interested. He refused to an- 
 swer to the impeachment, and was suspended from his judicial 
 functions, as well as expelled from his seat in the A ssembly.* 
 
 Penn believed that he had been too rigidly dealt with, and after- 
 wards employed him as one of his commissioners of government, 
 in which high office "there appears no objection from any party 
 against his conduct."f The accounts received by the proprie- 
 tary from the meetings of Friends in Pennsylvania and New 
 Jersey, were more satisfactory; they had endeavored to fulfil 
 his wnshes by preventing their members from selling rum to the 
 Indians, and had appointed meetings among them " to instruct 
 them in the principles of Christianity, and the practice of a true 
 Christian life." 
 
 * Gordon's Hist, {'a., and Colonial Records. 
 t Proud i. 298, 299, 
 
"WILLIAM PENN. 269 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Tract called " Persuasive to Moderation ;" King pardons all imprisoned 
 for Religion ; Thirteen hundred Friends released ; The informers dis- 
 couraged ; Letters to Harrison ; William Penn travels to Holland and 
 Germany ; Mission to Prince of Orange ; Burnet ; Scotch Refugees ; 
 William Penn's aid to them ; He appoints five Commissioners to govern 
 in Pennsylvania ; His instructions to them ; Gordon's strictures on these 
 instructions, answered ; Doctor Franklin's Historical Review ; Quit- 
 rents considered ; William Penn's Letter to his Commissioners of Go- 
 vernment. 
 
 1686-87. 
 
 In order to allay the excitement prevailing in the public mind, 
 and to prepare the nation for a free toleration of religious faith 
 and worship, William Penn published in the spring of 1686 a 
 valuable treatise entitled, "A Persuasive to Moderation." 
 
 In the opening paragraph he says: "Moderation, the subject 
 of this discourse is, in plainer English, liberty of conscience to 
 church dissenters; a cause I have, with all humility, undertaken 
 to plead against the prejudices of the times." " By conscience 
 I understand the apprehension and persuasion a man has of his 
 duty to God; by liberty of conscience, I mean a free and open 
 profession and exercise of that duty, especially in worship." 
 " But I always premise this duty to keep within the bounds of 
 morality, and that it be neither frantic nor mischievous, but a 
 good subject, a good child, a good servant in all the affairs of 
 life ; as exact to yield to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, as 
 jealous of withholding from God the things that are God's. In 
 brief, he that acknowledges the civil government under which 
 he lives, and that maintains no principle hurtful to his neigh- 
 bor in his civil property." 
 
 The great benefits of religious liberty in promoting the hap- 
 piness of the people and securing the safety of the state, are 
 ably stated in this work and illustrated by numerous examples 
 from the history of ancient and modern times. 
 
 23* 
 
270 LIFE OF 
 
 He thus refers to the success that had attended this policy in 
 the dominions of the Prince of Orange : " Holland, that bog of 
 the world, neitheir sea nor dry land, now the rival of the tallest 
 monarchs, not by conquests, marriage, or accession of royal 
 blood, the usual way to empire, but by her own superlative 
 clemency and industry, for the one was the effect of the other; 
 she cherished her people whatsoever were their opinions, as the 
 reasonable stock of the country, the heads and hands of her 
 trade and w^ealth, and making them easy on the main point, 
 their conscience, she became great by them ; this made her fill 
 up with people, and they filled her with riches and strength." 
 
 In allusion to the happy effects of the Declaration of Indul- 
 gence issued by Charles 11. during the brief period of its con- 
 tinuance, he says, " all dissenters seemed then united in their 
 affection to the government, and followed their affairs without 
 fear or distraction. But when the loss of that indulgence made 
 them uncertain, and that uneasy, their persons and estates 
 being again exposed to pay the reckoning of their dissent, no 
 doubt but every party shifted then as they could. Most grew 
 selfish, at least jealous, fearing one should make bargains apart 
 or exclusive of the other. 
 
 " This was the fatal part dissenters acted to their common 
 ruin : and I take this partiality to have had too great a share in 
 our late animosities, which, by fresh accidents falling in, have 
 swelled to a mighty deluge, such an one as hath o'erwhelmed 
 our former civil concord and unity. And pardon me if I say I 
 cannot see that those waters are like to assuage till this olive 
 branch of indulgence be some way or other restored. The 
 waves will still cover the earth, and a spot of ground will hardly 
 be found in this glorious isle, for a great number of useful peo- 
 ple to set a quiet foot upon. And, to pursue the allegory, what 
 was the ark itself, but the most ample and lively emblem of 
 toleration? A kind of natural temple of indulgence, in which 
 we find two of every living creature dwelling together." 
 
 Soon after the pubUcation of this treatise, the King issued his 
 proclamation for a general pardon to all who were in prison on 
 account of conscientious dissent. This was the means of libe- 
 rating from the noisome jails of England and Wales thousands 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 271 
 
 of worthy citizens belonging to the various dissenting sects : 
 among them were upwards of thirteen hundred Friends, some 
 of whom had been separated during twelve or fifteen years 
 from their famihes and homes.* 
 
 This signal act of justice and mercy was principally attributed 
 to the efforts of William Penn, who omitted no opportunity to plead 
 the cause of humanity by his public appeals to the nation, and his 
 personal influence with the King and his cabinet. But although 
 the King's proclamation released those who were in prison, the 
 penal laws against dissenters were still in force, and during the 
 present year, many were grievously persecuted and despoiled of 
 their goods by greedy informers. This being represented to the 
 King, he directed that the judges and magistrates should dis- 
 countenance the informers and put a stop to their depredations. 
 
 In the spring of this year, Penn wTote to his friend James 
 Harrison as follows : " For my coming over (to Pennsvlvania) 
 cheer up the people, I press what I can, but the great under- 
 takings that crowd me, and to raise money to get away, hinders 
 me yet, but my heart is with you, and my soul and love is after 
 you. The Lord keep us here in this dark day. Be wise, close, 
 respectful to superiors. The King has discharged all Friends 
 by a general pardon, and is courteous to us, though as to the 
 Church of England, things seem pinching. Several Roman 
 Catholics get much into places in the army, navy and court." 
 " My ' Persuasive' w'orks much among all sorts, and is divers 
 spoken of. I have been thrice taken at meetings^ but got off, 
 blessed be the Lord."t 
 
 About this time he took a journey into Holland and Germany, 
 in order to visit the meetings of Friends there, and preach the 
 Gospel among them. 
 
 The King, being acquainted with his intention, entrusted him 
 with a commission to William, Prince of Orange, in order to 
 
 • "It was a great consolation at their ensuing Annual Meeting in London to 
 have the company of many valuable Friends, whose faces had not been seen there 
 for many years, having been immured in prison, some of them, Iwdvt or fifl'-en 
 years and upwards, for no crime but endeavoring to keep a good conscience towards 
 God." — Gouijh's Hist. Quakers, Book v. ch. iii. 
 
 -(■ Pcmbertun's MStf. 
 
272 LIFE OF 
 
 obtain his concurrence in a general toleration of religious faith 
 and worship, and the removal of tests. This Prince, having 
 married Mary, the eldest daughter of James II., who was at 
 this time considered the heir presumptive of the crown of Eng- 
 land, his approbation was considered essential to the success and 
 permanence of the proposed measures. 
 
 Penn, accordingly, waited on William, who, in several inter- 
 views, expressed himself in favor of toleration, so far as re- 
 garded faith and worship, but he was opposed to the removal of 
 the tests which excluded the dissenters from parliament.* 
 
 At the Hague, he met with Burnet the historian, who was a 
 favorite at that court. He also was opposed to the abolition 
 of the tests, and Penn's arguments in favor of entire religious 
 liberty, being distasteful to him, produced a prejudice on his 
 part, which is manifest in the allusions he makes to Penn in his 
 " History of his own Times " 
 
 While at the Hague, Penn met with a number of English 
 and Scotch refugees, who had left their country on account of 
 religious dissent or political offences. To some of these he 
 afterwards rendered important services, as will appear by the 
 following extract from a work of the Earl of Buchan, entitled, 
 " The Lives of Fletcher, of Saltoun, and Thompson." 
 
 " In the year 1G86, ' when the business of the tost was in agitation, 
 "William Penn was employed at the Court of Holland to reconcile the 
 Stadtholder to the views of his father-in-law. Penn became acquainted 
 with most of the Scotch fugitives, and, among the rest, with Sir Robert 
 Stuart, of Coltness, and his brother James, who Avrote the famous ' An- 
 swer to Fagel ;' and finding that the violence of their zeal reached little 
 further than the enjoyment of their religious liberty, on his return to 
 London he advised the measure of an indemnity and x'ecall to the perse- 
 cuted Presbyterians who had not been engaged in treasonable acts of 
 opposition to the civil government. Sir Robert availed himself of this 
 indemnity to return to his own country ; but found his estate, and only 
 means of subsistence, in the possession of the Earl of Arran, afterwards 
 Duke of Hamilton. Soon after his coming to London he met Penn, who 
 congratulated him on his being just about to feel experimentally the plea- 
 sure so beautifully expressed by Horace of the viihi me reddeniis agelli.' 
 Coltness sighed, and said, ' Ah ! Mr. Penn, Arran has got my estate, and 
 
 • Clarkson, 173. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 273 
 
 I fear my situation is about to be now worse than ever.' — ' What dost 
 thou say?' says Perm, 'thou surprisest and grievest me exceedingly. — 
 Come to my house to-morrow, and I will set matters to right for thee.' 
 
 " Penn went immediately to Arran. ' What is this, friend James,' said 
 he to him, 'that I hear of thee? Thou has taken possession of Coltness's 
 estate. Thou knowest that it is not thine.' — ' That estate,' says Arran, 
 ' I paid a great price for. I I'eceived no other reward for my expensive 
 and troublesome embassy in France except this estate; and I am certainly 
 much out of pocket by the bargain." 
 
 " ' All very well, friend James,' said the Quaker ; ' but of this assure 
 thyself, that if thou dost not give me this moment an order on thy cham- 
 berlain for two hundred pounds to Coltness to carry him down to his 
 native country, and a hundred a year to subsist on till matters are ad- 
 justed, I will make it as many thousands out of thy way with the King.' 
 Arran instantly complied, and Penn sent for Sir Robert and gave him the 
 security. After the revolution Sir Robert, with the rest, had full restitu- 
 tion of his estate ; and Arran was obliged to account for all the rents he 
 had received, against which this payment only was allowed to be stated. 
 This authentic particular I received from my illustrious uncle, the late Sir 
 James Stuart Denham, father of the present wortliy member for Clydes- 
 dale." 
 
 From the Hague, Penn proceeded to Amsterdam on his reK- 
 gious mission, where he met with WilHam Sewell, a learned 
 man, who afterwards wrote the " History of the Rise and Pro- 
 gress of the People called Quakers." 
 
 Sewell was then engaged in translating into Dutch Penn^s 
 " Account of the province of Pennsylvania," and his " No 
 Cross no Crown." An intimacy sprung up between them ; and 
 a correspondence in Latin, commenced before this interview, 
 was afterwards continued, which furnished some of the materials 
 used by Clarkson in hi's Life of Penn.* From Amsterdam he 
 continued his travels into Germany, where he was engaged in 
 the work of the ministry ; but we have no account of his labors, 
 except some allusions to them in letters to his friends, from which 
 it appears that he was blessed with the evidence of divine 
 favor. 
 
 The large expenditures of the proprietary in planting his pro- 
 vince of Pennsylvania, the frequent drafts made upon him by 
 his steward at Pennsbury Manor, together with the expenses of 
 
 • Clarkson, 175. 
 
274 LIFE OF 
 
 living at Kensington, and travelling abroad, now began to press 
 heavily upon him, and the income of his estates in England and 
 Ireland were found insufficient to meet the demands. His pro- 
 vince being prosperous, he had reason to expect supplies from 
 thence from sales of land and quit-rents, but in a letter to Thomas 
 Lloyd, he complains that of five hundred pounds per annum of 
 quit-rents then accruing, he could not get one penny. 
 
 His letters written at this time to his steward, account for his 
 continued stay in England, when his presence was so much 
 needed and desired in the colony. 
 
 FROM W. PENN TO J. HARRISON. 
 
 «' LonJon, 23d 7th mo. 1686. 
 " Dear J. Harrison — * * * j have five letters from thee and several 
 bills, that I found at my arrival from Holland. For my coming, vrhat 
 with the delays we have had at council, where New England business 
 and Jamaica has lain these three years and but now ended ; and what 
 with the fresh packets, one after another from your side, that Baltimore 
 complies not with the King's order ; I cannot come this fall ; for to leave 
 that unfinished I came fur, and so to return by his obstinacy when wife 
 and family are there, will not be advisable. Wherefore I think to see an 
 end of that before I go. Besides that the country think not upon my sup- 
 ply, and I resolve never to act the governor and keep another family and 
 capacity upon my private estate. If my table, cellar and stable may be 
 provided for, with a barge and yacht or sloop for the service of governor 
 or government, I may try to get hence, for in the sight of God, I can say, 
 I am five thousand pounds and more behindhand, more than I ever re- 
 ceived or saw for land in that province, and to be so baffled by the mer- 
 chants is discouraging, and not to be put up. Now I desire thee to draw 
 no more upon me for one penny. Two hundred pounds came in East, as 
 much by Jos. Massey, some by Fanner's ship, I suppose, and noio more 
 meat and other things from Ireland, and there is above five hundred a 
 year in quit^rents and a small family, and a good farm for corn and 
 stock, so that I beseech thee not to draw any more. * * * If I can- 
 not be supplied, I resolve to turn over a nevr leaf. There is nothing my 
 soul breathes more for in this world, next my dear family's life, than that 
 I may see poor Pennsylvania again, and my wife is given up [to go], but 
 I cannot force my way hence, and see nothing done on that side inviting. 
 'Tis not that I will not come whatever they do there, but not the sooner 
 to be sure. I refer thee to the passengers for news. The King [is] kind 
 to me and Friends, and meetings open again. I have had a blessed ser- 
 vice in Holland and German}', and many incline with me. * * My 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 275 
 
 dear wife is well and salutes thee and thy honest wife. Give my dear 
 love to T. J., P. P., and W. Y. and wives."* 
 
 "10th of Sih mo, 1686. 
 " This is my third by this ship, as things rise in my mind, for I have 
 much on my hands for others as well as myself, yea, I can say that for 
 one hour I have served myself, I have served the public a day." 
 
 "Worm'nghurst, 28th of lllh mo , 1686." 
 "Dear James Harrison — The salutation of unfeigned love in the truth, 
 which is felt to be a preserver of them that love it and keep in it, is unto 
 thee and thy honest careful wife, the children and God's true friends in 
 that country especially. I wish you the heavenly increase of life more 
 than I am able to utter. 
 
 "Know that after my journey into Holland and Germany, in which God 
 blessed me with his glorious presence and power, I have visited the 
 northern parts [of England] both going to my sister's into Cleaveland, and 
 in the circuit I took in my return. Friends in Derbyshire, Nottingham- 
 shire, Yorkshire, Westmoreland, Lancashire, Cheshire, Staffordshire, and 
 Warwickshire, generally I visited, and blessed enjoyment we had toge- 
 ther. 
 
 " To come to thy particular notice, I had a meeting at H. Baly's, at Man- 
 chester, at J. Alcock's, the other house being too little, and there we were 
 forced to stand in his court-yard, and the house was almost full besides. 
 A mighty concourse everywhere — one thousand Friends at a meeting. I 
 was at Thos. Janney's sisters — all well. I saw many whose relations are 
 with you ; another ship load is like to go from Liverpool this summer. 
 
 " Much love to J. Simcock, Thos. Janney, William Yardley and thyself 
 especially." * * * * " Being come home, I found thine from Phila- 
 delphia of the 3d of 8th month past, by which I am both gladdened and 
 troubled. 
 
 "Glad that three such honest friends, whom I love in my heart, are in 
 that station of service, as your being the provincial judges. I know also 
 that you are men of a good understanding, and friends to me and my 
 honest interest, but I could have wished you easier and better work. * * 
 " Next I am sorry at heart that my letters to the council are so slightly 
 regarded." * * * * 
 
 " I have with a religious mind consecrated my pains in a prudent 
 frame [of government], but I see it is not valued, understood, or kept to, 
 so that the charter is over and over again forfeited if I would take advan- 
 tage of it. Nay, I hear my name is really not mentioned in public acts 
 of state, nor the King's, which is of dangerous consequence to the per- 
 
 • Thomas Janney, Phineas Pemberton, and William Yardley, residents of 
 Bucks county, and intimate friends of William Penn. 
 
276 LIFE OF 
 
 sons and things they have transacted, since they have no power but vehat 
 is derived from me, as mine is from the King. 
 
 " Next, I do desire thee to let no more mention be made of the supply, 
 though 'tis a debt, since a plain contract in the face of authority for a sup- 
 ply. I will sell my shirt off my back, before I will troul^le them any 
 more. I shall keep the power and privileges I have left to the pitch, and 
 recover the rest as their misbehavior shall forfeit them back into my 
 hands ; for I see I am to let them know, that 'tis yet in my power to make 
 them need me, as much as I do their supply : though the disappointment 
 of me in that, with above £1000 bills I paid since my return, have kept 
 me from Pennsylvania above all other things, and yet may do. Nor will 
 I ever come into that province with my fiimily to spend my private estate, 
 to fill up and discharge a public station, and so add more wrongs to my 
 children. This is no anger, though I am grieved, but a cool and resolved 
 thought. [As] for my private matters : first, I did entreat thee to have 
 no more bills, though every season some come. I have sent goods in 
 East, in Massey, and in some others, [ships,] paid divers bills, have large 
 rents, am not there to eat them, — sent beef twice lately, (enough for my 
 small family,) and some money, and you have your own husbandry, a 
 great stock : so that I hope thou wilt forbear to draw besides. * * * 
 
 "I hear by R. Ingels thou takest great care and pains about my hus- 
 bandry. I believe it, and expected as much of thee, knowing thou art an 
 upright man. Methinks you should be able to feed yourselves of the 
 plantation, with all but meat, and some part of the rent will answer that. 
 There is now for city lots, and new and old renters, above £500 ar- 
 rears." * * ■* * 
 
 " I writ, that regard should be had to Andrew Dore about the vineyard. 
 I know it is a charge, but if wine can be made, that I have such a proof, 
 it will be worth the province thousands the year ; for many Frenchmen 
 are disheartened [from coming to Pennsylvania] by the Carolinians, as 
 not being hot enough. 
 
 " In seven years there would be hundreds of vineyards if the experi- 
 ment take, and I understand, by P. Lloyd and D. More, that he produced 
 ripe grapes the 28th of the 5th month, [0. S. July,] '86 ; that the shoots 
 were but 15 or 16 months planted. 'Tis an high character of the country, 
 and And. Dore says that J. Simcock and T. Lloyd said, he deserved the 
 place, paying only an acknowledgment in wine to me. 
 
 * * * * << J recommend to thee, for the gardens and improve- 
 ments of the lands, that ashes and soot are excellent for the ground, grass, 
 and corn. Soot may be gotten at Philadelphia, I suppose, for the fetch- 
 ing. I suppose it should be sowed pretty thick for corn ; in spring, not so 
 thick. It's best for low lands, and such as are moist. Let me desire thee 
 to lay down as much as thou canst with English grass, and plough up 
 new Indian fields, and after a crop or two they may be laid down so too ; 
 for that feeds sheep, and that feeds the ground, as well as they feed and 
 clothe us. * * * * Thy true friend, WM. PENN." 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 277 
 
 From the tenor of these letters it is evident the proprietary 
 was much dissatisfied with the members of the Provincial Coun- 
 cil to whom he had entrusted the executive power in his absence. 
 
 Doubtless he had cause for dissatisfaction ; but there is reason 
 to believe that the reports which reached him of disorders pre- 
 vailing in the province, were much exaggerated through enmity 
 to him and to the Society of Friends.* 
 
 The effect of such rumors in England was to prevent emigra- 
 tion, and to impair the credit of the proprietary government. 
 His letters to the council were neglected and unanswered, his 
 requests to have copies of the laws sent to him were disregarded, 
 and his exhortations to promote harmony among the officers of 
 his government were ineffectual ; hence he came to the conclu- 
 sion to change the form of the executive, and he accordingly 
 appointed five commissioners, any three of whom were autho- 
 rized to act in his behalf. 
 
 " William Penn, Proprietor and Governor — 
 
 " To my trusty and well-beloved friends, Thomas Lloyd, Nicholas 
 Moore, James Claypole, Robert Turner, and John Eckley, or any 
 three of them, in Philadelphia : — 
 
 " Trusty and well-beloved ! I heartily salute you. Lest any should 
 scruple the termination of President Lloyd's commission with his place in 
 the Provincial Council, and to the end that there may be a more constant 
 residence of the honorary and governing part of the government, for the 
 keeping all things in good order, I have sent a fresh commission of Depu- 
 tation to you, making any three of you a quorum, to act in the execution 
 of the laws, enacting, disannulling, or varying of laws, as if I myself were 
 there present ; reserving to myself the confirmation of what is done, and 
 my peculiar royalties and advantages. 
 
 "First: You are to oblige the Provincial Council to their charter- 
 attendance, or to take such a council as you think convenient to advise 
 and assist you in the business of the public ; for I will no more endure 
 their most slothful and dishonorable attendance, but dissolve the frame 
 without any more ado. Let them look to it, if further occasion be given. 
 
 "Secondly: That you keep to the dignity of your station, both in Coun- 
 cil and out, but especially that you suifer no disorder in the Council, nor 
 the Council and Assembly, nor either of them, to entrench upon the pow- 
 ers and privileges remaining yet in me. 
 
 "Thirdly: That you admit not any parleys or open conferences be- 
 
 • Gordon, p 87. 
 
 24 
 
27S LIFE OF 
 
 tween tlie Provincial Council and Assembly: Init let one. with your ap- 
 probation, propose, and let tlie other consent or dissent, according to tlie 
 charter. 
 
 " Fourthly : That you curiously inspect the past proceedings of both, 
 and let mc know in what they have broken the bounds or obligations of 
 the charter. 
 
 " Fifthly: That you, this very next Assembly General, declare my almv 
 gation of all tliat has been done since my absence ; and so of all the laws 
 but the fundamentals ; and that you immediately dismiss the Assembly 
 and call it again ; and pass such of them afresh, with such alterations as 
 you and they shall see meet : and this to avoid a greater inconveniency, 
 which 1 forsee. and formerly communicated to Thomas Lloyd. 
 
 " Sixthly: Inspect the qualifications of members in Council and Assem- 
 bly, and see they be according to charter ; and especially of those that 
 have the admiuisti-ation of justice ; and whatever you do, let the point of 
 tlie laws be turned against impiety, and your severe brow be upon all the 
 troublesome and vexatious, more especially trifling appealers. 
 
 "You shall shortly have a limitation from the King, though you have 
 power, with the Council and Assembly, to fix the matter and manner of 
 appeals, as much as to do any justice, or prevent any disorder in the pro- 
 vince at all. 
 
 "Seventhly: That, till then. I have sent you a proclamation to that 
 effect, according to the powers of ordinance making, as declared in my 
 lott<M-s patent, which you may expose as you please. 
 
 " Eighthly : Be most just, as in the sight of the all-seeing, all-searching 
 God; and, before you let your spirits into an aiiair. retire to Ilim (who is 
 not far away from any of you, and by whom kings reign and princes 
 decree justice.) that he may give you a good understanding and govern- 
 ment of yourselves in the management thereof; which is that which truly 
 crowns public actions, and dignifies those that perform them. You shall 
 hear further from me by C. King. The ship is ready to sail : so I shall 
 only admonish you in general, that, next to the preservation of virtue, 
 you have a tender regai'd to peace and my privileges, in which enact from 
 time to time. Love, forgive, help, and serve one another ; and let tlie 
 people learn by your example, as well as by your power, the happy life of 
 concord. So, commending you to God's grace and keeping. I bid yon 
 heartily farewell. 
 
 " Given at Worminghurst, in old England, the first of the twelfth 
 month. 1686." 
 
 The foregoing insti'.iotions have been commented on with some 
 asperity in Grordon's History of Pennsylvania. " His instruc- 
 tions," says that author, "present a new view of his estimate of 
 tlie proprietary power. His frame of government, tliough un- 
 
W 1 L L I A M P E X X. 279 
 
 questionably a contract between himself and his people, he held 
 to be the gift of his special grace, revof:able at his pleasure, 
 when he Iji-lieved its conditions were broken ; and the laws 
 enacted with the consent of his deputies, void at his discretion." 
 " These pretensions, so hostile to liberty, prostrating at once the 
 constitution and laws, were borrowed from the dispensing power 
 claimed by the king, and by him so fatally and liberally exer- 
 cised."* 
 
 In reply to these strictures, the following considerations are 
 offered. 
 
 1st. There is no evidence thatPenn held his frame of govern- 
 ment to be the "gift of his special grace." He probably re- 
 garded it as a contract, which being broken by one party was 
 no longer binding on the other. WTien its provisions were dis- 
 regarded by the Council and Assembly, it seems unreasonable 
 that the proprietary should be bound by it, especially if his in- 
 terest and that of the province were likely to suffer through the 
 forfeiture of the royal patent. 
 
 '2(\. This view of the subject was not new to the colony, nor 
 confined to the proprietary, for at the opening of the first Council 
 and General Assembly, at Philadelphia, the number of delegates 
 returned being less than the constitution required, " a member 
 moved that the Governor maybe desired that this alteration may 
 not hinder the people from the benefit of this charter;" arid so great 
 were their apprehensions of forfeiting their privileges, that they 
 desired of the Governor a new charter, with a reduction in the 
 number of delegates, which he readily granted, and received in 
 return, "the hearty thanks of the whole house." From this it 
 is evident they then thought the charter might be forfeited by 
 noncompliance with its provisions. 
 
 3d. The proprietary beheved that the charter had been for- 
 feited, by the General Assembly enacting laws without publica- 
 tion, omitting his name and that of the King and neglecting to 
 send copies of them to England, to be laid before the Privy 
 Council, for approval. His instructions for abrogating the laws 
 and having them re-enacted, were intended "to avoid a greater 
 inconveniency, which he had communicated to Thomas Lloyd." 
 » Gordon's Hist. 90. 
 
280 LIFE OF 
 
 We are left to conjecture what was this greater inconveniency, 
 but we may infer that it was the apprehended displeasure of the 
 King, or the forfeiture of the royal patent. 
 
 Finally. It is evident that Penn never did take advantage of 
 any infraction of the charter, but on the contrary, granted fur- 
 ther privileges to the people, as will be shown in the course of 
 this work. 
 
 The unwarranted strictures in Gordon's History of Pennsyl- 
 vania, may be traced to the Historical Review, an unfair and 
 acrimonious publication, attributed to to Doct. Franklin, but dis- 
 owned by him. The following extracts from an able paper pre- 
 sented by J. R. Tyson to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
 will set this matter in its true light. " The Historical Review 
 asserts that, in 1686 he ordered the withdrawal of the charter 
 by his commissioners; this is repeated by Chalmers and Belknap, 
 and after them, Mr. Gordon, departing a little from the current 
 in which they had so unresistingly glided, produces the charge, 
 that Penn, presuming it to be the offspring of his special favor, 
 supposed that he had the power of revocation. Both these ac- 
 cusations are without the slightest evidence, except that which 
 brings proof of unpardonable negligence and inattention on the 
 part of the accusers. It is certain Penn imputed to the Provin- 
 cial Council, repeated infringements of the charter, which 
 amounted,, in his estimation, to a forfeiture, if he chose to avail 
 himself of the advantage. The correctness of this view is too 
 obvious to require the aid of legal principles. A convention, the 
 stipulations of which have been \'iolated by one party, must 
 surely be void or not, at the discretion of the other."* 
 
 The letters of Penn, already quoted, show that his quit-rents 
 were not paid, or at least, that no remittances reached him from 
 this source. Some of the colonists, doubtless, were prevented 
 from paying them punctually by the scarcity of money, and the 
 unavoidable privations incident to a new colony, while otheis 
 openly refused to pay them, affecting to consider this claim of 
 the proprietary an onerous exaction. Among others, Joshua 
 Carpenter, who was among the rich of the province, suffered dis- 
 
 * Meai. Hist, Soc. Pa vol. ii. part ii. 140. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 281 
 
 tress io be made, and stood suit by advice of his counsel, David 
 Lloyd.* 
 
 It will be remembered by the reader, that the original terms 
 of sale for land in Pennsylvania were, forty shilhngs in money 
 and an annual quit-rent of one shilling for every hundred acres. 
 In his account of the province, pubHshed in 1681, soon after he 
 received the royal patent, he thus refers to the subject : " And 
 for the quit-rent one EngUsh shilling, or the value of it, yearly, 
 for a hundred acres, which such as will, may now, or hereafter, 
 buy off to an inconsiderable matter ; but as I hold by a small 
 rent of the King, so must all hold of me by a small rent, for their 
 own security." In some cases this quit-rent appears to have 
 been bought off or relinquished.! 
 
 Now it is evident that the quit-rent of one shilling, reserved 
 in most of the deeds, was a part of the original price of the land, 
 intended to reimburse the proprietary for his expenditures in 
 purchasing and planting the colony. If it were not so, those 
 among the colonists who bought off the rent by an additional 
 payment, would not have received their lands on as good 
 terms as others. Nor was this mode of selling lands unexam- 
 pled in the other colonies, for Oldmixon, in his history of Caro- 
 lina, says, " every planter pays one penny an acre quit-rent, 
 unless he buys it off." 
 
 The claim subsequently set up by the Assembly, in the year 
 1708, that the quit-rents were reserved to pay the expenses of 
 government, had no foundation in fact. Indeed the very first 
 Assembly that met in Philadelphia, passed an act allowing Wil- 
 liam Penn an impost on exports and imports, which was, doubt- 
 less, intended to defray his expenses in the government, but he 
 generously declined receiving it at that time, and it was repealed 
 in his absence. There was, however, a small duty on foreign 
 wines and spirits granted him the following year, " but this 
 miserable pittance was slowly and partially collected. "| 
 
 The appointment of commissioners to fulfil the executive 
 
 * Logan MSS. and Gordon's Hist., note ii. 
 f I have now before me an old patent of William Penn, dated March 21st, 1681, 
 for a tract of 250 acres, in which the rent is reduced to " one pepper corn only." 
 ^ J. R. Tyson's " Examination." 
 
 24* 
 
282 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 functions in the province, seems to have been attended with a 
 happy effect. " Their administration was prudent, steady and 
 efficient."* 
 
 Nothing further, of note, occurs in the history of the province 
 in the two succeeding years, during which the colonists con- 
 tinued to enjoy the blessings of domestic tranquillity. 
 
 The affectionate concern of the proprietary for the welfare of 
 his province, is evinced by the following letter to his commis- 
 sioners, superscribed : 
 
 " To my trusty aud well-beloved friends, Thomas Lloyd, Robert Turner, 
 
 James Clayfole, John Simcock, and Joun Eccles, Philadelphia. 
 
 " I salute you all with unfeigned love ; and in Christ Jesus, wish you 
 health and happiness. My last is by the same hand, this being sent to 
 the Downs after him, upon the receipt of Thomas Lloyd's and William 
 IMarkliam's letters. I am heartily sorry that I had no letter from the 
 government, indeed, I have hardly had one at all ; and [as] for private 
 letters, though from public persons, I regard them but little : I mean, as 
 to taking of mj' public measures by ; for I find such contradiction as well 
 as diversity, that I believe I may say, 1 am one of the unhappiest pro- 
 prietaries with one of the best people. If this had not been complained 
 of in mine, by Ed. Blackfain, I should have been less moved at this visi- 
 ble incomplacency and neglect. 
 
 " Had the government signed, I mean those that are the most eminent in 
 authority, by consent of the rest, it had given me some ease and satisliie- 
 tion ; but as it is, 'tis controversy rather than government, which stands, 
 and lives, and prospers in unity ; at least of the governing part ; whatever 
 be their affections ; for men may agree in duty, that dislike one another's 
 natural tempers. I shall henceforth, therefore, expect letters from the 
 government recounting the affairs of it, that they may be authoritative to 
 me ; aud as many private ones of love and friendship as you pilease besides, 
 for that I also rejoice in; and any particular advices that may inform me, 
 as to the public, or remedy what may be amiss, or meliorate what is in 
 itself well, will also be very exccptable to me. 
 
 " Now I have said this, I cannot but condole the loss of some standards 
 in the province, honest men, and of good understandings in their kind. 
 The Lord avert his judgments, and constrain all by his visitations, to 
 amend, be it in conversation, or be it in peace, concord and charity. 
 They that live near to God, will live far from themselves ; and from the 
 sense they have of his nearness and majesty, have a low opinion of them- 
 selves ; and out of that low aud humble frame of spirit, it is that true 
 charity grows, the most excellent way. Ah ! what shall I say ? There 
 can be no union, no comfortable society without it. Oh ! that the people 
 of my province and parts annexed, felt this gracious quality abounding 
 
 • Gordon'si Hiat. Pa 
 
WILLIAM PENX. 283 
 
 in them. My work would soon be done, and their praise and my joy un- 
 speakably abound to us. Wherefore, in the name and fear of God, let all 
 old scores be forgotten as well as forgiven. Shut out the remembrance 
 of them, and preach this doctrine to the people in my name, yea, in the 
 King's name, and His that is greater and above all, namely, God Al- 
 mighty's name. I am sorry that Thomas Lloyd, my esteemed friend, 
 covets a quietus, that is young and active and ingenious, for from such it 
 is that I expect help, and such will not sow, I hope, in vain ; but since 
 'tis his desire, I do hereby signify his dismiss from the trouble he has 
 borne, (for some time of rest and ease at last,) and do nominate to be com- 
 missionated in my name, under the great seal, till further order, Samuel 
 Carpenter, who, I hope, will except and industriously serve that station ; else 
 Thomas Ellis, who has an office that requires his attendance. Having one in 
 my eye that may see you shortly, as a man richly qualified for that statitm. 
 
 '• llobert Turner of course has the chair for the first month after the re- 
 ceipt of this, and the rest alternatively, monthly ; if you find that conve- 
 nient, as I believe it will be most easy ; else let the senior counsellor 
 have it always. 
 
 " I have only to recommend to you the due execution of the divers good 
 laws among you, impartially, and diligently ; not neglecting the orders 
 from hence sent, especially for peace and concord. Government is not to 
 make, but to do, and dispatch business ; in which few words, and a quiet 
 but brisk execution does best. Wherefore consider well what is just or 
 fit, the one in law, the other in prudence, (where you have room to use 
 it,) pursue in all cases, and no matter what any say or object. I write to 
 you about my quit-rents ; I am forced to pay bills here, for the support of 
 my family when there, white I have four or five hundred pounds per an- 
 num, in quit-rents there. You may remember the vote of Council to pay 
 my charges in this expedition. I could draw a large bill upon the Pro- 
 vincial Council in that regard — I am sure I need it — but have forborne ; 
 though it is none of the endearingest considerations, that I have not had 
 the present of a skin or pound of tobacco, since I came over : though they 
 are like to have most advantage by it, and promised so much. 
 
 '• I'ray prevent people withdrawing from us what you can. They cannot 
 mend themselves, and they that go will find it so in a while, for I believe 
 God has blessed that poor place ; and the reason of my stay here, and the 
 service I am, and have been, to the conscientious, shall be rewarded on 
 my solitary province. Remember me to the people ! and let them know 
 my heart's desires towards them, and shall embrace the first opportunity 
 to make my abode with them. 
 
 " Once more let me hear from you, and have a copy of the laws, as my 
 other letter directs, and you shall soon hear from me to your content. 
 And so I bid you heartily farewell. 
 
 " Given at Holland House, this 27th of the 10th mo. (December), 1G87."* 
 
 • Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa. v iv. Part. I. 
 
284 LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Declaration of Indulgence and Removal of Tests ; An Unpopular Measure ; 
 William Penn Opposed to its being based on the Dispensing power of 
 the King ; Course of the Dissenters ; Address of Friends, and William 
 Penn's Speech to the King ; His Tract called " Good Advice to the 
 Church of England ;" His Letters to J. Harrison ; His Desire to Return 
 to Pennsylvania ; His Religious Labors in England ; King's Progress ; 
 William Penn's Intercourse with the King ; Interesting Memoirs of C. 
 Lawton, concerning William Penn. 
 
 1687. 
 
 In the spring of 1687, James II. issued a declaration of gene- 
 ral indulgence to all religious dissenters, not only suspending 
 the laws against non-conformity, but dispensing with the tests, 
 which had hitherto excluded from seats in Parliament and offices 
 under government, all except members of the established church. 
 
 This measure, though apparently intended for a good purpose, 
 was received with great distrust by the nation from the pre- 
 vailing opinion that the King's intention was, not so much to 
 protect Protestant dissenters, as to favor the members of his own 
 communion, and eventually to pave the way for re-establishing 
 the Roman Catholic religion. The declaration was rendered 
 still more objectionable, by being based expressly on the dis- 
 pensing power, in virtue of which, the King claimed the right to 
 suspend the acts of Parliament. 
 
 This dangerous power had formerly been an unquestioned 
 prerogative of the crown, but as the principles of civil liberty 
 advanced among the people, its exercise was, in most cases, 
 forbidden by public opinion. The late King had, more than 
 once, suspended acts of Parliament, without giving much um- 
 brage,* but in two memorable instances, when he attempted, by 
 
 • Hume's History. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 285 
 
 this means, to favor the dissenters, the jealousy of the hierarchy 
 was excited, and he was obUged to retract. Since that time the 
 sufferings of the non-conformists, and the arguments of Penn 
 and others, had so far influenced public sentiment, that a mere 
 toleration of Protestant dissenters, without the removal of the 
 tests, would not have met with serious opposition. 
 
 The declaration for liberty of conscience thus issued by the 
 King, has been attributed, in part, to the influence of William 
 Penn, and, doubtless, he rejoiced in the apparent triumph of a 
 principle which it had been the main purpose of his life to pro- 
 mote. But although he approved of the object, he did not sanc- 
 tion the means, for there is good cotemporary evidence to show 
 that he was opposed " to putting out the King's declaration on 
 so unpopular a prerogative."* 
 
 Although many of the Protestant dissenters disapproved of 
 the King's assumption of the dispensing power, yet, as he ex- 
 pressed his belief in the concurrence of Parliament, and they 
 had long suffered under the rod of persecution, they willingly 
 accepted the relief afforded, which they deemed no more than 
 their natural right, and addresses expressive of their gratitude, 
 were sent up to the throne. t 
 
 Among others, the society of Friends, having suffered long 
 and severely, felt bound to express their acknowledgments to 
 the King: accordingly their yearly meeting adopted an address, 
 and appointed William Penn, with others, to present it. 
 
 On being admitted, with his associates, to the King's presence, 
 he made the following speech: 
 
 "May it please the King: — It was the saying of our blessed Lord to 
 the captious Jews, in the case of tribute, ' Render to Cassar the things 
 that are Ca?sar's, and to God the things that are God's.' As this dis- 
 tinction ought to be observed by all men in the conduct of their, lives, so 
 the King has given us an illustrious example, in his own person, that ex- 
 cites us to it : for while he was a subject he gave Caesar his tribute, and 
 now he is Caesar he gives God his due, namely, the sovereignty over con- 
 sciences. It were a great shame then, for any Englishman that professes 
 Christianity, not to give God his due. By this grace he has relieved his 
 distressed subjects from their cruel sufferings, and raised to himself a new 
 
 • Lawton's Memoir, quoted in this chapter. j- Gough, ill. 189. 
 
286 LIFE OF 
 
 and lasting empire, by adding tlioir affections to their duty. And we 
 pray God to continue tiie King in this noble resolution ; for he is now 
 upon a prineipU' that has good nature, ChristiiUiity, and the good of civil 
 society on its side — a security to him beyond the little arts of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 " I would not that any should think that wo came here with design to 
 fill the ' Gazette ' with our thanks ; but, as our sufterings would have 
 moved stones to compassion, so we should be harder if we were not moved 
 to gratitude. 
 
 " Now, since the King's mercy and goodness have reached to us through- 
 out the kingdom of England, and principality of Wales, our General As- 
 sembly from all those parts, met at London about our church affairs, has 
 appointed us to wait upon the King with our humble thanks, and me to 
 deliver tlietn ; which I do, by this address, with all the aifectiou and re- 
 spect of a dutitul subject." 
 
 After these introductory remarks, the address was read, as 
 follows : 
 
 " To Kixc; James the Second over England, &c., the humlile and grateful 
 acknowledgment of his peaceable subjects, called Quakers, in this 
 kingdom. 
 
 "We cannot but bless and praise the name of Almighty God, -who hath 
 the hearts of princes in his hand, that he hath inclined the King to hear 
 the cries of his sutfering subjects for conscience sake : and we rejoice that, 
 instead of troubling him with complaints of our sufferings, he has given 
 us so eminent an occasion to present him with our thanks. And since it 
 hath pleased the King, out of his great compassion, thus to commiserate 
 our afflicted condition, which hath so particularly appeared by his gracious 
 proclamation and warrants last year, whereby twelve hundred ]iersons were 
 released from their severe imprisonments, and many others from spoil and 
 ruin in their estates and properties, and by his princely speech in Council 
 and Christian Declaration for Liberty of Conscience, in which he doth not 
 only express his aversion to all force upon conscience, and grant all his dis- 
 senting subjects an ample libertj' to worship God in the way they are 
 persuaded is most agreeable to his will, but gives them his kingly word 
 the same shall continue during his reign: We do as our friends of this 
 city have already done, render the King our humble. Christian, and 
 thankful acknowledgments, not only in behalf of ourselves, but with re- 
 spect to our friends throughout England and Wales ; and pray God, with 
 all our hearts, to bless and preserve thee, King, and those under thee, 
 in so good a work. And, as we can assure the King, it is well accepted in 
 the several counties from which we came, so we hope the good effects 
 thereof for the peace, trade, and prosperity of the kingdom will produce 
 such a concurrence from the Parliament as may secure it to our posterity in 
 
WILLI A.M PENN. 287 
 
 after times; and, -virhilc wo live, it Khali he our cnrloavor, throuj^h Go'l's 
 grace, to (leineaa ournolvoH, an in cAmHCAcnKf, to God and duty to the King 
 we are obliged, hin peacealjle, loving, and faithful subjects." 
 
 THE king's answer. 
 
 " Gentlemen, I thank you heartily for your addroHB. Some of you know 
 (I am Hure you do, Mr. Pennj, that it was always my principle, that con- 
 sciences ought not t() he forced, and that all men ought to have the liberty 
 of their consciences. And what I have promised in my declaration I will 
 continue to perform so long as I live. And I hope, before I die, to settle 
 it, so that aft«r ages shall have no reason to alter it." 
 
 Some persons have censured the Friends and other dissenters 
 for their addresses on this occasion, because the act that called 
 them forth, was considered a dangerous exercise of the royal 
 prerogative. But it will be observed, that the Friends were 
 careful in their address to intimate the necessity of " concur- 
 rence from the Parliament," in order to render the measure per- 
 manent. 
 
 Penn was so far from considering this a final settlement of 
 the question, that he continued to write and publish arguments 
 in favor of the completion, by the Parliament, of that which the 
 King had begun. »Such was the purpose of a work he issued, 
 anonymously this year, entitled, " Good Advice to the Church 
 of England, Roman Catholic, and Protestant Dissenter, in which 
 it is endeavored to be made appear, that it is their duty, prin- 
 ciple, and interest, to abolish the penal laws and tests." In 
 this treatise, after advancing many cogent arguments to esta- 
 Vjlish the position assumed in the title, and to expose the absurd- 
 ity, as well as impiety, of persecution for religion, he says in 
 his concluding section: "Shall I speak within our own know- 
 ledge, and that without offence? There have been ruined since 
 the late King's restoration above Jifleen thousand families, and 
 more than five thousand persons died under bonds, for mat- 
 ters of mere conscience to God. But who hath laid it to 
 heart.?" 
 
 About this time he issued another publication, having the same 
 object: it was a tract entitled, "The Great and Popular Objec- 
 tion Against the Repeal of the Penal Laws, Briefly Stated and 
 Considered." 
 
288 LIFE OF 
 
 From his letters to James Harrison, written this year, the fol- 
 lowing extracts are taken: viz.* 
 
 " A blessed general meeting we had, the Lord good among 
 us, many of thy old friends at it." "As yet I cannot get clear, 
 for besides that I am not in my private affairs fit to move for a 
 stay, as that I intend when I come there ; I am engaged in the 
 public business of the nation, and Friends and others in authority, 
 would have me see the establishment of the liberty, that I was 
 a small instrument to begin in this land. The Lord has given 
 me great entrance and interest with the King, though not so 
 much as 'tis said, and I confess I should rejoice to see poor 
 England fixt, the penal laws repealed, that are now suspended, 
 and if it goes well with England it cannot go ill with Pennsyl- 
 vania. Perhaps thou wilt hear more from some passengers, but 
 this I say, no temporal honor or profit can tempt me to decline 
 poor Pennsylvania, as unkindly used as I am, and no poor slave 
 in Turkey desires more earnestly, I believe, for deliverance, than 
 I do to be with you ; wherefore, be contented awhile, and God 
 in his time will bring us together." 
 
 " 8th of 7th month, '87. I am straitened, being just come 
 home from the King's progress through Berkshire, Gloucester- 
 shire, Worcestershire, Shropshire, Cheshire Staffordshire, War- 
 wickshire, Oxfordshire, Hampshire, and so home. I had two 
 meetings on a first day at Chester, in the Tennis court, where 
 were about a thousand people while the King was there." 
 
 From Clarkson's account of this journey, it appears to have 
 been undertaken on a religious account, but the King being on 
 a tour through some of the same counties, they occasionally met 
 and he attended meetings held by Penn at Chester and some 
 other places. At Bristol his meetings were attended by a great 
 concourse of people, and at Chew, in Somersetshire, he held one 
 in the open air, under a tree, there being no building sufficient 
 to contain the crowds in attendance. 
 
 As the intercourse of William Penn with King James has been 
 a subject of much animadversion, it may be proper to introduce 
 here an extract from Lawton's Memoir, concerning him; which 
 
 * l'embcrt,)n's MSS. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 289 
 
 was communicated to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and 
 published in their Memoirs, vol. iii. part ii. The author of this 
 interesting paper, was " a person of considerable weight in his 
 day, and moving in the highest political circles."* 
 
 Charlew^ood Lawi;on was agent of Pennsylvania, in 1701, 
 during William Penn's second residence in America, and his 
 name is found among the documents relating to Pennsylvania 
 in the State Paper Office, London. f 
 
 " I had the happiness," he says, " to converse frequently, and 
 as inwardly as if w^e had been brothers, with Mr. Penn, almost 
 thirty years before his death, and during all that time, I con- 
 stantly discovered in him an inexhaustible spring of benevolence 
 towards all his fellow creatures, without any narrow or stingy 
 regard to either civil or religious parties. And yet this best 
 natured man, was, whilst living, daily persecuted with ground- 
 less slanders, and since his death, his good name is not free 
 from malicious attacks. If only little people had of late handed 
 about calumnies against him, I should have disregarded such 
 reports: but I have very often met with men of figure, as well 
 amongst the laity as clergy, who still, as it were, delight to 
 spread opprobrious falsehoods concerning him. This usage 
 hath often provoked me to defend him in conversation, both in 
 his lifetime and since his decease, and is the motive which ex- 
 torts from me. the publication of some few transactions, which I 
 intended should have remained secret till my own death." 
 After this introduction, C. Lawton relates how he first became 
 acquainted with Wilham Penn, while travelling in the Kensing- 
 ton coach, and that having himself got into trouble by his con- 
 nexion with Monmouth's rebellion, he was obliged to keep con- 
 cealed till the general pardon was published by the King. He 
 then went with his family to live near Windsor, but did not meet 
 with William Penn, until he received an invitation, through a 
 friend, to call on him, which was " the summer that the declara- 
 tion for liberty of conscience was pubhshed." 
 
 He then proceeds with his narrative as follows : 
 
 • G. Penn. | Catalogue, Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa. iv. ii. 305 to 308. 
 
 25 
 
290 LIFE OF 
 
 " Upon this advice and encouragement I went, the next morning, to 
 Mr. Penn, who received me most courteously, and engaged me to dine 
 witli him that day. But going with him in his chariot to Windsor, and 
 he calling upon one Mr. Popple, (since the Revolution, Secretary, as his 
 80n now is, to the Lords of Trade and Plantations), Mr. Popple, who Mr. 
 Penn was then bringing out of trouble, pressed Mr. Penn to dine with 
 him, which Mr. Penn refused to do unless Mr. Popple could engage me 
 to dine with him also. 
 
 " Though that was the first time I ever spoke with Mr. Popple, I had 
 heard of him at Bordeaux, where he merchandized, as a man of good, 
 both acquired and natural parts, and of an excellent temper, and therefore I 
 eoon agreed to the proposal ; and Mr. Penn, going to the French Ambas- 
 sador's to solicit Mr. Popple's business, he appointed me to meet him 
 upon the terrace walk in the castle, which I did accordingly. 
 
 " As we came from Eaton to Windsor, I freely, amongst other things, 
 told Mr. Penn, that though I was for liberty of conscience, I thought the 
 King ill-advised to put out his Declaration of Indulgence upon the dis- 
 pensing power; to which Mr. Penn made no answer then, but many years 
 aft«r, (upon what occasion I shall tell more at large before I have done,) 
 I came to know the reason of his silence, which was because Mr. Penn 
 had been himself against putting it out upon so unpopular a prerogative. 
 
 " But to return to our meeting upon the terrace. When we had walked 
 a little while and talked of common things, Mr. Penn said to me, ' Friend 
 Lawton, I would not have taken so much pains to have found thee out, if I 
 had not an inclination for thee, and they say, I have some interest with the 
 King, and, therefore, prithee, tell me how I can employ it for thy good ;' 
 t<) which I, fearing to be drawn into some things I might not like, replied, 
 * Sir, my ill state of health confines me (as indeed it did) to a country 
 life ; and though my fortune is small, I am contented with it.' And so 
 we began to talk of different things, such as the fine prospect of the terrace 
 walk, &c. But after a while it came into my mind that I would ask him 
 to get Aaron Smith pardoned, and thereby hear his thoughts about politi- 
 cal mercy, which, God knows, few who have interest in princes, either 
 understand the wisdom or benefit of, or even incline to when they are in 
 prosperity, and tliink they shall always remain in play, though Mr. Penn, 
 as will appear more fully hereafter, did, to the greatest degree imaginable, 
 and, therefore, upon my asking to get Aaron Smith pardoned, he, without 
 hesitation, promised me he would do it if he could. I thanked him for 
 his promise, for though I had not seen Aaron for some years, I then* 
 thought him (though I was neither of his religion, nor agreed with many 
 
 * " I have since had reason enough to change my mind ; for besides his other faults, 
 Aaron took, after the revolution, a great deal of pains to ruin both Mr. Penn and 
 me, and stuck not at telling the grossest falsehoods to my Lord Romney (then 
 Secretary of State) in order to do it." 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 291 
 
 of his notions in politics) a brave fellow. Immediately after this we 
 closed with Mr. Barrillon (the then French Ambassador) and the late 
 Duke of Montague, who were walking together on the terrace, and after 
 two or three turns, Mr. Penn and I went to dine with Mr. Popple at his 
 lodgings in Windsor. 
 
 " After dinner, as we were drinking a glass of wine, Mr. Penn, turning 
 to him, told Mr. Popple that he had brought him such a man as he had 
 never met with before. ' I have just now asked him how I might do 
 Bomething for himself, and he hath desired me to get pardon for another 
 man.' And so Mr. Penn repeated at length what had passed between us 
 upon the terrace walk, and then turning to me, he said, ' though I will, 
 at thy request, get, if I can, Aaron Smith's pardon, yet I desire thou 
 wilt think of something wherein I can do a kindness for thyself.' 
 
 " Upon that, I said I could tell him how he might prolong my life. Mr. 
 Penn replied, ' I am no physician, but prithee tell me what thou meanest?' 
 And so I told him Jack Trenchard (for so we State Whigs used to call 
 him) who was afterwards Secretary of State, was abroad, and if he could 
 get him leave to come home with •'iofely and Itonor, the drinking now and 
 then a bottle with Jack Trenchard would make me so cheerful, that it 
 would prolong my life. 
 
 " To this Mr. Penn smilingly answered, ' To show thee I will not deny 
 thee anything thou canst reasonably ask, I promise thee I will get him 
 too a pardon, if I can ;' and after this we chatted half an hour, and so 
 parted. 
 
 "In three weeks or a month he got Aaron Smith's pardon; and pre- 
 vailing with my Lord Jefferies (then Lord Chancellor) to join with him, 
 they in a short time obtained Mr. Trenchard's. 
 
 " Though the engaging to use his endeavors to get pardons for two men 
 obnoxious as they were both then reckoned, and that at the request and 
 first motion of a man so little known to him as I was, may convince any 
 unprejudiced person how compassionate Mr. Penn was in his nature ; 
 yet I will, as a further proof, give an account of the third conversation I 
 had with him. 
 
 " He going to London, I soon followed him, and found out Aaron 
 Smith, who was then purchasing his pardon, by giving all that he was 
 worth in the world, as he himself told me, to the man who was to procure 
 it. I advised Mr. Smith to break off that ti-eaty, and told him I was 
 come up in order to get it for nothing. lie said that was impossible. I 
 then told him it was by Mr. Penn. Aaron replied, several friends of his 
 had pretended to have an interest with Mr. Penn, and had undertaken to 
 serve him that way, but that all their promises had come to nothing. 
 Upon this I repeated to Mr. Smith what had passed between Mr. Penn 
 and me about him, and protested if Mr. Penn broke his word with me, I 
 would immediately break oflf the friendship I had so lately' begun to con- 
 
292 LIFE OF 
 
 tract -with him ; and withal desired Mr. Smith to come to me the next day 
 to settle such a petition as Mr. Penn should deliver to the King. 
 
 " He came accordingly to my lodgings the next day, and we spent a 
 great many hours in forming the petition, resolving it should neither be 
 too sneaking nor too saucy. However, we left it harsh and unmannerly 
 enough, as will appear presently. After the petition was settled, Mr. 
 Smith wrote a civil letter to Mr. Penn and inclosed the petition in it ; and 
 the next day I carried both to Holland House. When I came thither, Mr. 
 Penn was from home, and I took a walk in the garden, whither Mr. Penn 
 came to me as soon as he returned, and his first salutation was : " Friend 
 Lawton, I am glad to see thee, but I have ill news to tell thee, for I mentioned 
 thy friend Aaron Smith's pardon this morning to the King, and he was never 
 so angry with me in his life. He was ready to turn me out of his closet, 
 and said, ' Six such men would put his three kingdoms in a flame.' Upon 
 this I told him I was sorry for it, because I had brought him a letter with 
 a petition to the King inclosed in it ; but now it was not worth while to 
 give him either. He answered, however, ' give me them, for I don't yet 
 despair ; there are mollia iempora fandi, and I will take an opportunity 
 when the King is in a very good humor.' So I gave him the letter, and he 
 read both that and the petition ; and when he had done, he told me, he 
 would not px-esent the petition, ' for,' said he, ' the King may not like so 
 much sturdiuess, but Aaron's letter to me is very civil, and I will read that 
 to the King. I believe thou comest to town to look after me. Don't stay 
 to hurt thy health. If I can do it, it shall be done as well in thy absence ' 
 as if thou wast here ;' which he accordingly performed in about three 
 weeks or a month, when I was in the country. 
 
 "When this was over, we went to the rest of the company, and so tf> 
 dinner ; after which, he and I, and a gentleman, who hath since, at a 
 certain time, made a great figure in our politics, fell into a debate con- 
 cerning whatever was necessary to be done to quiet the nation ; and M'hat 
 measures ought to be taken to make people willing to establish by Imr 
 an impartial liberty of conscience. I proposed, as one step, issuing out 
 such a general pardon as should bring over all the outlaws from Holland. 
 Mr. Penn seconded me so roundly and warmly, that I am confident it was 
 as much his as my own opinion ; and that, though I first started it then. 
 it was his thoughts before. The third person, though then, and still an 
 eminent AVhig, strenuously opposed us. What secret reasons he had for 
 doing so, I can't tell, but what he gave us with a great deal of warmth, 
 seemed to me very weak, and I have since thought (because he soon went 
 to the Prince of Orange) that it is possible he artfully intended to obstruct 
 so popular a measure as that would have been. But whatever was his 
 design is not much to my present purpose, and all I desire may be ob- 
 served from this my third conversation with Mr. Penn, is the good-natured 
 care Mr. Penn took hy dropping it, not to provoke the King by Aaron's 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 293 
 
 petition, and the strong inclination Mr. Penn wisely and honestly had for 
 real acts of indemnity. 
 
 " And here I will confess this, his behavior confirmed me in so good an 
 opinion of Mr. Penn, that I thenceforwards frequented his company, and 
 talked freely with him upon any subject ; and after we had been together 
 two or three times more, he proposed to carry me to the King in his closet. 
 I agreed to go, and he got the audience appointed ; and as we went Mr. 
 Penn encouraged and advised me to speak boldly. I followed his instruc- 
 tions, and amongst other things, w'hen I was speaking concerning liberty 
 of conscience, I told the King that, though I was sure my charity was as 
 catholic as he thought his faith, yet I could not contribute towards setr 
 tling the liberty of conscience he was pursuing, unless the church of Eng- 
 land was, at the same time, made secure of being the national religion, 
 and the civil liberties of my country were also secured ; to which the King 
 calmly answered, ' I assure you I have no design upon either.' 
 
 " When I came away, Mr. Penn commended me for speaking my mind 
 so plainly ; and told me, I need not have blushed, which he said he ob- 
 served me sometimes to do, and particularly, when I compared my catholic 
 charity to the King's faith. 
 
 " Soon after this, Mr. Penn went into Yorkshire, and during his absence, 
 that justly suspicious and offensive measure of regulating '-corporations 
 was resolved on. At this I was excessively alarmed, and therefore, went, 
 with a design to take my leave of him, to meet Mr. Penn at his lodgings 
 at Kensington, the day I was told he would return. He did return at the 
 time he had set, and after common civilities, and being by nature very 
 passionate, and then very young, I fell into a vehement declamation 
 against regulations. Mr. Penn let me spend my fury, and after it was 
 over, told me he did not know what I meant, but desired me to tell him 
 cooly what had so disturbed me. I then talked over the matter with more 
 temper, and when I had done, he assured me that was the first time he 
 had ever heard any thing of it ; 'for,' said he, ' I have been in Yorkshire 
 to visit my brother and sister Lowther, and that I might enjoy their com- 
 pany with greater satisfaction, I took care to prevent anybody's writing 
 to me anything relating to public affairs ; but now I have one thing to 
 desire of thee. What thou hast said, hath made impression upon me, and 
 I entreat thee to send me thy thoughts by the penny post, without setting 
 thy name to thy letter, but prithee write with as much vehemence as thou 
 spokest at first ; for that warmth will make them enter more into my 
 mind.' This request, I must confess, convinced me that he had no hand 
 in setting on foot that measure ; and I complied with him, but little im- 
 agined what use he intended to make of that letter. That, and several 
 other anonymous letters which he, by honest artifice, from time to time 
 got from me, he showed to the King, but never would let his majesty 
 know who wrote them ; but Mr. Penn having brought me to the King, his 
 majesty sometimes talked to me. The generality of what the King at any 
 
 25* 
 
294 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 time said to me, and what I answered, I shall reserve to be insei'tcd in 
 my memoirs ; but one thing I will, because it brings in Mr. Penn's, men- 
 tion now. The last time I ever spoke to his majesty in England, which 
 was above a twelvemonth before he went away, the King, when I objected 
 against the measures which he was betrayed into, and proved afterwards 
 his ruin, and which I then told him highly provoked the church of Eng- 
 land, seemed to lay great stress upon, and place his security in the church 
 of England's belief of passive obedience. Upon this I replied, that I could 
 not imagine that his majesty ought to venture much upon an expectation 
 that they would live up to that doctrine ; for, said I, perhaps it is but a 
 great compliment in the mouths of most men. It is like telling a lady that 
 she is an angel, and a goddess, when we intend to use her like a woman. 
 I think myself as firm a believer as any body that that Episcopacy which 
 is called the church of England, established by law, is the best of all reli- 
 gions ; and yet I never intended to believe (since I could form any belief) 
 passive «)|>e(tlience ; and I am sure there is a multitude who never go out 
 of conscience, whatever they may do out of curiosity, to, or eve? so much 
 as once communicate with, any other congregation, who are of my senti- 
 ments. But, continued I, for argument sake, I will grant as much as 
 your majesty can desire, and that is, that the greatest part of the church 
 of England do sincerely believe resistance, upon any pretence whatever, 
 is unlawful ; but now I have allowed this, give me leave to ask your ma- 
 jesty, whether the same men don't believe drunkenness and common 
 swearing to be sins ? and don't you, nevertheless, find many of them to 
 drink very hard and swear very often ? These last, sir, are indisputed 
 crimes, disavowed by all Christians, as well as by them ; how then can you 
 be certain, or expect that the same men will live up, when provoked, to a 
 disputed principle, when they so often commit fixults which Christians of 
 all denominations agree to be sins ? Upon this the King smilingly told 
 me, I was not enough of the church of England to know how far their 
 loyalty would carry them : and^ so I made my bow and went away. As 
 soon as I saw Mr. Penn I told him, as I always did, what had passed be- 
 tween the King and me, but Mr. Penn had been, in the interval, with the 
 King, and so he began, as he had a great talent that way, to rally me very 
 facetiously upon my bluntness ; and when he had made himself merry with 
 me as long as he thought fit, Mr. Penn told me the King liked me for my 
 sincerity, and I would have thee (said he) think of some place. The King 
 hath a mind thou shouldst be in commission of the peace, and a member 
 of the next Parliament, and a corporation will be found where some honest 
 gentleman will bring tlioe in. To all which I replied, as to a place, I had 
 given him formerly my answer upon the tin-race walk. As to being a 
 justice of peace, he knew there were great misunderstandings between me 
 and some of the principal officers of the forest, and I was resolved as far 
 as I could, to protect (which indeed he helped me to do) the poor people, 
 inhabitants of it, and that, therefore, I could not consent that I should be 
 liable to have forest business brought before me ; and lastly, as to being a 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 295 
 
 member of Parliament, I told him I should be glad, if a regulated Parlia- 
 ment did any good, but, by the help of God, I would never make one 
 amongst them. After this, finding my obstinacy created no coldness in 
 Mr. Penn, I kept on my friendship with him ; but from that time I indus- 
 triously avoided coming in the King's way, in any place where he might 
 single me out to speak to me upon business; for I was apprehensive lest 
 I should have been too indecent, if the King had spoken to me, and 
 seconded the message which he had sent by Mr. Penn. The King, how- 
 ever, had from time to time my thoughts in the many invective anony- 
 mous letters which, with so good a design, Mr. Penn drew from me upon 
 every occasion ; and, about this juncture, Mr. Penn himself gave the great- 
 est proofs as well of his integrity as good nature ; for he was not only 
 helping every man he could out of his troubles, he was not only busy in 
 getting particular pardons, but daily pressing for a real general one. 
 And farther, finding himself oppressed, as I may call it, by the opposition 
 others made to the honest and universal measures which he would have 
 propagated, and set on foot, and in order likewise to hinder all the mis- 
 chief others were doing, he solicited many of the State Whigs to come in 
 to his assistance, and carried several of them to the King. 
 
 " Amongst those State Whigs there were some who, instead of helping 
 Mr. Penn, vilely complied with every thing, whilst the unfortunate King 
 James had any likelihood to keep his crown ; but as soon as they thought 
 the design of the Prince of Orange would be successful, they turned as 
 violently against that misled prince, who they had then ever helped to 
 mislead. 
 
 " I forbear to blot my paper with the names of such wicked miscreants ; 
 but I will take this opportunity to do justice to three men, very great after 
 the revolution, to whom Mr. Penn applied. And those three were Lord 
 Somers, Secretary Trenchard, and my Lord Chief Justice Treby. 
 
 " As for that most universal, and most finished man that ever was bred 
 to the law, (I mean of those who perfectly understood, which Bacon did 
 not, the profession,) my Lord Somers, he, from a natural shyness, refused 
 to go to the King, though he was, by Mr. Penn, ofiered from his majesty 
 to be made solicitor genei-al, before it was ever proposed to Sir William 
 Williams, and consequently before the bishop's trial. But Mr. Secretary 
 Trenchard, upon a letter which Mr. Penn desired me to write, and whereof 
 I have (lodged amongst my other papers, which are the materials of my 
 memoirs, a copy, as well as his original answer,) came over from Hol- 
 land, and behaved himself perfectly like a man of honor ; for without lay- 
 ing aside the good manners he was master of, or telling the least syllable 
 of past times, or what he knew before his arrival, he fairly and frankly 
 told the King wherein he thought he mistook his own interest ; and yet 
 he did it in so handsome a manner, that, upon his gentleman-like beha- 
 vior, Mr. Penn prevailed with the King to resolve to make him (had not 
 the revolution come on) what he was afterwards, Lord Chief Justice of 
 Chester. 
 
296 LIFE OF 
 
 " My Lord Chief Justice Treby also deserves the utmost commendation; 
 for he went to the King, and amongst other things, told his majesty that 
 he was confident that he himself was, and he believed many other whigs 
 were misrepresented as enemies to the prerogative, whereas, he and they 
 were sensible, the prerogative, discreetly used, was necessary for the pro- 
 tection of the subject ; and yet he said, as willing as he was to serve the 
 King, and as much as he was for liberty of conscience, he could not join 
 in the methods by which it was then attempted to be introduced. 
 
 " What he so honorably said, was not only told me by Mr. Penn, but 
 several years after, when my Lord Chief Justice Treby permitted me to 
 have a good deal of intimacy with him, by my Lord Chief Justice himself. 
 
 " And one thing more I will, with great satisfaction, say of the two last 
 mentioned persons, which is, that I never knew that either of them did, 
 after the revolution, in their respective offices, but one thing which any 
 impartial man can say so much as bordered upon severity towards the 
 non-jurors. On the contrary, they both, upon my application, helped se- 
 veral out of their troubles, as likewise my Lord Somers did Dr. Turner, 
 the deprived Bishop of Ely ; Dr. Hicks, the deprived Dean of Worcester, 
 and many more upon my speaking and writing to him. 
 
 " I am sensible I may be thought to have gone out of my way ; but my 
 inclination to rescue the memories of three so great men (who honored 
 Mr. Penn and me, though they knew we differed from them in one great 
 point, with their particular friendship, till the time of their deaths,) from 
 the unjust imputations of some warm writers, who have, without regard 
 to truth, charged them, in pamphlets, with cruelty, hath occasioned this 
 digression. 
 
 " I return to Mr. Penn, who, the summer before the revolution, desired 
 me to board him and his family, at my house near Wmdsor. I never did 
 any thing of that nature, either before or since, except once, for a few 
 months, to conceal, under feigned names, two children, at the request of 
 their Protestant mother, from a father-in-law, who was a Roman Catholic, 
 and would have brought the children up in his religion. But Mr. Penn 
 having done so many good-natured things upon my proposing them, and 
 I having room enough to spare, I prevailed with my wife to let him, and 
 his lady, and part of his family, to be with us most part of that summer, 
 and he would not be with us unless he paid for his board. Whilst Mr. 
 Penn was so much with me in the country, and I so much with him in 
 London, I had an opportunity, unsought for by me, of observing the be- 
 havior of several, both Dissenters and State Whigs ; but not delighting to 
 expose the deformities of the minds of men, any more than I do their 
 bodily defects, I shall be silent concerning them. ****** 
 
 "But before I go further, I must set down Mr. Penn's own behavior that 
 summer, in relation to the bishops who were sent to the Tower. He was 
 not only against their commitment, but the day the Prince of Wales was 
 born, he went to the King, and pressed him exceedingly to set them at 
 
ViAl/ED Br./a/iW .'HHTMV. — TJiB amGlML Byff.WM/iN. 
 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 297 
 
 liberty, and to order, in council, a general pardon to be issued out, as soon 
 as it could pass the seals. He pressed, most heartily, to have both done, 
 and told his majesty, that on that happy day, every body ought to rejoice, 
 which they would do, if the bishops were let out ; and it was generally 
 known such a pardon would soon be pi'oclaimed. Mr. Penn hoped the 
 occasion would have made him succeed in both proposals ; and I suppose 
 all men must own, it was unhappy for the King that he did not follow 
 Mr. Penn's advice. But there were about the King some villainous 
 knaves, and others who were as visionary fools, I can't help calling them 
 so, who sat themselves against every wise measure that was laid before 
 that unfortunate prince, 'hither by Mr. Penn or any body else ; and they 
 overpersuaded the King not to lay hold of so good an opportunity to re- 
 gain the aifections of multitudes of his people, who were justly startled ; 
 and much provoked by seeing the Right Reverend Fathers of the church 
 illegally committed to prison. 
 
 " The same knaves and fools had afterwards too much success in pre- 
 vailing with the King to lay aside a measure which might very probably 
 have kept the crown upon his head, even after the Prince of Orange was 
 landed; which was, to make the State Whigs arbitrators between the King 
 and that prince." 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Vindication of William Penn from the charges of T. B. Macaulay. 
 
 1687-'8. 
 
 Having traced the progress of William Penn from the morn- 
 ing to the meridian of life, we have seen him pursuing a uniform 
 course of disinterested virtue. At Oxford, dedicating his youth- 
 ful heart to the service of God ; in France, turning aside from 
 the fascinations of the gay metropolis to pursue his religious 
 studies at Saumur ; in Ireland, embracing the faith of a perse- 
 cuted sect, and renouncing the honors of the world ; in the 
 Tower of London and Newgate prison, patiently suffering for 
 his devotion to duty ; in Pennsylvania, laying the foundations of 
 a great State on the principles of justice and philanthropy; and, 
 lastly, at the palace of his sovereign, a confidential friend, using 
 
298 LIFE OF 
 
 his iniluence solely for the promotion of individual and national 
 happiness. 
 
 Is it credible that the tongue of calumny should have dared 
 to detract from the merits of such a man ? We have seen that 
 in his own age he was persecuted and defamed ; but the mists 
 tlien engendered by prejudice and passion, have long since 
 passed away ; the clear light of historic truth has shed around 
 his name an imperishable glory, and men of all creeds and of 
 every clime have delighted to do him honor. 
 
 Can the award of history, thus deliberately pronounced, be 
 reversed ? Is it possible, that after the lapse of a hundred and 
 fifty years, a new light should dawn upon the world, and show 
 us tliat we have been mistaken in tlie character of one whose 
 name has long been regarded " as a synonyme for probity and 
 philanthropy." 
 
 The attempt has been made ; and by no ordinary hand has 
 the shal\ been directed. 
 
 Thomas Babington Macaulay, one of the most brilliant and 
 popvdar of British essayists, but not the most accurate among 
 her historians, has brought grave charges against the moral cha- 
 racter of William Penn, which have been read by tlie public 
 with astonishment and regret. Like the heathen priests, who 
 adorned with garlands the victim intended for sacrifice, this 
 author, in his work called " The History of England," introduces 
 tlie name of Penn with high sounding praise, but concludes his 
 panegyric with ominous hints, and base insinuations. 
 
 "To speak the whole truth ooncorningPonn," ho says, "is a task whioh 
 requiros some courage : for ho is rather a mythical than a historical per- 
 son. Rival nations and hostile sects have agreed in canonizing him. 
 England is proud of his name. A great commonwealth beyond the 
 Atlantic regards him with a reverence similar to that which the Atlie- 
 nians felt for Theseus, and the Romans for Quirinus. The respectable 
 society of which he was a member honors him as an apostle. By pious 
 men of other persuasions he is generally regarded as a bright pattern of 
 Christian virtue. Meanwhile admirers of a very difl'oront sort have 
 sounded his praises. The French philosophers of the eighteenth century 
 pardoned what they regarded as his superstitious fimcies in consideration 
 of his contempt for priests, and of his cosmopolitan benevolonce, impar- 
 tially extended to all races and to all creeds. His name has thus become, 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 299 
 
 throuj^hout all civilized countries, a eynonyme for probity and pliilan- 
 thropy. 
 
 " Nor is this high reputation altogether unmerited. Pcnn was without 
 doubt a man of eminent virtues. He had a strong sense of religious duty, 
 and a fervent desire to promote the happiness of mankind. On one or two 
 points of high importance he had notions more correct than were in his 
 day common, even among men of enlarged minds; and as the proprietor, 
 and legislator of a province, which, being almost uninhabited when it 
 came into his possession, afforded a clear field for moral experiments, he 
 had the rare good fortune of being able to carry his theories into practice 
 without any compromise, and yet without any shock to existing institu- 
 tions, lie will always be mentioned with honor as the founder of a 
 colony, who did not, in his dealings with a savage people, abuse the 
 strength derived from civilization, and as a lawgiver, who, in an age of 
 persecution, made religious liberty the corner-stone of a polity. But his 
 writings and his life furnish abundant proofs that he was not a man of 
 strong sense. lie had no skill in reading the characters of others. His 
 confidence in persons less virtuous than himself led him into great errors 
 and misfortunes. His enthusiasm for one great principle sometimes 
 impelled him to violate other great principles which he ought to have held 
 sacred. Nor was his integrity altogether proof against the temptations 
 t() which it was exposed in that splendid and polite, but deeply corrupted 
 society, with which he now mingled. The whole court was in a ferment 
 with intrigues of gallantry and intrigues of ambition. The traffic in 
 honors, places, and pardons was incessant. It was natural that a man 
 who was daily seen at the palace, and who was known to have free access 
 to majesty, should be frequently importuned to use his influence for pur- 
 poses which a rigid morality must condemn. The integrity of Penn had 
 stood firm against obloquy and persecution. But now, attacked by royal 
 smiles, by female blandishments, by the insinuating eloquence and deli- 
 cate flattery of veteran diplomatists and courtiers, his resolution began 
 to give way. Titles and phrases against which he had often borne his 
 testimony dropped occasionally from his lips and his pen. It would be 
 well if he had been guilty of nothing worse than such compliances with 
 the fashions of the world. Unhappily it cannot be concealed that he 
 bore a chief part in some transactions condemned, not merely by the rigid 
 code of the society to which he belonged, but by the general sense of all 
 honest men. -He afterwards solemnly protested that his hands were pure 
 from illicit gain, and that he never received any gratuity from those whom 
 he had oVdiged, though he might easily, while his influence at court lasted, 
 have made a hundred and twenty thousand pounds. To this assertion 
 full credit is due. But bribes may be offered to vanity as well as to cu- 
 pidity, and it is impossible to deny that Penn was cajoled into bearing a 
 part in some unjustifiable transactions, of which others enjoyed the 
 profits." 
 
300 LIFE OF 
 
 This is, certainly, a most extraordinary passage. The cha- 
 racter it portrays, though incongruous, if not impossible, has 
 evidently employed the most sedulous care of the artist. Let 
 us endeavor to study the proportions of the figure he has so 
 elaborately drawn. 
 
 In the same paragraph we are told " he was, without doubt, a 
 man of eminent virtues," but he bore a chief part in some 
 transactions, condemned, not merely by the rigid code of the 
 society to which he belonged, but by the general sense of all 
 honest men. He "had a strong sense of religious duty^ and 
 a fervent desire to promote the happiness of mankind:" but 
 " his integrity was not altogether proof against the temptations 
 to which it was exposed in that splendid and polite, but deeply 
 corrupted society with which he now mingled:" and "he was 
 cajoled into bearing a part in some unjustifiable, transactions^ 
 of wdiich others enjoyed the profits." 
 
 " On one or two points of high importance^ he had notions 
 more correct than were, in his day, common, even among men 
 of enlarged minds^ and he had the rare good fortune of being 
 able to carry his theories into practice without any compro- 
 mise!''' Yet, "he was not a man of strong sense." 
 
 To reconcile these palpable contradictions, will require more 
 than the ingenuity and eloquence even of Thomas Babington 
 Macaulay. 
 
 In the paragraph above quoted, and the pages immediately 
 ensuing, he gives no instances of those alleged "unjustifiable 
 transactions," but in turning over the leaves of his book, we 
 find that wherever the name of Penn is introduced, it appears 
 to be with the determined purpose of depreciating his merits. 
 
 The first direct charge against the character of Penn is intro- 
 duced in the latter part of his fifth chapter, where, after speak- 
 ing of the large profit obtained by Mary of Modena, the Queen 
 of James IL, for a cargo of convicts sentenced to transportation 
 for being engaged in Monmouth's rebelHon, he says : 
 
 " The maids of. honor, imitating her unprincely greediness and un- 
 womanly cruelty, exacted £1000 from Roger Hoare, a merchant of Bridge- 
 water, who had contributed to the military chest of the rebel army. But 
 
WILLIAM PEXN. 301 
 
 the prey on which they pounced most eagerly, was one which it might 
 have been thought that even the most ungentle natures would have spared. 
 
 " Already some of the girls who had presented the standard to Mon- 
 mouth at Taunton had cruelly expiated their offence. * * * * 
 Most of the young ladies who had walked in the procession were still 
 alive. Some of them were under ten years of age. All had acted under 
 the orders of their schoolmistress, without knowing that they had com- 
 mitted a crime. The Queen's maids of honor asked the royal permission 
 to wring money out of the parents of the poor children, and the permis- 
 sion was granted. 
 
 " An order was sent down to Taunton that all these little giids should 
 be seized and imprisoned. Sir Francis Ware, of Hestercombe, the Tory 
 member for Bridgewater, was requested to undertake the office of exacting 
 the ransom. He was charged to declare in strong language, that the 
 maids of honor would not endure delay, that they were determined to 
 prosecute to outlawry, unless a reasonable sum wei'e forthcoming, and 
 that by a reasonable sum was meant seven thousand pounds. Ware ex- 
 cused himself from taking any part in a transaction so scandalous. The 
 maids of honor then requested Wm. Penn to act for them ; and Penn ac- 
 cepted the commission. Yet it should seem that a letter of the pertina- 
 cious scrupulosity which he had often shown about taking off his hat, 
 would not have been altogether out of place on this occasion. 
 
 " He probably silenced the remonstrances of his conscience by repeat- 
 ing to himself that none of the money which he extorted, woxild go into 
 his own pocket ; that if he refused to be the agent of the ladies, they 
 would find agents less humane, that by complying he should increase his 
 influence at the court ; and that his influence at the court had already ena- 
 bled him and might still enable him to render great services to his op- 
 pressed brethren. The maids of honor were at last forced to content 
 themselves ivith less than a third part of what they had demanded."* 
 
 The glaring injustice of this charge has been demonstrated 
 in the masterly treatise of Wm. E. Forster, published in Eng- 
 land as a Preface to a late edition of Clarkson's Life of Penn. 
 
 He says, " The only one of the authorities Mr. Macaulay quotes in re- 
 ference to this case, in which there is any allusion to Penn, is the follow- 
 ing letter from the Earl of Sunderland, the then Home Secretary, a copy 
 of which is in the State Paper Office : — 
 
 " Whitehall, Feb. 13th, 1685-6. 
 " Mr. Penne — Her Majesty's Maids of Honour having acquainted me, 
 that they designe to employ you and Mr. Walden in making a composition 
 
 * Macaulay's Hist, of Eng. 
 
 26 
 
oO- l.\FK OK 
 
 with tho Uolutioiis *^r tho Maiil;? of Tnunton for tho hia;h AfisiliMuonnor tbov 
 huvo Ivoji sjuiltv of I do sU thoir nn^uost horx^bv lot yi>u know th:U hor 
 Mrtjostv has Ihvu ploasod to givo thoir tinos to tho said Maids oi' lK>nour, 
 and. thort>tori\ rtvommond it to Mr. Waldon and you to make tho most 
 ad\ivuh»4!^>ons OvuujK^sition yon oan in thoir bohalfo. 
 
 " 1 am. Sir. yonr hvunblo sor\-^»nt. 
 
 " SlNPKKl ANn P."* 
 
 " This lottor. to whioh no n^ply oan bo foun>l oithor in tho Stato Pajv r 
 OfRoo or olsowhoro. is tho solo prvH^' upon whioh tho oharg*^ is grvnindtni : 
 thori^ oxists tio ooUatonvl ovidouoo whatovor oonfinning its rtvoipt by 
 Ponn. nvuoli less his aoooptanoo of its ivnimission : it is not ovon oortaiu 
 that it ^^-:u< addrossod to him. Tho address in tho Stato Papor Oflioo is 
 not "William IVnn. F.sq.." nor William Ponn at all. but plain Mr. Pninf, 
 and. thorx^lori\ it is quito possible that it was intended for a oertain 
 *G\vrge Ponuo.' who it appears wa^ instrun\ontal in otleotius: the release 
 from slavery of a Mr. Axariah Pinuey, a gent.lomaix of Uotteseonibe, near 
 Orewkerne in Sv>morsetshirt\ whoso soixtenoo of death had boon oon\mut<Hi 
 to t.r:vnsportat.iou."t 
 
 It is tnilv surprising- that an author, niakino- any pretensions 
 to historioiil acciiraov, should have toundeti. on sueh sHght evi- 
 dence, a o:rave accusation against tlie character ot" one so dis- 
 tingviished for piety and virtue. Even it' Siiiuledand's letter 
 had been addressed to William Fenn, it would have furnislied 
 no proof that he accepted the proposed agency : but when we 
 observe that the i\aiue is spelt diilerently from that of the founder 
 of Pennsylvania, with whom the Secretaiy had long been ac- 
 qu;\inted, aiul held frequent intercourse, tliere remains not a 
 shadow of doubt that it was intended for some other person. 
 George Pcnnc having been eng-aged in a similar service, we 
 
 • Stato P.-iivr Office, Letter Book. lti79-l(iSS. Domestic V.irious. Xo. tv:9. 
 
 In Dixon's Life of Fcnu is the following note; -In transcribiiiir this letter 
 fretu tho Stato Paivrs. Mr. Forstor writes • her ' [inste.^d of his] m;\iosty. a mistake 
 which gives an erroneous coimteiiaiice to Mr. MacauUy's • scandal ag;iinst Queen 
 M.iria.' " p. 54-. 
 
 Dixon having carefully examined the Sunderland letter Kx^k in tho State Pap<^r 
 Otlict\ and the l>\'gistors of the Privy council, asserts ix^sivively that this letter was 
 not addresstxl to William Pon.i. but in all probability, to Ge^^rge Penno. 
 
 * Stv Kolvrt's Lite oi Monm^'>uih i^vol, ii. p. -43\ whose authority is family 
 letters in the [vvsscssion ol Mr. Pinuey 's doscenJaiits. 
 
WILLIAM PEXN. 303 
 
 may reasonably conclude that it was he whom the maids of 
 honor " designed to employ." There is, however, no evidence 
 that he accepted the commission; but, on the contrary, it ap- 
 pears by the testimony of Oldmixon, " a contemporary-, almost 
 an eye witness," that the negotiation was effected through ano- 
 ther agency. In his history of this transaction, he says : 
 
 " The court was so unmerciful, that they excepted the poor girls of 
 Taunton, who gave Monmouth colors, out of their pretended pardon, and 
 every one of them was forced to pay as much money as would have been 
 a good portion to each for particular pardons. This money and a great 
 deal more, was said to be for the maids of honor, whose agent, Brent, the 
 Popish lawyer, had an under agent, one Crane of Bridgewaier, and 'tis 
 supposed that both of them paid themselves very bountifully out of the 
 money which was raised by this means, some instances of which are with- 
 in my knowledge."* 
 
 This passage is sufficient of itself to exonerate William Penn 
 from all connexion with the transaction, and it is remarkable 
 that such conclusive evidence should have been overlooked by 
 Macaulay ; for in his account of Monmouth's insurrection, he 
 frequently cites Oldmixon as authority, who, he says in a note, 
 was then a boy living very near the scene of these events. f 
 
 When we consider how small is the number of historical per- 
 sonages, whose characters may be studied as models of unble- 
 mished virtue, we cannot without painful emotions witness this 
 unwarrantable attempt to snatch from its place, where it has 
 stood for a century and a half, one of the most honored names 
 of English and American history — 
 
 " One of the few, the immortal names » 
 
 That were not born to die." 
 
 • Oldmixon, vol. ii. p. 708, quoted by Forster. 
 
 f Macaulay'a Hist vol. i. chap. v. 
 
 In Dixon's Life of Penn, additional light is thrown upon this subject. He 
 says George Penne was a pardon-broker; "he was actively engaged in the Taun- 
 ton affair, and among other feats, as I am able to state on the authority of a family 
 cash book, still preserved, he obtained £65 from Nathaniel Pinney as the ransom 
 of his brother Azariah Pinney, one of the transported rebels." Since the publica- 
 tion of Forster and Dixon, it is reported that T. B. Macaulay has retracted this 
 charge. 
 
304 LIFE OF 
 
 In the same history, a few pages subsequent to the charge 
 just mentioned, we find the following passage : " Wilham Penn 
 for whom exhibitions, which humane men generally avoid, seem 
 to have had a strong attraction, hastened from Cheapside, where 
 he had seen Cornish hanged, to Tyburn, in order to see EUza- 
 beth Gaunt burned. He afterwards related that when she calmly 
 disposed the straw about her in such a manner as to shorten her 
 sufferings, all the bystanders burst into tears,"* 
 
 In reading this passage the inquiry arises, who were these 
 bystanders? Were they the hardened populace who generally 
 attend executions at Tyburn? Were they persons drawn thither 
 by an idle curiosity to gloat on the dying agonies of a fellow 
 creature ? NO : they were the friends of the sufferers ; who re- 
 garded them, not as malefactors, but as martyrs in the cause of 
 civil and religious liberty. Cornish was a merchant in high 
 standing, a staunch Whig, but a cautious man, and beUeved to 
 be innocent of the political offence imputed to him. 
 
 Elizabeth Gaunt was a pious woman noted for her charitable 
 deeds ; her only offence was harboring the man who afterwards 
 appeared as a witness against her. 
 
 It is reasonable to suppose that when such persons were con- 
 demned to die, the abhorence of all good men would be called 
 forth, and many would attend, as in the case of the early mar- 
 tyrs, to manifest their sympathy with the sufferers, and to wit- 
 ness their constancy in death. But it is highly probable that 
 Penn had an additional motive in view, a motive that does 
 honor to his character, which is thus stated by Clarkson. " If 
 I were allowed to conjecture," he says, "I should say that he 
 consented to witness the scenes in question, with a view to good, 
 with a view of being able to make an impression on the King 
 by his own relation of things, that he might induce him to with- 
 hold his sanction at a future time to such unjust determinations 
 of the law ; and in this conjecture, I am in some degree borne 
 out, by a passage in Bishop Burnet's ' History of His Own Times,' 
 for when he, the historian, in a conversation with William Penn, 
 on the subject of Cornish's execution, said that Cornish asserted 
 
 • Macaulay, Hist. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 305 
 
 his innocence with great vehenaence, and complained with acri- 
 mony of the methods taken to destroy him, and that from these 
 circumstances it had been given out that he died in a fit of fury, 
 WilKam Penn repHed, ' that there appeared nothing in Cornish's 
 conduct at the place of execution, but a just indignation that inno- 
 cence might very naturally give.' This was in some measure a 
 censure upon the King, who had confirmed that bloody sentence : 
 but he went further, for immediately after this, he observed to 
 Burnet that, ' the King was much to be pitied who was hurried 
 into all this effusion of blood by Jefferies' impetuous and cruel 
 temper:' and he added, 'that if the King's own inclinations had 
 not been biased that way, and if his priests had not thought it 
 the interest of their party to let that butcher loose, by whom so 
 many men that were like to oppose them were put out of the 
 way, it was not to be imagined that there would have been such 
 a run of barbarous cruelty, and that in so many instances.' " 
 
 If the narrative of Macaulay had been written for the sole 
 purpose of undermining the character of Penn, he could not 
 have seized with greater avidity, or perverted with more assi- 
 duity, every circumstance that could possibly be tortured into 
 an accusation against him. 
 
 Passing over several unkind and unwarranted allusions, the 
 next serious imputation against him, is found in the seventh 
 chapter, where in relating the efforts made by James 11. to con- 
 ciliate the Dissenters, he introduces Wm. Kiffin, a Baptist min- 
 ister of wealth and influence, whose grandsons had been con- 
 demned by Jefferies, and executed. " e was," says Macau- 
 lay, " seventy years old when he was left destitute, the survivor 
 of them who should have survived him. The heartless and 
 venal sycophants of Whitehall, judging by themselves, thought 
 that the old man could easily be propitiated by an alderman's 
 gown and some compensation in money, for the property his 
 grandsons had forfeited. Penn was employed in the work of 
 seduction but to no purpose.^'' 
 
 From this we should infer, that Penn was employed by the 
 King, or his ministers, to seduce Kiffin into compliance, and that 
 he did not accept the proffered honor. Now it is found, on ex- 
 amining Kiffin's memoirs, the authority cited by Macaulay, that 
 
 26* 
 
306 LIFE OF 
 
 there is no evidence of Penn having been so employed by the 
 King or court, but there is evidence that Kiffin, after six months 
 consideration, did accept the proffered honor. 
 
 It appears from Kiffin's narrative, that means were used " by 
 the King and his party, * * * to prevail on the House of 
 Commons to promise, upon the meeting of Parliament to take 
 off the parliament test," by which Catholics and Dissenters were 
 excluded from office. This purpose was perfectly consistent 
 with Penn's views, and is now regarded by all reasonable men, 
 as a wise and salutary measure, but Kiffin, and many others 
 among the Dissenters, looked upon it as a plot " to strengthen 
 the Popish interest." He says, " this plot being carried on 
 with all diligence, took with several Dissenters, but indeed they 
 were few and in general of the meaner sort ; William Penn being 
 the head of that party." * * * * He adds, " in a little 
 after a great temptation attended me, which was a commission 
 from the King to be one of the aldermen of the city of London. 
 I used all the means I could to be excused, both by some Lords 
 near the King, and also by Sir Nicholas Butler and William 
 Penn, but all in vain, they said they knew I had an interest that 
 would serve the King, and although they knew that my suffer- 
 ings had been great, by the cutting off of my two grandsons and 
 losing their estates, yet it should be made up to me, both as to 
 their estates and also in what honor or advantage I could rea- 
 sonably desire for myself."* This language affords no evidence 
 to substantiate Macaulay's inference, it implies nothing more 
 than that " some Lords near the King, as well as Sir N. Butler 
 and William Penn, were requested by Kiffin to make his excuse 
 to the King, for dechning the office, on which they expressed 
 their sense of his ability to be of use to his sovereign, and their 
 belief that some reparation would be made for the wrongs he had 
 suffered." Can the most determined enemy of Penn discover 
 any culpability in this ? 
 
 We now come to one of the most prominent transactions in 
 
 • See Life of Kiffin, by Jos. Ivinney, London, 183.3. Both Forster and Dixon 
 in their vindications of Fenn, have given but a part of the above extract from 
 Kiffin, and are charged by Macaulay's apologist with garbling the quotation. 
 See London Literary Gazette, 185L 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 307 
 
 which, according to Macaulay, the agency of William Penn 
 was employed by the King to promote his tyrannical purposes ; 
 but here, as in the former cases, cotemporary writers furnish the 
 materials to refute the charge, and to show that the conduct of 
 Penn was independent and honorable. During his journey, 
 mentioned in the last chapter, he entered the city of Oxford at 
 the same time with the King, who was then endeavoring to 
 coerce the fellows of Magdalen College into the election of a 
 president nominated by himself. 
 
 It appears that when the chair became vacant, he first recom- 
 mended one Anthony Farmer, a notorious libertine, but, as a 
 renegade Papist, a fit man to serve the purposes of the court.* 
 The fellows sent up a respectful remonstrance, which not being- 
 regarded by the King, they at length proceeded to elect a pre- 
 sident, and chose Dr. Hough, who was well qualified for the 
 station. The King was highly incensed ; his court of High 
 Commission pronounced the election void, and he then nomi- 
 nated Parker, Bishop of Oxford, a man suspected of popisli 
 principles, and otherwise ineligible. 
 
 On coming to Oxford, the King summoned the fellows to 
 attend him ; he refused a petition they offered him, and com- 
 manded them in a peremptory manner to retire to their chapel 
 and elect Dr. Parker. They retired, but remained firm in their 
 position ; all of them except one returned a written answer, 
 stating that they could not in conscience comply with his man- 
 date.! 
 
 At this stage of the proceedings, William Penn first appears 
 upon the scene, and his agency is thus related by Clarkson : 
 The answer of the fellows was given " on the Sunday night." 
 
 "Next morning William Penn was on horseback ready to leave Oxford; 
 but knowing what had taken place, he rode up to Magdalen Collegef and 
 conversed with the fellows on the subject. After this conversation ho 
 wrote a letter, and desired them to present it to the King, and then took 
 his departure. In this letter he signified to his majesty, as mildly as he 
 could, his disapprobation of his conduct on this occasion. Dr. Sykes, in 
 relating this anecdote of William Penn by letter to Dr. Charlett, who 
 was then absent, mentions that Mr. Penn, after some discourse with the 
 
 * Foster. ■(• Clarkson. 
 
308 LIFE OF 
 
 fellows of Magdalen College, wrote a short letter directed to the King. 
 He wrote to this purpose : — that their case was hard, and that, in their 
 circumstances, they could not yield obedience without breach of their 
 oaths.' Mr. Creech also, who was at Oxford at the time, in giving an ac- 
 count of the same event to the same person, said that ' Mr. Penn, the 
 Quaker, with whom he dined the day before and had a long discourse 
 concerning the college, wrote a letter to the King in behalf of the fellows, 
 intimating that such mandates were a force on conscience, and rot very 
 agreeable to his other gracious indulgencies.' In this account, Sewel, 
 who was then in correspondence with William Penn, and who knew 
 almost everything relating to him as it happened, agrees in a striking 
 manner. Sewel, it must be obseived, had never seen the letters either of 
 Dr. Sykes or Mr. Creech, for they were not made public till long after his 
 death ; and yet in his ' History of the Rise and Progress of Quakers,' he 
 writes thus : — ' It caused no small fermentation in the minds of people, 
 when the fellows of Magdalen College, Oxford, were by the King's order 
 dispossessed to make way for Romanists. This was such a gross usurpa- 
 tion, that William Penn, who had ready access to the King, and who en- 
 deavored to get the penal laws and tests abrogated, thinking it possible 
 to find out a way whereby to limit the Papists so eflfectuallj- that they 
 should not be able to prevail, did for all that not omit to blame this 
 usurpation at Oxford, and to tell the King, that it was an act which could 
 not injustice be defended, since the general liberty of conscience did not 
 allow of depriving any of their property, who did what they ought to do, 
 as the fellows of the said college appeared to have done.' 
 
 " William Penn, having left the above letter for the King, took his de- 
 parture home. The afiTair, however, with respect to the Presidentship of 
 the College was not settled, neither was it settled as it related to William 
 Penn. The fellows remained resolute and the King angry. At length 
 the King took his departure also. Soon after this it was reported that 
 his majesty had issued an order to proceed against the College by a writ 
 of Quo Wari-anto. This report was strengthened by a letter to Dr. Thomas 
 Bailey, one of the senior fellows, in which the writer said, that he ad- 
 dressed him out of a compassionate concern for him and his brethren, to 
 persuade them either to comply with his Majesty's letters mandatory, or 
 to think of some expedient to prevent the ruin of the College and them- 
 selves, that the order for the Quo Warranto against the College might be 
 recalled before it was too late. The writer also suggested to him and his 
 brethren the necessity of some concession to the King for their past con- 
 duct. 
 
 " As this letter was sent without any signature to it, the author was not 
 known. Dr. Bailey, however, chose to attribute it to William Penn, and 
 this expressly on account of the benevolent object it had in view."* 
 
 • Clarkson's Life of Penn. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 309 
 
 This anonymous letter to Br. Bailey, appears to have been un- 
 justly attributed to William Penn ; it was not acknowledged by 
 him;, it was written in a style he never used, and we are in- 
 formed by Forster, that " the cotemporary copy of the proceed- 
 ings in this case preserved in the archives of Magdalen College 
 bears on the margin of this letter a manuscript memorandum, 
 " Mr. Penn disowns thisy* 
 
 The subsequent proceedings in this case, although grouped 
 together, for eifect, by Macaulay, as one continuous transaction, 
 were in reality conducted in different interviews extending through 
 a space of more than a month. 
 
 In order to contrast the contemporary account contained in 
 Wilmot's life of Hough with the distorted paraphrase of Macau- 
 lay, they are here presented side by side, as arranged by Forster, 
 and divided into three distinct parts, after the example of a pre- 
 vious critic. t 
 
 It has been remarked that "Wilmot's account, if biassed at 
 all, is certainly against Penn; and it is the only one professing 
 to be a complete relation of facts. "| 
 
 MACAULAY.^ WILMOt's LIFE OF UOUGH.|| 
 
 " The King, greatly incensed and " It appears from Anthony A. 
 
 mortified by his defeat," (viz., the Wood's account of this visit" (viz., 
 
 refusal ofthe fellows to admit Parker the King's visit to Oxford), "that 
 
 as their President), " quitted Oxford W. Penn, who attended the King to 
 
 and rejoined the Queen at Bath. His Oxford, went afterwards to Magdalen 
 
 obstinacy and violence had brought College; and although he at first 
 
 him into an embarrassing position, hoped to persuade the fellows to 
 
 He had trusted too much to the comply with the King's wishes, yet, 
 
 effect of his frowns and angry tones, when he heard the statement of their 
 
 and had rashly staked not only the case, he was satisfied that they could 
 
 .credit of his administration, but his not comply without a breach of their 
 
 personal dignity, on the issue of the oaths. This account is confirmed by 
 
 contest. Could he yield to subjects some original letters now in the Bod- 
 
 whom he had menaced with raised leian Library at Oxford, from Dr. 
 
 voice and furious gestures? Yet SykesandMr. CreechtoDr.Charlott, 
 
 * Foster's Preface, xxx., vii. f Tablet, March 10th, 1849. 
 
 % Foster's Preface. § Macaulay, vol. ii. p. 298. 
 
 Ij Wilmot's Life of Hough, p. 15. 
 
310 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 could he venture to eject In one day 
 a crowd of respectable clergymen 
 from their homes l)ecausc they had 
 discharged what the whole nation 
 regarded as a sacred duty? Perhaps 
 there might be an escape from this 
 dilemma. Perhaps the College might 
 still be terrified, caressed, or bribed 
 into submission. The agency of Penn 
 was employed. He had too much 
 good feeling to approve of the unjust 
 and violent measures of the govern- 
 ment, and even ventured to express 
 part of what he thought. James 
 was, as usual, obstinate in the wrong." 
 
 of the 6th, 7th, and 9th of September, 
 1687, in which, after giving exactly 
 the same account of the King's re- 
 ception and treatment of the fellows, 
 they both state that Mr. Penn went 
 afterwards to Magdalen College, and 
 having had some conference with the 
 fellows, wrote a letter to the King in 
 their behalf, observing ' that their 
 case was hard ; that in their circum- 
 stances they could not yield without 
 a breach of their oaths ; and that 
 such mandates were a force upon 
 conscience, and not agreeable to the 
 King's other graciousiudulgencies.'" 
 
 "This interview of Penn with the fellows must have occurred between 
 the 3rd of September, the day of the King's arrival at Oxford, and the 
 9th of the same month, the date of the last of the letters referred to by 
 Wilmot. Some time afterwards, on what exact day is not known, but 
 probably about the end of the month, an anonymous letter was received 
 by Dr. Thomas Bailfly, one of the fellows, which he chose to attribute to 
 Penn, to whom ho sent a reply, on which two epistles Mr. Macaulay rests 
 the following declamation, or at least must be supposed to rest it, all other 
 authority being utterly wanting :" 
 
 MACAULAY.* 
 
 "The courtly Quaker therefore did 
 his best to seduce the College from 
 the path of right. He first tried 
 intimidation. Ruin he said impend- 
 ed over the society. The King was 
 highly incensed. The case might be 
 a hard one. Most people thought it 
 so. But every child knew that his 
 Majesty loved to have his own way, 
 and he could not bear to be thwarted. 
 Penn, therefore, exhorted the fellows 
 not to rely upon the goodness of their 
 cause, but to submit, or at least 
 
 WILMOT.f 
 
 " It was now rumored that the 
 King had issued an order to proceed 
 against the College by a writ of Quo 
 Warranto, but however this was, the 
 fellows appear to have listened to an 
 application made to Dr. Thomas 
 Bailey, one of the senior fellows, 
 from William Penn, who was said to 
 be in great favor at that time with 
 the King, and had written to the ' 
 Doctor a letter, of which the fol- 
 lowing is a copy :t — 
 
 * Macaulay, vol. ii. p. 288. f Wilmot, p. 18. 
 
 t- Quolations only from this letter are given in Wilmot, but the reader will un- 
 derstand it helti'r if he read it ail, and it is therefore given above in full, as printed 
 in the State Trials, vol. iv. p. 270. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 Ill 
 
 to temporise. Such counsel came 
 strangely from one who had himself 
 been expelled from the University 
 for raising a riot about the surplice, 
 who had run the risk of being disin- 
 herited rather than take off his hat 
 to the princes of the blood, and had 
 been more than once sent to prison 
 for preaching at conventicles. He 
 did not succeed in frightening the 
 Magdalen men. In answer to his 
 alarming hints he was i-eminded that 
 in the last generation thirty-four out 
 of the forty fellows had cheerfully 
 left their beloved cloisters and gar- 
 dens, their hall and their chapel, 
 and had gone forth, not knowing 
 where they should find a meal or a 
 bed, rather than violate the oath of 
 allegiance. The King now wished 
 them to violate another oath. He 
 should find that the old spirit was 
 not extinct." 
 
 "a COPT OF A LETTER DIRECTED TO 
 DR. BAILEY, FELLOW OF MAGDALEN 
 COLLEGE, OXON, SUPPOSED TO BE 
 WRIT BY MR. WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 " Sir — Upon an inquiry made of 
 your present fellows of Magdalen 
 College, I am informed that you are 
 a person eminent in that learned 
 body, for your temper, prudence, and 
 good conduct in affairs, and therefore 
 very fit to be addressed to by me, 
 who did not send you this to trepan 
 you and your brethren, but out of a 
 passionate concern for your interest ; 
 to persuade you either to a compli- 
 ance with his Majesty's letters man- 
 datory, or to think among yourselves 
 of some expedient to prevent the 
 ruin of your College and yourselves ; 
 and to offer it to his Majesty's royal 
 consideration, that the order for the 
 Quo Warranto against the College 
 may be recalled, before it be too 
 late ; for you cannot but be sensible 
 how highly his Majesty is incensed 
 against you, neither can you give 
 one instance whether ever that sort 
 of proceeding was judged against 
 the Crown. Your cause most think 
 it very hard ; but you are not in 
 prudence to rely on the goodness of 
 your cause, but to do what the pre- 
 sent instance of affairs will permit, 
 and in patience to expect a season 
 that will be more ausjjicious to per- 
 sons of your character. Every me- 
 chanic knows the temper of his pre- 
 sent Majesty, who never will receive 
 a bafile in anything that he heartily 
 espouseth; and that he doth this, 
 yourselves have had too late and 
 manifest an instance to doubt of his 
 zeal in the affair. 
 
 "Where there are so many sta- 
 
312 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 tutes to be observed, it is impossible 
 but some must be broken at one 
 time or another ; and I am informed 
 by the learned of the law, that a 
 failure in any one point forfeits your 
 grant, and lays your College open 
 to the Royal disposal. 
 
 " I could give many other pru- 
 dent arguments that might possibly 
 incline you to a speedy endeavor of 
 putting an end to your troubles 
 almost at any rate : but I shall sug- 
 gest this one thing to you, thxat your 
 fatal overthrow would be a fair be- 
 ginning of so much aimed at re- 
 formation, first of the University, 
 then of the Church, and administer 
 such an opportunity to the enemy 
 as may pei'haps not occur in his 
 Majesty's reign. 
 
 " Your affectionate servant, &c. 
 
 "; " There was no signature to this 
 letter, but, from what passed after- 
 wards, there is every reason to be- 
 lieve that it was written by William 
 Penn, to whom it was ascribed. 
 
 " Dr. Bailey returned a long and 
 argumentative answer to this letter, 
 on the 3d of October, directed to 
 Mr. Penn, in which he says, ' The 
 paper inclosed is a copy of a letter, 
 which by the charitable purpose of 
 it seems to be written by you, who 
 have been already so kind as to ap- 
 pear in our behalf, and are reported 
 by all who know you to employ 
 much of your time in doing good 
 to mankind, and using your credit 
 with his Majesty to undeceive him 
 in any wrong impressions given 
 him of his conscientious subjects, 
 and, where his justice and goodness 
 have been thereby abused, to recon- 
 cile the persons injured to his Ma- 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 313 
 
 jesty's favor, and secure them by 
 it from oppression and prejudice. 
 In this confidence, I presume to 
 make this application to you, de- 
 siring your excuse for not subscrib- 
 ing it ; for if you did write the 
 letter you know to whom it was di- 
 rected ; and if you did not, I hope 
 your charity will induce you to make 
 such use of your light you have by 
 it into the affairs of our College, as 
 to mediate for us with his Majesty 
 to be restored to his good opinion, 
 as the only thing which is desired 
 by us, who are zealous, above all 
 earthly things, for his felicity and 
 glory." 
 
 " What reply Penn sent to Bailey's letter, or whether he sent any, is 
 not known, but very soon after this,* ' viz., on the 9th of October, a 
 deputation from the College, of which Dr. Hough was one, had a confer- 
 ence with Mr. Penn at Windsor, where the court at that time was held,' 
 which is described by Dr. Hough in the following letter to a relation, a 
 copy of which is among the MSS. of the British Museum, and paraphrased 
 by Mr. Macaulay as follows : — 
 
 Macaulay.I Wilmot.J (Hough's Letter.) 
 
 " Then Penn tried a gentler tone. " October the 9th, at night. 
 
 He had an interview with Hough " Dear Cousin — I gave you a 
 
 and with some of the fellows, and, short account of what passed at 
 
 after many professions of sympathy Windsor this morning ; but having 
 
 and friendship, began to hint at a the convenience of sending this by 
 
 compromise. The King could not Mr. Charlett, I fancy you will be 
 
 bear to be crossed. The college well enough satisfied to hear our dis- 
 
 must give way. Parker must be course with Mr. Penn more at large, 
 
 admitted. But he was in very bad " He was in all about three hours 
 
 health. As his preferments would in our company, and at his first 
 
 soon be vacant. * Doctor Hough,' coming in, he began with the great 
 
 said Penn, ' may then be Bishop of concern he had for the welfare of 
 
 Oxford. How should you like that, our College, the many efforts he had 
 
 gentlemen ?' Penn had passed his made to reconcile us to the King, 
 
 life in declaiming against a hireling and the great sincerity of his intcn- 
 
 • Wilmot, page 22. fMacaulay, vol. ii. p. 299, 
 
 t Wilmot, p. 52 to 30. 
 
 27 
 
314 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 ministry. He held that he was 
 bound to refusethe paymentof tithes, 
 and this even when he had bought 
 land chargeable with tithes, and 
 had been allowed the value of the 
 tithes in the purchase money. Ac- 
 cording to his own principles, he 
 would have committed a great sin if 
 he had interfered for the purpose of 
 obtaining a benefice on the most 
 honorable terms for the most pious 
 divine. Yet to such a degree had 
 his manners been corrupted by evil 
 communications, and his under- 
 standing obscured by inordinate zeal 
 for a single object, that he did not 
 scruple to become a broker in simo- 
 ny of a peculiarly discreditable kind, 
 and to use a bishopric as a bait to 
 tempt a divine to perjury. Hough 
 replied, with civil contempt, that he 
 wanted nothing from the crown but 
 common justice. ' We stand,' he 
 said, ' on our statutes and our oaths ; 
 but even setting aside our statutes 
 and our oaths, we feel that we have 
 our religion to defend. The Papists 
 have robbed us of Christ Church. 
 The fight is now for Magdalen. 
 They will soon have all the rest.' 
 
 " Penn was foolish enough to 
 answer that he really believed that 
 the Papists would now be content. 
 ' University,' he said, ' is a pleasant 
 college. Christ Church is a noble 
 place. Magdalen is a fine build- 
 ing. The situation is convenient. 
 The walks by the river are delight- 
 ful. If the Roman Catholics are 
 reasonable, they will be satisfied 
 with these.' This absurd avowal 
 would alone have made it impossilile 
 for Hough and his br(!thren to yield. 
 The negotiations w(!re broken off", 
 aud the King hastened to make the 
 
 tions and actions ; that he thought 
 nothing in this world was worth a 
 trick, or anything sufficient to justify 
 collusion or deceitful artifice, and 
 this he insisted so long upon, that I 
 easily perceived he expected some- 
 thing of a compliment, by way of 
 assent, should be returned ; and 
 therefore, though I had much ado 
 to bring it out, I told him that what- 
 ever others might conceive of him, 
 he might be assured we depended 
 upon his sincerity, otherwise we 
 would never have given ourselves 
 the trouble to come thither to meet 
 him. 
 
 " He then gave an historical ac- 
 count, in short, of his acquaintance 
 with the King ; assured us it was 
 not Popery but Property that first 
 began it ; that however people were 
 pleased to call him Papist, he de- 
 clared to us that he was a dissenting 
 Protestant ; that he dissented from 
 Papists in almost all those points 
 wherein we differ from them, and 
 many wherein we and they are 
 agreed. 
 
 " After this we came to the Col- 
 lege again. He wished with all his 
 heart that he had sooner concerned 
 himself in it, but he was afraid that 
 he had now come too late ; however, 
 he would use his endeavors, and if 
 they were unsuccessful, we must re- 
 fer it to want of power, not of good 
 will, to serve us. I told him I 
 thought the most effectual way 
 would be to give his Majesty a true 
 state of the case, which I had reason 
 to suspect he had never yet received ; 
 and, thei'cfore, I offered him some 
 papers for his instruction, whereof 
 one was a copy of our first petition 
 before the election, another was our 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 
 
 315 
 
 disobedient know, as he had threat- 
 ened, what it was to incur his dis- 
 pleasure." 
 
 letter to the Duke of Ormond and 
 the state of our case ; a third was 
 that petition which our society had 
 offered to his Majesty here at Ox- 
 ford, and a fourth was that sent af- 
 ter the King to Bath. lie seemed 
 to read them very attentively, and 
 after many objections (to which he 
 owned I gave him satisfactory an- 
 swers), he promised faithfully to 
 read every word to the King, unless 
 he was peremptorily commanded to 
 forbear. He was very solicitious to 
 clear Lord Sunderland of suspicion, 
 and threw the odium upon the Chan- 
 cellor, which I think I told you in 
 the morning, and which makes me 
 think there is little good to be hoped 
 for from him. 
 
 " He said the measures now re- 
 solved upon, were such as the King 
 thought would take effect; but he 
 said he knew nothing in particular, 
 3ior did he give tiie least light, or 
 let fall any thing wherein we might 
 so much as ground a conjecture, 
 nor did he so much as hint at the 
 letter which was sent to him. 
 
 " I thank God he did not so much 
 as offer at any proposal by way of 
 accommodation, which was the thing 
 I most dreaded ; only once, upon the 
 mention of the Bishop of Oxford's 
 indisposition, he said, smiling, ' If 
 the Bishop of Oxford die, Dr. Hough 
 may be made Bishop. What think 
 you of that, gentlemen?' Mr. Cra- 
 dock answered, 'they should be 
 heartily glad of it, for it would do 
 very well with the Presidentship.' 
 But I told him seriously, ' I had no 
 ambition above the post in which I 
 was, and that having never been 
 conscious to myself of any disloyalty 
 towards my prince, I could not but 
 
316 LIFE OF 
 
 wonder what it was should make me 
 so much more incapable of serving 
 his Majesty in it than those whom 
 he had been pleased to recommend/ 
 He said, ' Majesty did not love to be 
 thwarted ; and after so long a dis- 
 pute we could not expect to be re- 
 stored to the King's favor without 
 making some concessions.' I told 
 him ' that we were ready to make 
 all that were consistent with hon- 
 esty and conscience ;' but many 
 things might have been said upon 
 that subject, which I did not then 
 think proper to mention. ' How- 
 ever,' said I, ' Mr. Penn, in this I 
 will be plain with you. We have 
 our statutes and oaths to justify us 
 in all that we have done hitherto ; 
 but setting this aside, we have a re- 
 ligion to defend, and I suppose your- 
 self would think us knaves if we 
 should tamely give it up. The Pa- 
 pists have already gotten Christ 
 Church and University: the present 
 struggle is for Magdalen ; and in a 
 short time they threaten they will 
 have the rest.' He replied with ve- 
 hemence. ' That they shall never 
 have, assure yourselves : if once they 
 proceed so far, they will quickly find 
 themselves destitute of their present 
 assistance. For my part, I have 
 always declared my opinion that the 
 preferments of the Church should 
 not be put into any other hands but 
 such as they at present are in ; but 
 I hope you would not have the two 
 Universities such invincible bul- 
 warks for the Church of England, 
 that none but they must be capable 
 of giving their children a learned 
 education. I suppose two or three 
 colleges will content the Papists ; 
 Christ Church is a noble structure, 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 317 
 
 University is a pleasant place, and 
 Magdalen College is a comely build- 
 ing. The walks are pleasant, and 
 it is conveniently situated, just at 
 the entrance of the town.' &c. &c. 
 When I heard him talk at this rate, 
 I concluded he was either off his 
 • guard, or had a mind to droll upon 
 
 us. ' However,' I replied, ' when 
 they had ours they would take the 
 rest, as they and the present posses- 
 sors could never agree.' In short, I 
 see it is resolved that the Papists 
 must have our College ; and I think 
 all we have to do is, to let the world 
 see that they take it from us, and 
 that we do not give it up. 
 
 " I count it great good fortune 
 that so many were present at this 
 discourse (whereof I have not told 
 you a sixth part, but I think the 
 most considerable) ; for otherwise I 
 doubt this last passage would have 
 been suspected as if to heighten their 
 courage through despair. But there 
 was not a word said in private, Mr. 
 Hammond, Mr. Hunt, Mr. Cradock 
 and Mr. Young being present all 
 the time. 
 
 " Give my most humble service to 
 Sir Thomas Powell and Mrs. Powell. 
 " I am, dear sir, 
 
 " Your very affectionate and 
 faithful servant, J. H." 
 " With this interview ended, so far as history informs us, Penn's in- 
 terference."* 
 
 The reader cannot fail to observe that in the first of these 
 interviews the conduct of Penn, as represented by Wilmot, is 
 substantially the same as related by Clarkson and Sewell. He 
 had the independence and candor to tell the King, that " the 
 fellows could not yield without a breach of their oaths, and that 
 
 • Forster's Preface. 
 
 27* 
 
318 LIFE OF 
 
 such mandates were a force upon conscience, and not agreeable 
 to the King's other gracious indulgences." 
 
 Yet even this manly remonstrance, which, perhaps, no other 
 man in the kingdom would have dared to express, is thus men- 
 tioned by Macaulay in a way to destroy its effect, " he ventured 
 to express a part of ivhat he thought." Can the historian in- 
 form us what part of his thoughts he withheld ? 
 
 The second part of Macaulay's relation being founded, ap- 
 parently, on an anonymous letter, falsely attributed to Penn, of 
 course, falls to the ground. The third part relating to the inter- 
 view with Dr. Hough at Windsor, is so entirely perverted, that 
 it is evident " he has drawn on his imagination for his facts." 
 The discrepancies are clearly pointed out in the following quo- 
 tations from a British critic :* 
 
 " Mr. Macaulay represents Penn as employed to solicit the fellows; Dr. 
 Hough represents the fellows as coming to solicit him.'' 
 
 " Mr. Macaulay says that, after many professions of friendship, Penn 
 ' began to hint at a compromise ;' Dr. Hough ' thanks God he did not so 
 much as offer at any proposal by way of accommodation, which was the 
 thing I most dreaded.' 
 
 " Mr. Macaulay makes his readers believe that the topics urged by Penn 
 were urged to persuade them to compromise ; Dr. Hough describes them 
 as used to convince the fellows that there was little hope of success from 
 his intercession. 
 
 " Mr. Macaulay represents Penn as trying to overcome the scruples of 
 the fellows to the commission of pei'jury; Dr. Hough represents him as 
 admitting that the fellows 'gave satisfactory answers to his objections.' 
 
 " Mr. Macaulay represents Penn as talking the merest drivel, relying 
 solely on James's moderation, and willing to give the ' Papists' two or 
 three colleges in mere wanton injustice; Dr. Hough (most unwillingly) 
 shows that Penn thought the ' Papists' had a right to two or three colleges, 
 and believed they would abstain from further demands, because it would 
 be dangerous to ask for moi-e. 
 
 " Mr. Macaulay describes the result of the interview as the ' breaking 
 off of a negotiation' by the fellows ; Dr. Hough describes it as the conces- 
 sion of a favor by Penn. 
 
 " In short, in every part of it, in general and in detail, no version of the 
 interview could be imagined or invented more remote from the truth than 
 that given by Mr. Macaulay. It is true that when somebody mentioned 
 the Bishop of Oxford's indisposition, Penn ' smiling' asked the fellows 
 
 » Tablet, March 10, 1849. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 319 
 
 how they would like Hough to be made a Bishop. This remark, made as 
 a joke, answered by Mr. Cradock as a joke, — and even by Dr. Hough, who 
 answered it more seriously, not taken as an ' offer at any proposal by way 
 of accommodation' — this casual piece of jocosity, picked out of a throe 
 hours' conversation ; reported by one interlocutor without the privity of 
 the other ; and, if taken seriously, at variance with every other part of the 
 conversation, and unconnected with its general tenor, is gravely brought 
 forward as a proof that a man, otherwise honest, deliberately intended to 
 use ' simony' as a bait to tempt a divine to what both parties knew to be 
 ' perjury.' 
 
 " If Mr. Macaulay were Crown counsel arguing for Penn's conviction 
 before a common jury, such a ' point' would be too gross even for the 
 license of the Old Bailey. But if this be admitted as a canon, not of the 
 venal advocate, but of the grave historian, who, by virtue of his function, 
 is bound to judicial soberness and impartiality, God help the charactei's 
 of all honest men."* 
 
 Before dismissing this subject, it may be remarked that, from 
 Doct. Hough's account of the transaction, it appears he had Httle 
 hopes from Wm. Penn's interference, because " he appeared 
 very solicitous to clear Lord Sunderland of suspicion, and to 
 throw the odium upon the chancellor," the violent and unprinci- 
 pled Jefferies. Is there not reason to suppose that Penn was 
 right in this opinion .'* But even if mistaken, his conclusion very 
 naturally grew^ out of his friendship for Sunderland, with whom 
 he had long been acquainted. 
 
 Another remark was evidently not pleasing to Doct. Hough ; 
 " for my part," said Penn, " I have always declared my opinion 
 that the preferments of the church should not be put into any 
 other hands, but such as they at present are in ; but I hope you 
 would not have the two Universities such invincible bulwarks 
 for the church of England, that none but they must be capable 
 of giving their children a learned education." This intimation 
 that the bounty of the state should not be restricted, so as to pre- 
 vent Dissenters from sharing its benefits, though evidently a 
 just sentiment, could not have been agreeable to a zealous 
 churchman, who probably suspected him of a desire to subvert 
 the established church. Notwithstanding this prejudice on the 
 part of Doct. Hough, his relation of the interview affords no foun- 
 
 • Tablet, March 10, 1819. 
 
320 LIFE OF 
 
 dation for the charges of Macaulay, and " it would be hard to 
 find any other history where the very virtues of a man are thus 
 twisted into grounds for the most injurious attacks upon his 
 character."* 
 
 In the first paragraph quoted from Macaulay, he takes occa- 
 sion to remark concerning Penn, that " titles and phrases against 
 which he had often borne his testimony, dropped occasionally 
 from his lips and his pen." No proof of this assertion has been 
 offered, nor is there any writing of his, nor any cotemporary 
 evidence, known to the public, by which it can be substantiated. 
 The conclusion necessarily follows, that the charge is founded 
 on the anonymous letter already quoted, which Wm. Penn dis- 
 owned ; and that Macaulay 's inducement for attributing that 
 letter to him was, to found upon it an argument for his insin- 
 cerity. 
 
 The following remarks and anecdote from the pen of an 
 elegant female historian, show that Wm. Penn, in his inter- 
 course with his royal patron, did not depart from that plainness 
 of address for which he suffered in early life.f "It was, after 
 all, says Agnes Strickland, " James's greatest glory that his 
 name should have been associated with that of the benignant 
 founder of the Utopia of the new world, Pennsylvania. That 
 the royal admiral with his passion for naval glory, the despotic 
 monarch with his stately ideas of 'the divinity that hedges in a 
 King,' and all the hot zeal of a convert to Romanism about 
 him, could enter with sympathy and dehght into the enlightened 
 views of that pure-minded Christian philosopher, William Penn, 
 is an interesting fact, and not less strange than true. James 
 once condescended to use a playful reproof to the peculiarity of 
 the Quaker, who, the first time he entered his presence after he 
 became King, did so with his hat on. 
 
 "James immediately took off his own. ' Friend James,' said 
 Penn, ' why dost [thou] uncover thy head .'" ' Because,' re- 
 plied his majesty with a smile, ' it is the fashion here fc only 
 one man to wear his hat.' "| 
 
 • Foster. f Queens of Eng., Mary Beatrice of Motlena. 
 
 \ Queens of Eng., Mary Beatrice of Modena. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 321 
 
 It is related by an American writer, that " the King asked 
 Wm. Penn to explain the difference between their religions, the 
 Roman Catholic and that of the Quakers, he answered, by com- 
 paring the one to the hat then worn by himself, which was 
 plain; the other to that of the king, which was adorned with 
 feathers and ribands. ' The only difference,' said he, ' lies in 
 the ornaments which have been added to thine.' "* 
 
 If, in his intercourse with the king, he adhered to his plain, 
 unceremonious address, can we suppose he would depart from 
 it in his converse \^th persons of less exalted rank ? 
 
 The Memoir of Lawton, quoted" in the preceding chapter, 
 gives a most satisfactory view of the manner in which Penn em- 
 ployed his influence at court ; — soliciting a free pardon for reli- 
 gious Dissenters and political offenders, — advising the recall of 
 the fugitives from Holland, — remonstrating against the arbitrary 
 proceeding of the king towards the corporations and the 
 church, — and beseeching him to liberate the bishops from the 
 Tower : but the infatuated monarch, deluded by his priests and 
 betrayed by his counsellors, neglected, until too late, to profit 
 by the advice of his best and wisest friend. 
 
 It is, nevertheless, asserted by Macaulay, that " his enthu- 
 siasm for one great principle, sometimes impelled him to violate 
 other great principles which he ought to have held sacred." 
 
 This general accusation must fall to the ground, if the spe- 
 cific charges on which it is founded have been fully disproved, 
 and it may be sufficient to adduce William Penn's indignant 
 denial, addressed to " A Nameless Author," who had published 
 a similar aspersion. 
 
 This author had charged him with " showing an intemperate 
 zeal for a boundless liberty of conscience." " Not more intem- 
 perate," says Penn, " in the reign that favored it, than in the 
 reign I contended with, that did not favor it : and no man but a 
 persecutor, which I count a beast of prey, and a declared enemy 
 of mankind, can, without great injustice or ingratitude, reproach 
 the part I had in King James's court. For I think I may say, 
 without vanity, upon this provocation, I endeavored at least to 
 
 « J. F. Fisher, in Mem. P. Hist. Soc, Vol. iii. Part ii. 
 
322 LIFE OF 
 
 do some good at my own cost, and would have been glad to 
 have done more : I am very sure I intended, and I think I did, 
 harm to none, neither parties, nor private persons, my own fami- 
 ly excepted ; for which I doubt not this author's pardon, since 
 he shows himself so little concerned for the master of it."* 
 
 The only point remaining of sufficient importance to be no- 
 ticed here, is the assertion of Macaulay concerning Penn, that 
 " his own sect looked coldly on him and requited his services 
 with obloquy."! This remark relates to that part of his life 
 which was passed near the court ; but if he was innocent of the 
 faults imputed to him, as has been clearly shown, the point of 
 the remark will be directed, not against him, but against the 
 members of his Society, who failed to appreciate his merits and 
 to sustain his exertions, made chiefly on their behalf. This, if 
 it were true, would only add another to the many instances on 
 record, showing that the greatest benefactors of the human race 
 have not been rewarded with the gratitude they deserved. But 
 although there were, doubtless, individuals among the Friends 
 whose confidence in him was shaken by the popular clamor, 
 there is no evidence that the Society, as a body, or any consi- 
 derable part of it, " looked coldly on him or rewarded his ser- 
 vices wnth obloquy." Macaulay's authority for this assertion is 
 probably Gerard Croese, who, not being a member of the Socie- 
 ty, could not have been so well acquainted with the sentiments 
 of the body, as their own accredited historians, Besse, Sewell, 
 and Gough, who always speak of Wm. Penn in terms of unqua- 
 lified approbation. In the autobiography of Ellwood, and the 
 journals of Story, Richardson, and other members who were 
 cotemporaries with Penn, he is always mentioned with affection 
 and esteem. " It may be confidently stated," says W. E. Fors- 
 ter, " that Mr. Macaulay would not be able to find, either on the 
 records of the Society of Friends, or in the journals of any of its 
 leading members, any passage which would support his insinu- 
 ation."! 
 
 • Penn's Select Works, in folio, 692. f Macaulay, i. 163. 
 
 4 In Dixon's Life of Penn, this sentiment is corroborated He says, " the state- 
 ment [of Macaulay] is not, however, merely unsupported, but it is positively con- 
 tradicted by the Devonshire Hvuse Records. Tliese prove that at this time Penn 
 
WILLIAM TENN. 323 
 
 There is, however, a note in Clarkson's Life of Penn, intended 
 to show that many of the Friends thought " he had meddled 
 more with poUtics, or with the concerns of the government, than 
 became a member of their Christian body, though they allowed 
 that he took such a part often out of pure benevolence to 
 others." This may be admitted without impeaching the cha- 
 racter of Penn, or discrediting the gratitude of Friends. They 
 had always discouraged their members from taking an active 
 part in British politics. Before Wm. Penn became a member, 
 Geo. Fox had issued a caution to Friends to " keep clear of all 
 the commotions of the world, and not to intermeddle with the 
 powers of the earth, but to let their conversation be in heaven." 
 The same sentiment still prevailed in the society, and they sel- 
 dom engaged in politics, except in Pennsylvania and New Jer- 
 sey, where the power being chiefly in their own hands, they 
 thought it could be administered on Christian principles. 
 
 So far was the Society from rewarding him with obloquy, that 
 we shall find, in the time of his deepest humiliation, w^hen, after 
 the revolution, he was falsely accused of treasonable correspon- 
 dence, — a royal proclamation being issued for his apprehen- 
 sion, — and the public mind exasperated against him ; he wrote 
 a letter to Lord Romney, in which he says : "I do not only 
 humbly offer my solemn promise of an inoffensive behavior, but 
 the security of a Society of honest, sober people, that I dare be- 
 lieve will be the pledges of my peaceable living; than which no 
 man can tender a greater to any government in a private 
 case."* Can it be possible that he would offer such a pledge, 
 if the Society looked coldly on him ? 
 
 Having now examined and refuted all the charges preferred 
 against his moral character in Macaulay's History of England, 
 little more remains to be said ; for the unprejudiced reader must 
 have come to the conclusion, that how deep soever may be the 
 learning and fascinating the style of that popular essayist ; he 
 lacks one indispensable quality of the historian, for the absence 
 
 was in regular attendance at the monthly meetings, and was elected to the highest 
 ofBces in the body." Page 340. 
 
 • Mem. Pa. Hist. Soc, vol. iv. part. i. 192. 
 
:vM 
 
 MI'K OK 
 
 of vvliicli, :ill liis Itrilliiiiit j);iil,s ciiii luivcr iitoric : ;iii(I tli;il is, 
 sciiipiiloiis rKldily. 
 
 'I'liis coiicliisidii IS coirohoiiilcd l)y tlic jiKlpjincnl of :i Bndsli 
 ciilic, ill the VVesliiiinshir Ucvicw. " liKliiccd," Jic says, "as 
 we have l)ccii hy tlic voice of llic ciiliiiiiiiialor, to f^ivo llic cha- 
 liM'Icr of I'fiiii a s(';mcIiiii<^' and iiiic.oiiiproiiiisiii^ scniliiiy, we 
 rise; (roiii tlic tiisk iiiidcr the (iriii conviclioii tli;il lie was one of 
 llie licsl and wisest of nuMi." 
 
 Ill order lo cslinKite (;iiily llie cliaiacler of tins <j;re;i1 and f^ood 
 man, we ninst view liiin under all tlie pliases of liis c.liaiiijjin^ 
 roitniics. 'I'liat, |»ait of liis life wliic^h li;is been liere |»ass(!(l in 
 review, ni;iy lie considered, hy some, the hri^htest piirt, ol Ins 
 ciireer, for he was then the companion of piinces, the dispenser 
 of royal lavors, the most admired lej^^islator of the new world : 
 but w<^ shall find, as w(! proceed in traciiijj^ his history, that in 
 the deep hiiiiiiri;il ions which ensued, his character sIioim' with 
 (•(pial lustre. It was then, when forced hy th<! malice of his 
 enenrM'S to seclud(! himself, for a time, from public view, that 
 some of his most, valiiahle works were; written; for as the 
 diamond, when t,al<en into the daric, emits the light j)revi()usly 
 ahsorhed ; so did his cle;ir and well-stored mind, from the ob- 
 scurity ol his retre;it, send forth its treasures of wisdom. 
 
 It has been n'inarl<ed by JVIacaulay, that he was "not a m:in 
 of stronfj; sense," but if e(|uanimity, both in prosp(?rity and ad- 
 V(!rsity, — if enlarfi;e(l views on religion and government, beyond 
 the most eiilighteiied minds of his day, — if success in carrying 
 his princi|)les into practice without any compromise; do not en- 
 litle him to tin; ertMJit of a vigorous intellect, as well as a 
 noble and generous heart, then may we search in vain lor these 
 high (pialitics among (he records ol the past. 
 
WlLLJAiM i'ENN. .-525 
 
 (IWAVThAl XXIII. 
 
 Willliiiri I'rtiii vlKli,H Wlillcliiill Willi ('.. I,;it<'y ; CIcnry rc(|nirrM| I,, rc;i.| 
 I lie I >i(l:i)'!iti<iii uC I n(lul;:;iiic,(5 ; l»iHlio|)H hi'IiI Im I lie 'I'd wit ; 'I'licir 'rri;il 
 iiml A<'<|iiitt;il ; VVilliiiin I'uriti o|([)()H<mI In llnir < 'uiimiiUiMiil, Kill, :■ liiircM 
 till! (xliiirii of it ; Klc»i;ii,rit liCtt'ir (if \V. i'opplf!, luiil \Villiii,iii I'ciiii'h 
 AuHwav ; liiUKlirij^ of tlio \*v\i\(;i: oi' Ovurit^y. ; W<!l rcocivi'd liy IIh; nation ; 
 Irrfisolutiori oC tli'; Kiri^; Ho \h CorHfikcn liy IiIh own cliiMriti ; willi- 
 (IriiwH to Krsinc'!; VViIli;uii ii.nd Mary I'roclaiuicd ; J'iU'cct ol tin; li,i:voln- 
 tion on William I'onn. 
 
 ICyHH. 
 
 In orif of Williiitri I'cnn's visits to WliilfJiiill, in coiripjiiiy vvilli 
 (icor^c Wliil(;ti<';i(l, llicy irn-l willi (lilhcrt l/.i\cy, imollicr ininis- 
 Icr in lli(; society ol' I'Vicfnls, wliotn t[icy iiskcd if lie wonid ^o 
 with tlicin U) wait nputi tlic i\iii?j,'. If'- pnnscd jiwiiile 1o con- 
 sider, ;irid ;it h'n^lli consented to ^o. 'Ilie inlervievv is tlius re- 
 liited \)y (Jiarkson : 
 
 " (jroor^f! Wliitelieiul iind William Perm, having Hpoketi wlnit tliey Inid 
 to Hay, the Kin/^ waH pleaned to ank (Gilbert, whetlnirhe had not Hornethinj^ 
 to Hay, u[t(»n wliioh he, in a |i;r(!a,t dfal of hnniility, Hpak*; in t,h<! nnimier 
 followin;^: ' 'riie mercy, f'ii.vor and kindnenn whieh theKin;^ luitli exti'ndr'.d 
 to UH aH a pi'oplf' in tlif tJne- ofoni- cxeniiHe and Hore dintroHH, we ImniMy 
 iicknowli'dve ; and I truly (h'nin; that (iod irniy hIiow him mercy and l';i,vor 
 ill the time of kin I.TDiiJili- (iiul Horfi dinLrcHH.' To which ilic Kin^; replied, 
 ' I thank you ;' a,rid ho at that time they parted. IJut what wa,H then 
 Hj)ok<!n hy (Gilbert, lived with tlie Kin;.';, wlio, Home time ni'U'.r, when he 
 waH in Jreland, denired a Friejid to rememher him to (Jilhert. "I'(dl him,' 
 Haid the Kin;.^, ' th<; wohIh Ik; Hjiake to ne- I nhall riever I'orget ;' a.<ldin"- 
 thiit one p;irt of tliem hud come, true, illir. Ii'rrolidiori, iiiid, aore dlHlrcHH 
 /Ae/v;/y_//], and that he piayi:d to (;iod that thr: other mi^iht crime to pa,HH. 
 Upon thin, (Jilhert cauHod it t-e be Hij^nlfied to him, llmt, the necond part of 
 what he ha,d Ha,id, waH alno, in a great mrsiHui'*;, come to pann, lor that the 
 Lord had given him hiH life," (alliuliiHj i,<> Uic lUilUc of Uu; lUnjiic.). 
 
 In llic S[)rinfi; of On; year 1088, iJic Kiii^ issued liis dcchirn- 
 1i(jji lor liberty (jl" conscience and llie suspension of the tests, 
 
 28 
 
/526 LIFE OF 
 
 accompanied with the assertion of his determination to put none 
 into office who did not concm' in it. At the same time an order 
 of council was published, requiring the clergy to read the 
 declaration in their churches immediately after divine service. 
 This order was extremely offensive to the clergy of the esta- 
 blished church — they disapproved of the measure as being, in 
 their view, calculated to subvert the Protestant religion ; but the 
 chief ground on which they opposed it was, the unpopular pre- 
 rogative claimed by the King, to dispense with or suspend the 
 laws of the realm. 
 
 Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury, and six other bishops, 
 presented a respectful petition to the King showing their reasons 
 for declining to comply with his mandate. James was highly 
 incensed; he affected to consider their petition, though delivered 
 to him in private, a seditious libel, and the bishops refusing to 
 give bail, he committed them to the Tower, and gave directions 
 to the crown lawyers to prosecute them. 
 
 No act of his unpopular reign was more fatal to the stability 
 of his throne. The proceedings were watched by the people 
 with the utmost solicitude, and when they saw the venerated 
 prelates conveyed to the Tower under the custody of a guard, 
 they crovi'ded around them in immense multitudes, imploring 
 their blessing, and invoking the favor of heaven for their protec- 
 tion. 
 
 When they were conducted to trial, equal or greater crowds 
 attended them, listened with intense anxiety for the result, and 
 when they were acquitted, the air was rent with the triumphant 
 shouts of the people.* 
 
 William Penn was not only " against this commitment, but 
 the day the Prince of Wales was born he went to the King and 
 pressed him exceedingly to set them at liberty."! Yet the pub- 
 lic being unconscious of the wise council he gave, and regard- 
 ing him only as a friend of the King, looked upon him with in- 
 creasing suspicion. In addition to the odium he shared with 
 his sovereign, he was rendered more unpopular by the discovery 
 that he had been employed by the King on a mission to the 
 
 « Huine, Clarkson, &c. | Lawton's Memoir, before quoted. 
 
WILLIAM PEXN. 327 
 
 Prince of Orange, for the removal of the tests, and that he was 
 the author of the anonymous work, ah'eady noticed, called 
 " Good Advice to the Church of England." That work, though 
 now regarded as highly meritorious, being then far in advance 
 of the age, subjected its author to public opprobrium 
 
 His friends, apprehensive that his reputation might be impaired 
 by groundless reports and malicious slanders, felt desirous that 
 he should take some pubhc method to vindicate his character, 
 and one of them, William Popple, Secretary to the Board of Trade 
 and Plantations, sent him the following beautiful letter : 
 
 " To the Honorable William Penn, Esq., 
 
 " Proprietor and Governor of Pennsylvania : 
 
 "Honored Sir — Though the friendship with which you are pleased to 
 honor me, doth afford me sufficient opportunities of discoursing with you 
 upon any subject, yet I choose rather at this time to offer unto you in 
 writing some reflections which have occurred to my thoughts in a matter 
 of no common importance. The importance of it doth primarily and di- 
 rectly respect yourself, and your own private concernments ; but it also 
 consequentially and effectually regards the King, his government, and even 
 the peace and settlement of this whole nation. I entreat you, therefore, to 
 bear with me, if I endeavor in this manner to give somewhat more weight 
 unto my words than would be in a transient discourse, and leave them 
 with you as a subject that requires your retired consideration. 
 
 " You are not ignorant that the part you have been supposed to have 
 had of late years in public affairs, though without either the title, or honor, 
 or profit of any public office, and that especially your avowed endeavors to 
 introduce among us a general and inviolable liberty of conscience in mat- 
 ters of mere religion, have occasioned the mistakes of some men, provoked 
 the malice of others, and in the end have raised against you a multitude 
 of enemies, who have unworthily defamed you with such imputations as I 
 am sure you abhor. This I know you have been sufficiently informed of, 
 though I doubt you have not made sufficient reflection upon it. The con- 
 sciousness of your own innocence seems to me to have given you too great 
 a contempt of such unjust and ill-grounded slanders ; for, however glorious 
 it is and reasonable for a truly virtuous mind, whose inward peace is 
 founded upon that rock of innocence, to despise the empty noise of popu- 
 lar reproach, yet even that sublimity of spirit may sometimes swell to a 
 reprovable excess. To be steady and immovable in the prosecution of 
 wise and honest resolutions, by all honest and prudent means, is indeed a 
 duty that admits of no exception ; but nevertheless it ought not to hinder 
 that, at the same time there be also a due care taken of preserving a fair 
 reputation. ' A good name,' says the Wise Man, ' is better than precious 
 
328 LIFE OF 
 
 oiutment.' It is a perfume that recommends the person whom it accom- 
 panies, that procures him everywhere an easy acceptance, and that facili- 
 tates the success of all his enterprises ; and for that reason, though there 
 were no other, I entreat you, observe, that the care of a man's reputation 
 is an essential part of that very same duty that engages him iu the pur- 
 suit of any worthy design. 
 
 "But I must not entertain you with a declamation upon this general 
 theme. My business is to represent to you more particularly those very 
 imputations which are cast upon yourself, together with some of their evi- 
 dent consequences ; that, if possible, I may thereby move you to labor 
 after a remedy. The source of all arises from the ordinary access you 
 have unto the King, the credit you are supposed to have with him, and 
 the deep jealousy that some people have conceived of his intentions in re- 
 ference to religion. Their jealousy is, that his aim has been to settle 
 Popery iu this nation, not only in a foir and secure liberty, but even in a 
 predominating superiority over all other professions ; and from hence the 
 inference follows, that whosoever has any part in the councils of this 
 reign, must needs be popishly affected ; but that to have so great a 
 part in them as you are said to have had, can happen to none but an ab- 
 solute Papist. That is the direct charge : but that is not enough ; your 
 post is too considerable for a Papist of an ordinary form, and therefore 
 you must be a Jesuit ; nay, to confirm that suggestion, it must be accom- 
 panied with all the circumstances that may best give it an air of proba- 
 bility ; as, that you have been bred at St. Omer's in the Jesuits' College ; 
 that you have taken orders at Rome, and there obtained a dispensation to 
 marry ; and that you have since then frequently ofliciated as a priest in 
 the celebration of the mass at Whitehall, St. James's, and other places. 
 And this being admitted, nothing can be too black to be cast upon you. 
 Whatsoever is thought amiss either in Church or State, though never so 
 contrary to your advice, is boldly attributed to it; and, if other proofs fail, 
 the Scripture itself must be brought in to confirm. ' That whosoever 
 offends in one point (in a point especially so essential as that of our too 
 much affected uniformity,) is guilty of the breach of all our laws.' Thus 
 the charge of Popery draws after it a tail like the et ccetera oath, and by 
 endless inuendoes prejudicates you as guilty of whatsoever malice can in- 
 vent or folly believe. But that charge, therefore, being removed, the 
 inferences that are drawn from it will vanish, and your reputation will 
 easily return to its former brightness. 
 
 " Now, that I may the more effectually persuade you to apply some 
 remedy to this disease, I beseech you, sir, suffer me to lay before you some 
 of its pernicious consequences. It is not a trifling matter for a person, 
 raised as you are above the common level, to lie under the prejudice of so 
 general a mistake in so important a matter. The general and long pre- 
 valency of any opinion gives it a strength, especially among the vulgar, 
 that is not easily shaken. And as it happens that you have also enemies 
 
WILLIAM PENX. 329 
 
 of a highei- rank, who will bo ready to improve such popular mistakes by 
 all sorts of malicious artifices, it must be taken for granted that those 
 errors will be thereby still more confirmed, and the inconveniences that 
 may arise from thence no less increased. This, sir, I assure you, is a 
 melancholy prospect to your friends ; for we know you have such enemies. 
 The design of so universal a libert}' of conscience, as your principles have 
 led you to promote, has offended many of those whose interest it is to 
 cross it. I need not tell you how many and how powerful they are ; nor 
 can I tell you either how far, or by what ways and means, they may en- 
 deavor to execute their revenge. But this, however, I must needs tell 
 you — that, in your present circumstances, there is sufficient ground for so 
 much jealousy at least as ought to excite you to use the precaution of 
 some public vindication. This the tenderness of friendship prompts your 
 friends to desire of you ; and this the just sense of your honor, which true 
 religion does not extinguish, requires you to execute. 
 
 " Pardon, I entreat you, sir, the earnestness of these expressions ; naj-, 
 suffer me, without offence, to expostulate with you yet a little further. I 
 am fearful lest these personal considerations should not have their due 
 weight with you, and therefore I cannot omit to reflect also upon some 
 more general consequences of your particular reproach. I have said it 
 already, that the King, his honor, his government, and even the peace and 
 settlement of this whole nation, either are or have been concerned in this 
 matter: your reputation, as you are said to have meddled in public affairs, 
 has been of public concernment. The promoting a general liberty of con- 
 science having been your particular province, the aspersion of Popery and 
 Jesuitism, that has been cast upon you, has reflected upon his Majesty, for 
 having made use, in that affair, of so disguised a personage as you are 
 supposed to have been. It has weakened the force of your endeavors, 
 obstructed their effect, and contributed greatly to disappoint this poor 
 nation of that inestimable happiness, and secure establishment, which I 
 am persuaded you designed, and which all good and wise men agree that 
 a just and inviolable liberty of conscience would infallibly produce. I 
 heartily wish this consideration had been sooner laid to heart, and that 
 some demonstrative evidence of your sincerity in the profession you make 
 had accompanied all your endeavors for liberty. 
 
 " But what do I say, or what do I M'ish for ? I confess that I am now 
 struck with astonishment at that abundant evidence which I know you 
 have constantly given of the opposition of your principles to those of 
 the Romish Church, and at the little regard there has been had to it. If 
 an open profession of the directest opposition against Popery that has 
 ever appeared in the world, since Popery was first distinguished from 
 common Christianity, would serve the turn, this cannot be denied to all 
 those of that society with which you are joined in the duties of religious 
 worship. If to have maintained the principles of that society by frequent 
 and fervent discourses, by many elaborate Avritings. by suffering ignominy, 
 
 28* 
 
OOU LIFE OF 
 
 imprisonment, and other manifold disadvantages, in defence thereof, can 
 be admitted as any proof of your sincere adherence thereunto ; this, it is 
 evident to the world, you have done already. Nay, further : if to have 
 inquired, as far as was possible for you, into the particular stories that 
 have been framed against you, and to have sought all means of rectifying 
 the mistakes upon which they were grounded, could in any measure avail 
 to the setting a true character of you in men's judgments, this also I 
 know you have done. For 1 have seen, under the hand of a reverend 
 dean of our English church (Dr. Tillotson), a full acknowledgment of 
 satisfixction received from you in- a suspicion he had entertained upon one 
 of those stories, and to which his report had procured too great credit. 
 And though I know you are averse to the publishing of his letter without 
 his express leave, and perhaps may not now think ht to ask it ; yet I am 
 80 thoroughly assured of his sincerity and candor, that I cannot doubt 
 but he has already vindicated you in that matter, and will (according to 
 his promise) be still ready to do it upon all occasions. Nay, I have seen also 
 your justification from another calumny of common fame, about your 
 having kidnapped one who had been formerly a monk, out of your Ameri- 
 can province, to deliver him here into the hands of his enemies ; I say, I 
 have seen your justification from that story under that person's own hand; 
 and his return to Pennsylvania, where he now resides, may be an irre- 
 fragable confutation of it to any that will take the pains to inquire thereinto. 
 " Really it afiiicts me very much to consider that all this does not sufiice. 
 If I had not that particular respect for you which I sincerely profess, yet 
 I could not but be much aifected, that any man, who had deservedly ac- 
 quired so fair a reputation as you have formerly had, whose integrity and 
 veracity had always been reputed spotless, and whose charity had been 
 continually exercised in serving others, at the dear expense of his time, 
 his strength, and his estate, without any other recompense than what 
 results from the consciousness of doing good : I sa^^ I could not but be 
 much aifected, to see any such person fall innocently and undeservedly 
 under such unjust reproaches as you have done. It is a hard case ; and 
 I think no man that has any bowels of humanity can reflect upon it witii- 
 out great relen tings. 
 
 " Since, therefore, it is so, and that something remains yet to be done — 
 something more express, and especially more public, than has yet been 
 done — for your vindication, I beg of you, dear sir, by all the tender effi- 
 cacy that friendship, either mine or that of your friends and relations 
 together, can have upon you ; by tlffe due regard which humanity, and 
 even Christianity, obliges you to have to your reputation ; by the duty 
 you owe unto the King ; by your love to the land of your nativity ; and 
 by the cause of universal religion, and eternal truth, let not the scandal 
 of insincerity, that I have hinttsd at, lie any longer upon you; but let the 
 sense of all these obligations persuade you to gratify your friends and 
 relations, and to serve your King, your country, and your religion, liy 
 such a public vindication of your honor, as your own prudence, upon these 
 
WILLIAM PENX. 331 
 
 suggestions, will now show you to be most necossary and most expedient. 
 I am, with unfeigned and most resi)ectful iiffeution, honored sir, your most 
 humble and most obedient servant, WILLIAM POPPLE. 
 
 "London, Oct. 20, 1688." 
 
 William Penn's answer was in a style of corresponding ele- 
 gance, being as follows : 
 
 "Worthy Friend — It is now aliove twenty years, I thank God, that I 
 have not been very solicitous what the world thought of me : for sinee I 
 have had the knowledge of religion from a principle in myself, the first 
 and main point with me Ins been to approve myself in the sight of God 
 through patience and well-doing : so that the world has not had weight 
 enough with me to suifer its good opinion to raise me, or its ill opinion to 
 deject me. And if that had been the only motive or consideration, and not 
 the desire of a good friend in the name of many others, I had been as 
 silent to thy letter as I used to be to the idle and malicious shams of the 
 times : but, as the laws of friendship are sacred with those that value that 
 relation, so I confess this to be a principal one with me, not to deny a 
 friend the satisfaction he desires, when it may be done without offence to 
 a good conscience. 
 
 " The business chiefly insisted upon is my Popery, and endeavors to 
 promote it. I do say, then, and that with all sincerity, that I am not only 
 no Jesuit, but no Papist ; and which is more, I never had any temptation 
 upon me to be it, either fi*om doubts in my own mind about the way I 
 profess, or from the discourses or writings of any of that religion. And, 
 in the presence of Almighty God, I do declare, that the King did never 
 once, directly or indirectly, attack me or tempt me upon that subject, the 
 many years that I have had the advantage of a free access to him ; so un- 
 just, as well as sordidly false are all those stories of the town. 
 
 '' The only reason that I can apprehend, they have to repute me a 
 Roman Catholic, is my frequent going to Whitehall, a place no more for- 
 bid to me than to the rest of the world, who yet, it seems, find much fairer 
 quarter. I have almost continually had one business or other there for 
 our Friends, whom I ever served with a steady solicitation through all 
 times since I was of their communion. I had also a great many personal 
 good offices to do, upon a principle of charity, for people of all persuasions ; 
 thinking it a duty to improve the little interest I had for the good of those 
 that needed it, especially the poor. I might add something of my own 
 affairs too, though I must own, if I may without vanity, that they have 
 ever had the least share of my throughts or pains, or else they would not 
 have still depended as they yet do. 
 
 "But because some people are so unjust as to render instances for my 
 Popery, or rather hypocrisy, for so it would be in me, 'tis fit I contradict 
 them as particularly as thuy accuse me. I say, then, solemnly, that I am 
 
332 LIFE OF 
 
 so far from having been bred at St. Omers, and having received orders at 
 Rome, that I never was at either place, nor do I know anybody there ; nor 
 had I ever a correspondence with anybody in those places : which is an- 
 other story invented against me. And, as for my officiating in the King's 
 chapel, or any other, it is so ridiculous as well as untrue, that, besides 
 that nobody can do it but a priest, and that I have been married to a 
 woman of some condition above sixteen years, which no priest can be by 
 any dispensation whatever, I have not so much as looked into any chapel 
 of the Roman religion, and consequently, not the King's, though a com- 
 mon curiosity warrants it daily to people of all persuasions. 
 
 " And once for all, I do say that I am a Protestant Dissenter, and to that 
 degree such, that I challenge the most celebrated Protestant of the En- 
 glish church, or any other, on that head, be he laj'man or clergyman, in 
 public or in private. For I would have such people know, 'tis not impos- 
 sible for a true Protestant Dissenter to be dutiful, thankful, and service- 
 able to the King, though he be of the Roman Catholic communion. We 
 hold not our property or protection from him by our persuasion, and, 
 therefore, his persuasion should not be the measure of our allegiance. I 
 am sori-y to see so many, that seem fond of the reformed religion, by their 
 disaffection to him recommend it so ill. Whatever practices of Roman 
 Catholics we might reasonably object against, and no doubt but such 
 there are, yet he has disclaimed and reprehended those ill things by his 
 declared opinion against persecution, by the ease in which he actually in- 
 dulges all Dissenters, and by the confirmation he offers in Parliament for 
 the security of the Protestant religion and liberty of conscience. And in 
 his honor, as well as in my own defence, I am obliged in conscience to 
 say, that he has ever declared to me it was his opinion ; and on all occa- 
 sions, when Duke, he never refused me the repeated proofs of it, as often 
 as I had any poor sufferers for conscience sake to solicit his help for. 
 
 "But some may be apt to say, 'Why not anybody else as well as I? 
 Why must I have the preferable access to other Dissenters, if not a Papist ? 
 I answer, I know not that it is so. But this I know, that I have made 
 it my province and business ; I have followed and prest it ; I took it for my 
 calling and station, and have kept it above these sixteen years ; and which 
 is more (if I may say it without vanity or reproach), wholly at my own 
 charges too. To this let me add the relation my father had to this King's 
 service, his particular favor in getting me released out of the Tower of 
 London, in 1009, my father's humble request to him upon his death-bed 
 to protect me from the inconveniences and troubles my persuasion might 
 expose me to, and his friendly promise to do it, and exact performance of 
 it from the moment I addressed myself to him ; I say, when all this is 
 considered, anybody, that has the least pretence to good nature, gratitude, 
 or generosity, must needs know how to interpret my access to the King. 
 Perhaps some will be ready to say, ' Tiiis is not all, nor is this yet a 
 fault ; but that I have been an adviser in other matters disgustful to the 
 
WILLIAM PENN. odd 
 
 kiugdum, ami which teud to overthrow the Protestant religion and the 
 liberties of the people. — A likely thing, indeed, that a Protestant Dissenter, 
 who from fifteen years old has been (at times) a sufferer in his father's 
 family, in the University, and by the government, for being so, should 
 design the destruction of the Protestant religion! This is just as proba- 
 ble as it is true that I died a Jesuit six years ago in America — will men 
 still suffer such stuff to pass upon them ? — Is any thing more foolish, as 
 well as false, than that because I am often at Whitehall, therefore I must 
 be the author of all that is done there that does not please abroad ? — But 
 supposing some such things to have been done, pray tell me, if I am bound 
 to oppose any thing that I am not called to do ; I never was a member of 
 council, cabinet, or committee, where the affairs of the kingdom are trans- 
 acted. I have had no office, or trust, and consequently, nothing can be 
 said to be done by me ; nor for that reason, could I lie under any test or 
 obligation to discover my opinion of public acts of state ; and, therefore, 
 neither can any such acts, or my silence about them, in justice be made 
 my crime. Volunteers are blanks and cyphers in all governments. And, 
 unless calling at Whitehall once a day, upon many occasions, or my not 
 being turned out of nothing (for that no office is), be the evidence of my 
 compliance in disagreeable things, I know not what else can, with any 
 truth, be alleged against me. However, one thing I know, that I have 
 everywhere most religiously observed, and endeavored, in conversation 
 with persons of all ranks and opinions, to allay heats, and moderate ex- 
 tremes, even in the politics. It is below me to be more particular ; but I 
 am sure it has been my endeavor, that if we could not all meet upon a reli- 
 gious bottom, at least we might upon a civil one, the good of England, 
 which is the common interest of King and people ; that he might be great 
 by justice, and we free by obedience ; distinguishing rightly, on the one 
 hand, between duty and slavery ; and on the other, between liberty and 
 licentiousness. 
 
 " But, alas ! I am not without my apprehensions of the cause of this 
 behavior towards me, and in this I perceive we agree — I mean my con- 
 stant zeal for an impartial liberty of conscience. But if that be it, the 
 cause is too good to be in pain about. I ever understood that to be the 
 natural right of all men ; and that he that had a religion without it, his 
 religion was none of his own. For what is not the religion of a man's 
 choice is the religion of him that imposes it : so that liberty of conscience 
 is the first step to have a religion. This is no new opinion with me. I 
 have writ many apologies within the last twenty years to defend it, and 
 that impartially. Yet I have as constantly declared that bounds ought to 
 be set to this freedom, and that morality was the best ; and that as often 
 as that was violated, under a pretence of conscience, it was fit the civil 
 power should take place. Nor did I ever think of promoting any sort of 
 liberty of conscience for anybody, which did not preserve the common 
 
334 LIFE OF 
 
 Protestancy of the kir.gdom, and the ancieut rights of the government : 
 for, to say truth, the one cannot be maintained without the other. 
 
 " Upon the whole matter, I must say, I love England ; I ever did so ; 
 and that I am not in her debt. I never valued time, money, or kindred, 
 to serve her and do her good. No party could ever bias me to her preju- 
 dice, nor any personal interest oblige me in her wrong : for I always ab- 
 horred discounting private favors at the public cost. 
 
 "Would I have made my market of the fears and jealousies of the peo- 
 ple, Avhen this King came to the crown, I had put twenty thousand pounds 
 into my pocket, and an hundred thousand into my province ; for mighty 
 numbers of people were then upon the wing : but I waived it all ; hoped 
 for better times ; expected the effects of the King's word for liberty of 
 conscience, and happiness by it: and, till I saw my friends, with the 
 kingdom, delivered from the legal bondage which penal laws for religion 
 had subjected them to, I could with no satisfaction think of leaving Eng- 
 land, though much to my prejudice beyond sea, and at my great expense 
 here, having in all this time never had either office or pension, and always 
 refusing the rewards or gratuities of those I have been able to oblige. 
 
 " If, therefore, an universal charity — if the asserting an Impartial liberty 
 of conscience — if doing to others as we would be done by, and an open 
 avowing and steady practising of these things, in all times, and to all 
 parties will justly lay a man under the reflection of being a Jesuit, or Papist 
 of any rank, I must not only submit to the character, but embrace It too ; 
 and I care not who knows, that I can wear It with more pleasure than it is 
 possible for them, with any justice, to give it me. For these are corner- 
 stones and principles vdth me ; and I am scandalized at all buildings which 
 have them not for their foundations. For religion itself is an empty name 
 without them — a whited wall, a painted sepulchre, no life or virtue to the 
 soul, no good or example to one's neighbor. Let us not flatter ourselves ; 
 we can never be the better for our religion, if our neighbor be the worse for 
 it. Our fault is, we are apt to be mighty hot upon speculative errors, and 
 break all bounds in our resentments ; but we let practical ones pass with- 
 out remark, if not without repentance : as if a mistake about an obscure 
 proposition of faith were a greater evil than the breach of an undoubted 
 precept. Such a religion the devils themselves are not without ; for they 
 have both faith and knowledge: but their faith doth not work by love, nor 
 their knowledge by obedience. And, If this be their judgment, can It be 
 our blessing? Let us not, then, think religion a litigious thing, nor that 
 Christ cauio only to make us good disputants, but that he came also to 
 make us good livers : sincerity goes further than capacity. It Is charity 
 that deservedly excels in the Christian religion ; and, happy would it be 
 if, whore unity ends, charity did begin, instead of envy and railing, that 
 almost ever follow. It appears to mo to be the way that God has found 
 out and appointed to moderate our differences, and make them, at least, 
 harmless to society : and, therefore, I confess, I dare not aggravate them 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 3oO 
 
 to wrath and blood. Our disagreement lies in our apprehension or heliff 
 (jf things ; and, if the common enemy of mankind had not the governing 
 of our aifections and passions, that disagreement would not prove such a 
 canker, as it is, to love and peace, in civil societies. 
 
 " He that suffers his difference with his neighbor about the other 
 world, to carry him beyond the line of moderation in this, is the worse 
 for his opinion, even though it be true. It is too little considered by 
 Christians, that men may hold the truth in unrighteousness ; that they 
 may be orthodox, and not know what spirit they are of. So were the 
 Apostles of our Lord : they believed in him, yet let a false zeal do vio- 
 lence to their judgment, and their unwarrantable heat contradict the great 
 end of their Saviour's coming, love. 
 
 " Men may be angry for God's sake, and kill people too. Christ said 
 it, and too many have practised it. But what sort of Christians must 
 they be, I pray, that can hate in His name who bids us love, and kill for 
 Ilis sake, that forbids killing, and commands love, even to enemies ? 
 
 " Let not men, or parties, think to shift it off from themselves. It is 
 not this principle, or that form, to which so great a defection is owing, 
 but a degeneracy of mind from God. Christianity is not at heart; no 
 fear of God in the inward parts ; no awe of his Divine omnipresence. 
 Self prevails, and breaks out, more or less, through all forms, but too 
 plainly, (pride, wrath, lust, avarice,) so that, though people say to God, 
 Thy will be done, they do their own ; which shows them to be true 
 heathens, under a mask of Christianity, that believe without works, and 
 repent without forsaking ; busy for forms, and the temporal benefits of 
 them ; while true religion, which is to visit the fatherless and the widow, 
 and to keep ourselves unspotted from the world, goes barefoot, and, like 
 Lazarus, is despised. Yet, this was the definition the Holy Ghost gave 
 of religion, before synods and councils had the meddling with it and 
 modelling of it. In those days bowels Avere a good part of religion, and 
 that to the fatherless and widow at large. We can hardly now extend 
 them to those of our own way. It was said by Him that could not say 
 amiss, ' Because iniquity abounds, the love of many waxeth cold.' What- 
 soever divides man's heart from God, separates it from his neighbor; and 
 he that loves self more than God can never love his neighbor as himself. 
 ' For,' as the Apostle said, ' if we do not love him whom we have seen, 
 how can we love God, whom we have not seen ?' 
 
 "0 that we could see some men as eager to turn people to God as they 
 are to blow them up, and set them one against another ! But, indeed, 
 those only can have that pure and pious zeal, who are themselves turned 
 to God, and have tasted the sweetness of that conversion, which is to 
 power, and not to form ; to godliness, and not to gain. Such as those do 
 bend their thoughts and pains to appease, not increase heats and animo- 
 sities ; to exhort people to look at home, sweep their own houses, and 
 weed their own gardens. And in no age or time was there more need to 
 
336 LIFE OF 
 
 set men at work in their own hearts than this we live in, when so busy, 
 wandering, licentious a spirit prevails ; for, whatever some men may 
 think, the disease of this kingdom is sin, impiety against God, and want 
 of charity to men. And, while this guilt is at our door, judgment cannot 
 be far off. 
 
 " Now this being the disease, I will briefly offer two things for the cure 
 of it :— 
 
 " The first is David's clean heart and right spirit, which he asked and 
 had of God : without this we must be a chaos still : for the distemper is 
 within ; and our Lord said, all evil comes from thence. Set the inward 
 man right, and the outward man cannot be wrong ; that is the helm that 
 governs the human vessel ; and this nothing can do but an inward princi- 
 ple, the light and grace that came by Christ, which, the Scripture tells 
 us, enlightens every one, and hath appeared to all men. It is preposter- 
 ous to think that lie who made the world, should show least care of the 
 best part of it, our souls. No : He that gave us an outward luminary for 
 our bodies, hath given us an inward one for our minds to act by. We 
 have it ; and it is our condemnation that we do not love it ; and bring our 
 deeds to it. 'Tis by this we see our sins, are made sensible of them, sorry 
 for them, and finally forsake them. And he that thinks to go to heaven 
 a nearer way, will, I fear, belate his soul, and be irrevocably mistaken. 
 There are but goats and sheep at last, whatever shapes we wear here. 
 Let us net, therefore, dear friends, deceive ourselves. Our souls are at 
 stake ; God will not be mocked ; what we sow we must expect to reap. 
 There is no repentance in the grave ; which shows that, if none there, then 
 no where else. To sum up this divinity of mine : It is the light of Jesus 
 in our souls that gives us a true sight of ourselves, and that sight that 
 leads us to repentance ; which repentance begets humility, and humility 
 that true charity that covers a multitude of faults, which I call God's ex- 
 pedient against man's infirmity. 
 
 " The second remedy to our present distemper is this : Since all of all 
 parties profess to believe in God, Christ, the Spirit, and Scripture ; that 
 the soul is immortal ; that there are eternal rewards and punishments ; and 
 that the virtuous shall receive the one, and the wicked suffer the other : I 
 say, since this is the common faith of Christendom, let us all resolve in the 
 strength of God to live up to what we agree in, before we fall out so miser- 
 ably about the yest in which we differ. I am persuaded, the charge and 
 comfort which that pious course would bring us to, would go very far to 
 dispose our nature to compound easily for all the rest, and we might hope 
 yet to see happy days in poor England, for there I would have so good a 
 work begun. And how is it possible for the eminent men of every reli- 
 gious persuasion, especially the present ministers of the parishes of Eng- 
 land, to think of giving an account to God at the last day, without using 
 the vxtmost of their endeavors to moderate the members of their respective 
 communions towards those that differ from them, is a mystery to me. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 337 
 
 " But this I know, and must lay it at their doors ; I charge also my own 
 soul with it; God requires moderation and humility from us; for he is at 
 hand, who will not spare to judge our impatience, if we have no patience 
 for one another. The eternal God rebuke, I beseech him, the wrath of 
 man, and humble all under the sense of the evil of this day ; and yet, 
 unworthy as we are, give us peace for his holy name's sake. 
 
 " It is now time to end this letter, and I will now do it without saying 
 any more than this : Thou seost my defence against popular calumny ; 
 thou seest what my thoughts are (::f our condition, and the way to better 
 it ; and thou seest my hearty and humble prayer to Almighty God to in- 
 cline us to be wise, if it were but for our own sakes. I shall only add, 
 that I am extremely sensible of the kindness and justice intended me by 
 my friends on this occasion, and that I am for that, and many more 
 reasons, thy obliged and aifectionate friend, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 " Teddington, October 24, 168S." 
 
 Within a fortnight from the date of this letter, the King's son- 
 in-law, William, Prince of Orange, landed at Torbay with an 
 army, having been invited over by many of the most influential 
 among the nobility and gentry. He proposed to come, not as a 
 conqueror, but as a protector of the Protestant religion, and in 
 order to secure the liberties of the subject against the illegal 
 exercise of the royal prerogative. He was joined by persons 
 of the highest rank — part of the King's army, led by Lords Corn- 
 bury and Churchill, deserted to his standard — the popular feel- 
 ing of the nation was strongly manifested in his favor ; Prince 
 George of Denmark, residing in England, and even Anne his 
 wife, the daughter of King James, took sides with the invader. 
 
 The King had, in earlier life, proved himself a courageous 
 man, he had been an able and successful commander, by land 
 and by sea, his firmness amounted even to obstinacy ; but now 
 he was agitated and unnerved by this universal defection ; it fell 
 upon him, blow after blow, with accumulated force, and when 
 the last stroke came, in the desertion of his favorite daughter, 
 being overwhelmed with grief, he exclaimed, " God, help me ; 
 my own children have forsaken me." 
 
 The sequel is well known, he seemed to lose his self-posses- 
 sion, and after making a few ill-directed and irresolute efforts, 
 he sent away his Queen and the infant Prince, and soon after 
 followed them to France. 
 
 29 
 
338 LIFE OF 
 
 The convention having declared the throne vacant, the Prince 
 and Princess of Orange were crowned as joint sovereigns, under 
 the title of William and Mary. 
 
 We can readily conceive that this sudden revolution, must 
 have had for a time a melancholy influence on the feelings and 
 prospects of W'illiam Penn. 
 
 In James he lost a friend and patron, to whom he was bound 
 by the ties of gratitude and affection. He was not blind to the 
 King's faults, but he attributed many of his worst measures to 
 the bigotted priests and sordid courtiers by whom he was sur- 
 rounded. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Progress of the Colony : Letter of William Penn about the caves at Phi- 
 ladelphia; An Indian alarm ; C. Pusey and others visit the old chief; 
 T. Lloyd wishes to retire from office ; Letter of William Penn to him ; 
 Appointment of Gov. Bhxckwell ; William Penn examined before the 
 King and Council ; Required to give Bail ; Letter to Friends in Penn- 
 sylvania ; Letter to Lord Shrewsbury ; William Penn is cleared ; Act 
 of Toleration ; William Penn determines to return to Pennsylvania ; 
 Gov. Blackwell resigns ; T. Lloyd again in office ; William Penn's Let- 
 ters to Council ; Directs a Public School to be instituted in Philadelphia. 
 
 1688-89. 
 
 While the continent of Europe was the theatre of desolating 
 wars, and England was shaken by political convulsions, the 
 colonists of Pennsylvania w'ere quietly and successfully pursu- 
 ing their industrial occupations. The woodman's axe was fell- 
 ing the primeval forest ; the commodious farm-house had suc- 
 ceeded to the hunter's wigwam; orchards were blooming, and 
 wheat and corn were waving, where lately the wild beast had 
 made his lair. In the city new streets were opened or extended, 
 dwellings, warehouses and public edifices were erected, and 
 numerous vessels discharging at the w^harves enlivened the 
 scene, or, being laden, spread their canvass for foreign climes. 
 But although the inhabitants were blessed with general prospe- 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 339 
 
 rity and happiness, there were among the few engaged in public 
 affairs some disturbing influences, and among the lower classes 
 in the city, some disorders, which being reported to the proprie- 
 tary in England, called forth his paternal admonitions. 
 
 In a letter addressed to the magistrates in 1688, he alludes to 
 reports which had reached him concerning excesses committed 
 in the caves at Philadelphia. These excavations in the banks 
 of the Delaware had been made by the first settlers for temporary 
 homes, but were now occupied by disorderly persons. He re- 
 minds them that those caves were his property and could not 
 be used for such purposes, but must be reserved for the accom- 
 modation of poor immigrants. He further instructs them to 
 reduce the number of ordinaries or drinking-houses, and to 
 punish the offenders according to law.* 
 
 The colonists had lived on terms of the most cordial friend- 
 ship with the neighboring Indian tribes, and each party had 
 performed many kind offices for the other, but in the year 1688, 
 an alarm was spread in the vicinity of Chester and Philadelphia, 
 that an attack upon the whites was meditated by the natives. 
 It was first communicated by an Indian woman of West Jersey 
 to an old Dutch resident of Chester, and was soon after corro- 
 borated by another rumor that three families about nine miles 
 from that place, had actually been destroyed. When these 
 alarming reports reached Philadelphia the council was in ses- 
 sion, and Caleb Pusey, one of its members, who was a Friend 
 in high standing, from Chester County, offered to go to the place 
 where the Indians were said to be assembled, provided the 
 council would appoint five others to go with him unarmed. \ 
 This being agreed to, they immediately proceeded thither on 
 horseback, but instead of meeting five hundred warriors, as 
 was reported, they found the old King quietly lying on his bed, 
 the women at work in the fields, and the children at play. When 
 they entered the wigwam, the King asked them " what they came 
 for?" They related to him the report which the Indian woman 
 had raised, and asked him if he had anything against the Eng- 
 lish. He seemed much displeased at the report, and said " the 
 woman ought to be burned to death ; they had nothing against 
 
 * Proud's Hist. i. 296. f Ibid, o^iT. 
 
340 LIFE OF 
 
 the English," adding, " 'tis true there are about fifteen pounds 
 yet behind of our pay for the land William Penn bought, 
 but as you are still on it and improving it to your own use, we 
 are not in haste for our pay; but when the English come to 
 settle it, we expect to be paid." This the messenger assured 
 him should be done, and as they were about to leave he said, 
 " As God has given you corn, I advise you to get it in (it being 
 then harvest-time), for we intend you no harm."* The return 
 of the messengers dispelled the fears of the people, and the 
 result evinced the wisdom of the policy uniformly pursued by 
 the friends of William Penn. 
 
 Thomas Lloyd, a minister of the Society of Friends, and a 
 man of excellent character and abilities, had for some years 
 been performing the executive functions of the government, 
 first, as President of the Council, and afterwards as Chairman 
 of the Commissioners appointed by the proprietary ; but be- 
 coming weary of public affairs, he requested to be released 
 from the burden, to which William Penn, by a letter written in 
 1687, reluctantly consented. A suitable person to supply his 
 place not being readily found, the proprietary wrote to him in 
 the year 1688 as follows: "No honor, interest, or pleasure in 
 this part of the world shall be able to check ray desire to live 
 and die among you, and though my stay is yet prolonged on 
 private and public accounts, yet depend upon it Pennsylvania 
 is my worldly delight, and end of all places on earth. 
 
 " Now, though I have, to please thee, given thee a quietus 
 from all public business, ray intention is to constitute thee De- 
 puty Governor, and two in the character of assistants, either of 
 whora and thyself to be able to do all as fully as I rayself can do, 
 only I want thy consent to the employment, of which advise me. 
 By all that is reverent, tender and friendly, I beseech thy care, 
 condescension and help for that poor province. I am here 
 serving God and Friends and the nation^ which I hope God 
 will reward to mine and you."t 
 
 As Thomas Lloyd still persisted in his desire to retire from 
 the cares of government, and no other Friend, properly qualified, 
 
 » Proud, i. 335. f Ibid, i. 334. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 341 
 
 was found willing to accept the office of Deputy Governor, Wil- 
 liam Penn appointed to that station Captain John Blackwell, 
 who had formerly held an important trust under the British go- 
 vernment, and was highly recommended for his virtue and 
 fidelity. 
 
 In his letter notifying the commissioners of this appointment, 
 he states, that the change "was not because he was dissatisfied 
 with their care and service;" and adverting to the character of 
 Blackwell, he says, " for your ease, I have appointed one that 
 is not a Friend, but a grave, sober, wise man. He married old 
 General Lambert's daughter, was treasurer to the common- 
 wealth's army in England, Scotland and Ireland : I suppose 
 independent in judgment. Let him see what he can do awhile. 
 I have ordered him to confer in private w-ith you, and square 
 himself by your advice. If he do not please you, he shall be 
 laid aside. I desire you to receive him with kindness, and let 
 him see it, and use his not being a Friend to Friends' advan- 
 tage. He has a mighty repute of all sorts of honest people 
 where he has inhabited, which, with my own knowledge, has 
 made me venture upon him. 
 
 " I have rough people to deal with about my quit-rents, that yet 
 cannot pay a ten pound bill, but draw, draw, draw still upon 
 me. And it being his talent to regulate and set things in me- 
 thod easy and just, I have pitched upon him to advise therein."* 
 
 In his letter of instructions, dated in September, 1688, he 
 directs Gov. Blackwell to send him a copy of the laws, which 
 he had often requested before, but in vain ; to be careful that 
 speedy and impartial justice be done ; to see that the widow, 
 the orphan, and the absent be particularly regarded in their 
 rights, to have a special care that the sheriffs and clerks of the 
 peace impose not upon the people, and finally, " to rule the 
 meek meekly, and those that will not be ruled, rule with au- 
 thority." Captain Blackwell being in New England when 
 appointed, did not reach Pennsylvania and assume his office 
 until the following spring. 
 
 Soon after the revolution in England, the situation of William 
 
 • CIark?on. 
 
 29* 
 
342 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 Penn became critical in the extreme ; the influence he had pos- 
 sessed in the late reign was now turned agrainst him ; he was 
 regarded by many as being disaffected to the government, a 
 Jesuit in disguise, and an enemy to the Protestant cause. 
 
 To withdraw to Pennsylvania, where he knew his presence 
 was needed, would subject him to the imputation of having fled 
 to escape punishment, and thus give color to the aspersions of 
 his enemies. To remain was hazardous, but honorable, and 
 therefore he determined to stay and pursue his usual avocations. 
 
 On the 10th of December, (then 10th month, 0. S.) 1688, as 
 he was walking in Whitehall, he was sent for by the Lords of 
 the Council then sitting. In reply to their questions, he assured 
 them, "he had done nothing but what he could answer before 
 God and all the princes in the world ; that he loved his country 
 and the Protestant religion above his life, and never acted against 
 either; that all he ever aimed at in his pubUc endeavors, was no 
 other than what the Prince himself had declared for, that King 
 James was always his friend and his father's friend, and in grati- 
 tude he was the King's, and did ever, as much as in him lay, 
 influence him to his true interest."* 
 
 Although nothing appeared against him, he was required to 
 give sureties for his appearance the first day of the next terra. 
 
 While under bail for his appearance, he wrote the following 
 letters : 
 
 TO FRIENDS IN PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 " My Dear Friends and Brethren — If it be with you, as I can say it is 
 with me, in the presence of God, then are we one in Him : for neither 
 length of days, nor distance of phice, nor all the many waters between us 
 can separate my heart and affection from you. * * * * 
 
 " Groat revolutions have been of late, in this land of your nativity ; 
 and where they may period the Lord knows. It can be no new thing for 
 us to meet with exorcises, Europe looks like a sea of trouble — wars all 
 over it like to be this summer — I strongly desire to see you, before it be 
 spent, if the Lord will ; and I can say in his sight, that, to improve my 
 interest with King James, for tender consciences, and that a Christian 
 liberty might be legally settled, though against my own interest, was that 
 
 • Life prefixed to his works. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 343 
 
 which separated me from you chiefly — -I desire your rcmembrauco before 
 the Lord ; as you are not, and cannot be, forgotten in my addresses and 
 approaches to him ; wlio rest in his unchangeable love, dear friends and 
 brethren, yours unalteraldy, in the communion of the blessed truth. 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN.* 
 "The 2J of the first month, 1689." 
 
 TO THE LORD SHREWSBURY. 
 
 " I thought it would look rather foolish than innocent to take any 
 notice of popular fame, but so soon as I could inform myself that a war- 
 want was out against me, (which I knew not till this morning) it seemed 
 to me a respect due to the government, as well as a justice to myself, to 
 make this address, that so my silence might neither look like fear nor 
 contempt: for as my innocence forbids the one, the sense I have of my 
 duty will not let me be guilty of the other. 
 
 " That which I have humbly to offer is this : — I do profess solemnly in 
 the presence of God, I have no hand or share in any conspiracy against 
 the King or government, nor do I know any that have ; and this I can 
 affimn without directing my intention equivocally. And though I have 
 the unhappiness of being very much misunderstood in my principles and 
 inclinations by some people, I thought I had some reason to hope this 
 King would not easily take me for a plotter, to whom the last government 
 always thought me too partial. In the next place, as I have behaved 
 myself peaceably, I intend by the help of God to continue to live so, but 
 being already under an excessive bail, (where no order or matter ap- 
 peared against me) and having, as is well known to divers persons of 
 good credit, affairs of great consequence to me and my family now in 
 hand that require to be despatched for America, I hope it will not be 
 thought a crime that I do not yield up myself an unbailable prisoner, and 
 pray the King will please to give me leave to continue to follow my con- 
 cerns at my house in the country, which favor, as I seek it by the Lord 
 Shrewsbury's mediation, so I shall take care to use it with discretion and 
 thankfulness. 
 
 " I am his affectionate real friend, to serve him, 
 
 "WM. PENN.f 
 
 "March, (1st mo.) 16S9." 
 
 At the next term his case was continued on the same security 
 to the Easter term following, w^hen nothing being laid to his 
 charge, he was cleared in open court. | 
 
 His manly avowal of his continued friendship for the exiled 
 
 * Proud,!. 341 f Mem. H. S. P iv. i. 100.. 
 
 t Proud, i. 347 
 
344 LIFE OF 
 
 King, who had been his own and his father's friend, was in 
 strict accordance with his candid and noble character, but in 
 striking contrast with the conduct of some wdio frequented the 
 court of the reigning monarch. 
 
 In the year 1689 the Act of Toleration was passed by Parlia- 
 ment and approved by the King. This act provided, that none 
 of the penal laws should be construed to extend to those Dis- 
 senters who should take the oaths to the present government, 
 and a clause was inserted for the relief of the society of Friends, 
 accepting from them, instead of the oaths, a solemn promise to 
 be faithful to the King and Queen. So great had been the pro- 
 gress of public sentiment, that a bill abolishing the tests was, in 
 conformity with the King's wishes, passed by the House of 
 Commons, but rejected by the Peers by a large majority.* 
 
 The Papists, though not comprehended in the Act of Tolera- 
 tion, were by the King's clemency, allowed the benefit of the 
 toleration. Although this act did not remove the tests by which 
 Dissenters were excluded from Parliament, and from many of- 
 fices under government, it was a great step towards a perfect 
 liberty of conscience, and as such, must have been hailed with 
 delight by Wilham Penn, who for twenty years had been en- 
 deavoring to promote it. 
 
 There can be no doubt that the sufferings of Friends and other 
 Dissenters, were instrumental in preparing the minds of the peo- 
 ple for this salutary change in the policy of the government ; but 
 to Penn, more than to any other man, must it be attributed, for his 
 numerous publications in its favor, while the liberal policy of his 
 own government, and the remarkable prosperity of his province, 
 must have exerted a considerable influence on the public mind. 
 
 One of the main objects of his stay in England being now ac- 
 complished, in the passage of this act, he determined to return 
 to Pennsylvania as soon as the requisite preparations could be 
 made. His presence in the province was rendered the more 
 necessary as his deputy governor, from whom he had hoped so 
 much, did not fulfil his expectations. Governor Blackwell met 
 the Assembly, in the third month, 1689, but by reason of some 
 
 • Smollet's Cont. of Hume. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 345 
 
 misunderstanding or dissension between him and some of tlie 
 Council, the public affairs were not transacted in harmony, and but 
 little business was done during his administration, which lasted 
 only till the twelfth month (February), when, by the advice of 
 Penn, he resigned and returned to England. One cause of the 
 disagreement was, the governor's attempt to raise a militia ; an- 
 other, that he undertook to inquire into the legality of the pro- 
 vincial trade with foreign countries, and, against the sense of the 
 Council, declared such trade inadmissible under the royal charter, 
 but finally he agreed to refer this question to the decision of the 
 proprietary.* He appears to have been guilty of arbitrary and 
 illegal proceedings against the members of the Council and 
 Assembly, by whom they were firmly resisted. 
 
 In the following fragment of a letter, from Penn to one of his 
 friends, he gives his reasons for the appointment : " The rea- 
 son I appointed Capt. Blackwell w^as, that Friends refused, 
 (especially Thomas Lloyd, to whom I offered it,) and Capt. 
 Blackwell, here, is of high repute as a wise and virtuous man, 
 and yet, though treasurer, in the Commonwealth's time, to the 
 army in England, Scotland and Ireland, a place in which he 
 might have gained many thousands by the year, he was remark- 
 ably just, and refused all perquisites and a great place, in King 
 Charles's and King James's time, in Ireland, because it depended 
 upon them ; besides, he was pregnant, experienced, and had 
 formerly commanded men. I thought I had a treasure in him, 
 and being not a Friend, could better deal with those that were 
 not and stop their mouths, and be stiff with our neighbors upon 
 occasion. This was my motive to have him, and so thou mayst 
 tell others."! 
 
 On Blackwell's resignation, the executive duties again de- 
 volved on the Council, and Thomas Lloyd not being willing to 
 refuse his assistance in this emergency, acted again as president. 
 The following letter w^as at this time addressed by the pro- 
 prietary : 
 
 * Gordon. f W. Penn's MS. Letters, Am. Ph. Soc, Phil. 
 
346 LIFE OF * 
 
 TO THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL. 
 
 "London, 12th of 6th mo., 1689, 
 "Friends — I heartily wish you all well, and beseech God to guide you 
 in the ways of righteousness and peace. I have thought fit upon my 
 further stop in these parts, to thi-ow all into your hands, that you may 
 all see the confidence I have in you, and the desire I have to give you all 
 possible contentment. I do earnestly press your constant attendance 
 upon the government, and the diligent pursuit of peace and virtue ; and 
 God Almighty strengthen your hands in so good a work. I also recom- 
 mend to you the particular discipline of that town you meet in ; that 
 sobriety and gravity be maintained, and authority kept in respect. As it 
 comes in your way, countenance my ofiicers in collecting my small reve- 
 nue. Let the laws you pass, hold so long only as I shall not declare my 
 dissent; that so my share may not be excluded, or finally concluded, 
 without my notice ; in fine, let them be confirmable by me, as you will 
 see by the commission I left, when I left the province. And if you desire 
 a deputy governor, rather name three, or five, and I shall name one of 
 them ; so as you consider of a comfortable subsistence, that the govern- 
 ment may not go a begging. I do not this to lay a binding precedent, 
 but to give you and the people you represent, the fullest pledges I am 
 able, at this distance, of my regard to them. Whatever you do, I desire 
 beseech, and charge you all to avoid factions and parties, whisperings and 
 reportings, and all animosities; that putting jour common shoulders to 
 the public woi'k, you may have the reward of good men and patriots ; and 
 so I bid you farewell. WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 M ^' 
 
 As an evidence of his paternal care and regard for the colony, 
 another letter to the same Board is here inserted : 
 
 TO THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL. 
 
 "Hammersmith, the 30th of the 10th mo , 1689. 
 " Dear Friends — I cannot slip this opportunity, but send you the en- 
 deared salutations of my love, that, in the truth, gives me frequent occa- 
 sion to remember you, and earnestly desire your preservation to God, as 
 well as your comfort and prosperity in outward things ; about which have 
 a care, that they- grow not too fast upon you, nor too many for you — I 
 mean as to the care and concerns that attend them, in the exercise of 
 your spirits ; for it is a blessed state to enjoy and use of the world, in the 
 dominion of his life and power, that has quickened us by his light and 
 spirit a people to himself; for in this stands all our peace and blessedness, 
 that God be eyed in the first place, that we set him on our right hand ; 
 that we set him continually before our eyes ; and that our eye be dii'ected 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 347 
 
 towards him, in all things, as the eye of a hautlmaid to her mistress ; that 
 we may be able to say, in truth and righteousness, we have none in 
 Heaven but him, nor any on earth besides him. This it is, that keeps 
 God's people every wliere ; for hereby they put on Christ, in all his 
 blessed teachings and leadings, and make no provision for the flesh, to 
 fulfil the lusts thereof. Friends, these are deep words, and deever tilings. 
 I know you understand me, and I hope you feel me, who have your eyes 
 to the mark, and look to the joy before you, that is above all joys in this 
 momentary, troublesome, busy world. And now. Friends, I have a word 
 more to you, and that is this : that faith, hope, and charity, are the great 
 helps and marks of true Christians ; but, above all, charity is the love of 
 God, or divine love ; blessed are they that are come to it, and hold the 
 Truth in it, and work and act in it ; for they are poor indeed in spirit of 
 their own, but rich in God's ; they are meek, they inherit. All other 
 states are a brangle in comparison : but this enjoys, this possesses, this 
 reigns. Oh, come into this love more and more, for to this shall all gifts 
 and operations give place, and they do so in the hearts of those that are 
 come to know charity greatest in them. It will preserve peace in the 
 church, peace in the State, peace in families, aye, and peace in particular 
 bosoms. God Almighty draw, I beseech him, all your hearts into this 
 heavenly love, more and more, that the work of it may shine out to God's 
 glory, and your comfort. For matters here, as to myself, I am well and 
 free ; and for the church of God, liberty continues. But in the nations of 
 Europe, great wars and rumors of wars, such as have not been, almost 
 from the beginning ; suns are turned into darkness, and moons into 
 blood, for the notable day is at the door. It could be borne from some of 
 you when you went for America, that such a day would come ; but come 
 and coming it is, for almost every eye sees it, and tongue says it, and 
 some thousands, alas ! have already felt it. Sanctify, therefore, the Lord 
 in your hearts ; be satisfied in him, and in your lot ; and walk worthy of 
 his daily mercy and attendance upon you, and care over you. And the 
 Lord keep you to the end. 
 
 " I am, in the truth that makes us near to God, and one to another, 
 " Your faithful friend and brother, WM. PENN." 
 
 In a letter to Thomas Lloyd, President of the Council, written 
 this year, Penn instructed him to set up a public Grammar 
 School in Philadelphia, which he promised to incorporate at a 
 future time.* 
 
 This gave rise to the "Friends' Public School," which was 
 incorporated in 1697, confirmed by a fresh patent in 1701, and 
 by another charter in 1708, whereby the corporation was for- 
 
 * Clarkson. 
 
348 LIFE OF 
 
 ever thereafter to consist of fifteen discreet and religious persons 
 of the people called Quakers, by name of " The Overseers of 
 the Public School, founded in Philadelphia, at the request, cost 
 and charges of the people called Quakers." But its last and 
 present charter from William Penn, confirming the other charters 
 and enlarging its privileges, is dated 29th of November, 1711, 
 by which the election of the overseers is vested in the Corpora- 
 tion." In this excellent institution, the poor were taught gra- 
 tuitously, others paid a proportion of the expense incurred in 
 their children's education, and it was open on the same terms 
 to all religious persuasions.* 
 
 The first teacher was George Keith, a classical scholar, then 
 a prominent minister among Friends, but afterwards a noted 
 schismatic. 
 
 This institution aflfords evidence that William Penn and the 
 early settlers of Pennsylvania appreciated the importance of a 
 good education, and wished to see its advantages extended to 
 all. The corporation still exists, and has under its charge a 
 number of flourishing schools. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 William Penn Arrested ; Ilis manly and candid Defence ; Required to 
 give Bail ; Is Cleared and makes preparations to go to Pennsylvania ; 
 Proclamation for his Arrest ; He is Imprisoned ; Death of George Fox ; 
 William Penn Accused by Fuller ; Another order for his Arrest ; He 
 goes into Retirement ; Writes an Epistle General to Friends ; Letter to 
 Lord Piomney ; Letter to T. Llo^-d. 
 
 1690-91. 
 
 In the year 1690 William Penn was arrested and brought be- 
 fore the Lords of Council on a charge of holding a treasonable 
 correspondence with the late King James. He desired to be 
 taken before King William in person, which was granted, and 
 the King, attended by his council, proceeded to examine him : 
 
 " A letter was then produced, which had been written to him 
 • Proud, i. 344. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 349 
 
 by James, and which had been intercepted by government on 
 its way, in which he (James) ' desired him (Penn) to come to 
 his assistance, and to express to him the resentments of his 
 favor and benevolence.' The question first put to Wilham Penn 
 was, why King James wrote to him ? He answered, that it was 
 impossible for him to prevent the King from writing to him, if 
 he, the King, chose it. He was then questioned as to what re- 
 sentments these were, which James seemed to desire of him. 
 He answered, he knew not, but he supposed the King meant 
 that he should endeavor his restoration. Though, however, he 
 could not avoid the suspicion of such an attempt, he could avoid 
 the guilt of it. He confessed he had loved King James, and, 
 as he had loved him in his prosperity, he could not hate him in 
 his adversity ; yes, he loved him yet for the many favors he had 
 conferred on him, though he could not join with him in what 
 concerned the state of the kingdom. He owned again, that he 
 had been much obhged to the King, and that he was willing to 
 repay his kindness by any private service in his power; but that 
 he must observe, inviolably and entirely, that duty to the state, 
 which belonged to all the subjects of it ; and, therefore, that he 
 had never had the wickedness even to think of endeavoring to 
 restore him that crown which had fallen from his head, so that 
 nothing in that letter could, in anywise, fix guilt upon him."* 
 
 This manly and ingenuous defence had so much weight with 
 the King that he was willing to discharge him, but some of the 
 Council objecting, he, to please them, ordered him to give bail 
 to appear at the next Trinity term ; which being compHed with, 
 he was then allowed his personal liberty. 
 
 The foregoing account is derived from Clarkson, whose au- 
 thority is Gerard Croese. It is corroborated by an extract from 
 Picart's " Religious Customs and Ceremonies of Nations," in 
 which, after alluding to James's letter, the author adds that 
 " Penn was strictly examined concerning this correspondence. 
 His answer was noble, generous and wise; but party animo- 
 sity made it be looked upon in the hurry of spirits, at that time, 
 as a barefaced espousing of King James's cause." 
 
 • clarkson. 
 
 30 
 
350 LIFE OF 
 
 At the time appointed, he appeared at court, but no one ap- 
 pearing against him, he was again honorably discharged. He 
 now resumed his preparations for a voyage to America, but was 
 soon involved in still greater trouble. During the summer of 
 1690, King WilHam passed over to Ireland with an army to 
 oppose the French and Irish forces under James, who had pos- 
 session of that island. The French fleet was hovering on the 
 English coasts, and the whole nation was in a state of alarm 
 and excitement. 
 
 Queen Mary, being left at the helm of government, exerted 
 herself with great vigor; and being apprehensive that the friends 
 of the late King, her father, might seize this opportunity to 
 raise a rebellion, she issued a proclamation for the arrest of 
 eighteen persons supposed to be disaffected to the government. 
 They were mostly noblemen and military officers, but William 
 Penn, from his well-known friendship to James, was included 
 among them. He was again apprehended and lodged in prison 
 to await his trial. On the last day of Michaelmas term, he was 
 brought before the court of the King's Bench, Westminster, but 
 there being no sufficient evidence against him, he was again 
 discharged.* 
 
 Being now at liberty, he issued printed proposals for a second 
 settlement in Pennsylvania, which probably was designed to be 
 on the Susquehannah. " He had so far prepared for his trans- 
 portation that an order for a convoy was granted him by the 
 Secretary of State,"! when his voyage was prevented by a fresh 
 accusation. He had been attending at the death-bed of his 
 loved and honored friend George Fox, who finished his course 
 in London the 13th of the 11th month (January), 1690-91. 
 The duty of communicating this mournful event to the widow, 
 who was then in Lancashire, devolved upon WilUam Penn : " I 
 am," he says, "to be teller to thee of sorrowful tidings, in some 
 respect, which is this : that thy dear husband, and my beloved 
 and dear friend, finished his glorious testimony, this night, 
 about half an hour after nine, being sensible to the last breath. 
 
 " 0! he is gone, and has left us in the storm that is over our 
 
 * Life prefixed to his works, f Ibid, 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 351 
 
 heads, surely in great mercy to him, but as an evidence to us of 
 sorrow to come." In alhiding to his powers as a minister of 
 the Gospe], he says, "A prince indeed is fallen in Israel to-day." 
 "He died as he lived a lamb, minding the things of God, and his 
 church to the last, in our universal spirit."* 
 
 William Penn attended the funeral, and preached to the large 
 concourse assembled, when he narrowly esca})ed being taken 
 by officers, who were sent for that purpose, but mistaking the 
 hour, came too late. 
 
 He subsequently learned that only two days previously, an 
 infamous wretch named William Fuller, who the Parliament 
 afterwards declared was " a cheat and a notorious imposter," 
 had under oath accused him to the government, and that a war- 
 rant was issued for his apprehension. f This vexatious proceed- 
 ing deranged all his plans ; for to leave England while he was 
 under suspicion and subject to arrest, would be construed by 
 his enemies as an evidence of his guilt, and if, on the other 
 hand, he gave himself up for trial, he would probably be sub- 
 jected to danger from the oaths of a profligate villain, and even 
 an acquittal, as he had frequently experienced, w^as no security 
 against fresh accusations. In this sad dilemma, feeling like one 
 hunted for his life, he concluded to defer his cherished purpose 
 of returning to Pennsylvania ; he allowed the vessels to depart 
 without him, and having taken private lodgings in London, he 
 lived in seclusion. 
 
 Here he devoted himself to study, to writing, and religious 
 meditation, being also frequently visited by his friends, among 
 whom was John Locke, and others eminent for their worth. 
 
 About this time, he addressed to the members of his own 
 religious society, a letter which affords an interesting view of 
 his state of mind and a touching evidence of his humility and 
 resignation. It is found among the Penn MSS., in the archives 
 of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, and ap- 
 pears to have been written by an amanuensis, but the inter- 
 lineations and one entire paragraph are in his own hand- 
 writing, viz. : 
 
 • Clarkson. f Ibid. 
 
252 LIFE OF 
 
 AN EPISTLE GENERAL TO THE PEOPLE OF GOD, CALLED QUAKERS, 
 BY THEIR FRIEND AND BROTHER WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 " Containing, 1st. — A testimony to the holy truth and way of- God. 
 
 " 2d. — An exhortation to the people of God to walk in it. 
 
 " 3d. — A vindication of himself from the slanders of wicked men. 
 
 " Dearly beloved friends and brethren, to whom my soul wisheth the 
 increase of grace, mercy, and peace from God our father and our Lord 
 Jesus Christ: — 
 
 "It is now about 22 years since I embraced the testimony of the 
 blessed truth and the fellow.ship of it amongst you, which is Christ the 
 light of the world in us, the hope of the glory which is to come. I can- 
 not repine, notwithstanding the many sorts of troubles and afflictions I 
 have met withal on that account, whether they came from my near rela- 
 tions, or the governments of the world, or my neighbors, or my enemies, 
 or my false friends, above all considerations I bow my knee to the God 
 and father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Lord of Glory, with holy thanks 
 and humble praises, that he has given me the knowledge of himself by the 
 light and grace of his Son in my heart, unto which I turned in my youth- 
 ful days by that spiritnal and Gospel ministry that God has raised up 
 amongst you, that reached the conscience in word and doctrine. And 
 though I have been compassed about with manifold difBculties in my 
 time and service, yet I can say my desire has been to serve him in the 
 Gospel of his Son, for the exultation of his own glorious name and truth, 
 according to the gift I received from him, from whom every good and 
 perfect gift comes, who is the great Father of lights and spirits. By him 
 alone it has been that I have been enabled to speak well of his name from 
 the experience I have had of the goodness he has shown to my soul, both 
 in his judgments and mercies ; and I can say that his mercies endure 
 forever; and they that will try, shall find, that there is mercy with 
 him, that he may he feared. His word of light, grace and truth in 
 the heart will cleanse the young man's ways, and guide the old man 
 in the path he should walk, to peace. I found that from the revela- 
 tion of this word in the soul, springs the true conviction and know- 
 ledge of God and a man's self, and by nothing else can man be convicted 
 and born again. Further, I perceived that in this living, revealing word, 
 standeth the true niinistry and all acceptable private devotion — religion 
 without this being an empty sound, an insipid thing, an image or picture 
 of a living thing, but it is without real life and motion. To know the 
 convincing, converting, and redeeming power of this word, and to be ac- 
 quainted with the needful and excellent graces of it ; for ' tis a word of 
 faith, reconciliation and patience, meekness and regeneration,' I found 
 there must be a sincere retirement of the soul from all self-love, and the 
 lusts and vanities of the world, and an humble and steady waiting for its 
 inward holy monitions and illuminations in the soul, and a resignation 
 
WILLIAM PENN. Sbo 
 
 to tlie holy doctrine it teacheth, be it never so cross to our vain desires 
 and carnal inclinations and customs, vrhich unfolded to me the discipline 
 of the true cross of Christ, and what it was to take it up daily and follow 
 him that bore it, for the love of him, and that there was no other way to 
 follow Jesus fully, and attain to the glory that shall hereafter be revealed, 
 and that crown which never fades away. Now, friends, here you are, for 
 God has brought you hither to this sense, knowledge, and experience of 
 his new covenant work, which is the glory of the latter days, and though 
 sown in clouds, yet you need not that any one should now teach you, say- 
 ing, know the Lord, for I know you know him, and where he dwells, 
 and how to approach him — and therefore here keep, and in the feeling 
 and guidance of this divine word and oracle, abide. If any should call 
 upon you, lo here ! and lo there ! go not forth, for if it were possible for an 
 angel from heaven to come with another Gospel than this word of light and 
 grace in the heart, let him be accursed. Whither should you, or can you go 
 for true satisfaction, when this word hath the words of eternal life ? and 
 it cannot be otherwise, since in this word is life, and that light is the life 
 of men, and this is the condemnation of the world that it has this light, 
 and yet men will not bring their deeds to it ; but the reason is plain, be- 
 cause they love darkness rather than light, and the cause of that is, be- 
 cause their deeds are evil, and will not bear the discovery of that blessed 
 day dawning upon the soul. 
 
 " Wherefore, dear friends, that you may be new Covenant Children, 
 true Jews, Circumcision in Spirit, Christians of Christ's christening, and 
 making, by fire and by the Holy Ghost, by the holy water of the word of 
 regeneration, that washes the inside and takes out the spots of the soul, 
 and is called the laver of the word ; I beseech you in the bowels of Christ 
 Jesus to love this word, and hide it in your hearts, wait upon it and com- 
 mune with it, that you may know it to be your holy oracle, to inspire, 
 guide and order you through the whole course of your pilgrimage, till you 
 shall have fought out the good fight of faith, and finished your course, 
 and shall arrive at the rest of God, reserved by him for his people that 
 endure to the end. 
 
 "And now, my friends, as concerning the present tossings and revolu- 
 tions of things that are in the world, let your eye he to God ; believe not 
 efcry spirit, nor lay hands suddenly on persons or things, but be humble 
 and sober, and do to others as you would that they should do to you, and 
 stand still that you may see the salvation of God come in His own way, 
 for so you are to receive it and share in it. And for those clamors that 
 have almost darkened the air against me, your suifering friend and 
 brother, be neither troubled nor captivated by them, but keep your minds 
 chaste in the dwellings of truth, and possess your souls in patience, and 
 in this true frame of spirit remember me as I have never forgotten j^ou. 
 But of one thing be assured, I am innocent both of the imputation of 
 Jesuitism, Popery, and plots, and my God will in his good time confound 
 
 30* 
 
354 LIFE OF 
 
 their devices that trouble you and me with their false things, though I 
 beseech him to forgive the authors of them as I desire mercy for my own 
 soul. I have little deserved this measure and usage from any of the 
 people of this nation. The Lord God Almighty knows I have universally 
 sought the liberty and peace of it, and that nothing may take place to 
 spoil or hinder that good work, nor can any upon earth justly task me 
 with advancing any one thing that unbecomes a Christian and an 
 Englishman ; neither blood, popery, money, nor slavery, can be laid at 
 my door. I wrought as well as I could with the strength and instruments 
 I had, for a general good. If some things were done that were not well 
 done and pleased not, it was no fault of mine, and that is well known to 
 many persons of unquestionable truth. 
 
 " I never accepted of any commission hut that of a free and common 
 Solicitor for sufferers of all sorts and in all parties, which made my con- 
 versation very general. I thought that charity, which gave me that 
 office, should know no man after the flesh, nor suiFer bounds to any that 
 needed it, nor do I find in my conscience that doing what good one can 
 under any government is a sin or a fault, for which a man ought to be 
 stigmatized or evilly entreated. I acknowledge I was an instrument to 
 break the jaws of persecution ; to that end I once took the freedom to re- 
 member King James of his frequent assurances in favor of liberty of 
 conscience, and with much zeal used my small interest with him to gain 
 that point upon his ministers that he told me were against it. That so 
 the doors of our prisons and meeting houses, until that time cruelly shut 
 against us, might be opened, and the poor and the widow, and the 
 orphan, might come forth and praise God in the use of a just freedom. 
 This and personal good offices were my daily business at Whitehall, of 
 which I can take the righteous God of heaven and earth to witness. Nor 
 can I yet see that providence of liberty and peace which we enjoyed under 
 him, was such a trick or snare as some have represented it. Harm is to 
 them that harm think ; we sought but our just and Christian privilege, 
 and I heartily wish that they that thought so may do better and answer 
 that great expectation that has been raised in the people's minds about it. 
 One thing I know — could I have apprehended that the good days we had 
 during his reign, were a trick to introduce evil ones, all obligations would 
 have ceased with me, and no man have more earnestly and cheerfully 
 engaged after my manner against his government than myself. For, 
 alas ! what did I seek, or what have I got ! what I have spent and lost is 
 much harder to tell. But I leave that with a just and good God to re- 
 prize me and mine in his own way and time, as I do to vindicate my 
 opprest innocency against my implacable adversaries, of whom with David 
 I can say, ' they have hated me without a cause,' and as he expresses 
 himself. Psalms 100, v. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, ' Hold not thy peace, God of my 
 praise, for the mouth of the wicked and the mouth of the deceitful are 
 opened against me — with a lying tongue have they compassed me about, 
 
WILLIAM PENN. doo 
 
 also with woids of hatred; and fought against me without a cause; for 
 my love they are my adversaries, but I give myself to prayer ; and they 
 have rewarded me evil for good, and hatred for my love.' 
 
 " The Lord God Almighty rebuke the wrath and wickedness of man, 
 and look down from heaven upon this broken and sinful nation in his 
 great mercy, and heal it of all its distempers, that we, notwithstanding 
 the judgments of God that seem to gather over our heads as a dark cloud, 
 may yet see righteousness and peace break forth in this land, as the sun 
 in the fulness and strength of his glory. And for you, my dear brethren, 
 in whose cause, and for whose sakes I have been as one killed all the day 
 long, have your conversation, let me entreat you, according to the Gospel, 
 in sobriety and humility, in patience and brotherly kindness. Be stead- 
 fast and immovable in every good word and work, that in all things you 
 may walk as becometh the true disciples of Christ, whose kingdom is not 
 of this world, and who teacheth his followers how to live in it as they 
 ought to do, rather than how to get it, that so your Heavenly Father may 
 be glorified by you, who is worthy, with the Son, to receive all glory and 
 praise, with obedience and reverence, now and for ever. 
 
 " I am, in the sufferings and patience of the kingdom of Christ which 
 yet remain, your faithful friend and bi'other, WM. PENN." 
 
 He had been little more than six weeks in retirement, when 
 another proclamation was issued for his apprehension and that 
 of Doctor Turner, Bishop of Ely, and James Graham, founded 
 on the accusation of Fuller, that they were engaged in a con- 
 spiracy with the Earl of Clarendon, Viscount Preston, and 
 others to send intelligence to King James the Second, and invite 
 him back to England."* 
 
 If the government had been anxious for William Penn's ap- 
 prehension, doubtless the officers could readily have found him 
 at his private lodgings in London, but it appears probable that 
 the King and Queen were satisfied of his innocence, and only 
 permitted his name to be inserted in the proclamation for effect, 
 in compliance with the wishes of some members of the cabinet, 
 and to satisfy the clamors of the public. 
 
 The odium to which he was subjected now became greater 
 than ever. His enemies reiterated the old charges of Jesuitism 
 and Popery ; the arbitrary and unpopular measures of King 
 James were attributed to him, and he was everywhere held up 
 as an object of public reprobation. With the exception of Dr. 
 
 • Clarkson, 
 
356 LIFE OF 
 
 Tillotson and a few others, the clergy of the established Church 
 felt great animosity against him for the part he had taken in 
 promoting religious liberty, and even among the Dissenters, 
 whose cause he had always espoused, many, misled by slander- 
 ous reports, branded him with opprobrious epithets. There is 
 no reason to believe that he lost the esteem of his own religious 
 society, but it appears that a few" of its members allowed the 
 popular clamor to influence their judgments concerning him. 
 
 The Yearly Meeting of Friends being assembled in London, 
 he addressed them, from his retreat, the following touching and 
 affectionate letter : 
 
 "3d mo. 30th, 1691. 
 " Mt Beloved, Dear, and Honored Brethren — My unchangeable 
 love salutes you, and though I am absent from you, yet I feel the sweet 
 and lovely life of your heavenly felloAvship, by which I am with you, and 
 a partaker amongst you, whom I have loved above my chiefest joy. Re- 
 ceive no evil surmisings : neither sufifer hard thoughts, through the in- 
 sinuations of any, to enter your minds against me, your afflicted, but not 
 forsaken friend and brother. My enemies are yours, and, in the ground, 
 mine for your sakes ; and that God seeth in secret, and will one day re- 
 ward openly. My privacy is not because men have sworn truly, but 
 falsely, against me ; ^ for wicked men have laid in wait for me, and fahe 
 witnesses hare laid to my charge things that I kneio not ;' who have never 
 sought myself, but the good of all, through great exercises ; and have 
 done some good, and would have done more, and hurt no man ; but al- 
 ways desired that truth and righteousness, mercy and peace, might take 
 place amongst us. Feel me near you, my dear and beloved brethren, and 
 leave me not, neither forsake, but wrestle with Him, that is able to prevail 
 against the cruel desires of some ; but we may yet meet in the congrega- 
 tions of His people, as in days past, to our mutual comfort. The ever- 
 lasting God of His chosen, in all generations, be in the midst of you, and 
 crown your most solemn assemblies with His blessed presence, that His 
 tender, meek, lowly and heavenly love and life, may flow among you, and 
 that He would please to make it a seasoning and fruitful opportunity to 
 you, desiring to be remembered of you befere Him, in the nearest and 
 freshest accesses, who cannot forget you, in the nearest relation. 
 
 " Your faithful friend and brother, WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 In order that the King's mind might be disabused of the 
 false impressions made by his accusers, Penn addressed to his 
 friend, Henry Sidney, the following letters, viz : 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 357 
 
 TO THE LORD ROMNEY, TO SHOW KING WILLIAM. 
 
 " I thought I owed it to the Kino-, to my friends, and to myself, to make 
 this address, which is with all humility, and the respect that becomes me and 
 my very afflicting circumstances, which I take the liberty by my friend's 
 hand to recommend to the King's justice and goodness. To his justice, that 
 he would not let himself be prevailed Avith to entertain such hard things of 
 me, as the ignorance of some, and art and prejudice of others have sug- 
 gested against me, for in those respects I am extremely injured — but if I 
 am not to be believed, I can never hope to be justified in the opinion of 
 the King, or of those that have been told ill things of me, against the cur- 
 rent and designs of some people. To his goodness — To allow me to live 
 quietly anywhere, either in this kingdom or in America, and that the 
 King may be secured that I will make no ill use of his favor, I do not only 
 humbly offer my solemn promise of an inoffensive behavior, hut the security 
 of a society of honest, sober people, that I dare believe, loill be the jpledges of 
 my peaceful living; than which no man can tender a greater to any govern- 
 ment in a personal case. 
 
 " My old and good friend, let me say with decency to the King, he owes 
 thee as great a favor, and I will only add, that the King shall never have 
 cause to repent of granting this request, but hope in some little time to 
 convince him his favor is not flung away, if he pleases to bestow it. To 
 conclude, if I am not worth looking after, let me be quiet ; if I am of any 
 importance, I am worth obliging, and it will yjerhaps, serve the King 
 more than making me and my poor fomily unhappier than we are. Pray 
 him to reflect on what passed the last time I saw him, and whatever any- 
 body tells him, I am neither more culpable, nor less sincere and candid 
 than he was pleased to think me at that time. 
 
 " I will not now make my complaints, but he neither knows nor can 
 approve of the hardships I have undergone these two last years — enough 
 to have provoked, it may be, a better man to a less peaceable and sub- 
 missive, conduct. Lay my case before him — I can leave it with him — and 
 God Almighty dispose him to regard me and mine, under our present great 
 and pressing difficulties, for I confess I can by no means think him so 
 prejudiced or implacable as some represent him in my affair, and, there- 
 fore, I have refused all other offers of future safety or accommodation. 
 
 " Make the best use of this, and yet allow the old style of 
 
 " Thy affectionate faithful friend, WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 «'22d. A. 91." 
 
 ANSWER. 
 
 " The King took it so, as I should not have been displeased to have 
 heard it."* 
 
 • Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa. iv. i, 192-4. 
 
358 LIFE OF 
 
 TO LORD ROMNEY. 
 
 " Let me be believed, and I am ready to appear, but when I remember 
 how they began to use me in L-eland upon corrupt evidence before this 
 business, and what some ill people have threatened here, besides those 
 under temptation, and the providences that have successively appeared 
 for my preservation under this retirement, I cannot, without an unjustifi- 
 able presumption, put myself into the power of my enemies. Let it be 
 enough, I say, and that truly, I know of no invasions or insurrections, 
 men, money, or arms, for them, or any juncto or consult for advice or 
 correspondency in order to it. Nor have I ever met with those named as 
 the members of this conspiracy, or prepared any measures with them, or 
 any else for the Lord's [Sunderland ?] to carry with him as one sense or 
 judgment, nor did I know of his being sent for up for any such voyage. 
 If I saw him a few days before by his great importunity, as some say, I 
 am able to defend (myself) from the imputations cast upon me, and that 
 with great truth and sincerity. Though in rigor, perhaps, it may incur the 
 censure of a misdemeanor, and therefore I have no reason to own it with- 
 out an assurance that no. hurt should ensue to me. Noble friend, sufier 
 not the King to be abused by lies to my ruin: My enemies are none of 
 his friends — I plainly see the design of the guilty is to make me so, and 
 the most guilty thinking dirt will best stick on me — to which old 
 grutches, as well as present conveniences to others, help not a little. Let 
 me go to America, or be protected here, and it will oblige," &c. &c. 
 
 ANSWER. 
 
 " The King's hurry was so great, he could not do anything in that nor 
 in the whole Scotch business that pressed him, but on the way and in 
 Holland, he would move him in it, where I had fewer ill wishers."* 
 
 " A letter to the Lady Renolagh to the same effect, to speak to Queen 
 Mary, a grave, religious, and wise woman — what else can I do ? I know 
 false witnesses are rife against me, both here and in Ireland."! 
 
 That his friends in Pennsylvania might understand the cause 
 of his detention in England, and be encouraged to increased 
 exertions on his behalf, he wrote the following letter : 
 
 TO THOMAS LLOYD, PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL. 
 
 '• London, 14th of 4th mo., 1691. 
 " Dear Friend — My love in the unchangeable truth, salutes thee and 
 thine, and the friends and fiimily of God, in those parts, desiring your 
 temporal and everlasting welfare, with an unfeigned affection. 
 
 * Mem. H. S. Pa. iv. i. 194-5. f Proud i. 348. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 359 
 
 " By this time thou wilt have heard of the renewal of my troubles, the 
 only let of my return, being in the midst of my preparations, with a great 
 compani/ of adveriturers, when they fell upon me. The jealousies of some, 
 and umvorthy dealing of others, have made way for them ; but under and 
 over it all, the ancient rock has been my shelter and comfort ; and I hope 
 yet to see your faces, with our ancient satisfactions. The Lord grant, if 
 it be for his glory, whose I desire to be, in all conditions ; for this world 
 passeth away and the form and beauty of it fadeth ; but there are eternal 
 habitations for the faithful ; amongst whom I pray that my lot may be, 
 rather than amongst the jirinces of the eai'th. I hope I need not urge my 
 circumstances to excite thy love, care and concern for me and my sujBfer- 
 ing interest, in the country. I know thou hast better learned Christ and 
 Cato, if I may so say, and wilt embrace such an opportunity to choose to 
 express thy friendship and sincerity ; nor is uncertainty and changeablc- 
 ness thy fault ; wherefore I will say no moi-e, but desire that my afflictions 
 may cease, if not cure, your animosities or discontents, within yourselves, 
 if yet they have continued ; and that thou wilt both in government and to 
 my commissioners of property, yield thy assistance all thou canst. By 
 all this God may prepare me io Ije jitter for future service even to you there. 
 I ask the people forgiveness for my long stay ; but when I consider how 
 much it has been my great loss, and for an ungrateful generation, it is 
 punishment ! — It has been £20,000 to my damage in the country, and above 
 £10,000 pounds here, and to the province, 500 families ; but the wise God 
 that can do what he pleases, as well as see what is in man's heart, is able to 
 requite all ; and I am persuaded all shall j^et work together for good in 
 this very thing, if we can overlook all that stands in the way of our views, 
 Godward, in public matters. See that all be done prudently and humbly, 
 and keep down irreverence and looseness, and cherish industry and so- 
 briety. The Lord God Almighty be with you, and amongst you, to his 
 praise and your peace. Salute me to John Simcock, R. Turner, A. Cook, 
 T. Janney, Ph. Pemberton, S. Richardson, W. Yardly, the Welch Friends 
 and Plymouth Friends, indeed to all of them. 
 
 •' Thou hast heard of our great loss of dear John Buruyeat, and Robert 
 Lodges, one in Ireland, and t'other in England, in about the same week ; 
 and Robert Barclay, Th. Salthouse and dearly beloved George Fox, since. 
 He died at Henry Goulney's, by Gracious street meeting-house, where he 
 preached his farewell the first day, and departed the third, at night, be- 
 tween nine and ten. I was with him, he earnestly recommended to me his 
 love to you all, and said, ' William, mind poor Friends in America.' He 
 died triumphantly over death ; very easily foresaw his change ; he was 
 buried on the sixth day ; — like a general meeting ; — 2000 people at his 
 burial — Friends and others. I was never more public than that day ; I 
 felt myself easy ; he was got into his Inn, before the storm that is coming 
 overtook him, and that night, very providentially, I escaped the messen- 
 ger's hands. I shall add only, that Friends have had an extraordinary time 
 
360 LIFE OF 
 
 this General Meeting, so that God supplied that Tisible loss with his glo- 
 rious presence. R. Davis there, but not thy brother. In sincere love I 
 bid thee, thy wife and family and friends, farewell. 
 
 " Thy true friend, WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Dissension between the Province and Territories ; Members of 'Council 
 from the latter Withdraw ; William Penn reluctantly consents to their 
 Separation ; Markham made Governor of the Territories ; Letter of Wil- 
 liam Penn ; Religious Controversy with George Keith ; His Separation 
 and disownment ; He is Prosecuted and Fined ; Goes to England and 
 becomes an Episcopal Minister ; Letter of William Penn to R. Turner, 
 about Keith's Views; William Penn's Government superceded by the 
 appointment of Fletcher ; His troubles increased by his Wife's Illness ; 
 Letters of William Penn to Friends and to Lord Rochester. 
 
 1692-3. 
 
 While the proprietary of Pennsylvania was compelled, by false 
 accusations to forego his cherished purpose of returning thither, 
 as his permanent home, the affairs of the colony were suffering 
 for want of his paternal care. 
 
 In order to promote the prosperity of the province and the 
 three lower counties, called the territories (now constituting the 
 State of Delaware), he had united them under one government, 
 allowing the territories a suitable number of representatives in 
 the Council and General Assembly, and further to conciliate them 
 he had sometimes convened the Assembly at New Castle. 
 
 During his absence some jealousies had crept in between 
 the members of the territories and those of the province : they 
 were originally balanced in power, there being three counties in 
 each, with an equal number of representatives; but the province 
 was large, its population was rapidly increasing, and it must 
 have been manifest to all that the balance of power would soon 
 preponderate in its favor. For this reason, probably, some of 
 the inhabitants of the territories began to think they had distinct 
 and even conflicting interests, which led to a misunderstanding. 
 
WILLIAM PEiS^N. 361 
 
 After the resignation of Governor Blackwell, the disagree- 
 ment between these parties continued to increase, and six mem- 
 bers of Council from the territories proceeded, in an illegal man- 
 ner, to appoint and commission judges, without the concurrence 
 of the Board or of Thomas Lloyd, their president. This illegal 
 measure was protested against by the Council in the latter part 
 of the year 1690, but in the following year, the members for the 
 territories proceeded to still greater extremes. 
 
 It appears that Penn, in order to gratify the colonists, had 
 given them the option of three different modes for the exercise 
 of the executive power, that of the council, of five commission- 
 ers, or of a deputy governor. The province was in favor of a 
 deputy governor, and was satisfied with Thomas Lloyd, but the 
 members of Council from the territories drew up a protest, in 
 1691, stating that this " was to them the most grievous of any, 
 on account of the choice of all officers being placed in a single 
 person, and the expense or charge of his support," therefore, 
 they would not agree to it, but they would submit to the govern- 
 ment of the Council, though they would prefer the five com- 
 missioners. Much pains were taken to reconcile them, but 
 without success. They withdrew from the Council and returned 
 home, after which Thomas Lloyd sent a deputation to New 
 Castle to confer with them, and wrote them a letter promising 
 that no part of the charge for his services should fall upon the 
 territories unless by their voluntary offer. 
 
 These efforts at reconciliation proving unavailing, the proprie- 
 tary, with much reluctance, submitted to the separation, and 
 commissioned Thomas Lloyd as governor of the province; and 
 William Markham, who appears to have gone with the seceders, 
 was placed over the territories as their executive, " under certain 
 restrictions."* Penn was much grieved at these dissensions. 
 Writing to a friend, in the summer of 1692, he says, "I left it 
 to them to choose either the government of the council, or five 
 commissioners, or a deputy: what could be tenderer? Now I 
 perceive, Thomas Lloyd is chosen by the three upper, but not 
 by the three lower counties ; and sits down with this broken 
 
 • Proud, i. 357. 
 31 
 
3G2 LIFE OF 
 
 choice. This has grieved and wounded me and mine ; I fear the 
 hazard of all ! Whatever the morals of the lower counties are, 
 it was embraced as a mercy, that we got and united them to 
 the province ; and a great charter ties them. * * * * I 
 desire thee to write to them, which they will mind more now 
 than on the spot; and lay their union upon them; for else the 
 governor of New York is like to have all, if he has it not already. 
 The Lord forgive them their unspeakable injury to me and mine. 
 I have sent, six months ago, to J. Goodson a commission, if my 
 letter prevails not, that was to unite them ; that Thomas Lloyd 
 be governor above, and Capt. Markham below, under such and 
 such restrictions, &c." " I was going in the* second month at 
 farthest, all things preparing, as Friends of London know, when 
 this trouble broke out upon me, in the eleventh; and such have 
 been my hardships, I could not get clear without snares, &c., so 
 wait God's time, who has a hand in all this, and I believe, in the 
 end, every way for good." 
 
 His dissatisfaction with Thomas Lloyd for accepting a partial 
 commission, was soon removed by a letter from the Council, 
 exculpating him entirely from being accessory to the separation, 
 showing that instead of his being a gainer by the office of deputy 
 governor, he had impaired his estate by his attention to public 
 affairs; that he was a lover and promoter of concord, and that 
 he " never accepted that commission but by the importunity of 
 his friends, or at the earnest request of the province." 
 
 Although the proprietary had consented with great reluctance 
 to this arrangement, it answered beyond his expectations in re- 
 storing harmony ; and as both parties were sensible that he had 
 been grieved by their dissensions, they endeavored to relieve his 
 mind by a joint letter, from the two Deputy Governors and the 
 members of Council, expressive of their affection and of their 
 earnest desire for his return to the province. 
 
 About the time that these changes were effected in the pro- 
 vince and territories, dissensions of a far more painful and exci- 
 ting tendency sprung up among the colonists in relation to the 
 religious doctrines of Friends. The dispute originated with 
 George Keith, a prominent minister and an author of several 
 
WILLIAMPENN. 
 
 religious works.* He was by birth a Scotchman, but had lived 
 much in England, had travelled with Penn on the continent, 
 and was employed for one year as the principal teacher in the 
 public school at Philadelphia. He possessed considerable lite- 
 rary attainments, and being quick of apprehension and logical in 
 argument, he had been regarded as an able champion for the 
 faith he professed ; but unhappily he was too fond of disputation, 
 and finding his brethren in religious profession could not unite in 
 all his theological views and nice distinctions, he became sour 
 and censorious. He had been much respected, but now ap- 
 peared ambitious of greater distinction as a leader in the society, 
 proposing and urging new regulations in its discipline, com- 
 plaining that there was " too great a slackness therein," and 
 accusing some of its most valued ministers of preaching, '■'■ false 
 doctrine^'' although it was thought they preached the same views 
 he had formerly advocated in his writings. 
 
 Another objection urged by him against some of the most in- 
 fluential members, was the part they took in the government of 
 the province, alleging that by acting as magistrates and exe- 
 cuting the penal laws against malefactors, they violated their 
 principles. The last of these charges had reference principally 
 to the course pursued in arresting a privateer, named Babbit, 
 who took a sloop from the wharf at Philadelphia, proceeded 
 down the river and committed several robberies. A warrant 
 being issued for his apprehension, Peter Boss, with some others, 
 pursued him in a boat and took him and his crew without any 
 warlike weapon. 
 
 At length, George Keith having set up a separate meeting in 
 Philadelphia, and being in the practice of defaming the charac- 
 ters of Friends, the meeting of ministers disowned him, which 
 act w^as confirmed by the yearly meetings of Burlington and 
 London. He and Thos. Budd were presented by the Grand 
 Jury of Philadelphia, for defaming Samuel Jennings, a pro\in- 
 cial judge, and being found guilty, were fined five pounds each. 
 These fines, however, were never exacted. f 
 
 The meetings set up by Keith and his adherents, threatened 
 
 * Gough's Hist, of Quakers, vol iii. 
 
 I Smith's Hist, of Pa, Hazard's Reg. vol. yi. 
 
364 LIFE OF 
 
 to make a formidable schism in the society, but he having gone 
 to England, joined the Episcopal church, was ordained by the 
 Bishop of London, and returned to Pennsylvania as a clergyman 
 in orders. This conduct so disgusted his followers, that many 
 of them returned to the society, and the schism was finally healed. 
 The dissensions that led to this separation being reported to 
 Penn during his retirement in London, contributed to increase 
 the burden of his cares. One of his intimate friends, Robt. 
 Turner, a member of the council, and formerly one of the pro- 
 vincial judges, having joined the seceders, wrote him a letter on 
 the subject, to which he returned an answer characteristic of his 
 wisdom and charity : viz. 
 
 "London, 29th of 9lh mo., '92 
 " Dear Robert Turner.* — My love in the Lord salutes thee and thine, 
 and the Lord's people thereaway, and the inhabitants also : much 
 wishing your preservation in this perilous day, both invrardly and out- 
 wardly. 
 
 "Thine I have by T. II., and presented thine to G. W. &c., and as to the 
 difference among Friends, my heart is bowed under it, chiefly on Truth's 
 account, for I never felt a thought of interest stir in several days after it 
 came to me. But it has helped me into a fever that has attended me 
 about five weeks, of which I am now, through mercy, better. I see this 
 difference is more in spirit than in words or matter, an unbearing, untra- 
 vailing frame [of mind,] for one another, not considering how much and 
 how far, they should have borne for his sake that has borne so much for 
 us all. ***** 
 
 "My soul's travail is, in that which is of God and leads to Him, and 
 keeps in Him ; that G. K., would in the ancient meekness and tender- 
 ness, in which he was right worthy to me, let fall his separate meeting, 
 and that now they meet together as before, for I hope peace would follow. 
 For as to believing in Christ's manhood, it is Friend's principle, he is 
 like unto us in all things, sin excepted, and that manhood is not vanisht ; 
 though out of our sight, it is somewhere, and wherever it is, it must be in 
 a glorified state, but what that state is, or where it is, or how to frame 
 ideas of either in our minds, are intrusions or curiosities above what is 
 written or convenient. Can we hope our manhood shall be glorified and 
 deny his to be so, that made way with his, within the vail, for ours ? 
 lie is glorified for us, as our common head, and we shall, with him, be 
 
 •The original of this letter is in the archives of the Am. Phil. Society at Phila- 
 delphia, — some parts of it are almost illegible. 
 
WILLIAM PEXN. 365 
 
 glorified too, as his members, if we through patience and tribulation over- 
 come also. 
 
 "Wherefore, dear Robert, urge this on George ; but now when this is 
 said, that Christ came in our nature and has glorified it as an eternal 
 temple to himself, yet he is to be known nearer (than so without us) and 
 that is, in us. Thus Paul knew him and preached him as the riches of 
 the glory of the Christian day, the mystery hid from ages and generations 
 and then revealed, ' Christ in them the hope of glory.' He makes it the 
 character and discrimination of a Christian, 2 Cor. xiii, 5, and Christ taught 
 himself that it was expedient he went, as outwardly, that he might send 
 them that which would be better for them, and what was that but his 
 own appearance in spirit, ' I will not leave you comfortless, I will come to 
 you,' and ' he that was with them should be in them,' John xiv. So that 
 tho' the nature and transactions of Christ are reverently believed, and 
 are more than historical, looking back to the beginning of the world and 
 forward to the end of it ; yet the immediate object of our mind and requi- 
 site and profitable exercise thereof, is the spiritual appearance of Christ 
 in us, which is a step nearer to us than our natural without us, because 
 it is being in us ; this is what God has turned our minds unto and what 
 knowledge we had before we counted as dross comparatively. Here it 
 was we came to know God aright, sensibly and virtuously to our souls, 
 and by obeying this manifestation we came to read Scripture edifyingly, 
 and to our comfort, and to value aright God's love in all former dispensa- 
 tions, more especially that of his Son as the crown of them ; but then our 
 religion stood, and must stand, as the living work of God in us, in our 
 conformity to his will, death to self, entirely, as the passage to life, in 
 him who is our life. This sweet, this blessed knowledge and fellowship 
 is what we have been led to press and prefer as bringing things home, 
 and the work to our own doors and houses, which is, to me, the glory and 
 excellency of our dispensation ; so it is, I know, to the many thousands of 
 Israel. 
 
 " 0, let this still be our holy care, love and Imsiness, and great shall be 
 our reward, when the Rewarder comes to judge the world. Thus much 
 for these things. 
 
 " Now, for government, — what shall I say ? 
 
 " A day of temptation is coming over you as a just exercise from the 
 Lord for your animosities and divisions, in which blessed are they that 
 are clear and innocent. The Lord reach you with his love, and tender 
 you and bring you into that union I left you, both in civils and spirituals. 
 You are threatened, I hear, with French Indians ; if it should prove true 
 your union in civils might have covered Friends, that now stand in the 
 province more exposed than before, because they only are in power, and 
 so must have the part alone to act, both as to that, and also as to standing 
 upon their patent against the commission of the Governor of New York, 
 to be yours during the war and my absence. So that they that took it 
 
 31* 
 
3G6 LIFE OF 
 
 80 ill, I ever employed any but Friends, may see it had been better they 
 had been of anothei* mind, for I expect a firm adherence to the patent, — 
 my freehold and inheritance, and so intimate to them in authority, as I 
 did to S. J. &c., before, by the last ships. If upon your reasons against 
 his executing of his commission, he desist not, then draw up your excep- 
 tions discreetly and fully, and lay them before the Lords of the Planta- 
 tions here, and Friends concei'ned in the province here, who will appear 
 for the province, and if that don't do, "Westminster Hall, and if that fail, 
 the House of Lords will do us right. 
 
 "But I hope my liberty may put an end to that. 
 
 * * * * " Thy true friend, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 About a month pre^^ous to the date of the foregoing letter, a 
 commission had been granted by the sovereigns, William and 
 Mary, to Benj. Fletcher, Governor of New York, directing him 
 to take under his jurisdiction the province of Pennsylvania and 
 the territories annexed. This step was urged by the enemies 
 of the proprietary, as necessary for the safety of the colony. It 
 was said that the French and Indians threatened the frontier 
 settlements, that no defence had been provided by the colonial 
 government, and that the province and the territories being at 
 variance, no efficient administration of the laws could be ex- 
 pected. They did not fail to adduce the religious dissensions 
 among Friends as another reason why they were unfit to govern, 
 and the prosecution against George Keith being misrepresented 
 by his party, was triumphantly held up as an evidence that the 
 Quakers, as well as others, could persecute for religion. 
 
 William Penn was sorely tried, his troubles seemed to in- 
 crease and press upon him with accumulated weight. Cast 
 down from a high and honored station in society, — accused of 
 being an enemy to the government and a traitor to the Protes- 
 tant cause, — living in close retirement to avoid arrest and im- 
 prisonment, — impoverished by expenditures for his province — 
 and now^ that province, the object of his hopes, withdraw^n from 
 under his government, — there was needed but one drop more 
 to fill the measure of his afllictions. That drop too was added. 
 His wife, one of the loveliest and best of women, was visibly 
 sinking in health, and her decline was attributed to intense 
 
 • Clarkson. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 3G7 
 
 anxiety, induced by her husband's calamities.* But aUhough 
 perplexed with care, and burdened with grief, he was not for- 
 saken ; having the solace of an approving conscience, and an 
 abiding trust in the Providence of God, who often permits his 
 servants to be tried in the furnace of affliction, in order to per- 
 fect their refinement, — who removes from them the attractions 
 of the world, in order to draw them nearer to himself, and when 
 they have relinquished all other dependence, manifests that the 
 arm of his power is sufficient to uphold them, and to cause "all 
 things to work together for their good." 
 
 In the following letter, without an address, written about this 
 time, he describes, with much feeling, the wrongs to which he 
 was subjected : 
 
 "I cannot bring myself to think, if the King or Queen could believe I 
 had no correspondence abroad, nor were busy against them at home, and 
 would sequester myself out of the way of having it in my power, if I had 
 the will, to oifend them, that they would distinguish me in so particular 
 a manner to my prejudice. But how to gain that belief in them, against 
 the insinuations of my enemies, is the diflSculty I labor under. In this 
 case I can only say, I am free of the first, and solemnly promise the last, 
 and call upon those that know me to vouch. If this will not do, and that 
 all that is said must be believed against me, and that I must be the price 
 of some people's ease, and a sacrifice to the malice of others, and that I, 
 only, of all the men of the kingdom must be undone ; to the good and 
 merciful God I commit myself and family, that has hitherto preserved us, 
 and believe the time will come when those that are pleased to think so 
 hardly of me now, will allow me to be a most abused and most oppressed 
 man. But let me use a little freedom. I have been above these three 
 years hunted, up and down, and could never be allowed to live quietly in 
 city or country, even then when there was hardly a pretence against me, 
 so that I have not only been unprotected, but persecuted by the govern- 
 ment. And before the date of this business which is laid to my charge, I 
 was indicted for high treason in Ireland before the Grand Jury of Dublin, 
 and a bill found upon the oaths of three scandalous men — Fuller, one 
 Fisher, and an Irishman whom I know not, and the last has not been in 
 England since the Revolution, nor I in Ireland these twenty years, nor do 
 I so much as know him by name, and all their evidence upon hearsay, 
 too. It may be, it is the most extraordinary case that has been known : 
 for that law by which Englishmen are tryable, absent, here or there, is 
 because a subject of these dominions may commit treason abroad, where 
 he cannot be tried ; but that an Englishman in England, walking about 
 the streets, should have a bill of high treason found against him in Ire- 
 
 • Clarkson. 
 
368 LIFE OF 
 
 land for a fact pretended to bo committed in England, when a man cannot 
 legally be tried in one county in England for a crime committed in 
 another. And the others are at ease that were accused for the same fault, 
 and that Fuller is nationally staged and censured for an imposter, that 
 was the chief of my accusers ; my estate in Ireland is, notwithstanding, 
 lately put up among the estates of outlaws to be leased for the crown, and 
 the collector of the hundred where it lies ordered to seize my rents and 
 lease it in the name of the government, and yet though I am not convicted 
 or outlawed. 
 
 "But though I am the sufferer, and in more things than this, I would 
 not exceed the bounds of moderation in my reflection ; but I hope I may 
 sav that thirty years wont show such a case in these kingdoms, and I 
 hope the government will find an interest, as well as justice and goodness, 
 to put an end to my many miseries. I am made able that I may be ren- 
 dered guilty, and my obligations to be so are aggravated to render it more 
 credible, that would rather call for allowances ; so that my virtue, if gra- 
 titude be one, is to be put in the scale to give weight enough to my faults 
 to destroy me. 
 
 " I know my enemies, and their true characters and history, and their 
 intrinsic value to this or other governments. I commit them to time, 
 with my own conduct and afflictions."* 
 
 Notwithstanding the loss of his government, he still cherished 
 the hope of going to America, but being embarrassed in his 
 circumstances, he could not command the requisite funds, which 
 induced him to write as follows : 
 
 TO FRIENDS IN PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 " London, 4th of 12th mo , '93. 
 " Dear Friends — Considering how things stand, and may stand with 
 you, and the visible necessity the province is under, as well as my own 
 interest and my earnest inclinations that I speedily returi), I have a pro- 
 posal to make, in which, if you answer me, I shall be able to make my 
 stay safe from the government, eas}^ to myself, just to my friends here, 
 and this in reason I ought to desire. In consideration, therefore, of my 
 very great expenses in King James's time, known in some measure to 
 J. H., and my gi-eat losses in the King's time, the one being at least 
 £7000 and the other above £4000 sterling, and £450 pr. aun. totally 
 wasted in Ireland, as J. II. can inform you ; by which means I cannot do 
 what is requisite to bring me among you without the time here which 
 may injure our joint interests or your helps to shorten it. I do propose 
 
 • M. H. S. Pa., vol. iv., part i., page 198. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 3G9 
 
 that a hundred persons in town, if able, or town and country, do send mo 
 free of interest, each of them, one hundred pounds for four years, or each 
 of them more or less, as able, so that it reach the sum, and I will give 
 you my bond to repay it to each of you in four years' time, or if not paid 
 in that time, a sufficient interest for the whole that remains unpaid at four 
 years' end, from that time forward till paid. I shall take it so kindly 
 from you, that if you gave me more at another time, it should not equally 
 please me, and it could not be done more reasonably for yourselves and 
 the whole province ; for depend upon it, and you have it under my hand, 
 God giving health for it, I will not stay six months ; no, not three months, 
 if I can in that time get a passage to remove to you, with my family also. 
 I hope to be more worth to you, and a great deal more to the province, 
 for here my back is turned of many. Some hundreds, if not thousands, 
 will follow, which will be your, as well as my advantage. You may be 
 informed of the reason of this proposal more particularly by K. F. and 
 J. H., if there be any need of it. Almighty God incline and direct you 
 for the best ; and determine quickly, for else my course will be, as you 
 may hear by J. H., otherwise in solitude. My sincere love salutes you, 
 and my wishes, in the will of God, are for all your happiness, whether I 
 see you any more, which, imder God, depends much upon your compliance 
 with my proposal ; and those that close with it shall ever be remembered 
 by me and mine. So, with my love, farewell. 
 
 " Your assured friend, WILLIAM PENN."* 
 
 It does not appear how this application was received, nor is 
 there any evidence of an etTort being made to raise the sum re- 
 quired. 
 
 Although he was anxious to remove to his province, and had 
 hopes of obtaining the King's permission, he was not willing to 
 receive his liberty on condition that he should go, for this would 
 place him in the attitude of a banished exile. This sentiment 
 is expressed in a letter he wrote to a nobleman who had inter- 
 ceded for him, viz. : 
 
 TO THE LORD ROCHESTER. 
 
 " I own it is a great misfortune to lie under such strong prepossessions 
 in a King, but it is some comfort that they have been raised by such as 
 have less deserved his protection or credit, but I will not be so vain as to 
 hope I can move him to believe me, and desire to forgive those that at 
 any rate served their turns upon me. But I own with great respect and 
 thankfulness the intercession of Lord Rochester whatever be the event of 
 it, — and to that which ho would know of me in reference to my going to 
 
 • M. H. S. Pa., vol. iv., part i., 202. 
 
b70 LIFE OF 
 
 America, I humbly say, that thither I intend and must go, If God and 
 the King please. My concerns there sufler beyond imagination, by a 
 constrained absence, but because my incumbrances here are known to 
 too many to be great in divers respects as to fortune and family, and in 
 Ireland bad enough, whither I must go to settle my almost ruined estate, 
 as well as to take off the prosecution begun against me upon Fuller's 
 evidence, and such another gentleman of his acquaintance, which, as I 
 expressed in my last, will make it next spring before I can possibly be 
 ready, at which time I intend as afore to set forward, and in the mean 
 time follow my own occasions in as private and inoffensive a manner as 
 I can. I would not say all this, nor use the precautions I do, but for the 
 most cruel and injurious characters some have loaded me with, (whom 
 (Tod forgive,) that have deserved better of a base world, never hurting 
 any, and obliging many. But there will be another judgment than 
 private and prejudicated breasts, where I cannot appear so black, nor 
 such a pole-cat as I am rendered, who am not only made the abler to be 
 the more guilty, but lest my fault should not be sufficient, my virtues 
 (gratitude to excess) must be aggravated to heap weight in the scale 
 against me. To conclude, — to America I was going in April '91, if this 
 misfortune had not hindered the January before, which is known to a 
 hundred honest and substantial people in the city, and I had printed an 
 intelligence to all concerned, and made a proposition to others therein, to 
 that effect, ready to have engaged with me in a new settlement. And the 
 like I purpose now, with God's help. But as I am not to trifle with the 
 government that can so easily see whether I do or not, I desire it under- 
 stood .that I will not receive my liberty to go as a condition to go there, and 
 he there as here looked upon as an articled exile. This I am sure the Lord 
 Rochester understands, and can best improve, to whose goodness and 
 management I refer myself, begging that neither King nor Queen will 
 look upon me with that severe eye, as I have been told they have done, 
 above every body else ; since whatever are my faults, falsehood and 
 revenge are none, nor do I desire their hurt, tho' those that have incensed 
 them against me must have designed my ruin. Pardon this length and 
 the impertinencies of the afflicted, that are always big with their own 
 unhappiness, and believe me yet to be what I have ever professed. 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
WILLIAM PENX. 371 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 "Just Measures" relating to Friends' Discipline and Women's Meetings ; 
 " Key" concerning Friends' Doctrines ; " Essay towards the Present and 
 Future Peace of Europe ;" " Fruits of Solitude ;" The Preface to it : 
 Wm. Penn cleared by King William ; Letter on the occasion to T. 
 Lloyd and others ; Death of his Wife ; her Character ; his Memorial 
 concerning her ; Letter to R. Turner. 
 
 1692-3. 
 
 During Penn's seclusion from the world, which continued 
 nearly three years, his vigorous and active mind was not unem- 
 ployed. Deprived of the privilege he so highly prized, of at- 
 tending the established meetings of Friends, he did not neglect 
 the duty of private devotion, and being restrained from the ex- 
 ercise of his gift in the Gospel ministry, he employed his pen in 
 advocating and enforcing the sacred truths of rehgion. His 
 excellent Preface to Robert Barclay's Works, and another to 
 those of John Burnyeat, were written in 1691, and in the follow- 
 ing year he published a tract called "Just Measures," which 
 was addressed to those members of the Society of Friends who 
 were dissatisfied with the rules of church discipline established 
 among them. 
 
 In order to give the reader a just conception of his views on 
 this important subject, it must be premised that the Society, by 
 the advice of Geo. Fox, established Monthly, Quarterly, and 
 Yearly Meetings, for the administration of church discipline, to 
 promote purity of life and conversation, to provide for the ne- 
 cessities of the poor, the orderly accomplishment of marriages, 
 and in general to secure the harmony and peace of the body. 
 
 In these meetings all members had an equal right to speak 
 their sentiments, and clerks were appointed to record their de- 
 cisions, which were not determined by majorities, but by unan- 
 imity and general consent. 
 
 As they held that women, as well as men, might be called to 
 
372 LIFE OF 
 
 the Gospel ministry, so they believed that females ought not to 
 be excluded from a share in the government of the church. 
 Accordingly, women's meetings for discipline were established, 
 in which, with some few exceptions, the same kind of business 
 was transacted in relation to their own sex, as that which 
 claimed the attention of the men with regard to theirs. It was 
 found that women could conduct their church affairs wuth judg- 
 ment and propriety, and in order that they might do it without 
 interference from men, they met in separate apartments. In 
 many cases the two branches acted in concert by joint com- 
 mittees, in order to prepare business in which both were equally 
 interested. 
 
 This beautiful order, so well adapted to develope the powers 
 of the female mind, and to elevate woman to the rank in society 
 she was designed to fill, was not satisfactory to some of the 
 male members, and to satisfy or convince these was the object 
 of Penn's treatise. " That there is a difference," he says, " is 
 but too plain, for it has in some parts proceeded to a separation, 
 as well as to places of worship, as in matters of discipline. 
 The ground of this dissatisfaction you say is, requiring your 
 compliance with some practices relating to discipline, particu- 
 larly women's meetings about marriages, before they are per- 
 mitted to be solemnized among us, some of you thinking that 
 there is no service for women's meetings at all, others that there 
 is no service in their being distinct from men's meetings, and 
 therefore no necessary compliance to be required, but every one 
 left to their liberty in Christ, lest imposition and formality should 
 prevail among us." Having thus stated their objections, he 
 proceeds to show that the matters complained of did not relate 
 to faith or worship, but merely to the method pursued in the 
 transaction of church business, and therefore no imposition upon 
 conscience could result from it. For the preservation of order, 
 the healing of differences, the care of the poor, &c., some 
 method must be adopted; that which existed was recommended 
 by experienced elders, and generally agreed to, therefore it 
 could not be called an infringement of Christian liberty. "But 
 it is asked, why should women meet apart ? We think for a 
 very good reason, the church increaseth, which increaseth the 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 3/3 
 
 business of the church, and women, whose bashfulness will not 
 permit them to say or do much as to church affairs before the 
 men, when by themselves, may exercise their gifts of wisdom 
 and understanding in a discreet care for their own sex, at least, 
 which makes up not the least part of the business of the church, 
 and this while the men are upon their proper business also. So 
 that as men and women make up the church, men and women 
 make up the business of the church." " I am as much for liberty 
 as any man. I ever was so, and hope I ever shall be for it, but 
 we must refer it to a proper object, or we shall abuse what we 
 so much prize, and pervert one of the greatest privileges we can 
 pretend to." 
 
 His next publication is entitled the "New Athenians no noble 
 Bereans," being an answer to aspersions cast upon the Society 
 of Friends in a paper called the Athenian Mercury. In the 
 same year he wTote a w^ork entitled, "A Key opening the Way 
 to every capacity, how to distinguish the ReHgion professed by 
 the people called Quakers, from the Perversions and Misrepre- 
 sentations of their Adversaries." This treatise was so highly 
 valued by the Society, that it reached the twelfth edition during 
 the life of the author. 
 
 It is divided into thirteen sections, in each of which, after stating 
 one of the perversions complained of, a concise and lucid ac- 
 count is given of the principle as held by Friends. 
 
 Penn produced at this time another work of great value and 
 importance, entitled " An Essay towards the Present and Future 
 Peace of Europe. 
 
 This work was intended to show the "desirableness of peace, 
 and the truest means of it ; to wit, justice, and not war." It 
 proposes that the states or nations of Europe should send depu- 
 ties to a "General Diet," or Congress of Nations, where all their 
 differences might be settled on equitable terms, without recourse 
 to arms. 
 
 It is worthy of note that a copy of this remarkable work, sup- 
 posed to be the same that Penn presented to Queen Anne, was 
 produced at the Peace Convention held within a few years at 
 I'aris, wdiere it was received by the members with great interest 
 as the fore-shadowing of their present plans. 
 
 32 
 
374 LIFE OF 
 
 Among the most valuable works of our author, produced in 
 this season of retirement, is one published in 1693, entitled, 
 " Some Fruits of Solitude in Reflections and Maxims relating to 
 the conduct of Human Life." This work embraces a compen- 
 dium of practical wisdom, that has seldom been equalled in the 
 same compass, being the result of much experience in the affairs 
 of life, and deep reflection on its cares and vicissitudes. 
 
 Tn the Preface, he alludes, in the spirit of a true Christian, 
 to his seclusion from the world. 
 
 " Reader — This enchiridion I present thee with is the fruit of solitude, 
 a school few care to learn in, though none instructs us better. Some 
 parts of it are the results of serious reflection, others the flashing of lucid 
 intervals, written for private satisfaction, and now published for an help 
 to human conduct. 
 
 " The author blesseth God for his retirement, and kisses that gentle 
 hand which led him into it ; foi*, though it should prove barren to the 
 world, it can never do so to him. 
 
 " He has now had some time he could call his own — a property he was 
 never so much master of before — in which he has taken a view of himself 
 and the world, and observed wherein he has hit or missed the mark ; what 
 might have been done ; what mended, and what avoided in human con- 
 duct ; together with the omissions and excesses of others, as well societies 
 and governments as private families and persons. And he verily thinks, 
 were he to live over his life again, he could not only, with God's grace, 
 serve him, but his neighbor and himself, better than he hath done, and 
 have seven years of his time to spare. And yet, perhaps, he hath not 
 been the worst or the idlest man in the world, nor is he the oldest. And 
 this is the rather said, that it migli* quicken thee, reader, to lose none of 
 the time that is yet thine. 
 
 " There is nothing of which we are apt to be so lavish as of time, and 
 about which we ought to be more solicitous, since, without it, we can do 
 nothing in the world. Time is what we want most, but what, alas I we 
 use worst, and for which God will certainly most strictly reckon with us 
 when time shall be no more I" 
 
 The overruling care of Divine Providence, who "from seem- 
 ing evil still educes good," is well illustrated in these fruits of 
 Penn's seclusion, for, being forced to retire from public view, he 
 improved the time by the production of works that may be read 
 with instruction and delight for ages yet to come. 
 
 In the latter part of the year 1693, through the intercession of 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 375 
 
 some noblemen wlio had long been his friends, his case was 
 again biought before King William, who, being satisfied of his 
 innocence, signified his wish that he should consider himself 
 entirely at liberty. This pleasing change in his affairs is thus 
 related in a letter to Thomas Lloyd and others in Pennsyl- 
 vania : 
 
 '< Hodson, 11th of 10th mo., 1693, 
 
 " Friends — Tliis comes by the Pennsj'lvania Merchant, Ilarriyon, 
 
 commander, and C. Saunders, merchant. By them and this know, that 
 it hath pk>ased God to work my enlargement, by three Lords representing 
 my case as not only hard, but oppressive ; that there was nothing against 
 me but what impostors, or those that are fled, or that have, since their 
 pardon, refused to verify, (and asked me pardon for saying what they did) 
 alleged against me ; that they had long known me, some of them thirty 
 years, and had never known me to do an ill thing, but many good offices ; 
 and that for not being thought to go abroad in defiance to the government, 
 I might and would have done it two years ago ; and that I was, therefore, 
 willing to wait to go about my affairs, as before, with leave ; that I might 
 be the better respected in the liberty I took to follow it. 
 
 " King William answered, ' That I was his old acquaintance, as well as 
 theirs ; and that I might follow my business as freely as ever ; and that he 
 had nothing to say to me,' — upon which they pressed him to command 
 one of them to declare the same to the Secretary of State, Sir John 
 Trenchard, that if I came to him, or otherwise, he might signify the same 
 to me, which he also did. The Lords were Rochester, Ranelagh, and 
 Sidney ; and the last as my greatest acquaintance, was to tell the Secre- 
 tary ; accordingly he did ; and the Secretary, after speaking himself, and 
 having it from King William's own mouth, appointed me a time to meet 
 liim at home ; and did with the Mai-quis of Winchester, and told me I was 
 as free as ever ; and as he doubted not my prudence about my quiet 
 living, for he assured me I should not be molested or injured in any of my 
 affairs, at least while he held that post. The Secretary is my old friend, 
 and one I served after the D. of Monmouth and Lord Russel's business ; I 
 carried him in my coach to Windsor, and presented him to King James ; 
 and when the Revolution came, he bought my four horses that carried us. 
 It was about three or four months before the Revolution. The Lords 
 spoke the 25th of November, and he discharged me on the 30th. 
 
 " From the Secretary I went to our meeting, at the Bull and Mouth ; 
 thence to visit the sanctuary of my solitude ; and after that to see my poor 
 wife and cliildren ; the eldest being with me all this while. My wife is 
 yet weakly ; but I am not without hopes of her recovery, who is of the 
 best of wives and Avomen. * * * * 
 
 " Your real friend, WILLIAM PENN." 
 
376 LIFE OF 
 
 His wife, who had tenderly sympathized with him in all his 
 trials, was permitted to see him again restored to liberty ; but in 
 the following month she was removed by death, and he was 
 again plunged into a depth of affliction, which could be alle- 
 viated only by the consolations of religion and the lenient hand 
 of time. 
 
 From the accounts that have come down to us concerning 
 this excellent woman, slie appears to have been possessed of 
 extraordinary graces, both of person and mind. In Thomas 
 Ellwood's autobiography, a circumstance is mentioned, showing 
 the high estimation in which she was held by her neighbors. 
 One of his publications being offensive to the magivstrates, two 
 of them, Thomas Fotherly and Sir Benjamin Tichborn, sent a 
 summons for him to appear before them on a certain day. Be- 
 fore the day came, Gulielma Penn, whose husband was then in 
 America, being taken very ill, sent for EUwood to come and see 
 her. As she resided at some distance, he could not go without 
 neglecting the summons of the magistrates, he, therefore, waited 
 upon them immediately, and stated the difficulty in which he 
 was placed. They, at first, received him coldly, but when he 
 told the occasion of his coming before the time appointed, they 
 relented, and said they felt extremely sorry for Madam Penn's 
 illness, whose virtues and worth they esteemed so highly, that 
 for her sake they excused his appearance entirely. In- the life 
 of Mary Beatrice, the consort of James II., written by Agnes 
 Strickland, there is a statement which appears somewhat re- 
 markable, concerning the attachment of Gulielma Penn to the 
 exiled monarch and his Queen. She says, " every year Mrs. 
 Penn, the wife of James's former protege, the founder of Penn- 
 sylvania, paid a visit to the Court of St. Germans, carrying with 
 her a collection of all the little presents which the numerous 
 friends and well-wishers of James II. and his Queen could mus- 
 ter. Mrs. Penn was always affectionately received by the King 
 and Queen, although she maintained the undeniable fact that 
 the Revolution luas iiidispensable, and what she did was from 
 the inviolable affection and gratitude she personally felt towards 
 their majesties."^ 
 
 • The author refers to Carstair's State papers. 
 
WILLIAM PEXN". Ol t 
 
 William Penn has left an affectionate tribute to her worth in 
 the following memorial : 
 
 " AN ACCOUNT OF THE BLESSED END OF MY DEAR WIFE, GULIELMA 
 
 MARIA PENN. 
 
 ' The memory of the just is blessed.' — I'rov. x. 7. 
 
 " My dear wife * * * departed this hfe the 23d of the 12lh month, 
 1693-4, in the fiftieth year of her age ; being sensible to the very last. 
 During her illness she uttered many living and weighty expressions upon 
 divers occasions, both before and near her end. Some of which I took 
 down for mine and her dear children's consolation. 
 
 "At one of the many meetings held in her chamber, we and our chil- 
 dren, and one of our servants, being only present, in a tendering and 
 living power she broke out as she sat in her chair, 'Let us all prepare, 
 not knowing what hour or watch the Lord cometh. 0, I am full of mat- 
 ter ! Shall we receive good, and shall we not receive evil things at the 
 hands of the Lord? I have cast my care upon the Lord. lie is the phy- 
 sician of value. My expectation is wholly from him. He can raise up, 
 and he can cast down.' 
 
 " Awhile after she said, 'Oh! what shall be done to the unprofitable 
 servant 1' At another meeting, before which much heaviness seemed to 
 lie upon her natural spirits, she said, ' This has been a precious opportu- 
 nity to me ; I am finely relieved and comforted. Blessed be the Lord.' 
 At another time, as I was speaking to her of the Lord's love and witness 
 of his Spirit that was with her to give her the peace of well doing, she re- 
 turned to me, looking up, ' For,' said she, ' I never did, to my knowledge, 
 a wicked thing in all my life.' 
 
 " To a friend, aged seventy-five years, that came to see her, she said, 
 ' Thou and I, to all appearance, are near our ends.' And to another, 
 about sixty-five years old, that came also to see her, she said, ' How much 
 older has the Lord made me, by this weakness, than thou art ! But I am 
 contented ; I do not murmur ; I submit to His holy will.' In the strength 
 of her fits and vapors, she said, ' It is the great goodness of the Lord that 
 I should be able to lie thus still. He is the physician of value to me ; can 
 I say : — Let my tongue set forth His praise, and my spirit magnifv Him, 
 whilst I have breath. Oh ! I am ready to be transported beyond mv 
 strength. God was not in the thunder, nor in the lightning, but He was 
 heard in the still voice.' 
 
 " She did, at several times, pray very sweetly, and in all her weakness 
 manifested the most equal, undaunted, and resigned spirit, as well as in 
 all other respects. She was an excellent person, both as wife, child, 
 mother, mistress, friend, and neighbor. 
 
 " She called the children one day, when weak, and said, ' Be not 
 
 32* 
 
O/b LIFEOF 
 
 frightened, childred. I do not call you to take my leave of you, but to 
 see you; and I would have you walk in the fear of. the Lord, and with 
 His people, in His holy truth,' or to that effect. 
 
 " Speaking at another time solemnly to the children, she said, ' I never 
 desired any great things for you, but that you may fear the Lord, and 
 walk in his truth among his people to the end of your days.' 
 
 " She would not suffer me to neglect any public meeting, after I had 
 my liberty, upon her account, saying, often, ' Oh ! go, my dearest ; do not 
 binder any good for me. I desire thee go ; I have cast my care upon the 
 Lord : I shall see thee again.' 
 
 " About three hours before her end, a relation taking leave of her, she 
 said, ' I have cast my care upon the Lord ; my dear love to all Friends ;' 
 and lifting up her dying hands and eyes, prayed the Lord to preserve and 
 bless them. 
 
 " About an hour after, causing all to withdraw, we were half an hour 
 together, in which we took our last leave, saying all that was fit upon that 
 solemn occasion. She continued sensible, and did eat something about 
 an hour before her departure, at which time our children and most of pur 
 family were present. She quietly expired in my arms, her head upon 
 my bosom, with a sensible and devout resignation of her soul to Almighty 
 God. I hope I may say she was a public as well as private loss ; for she 
 was not only an excellent wife and mother, but an entire and constant 
 friend, of a more than common capacity, and greater modesty and hu- 
 mility ; yet most equal, and undaunted in danger; religious, as well as 
 ingenuous, without affectation ; an easy mistress and good neighbor, 
 especially to the poor ; neither lavish nor penurious ; but an example of 
 industry, as well as of other virtues : therefore, our great loss, though her 
 OAvn eternal gain." 
 
 Soon after his wife's decease he wrote the followino: letter.* 
 
 TO ROBERT TURNER. 
 
 " Hodson, 27th of 12th mo , 1693. 
 "Loving Friend. — My extreme great affliction for the decease 
 of my dear wife, makes me unfit to write much, whom the great 
 God took to himself from the troubles of this exercising world the 
 23d inst. In great peace and sweetness she departed, and to her gain, 
 but our incomparable loss, being one of ten thousand, wise, chaste, 
 humble, plain, modest, industrious, constant and undaunted ; but God is 
 God, and good — and so I hope, tho' afflicted, not forsaken. I do beseech 
 thee by our ancient acquaintance, by thy gravity and age in the truth, 
 thy love for the poor country, and above all, for the truth's sake, to be 
 the means of a better understanding among you thereaway, both as to 
 church and state. The; more I hear of your animosities, the sad effects 
 *M. H. S. Pa. Vol. IV. part L 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 370 
 
 of them upon the place, the contempt it brings upon tlie country, and the 
 irreparable injury it is to me, and my poor children, yea, upon yourselves 
 and posterity, methlnks should prevail. I can say no more, only my love 
 to thee and thine, and son and daughter, and entreat George Keith with 
 my love, by the same motives, in my name, to the same end and purpose ; 
 and God Almighty modify and dispose all hearts to the ancient tender, 
 blessed unit}'', that his peace may be with you, and your enemies may 
 not, as now they d(.), triumph over you all, and the holy profession you 
 make. I am the more earnest with you, because I am thought l:)y several 
 to have too much encouraged your George Keith, &c., by my letters. I 
 am for patience, forbearance, long suifering, and all true moderation, but 
 I abhor contention, doubtful disputations, divisions, &c. Oh ! that the 
 spirit of God may rule and overrule our spirits, or all we have to say for 
 God can never glorify him, — it is his own that praise and serve him. I 
 could wish my own concerns there, were in a better way, but of that no 
 more now. I yet hope in th6 Lord to see you again, and that not long- 
 first. — Farewell. Thy real well-wishing friend. 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 Col. Fletcher's administration ; Requisition for men and money ; The 
 Assembly assert their privileges, but grant a money bill ; The govern- 
 ment restored to William Penn ; He appoints W. Markham his deputy ; 
 Death of Thomas Lloyd : His character and services ; Markham'.s 
 administration : The Assembly's powers enlarged ; Peace and prosperity 
 of the colony ; William Penn writes " Rise and Progress of the people 
 called Quakers ;" Address to House of Commons ; Travels in the ministry ; 
 Present at a public discussion ; Marries his second wife ; Death of his 
 oldest son ; Ilis memorial. 
 
 1693-6. 
 
 The executive authority in Pennsylvania having been with- 
 drawn from the hands of the Proprietary, was as before related, 
 transferred to Col. Benjamin Fletcher, Governor of New York, 
 by a royal commission, dated October 21st, 1692, being the 
 fourth year of the reign of William and Mary. In the spring 
 of 1693 Col. Fletcher notified Gov. Lloyd, of Pennsylvania, that 
 
380 LIFE OF 
 
 he intended to assume the reins of government, and accordingly 
 he came to Philadelphia for that purpose, attended by a military 
 retinue. 
 
 Notwithstanding the separation of the territories from the 
 province, he summoned the representatives of both to meet him 
 in Philadelphia. In his writ, the charter and Jaws of Pennsylva- 
 nia were disregarded, the number of delegates being diminished, 
 and the time and form of the election changed.* On the assem- 
 bling of the Legislature, the greater part of the members refused, 
 from conscientious scruples, to take the oaths tendered to them, 
 on which the governor allowed them to be qualified by subscrib- 
 ing the declaration and tests provided by the act of Parliament, 
 for liberty of conscience, but he told them this was an indulgence 
 that must not be drawn into a precedent. 
 
 The first business proposed to the Assembly by the governor, 
 was a requisition from the Queen for aid, in men and money, to 
 defend the frontiers of New York against the incursions of the 
 French and Indians. The war then existing between France 
 and England, growing out of the accession of William and 
 Mary to the throne, had extended its ravages to their colonies 
 in North America, and the French commanders in Canada had 
 resorted to the barbarous expedient of subsidizing the Indians 
 and inciting them to butcher their English neighbors. A preda- 
 tory warfare ensued, in which the colonies of New England 
 and New York were chiefly engaged in repelling the savages, 
 who surprised and destroyed Schenectady and some other 
 frontier settlements. The alliance of the Mengwe or Five 
 nations (Iroquois) was sought by both parties, and finally secured 
 by the English, at great expense, to defray which, in part, was 
 the object of the subsidy now demanded. 
 
 The Assembly, before they answered the governor's demand, 
 took into consideration their own riglits and privileges which he 
 had invaded, and resolved unanimously, "that the laws in force 
 before the arrival of the governor, were still in force, and that 
 the Assembly had a right humbly to move the governor for a 
 confirmation thereof" They maintained that the charter of 
 Pennsylvania had not been abrogated, but the executive only 
 • Proud and Gordon. 
 
WILLIAM PEiSTN". 381 
 
 changed on account of the absence of the Proprietary. The 
 governor replied that " they were very much mistaken, as the 
 absence of the Proprietary was the least cause mentioned in 
 their majesties' letters patent, there being reasons of greater 
 moment, as the neglects and miscarriages in the late administra- 
 tion ; the want of necessary defence against the enemy, and the 
 danger of being lost from the crown." " The constitution of 
 their majesties' government," said he, " and that of Mr. Penn are 
 in direct opposition, one to the other, if you will be tenacious of 
 stickling for this, it is a plain demonstration that you declme the 
 other."* This produced a remonstrance on the part of the 
 Assembly, stating that " their desires were not grounded on mis- 
 takes, in relation to the Proprietary's absence ;" and as to the 
 other reasons assigned they were founded on " misinforma- 
 tions,'''' for the courts were open and justice duly executed ; nor 
 was there any danger of the province " being lost to the crown, 
 although the government was in the hands of some whose princi- 
 ples were not for war." Having asserted their privileges they 
 proceeded to pass several bills, and among them an Act impos- 
 ing a tax of a penny per pound on the clear value of real and 
 personal estate, and a poll tax of six shillings a head, which 
 they presented to the King and Queen, with a request that " one 
 half thereof might be allowed to the governor." Fletcher at 
 first refused the bill because nothing was granted for the defence 
 of New York, and he even threatened to annex Pennsylvania to 
 that province, but finally he approved this, as well as other bills 
 that were presented him, and confirmed the laws before existing 
 in the colony. He then dissolved the Assembly by their own 
 advice, and having appointed William Markham, Lieutenant- 
 governor, departed for New York.f We see by these proceed- 
 ings that the colonists soon felt the difference between the pater- 
 nal administration of William Penn and the rigorous sway of 
 their military governor. Yet they were induced to vote him a 
 supply far beyond any they had ever granted to the founder of 
 the colony. 
 
 Although they yielded to necessity in laying a tax on the 
 
 • Proud i. 389. f Ibid, 391. 
 
382 LIFE OF 
 
 province, their firm and manly assertion of their political rights, 
 was worthy of a people, ever jealous of the smallest encroach- 
 ment on their liberties. 
 
 The following y(!ar 1694, Governor Fletcher made another 
 requisition for aid to New York, but having found by experi- 
 ence, that it was in vain to expect military sujjplies from men 
 who were conscientiously opposed to war, he requested of them 
 means to clothe and feed the Indians, in order to secure their 
 continued friendship to the provinces. The Assembly laid a 
 tax similar to that imposed the previous year, which amounted 
 to seven hundred and sixty pounds, but they stipulated for the 
 payment of two hundred pounds each, to Thomas Lloyd and 
 William Markham, for their services while acting as deputies of 
 the Proprietary, and the remainder to be appropriated to the 
 general expense of the government. " Fletcher rejected this 
 bill, and the Assembly asserting their right to appropriate their 
 money at their pleasure, was dissolved." It is said, the Proprie- 
 tary blamed the Assembly for not complying with the Governor's 
 request* 
 
 Soon after this the government was restored to William Penn, 
 by a patent from the King and Queen, dated August, 1694. 
 His application to be reinstated had been warmly seconded by 
 some of his friends among the nobility, who represented to the 
 King and council that the disorders charged upon the province 
 had been greatly exaggerated by report, and even so far as true, 
 liad been occasioned by the Proprietary's absence. He was 
 now earnestly desirous of removing to the province, but the 
 situation of his domestic affairs, and probably the state of his 
 finances, obliged him to di'fer it. 
 
 In the autumn of 1694 he appointed Capt. W^illiam Markham 
 his Lieutenant-governor, Thomas Lloyd his former deputy 
 having died a few months previously. 
 
 In the death of Thomas Lloyd the colony lost one of its most 
 beloved and honored citizens. He was a native of Wales, born 
 of highly respectable parents, and possessed of good natural 
 abilities, which were improved by a liberal education at Oxford. 
 
 • Gordon 107. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 383 
 
 He was early in life reached by the power of Divine truth, under 
 the influence of which, he declined the honors of the world, and 
 having joined in membership wuth Friends, became an approved 
 minister of the Gospel, Being subjected in his native country 
 to unmerited reproach and persecution, he removed to Pennsyl- 
 vania among the first settlers, and was one of William Penn's 
 most intimate friends. From the foundation of the government 
 to near the time of his death, he was generally much employed 
 in public affairs: as president of the Council, as chairman of the 
 State Commissioners, and as Deputy Governor, he exercised an 
 important and salutary influence in the government of the pro- 
 vince. He was one of the few, who, being qualified by abilities 
 and virtue for the highest stations in society, yet through modesty 
 or humility, decline them until urged by the public voice and 
 called by a sense of duty to accept the post of trust and honor. 
 
 It will be seen as we advance in the history of the province, 
 that among the many deputies employed by William Penn, 
 Thomas Lloyd was the only one whose administration gave 
 satisfaction to both the Proprietary and the people. Having been, 
 both in public and private life, a bright example of Christian 
 virtue, he w^as called from works to rewards, in the 45th year of 
 Iiis age, testifying, immediately before his departure, that having 
 " fought the good fight and kept the faith, which stands not in 
 the wisdom of words but in the power of God, he laid down his 
 head in peace."* 
 
 Governor Markham, disregarding the laws of Pennsylvania, 
 pursued Fletcher's plan of calling the Assembly, and having, 
 without their consent, dissolved both the Council and Assembly, 
 they, at their next meeting, in 1696, made a spirited remonstrance 
 against his encroachments, and succeeded in obtaining his con- 
 sent to a " bill of settlement," whereby the power of the Assembly 
 w^as increased, being authorized to originate bills, to adjourn and 
 re-assemble at pleasure, and to be indissoluble during the time for 
 which it was elected. In return for these concessions, they 
 passed a bill to raise 300 pounds for the support of government, 
 and the relief of the distressed Indians in New York. 
 
 • Pri,ud'.s History, and Book of Mt-inoriaU. 
 
884 LIFE OF 
 
 Tlie bill of settlement, though never formally sanctioned by the 
 Proprietary, was considered an amendment to the constitution, 
 and continued in force until the year 1700.* 
 
 In Gordon's History of Pennsylvania it is stated, that Mark- 
 ham's assent to this bill " maybe ascribed to his wish of redeem- 
 ing the pledge w^hich the Proprietary had given to the King, that 
 his province should contribute to the general defence of the colo- 
 nies." No authority for this is cited by the historian ; and if it 
 be founded in fact, we may reasonably conclude that Penn pro- 
 mised nothing more than to use his influence with the Assembly 
 in favor of a tax to raise such sums as might be demanded by 
 the King. These subsidies w'ere sometimes granted, though 
 reluctantly, by the Assembly, either in the form of donations to 
 the crown, or as contributions for the support of government. f 
 
 From the time William Penn was reinstated in his government, 
 until his arrival in the province in 1699, a period of five years, 
 there are no incidents of importance on record concerning the 
 colony. During this period the paucity of materials for history 
 may be considered an evidence of domestic tranquillity, and there 
 is reason to believe that the colonists of Pennsylvania then en- 
 joyed a degree of prosperity and happiness that seldom falls to 
 the lot of humanity. 
 
 After Penn's acquittal and restoration to his proprietary rights, 
 in the summer of 1694, there was in the public mind a reaction 
 in his favor, and he rose higher than ever in the estimation of his 
 friends4 There is now extant a small volume of his sermons, 
 delivered at different meeting-houses in London, about this time, 
 which having been taken in short-hand and published, afford 
 evidence that he had again become an object of public interest. 
 In the autumn and winter of the same year, "he travelled in the 
 
 • I'rouil and Gordon. 
 
 f In Dixon's Life of Penn, a similar pledge is mentioned as having been made 
 bv the Proprietary, when his government was restored to liim. The anthorities 
 cited are, " Privy Council Registers, WRIIl. 445. Privy CounLil OfFice, and 
 Pennsylvania pa[)ers, Aug. 3 Stale Paper Olfice." 
 
 ^ Clarkson says, "at this time took jilace a complete rernnci!alii)n with his own 
 religions society." But 1 can find no evidence that he htid ever been at varian(e 
 with it. See chap. 22 of this w ork. 
 
TVILLIAM PENN". 38 
 
 work of the ministry, in the counties of Gloucester, Somerset, 
 Devon and Dorset, having meetings ahiiost daily in the most 
 considerable towns, and other places in those counties at which 
 the people flocked in abundantly, and his testimony to the truth 
 answering to that of God in their consciences, was assented to 
 by many."* We have in the memoirs of John Whiting a more 
 particular account of a small portion of this journey. He says : 
 
 " This year, in the ninth month, William Penn came down to Bristol, 
 and to Chew, and had a great meeting at Clareham, and came to my 
 house at Wring-ton, that night with several other Friends. And next day, 
 we went with him on board the Bengal ship, in Kingroad, to dinner ; and 
 afterwards, by Westbury to Bristol, on seventh day night, where, on first 
 day, were very large meetings. And about two weeks aftei", he went 
 westward, and had large meetings in most of the great towns in our coun- 
 ty, as also in Devonshire and Dorsetshire. I met him at Wells, and went 
 with him to Somerton, where it was some time before we could get a place 
 large enough for the meeting — the Market-house, where the meeting be- 
 gan, though large, not being big enough to hold it ; and at last, we were 
 glad to go out into the fields ; and a great gathering there was. I met 
 him again at Bridgewater, where he had a great meeting in the Town 
 Hall, as he had in most places, which the Mayors generally consented to 
 for the respect they had to him, few places else being sufiicient to hold 
 the meetings. On the twenty-seventh of tenth month he came again to 
 Wrington, and had a large meeting in the Court Hall." 
 
 The journal of George Fox being prepared for publication, 
 Penn wrote, in the year 1694, a beautiful and elaborate preface 
 for it, which was afterwards published in a separate form, under 
 the title of " A Brief Account of the Rise and Progress of the 
 People called Quakers, in which their fundamental principles, 
 doctrines, worship, ministry and discipline, are plainly declared." 
 The testimony he bears to the character of George Fox, is very 
 remarkable ; the concluding part of it is as follows :t 
 
 " And truly I must say, that though God had visibly clothed him with 
 a Divine preference and authority, and indeed his very presence expressed 
 a religious majesty, yet he never abused it; but held his place in the 
 Church of God with great meekness, and a most engaging humility and 
 moderation. For, upon all occasions, like his blessed Master, he was a 
 
 • Life prefixed to his Works. -j- Works, p. 777. 
 
 33 
 
^bb LIFE OF 
 
 servant to all ; holding and exercising his eldership in the invisible povrer 
 that had gathered them, with reverence to the head, and care over the 
 body ; and was received only in that spirit and power of Christ, as the 
 first and chief elder in this age : who, as he was therefore worthy of 
 double honor, so, for the same reason, it was given by the faithful of this 
 day ; because his authority was inward and not outward, and that he got 
 it and kept it by the love of God, and power of an endless life. I write 
 by knowledge, and not report, and my witness is true ; having been with 
 him for weeks and months together, on divers occasions, and those of 
 the nearest and most exercising nature ; and that by night and by day, 
 by sea and by land, in this and in foreign countries : and I can say, I 
 never saw him out of his place, or not a match for every service or occa- 
 sion. 
 
 " For in all things he acquitted himself like a man, yea, a strong man, 
 a new and heavenly-minded man, a divine and a naturalist, and all of 
 God Almighty's making. I have been surprised at his questions and an- 
 swers in natural things ; that whilst he was ignorant of useless and sophis- 
 tical science, he had in him the grounds of useful and commendable 
 knowledge, and cherished it every where. Civil, beyond all forms of 
 breeding, in his behavior ; very temperate, eating little and sleeping less, 
 though a bulky person. 
 
 •' Thus he lived and sojourned amongst us : and as he lived, so he died ; 
 feeling the same eternal power that had raised and preserved him in his 
 last moments. So full of assurance was he, that he triumphed over death ; 
 and so even in his spirit to the last, as if death were hardly worth notice, 
 or a mention. Recommending to some of us with him, the dispatch and 
 dispersion of an Epistle, just before given forth by him, to the Churches 
 of Christ throughout the world, and his own books. But, above all. 
 Friends, and of all Friends, those in Ireland and America, twice over 
 saying, ' Mind poor Friends in Ireland and America.' And to some that 
 came in and inquired how he found himself, he answered, ' Never heed, 
 the Lord's power is over all weakness and death ; the seed reigns, blessed 
 be the Lord.' " 
 
 In 1695 Penn again travelled in the work of the ministry, and 
 was present at a public discussion at Melkham, in which John 
 Plympton assailed some of the doctrines of Friends. From 
 Melkham he proceeded to Warminster and Wrington, and 
 thence to Wales, where his reception is thus related by Clarkson : 
 
 "Here some arrangement was necessary; for the Bishop was then then;, 
 and some of the magistrates were unfriendly. Accordingly John Whiting, 
 accompanied by Robert Holder, went to the Bishop to solicit his permis- 
 sion to assemble the people for the occasion. The Bishop, at this time, 
 was Richard Kidder, the author of that excellent work, which appeared 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 387 
 
 aftorwards, ' A Demonstration of the Messiah.' The Bishop asked 
 "Whiting, after the Latter had opened his business to him, why he desired 
 to have a meeting there, seeing there were no Quakers in the town. 
 Whiting told him, to declare the truth. He then asked what the Quakers 
 had to preach more than they. "Whiting replied, the Grace of God. The 
 Bishop said, they preached the Grace of God also. Whiting replied they 
 might do so now and then, l)ut not, .he apprcliended, as the (^ii^kers did : 
 that is, they did not direct their people to it as to that which bringeth 
 salvation and hath appeared unto all men, and would teach them to deny 
 ungodliness and worldly lusts, and to live soberly, righteously, and godly 
 in this present world. Soon after this the Bishop, who conducted himself 
 with much good temper, left them to do as they pleased. 
 
 " Finding no opposition from the Bishop, they applied for the Markets 
 house, as the fittest place to hold the auditors. They were promised the 
 use of it the next day ; but wlien the time came they were forbidden to 
 enter it ; for some of the opposite party in the town who had been drinking 
 Colonel Berkley's election ale the day before, had turned the clerk of the 
 market against them. They resolved, therefore, with the consent of the 
 landlord, to make use of the Crown Inn where they had put up, which 
 had a large room and balcony facing the Market-place. But find- 
 ing, on looking over the late Act of Toleration, that it was necessary to 
 have a certificate that they intended to hold a religious meeting there, 
 they drew up the same, and the same persons went with it to the Bishop 
 as before. He received them, as before, in a friendly manner. John 
 Whiting informed him of what the act required. The Bishop said he 
 would look at the act ; and if it really required, he would certainly send 
 them a certificate. 
 
 " By this time the Market-house was full of people, who had broken 
 into it ; but John Whiting and others desired them to come out of it, and 
 to place themselves before the balcony of the inn in the street. This 
 they did to the number of between two and three thousand. The Quakers, 
 in the mean time, occupied the great room in the inn. After this arrange- 
 ment William Penn came forward to the balcony and began to ^^reach ; 
 but, in the midst of his discourse, a constable and other oflicers came with 
 a warrant signed by Matthew Baron (Mayor), and William Salmon 
 (Justice), and, breaking through the people, forced their way into the 
 great room of the inn and then into the balcony, and seized William 
 Penn, whom they hurried away before the magistrates. These, however, 
 did not detain him long ; for finding, upon examination, that the house 
 had been certified by the Bishop, and that, by disturbing a lawful assem- 
 bly, they had overshot their mark, thej' excused themselves as well as 
 they could, and dismissed him.' ' After this the Friends hired a house 
 at Wells', and having obtained a license according to law, William Penn 
 pi-eached without further interruption." 
 
388 LIFE OF 
 
 In the spring of 1696, he again entered the married state. 
 He chose for his second wife, Hannah, the daughter of Thomas 
 Callowhill, and grand-daughter of Dennis Holhster, both emi- 
 nent merchants of Bristol, and members of the Society of 
 Friends. 
 
 She proved to be a true help-meet for him, being a woman of 
 superior understanding and great prudence. 
 
 About five weeks after this event, he experienced another 
 vicissitude from joy to grief, in the loss of his eldest son, who 
 died of consumption, in the 2lst year of his age. 
 
 During his son's sickness, he was his faithful nurse and 
 comforter, he received his dying head on his bosom, and watched 
 his parting breath with all the tenderness of parental affection. 
 In the following memorial, he has given a touching account of 
 his son's early virtues and pious resignation. 
 
 SORROW AND JOY IN THE LOSS AND END OF SPRINGETT PENN. 
 
 " My very dear child, and eldest son, Springett Penn, did from his 
 childhood manifest a disposition to goodness, and gave me hope of a more 
 than ordinary capacity ; and time satisfied me in both respects. For, 
 besides a good share of learning and mathematical knowledge, he showed 
 a judgment in the use and application of it much above his years. He 
 had the seeds of many good qualities rising in him, that made him beloved 
 and consequently lamented : but especially his humility, plainness, and 
 truth, with a tenderness and softness of nature, which if I may say it, 
 were an improvement upon his other good qualities. But, though these 
 were no security against sickness and death, yet they went a good way to 
 facilitate a due preparation for them. And indeed the good ground that 
 was in him showed itself very plainly some time before his illness. For 
 more than half a year before it pleased the Lord to visit him with weak- 
 ness, he grew more retired, and much disengaged from youthful delights, 
 showing a remarkable tenderness in meetings, even when they were silent ; 
 but when he saw himself doubtful as to his recovery, he turned his mind 
 and mcditatious more apparently towards the Lord, secretly, as also when 
 his attendants were in the room, praying often with great fervency to him, 
 and uttering very many thankful expressions and praises to him, in a very 
 deep and sensible manner. One day he said to us, ' I am resigned to what 
 God ploaseth. He knows what is best. I would live if it pleased him, that I 
 might serve him ; but, Lord, not my will, but thine be done !' 
 
 " A person speaking to him of the things of this world, and what might 
 please him when recovered, he answered, ' My eyes look another way. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 389 
 
 ■n-here the truest pleasure is.' When ho told me he had rested well, and 
 I said it was a mercy to him, he quickly replied upon me with a serious 
 yet sweet look, ' All is mercy, dear father ; everything is mercy.' Another 
 time when I went to meeting, at parting he said, ' Remember me, my dear 
 father, before the Lord. Though I cannot go to meetings, yet I have 
 many good meetings. The Lord comes in upon my spirit. I have 
 heavenly meetings with him by myself.' 
 
 "Not many days before he died, the Lord appearing by his holy power 
 upon his spirit, when alone, at my return, asking him how he did, he 
 told me, '0 I have had a sweet time, a blessed time! great enjoyments! 
 The power of the Lord overcame my soul: a sweet time indeed !' 
 
 "And telling him how some of the gentry, who had been to visit him, 
 were gone to their games and sports and pleasures, and how little con- 
 sideration the children of men had of God and their latter end, and how 
 much happier he was in this weakness to have been otherwise educated 
 and preserved from those temptations to vanity, he answered, ' It is all 
 stuff, my dear father : it is sad stuff. that I might live to tell them 
 so !' — ' Well, my dear child,' I replied, ' let this be the time of thy enter- 
 ing into secret covenant with God, that, if he raise thee, thou wilt dedicate 
 thy youth, strength, and life to him and his people and service.' He 
 returned, ' Father, that is not now to do, it jis not now to do,' with great 
 tendei'ness upon his si3irit. 
 
 "Being ever almost near him, and doing anything for him he wanted 
 or desired, he broke out with much sense and love, " My dear father, if 
 I live I will make thee amends:" and speaking to him of divine enjoy- 
 ments, that the eye of man saw not, but the soul made alive by the Spirit 
 of Christ plainly felt, he, in a lively remembrance, cried out, ' 0, I had a 
 sweet time yesterday by myself! The Lord hath preserved me to this 
 day. Blessed be his name ! My soul praises him for his mercy. O 
 Father, it is of the goodness of the Lord that I am so well as I am.' 
 Fixing his eyes upon his sister, he took her by the hand, saying, ' Poor 
 Tishe, look to good things ! Poor child, there is no comfort without it ! 
 One drop of the love of God is worth more than all the world. I know it. 
 I have tasted it. I have felt as much or more of the love of God in this 
 weakness than in all my life before.' At another time, as I stood by him, he 
 looked up upon me, and said, ' Dear father, sit by me ! Hove thy company, 
 and I know thou lovest mine ; and, if it be the Lord's will that we must 
 part, be not troubled, for that will trouble me.' 
 
 " Taking something one night in bed just before his going to rest, he 
 sat up and fervently prayed thus : ' Lord God ! Thou whose Son said to 
 his disciples, Whatever ye ask in my name ye shall receive, I pray thee 
 in his name bless this to me this night, and give me rest, if it be thy 
 blessed will 1' And accordingly he had a very comfortable night, of which 
 he took a thankful notice before us the next day. 
 
 " And when he at one time more than ordinaril}' expressed a desire to 
 
 33* 
 
390 LIFE OF 
 
 live, and entreated me to pray for him, he added, 'And, dear father, if 
 the Lord should raise me, and enable me to serve him and his people, 
 then I might travel with thee sometimes, and we might ease one another, 
 (meaning in the ministry). He spoke this with great modesty ; upon which 
 I said to him, ' My dear child, if it please the Lord to raise thee, I am 
 satisfied it will be so , and if not, then, inasmuch as it is thy fervent desire 
 in the Lord, he will look upon thee just as if thou didst live to serve him, 
 and thy comfort will be the same. So either way it will be well : for, if 
 thou shouldst not live, I do verily believe thou wilt have the recompense 
 of thy good desires, without the temptations and troubles that would attend 
 if long life were granted to thee.' 
 
 " Saying one day thus, ' I am resolved I will have such a thing done,' 
 he immediately corrected himself, and fell into this reflection with much 
 contrition, ' Did I say I will ? Lord, forgive me that irreverent and 
 hasty expression! I am a poor weak creature, and live by Thee, and there- 
 fore I should have said, if it pleaseth Thee that I live, I intend to do so. 
 Lord, forgive my rash expression !' 
 
 " Seeing my present wife ready to be helpful and to do anything for 
 him, he turned to her and said, 'Do not thou do so. Let them do it. 
 Don't trouble thyself so much for such a poor creature as I am.' And 
 taking leave of him a few nights before his end, he said to her, ' Pray for 
 me, dear mother ! Thou art good and innocent. It may be the Lord may 
 hear thy prayers for me ; for I desire my strength again, that I may live 
 and employ it more in his service.' 
 
 " Two or three days before his departure he called his brother to him, 
 and, looking awfully upon him, said, ' Be a good boy, and know that 
 there is a God, a great and mighty God, who is a rewarder of the righteovis, 
 and so he is of the wicked, but their rewards are not the same. Have a 
 care of idle people and idle company, and love good company and good 
 Friends, and the Lord will bless thee. I have seen good things for thee 
 since my sickness, if thou dost but fear the Lord ; and if I should not live 
 (though the Lord is all-sufficient), remember what I say to thee, when I 
 am dead and gone. Poor child, the Lord bless thee ! Come and kiss me !' 
 which melted us all into great tenderness, but his brother more particu- 
 larly. 
 
 " Many good exhortations he gave to some of the servants and others 
 that came to see him, who were not of our communion, as well as to those 
 who were, which drew tears from their eyes. 
 
 " The day but one before he died he went to take the air in a coach, 
 but said on his return, ' Really, father, I am exceeding weak. Thou 
 cans't not think how weak I am,' — ' My dear child,' I replied, 'thou art 
 weak, but God is strong, who is the strength of thy life.' — ' Aye, that is 
 it,' said he, ' which upholdeth mc.' And the day before he departed, 
 being alone with him, he desired me to fasten the door, and looking 
 earnestly upon me, said, ' Dear father ! thou art a dear father ; and I know 
 thy Father. Come, let us two have a llLtle meeting, a private ejaculation 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 391 
 
 together, now nobody else is here. my soul is sensible of the love of 
 God !' And indeed, a sweet time we had. It was like to precious oint- 
 ment for his burial. 
 
 " He desired, if he were not to live, that he might go home to die there, 
 and we made preparation for it, being twenty miles from my house ; fur 
 so much stronger was his spirit than his body, that he spoke of going 
 next day, which was the morning he departed, and a symptom it was of 
 his greater journey to his longer home. The morning he left us, growing- 
 more and more sensible of his extreme weakness, he asked me, as doubt- 
 ful of himself, ' How shall I go home ?' I told him in a coach. He 
 answered, ' I am best in a coach ;' but, observing his decay, I said, ' Why, 
 child, thou art at home every where.' ' Aye,' said he, ' so I am in the 
 Lord.' I took that opportunity to ask him, if I should remember his love 
 to his friends at Bristol and London. ' Yes, yes,' said he, ' my love in the 
 Lord, my love to all friends in the Lord, and relations too.' He said, 
 ' Aye, to be sure.' Being asked if he would have his ass's milk or eat 
 anything, he answered, ' No more outward food, but heavenly food is pro- 
 vided for me.' 
 
 " His time drawing on apace, he said to me, ' My dear father, kiss me ! 
 Thou art a dear father. I desire to prize it. How can I make thee 
 amends ?' 
 
 " He also called his sister, and said to her, ' Poor child, come and kiss 
 me!' between whom seemed a tender and long parting. I sent for his 
 brother, that he might kiss him, too, which he did. All were in tears 
 about him. Turning his head to me, he said, softly, ' Dear father ! hast 
 thou no hope for me ?' I answered, ' My dear child ! I am afraid to hope, 
 and I dare not despair, but am and have been resigned, though one of the 
 hardest lessons I ever learned.' He paused awhile, and, with a composed 
 frame of mind, he said, ' Come life, come death, I am resigned. 0, the 
 love of God overcomes my soul !' Feeling himself decline apace, and 
 seeing him not able to bring up the matter that was in his throat, some- 
 body fetched the doctor ; but, as soon as he came in, he said, ' Let my 
 father speak to the doctor, and I'll go to sleep ;' which he did, and waked 
 no more ; breathing his last on my breast, the tenth day of the second 
 month, between the hours of nine and ten in the morning, 1696, in his 
 one-and-twentieth year. 
 
 " So ended the life of my dear child and eldest son, much of my com- 
 fort ana hope, and one of the most tender and dutiful, as well as ingenious 
 and virtuous youths I knew, if I may say so of my own dear child, in 
 whom I lose all that any father could lose in a child, since he was capable 
 of any thing that became a sober young man, my friend and companion, 
 as well as most affectionate and dutiful child." 
 
 " May this loss and end have its due weight and impression upon all 
 his dear relations and friends, and upon those to whose hands this account 
 may come, for their remembrance, and preparation for their great and 
 last change, and I have my end in making my dear child's thus far public. 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
392 LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 " Primitive Christianity Revived ;" " More Work for George Keith ;" In- 
 terview with Peter, Czar of Muscovy ; Lasting Impression Produced on 
 the Czar ; " A Caution concerning the Bill against Blasphemy ;" Letter 
 to his Agents in Pennsylvania ; Religious Visit to Ireland ; Half Year 
 Meeting at Dublin ; Great Crowds attend to hear Penn ; Controversy 
 with Plympton ; " Gospel Truths ;" William Penn's Horse Seized under 
 an Act against Papists > His Clemency towards the Offenders ; T. Story's 
 Account of William Penn's Eminent Services in the Mi^iistry ; Inter- 
 view with a Bishop ; William Penn's Return Home ; Writes " A Defence 
 of Gospel Truths ;" T. Story Embarks for America ; His Parting Inter- 
 view with William Penn ; William Penn Prepares for a Voyage to 
 America ; Letter of Advice to his Children ; Farewell Sermon ; Letter 
 to Friends in England ; He Embarks. 
 
 1696-99. 
 
 It was the practice of William Penn, when prevented from 
 going abroad by domestic afflictions, to improve the time by 
 writing on reUgious subjects, and soon after the death of his 
 eldest son he produced a treatise entitled " Primitive Christianity 
 Revived in the Faith and Practice of the People called Quakers." 
 This work was intended to show that the principles of Friends 
 are the same as those of the primitive church, and that the life 
 and power of religion, when received in faith and obeyed with- 
 out reserve, will produce the same fruits of holiness as in the 
 morning of the Gospel day. 
 
 " At this time George Keith, -who had been disowned by 
 Friends for his contentious and disorderly behavior, kept up a 
 meeting, with some of his adherents, at Turner's Hall, where, 
 under the name of religion, he fostered strife and debate, send- 
 ing challenges to Friends to dispute with them, and making 
 quotations from their books, such as he himself formerly could 
 candidly interpret, and had successfully vindicated against other 
 opposers."* To check his contentious spirit, Penn wrote a 
 
 * Life prefixed to his works. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 393 
 
 small work, consisting, in part, of quotations from Keith's own 
 writings, in which the very objections he now raised, were 
 answered by himself. This tract was entitled, " More Work 
 for George Keith," 
 
 In the year 1697, Penn had an interview with the Czar of 
 Muscovy, since celebrated in history as Peter the Great. This 
 enterprising monarch, in order to inform himself concerning the 
 arts and manufactures of nations more civilized than his own, 
 spent some time in Holland and England, where he desired to 
 remain incognito, and even wrought with his own hands as a 
 ship carpenter. 
 
 While he was in London, Thomas Story and another Friend 
 went to his residence with the intention of presenting him some 
 religious books. 
 
 He conversed with them through an interpreter, and among 
 other questions he asked them, " Of what use can you be in any 
 kingdom, seeing you will not bear arms or fight?" Thomas 
 Story replied, "Many of us had borne arms in times past, but 
 when it pleased God to reveal in our hearts the life and power 
 of Jesus Christ, his Son, who is the Prince of Righteousness and 
 Peace, whose commandment is love, we were then reconciled 
 unto God, one unto another, unto our enemies, and to all men. 
 And he that commanded us to love our enemies, hath left us no 
 right to fight and destroy, but to convert them." He further 
 explained that they were useful citizens, under any government, 
 for their religious principles prohibited idleness ; and being en- 
 gaged in husbandry, manufactures, and merchandising, they 
 contributed to public prosperity. And, moreover, they felt 
 bound to pay the taxes or assessments laid upon them by govern- 
 ment, in conformity with the example of the Lord Jesus Christ, 
 who wrought a miracle to pay a tax to the Roman emperor." 
 The Friends then presented to the Czar tv\'o copies of Barclay's 
 Apology in Latin, for which he wished to pay an equivalent, but 
 they declined receiving it. 
 
 It being ascertained that the Czar did not understand Latin, 
 nor indeed any other language than Russian and German, Wil- 
 liam Penn, accompanied by some other Friends, waited on him 
 at Deptford, where he was at work, in order to present him with 
 
394 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 some books, in German, explanatory of Friends' principles. 
 They met with a cordial reception, and Penn being able to con- 
 verse fluently in German, the interview was satisfactory on both 
 sides. 
 
 The Czar became so much interested in Friends, that he some- 
 times attended their meetings at Deptford, behaving as a private 
 person, and being very social. 
 
 The impression produced upon him by this intercourse with 
 Friends in England, appears to have been lasting; for fifteen 
 years afterwards, being in the City of Frederickstadt in Holstein, 
 with an army to assist the Danes against the Swedes, he inquired 
 if there were any Quakers there ? One of the Burgomasters 
 told him there were a few, he then asked if they had a meeting, 
 and being answered in the affirmative, he desired that officer to 
 inform them, that if they would appoint a meeting he would at- 
 tend it. The Burgomaster replied that there were 30 soldiers 
 quartered in the meeting-house. The Czar ordered them to be 
 removed immediately, and the house to be put in order ; wdiich 
 being done, the meeting was appointed and he attended with a 
 number of his officers. . Philip Defair preached, to which they 
 all paid great attention, and the Czar being better acquainted with 
 the language' than the rest, interpreted for them, observing at the 
 close of the meeting that, " whoever could live according to that 
 doctrine would be happy."* 
 
 There being at this time depending in the House of Lords a 
 bill against blasphemy, William Penn presented to the House 
 " A caution requisite in its consideration, wherein he showed the 
 necessity of so explaining the word blasphemy, that no ambigu- 
 ous interpretation might enable malicious persons to prosecute 
 under that name, whatsoever they should be pleased to call so." 
 After which the House thought proper to drop the bill.f 
 
 In the year 1697, he removed with his family to Bristol, and 
 in the spring of the following year, he set out for Ireland, intend- 
 ing to visit his valuable estates in that island ; but the main 
 object of his journey appears to have been to labor as a minister 
 of the Gospel, in which he was joined by his friends, Thomas 
 
 * Story's Journal, 1J6 and 494, f Life prefixed to his works. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 395 
 
 Story and John Everot. All that we know of this visit, is found 
 in the journal of Thomas Story, from whose diffuse narrative the 
 following condensed account is taken. 
 
 They arrived at Dublin the 6th of the third month (May,) and 
 attended the Half-year Meeting there. This meeting is described 
 by T. Story, as being remarkably harmonious, and he adds, 
 "great was the resort of people of all ranks and professions to our 
 meetings, chiefly on account of our friend, William Penn, who 
 was ever furnished by the Truth with matter fully to answer theii 
 expectations. Many of the clergy were there, and the people, 
 with one voice, spoke well of what they heard. And of the 
 clergy, the Dean of Deny was one, who being there several times, 
 was asked by his bishop, whether he heard anything but blas- 
 phemy and nonsense ; and whether he took off his hat in time of 
 prayer ? He answered that, ' he heard no blasphemy nor non- 
 sense, but the everlasting truth, and did not only take off his hat 
 at prayer, but his heart said amen to what he heard.' " 
 
 In the interval between the meetings, William Penn visited 
 " the Lords Justices of Ireland and the chief ministers of govern- 
 ment," not only to pay his respects to those officers, but to se- 
 cure their favor and protection to Friends. At Dublin he again 
 encountered John Plympton the Baptist disputant, whom he had 
 met at Melkham three years before. Plympton had just pub- 
 lished an abusive paper against Friends in general, and William 
 Penn in particular, which the Baptists of that city disapproved 
 and disowned. He also issued a paper, entitled " The Quaker 
 no Christian," which William Penn answered by a tract under 
 the tide of " The Quaker a Christian," and he further vindicateti 
 his principles by a tract called " Gospel Truths," which was 
 signed by himself and three others. 
 
 From Dublin they went to Wexford, and thence to Lambs- 
 town, where they wrote an epistle to the Yearly Meeting of Lon- 
 don, signed by William Penn, John Everot and Thomas Story, 
 which relates to their labors in the ministry of the Gospel, and 
 the state of the society in that nation. 
 
 They next proceeded to Waterford in company with a num- 
 ber of Friends, and on their way, wdien about to cross a river, 
 their horses were seized by six dragoons, who were actin<>- 
 
396 LIFE OF 
 
 under orders from their officers. This seizure was made under 
 a tyrannical law of the Irish Parliament, which prohibited any 
 Papist from keeping a liorse above the value of five guineas, and 
 directed that all should be regarded as Papists who declined to 
 take the oaths prescribed. 
 
 William Penn's horse and that of his son, with two others, 
 being the most valuable in the company, were seized, and had 
 to be recovered by a replevin. On reaching Waterford, he 
 wrote to "the Lords Chief Justices of Ireland," complaining of 
 the abuse, and they issued an order under which the officers 
 were confined to their chambers for some weeks, until released 
 by the intercession of Penn, who, believing them to be sensible 
 of their error, evinced his wonted clemency by forgiving them. 
 
 After attending a large and satisfactory meeting at Waterford, 
 they went to the Barony of Imokelley, where lay a great part of 
 William Penn's Irish esttites, including the Castle of Shangarry. 
 Thence, they proceeded "to the Barony of Ibaune and Barryroe, 
 to view the rest of his estates in those parts." 
 
 At Cork and Brandon they had good meetings, attended by 
 large numbers of all ranks and professions. Here they were in- 
 formed, by letters from England, that some members of their 
 society had, during Wilham Penn's absence, made a base attack 
 upon his character, even in the Yearly Meeting of London, which 
 had just been held. " But this," says Thomas Story, " was 
 done by a shameless and implacable party, being moved by 
 envy at the honor and dignity which the Most High had been 
 pleased to confer on him." He adds, that soon after receving 
 these tidings, they had another large and crowded meeting at 
 Cork, where all who had heard of " those evil suggestions made 
 at London, might be assured that they spring from a false and 
 evil root, for the Lord was pleased to clothe W^illiam that day 
 with majesty, holy zeal and divine wisdom, to the great satisfac- 
 tion of Friends and the admiration and applause of the people." 
 After attending meetings at Charlymill, Limerick, Birr, Mount 
 Mellick, Edenderry, Lurgen and Dublin, they came to Cashel. 
 Here they had a meeting attended by a great concourse of all 
 ranks and persuasions. 
 
 Soon after it was opened, and while John Vaughton w^as 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 397 
 
 preaching;, the Mayor and constable came, by direction of the 
 Bishop, and in the King's name, commanded them to disperse. 
 John Vanghton informed him that he had an interview with the 
 King, before he left England, who was pleased to say, " That if 
 any persons disturbed them in the exercise of their religious 
 liberties, to make it known to him, and he would protect them." 
 " Thou art," he said, " disturbing our meeting ; but whether we 
 should obey thee without law, or believe the King's word, let 
 all that hear judge." The people kept their places, and Thomas 
 Story then commenced speaking, when the Mayor attempted to 
 pull him down, but could not reach him by reason of the crowd. 
 At this juncture, William Penn, who was in an adjoining apart- 
 ment, sent for the Mayor, whom he treated with the respect due 
 to his station, but desired him to retire and let the Bishop know 
 that he would see him at his own house after meeting was over, 
 desiring the Bishop's patience till then, which the Mayor did 
 accordingly. William Penn then went into the meeting, which 
 was held to general satisfaction, and after it was ended, he 
 waited on the Bishop to expostulate with him for his unkind and 
 illegal interference. The Bishop could not justify what he had 
 done, but said, by way of excuse, that he went that morning to 
 church to perform his office as usual, and when there, he had 
 nobody to preach to but the Mayor, church-wardens, some of 
 tlie constables, and the walls — the people being all gone to the 
 Friends' meeting, " which, I confess," said he, "made me a 
 little angry, and I sent the Mayor and constables with that mes- 
 sage, in hope, by that means, to have a greater auditory, though 
 1 have no ill will to you, or those of your profession." 
 
 After this conversation, they parted in seeming friendship ; but 
 the Bishop, in order to justify his unlawful proceedings, wrote to 
 the Earl of Galloway and the other Lords Justices of Ireland, 
 stating that " Mr. Penn and the Quakers had gathered together 
 in that place so many armed Papists, and such a vast multi- 
 titude of people, that it struck a terror into him and into the 
 town, and not knowing what might be the consequence of such 
 an appearance, he had sent the Mayor and the magistrates to 
 disperse them." This letter was shown by the Earl to William 
 Penn, when he afterwards visited Cork, which gave him an op- 
 
 34 
 
398 LIFE OF 
 
 portunity to relate the circumstances, and set the Bihsop's con- 
 duct in its true light. 
 
 Having been more than three months in Ireland, chiefly en- 
 gaged in rehgious services, Penn and his companions embarked 
 for England, and returned to his residence in Bristol, " with 
 thankful hearts to the Lord and giver of all our mercies."* 
 
 During some months after his return, he was engaged in 
 writing a treatise in defence of Friends' principles. It is called 
 *'A Defence of a paper entitled Gospel Truths against the Ex- 
 ceptions of the Bishop of Cork's Testimony." When he was 
 in Ireland, he made a friendly visit to that prelate, and believing 
 him to be moderate and reasonable, he presented him with a 
 copy of his declaration, called "Gospel Truths." The Bishop, 
 soon after, published a severe criticism on it, wherein he says, 
 " I must tell you the declaration of your faith comes so short of 
 what is required from people to denominate them Christians, that 
 except under each article you believe more than you have de- 
 clared, you cannot be accounted Christians." Penn's defence 
 is calm and respectful, but cogent and sometimes caustic, 
 showing that the Bishop had made unjust inferences from the 
 omissions in the paper called " Gospel Truths," which was not 
 intended to be a full exposition of Friends' principles, but a 
 brief declaration on a single sheet concerning some important 
 points, on w^hich their views had been misrepresented."! 
 
 Thomas Story having embarked for America in the latter part 
 of autumn, 1698, many of his friends went aboard the ship, near 
 Deptford, to take leave of him, and among them came Wilham 
 Penn, who, " after they had sat together in solemn silence, ap- 
 peared in supplication for the well-being and preservation of all 
 present, in reverent thankfulness for all the favors of God, and 
 especially for the precious enjoyment of his Divine presence, 
 which they then experienced."^ 
 
 The province of Pennsylvania had, for some years past, en- 
 joyed a state of tranquillity and prosperity ; but accounts had 
 reached England that illicit trade was tolerated there, pirates 
 
 * T. Story's .Io\iruiil, 127 to 146. f Life prefixed to his works. 
 
 ^ T. Story's Journal. 
 
WILLIAM PEN^N. 399 
 
 harbored, and vice permitted to go unpunished. These exao-- 
 gerated or unfounded reports being communicated by Penn to 
 his agents in the province, called forth, in the year 1698, a pro- 
 clamation from the Governor and Council, in which, after deny- 
 ing the accusations concerning ilhcit trade and harboring pirates, 
 they admitted that the drinking houses in Philadelphia were too 
 numerous, and they exhorted the magistrates to enforce the 
 laws, and to suffer none to keep ordinaries or inns who would 
 not observe order and discourage vice.* 
 
 In the same year, the Proprietary having drawn bills upon his 
 agents in the province, for about jESOO, was informed that they 
 remained unpaid, whereupon he wTote to them as follows : 
 
 "2(], 3d mo, '98. 
 " Loving Friends — I am surprised to hear my bills for three hundred 
 and odd pounds should be refused. Is not my right by public obligation 
 to six hundred pounds, in consideration of the law I relinquished of cus- 
 toms ;t my expenses in coming over and prosecuting the dispute with 
 Lord Baltimore, which held near a year ; all my expenses in two yeara 
 with-standing of EdAvard Randall, &c., at my great charge ; and, last of 
 all, my quit-rents, of which I have not seen for twelve years one sixpence: 
 I say, are not all these credit enough to give a governor and proprietor, 
 too, his bills acceptance, or honor at least, for three hundred and odd 
 pounds ? But in my own country to suffer that disgrace upon me, I can- 
 not but think it hard and unworthy, and without example. Those are, 
 therefore, to desire you forthwith to call in my rents, and pay the said 
 money, £318, and £157 ten shillings more, to the order of Philip Ford, 
 who has assisted me here, and that with all the speed you can, I entreat 
 you. It must be in English sterling. I hope this summer to be with 
 you, and shall gladly acknowledge your love and care herein : so, with 
 my love that changes not to you, I end. 
 
 " Your real friend, "WM. PENN." 
 
 The society of Friends had now enjoyed for some years a 
 respite from persecution, but they still had painful evidence that 
 there were those among the clergy of the Established church, 
 who envied them the enjoyment of their religious liberty. 
 
 * Proud. 
 
 ■j- This is supposed to refer to an obligation that had been exenited to him by 
 S. Carpenter, J. Songhurst, Gr. Jones and others, for £600, to be paid to hiin 
 by the province as a consideration for his relinquishing certain imports or cus- 
 tonis. This letter is copied from a lithographed fac simile done in Baluiuore. 
 
400 LIFE OF 
 
 In the year 1699, a discussion was held at West Dereham, 
 in Norfolk, between some clergymen and the Friends, in which 
 the former, being foiled and disappointed of a triumph, grew 
 angry, ajid being desirous to accomplish by the magistrate's 
 sword what they could not achieve by argument, they published 
 a pamphlet called " A Brief Discovery," in which they misre- 
 presented the principles and practices of Friends. In order to 
 counteract the indulgence they enjoyed, with others, under the 
 Act of Toleration, the authors of this abusive work presented it 
 formally to the King and Parliament. This called ft^rth from 
 William Penn the following brief reply, viz : 
 
 " It does not surprise us to be evilly treated, and especially by those 
 who have an interest in doing it ; but, if conscience prevailed more than 
 contention, and charity overruled prejudice, we might hope for fairer 
 quarter from our adversaries. 
 
 " But such is our unhappiness, that nothing less will satisfy them than 
 biseaking in upon the indulgence which we enjoy, if they could persuade 
 the government to second their attempts to a new persecution ; in order to 
 which, we perceive they have been hard at work to pervert our books, 
 violate our sense, abuse our practice, and ridicule our persons ; knowing 
 very well with whom they have to do, and that the patience of our profes- 
 sion is their security in abusing it. 
 
 " However, if it has weight enough with our superiors to make them 
 expect a fresh defence of our principles and practices, we shall with God's 
 assistance, be ready, for their satisfaction, once more to justify both against 
 the insults of our restless adversaries, who otherwise, avc take leave to say. 
 would not deserve our notice, since we have already repeatedly answered 
 their objections in print, and think it our duty, as well as wisdom, to use 
 the liberty the government has favored us with in as peaceable and inof- 
 fensive a manner as may be. WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 He now prepared to fulfil his long cherished purpose of re- 
 moving with his family to Pennsylvania, for a permanent resi- 
 dence. Previous to his embarkation he composed a letter of 
 advice to his children, " relating to their civil and religious 
 conduct," which abounds with just and beautiful sentiments. 
 
 On the 13th of the sixth month (August, 0. S.), he preached 
 a " farewell sermon," at Friends' meeting-house, Westminster, 
 which, being taken down and printed soon after, is still extant. 
 The following extract may serve as a specimen. " He that 
 made us, knows our frame. He that created us and formed and 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 401 
 
 fashioned us after his own image, and gave us powers and 
 faculties to glorify and serve him, that v.e may come to enjoy 
 him forever, requires of no man or woman more than he hath 
 given them power or ability to perform. It concerneth us all, 
 therefore, to live in the exercise of that Divine gift, and grace 
 and ability which our Lord Jesus Chris hath distributed and 
 communicated to every member of his body, that we may 
 come to shine as stars in the firmament of glory. We should 
 do good in our several places and stations, according to our 
 different powers and capacities. And as every member is, 
 by the circulation of blood, made useful and beneficial in the 
 natural body, so the Divine life and blood of the Son of God, 
 circulates through his whole mystical body, and reaches life to 
 every living member. Here is no obstruction through unfaith- 
 fulness or inordinate love of the world, or any temptation from 
 without us, or corruption from within us. Here is a free chan- 
 nel, here is an open passage for life and quickening influences 
 from Christ, our glorious head, in all his members. There is 
 in Christ (in whom the fulness of the Godhead dwells bodily) a 
 river, whose streams make glad the City of God, a fountain to 
 supply and refresh the whole generation of the righteous that 
 desire to be found in him (as the Apostle speaks), not having 
 their own righteousness, but chothed with the robe of his righ- 
 teousness, which is the garment of salvation."* 
 
 On the 9th of the 7th month (September, 0. S.), 1699, he sailed 
 from Cowes in the Isle of Wight, having two days previously 
 addressed, from on board the ship, an epistle to the members of 
 his own religious society, which concludes as follows : " I must 
 leave you, but I can never forget you ; for my love to you has 
 been even as David's and Jonathan's, above the love of women : 
 and suffer me to say, that, to my power, I have from the first 
 endeavored to serve you (and my poor country), and that at my 
 own char2,es, with an upright mind, however rnisunderslond 
 and treated by some, whom I heartily forgive. Accept you 
 my services ; and ever love and remember, my dear friends and 
 brethren, your old, true and affectionate friend, brother and ser- 
 vant in Christ Jesus, WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 * " The Friend," published in London. 
 
 34* 
 
402 LIFE OF 
 
 Previous to his embarkation, the Friends in England gave him 
 three certificates addressed to the meetings of Frientls in Penn- 
 sylvania, which may be seen in the first Book of Records of 
 Philadelphia Monthly Meeting. 
 
 These documents show that he was in full unity with the 
 meetings of his own society, and greatly beloved amongst them. 
 
 The first certificate is from " the Second-Day's Meeting of 
 Ministering Friends" in London; which, after alluding to his 
 eminent services in the Gospel ministry, his successfid efforts in 
 pleading the cause of the oppressed, his tribulations, arising from 
 the malice of his enemies, and his meekness in forgiving them; 
 concludes by stating, that he parted with their meeting in great 
 love, and was in true unity as an approved minister of Christ. 
 
 The second, is from the "Men's Meeting of Friends in the 
 City of Bristol," where he had been for some time residing. It 
 expresses their great reluctance to part with him and their high 
 esteem for him " as a man, a good Friend and a true Christian." 
 
 The third, being a full and beautiful expression of Christian 
 fellowship, is here subjoined. 
 
 From our Monthly Meeting held at Horsham, 14th of 5th mo. 1699. 
 
 "Old England To th« churches of Christ in Pennsylvaiua, and to all the 
 faithful Friends and brethren unto whom this may come. In the coven- 
 ant of life and felloAvshij) of the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ, and in 
 the unity of the one Eternal Spirit of our God, we dearly salute you ; most 
 earnestly desiring your everlasting prosperity in the blessed Truth. 
 
 " Now, dear friends and brethren, whereas our worthy friend and elder, 
 William Penn, did acquaint our Monthly Men's Meeting with his intended 
 voyage into his province of Pennsylvania, and although Ave are right sen- 
 sible that he needeth no letter of recommendation from us to pass into his 
 own country, yet at liis request, and for the good order's sake that God 
 hath established in his church, and amongst his people, and for the sincere 
 love we bear to our well esteemed friend, we could do no less than give 
 this small token of our unity and communion with him, as a testimony for 
 him and his service in the church of Christ; wherein ho hath been a 
 worthy and blessed instrument in the hand of the Lord, both in his min- 
 istry and conversation, and hath always sought the prosperity of the 
 blessed truth, and peace and concord in the church of Christ ; and hath 
 walked amongst us in all humility, godly sincerity and true brotherly love, 
 to our great refreshment and comfort : who hath, with much labor and 
 great travail, on all oecasions endeavored the defence of truth against its 
 opposers, and the preservation of true unity and good order in the church 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 403 
 
 of Christ. So in the unity of the one Eternal Spirit, which is the hond of 
 true poaeo, wo take our k^ave of him, with earnest breathings and suppli- 
 cations to the great God, whom the winds and seas obey, that he would 
 mercifully lie pleased to go along with him, and conduct him by the an- 
 gel of His divine jimsence, to his desired port ; and ])roserve him to the 
 end of his days ; and in the end, that he may receive an immortal crown, 
 and be bound up in the bundle of life an.ongst them that have turned 
 many to righteousness, who shine as the sun in the firmament of Clod's 
 eternal power, forever and ever, amen." 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 William Pcnn Lands at Chester; Sad Accident to a Young Man ; William 
 Penn's Charity; lie Lands at Philadelphia; Yellow Fever in that City ; 
 Letter of J. Logan to William Penn, Jr. ; Notice of J. Logan ; Col. 
 Quarry and David Lloyd ; Residence in Pliiladelphia ; His Employments ; 
 Meeting of Assembly ; Speech to the Council ; A New Charter Desired ; 
 Laws Proposed Concerning Marriages of Negroes, and Selling Rum to 
 Indians ; Col. Quarry's Charges against D. Lloyd : D. L. Excluded from 
 Council ; His Enmity to William Penn ; Old Charter given up ; Speech 
 on the occasion. 
 
 1699-1700. 
 
 It was a joyful day to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania when 
 the ship Canterbury was announced, bearing to their shores the 
 illustrious founder of the colony ; who, after an absence of fifteen 
 years, had come with his family, intending to make it his per- 
 manent home. 
 
 After a tedious voyage of more than three months, the ship 
 arrived at Chester, on the 1st day of the 10th month (December, 
 0. S. 1 699.) On the evening previous, William Penn came up in 
 his barge to the house of Lydia Wade, near Chester, where he 
 arrived after dark; and there, being met by his friend Thomas 
 Story, they spent some time in social converse and lodged to- 
 gether.* 
 
 • Story's Journal. 
 
404 LIFE OF 
 
 The next day they went over Chester Creek in a boat, and as 
 the Governor landed, some young men, contrary to the express 
 orders of the magistrates, fired a salute " with two small sea- 
 pieces of cannon." On loading one of the guns a second time, 
 one of the young men threw in a cartridge of powder before the 
 piece was sponged, which taking fire, his left hand and arm 
 ■were shot in pieces. A surgeon being sent for from on board a 
 ship lying at anchor before the town, he found it necessary to 
 amputate the arm.* 
 
 This untoward accident must have greatly marred the pleasure 
 of the Governor's reception. So deeply was he interested for the 
 sufferer, that he paid the expenses of surgical aid, and continued 
 to advance money for his relief and support; as appears by en- 
 tries on the Proprietary Cash Book, of various sums, paid " for 
 B. Bevan of Chester, who lost his arm." The last of these en- 
 tries shows the sad termination of this affair, it is on " April 
 20th, for his funeral charges."! 
 
 After exchanging salutations with his friends in Chester, the 
 Governor again went on board, and the ship proceeded to Phila- 
 delphia, where he was greeted by the inhabitants with joy and 
 respect. The city had lately been visited by that dreadful epi- 
 demic the Yellow Fever, which carried off many of the inhabi- 
 tants and spread a general gloom over the community. 
 
 Thomas Story speaks of its effects in the following terms: 
 "In this distemper had died, six, seven, and sometimes eight, a 
 day, for several weeks, there being few houses, if any, free of 
 the sickness. Great was the majesty and hand of the Lord ! 
 great was the fear that fell upon all flesh! I saw no lofty or 
 airy countenance, nor heard any vain jesting to move men to 
 laughter, nor witty repartee to move men to mirth ; nor extrava- 
 gant feasting to excite the lusts and desires of the flesh above 
 measure. But every face gathered paleness, and many hearts were 
 humbled, and countenances fallen and sunk, as such that waited 
 every moment to be summoned to the bar and numbered to the 
 grave." 
 
 While the disease was most prevalent, the time arrived for 
 
 • T. Story's Journal. | Mtni. Hist. Soc. Pa. Fisher's Private Life of Penn. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 405 
 
 Friends to hold their yearly meeting, and some wished to post- 
 pone it till a more healthy season, but the sentiment prevailed 
 that there was no authority in individuals or subordinate meet- 
 ings to changce the time : and advices were issued that "such 
 only should attend as were concerned in the service of the 
 meetings, because of the great infection, and the incapacity of 
 Friends and inns in town to lodge and entertain them." The 
 meeting was held with great solemnity and power, the fear of 
 contagion being much taken away, and the consolations of the 
 Gospel abundantly experienced. It was remarked that "there 
 was not one taken ill during the wdiole time of the meeting, 
 either of those that came there on that account, or of the people 
 of the town."* 
 
 Before the landing of William Penn and his family, the fever 
 had ceased, and nothing could be better adapted to dispel the 
 gloom that remained, than the long-desired arrival of their be- 
 loved and venerated governor. The circumstances attending 
 his reception in Philadelphia are related in a letter from James 
 Logan to William Penn, Jr., then in England, who was the only 
 surviving son of the founder by his first wife. In order that the 
 reader may fully understand this interesting letter, a brief ac- 
 count of the writer, and of two characters mentioned in it. Col. 
 Quarry and Daniel Lloyd, appears to be requisite, more espe- 
 cially as they will be introduced frequently hereafter, in con- 
 nexion with the affairs of the province. 
 
 James Logan was born at Lurgan, in Ireland, in 1674 ; his 
 parents were from Scotland, where their valuable estates were 
 confiscated under a charge of participation in the conspiracy of 
 the Earl of Gowrie. His talents must have been early developed, 
 for " he speaks of having attained a knowledge of Latin, Greek, 
 and Hebrew, before he was thirteen years of age, and also that 
 in his sixteenth year, having met with a book of Laybourns on 
 Mathematics, he made himself master of that science without 
 any instruction." 
 
 His father, having gone to Bristol, was employed in teaching, 
 where James, being his assistant in the school, continued to im- 
 
 * T. Story's Journal. 
 
406 LIFE OF 
 
 prove himself in the classics, and learned the French and Italian 
 languages, as well as some Spanish. In the year 1698 he en- 
 gaged in a trade between Dublin and Bristol ; but William Penn 
 having proposed to hm to accompany him to Pennsylvania as 
 his secretary, he accepted the offer, and came over with him in 
 the ship Canterbury in 1699. He was Secretary of the Province, 
 Commissioner of Property, for some time President of the Coun- 
 cil, and afterwards Chief Justice of Pennsylvania. Notwithstand- 
 ing his numerous employments, he found time to cultivate his 
 taste for literature and science : he wrote some scientific works, 
 corresponded with the literati of Europe, and received at his 
 seat of Stenton all strangers of distinction who visited the pro- 
 vince. He patronized men of genius and learning, and collected 
 a valuable library, which he bequeathed to the Library Company 
 of Philadelphia. 
 
 He was educated as a Friend, and highly esteemed for his 
 virtues ; but in one important point he differed from the Society, 
 being an advocate for military defences. 
 
 His sagacity, prudence, and knowledge of business rendered 
 him of great service to William Penn, to whom he was a wise 
 counsellor and steadfast friend. 
 
 Their voluminous correspondence is still preserved at Stenton, 
 and a copy of it, transcribed by the late Deborah Logan,* with 
 her interesting annotations, has been placed in the archives of 
 the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia. 
 
 In personal appearance James Logan was tall and well pro- 
 portioned, with a graceful yet grave demeanor. His manner 
 was dignified yet kind and engaging.! 
 
 Col. Robert Quarry was for many years the determined oppo- 
 nent of the Proprietary interest, and gave much annoyance to 
 William Penn. 
 
 He was a member of the Church of England and Judge of 
 the Admiralty, a court estabhshed by the British government in 
 her American colonies, for the adjudication of maritime causes, 
 and with the purpose of enforcing her navigation laws, which 
 prohibited a direct trade with foreign countries. The official 
 
 • Widow of Dr. Ciporge Lngan, who Jicd at Stenton in 1821. 
 -J- Lt'gan, MSS. and V\ ulsuu's Aniiuls. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 407 
 
 station of Col. Quarry, and that of John Moore, advocate in the 
 same court, rendered them independent of the Proprietary and 
 of the colonial Legislature, whose views and interests it was 
 their study to thwart in every possible way, but especially by 
 complaints and exaggerated reports, transmitted to the board of 
 trade in London. 
 
 Before the arrival of Penn several of these injurious statements 
 had been forwarded to the British government, charging the 
 colonial authorities with harboring pirates, and tolerating illicit 
 trade, as well as complaining that oaths were not exacted in 
 the courts, nor military defences provided for the colony. 
 
 William Penn by his influence with " the Lords of the Com- 
 mittee of Trade and Plantations," had succeeded in baffling their 
 designs, and now, being desirous to promote the harmony and 
 welfare of the province, he felt inclined to overlook past offences 
 and to cultivate friendly relations with all. 
 
 David Lloyd was a Welshman by birth; he had been a cap- 
 tain in Cromwell's army, and was by profession a lawyer. 
 
 He emigrated to Pennsylvania at an early date, and was com- 
 missioned by Penn as attorney-general for the province, in the 
 year 1686. He was a man of considerable abilities, and in 
 private life bore a fair character, but in his public career he was 
 a disturber that knew no peace himself, nor permitted any to 
 others. Affecting to be the champion of popular rights, he had 
 great influence with the people, wdiose confidence he abused by 
 leading many of them into factious opposition to the govern- 
 ment, and defeating some of the most salutary measures proposed 
 by the Proprietary.* 
 
 He w^as not inimical to the interests of Penn, until about the 
 year 1700, when, as stated in the following letter, he took some 
 offence, and became ever after, his implacable adversary, although 
 belonging to the same religious communion. 
 
 JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN, JR. 
 
 "Philadelphia, 7mo., 25th, 1700. 
 " The higlicst torms I could use would hardly give you an idea of the 
 expectation aud welcome that thy father received from the most of the 
 
 • Proud, Watson, and Logan MSS. 
 
408 LIFE OF 
 
 honester party here : Friends generally concluded that after all their 
 troubles and disappointmei^ts, this province now scarce wanted any thing 
 more to render it completely happy. The faction that had long contended 
 to overthrow the settled constitution of the government received an uni- 
 versal damp, yet endeavored what mischief they could by speaking whis- 
 pers, that the Proprietary could not act as Governor, without the King's 
 approbation, and taking an oath as obliged by act of Parliament, but that 
 in a great measure soon blew over. Colonel Quarry, Judge, and John 
 Moore, Advocate, of the Admiralty, the two ring-leaders went down to 
 the water side among the crowd to receive the Governor at his landing, 
 who not seeming to regard the very submissive welcome they gave him, 
 and taking notice of an old acquaintance that stood by them, expected 
 nothing but almost as open hostility from the Proprietary as they were at 
 before with Col. Markham, especially having heard that copies of Col. 
 Quarry's letters to the admiralty at home against the Governor were also 
 brought over." 
 
 " Directly from the wharf the Governor went to his deputy's, paid him 
 a short formal visit, and from thenco, with a crowd attending, to meeting, 
 it being about three o'clock on first-day afternoon, where he spoke on a 
 double account to the people, and praying, concluded it : from thence to 
 Edward Shippens, where we lodged for about a month." 
 
 "For two or three days the Governor seemed to admire at Col. Quarry's 
 distance, and perceiving that he was not like to come pay a civil visit as 
 might be expected, sent me to him with an inviting compliment, with 
 which he presently complied, and entered into a very familiar conversa- 
 tion with the Governor, who endeavored to make it appear that he would 
 treat all parties with equal civility and regard in this province, that were 
 not directly injurious to him, confessed he believed, there was occasion 
 given for the complaint that went home ; blamed the mal-administration 
 of afi"airs in some particulars, relative to the King, and resolved to have a 
 hearing of the whole matter before himself and council. The two persona 
 chiefly struck at by Quarry, was the Lieutenant-Governor and David Lloyd, 
 Attorney General ; a man very stiff in all his undertakings, of a sound 
 judgment, and a good lawyer, but extremely pertinacious and somewhat 
 revengeful : he, at that time was one of the council, and those mighty 
 wrongs that had been put on the King coming to be debated there, 
 David resolutely defended all that had been done, and too highly opposed 
 the Governor's resolution of composing all by mildness and moderation, 
 and reconciling all animosities by his own intervention, which he thought 
 the only advisable expedient to put an end to those ditferences that had 
 cost him so much trouble. This soon created some small misunderstand- 
 ing, several of the most noted Friends were involved more or less in David's 
 business, and though troubled at his stifiness yet wished him in the right, 
 because the most active enemy and assiduous counsellor against the other 
 party, who on all occasions would be glad, they thought, of their utter 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 409 
 
 ruin. His obstinacy the Governor could by no means brook ; he could 
 not but think there was more deference and consideration due to his 
 character and station ; the other knew not what it was to bend, he was 
 engaged in the cause, and would stand or fall by it, oifering to plead it at 
 Westminster Ilall, but the Governor who was most sensible of the pulse 
 of the court and aflairs in general at home, knew this course would never 
 take, and therefore was sometimes warm enough to inveigh highly against 
 past proceedings, not sparing several in express words that were concern- 
 ed in them, and laying open in large discourse what would be the conse- 
 quence, if they took not some more effectual ways to satisfy superiors at 
 home, who, perhaps, would be very well pleased with any occasion by 
 whatsoever hand administered to wrench the government out of the Pro- 
 prietor's hands and throw it on the King." 
 
 " Friends' love to the Governor was great and sincere, they had long 
 mourned for his absence and passionately desired his return. He, they 
 firmly believed, would compose all their difficulties and repair all that 
 was amiss." 
 
 It appears, from the foregoing letter, that the Governor and 
 his family, with his secretary, James Logan, went, on their ar- 
 rival, to lodge at Edward Shippens's, where they remained about 
 a month. Penn then took a house known as the slate-roof 
 house, on Second street, between Chestnut and Walnut, at the 
 south-east corner of Norris's alley.* Here was born, about two 
 months after they landed, his son John, the only one of his chil- 
 dren born in this country, and therefore called " The American." 
 The house is still standing, and though it presents a lowly ap- 
 pearance in comparison with the stately mansions since erected 
 in its vicinity, it will ever be regarded with deep interest by the 
 antiquarian. Who can look at this venerable building, humble 
 and degraded as it now appears, without feeling the influence of 
 cherished associations, w^hich bring before the mind's eye the 
 long-vanished images of former scenes, when the founder of 
 Pennsylvania passed through these doors, entertained his friends 
 in these apartments, or partook here, with his family, the com- 
 forts and enjoyments of domestic life. 
 
 From the Colonial Records, and the Journal of Thomas Story, 
 we can trace the movements of Governor Penn during nearly 
 the whole winter of 1699-1700. He landed at Chester on 
 
 • Watson's Annals. 
 
 35 
 
410 LIFE OF 
 
 the 1st of 10th month, (December, 0. S.) was probably at Phila- 
 delphia the next day, returned to Chester on the 15th to attend 
 the Quarter Sessions, was with Thomas Story at various religious 
 meetings in Pennsylvania and New Jersey during the winter 
 months, and during the same season attended twenty-two meet- 
 ings of the Provincial Council, besides meeting the Assembly in 
 the 11th month, (January,) to obtain the passage of an act 
 against piracy and illicit trade — a law considered necessary, in 
 order to clear the colony of the injurious and mischievous re- 
 ports that had been transmitted to the British government. 
 
 An election for members of Council and Assembly having 
 taken place agreeably to the provisions of the charter, the Coun- 
 cil met in Philadelphia the 1st of the 2d month, (April) 1700, 
 and having individually subscribed a declaration of fidelity to 
 the King and the Proprietary, they were addressed by William 
 Penn in the following speech :* 
 
 "Friends — Though this be a colony of nineteen years' standing, and 
 not inferior to any uf its age and establishing, yet we have much to do to 
 make a free constitution and the courts of justice therein. There are in 
 it some Uxws which may be accounted obsolete, others hurtful, others 
 imperfect, that will need improvement ; and it will be requisite to make 
 some new ones. We cannot go too slowly to make them, nor too fast to 
 execute them when made, and that with diligence and discretion. A few 
 well made, and duly executed, will better answer the ends of government 
 than a great bulk unexecuted. You, friends, are the people's choice and 
 my Council. You will see what laws are fit to be left out, and what are 
 fit to be made ; and you, with me, are to prepare and propose them ; I say 
 this the rather, because of a false notion some have got, that because you 
 are my Council, therefore, you are not the people's representatives. The 
 ablest men have always been chosen to be of the Council to prepare the 
 laws, and the Assembly are to consent to them. Though two bodies, yet 
 are we but one power — the one prepares, the other consents. Friends, if 
 in the constitution by charter there be anything that jars, alter it. If you 
 want a law for this or that, prepare it ; I advise you not to trifle with 
 government : I wish there were no need of any : but since crimes prevail, 
 government is made necessary by man's degeneracy. Government is not 
 an end, but a means ; he who thinks it to be an end, aims at profit, to 
 make a trade of it ; but he who thinks it to be a means, understands the 
 true end of government. Friends, away with all parties, and look on 
 
 • Colonial Records, i., 5C8, and Mem. H. S. Pa., ii., part ii , 187. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 411 
 
 yourselves, and on what is good for all as a body politic ; first as under the 
 King and Crown of England ; and next as under me by letters patent 
 from that Crown. At the late election in Philadelphia, I was grieved to 
 hear some make it a matter of religion. It is merely a humane and moral 
 thing relating to society, trade, traffic, and public good, consisting in vir- 
 tue and justice; where these are maintained, there is government indeed. 
 Study peace and be at unity. Provide for the good of all ; and I desire to 
 see mine no otherwise than in the public's prosperity. The last Assembly 
 made two laws against piracy and forbidden trade. I hear they have not 
 sat easy on the books of some ; but I hope we having therein been care- 
 ful, we shall have thanks for making them before we had orders so to do ; 
 and after so many calumnies and complaints we have been loaded with, I 
 hope those two laws will, in some degree, wash us clean. What concerns 
 myself I also leave it with you to consider. I have been now nineteen 
 years your proprietor and governor, and have at my charge maintained 
 my deputy, whereby I have much worsted myself and estate. I hope it 
 will be no wonder to any here to hear me make this mention of it. Some 
 say I come to get money and be gone, but perhaps they that say so, wish 
 it so ; I hope I or mine shall be with you while I or they live. The dis- 
 asters of my absence have been mine as well as yours ; and, as I am used, 
 shall make suitable returns. I have lately two packets from Whitehall, 
 an original and a duplicate ; also one for my cousin Markham, and two 
 from Secretary Vernon ; and am commanded by the Lords Justices to 
 make laws against ])iracy and imlawful trade. I am glad we have pre- 
 vented their commands in doing it before they came." 
 
 After the delivery of the Governor's speech, a motion was 
 made by a member of Council, tliat they might have a new 
 charter ; the Governor asked them, " whether they thought the 
 old charter was living, dead, or asleep;" is it, said he, " vacated 
 by the act of settlement, or what state is it in .^" After some of 
 the members had expressed their opinions that the fundamental 
 principles of the old charter were still in force, the Governor 
 said : " The act of settlement served till I came, now I am 
 come it cannot bind me against my own act, the charter, it being 
 my grant, and the people my witness by their acceptance of it, 
 and tho' some violence cannot be resisted, yet when the violence 
 is taken off the charter returns, and how can it return but by 
 writ .'"' He then resolved all the members of Council into a 
 grand committee, to meet in the afternoon " to read the " charter 
 and frame of government, to keep what is good, in either, to 
 
412 LIFE OF 
 
 lay aside what is inconvenient and burdensome, and to add to 
 both what may best suit the common good."* 
 
 Among the measures proposed by the Governor, was one 
 " about the marriages of negroes," and another to prohibit the 
 sale of rum to the Indians. 
 
 These benevolent measures were agreed to by the Council 
 but rejected by the Assembly. 
 
 At a meeting of Council in the spring of 1700, Col. Robert 
 Quarry brought a charge against David Lloyd for irreverent 
 speeches and gestures, " against the broad seal of England 
 and the King's picture,''^ and being required to reduce his 
 charges to writing, he deposed that " the said David Lloyd, at 
 a country court where the marshal produced his letters patent 
 with the broad seal of the high court of Admiralty attached, and 
 the said patent having on the frontispiece his most sacred 
 majesty's efligy stampt; the said Daniel Lloyd in a most inso- 
 lent manner, taking the said commission in his hand and expos- 
 ing it to the people said, " what is this ? do you think to scare 
 us with a gi'eat box (meaning the seal in a tin box,) and a little 
 baby," (meaning the picture or effigy as aforesaid,) "'tistrue," said 
 he, " fine pictures please children, but we are not to be frighten- 
 ed at such a rate," &c. He further accused D. Lloyd of con- 
 tempt of the court of Admirality, in having advised the justices 
 to force goods out of the King's warehouse in 1698. 
 
 Col. Quarry, having produced his witnesses to prove his 
 charges, the Governor submitted to the vote of the council, 
 whether what was exhibited and proved against D. Lloyd, a 
 member of that body, was sufficient ground to suspend him from 
 setting at the board. The members having answered in the 
 affirmative, Joseph Growden was appointed to inform David 
 Lloyd of his exclusion, until he should have his trial. This 
 proceeding doubtless increased the enmity of David Lloyd 
 towards the Proprietary, and prompted him to acts of unceasing 
 hostility. 
 
 The Assembly and Council, not being able to agree upon the 
 provisions of a new charter, and being dissatisfied with the old 
 
 • Colonial Record?, i. 570. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 413 
 
 one, appointed a joint committee on the 7th of 4th month (June,) 
 to deliver it up to the Proprietary, who accepted it at their hands, 
 and made the following speech :* 
 
 " Friends — Since you were dissatisfied with the charter you had, 
 and that you could not agree among yourselves about a new one, I shall 
 be easy in ruling you by the King's letters patent and act of union, and 
 shall in the ruling of you, consider my grant from the King and you that 
 I am to rule, and shall from time to time endeavor to give you satisfac- 
 tion. I advise you not to be easily displeased one with another ; be slow 
 to_anger and swift to charity ; so I wish you all well to your homes." 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 Pennsbury Manor and Mansion ; Furniture ; William Penn's IMode of 
 Travelling ; Horses, Carriage, Barge ; Anecdote of Rebecca Wood ; Fairs 
 and Indian Canticoes ; Letter of J. Norris ; Anecdote of H. Penn ; Let- 
 ters of William Penn and his Wife ; Note of D. Logan ; Letters of J, 
 Logan ; T. Story; William Penn Visits a Yearly Meeting in Md. ; Vis- 
 its Indians at Conastoga ; Rural Occupations ; Slaves formerly owned 
 by him ; Extracts from his Letters ; Rise of the Testimony of Friends 
 Against Slavery ; William Penn's Efibrts to Improve their Condition ; 
 Minute of Phila. Mo. Meeting ; William Penn Liberates his Slaves. 
 
 1700-1. 
 
 While perusing the lives of illustrious men, we are not con- 
 tent to view them only in their public career, where their words 
 and actions bear the impress of studied propriety ; but we love 
 to follow them into the quiet retreats of private life, to see them 
 relaxing from the cares of business, laying aside the restraints 
 of etiquette, and sustaining the more endearing domestic rela- 
 tions of the husband, the father, and the friend. With this pur- 
 pose we will endeavor to follow William Penn and his family, 
 to Pennsbury Manor, his favorite place of residence, to which he 
 removed in the spring or summer of the year 1700. 
 
 • Colonial Records, i. 588. 
 
 35* 
 
414 LIFE OF 
 
 This beautiful estate was situated in Bucks county, four miles 
 above Bristol, on the River Delaware. It comprised upwards of 
 six thousand acres of fertile alluvial soil, mostly covered with 
 majestic forests, and while in the possession of an Indian king, 
 had borne the name of Sepassin.* 
 
 It extended about two miles on the River Delaware, lying be- 
 tween Governor's Creek and Welcome Creek, the latter of which, 
 making a bend, nearly enclosed it in the rear ; at high water, 
 converting it into an island. 
 
 This may account for the singular description given by Clark- 
 son, who says "it was a treble island, the Delaware running 
 three times round it."t 
 
 The mansion was built in 1682-3, and, with the other improve- 
 ments, cost j£5000, a large sum, when we take into view that 
 money, in that day, was far less abundant than now, and con- 
 sequently more valuable. The traveller who passes up the 
 Delaware, looks with deep interest at this venerated spot, asso- 
 ciated W'ith some of the happiest days of the great philanthro- 
 pist. But scarcely anything remains as it was in the days of 
 the Proprietary. The mansion is long since decayed and gone, 
 a comfortable farm house occupies its site, and a w^ooden build- 
 ing, much decayed, called the " Brew-house," is all that is left 
 of William Penn's improvements, save a few old cherry-trees, 
 said to have been planted by his own hand. 
 
 Let us endeavor, with the materials that have been gathered 
 by antiquarian researches, to delineate the scene as it was when 
 the founder of Pennsylvania retired hither from the cares of 
 government, and engaged in the employments of rural life. 
 
 " The principal mansion was about sixty feet in front, facing 
 the river. It was two stories in height and of brick. Its appear- 
 ance was, it is said, stately, and it was entered by a handsome 
 porch and steps. On the first floor was a large hall, probably 
 the whole length of the house, used on pubhc occasions for the 
 meeting of the Council and the entertainment of strangers and 
 
 * Lop;an MSS. 
 
 f It is rorniukahle that Dixon in his Life of Penn, published since the above was 
 written, should have fallen into the same mistake. He says, " afllucnts from the 
 great river bending no less than ihice several times round it," p. 295. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 415 
 
 the Indians ; a little hall and at least three parlors, all wain- 
 scotted, and communicating by folding doors. On the roof was 
 a large reservoir for water, to the leakage of which is attributed, 
 in part, the ruin of the mansion. The out-houses, which were 
 uniform and facing in a line with the house, were, 1st. a kitchen 
 and larder, 2d. awash-house, 3d. a house for brewing and baking, 
 and 4th. a stable for twelve horses ; all these, one story and a 
 half high. 
 
 " The mansion-house was seated on a moderate eminence. 
 A broad walk through an avenue of poplars, led to the river, 
 descending from the upper terrace to the lower grounds by a 
 flight of steps. The house was surrounded by gardens and 
 lawns, and the more distant woods were opened in vistas look- 
 ing down the river and upwards to the falls. These woods had 
 been laid out in walks, at the Proprietary's first visit, and the 
 preservation of the trees is enjoined in several of his letters. 
 
 " The Proprietor sent out from England, walnuts, hawthorns, 
 hazels, fruit-trees, and a great variety of the rarest seeds and 
 roots; while in this country (as w^e learn from his Cash Book) he 
 procured from Maryland several panniers of trees and shrubs, 
 indigenous in that province, and he directed by his letters that 
 the most beautiful wild-flowers should be transplanted into his 
 gardens. On the whole, his directions indicate a love of nature 
 and an elegance of taste, wiiich are very remarkable."* 
 
 The furniture of the mansion was tasteful and substantial • 
 probably a medium between that of the English gentry and the 
 Pennsylvania farmers. Two papers were obtained some years 
 since, by J. F. Fisher, from John Penn, the grandson of the 
 founder, containing a list of the furniture at Pennsbury in 1701. 
 
 The following particulars extracted from it may interest some 
 readers.! 
 
 " In the great hafl was a long table, tw^o forms, six chairs a 
 supply of pewter plates and dishes, with six vessels called cis- 
 terns, for holding water or beer. In the little hall, six leather 
 chairs and five maps. In the best parlor, two tables, one couch, 
 
 * See J. F. Fisher'.s interesting discourse on the Private Life of William Penn. 
 Mem. Hist, Soc. of Pa-., iii. part ii., to whicli I am indebted for many jnirticulard. 
 ■(■ \Vatsun's Annals, ii. 106. 
 
416 LIFE OF 
 
 t^YO large, and four small cain chairs, four cushions of satin and 
 three of green plush. In the second parlor, one great leather 
 chair, probably used by the Governor, one clock and a pair of 
 brasses. The four chambers on the second floor were well sup- 
 plied with beds, bedding, chairs, tables, &c. In three of them 
 were suits of curtains, the first of satin, the second of camblet, 
 and the third of striped linen. The garret chambers were fur- 
 nished with four beds, and in one of the chambers were deposited 
 three side-saddles and tw^o pillions. In the closet were two silk 
 blankets and two damask curtains for windows." 
 
 Although pewter plates and dishes were used on common 
 occasions, it appears that there was also " a suit of Tunbridge- 
 ware, besides blue and white china, some plate and a large sup- 
 ply of damask table-cloths and napkins. Mahogony was not then 
 known, and the spider tables and high-backed chairs were of 
 solid oak or of the darker walnut."* 
 
 These particulars may appear trivial to some readers, but 
 they furnish a nearer view of the Proprietor's homestead, and 
 serve to fill up and complete the picture which we all wish to 
 see of his domestic arrangements. 
 
 The long tables and forms in the great hall were, doubtless, 
 designed for the entertainment of his numerous guests on public 
 occasions, among whom the Indians were not the least frequent. 
 Tradition relates, that on one occasion when he made a feast for 
 his red brethren, a long table was spread for them in the avenue 
 leading to the house which was shaded by poplars, and among 
 the viands provided, were one hundred turkies, besides venison 
 and other meats. 
 
 The three side-saddles and two pillions warrant the inference 
 that the female part of the family were accustomed to go abroad 
 on horseback, which, on account of the badness of the roads 
 w^as then the most pleasant mode of travelling. 
 
 The Governor was fond of horses and made frequent visits on 
 horseback, to New York, to Maryland, or to the Susquehannah. 
 
 He very often visited the meetings of Friends in Pennsylvania 
 and New Jersey, when, we may reasonably suppose, that his 
 
 • J. F. Fisher. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 417 
 
 wife and daughter sometimes accompanied him on horseback. 
 On one of these visits, when going to Haverford, he overtook a 
 litde girl named Rebecca Wood, who was going afoot from 
 Darby, to attend the same meeting ; " on coming up with her," 
 says the traveller SutclifT, "he inquired where she was going, 
 and being informed, he, with his usual good nature, desired her 
 to get up behind him ; and bringing his horse to a convenient 
 place she mounted, and so rode away upon the bare back. 
 Being without shoes or stockings, her bare legs and feet hung 
 dangling by the side of the Governor's horse." 
 
 Tins incident though unimportant in itself, affords a pleasing 
 evidence of that kindness and condescension which the Governor 
 manifested towards all classes of society. 
 
 Although the Proprietor's family generally travelled on horse- 
 back, he had a coach, which was probably used in the neighbor- 
 hood of Philadelphia, a calash in which he sometimes drove 
 about to the country meetings, and a sedan chair, which Hannah 
 Penn may have used while visiting in the city.* 
 
 Another mode of travelling, and the one generally adopted 
 between Pennsbury and the city, was the Governor's barge, 
 which was of considerable size, with a mast and probably six 
 oars. This boat was an object of much interest to Penn, a taste 
 probably imbibed from his father, the Admiral, In one of his 
 letters to James Harrison, he says, " but above all dead things, 
 my barge, I hope no body uses it on any account, and that she 
 is kept in a dry dock, or at least covered from the weather. "f 
 
 When passing in his barge between Philadelphia and Pennsbury, 
 he frequently stopped at Burlington to see Governor Jennings of 
 New Jersey, who was also an eminent minister among Friends. 
 " On one occasion Jennings and some of his friends were enjoy- 
 ing their pipes, a practice which the gentlemanly Penn disliked. 
 
 " On hearing that Penn's barge was in sight they put away 
 their pipes, that their friend might not be annoyed, and endeavor- 
 ed to conceal from him what they were about. " He came upon 
 them however somewhat suddenly, and pleasantly remarked, 
 that he was glad they had sufficient sense of propriety to be 
 
 • J. F. Fisher. -j- Pemberton MSS. 
 
418 LIFE OF 
 
 ashamed of the practice. " Jennings rarely at a loss for an 
 answer rejoined, that they were not ashamed, but desisted to 
 avoid hurting a weak brother."* 
 
 Among the recreations of the Governor and his family, was 
 the occasional attendance of " a fair, or an Indian cantico^^'' of 
 both which his Cash Book, kept by James Logan, gives evidence 
 such as this : — " By ray mistress at the fair, .£2 O5. 8f/. By 
 expenses given to Hannah Carpenter for a fairing, 8 shillings. 
 By ditto to two children for comfits per order, \s. 6d. By the 
 Governor going to cantico, £1 iSs. 4Qf." 
 
 In his intercourse with the Indians the Governor is said to 
 have shown his condescension not only by partaking of their 
 venison, hominy, and roasted acorns, but even by engaging in 
 their athletic exercises — hopping and jumping with them to 
 their great delight. 
 
 The esteem in which William Penn and his excellent wife 
 were held by their neighbors, may be seen in the following let- 
 ter from Isaac Norris, a man of w^ealth and influence in the 
 colony ; 
 
 " The Governor's wife and daughter are well ; their little son is a lovely 
 babe ; his wife is a woman extremely well beloved here, exemplary in her 
 station, and of an excellent spirit, which adds lustre to her character, and 
 has a great place in the hearts of good people. The Governor is our Pater 
 Patrie, and his worth is no new thing to us ; we value him highly, and 
 hope his life will be preserved till all things (now on the wheel) are set- 
 tled here to his peace and comfort, and the people's ease and quiet." 
 
 The annotator of the Logan paperst mentions a tradition heard 
 in her youth from an old woman of Bucks County, " who went, 
 when she was a girl, with a basket containing a rural present to 
 the Proprietor's mansion, and saw his wife, a delicate, pretty 
 woman, sitting beside the cradle of her infant." 
 
 It is stated that there was a meeting regularly held at Penns- 
 bury during the Governor's residence there, and he had his 
 family assembled three times a day for Divine worship. An 
 anecdote is told, which illustrates his devotional spirit : 
 
 • New Jersey Hist Collections, 91. f Deborah Logan. 
 
TTILLIAM PENN. 419 
 
 " When he was visiting meetings In Pennsylvania, he lodged, one nio-ht, 
 at Merlon, where a boy, about twelve years old, son of the person at whose 
 house he lodged, being a lad of curiosity, and not often seeing such great 
 men, privately crept to the chamber, vxp a flight of steps on the outside of 
 the building. On peeping through the latchet hole, he was struck with 
 awe In beholding this great man upon his knees, by the bedside, and In 
 hearing what he said, for he could distinctly hear him in prayer and 
 thanksgiving that he was then provided for in the wilderness."* 
 
 During the residence of William Penn and his family at 
 Pennsbury, he frequently wrote to James Logan concerning 
 public business and domestic affairs. 
 
 As these letters afford a glimpse of his household economy, 
 and seem to bring us into nearer acquaintance with his private 
 life, some extracts may not be uninteresting to the reader. 
 
 On the 23d of 5th mo., 1700, he writes to the secretary, that 
 because of an injury done his leg, he is unable to meet the 
 Council, and therefore desires that four of the Council, with the 
 collector, &c., come up to him by his barge, which he will send 
 to Burlington. 
 
 He adds, "Let the Lidians come hither, and send in the boat 
 more rum, and the match coats, and let the Council adjourn to 
 this place." " Here will be victuals." 
 
 Again he writes, 7th, 6th mo., 1700 : 
 
 " Pray, examine closely about those that fired on the Indians and 
 frightened them by Daniel Pegg's ; it Is of moment to us, and, if true, 
 roguishly designed, I doubt not, and shall be severely punished. 
 * * * Fail not to send up a flitch of our bacon, and by all means 
 chocolate, if to be had, and a cask of middlings flour from Samuel Car- 
 penter's or J. Norris, and some cofi'ee berries, 4 pounds ; some flat and 
 some deep earthen pans for milk and baking, which Betty Webb can help 
 thee to, and a cask of Indian meal. Search Lumbey's goods for an ordi- 
 nary size side-saddle and pillion, and some coarse linen fur towels. "f 
 
 In the autumn of the same year he met Governor Nicholson 
 at New York, on public business, as appears by his letter to 
 James Logan. 
 
 • SutclifT's Travels. -j- Logan, MSS. 
 
420 LIFE OF 
 
 '« New York, 1st, 9br, 1700, 
 
 " Give my love to Thomas Story, and toll him I hope he supplies my 
 absence about the laws, [to be sent to England for the royal approbation] 
 what to alter or repeal, and do thou assist him therein, 
 
 " Col. Nicholson has been very ill, and relapsed once or twice, and 
 thereby our conferences have been retarded, which truly are of import- 
 ance to the weal of America. 
 
 " My dear love to Friends in general, and particularly tell Hannah 
 Deleval that to be one of her witnesses [at her approaching nuptials with 
 Capt. Richd. Hill] is not the least motive to hasten me. 
 
 " Tell Thomas Story that Judge Guest salutes him, hut no lawyers I see 
 is best."* 
 
 From this concluding sentence we may infer that Judge 
 Guest, who accompanied him to the conference, did not help 
 forward the negotiations ; his legal abilities being employed, 
 probably, in raising objections instead of removing them. 
 
 Thomas Story, to whom the message was sent, was bred a 
 lawyer, but had renounced the profession on becoming a minis- 
 ter of the Gospel. He was the intimate friend of the Governor, 
 who appointed him Master of the Rolls and Keeper of the Great 
 Seal. 
 
 At some period during the year 1700, Penn paid a visit to 
 Maryland, of which John Richardson, in his Journal, gives the 
 following account : 
 
 "We were," says he, "at a yearly meeting at Treddhaven, in Mary- 
 land, upon the eastern shore, to which meeting for worship came William 
 Penn, Lord Baltimore, and his lady, with their retinue ; but it was late 
 when they came, and the strength and glory of the heavenly power of the 
 Lord was going off from the meeting ; so the lady was much disappointed, 
 as I understand by William Penn, for she told him, * she did not want to 
 hear him, and such as he, for he was a scholar and a wise man ; and she 
 did not question but he could preach, but she wanted to hear some of our 
 mechanics preach, as husbandmen, shoemakers, and such-like rustics, for 
 she thought they could not preach to any purpose.' William Penn told 
 her, ' some of these were rather the best preachers we had among us,' or 
 near these words. I was a little in their company, and I thought the 
 lady to be a notable, wise, and, withal, a courteously carriaged woman." 
 
 In the spring of the ensuing year he took a journey into the 
 interior of his province, as appears from a letter of Isaac Norris, 
 
 • Logan, MSS. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 421 
 
 who says, "I am just come home from Susquehannah, where I 
 have been to meet the Governor. We had a roundabout journey, 
 having pretty well traversed the \\alderness. We lived nobly at 
 the King's palace at Conostoga, from thence crossed it to the 
 Schoolkd." 
 
 We next find the Proprietary at his country seat, engaged in 
 rural occupations, whence he writes to his Secretary in the 6th 
 month, 1701. 
 
 " Send us up for cider what barrels thou canst get in town, by the very- 
 first opportunity, I mean sucli as are sweet and have had cider in them, 
 they will be cheapest : also an empty pipe or two to put the mash of the 
 apples in, being sawn asunder. 
 
 " I here inclose this honest but weak man's paper. I think I have 
 convinced him that I am one of the poorest men in the government, and 
 that my sin has been neglect of myself and not selfishness, and therefore 
 ought and must make the best of every thing. It seems he has much 
 stony and mountainous land, and he thinks two bushels (of apples) per 
 100 acres an oppression. 
 
 " I told him I must have but one weight and scale, he says, ' but there 
 are two, and some pay but one bushel by patents, from the Commission- 
 ers under me.' I referred him to thee, and told him that I did believe 
 thou would'st be just and reasonable : quiet him all thou can'st, and 
 hasten down again ; ask him what Joseph Grawder told him, and what 
 the people below say ? tho' of little moment. I think we will send in a 
 day or two for the casks. 
 
 " S. Hall may help us to them cheaper. Vale. 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 (On the outside of this letter) " He tells me of the hard circumstances 
 of one James Davis, hear it." 
 
 It appears from the Logan papers that the cleared land at 
 Pennsbury manor in the year 1701, did not exceed ten acres, 
 consequently the laborers employed there must have been few. 
 In the Cash Book are mentioned, John Sotcher, steward, Hugh 
 Sharp, gardener, Robert Beekham, man servant, Mary Lofty, 
 housekeeper, Ann Nichols, cook, Dorothy Mullers, a German 
 maid, and Dorcas, a colored M'oman. 
 
 It contains no evidence that he owmed any slaves, though it 
 may be inferred from his correspondence some time before that 
 he had owned them. In a letter to James Harrison, under date 
 25th of 8th mo., 1685, he says, " I have sent a gardener by this 
 
 36 
 
422 LIFE OF 
 
 ship, or he soon follows, with all requisites ; a man of recom- 
 mended great skill, let him have what help he can, not less than 
 two or three at any time ; he will cast things into a proper pos- 
 ture. He has his passage paid, j630 at 3 years, and 60 acres of 
 land, and a month in the year to himself, not hindering my 
 business ; and he is to train up two men and a boy in the art. 
 It were better they were blacks, for then a man has them while 
 they live.'''' Again he writes under date, 4th of 10th month, 
 '85. "The blacks of Capt. Allen I have as good as bought, so 
 part not with them without my order." 
 
 From these passages we may conclude, that like many others 
 of the colonists, he fell into the practice of holding slaves. 
 This was within a year after his return to England, from his 
 first visit to Pennsylvania, at which time the subject had not 
 claimed sufficient attention for the moral and social bearings of 
 the system to be fully understood. Men whose characters were 
 otherwise irreproachable, were induced, by the habits of thought 
 then prevailing, and by the supposed convenience of slave labor, 
 to purchase the African captives brought to their shores ; thus 
 entailing upon the descendants of the colored race a degrading 
 bondage, and inflicting upon the country a severe injury, from 
 which it has never yet recovered. 
 
 George Fox was one of the first to obtain clearer views, and 
 to inculcate a more humane treatment. 
 
 As early as the year 1671, he advised the Friends of Barba- 
 does to " train up their slaves in the fear of God, to cause their 
 overseers to deal mildly and gently with them, and after certain 
 years of servitude they should make them free." But the sub- 
 ject does not appear to have been agitated or discussed in this 
 country, until the year 1688, when the German Friends from 
 Kreisheirn settled about Germantown, in Pennsylvania, brought 
 before the Yearly Meeting a paper " concerning the lawfulness 
 and unlawfulness of buying and keeping negroes." The record 
 states that " it was adjudged not to be so proper for this meet- 
 ing to give a positive judgment in the case, it having so general 
 a relation to many other parts, and therefore, at present, they 
 forbear it." 
 
 In 1696 the subject was again taken up by the Yearly Meet- 
 
WILLIAM PEI^N. 423 
 
 mg, and advice was issued to its members, " that Friends be 
 careful not to encourage the bringing in any more negroes ; and 
 that such that have negroes be careful of them, bring them to 
 meetings, have meetings with them in their families, and restrain 
 them from loose and lewd living, as much as in them lies, and 
 from rambling abroad on first-days or other times." About this 
 time it is probable that the most exemplary Friends began to 
 emancipate their slaves, though an entire prohibition of slave 
 holding was not engrafted into the discipline of the society, until 
 eighty years afterwards, during all which time they were labor- 
 ing to remove a poison introduced into the system in an unguard- 
 ed hour, which, though sweet to the taste, proved to be bitter 
 and destructive in its effects. 
 
 It has already been shown from the Colonial records, that 
 William Penn, in the spring of 1700 brought before the Provin- 
 cial Council, a law for regulating the marriages of negroes, 
 which was approved by that body, but lost in the popular branch. 
 It is stated that "he mourned over the state of the slaves, but 
 his attempts to improve their condition by legal enactments were 
 defeated in the house of Assembly."* 
 
 His efforts were more successful in his own religious society, 
 as will appear by the following minute of Philadelphia Monthly 
 Meeting, made in the same year : " Our dear friend and Gover- 
 nor having laid before the meeting a concern that hath laid upon 
 his mind for some time concerning the negroes and Indians ; that 
 Friends ought to be very careful in discharging a good con- 
 science towards them in all respects, but more especially for the 
 good of their souls, and that they might, as frequent as may be, 
 come to meeting on first days ; upon consideration whereof, this 
 meeting concludes to appoint a meeting for the negroes, to be 
 kept once a month, &c., and that their masters give notice there- 
 of in their own faraihes, and be present with them at the said 
 meetings as frequent as may be, &c." From this and other 
 records, it is manifest that the first concern for their slaves, on 
 the part of the Friends in that day, was to promote their spiritual 
 good. They felt the vast responsibility they would incur by 
 
 • Brief statement of the rise and progress of the Testimony of Friends against 
 Slavery. 
 
424 LIFE OF 
 
 keeping them in ignorance and degradation, and as the hearts of 
 the masters became interested in this good work, the avenues to 
 their understandings and consciences were opened, the Hght of 
 Divine truth broke in, and they w^ere led to acknowledge, that 
 the captured Africans and their descendants, like all other human 
 beings, have natural rights, which cannot be withheld from them 
 without great injustice. 
 
 William Penn was not accustomed to halt in carrying his prin- 
 ciples into practice ; his eyes were now opened to the evils of 
 slavery, and he liberated all the slaves in his possession. This 
 fact is substantiated by a will he made in 1701, which is still 
 extant, and contains this clause, " I give to my blacks their 
 freedom, as is under my hand already^ and to Old Sam 100 
 acres, to be his children's after he and his wife are dead, fore- 
 
 ever 
 
 "* 
 
 • When William Penn left America, in 1701, be wrote the will above mentioned, 
 and placed it m the hands of James Logan. It is now in the possession of 
 Thomas Gilpin of Philadelphia. There is reason to believe his intentions with re- 
 gard to his slaves were not fully carried out by his secretary, as appears by the 
 following letter from James Logan to Hannah Penn, dated 11th of 3d month, 
 1721, copied from his Letter Book, in possession of the Historical Society of Penn- 
 sylvania. "The Proprietor in a will left with me, at his departure hence, gave 
 all his negroes their freedom, but this is entirely private ,• however, there are very 
 few left. 
 
 " Sam died soon after your departure hence, and his brother James, [this name 
 is not very distinct] very lately. Chevalier, by a written order from his master, had 
 his liberty several years ago, so that there are none left but Sue, whom Letitia 
 claims, or did claim, as given to her when she went to England, but how right, 
 fully I know not. These things you can best discuss. 
 
 " There are besides, two old negroes quite worn, that remained of three which I 
 received eighteen years ago of E Gibbs' estate of New Castle co." 
 
 If William Penn "died a slaveholder," it was not for want of having taken 
 proper means to liberate his slaves. The will says they were "already free from 
 under his hand." As he never was in America afterwards, we may reasonably 
 conclude, that he had no knowledge of his secretary and commissioner of property 
 having taken three negroes for debt, about the year 1703. 
 
 This inference is corroborated by the fact, that his last will, by which his pro. 
 pcrty descended, makes no reference to any property in slaves. 
 
 It has been proved by the publications of Geo. M. Justice, of Phiia , that the 
 family of slaves mentioned in T. Matlock's letter, among the Historical Collections 
 of Massachusetts, and cited by Bancroft in his History of the U. S. did not b 
 to William Penn, but to his son Thoaias. That the founder of Pennsylvania did 
 
WILLIAxAI PENN". 425 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 Assem])ly meets at New Castle ; Speech of "William Pcnn : Dissensions 
 between Province and Territories ; Grant of .€2ti00 by Assembly ; Laws 
 Passed ; Riot in East Jersey, and Letter of Penn ; Treaties with In- 
 dians ; Depredations of Pirates ; Precautions of the Government ; As- 
 sembly meets at Philadelphia ; Requisition of the King for Money to 
 Build a Fort ; Perplexity of the Assembly ; They Decline to Comply ; 
 Design of British Government to Annex the Proprietary Governments 
 to the Crown ; Penn determines to Return to England ; His Reluctance 
 to go ; Letter to J. Logan ; Meeting of the Indians at Pennsbury ; As- 
 sembly meets ; Governor's Speech ; Assembly's Answer ; Indians come 
 to take Leave of Penn ; His Speech to them ; New Constitution ; Last 
 Meeting of Penn in Philadelphia ; City Charter granted ; Appoints A. 
 Hamilton Deputy Governor ; Petition of J. Norris and D. Lloyd ; Peun's 
 Reply ; Letter of Instructions to James Logan. 
 
 1700-1. 
 
 In order to conciliate the inhabitants of the lower counties, 
 and to preserve their union with the province, the Proprietary 
 summoned the Legislature to meet him at New Castle, in the 
 autumn of 1700. 
 
 The principal subjects that required their attention, w'ere 
 stated in the following speech of Governor Penn, which is a 
 model of conciseness : 
 
 " Friends — The calling you at this time was upon urgent occasions ; 
 you know we want a frame of government and a body of laws, without 
 which society cannot subsist. I recommend to you the revisal of the 
 laws ; what to be continued, wliat to repeal, what to alter, what to ex- 
 plain, and what new ones is requisite to make. Secondly, I recommend 
 to youjho settling of property. Thirdly, a supply for support of govern- 
 ment; and I recommend to you amity and concord among j^oursolves."* 
 
 Unhappily, the last and most important of these recommenda- 
 tions was not attained ; there was no concord between the repre- 
 
 at one time hold slaves, and when he saw the evil, endeavored, to the utmost of 
 his power, to repair it, there can be no doubt. On this point Dixon's Lite of 
 Penn is inaccurate, for want of documents to be found only in Philadelphia. 
 * Colonial Records, i. 
 
 3G* 
 
426 LIFE OF 
 
 sentatives of the province and those of the territories; the jeal- 
 ousies of the latter continued to increase, and " being fomented 
 by designing men, who led them to believe that the rapid 
 growth of the province would soon place them at her discretion 
 on joint legislation, they insisted upon having, at all times, an 
 equal representation in the Assembly.*" This unreasonable pro- 
 posal being unanimously rejected by the members from the 
 province, an immediate separation w^as threatened, and prevent- 
 ed only by the prudent intervention of the Governor, who sug- 
 gested that no law affecting the particular interests of the terri- 
 tories should be enacted wdthout the consent of two-thirds of 
 their members, and a majority of those of the province. This 
 difficulty was no sooner removed, than another arose about the 
 support of government. The necessity of a tax being levied 
 was admitted by all, but the territories refused to contribute in 
 the same ratio with the province. 
 
 The Governor was again obliged to interpose, and through 
 his mediation the province agreed to pay fifteen hundred and 
 seventy-five pounds, and the territories the residue of two 
 thousand pounds to be raised " for the Proprietary and Gover- 
 nor." In Gordon's History of Pennsylvania, this appropriation 
 is spoken of as " a largess to the Proprietary," but the terms of 
 the bill show that it was " in order to a supply /or the support 
 of the government. ''''\ 
 
 During the remainder of the session, which continued six 
 wrecks, the Governor and Council were assiduously engaged in 
 revising the laws, which were also considered and debated in 
 the Assembly, and many new statutes were enacted. The 
 Governor then prorogued the Assembly to the 1st of the 2d 
 month (April) ensuing, but informed them he should not call 
 them together so soon without " a verie emergent occasion." 
 
 About this time a riot, threatening serious consequences, oc- 
 curred in East Jersey, and Penn, feeling a deep interest in the 
 prosperity of the province, determined to lend his assistance in 
 quelling it. Accordingly, he selected twelve of the most re- 
 spectable members of his own society to accompany him, and 
 
 * Gordon, Hist. Pa. 
 
 •j- Journal of Assembly, quoted hy Clarksrn, and Colonial Rec, i. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 427 
 
 they set out from Philadelphia for the scene of disorder, but on 
 the way received intelligence that it had been settled. 
 
 He, however, wrote a letter to his friends in that government, 
 the purport of which is here inserted, to show the course he 
 would pursue in such emergencies. 
 
 " lie tells his friends, that he ' had received the surprising news of the 
 practices of some East Jersians, which were as unexpected to him as dis- 
 honorable and licentious in them. It would be hard to find temper 
 enough to balance extremes ; for he knew not what punishment those 
 riotors did not deserve, and he had rather live alone than not have such 
 people corrigible. Their leaders should be eyed, and some should 1)0 
 forced to declare them by the rigor of the law ; and those who were found 
 to be such should bear the burthen of such sedition, which would be the 
 best way to behead the body without danger. If lenitives would not do, 
 coercives should be tried ; but, though men would naturally begin with 
 the former, yet wisdom had often sanctioned the latter as remedies, which, 
 however, were never to be adopted but with regret.' Further on in the 
 letter, he says, ' that l)y being an old, and not the least pretender to East 
 Jersey, and a neighbor in his station, if he could yet be serviceable to 
 compose or countenance a just prosecution of such rebellious practices, 
 let an express reach him, and, God permitting, he would immediately take 
 horse and go to them.' "* 
 
 In the spring of the year 1701 a treaty was made by the Pro- 
 prietary and some members of his Council with the Susque- 
 hannah Indians, for the preservation of peace and the confirma- 
 tion of titles to land conveyed in former treaties. 
 
 It appears that Penn, before his return to England in 1684, 
 had taken measures to purchase the lands on the Susquehannah 
 from the five nations, (Iroquois,) who claimed a right to them by 
 conquest. 
 
 These Indians resided principally in New York, and Governor 
 Penn, not being able, at that time, to visit them personally, en- 
 gaged Thomas Dongan, Governor of New York, to purchase for 
 him, " all that tract of land lying on both sides of the river Sus- 
 quehannah and the lakes adjacent, in or near the province of 
 Pennsylvania. Governor Dongan having made the purchase, 
 conveyed the same to William Penn by deed dated January 13, 
 1696, in consideration of .£100 sterling. 
 
 * Clarkson. 
 
428 LIFE OF 
 
 The Susquehannah Indians did not recognise the right of the 
 five nations to make this sale, and in- order to satisfy their de- 
 mands, Penn entered into a treaty with two of their chiefs, 
 named Widnaph and Andaggy Innekquagh, whose deed, dated 
 September 13th, 1700, conveys the same lands, and confirms the 
 bargain and sale made to Governor Dongan. 
 
 Ijut it a})pears there was still another chief claiming an inter- 
 est in those lands, viz: Connoodaghoh, King of the Conostoga 
 or JVlinquay Indians. This Sachem, in company with the King 
 of the Shawnese, the Chief of the Ganawese, inhabiting at the 
 head of the Potomac, the brother of the Emperor or great King 
 of the Onondagoes, Indian Harvey, their interpreter, with 
 others of their tribes to the number of forty, met Penn and his 
 Council in Philadelphia on the 23d of 2d month, (April,) 1701, 
 and entered into a treaty of amity, in which they also confirmed 
 the sale of the lands on the Susquehannah.* 
 
 '.riiis treaty stipulates, that as there had always been a good 
 understanding Ijetween William Penn and his lieutenants, since 
 his first arrival in the colony, and said Indians, so "they shall 
 forever hereafter be as one head and one heart, and live in true 
 friendship and amity as one peo})le." 
 
 For the prevention of abuses that were too frequently put 
 upon the Indians, it was agreed that no person should be allow- 
 ed to trade with them, but such as Penn and his successors 
 should approve and furnish with a license under his hand and 
 seal. 
 
 At several meetings of the Governor and Council, the subject 
 of the Indian trade was discussed, and it was resolved that a 
 company be formed " who should take all measures to induce 
 the Indians to a true value and esteem of the Christian religion, 
 by setting before them good examples of i)robity and candor, 
 both in commerce and behavior, and that care should be taken 
 to have them duly instructed in the fundamentals of Christianity : 
 it was further agreed that no rum should be sold to any but 
 their chiefs, and in such quantities as the Governor and Council 
 shall think fit, to be disposed of by the said chiefs to the Indians 
 about them as they shall see cause. "f 
 
 • Smith's Laws of Pa , Rupp's Hist, of Nortliurnbprland, &c., and Col. Rec. 
 f Colonial Records, ii. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 429 
 
 At this time tlie people of the province and territories were 
 under apprehensions of depredations being committed by pirates, 
 who were said to be numerous on the cost, and in order to guard 
 against them, a watchman was stationed at Cape Henlopen, 
 near Lewis, in the county of Sussex, who was to give notice to 
 the sheiifTof the county when any suspected vessel entered the 
 capes, and the sheriffs of the several counties were to send the 
 information by express, till it should reach the Governor at 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 In the sixth month, (August, 0. S.,) 1701, the Governor con- 
 vened the Assembly, in order to lay before them a letter from 
 the King, requiring a contribution of j6350 sterling, towards 
 erecting forts on the frontiers of New York. He made them a 
 short speech expressive of his regret that he was obliged to call 
 them together sooner than he intended, " but," he says, " the 
 King's commands by his letter to me now, have brought you 
 hither at this time, which I now lay before you, and recommend 
 to your serious consideration, since without it, it will be impos- 
 sible to answer them."* 
 
 This requisition, being for a warlike purpose, was extremely 
 repugnant to the feelings both of the Governor and Assembly, 
 he felt compelled by his fealty to the King to lay the letter before 
 them, but in abstaining from expressing his own views he 
 endeavored to cast the responsibility on the representatives of 
 the people. They were thrown into a state of painful embarras- 
 ment ; if they refused the subsidy they had reason to dread the 
 displeasure of the British government, but most of the members 
 being opposed to war, and representing a constituency who were 
 chiefly Frituids, they could not comply without a violation of their 
 religious principles. To relieve themselves from this dilemma, 
 they sent two of their number, to request of the Governor a copy 
 of his speech ; to which he replied that his speech was only the 
 King's letter, whatever was spoken besides, was only to excuse 
 their meeting at a time so little designed." 
 
 The Assembly soon after desired leave to wait upon the 
 Governor, and being admitted, their speaker read their answer 
 
 * Colonial Uecords, 
 
430 LIFE OF 
 
 from minutes in his hand, but the Governor desired them to 
 consider of it more fully, and put it in writing. They retired 
 and soon after sent another message to the Governor, for his 
 speech, who directed the Secretary to send them a copy of the 
 minutes taken in Council when the speech was made. This 
 being done was not satisfactory to the Assembly, who wished it 
 written more at large : But finally, after some days spent in 
 this manner, they sent their answer in writing, declining to 
 comply with the King's requisition, assigning as a reason, the 
 taxes already levied, and the quit-rents due. They stated, 
 moreover, that the adjacent colonies had done nothing in the 
 matter, and therefore they postponed it to another session ; 
 desiring that the Proprietary would represent their condition to 
 the King, and assure him of their readiness to comply with his 
 commands, " as far as their religious persuasions would 
 permit.^'' The members for the territories made a separate 
 answer, alleging that the lower counties, though most exposed, 
 were in a defenceless condition, being without arms or ammu- 
 nition, and having neither raihtia nor officers appointed to com- 
 mand them. They prayed, therefore, to be excused from " con- 
 tributing to forts abroad while they were unable to build any 
 for their own defence at home." This answer shows that the 
 members from the territories were less imbued with the princi- 
 ples of Friends, in relation to war than those of the province, 
 and doubtless this was one cause of their frequent disagreements, 
 for the pacific policy of Penn could only be carried into practice 
 by persons thoroughly convinced of its feasibility. 
 
 The Governor having received the Assembly's answer to the 
 King's letter, dismissed it ; but little more than two weeks elapsed 
 before he received information from England, which made it 
 necessary to issue writs for the immediate election of another. 
 
 He learned from the letters of his friends, that " strenuous 
 endeavors were used by several united interests, to procure an 
 Act of Parliament, for annexing to the crown the several pro- 
 prietary governments, for which purpose a bill was then before 
 the House of Lords, which had been twice read, and tho' not 
 likely to pass that session, there was no hope of staving it off 
 longer than the next, unless the Proprietary would make his 
 
TVILLIAM PEXN. 431 
 
 appearance in person, and answer the charges brought against 
 his government by evil minded persons." His friends in 
 England urged the necessity of his coming, with as little delay 
 as possible ; the welfare of the province as well as his own inte- 
 rest, seemed to require it, and he reluctantly consented to leave 
 his adopted country to appear once more at his old post, near 
 the British court. His feelings on this occasion are thus 
 expressed in a familiar letter to his secretary, James Logan : 
 
 "Pennsbury, 8th, 7 br. 1701. 
 
 " The necessity of my going makes it absolutely necessary for me to 
 have a supply, and although I think a thousand pounds should be forth- 
 with raised by Friends for me, at least to help me ; yet while land is high 
 and valuable I am willing to dispose of many good patches, that other- 
 wise I should have chosen to have kept, as everybody's money. Who can 
 I take that would go, that might be ministerial to me ? 
 
 " Caleb [Pusey,] if he could write well, has the best drudging sense, and 
 would be observant. * * * * Poor Phineas [Pemberton,] is a dying 
 man, and was not at the election, though he crept (as I may say,) to 
 meeting yesterday. I am grieved at it, for he has not his fellow, and 
 without him this is a poor country indeed. ' I cannot prevail on my 
 wife to stay, still less Tishe : [Letitia] : I know not what to do ; Samuel 
 Carpenter seems to excuse her in it. But to all that speak of it, say, I 
 shall have no need to stay, and a great interest to return.' ' All that 
 I have to dispose of in this world is here,* and that having no more gains 
 by government to trust to for bread I must come to sell, pay debts and 
 live ; and lay up for this posterity as well as that.' ' They may see that 
 my inclinations run strongly to a country and proprietary life, which 
 then I shall be at liberty to follow, together with her [his wife's] promise 
 to return, whenever I am ready to return.' ' I confess this one of the 
 greatest arguments for some Friends of note going with us, to bring us 
 back again, else they can do but little there, and their expense may better 
 help me." * * * * 
 
 " I shall say no more, only let it be a measure fixed, that Proprietor 
 and Freeholders can have but one interest, and that jealousies, as in 
 England, are injurious." 
 
 " The ass in the fable, and the dog likewise." 
 
 "Vale. "WM. PENN."t 
 
 It is evident by the tenor of this letter, that he contemplated 
 but a short stay in England, as he wished to leave his family be- 
 
 • His estates in England and Ireland, were sellled on the children of his first 
 wife. 
 
 ■\ Logan, MSS. 
 
432 LIFE OF 
 
 hind him, but thej being unwilling, he made preparations for 
 removal without delay. 
 
 About this time Governor Penn had a large assemblage of In- 
 dian guests at Pennsbury, who, having been informed of his pro- 
 posed departure for England, came to take leave of him. 
 
 A council was held in the Governor's mansion, where they re- 
 newed their former covenants with many expressions of good- 
 will and promises of continued fidelity. The Indians said, 
 "they never first broke covenant with any people, for, as one 
 of them said, and smote his hand upon his head three times, 
 that they did not make them in their heads, but smiting his hand 
 three times on his breast, said they made them there, in their 
 hearts."* Presents were made to them by the Governor, who 
 spoke to them with much kindness, after which they withdrew 
 to an open space near the house where they kindled a fire, and 
 around it performed their cantico, or dance, accompanied with 
 songs and shouts of triumph. 
 
 A new Assembly having been elected, met in Philadelphia, 
 the 15th of the 7th month (September), 1701, when the Gover- 
 nor addressed them in a speech, expressing his regret that he 
 was obliged to call them so frequently together, and stating the 
 business w^hich then required their attention on the eve of his 
 departure for England. " I cannot think of such a voyage," he 
 said, " without great reluctancy of mind, having promised my- 
 self the quietness of a wilderness, and that I might stay so long 
 at least with you as to render everybody entirely easy and safe ; 
 for my heart is among you, as well as my body, whatever some 
 people may please to think, and no unkindness or disappoint- 
 ment shall, with submission to God's providence, ever be able 
 to alter my love to the country, and resolution to return and set- 
 tle my family and posterity in it ; but having reason to believe I 
 can at this time best serve you and myself on that side of the 
 water, neither the rudeness of the season, nor tender circum- 
 stances of my family, can over-rule my inclination to undertake 
 it. Think, therefore, since all men are mortal, of some suitable 
 expedient and provision for your safety, as well in your privi- 
 
 • J. Ri^•harcl^^on's Journal. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 433 
 
 leges as property, and you will find me ready to comply with 
 whatever may render us happy, by a nearer union of our 
 interest. Review again your laws, propose new ones that may 
 better your circumstances, and what you do, do it quickly, re- 
 membering that the Parliament sits the end of next month, and 
 that the sooner I am there the safer." * * 
 
 "I must recommend to your serious thoughts and care the 
 King's letter to me, for the assistance of New York with 350 
 pounds sterling, as a frontier government, and, therefore, exposed 
 to a much greater expense in proportion to other colonies ; which 
 I called the last Assembly to take into their consideration and 
 they referred to this."* 
 
 When the Assembly had been five days in session, they re- 
 quested a conference with the Governor, which being granted, 
 they informed him " that being incited by a petition of a number 
 of the inhabitants of Philadelphia, they had drawn up an address 
 requesting several things of the Proprietary, some of which in 
 themselves might look extravagant, yet they could do no less 
 considering the aforesaid petition."! The address consisted of 
 twenty-one articles, some of which were truly " extravagant," 
 being for concessions affecting his Proprietary domains, but the 
 others, relative to the affairs of government were less objection- 
 able. 
 
 After conferring with the Council, the Governor returned an 
 answer, some extracts from which are here subjoined. 
 
 To the first article, relating to the appointment of his succes- 
 sors, he replied, that he should appoint those in whom he could 
 confide, and would give them sufficient authority for the good 
 of all concerned. In order to give entire satisfaction to the As- 
 sembly, he offered to commission a deputy whom they should 
 nom,inate. 
 
 Several of the articles related to delays and abuses, alleged to 
 be practised by some of the officers of the government, all which 
 the Governor desired should be rectified. 
 
 He granted them, at their request, the common use of some 
 vacant land within the city limits, until inhabitants should pre- 
 
 * Colonial Records, ii 31. -j- Ibid. 33. 
 
 37 
 
434 LIFE OF 
 
 sent themselves to settle it; and also, the free use of the river 
 bank at the ends of the streets on Delaware and Schuylkill; but 
 the islands near the city, which they wished reserved free for 
 the supply of their "winter fodder," he declined to grant, as 
 tliey were, he said, " an independent property from the town and 
 province." 
 
 The members from the territories requested, that lands in the 
 lower counties might be disposed of at the old rent of a bushel 
 of wheat to the hundred acres; to which he replied, that it was 
 unreasonable to limit him in that which was his own, and thus 
 deprive him of the advantage which others derived from the rise 
 of property, especially as he was "yet in disburse," for that long 
 and expensive controversy with Lord Baltimore, promised to be 
 defrayed, as ap})ears by the minutes of Council, by the public. 
 
 They also requested that a thousand acres, formerly promised 
 to the town of New Castle, should be laid out and patented, which 
 he readily granted, saying " it was not his fault that it had not 
 been done sooner." 
 
 They desired, moreover, that " all the bay-marshes be laid out 
 in common, except such as were already granted." To this he 
 answered that he took it for " a high imposition," but was will- 
 ing they should lie in common until otherwise disposed of, and 
 he would grant them in reasonable proportions and upon reason- 
 able terms to such as should engage to drain them. They re- 
 quested that the owners of land might have liberty to purchase 
 off their quit-rents, as formerly promised. To this he replied, 
 *' If it should be my lot to lose a public support, I must depend 
 upon my rents for a supply, and therefore must not easily part 
 with them; and many years are elapsed since I made that offer, 
 that was not accepted."* 
 
 While the Assembly was in session, and the Governor busily 
 engaged in preparations for his departure, he was visited in 
 Philadelphia by the Sachems of the Susquehannah and Shaw- 
 nese Indians, who, with some of their people, had come to take 
 leave of him. He received them with his wonted cordiality, 
 and informed them that " this was like to be his last interview 
 
 • Colonial Records, ii., 28 to 30. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 435 
 
 with them, at least before his return, that he had ever loved and 
 been kind to them, and ever should continue so to be, not 
 through interest or politic design, but out of real affection, and 
 he desired them, in his absence, to cultivate friendship with 
 those he should leave behind in authority." 
 
 He informed them that the Assembly was now enacting a 
 law, according to their desire, to prevent their being abused by 
 the selling of rum; with which Orettyagh, one of the Sachems, 
 in the name of the rest, expressed great satisfaction, and desired 
 that the law might be effectually executed. 
 
 " The Governor informed them that ho had charged the members of 
 Council, and then also renewed the same charge that they should, in all 
 respects, be kind to them, and entertain them with all courtesy and de- 
 monstrations of good will, as he himself had ever done, which the mem" 
 bers promised faithfully to observe ; and, making them some presents' 
 they withdrew."* 
 
 Although the time for the Governor's departure drew nigh, 
 and many important acts of legislation were required to secure 
 the interests of the colony, the Assembly made but little pro- 
 gress. A bill being before the House confirmatory of the reve- 
 nue law passed at New Castle the previous year, the members 
 from the lower counties protested against it, alleging that such a 
 bill would lead to the inference that the laws passed at New 
 Castle were not valid, because not enacted in the province of 
 Pennsylvania, which would be a discouragement to the Assem- 
 bly meeting at New Castle hereafter. Finding their remon- 
 strance ineffectual, they abruptly left the House, declaring their 
 intention to return home. 
 
 On laying their complaints before the Governor, he appointed 
 a conference with the Assembly, during which he told them it 
 was no small wound to him to think, that having, at the earnest 
 desire of the lower counties, as well as the good will of the 
 upper, engaged in an undertaking which cost him at least 
 .£3000 to make them one, they should now endanger a rupture 
 and divide themselves after they had been recognised as one, 
 not only by the King's commission to Governor Fletcher, but 
 
 * Colonial Records, ii. 43, 
 
436 LIFE OF 
 
 his letters patent for his own restoration; and therefore would 
 not have anything resolved on, but what was considerate and 
 weighty, lest it should look too unkind now at his departure, 
 and carry a very ill report of them all to England. 
 
 The lower county members saying they were great sufferers 
 by the act of union, the Governor told them they were free to 
 break off, " but it must be upon amicable terms and a good un- 
 derstanding." 
 
 After this conference, the Assembly again proceeded to busi- 
 ness. They had, some days before, informed the Governor that 
 they could not comply wuth the King's requisition for a subsidy, 
 alleging as an excuse, their straitened circumstances ; and now 
 they took into consideration the Proprietary's offer for them to 
 nominate a Deputy Governor, which they concluded to decline. 
 They appointed two of their number to wait upon him with this 
 information, thanking him for his good will in leaving so much 
 to iheir choice, and returning the charter of privileges, with 
 some amendments.* 
 
 The Governor being about to go to Pennsbury for a few days, 
 sent the Assembly the following characteristic letter : 
 
 " Friends — Your union is what I desire, but your peace and accommo- 
 dation of one another is what I must expect from you. The reputation of 
 it is something, the reality much more ; and desire you to remember and 
 observe what I say — yield in circumstantials to preserve essentials, and 
 being safe in one another, you will always be so in esteem with me. Make 
 me not sad now I am going to leave you, since 'tis for you as well as for 
 " Your friend, Proprietor, and Governor, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 On the Governor's return from Pennsbury he signed various 
 laws passed by the Assembly, as well as the Charter of Privi- 
 leges, which had been read in that body, "and every part 
 thereof approved, agreed to, and thankfully received."! 
 
 This constitution was the last granted to the province and 
 territories, and in some respects was even more liberal than 
 those which preceded it. The principal change was in allow- 
 ing the Assembly to originate bills, and to sit on its own ad- 
 journments. It made no provision for the election of a Council, 
 • Colonial Records. f Ibid. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 437 
 
 which was appointed by the Governor, and prohibited from 
 taking cognizance of any complaint relating to property, unless 
 appeals should be provided by law. In regard to civil and re- 
 ligious liberty, the new constitution was as comprehensive as the 
 old one. By a supplementary article, the province and territo- 
 ries were allowed to dissolve their union at any time within 
 three years, by giving due notice. 
 
 The Proprietary, by letters patent, appointed a Council of 
 State, consisting of ten members, chiefly Friends, who were to 
 advise and assist him, or his Deputy, in the affairs of government, 
 and in case of the Deputy's absence or death, to exercise the 
 executive functions. 
 
 The following letter, written by Isaac Norris, the day before 
 the charter was signed, shows that, notwithstanding the cares 
 and perplexities attendant on his station as Governor, Penn still 
 enjoyed that highest of all social comforts, religious communion 
 with his friends. 
 
 <'27th 8br. 1701. 
 "This comes by our Proprietor and Governor, Penn, who with his family 
 are undertaking this hazardous voyage at too hard a season. I earnestly 
 desire and pray for their preservation and safety : him we shall want. 
 The unhappy misunderstandings in some, and unwarrantaljle opposition 
 in others, have been a block to our plenary comforts in him, and his own 
 quiet ; but these things are externals only, our communion in the church 
 sweetens all, and our inward waitings and worship [have] often been a 
 general comfort and consolation, and in this I take a degree of satisfac- 
 tion after all, that we part in love ; and some of his last [expressions] in 
 our meeting yesterday, were, that ' he looked over all infirmities and out- 
 wards, and had an eye to the regions of spirit, wherein was our sweetest 
 tye,' and in true love then he took his leave of us. His excellent wife, 
 and she is beloved by all, (I believe I may say in its fullest extent,) so is 
 her leaving us, heavy and of real sorrow to her friends; she has carried, 
 under and through all, with a wonderful evenness, humility and freedom ; 
 her sweetness and goodness have become her character, and are indeed 
 extraordinary. In short, we love her and she deserves it."* 
 
 The ship being ready to sail, Penn convened the inhabitants 
 of Philadelphia on the 29th of the 8th month (October, 0. S.), 
 in order to take leave of them, and to present them, as an evi- 
 
 » Logan MSS. 
 37* 
 
438 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 dence of his good-will, a charter, or act of incorporation for the 
 city. On the 30th he appointed Andrew Hamilton, formerly 
 Governor of East and West Jersey, to be his Lieutenant-gover- 
 nor, and James Logan he made Provincial Secretary and Clerk 
 of the Council. 
 
 The ship having dropped down to New Castle, he was there 
 presented with a petition from David Lloyd and Isaac Norris, 
 executors of Thomas Lloyd, deceased, stating that the said 
 Thomas Lloyd had served nine years as President or Lieutenant- 
 governor of the province without any compensation from the 
 public, whereby his estate was impaired and not sulHcient to 
 pay his debts ; without selling his lands, some of the lands he 
 had bought were not located, and a bond he had given to the 
 Proprietary was still unpaid ; they prayed, therefore, that com- 
 pensation should be made for his services, and other lands 
 granted in lieu of 1000 acres on Indian River, taken from him 
 by the Maryland Claim. 
 
 THE proprietary's ANSWER. 
 
 " What I have not received I cannot pay. I am above all the money for 
 lands I have sold, tvrenty thousand pounds sterling out of purse upon 
 Pennsylvania, I most solemnly affirm, and what has been given me pays 
 not my coming and expense since come, as is well known to those con- 
 cerned in my affairs. But I heartily recommend it to the public to be 
 considered. I acquit the bond as a token of my love and remembrance, 
 and allow that the thousand acres may be granted elsewhere, in lieu of 
 them upon Indian River ; and that land the bond relates to, in Welsh 
 Tract, formerly laid out to him, but in right of Charles, I would have con- 
 firmed, as also, his land of Christopher Taylor, &c. in Bucks, as is 
 desired 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN* 
 " To my Commissioners of Property." 
 
 From on board the ship, he wrote to his secretary a letter of 
 instructions, which is here subjoined: 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 "I have left thee in uncommon trust, with a singular dependence on 
 thy justice and care, which I expect thou wilt faithfully empluy in advan- 
 cing my honest interest. 
 
 • Penn MSS. in possession of G. M Justice. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 439 
 
 *' Use thy utmost endeavors, in the first place, to receive all that is due 
 to me. Get in quit-rents, sell lands according to my instructions to my 
 commissioners, look carefully after all fines, forfeitures, escheats, deo- 
 dands and strays, that shall belong to me as Proprietor or chief Governor. 
 Get in the taxes and Friends' subscriptions, and use thy utmost diligence 
 in making remittances to me, with all my eS"ects, by bills of exchange, 
 tobacco, or other merchandise, or by any means that in the best of thy 
 judgment, or the advice of my friends, skilled in those aifairs, may be to 
 my advantage — not only directly to London, but by the West Indies, or 
 by any other prudent method whatever ; but take advice especially of 
 Edward Shippen and Samuel Carpenter, and others best experienced in 
 trade. 
 
 " Thou may continue in the house I lived in till the year is up. Pay 
 ofi" all my notes and orders on thee, settle my accounts, discharge all my 
 debts, honorably, but carefully ; make rent-rolls, draw up an estimate of 
 my estate, and of what may be raised from it, which send over to me as 
 speedily as possible, for it may be of great use to me ; and of all things 
 show thyself a careful and diligent agent, to justify my choice of thee for 
 so great a trust. 
 
 " Get my two mills finished ; make the most of them for my profit, but 
 let not John Marsh put me to any great expense. 
 
 " Cause all my province and territories to be re-surveyed in the most 
 frugal manner, with the assistance of my brother-in-law Edward Pening- 
 ton, within the two years limited by the law, if possible, though that law 
 ought not to be a bar upon me against doing it any other time. Carry 
 very fair with my said brother-in-law, and prevail with him to be as 
 easy as possible in that great work. I have spoken to him about it. Thou 
 must make good to Col. Hamilton, Deputy-Governor, two hundred pounds 
 per annum of your money, till such time as I procure an approbation for 
 him, and afterwards three hundred pounds. Also to John Moore, as At- 
 torney General, tnirty pounds a year, so long as he shall serve me faith- 
 fully, (but he is too much in Quarry's interest). When my cousin Par- 
 miter comes, he must have forty pounds. But I hope the Assembly will 
 take these charges ofi" my hands. Pray use all your endeavors to obtain 
 it. Judge Guest expects an hundred a year fi"om me. I would give him 
 fifty. Make him as useful and easy as you can. I hope Col. Hamilton, 
 to whom I have recommended him, will prevail on him. 
 
 " Let not my cousin Durant want, but supply her with economy. 
 
 " Write to me diligently, advising me of everything relating to my in- 
 terest, and send me affidavits^ about Quarry, John Corfoe, &c. 
 
 " Send all the household goods up to Pennsbury, unless thou inclines to 
 keep sufficient furniture for a chamber to thyself, (for which thou hast my 
 leave,) and take care that nothing be damnified or lost. 
 
 "Give my dear love to all my friends, who I desire may labor to soften 
 angry spirits, and to reduce them to a sense of their duty ; and at thy re- 
 
440 LIFE OF 
 
 turn, give a small treat in my name to the gentlemen at Philadelphia, for 
 a beginning to a better understanding — for 'whioli I pray the Lord to in- 
 cline their hearts. 
 
 " For thy own services I shall allow thee what is just and reasonable, 
 either by commissions or a salary. But my dependence is on thy care 
 and honesty. Serve me faithfully, as thou expects a blessing from God, 
 or my favor, and I shall support thee to my utmost as 
 
 " Thy true friend, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN.* 
 
 " Ship Dalmahoy, 3d 9br. 1701." 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 Logan correspondence ; Penn's arrival in England ; His solicitude about 
 his son William ; Death of the King ; Accession of Queen Anne ; Address 
 of Friends ; Letters to Logan ; Pecuniary Difi&culties ; Col. Quarry in 
 England ; Church party in Pennsylvania ; their disaffection to the Pro- 
 prietary ; Gov. Hamilton's attempts to raise a militia ; Letters of Penn. 
 
 1701-2. 
 
 After the return of William Penn to England he maintained a 
 constant correspondence with his Secretary, James Logan. 
 Their letters relating both to public business and private affairs, 
 were of the most confidential nature, and disclose the views and 
 feelings of the writers, in a manner far more interesting than 
 could be done by any other pen. The correspondence having 
 been carefully preserved, and a copy of it placed, by the late 
 Deborah Logan, in the archives of the American Philosophical 
 Society, at Philadelphia, will henceforth furnish the staple for 
 the preparation of this work. 
 
 Soon after Penn's arrival in England he wrote to Logan, 
 under date 4th of 11th month, (January,) 1701. 
 
 In the postscript he says: " We had a swift passage, 26 days from 
 the capes to soundings ; 30 to Portsmouth, with five of the last days clear 
 for observation, before we came to the channel. The captain very civil 
 and all the company, Tishe [Letitia,] and Johnne, after the first five 
 days, hearty and well, and Johnne exceeding cheerful all the way." 
 
 • Logan MSS. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 441 
 
 * * * (' Nothing yet done in my aiFairs, but my coming, I do more 
 and more see nece.ssar_j on divers accounts, tho' a troublesome and costly 
 journey: my son has been A'ery serviceable, but costly. * * * * in 
 some respects I am not without good hopes of a tolerable conclusion, tho' 
 it will not be obtained without charge and pains. Those who seek the 
 ruin of the Proprietaries, they say, will renew their bill, but try the com- 
 mons first this time.' ***** j hope thy eye is upon the means 
 to retrench expenses, and pray see the utmost at a leisure hour of poor 
 Marshe's project, of navigating flats up ' Schoolkill and Susquehanna 
 rivers,' above the falls, he assuring me that he could make the experiment 
 for forty shillings ; be it fifty, or three pounds, it were a mighty advan- 
 tage." 
 
 Under the same date he wrote again : 
 
 " My son [William] shall hasten ; possess him, go with him to Penns- 
 bury, advise him, contract and recommend his acquaintance. No rambling 
 to New York, nor mongrel correspondence. He has promised fair. I 
 know he will regard thee. But thou wilt see that I have purchased the 
 mighty supplies at a dear rate. God forgive those wretched people who 
 have misused me so, and preserve my spirit over it. Pennsylvania has 
 been a dear Pennsylvania to me all over, which few consider, and with 
 me lay to heart. Be discreet. He has wit, kept the top company, and 
 must be handled with much love and wisdom ; and urging the weakness 
 and folly of some behaviors, and the necessity of another conduct from 
 interest and reputation, will go far. And get Samuel Carpenter, Edward 
 Shippen, Isaac Norris, Phineas Pemberton, Thomas Masters, and such 
 persons, to be soft, and kind, and teaching ; it will do wonders with him, 
 and he is conquered that way. Pretends much to honor, and is but over- 
 generous by half, and yet sharp enough to get to spend. He cannot well 
 be put ofi". All this keep to thyself. 
 
 " Vale." 
 
 It will be seen by the foregoing letter, that William Penn's 
 only surviving son, by his first wife, a young man of bright talents 
 and accomplished manners, now began to give great solicitude 
 to his father. 
 
 When his parents removed to Pennsylvania, he, being married, 
 remained in England, and during their stay fell into habits of 
 dissipation and extravagance, which increased the burdens of 
 his father, and eventually became the most severe of all his 
 afflictions. He attributed this unhappy change in his son's de- 
 portment, in some measure, to his absence from him, and in 
 
442 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 several instances speaks of it, as one of the losses he sustained 
 by his connexion with Pennsylvania. Soon after his return to 
 England, the bill for converting the Proprietary into royal govern- 
 ments, which was before the House of Lords, was withdrawn 
 or defeated ; but those who urged the measure did not entirely 
 abandon it: they intended to introduce it into the House of Com- 
 mons, and all the vigilance and influence of the Proprietaries 
 were required to avert the blow or mitigate its force, by obtain- 
 ing such privileges and immunities, as would secure them and 
 the people from the abuse of power. 
 
 The disposition, on the part of the British Ministry, to super- 
 cede the Proprietary Governments, had been increasing with the 
 growth of the colonies, and although it may have been first 
 induced by false or exaggerated reports, propagated by the 
 enemies of the Proprietaries ; there is reason to believe that there 
 were, among the statesmen of Great Britain, some who favored 
 the measure from a conviction that it would contribute to the 
 safety of the colonies, and the prosperity of the kingdom. They 
 probably considered the proprietary power as a check upon the 
 exercise of royal authority, and an impediment to the efficiency 
 of the colonial governments. 
 
 In the spring of 1702, Wilham III. died, after having made 
 preparations for another war with France, which was declared 
 and prosecuted under his successor. 
 
 He was an able statesman and general, but ambitious of mili- 
 tary glory, and so infatuated with the idea of preserving the 
 balance of power in Europe, that he kept England embroiled 
 in expensive continental wars, to the great increase of her 
 debt, and the detriment of public morals. He was a sincere 
 friend of religious toleration, and one of his last acts w^as, to 
 sign a bill in favor of the "Friends," allowing their solemn 
 affirmation to be accepted, instead of an oath. 
 
 He was succeeded by Queen Anne, the daughter of James II., 
 and wife of Prince George of Denmark. This Princess having, 
 on her accession, publicly declared her intention to maintain the 
 Act of Toleration in favor of religious dissenters, the Yearly Meet- 
 ing of Friends in London adopted an address, expressive of their 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 443 
 
 acknowledgments, which was presented to her by Wilham Penn, 
 accompanied by a deputation of Friends. 
 
 The Queen received them very graciously, and after the 
 address was read she returned the following answer: 
 
 " Mr. Penn, I am so well pleased that what I have said is to your satis- 
 faction, that you and your friends may be assured of my protection."* 
 
 Penn had not been long in England before he found himself 
 much straitened in his pecuniary affairs, owing to the expenses 
 attendant on his colonial business, and the allowance required 
 for the maintenance of his son. 
 
 The extracts which follow from his correspondence with James 
 Logan, describe his situation and prospects at this time. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 " London, 21st of 4th mo., 1702. 
 
 ****<< Never had poor man my task, with neither men nor 
 money to assist me. I therefore strictly charge thee that thou represent 
 to Friends there, that I am distressed for want of supply ; that I am forced 
 to borrow money, and add debts to debts, instead of paying them off; be- 
 sides, my uncomfortable distance from my family, and the unspeakable 
 fatigue and vexation of following attendance, draughts of answer, con- 
 ferences, Council's opinions, hearings, &c., with the charge that follows 
 them, guineas melting, four, five, six a week, and sometimes as many in 
 a day. My wife hitherto has been maintained by her father, whence she 
 is coming next week to Worminghurst on my daughter's account, in like- 
 lihood to marry. I have been more sensibly touched for the honor of the 
 country's administration than for myself." * * * 
 
 " The scene is much changed since the death of the King. The church 
 party advances upon the Whig, and yet I find good friends, though 
 severely against some people's wills. I have had the advice of some of 
 the wisest and greatest men in England, that wish me well, about bar- 
 gaining with the Crown for my government. They all say, ' Stay awhile, 
 be not hasty ;' yet some incline to a good bargain: and to let Quarry be- 
 gone, and change him to another province, if we can do no better. Perry 
 and the Lords of Trade have talked of our being Friends. Pray, mind my 
 directions in former letters, and make return with all speed, or I'm un- 
 done." * * 
 
 • Gough's History of Quakers, iv. 7. 
 
444 LIFE OF 
 
 Again he writes thus: 
 
 " I must renew my pressing upon thee about returns, for I perceive by 
 the votes of the day, the House of Commons have ordered the state of the 
 plantations to be laid before them. And just now a lawyer sends me 
 "■word he is offered to be feed against me by Col. Quarry, who is now come 
 to do us all the mischief he can. Hasten over rents, &c., all thou canst, 
 for many call upon me for old scores, thinking I have brought over all 
 the world with me. The war is likely, and goods bear a price. Deer 
 skins and bear skins, tobacco, good by itself and bad by itself, and then 
 one sells the other. 
 
 " The Jersey's surrender is an ugly preface ; however, there is a higher 
 hand to which I look. 
 
 " Let us do our duty, and leave the rest to God." * * * 
 
 " The Lords of Trade have promised me to receive no complaints with- 
 out the party sending them, give them to the party they are sent against 
 upon the spot for their answers, in the nature of bill and answer in chan- 
 cery, that nobody may be murdered in the dark. A great reformation 
 relief, and for which American governments owe me their good will." 
 
 JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 "Philadelphia, 29th 5th mo., 1702. 
 '* I have not much to advise of more than by the last post a packet ar- 
 rived, with orders directed to thee or the commander-in-chief of this place, 
 to proclaim the war, which was accordingly done on 6th day last the 24th 
 iust." 
 
 " lofh of 6th mo., (1702.) 
 " The governor pushes forward a militia, but the church party, as 
 they call themselves, leave no stone unturned to oppose it, for reasons I 
 have before expressed. An approbation is much wanted, and makes the 
 Governor very uneasy." 
 
 The church party alluded to in the last extract, consisted of 
 certain members of the Church of England, residing in Penn- 
 sylvania, who were disaffected to the Proprietary Government, 
 and making use of every means in their power to bring it into 
 discredit with the British ministry. Among the accusations 
 made against Penn and his friends, one was that they left the 
 province in a defenceless condition, without a miUtia or military 
 stores. 
 
 It appears, from Logan's letter, that the churchmen were not 
 willing to lose this cause of complaint, for when Governor 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 445 
 
 Hamilton attempted to organize a militia, they were no less 
 zealous than the Friends in opposing the measure, though on 
 entirely different principles. The tolerant and liberal policy of 
 Penn had attracted towards his colony adventurers of every 
 class and denomination. All enjoyed equal poUtical privileges, 
 but in the first settlement, the Friends being much the most 
 numerous, were generally chosen to the Legislature and other 
 public stations. 
 
 In a few years the influx of immigrants not of their persua- 
 sion, was so great, that the Friends began to lose their prepon- 
 derance, and the frequent demands of the British government 
 for aid to military purposes, rendered them less willing to serve 
 in public stations. 
 
 In 1702 the population of the province was nearly equally 
 divided between Friends and others. In the third month of 
 that year James Logan, in a letter to Penn, says, "Philadelphia 
 town being above one half of the inhabitants, two-thirds of 
 those, I believe, are no Friends, which brings town and coun- 
 try, as I judge, near upon a balance, the greater part of the 
 country being Friends." 
 
 The churchmen, being accustomed to exclusive privileges in 
 the mother country, w^ere not satisfied wath the equality secured 
 to them by the laws of the province, and being desirous that 
 Pennsylvania should, like the Jerseys, be transferred to a royal 
 government, they raised the cry of persecution. This complaint 
 was so groundless and absurd, that Penn supposed they would 
 readily sign a paper contradicting the report, and at his request 
 Logan applied to the leading members for that purpose. 
 
 It appears, by the following extract from his letter to Penn, 
 that they refused his request, and gave him a definition of perse- 
 cution, which is probably without a parallel. 
 
 " I can see no hopes," he says, " of getting any material subscription 
 from those of the church against the report of persecution, they having 
 consulted together on that head, and, as I am informed, concluded that 
 not allowing their clergy here what they of right claim in England, and 
 not suifering them to be superior, may justly bear that name." 
 
 38 
 
4-lG LIFE OF 
 
 JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 "Philadelphia, 17th 7mo. 1702. 
 
 "At New York they are suffering with a mortal distemper, much the 
 same as what was here two years ago, which sweeps off great numbers ; 'tis 
 such a visitation they say, as that phice never knew before, carrying off 
 eight, ten, or twelve in a day. They are very unhealthy likewise at Bos- 
 ton this post informs us." * * * 
 
 " We are sensible of thy great exigencies for want of sufficient supplies 
 there, but I can see no better way to remedy it than those I am upon, 
 when thy sou arrives he will be a witness of our circumstances, and that 
 I pretend nothing for the sake of excuse, but what we too feelingly expe- 
 rience to be true. Wheat, that when thou left us, was our best commodity, 
 goes now begging from door to door and can rarely find a buyer. The 
 cheapness of grain in England, allowing provisions from thence at much 
 easier rates than our country will yet afford it. So that very few vessels 
 have gone out this fall, which used to be the busiest time, and even these 
 were long before freighted, and that, not fully. The merchants thus for- 
 bearing to buy, the country can get no money. Wheat, they offer in pay, 
 but for that there is no vent, nor indeed are the merchants much better 
 supplied. They buy goods of the vessel at 150 per cent., but how they 
 Avill be paid, none can foresee — unless corn rise in England or a peace 
 (which is not likely) open to us the Spanish trade. 
 
 " This province seems in danger of being brought to an ebb." * * 
 
 " I cannot advise against a bargain with the Crown, if to be had on good 
 terms for thyself and the people. Friends here, at least the generality of 
 the best informed, think government at this time so ill fitted to their 
 principles, that it renders them very indifferent in that point, further than 
 that they earnestly desire thy success in vindicating the country's reputa- 
 tion, and that they may not fall a spoil to such base hands as now seek 
 our ruin. Privileges, they believe, such as might be depended on for a con- 
 tinuance both to thee and them, with a moderate governor, would set thee 
 much more at ease, and give thee an happier life as Proprietor only, than 
 thou hast yet had as Governor ; besides, that it would exempt thee from the 
 solicitude they arc under, both from their own impotence and the mali- 
 cious watchfulness of enemies." ********* 
 
 " I have spoken to those chiefly concerned in the Iron Mines, but they 
 seem careless, having never had a meeting since thy departure. Their 
 answer is, that they have not yet found any considerable vein. " 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 "24th ofUth month, 1702. 
 * * "I never was so low and so reduced. For Ireland, my old prin- 
 cipal verb, has hardly any money. England — severe to her — no trade but 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 447 
 
 hither — and at England's mercy for prices, (save butter and meat to Flan- 
 ders and the West Indies) that we must go and eat out half our rents or 
 we canot enjoy them. 
 
 " I have great interest, as well as my son's settlement to deduct, with 
 three or four per cent, tax here and twenty or twenty-six per cent, exchange 
 from Ireland to England, to answer.* I therefore earnestly urge supplies, 
 and by the best methods, and least hazardous." 
 
 " I know thy ability, I doubt not thy integrity, I desire thy application 
 and health, and above all, thy growth in the feeling of the power of Truth; 
 for that fits and helps us above all other things, even in business of this 
 world ; clearing our heads, quickening our spirits, and giving us faith and 
 courage to perform. 
 
 " I am sorry to find by thine, thou art so much oppressed in thy station, 
 and wish I could make it lighter. If my son will apply himself to busi- 
 ness, he may, by the authority of his relationship, &c., render the post 
 easier to thee. I know the baseness of the temper of too many of the 
 people thou hast to deal with, which calls for judgment and great temper, 
 with some authority. This year the customs upon goods from Penn- 
 sylvania, amount to £8000. The year I arrived there, 1699, but to £1500, 
 at the most. A good argument for me and the poor country. It has a 
 greater regard here, and made the care of an officer, (as well as Virginia 
 and Maryland) at the custom house. New York not the half of it. 
 
 " But oh 1 that we had a fur trade instead of a tobacco one, and that 
 thou didst do all that is possible to master furs and skins for me, they 
 bear more, especially such as thou sent me. 
 
 " Had I but two or three chests of them, I could have sold them for al- 
 most what I would; 16, aye, 20 shillings a skin, at this juncture." 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIY. 
 
 Penn takes Lodgings at Kensington ; Writes " More Fruits of Solitude ;" 
 Letter to Logan ; George Fox's Lot ; Servants from R. Janney ; Gover- 
 nor Hamilton's Adipinistration ; His Death ; Kindness of Penn to his 
 Family ; Colonel Quarry's Machinations ; DiflBculty about Oaths ; Lord 
 Cornbury and the Church Party ; Letters of Logan and Penn. 
 
 1702-3. 
 William Penn having occasion frequently to wait on the 
 Queen, to promote the interests of his province, took lodgings at 
 
 * It seems that part of the rents of his Irish estates were settled on his son 
 William, and he had heavy interest to pay on borrowed money, 
 
448 LIFE OF 
 
 Kensington, where he wrote " More Fruits of Solitude, being a 
 Second Part of Reflections and Maxims relating to the Conduct 
 of Human Life." " After which he removed to Knightbridge, 
 over against Hyde Park corner, where he resided for some 
 years."* In the year 1703 he WTote a Preface to a work of D. 
 Philips, entitled " VindicEe Veritatis," being a defence of 
 " Friends' Principles," and another to the writings of Charles 
 Marshall, called " Zion's Travellers Comforted." 
 
 The affairs of Pennsylvania, as well as his own private con- 
 cerns, continued to be the principal subjects of his correspon- 
 dence with James Logan. Li the first of the letters here in- 
 serted, allusion is made to a lot of ground given by WiHiara 
 Penn to George Fox, as a token of his regard, which, it seems, 
 had not yet been located, and the same property having been 
 given by George Fox to the meetings of Friends, apphcation 
 was made to the Proprietary to have it located in the city of 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM A DECAYED LETTER FROM W^ILLIAM PENN TO 
 JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 Sent hy Roger Mompesson, 
 
 " I am solicited about George Fox's gift — indeed, it was mine to him, 
 and therefore must take the liberty to say, that for the request I a little 
 admire at it. The most considerable of those who sign it, must know it 
 was so. I shall willingly allow a field of twenty acres or twenty-five acres 
 for Friends' use, out of liberty lands near any meeting ; but to allow it 
 out of the city lots is what I will never do, unless I am upon the spot. I 
 still remember the collops cut out of my own, and my son's and daugh- 
 ter's concerns, in my former absence, and will suifer none of those things 
 to be acted again. I have not forgot lot N. N.,t where our meeting-house 
 stands ; it was reserved for Tishc, who, as appears by the list, is without 
 any High street lot at all ; now that is gone. I know who urge these 
 difficulties upon me ; but, alas ! they are in the power of one greater than 
 I am, to humble distress and bring them to reflection. 
 
 " However, I will honor his name who honored truth, above all men, (G. 
 Fox,) and loved mc — but in my own way and time. I will nt)t be dictated 
 
 * Life prefixed to his works. 
 
 + N. N. means not numliercd. Tlie lot was at the south-west corner of Market 
 and Second streets, where Friends' Meeting House formerly stood. Granted by 
 Governor Markhani. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 449 
 
 to. I can satisfy thoc I have writ to none anything that can give thom 
 the least occasion against thee. 
 
 " The gentleman who brings this (Judge Mompesson) is constituted 
 Judge of the Admiralty of Pennsylvania, the Jerseys, and New York, and 
 is yet willing to be my Attorney-General to rectify matters in law, and to 
 put you into better methods, in which respect he is thought by the 
 Judiciary hei'e to be very able. Get him a sober, suitable house to diet 
 in, as well as lodge. If you were together, 'twere to thy advantage in 
 many respects. He is a moderate churchman, knows the world here, has 
 been in two several Parliaments, and Recorder of Southampton — only 
 steps abroad to ease his fortune of some of his father's debts he was early 
 unwarily engaged for. He is a favorite of Lord Cornbury's father, the 
 Earl of Clarendon. 
 
 "1 have granted him a commission for Chief Justice, in case the people 
 will lay hold of such an opportunity as no government in America ever 
 had before of an English lawyer, and encourage him by a proper salary 
 of at least £100, if not £150 per annum. 
 
 " My son (having life) resolves to be with you per first opportunity ; his 
 wife, this day week, was delivered of a fine l)oy, which he calls William. 
 So that now we are major, minor, and minimus. I bless the Lord mine 
 are pretty well. Johnne lively. Tommy a lovely, large child, and my 
 grandson, Springett, a mere Saracen, his sister a beauty. * * * 
 
 "I have sent some hats, one for Griffith Owen, and the other intended 
 for Edward Shippen, which thou mayst take, with this just excuse, that 
 the In'im being too narrow for his age and height, I intend him one with 
 a larger brim ; for as soon as I saw it, I told the Friend who made it, I 
 thought it handsome, though I pinch here to be sure. If my son sends 
 hounds, as he has provided two or three couple of choice ones for deer, 
 foxes, and wolves, pray let great care be taken of them. 
 
 * * * "I add no more, but my good wishes, and leave all to the 
 secret, wise ordering of my good God, and close. 
 
 " Thy real friend, WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 "2d Sept., (7th mo.,) 1703. 
 " Friends have again made application for G. Fox's gift, and 1 have 
 proposed their acceptance of a lot in Front street, and another in High 
 street, with their proportion of liberty land, [Fair Hill.] 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 "London, 1st 2d mo. 1703. 
 " I have writ at large, six sheets if not seven, and sent by R. Mompesson, 
 Esq., to which I refer thee. I here inclose Randall Janney's bond, for 
 two of his best servants, one a carpenter, the other a husbandman ; that 
 the out houses maybe perfected in part within, (at Pennsbury,) and a 
 moderate stable built, for eight or ten horses, and a shelter for cattle and 
 
 38* 
 
450 LIFE OF 
 
 sheep near the barn, as formerly, to which I refer to J. Sotcher. Yaff is 
 also gone in the room of one who can't go from weakness, and I have 
 resolved after four years faithful service he shall he free. Yet I have left 
 it ivith him to retnrn if lie will, passage free in tlie Messenger, (which he 
 will more than deserve in any ship). Nay Heave it to him to return from 
 Jiesl if he will. Thou art not to allow R. Janney any thing for him; 
 that going into £20 for the other two ; also he wants three of his comple- 
 ment, and must have paid as much had he not gone ; besides I have been 
 otherwise kind to him. YaiF is an able planter and a good husbandman, 
 and promises fair, and Samuel has but one year more to serve, as I think 
 by my note, if he has served well. I hope Randall carries a hat for 
 Edward Shippen, of a Mayoral size. 
 
 " See if the town would be so kind as to build me a pretty bos like Edward 
 Shippen's, upon any of my lots in town, or purchase Griffith Owens or T. 
 Fairman's, or any near healthy spot, as "VVicaco or the like, for Pennsbury 
 will hardly accommodate my son's family and mine, unless enlarged. Let 
 what is there be kept up, but only substantial improvements to be now 
 folloAved. 
 
 " I should like fruit at the distance of forty or fifty feet, in fields as should 
 neither hurt corn or grass. 
 
 " Now is the time to make earnings in the Islands, wherefore fail not to 
 use the opportunity, and let me see some chests of furs by the Messenger, 
 and if thou can'st a copy of the laws to lye by me." 
 
 " Thy loving friend, WM. PENN." 
 
 P S. " My dear love to all Friends, and salutes to all that deserve it. 
 Take care of my mills. Remember me to my family, and let them be 
 kind to poor Lucy and the Dutchman." 
 
 The servants alluded to in the foregoing letter, appear to have 
 been bound for a term of years : " Samuel," he says, " has but 
 one year more to serve," and YafF he was resolved should be 
 free, after " four years of faithful service." 
 
 There is no evidence that they were Africans, for the term 
 servant was, and still is applied, in England, to all hired la- 
 borers. 
 
 The administration of Gov. Hamilton was of short duration, 
 and embittered by dissensions between the representatives of the 
 province and those of the territories, now composing the State 
 of Delaware. 
 
 The people of the territories declined to elect representatives 
 to the Assembly, at the time fixed by law, and writs being 
 subsequently issued by the Governor for an election, they chose 
 
T7ILLIAM PEXN. 451 
 
 delegates, who, when they arrived at the seat of government, 
 refused to unite with the members from the province, claiming 
 their privilege under the charter of dissolving the union. 
 
 The Governor having used every means in his power to recon- 
 cile their differences, was at last compelled to dismiss the Assem- 
 bly, without the transaction of any business. This separation 
 proved to be final. 
 
 Gov. Hamilton died the 20th of 2d month, (April,) 1703, and 
 his successor made a fruitless attempt to preserve the union, but 
 the members from the pro\ince, who before, had been well 
 affected towards it, then refused to unite with those from the 
 territories, whose refractory conduct, for many years, had exhaust- 
 ed their forbearance. 
 
 The death of Gov. Hamilton was lamented by Logan, who 
 thought him well qualified for his office, but he was inimical to 
 the Proprietary government, as appears by the following letter. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 " Worminghurst, 27th 6lh mo. 1703. 
 
 " Now I am to tell thee that when I told the Lords of Trade &c., that 
 Col. Hamilton was dead, Secretary Blathwayt answered me, ' Then there 
 is dead the man who of all others has written against Proprietary Govern- 
 ments with the most neatness and strength.' I replied ' And yet with 
 what difficulty besides charge, did I obtain this enemy of my interest, ami 
 friend to yours, to be my Deputy-Governor ;' but his moderation about the 
 aiFairs of New York, renewed a good opinion of him, and I believe had 
 he lived, by the help of his Friends here he had been favored in his con- 
 cern. Bat of this passage of Secretai-y Blathwayt, say nothing, unless 
 under secrecy, to S Carpenter, or S. -Jennings or Francis Davenport, but 
 those two may remember at Governor Hamilton's house in Burlington, 
 I told you this as my jealousy ; at least to Davenport and Gardner. I 
 told it there, and elsewhere, to Samuel Jennings more than once. I sup- 
 pose he (Hamilton,) wished to ingratiate himself against they became 
 King's governments. But I could have as soon picked a pocket or denied 
 my friend or name. Yet what shall we say of this wretched world." 
 
 "However I am, with the aid of Counsellor West, endeavoring to serve 
 his creditors and family about the Post Office." 
 
 The last sentence in the above letter, evinces that beautiful 
 trait in Penn's character, forgiveness of injuries, — so conspicu- 
 ous in all his conduct. Although he believed that the late 
 
452 LIFE OF 
 
 Governor, while employed in his service, had been the secret 
 enemy of his house, he exerted himself to benefit his family, and 
 obtained the Post Office for one of his sons.* 
 
 On the death of Gov, Hamilton, the executive duties devolved 
 upon the Council, who soon found themselves involved in diffi- 
 culty, through the machinations of Col Quarry. He had obtain- 
 ed from the Queen an order, that all the executive and judicial 
 officers of the Province should take " the oath directed by the 
 law of England or the affirmation allowed by the said law to 
 Quakers," " as also, that all persons, who in England, are 
 obliged and willing to take an oath in any public or judicial pro- 
 ceeding, be admitted so to do, by the proper officers and judges 
 in Pennsylvania." He presented himself before the Council 
 armed with this order, which empowered him, John Moore and 
 two others, to administer the oath. There being only two 
 members of the Council, i. e., Judge Guest and Capt. Finney, 
 willing to take an oath, and the other members being dissatisfied 
 with the form of the affirmation, they were in some perplexity, 
 but after several conferences they agreed to comply with the 
 order. Col. Quarry however, whose object was to throw 
 odium upon the Proprietary government, refused to qualify them, 
 unless they would all submit to the same form of oath. 
 He affected to consider the executive as a unit, though com- 
 posed of five members, and would only administer the oath to 
 the whole Council ; nor could he and his colleagues " see that 
 they had any power to administer an affirmation at all."t The 
 Council refusing to comply, he withdrew, chuckling at the success 
 of his manoeuvre. 
 
 The collector of the Queen's customs being authorized to ad- 
 minister the oath or affirmation, was called upon to supply the 
 place of Col. Quarry, which he at first declined, but at the press- 
 ing solicitation of some of the members of Council, he complied, 
 and the wheels of government again moved on. 
 
 The mischief occasioned by this order of the Queen, did not, 
 however, stop here. Many of the judges and magistrates being 
 Friends, w^ere as scrupulous about administering an oath as 
 
 * Note to the Logan MSS. f Colonial Records, ii. 93. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 453 
 
 taking it themselves. The laws of Pennsylvania did not require 
 it, and a simple affirmation had been sufficient in all judicial pro- 
 ceedings. Now they were required to administer oaths to all 
 who were willing to take them, and rather than comply they 
 would resign their offices; which the church party, under the 
 direction of Quarry and Moore, would gladly occupy. 
 
 When information of these proceedings reached the Proprie- 
 tary, he was grieved that the members of Council had not been 
 more firm. In writing to them he said: 
 
 " For your perplexities in goverument, methinks you have brought it 
 too much upon yourselves. For why should you obey any order obtained 
 by the Lords of Trade, or otherwise, which is not according to patent nor 
 law here, nor the laws of your own country, which are to govern you till 
 repealed ; and none are but one. 
 
 " I say abjuration, &c., are besides your clue, and I admire at your 
 weakness in not keeping to law. Queens, as well as kings, never read 
 wh,,t they sign. They are signed upon the credit of committees or secre- 
 taries. 
 
 " I desire you to pluck up that English and Christian courage, not to 
 suffer yourselves to be thus treated and put upon. Let those factious fel- 
 lows do their worst. Keep them in evidence and in qualifications, who 
 give you this perplexity, and I will bear you out. If you will resign the 
 laws, customs, and usages, instead of persisting till you see what becomes 
 of the laws now with the Attorney General, I cannot help it ; but a decent 
 refusal were wisest. * * * 
 
 " This should have gone three or four weeks ago, and did attempt it in 
 vain, since the great storm, that has, besides lives seven or eight thousand, 
 done millions of damage to the kingdom ; the like not remembered by any 
 man living with us." 
 
 After the Proprietary government of the Jerseys was surrendered 
 to the crown, Lord Cornbury was appointed Governor, by Wil- 
 liam III., which gave the church party in Pennsylvania great 
 hopes of being able to effijct the same change in that province. 
 On the occasion of Cornbury's visit to Philadelphia, early in 
 the reign of Queen Anne, he was received by the churchmen 
 with great manifestations of regard. In a letter of Logan to 
 Penn, dated 2d Sept. 1703, he says, 
 
 "Col. Quarry, and the rest of the churchmen, congratulated him, and 
 presented an address from the vestry of Philadelphia, who now consist, 1 
 
45-4 LIFE OF 
 
 think, of twenty-four, requesting his patronage to the church, and closing 
 ■with a prayer that he would beseech the Queen, (as I am credibly in- 
 formed) to extend his government over this province ; and Col. Quarry, in 
 his first congratulatory address, said, they hoped they also should be par- 
 takers of the happiness of Jersey, enjoyed under his government. 
 
 " In answer to the vestry's address, he spoke what was proper from a 
 churchman, to the main design of it, (for he was very good at extemporary 
 speeches,) and to their last request, that it was theh- business (meaning to 
 address the Queen, I suppose) ; but that when his mistress would be 
 pleased to lay her commands on him, he would obey them with alacrity." 
 
 A short time previous to the receipt of this information, Penn 
 had written to Logan concerning a complaint that Cornbury him- 
 self had sent over, from which it appears that his lordship could 
 lend a helping hand to his brother churchmen, in disturbing the 
 proprietary government. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 " Worminghurst, 27'th sixth month, 1703. 
 
 " A letter came from Lord Cornbury, ' your great friend,' importing a 
 representation from the Church of England, with you, to him, complain- 
 ing of a man's being lately sentenced to death by a jury of Quakers, not 
 only not sworn, but not attested according to the Act of Parliament in 
 England. To which I answered I had heard nothing of it ; and so soon as 
 any advices came, should inform them of it. In the meantime it was not 
 to be thought, that a colony and constitution, made by and for Quakers, 
 would leave themselves, and their lives and fortunes out of so essential a 
 part of government as juries. That there and here, differed much, or we had 
 never gone thither, with our lives and substance, to be so precarious in our 
 security, as not to be capable of being jurymen. If the coming of others, 
 shall overrule us, that are the originals, and made it a country, we are 
 unhappy indeed : though it is not to be thought, we intended no easier 
 or better terms for ourselves, in going to America, than we left behind us. 
 
 " As yet, this has allayed the spirit of objectors. But of none of this 
 have I word, which has been some concern to me. Pray let me hear 
 oftener. I have not had one penny, consequently, toward my support, 
 since the taking of the two ships I advised thee of: [captured by the 
 French,] and have lived in town ever since I came over, at no small ex- 
 pense ; having not been three months of twenty that I have been in En- 
 gland, absent from court, putting all the time together that I have been 
 at this place and Bristol, from whence I came three weeks ago, and was 
 there but about fourteen or sixteen days, on account of my wife, wlio this 
 day month gave birth to a daughter, whom vre call Hannah Margarita." 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 455 
 
 But the complaints of the churchmen were not confined to 
 the disuse of oaths, they thought the ordinances of their church 
 were not sufficiently respected. In another letter of Penn he 
 says, 
 
 " I had a letter from the Lords of Trade, &c., upon occasion of one from 
 Sir Thomas Lawrence, that, vox et proeterea nihil, compLaiuing of con- 
 temptuous expressions used by Thomas Story, in public meetings in Mary- 
 land — last General Meeting — against Baptism and the Lord's Supper. A 
 silly knight! Though I hope it comes of oiBcious weakness, the talent of 
 the gentleman, with some malice, rather than an unnecessary attack on 
 the part of T. Story ; or in irreverent terms. I never heeded it : only 
 said, if that gentleman had sense enough for his office, he might have 
 known that his tale was no part of it. And that the rudeness and perpe- 
 tual clamor of George Keith, and the rest of the priests in those parts, in 
 their pulpits, with public challenges besides, gave occasion for what 
 passed. That he was a discreet and temperate man, and did not exceed 
 in his retorts or returns. But 'tis children's play to provoke a combat, 
 and then cry out that such a one beats them. I hoped they were not a 
 committe of conscience nor religion ; and that it showed the shallowness 
 of the gentleman, that played the busybody in it. 
 
 " However, let Griffith Owen mention this to Thomas, lest time fail me." 
 
 The difficulty of governing the colony on the peaceable prin- 
 ciples of Friends, arose from her connexion with the mother 
 country, whose foreign wars she was compelled to espouse ; and 
 it was enhanced by the opposition of those among her own citi- 
 zens, who wished to provide for military defences. The secre- 
 tary himself was not satisfied without some martial preparations, 
 as appears by his letters to Penn. 
 
 The pecuniary wants of the Proprietary, together with the 
 embarrassment he experienced from the agent of the British 
 government and the disaffected among the colonists, induced 
 him to think of selling his government, but retaining to himself 
 his landed estate in the colony, where he still hoped to pass the 
 evening of his days. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 " London, 6th 4th mo. 1703. 
 "My son is now in earnest to be with you by the Virginia fleet, which 
 sails, by orders, the 10th of the Gth mo., (2 months hence) and so thence 
 
456 LIFE OF 
 
 up the Bay, unless better conveniency offer more directly, as early as that. 
 I am actually in treaty with the ministers for my government, and as soon 
 as it bears you shall be informed of it. I believe it repents some that 
 they began it, for now 'tis I that press it upon pretty good terms, as well 
 for the people as self, in the judgment of the wisest and best of my friends ; 
 but this shall never weaken my love to, and residence in, Pennsylvania, and 
 so I command by will my posterity. You will have an increase of Friends 
 among you to support the superiority, or balance at least, in the province. 
 
 " So after I have done with the government, and called upon Ireland, if 
 the Lord give me life, I purpose to fly to you as fast as I can. 
 
 " Jos. Groves paid me the other day, fifty pounds, when I never wanted 
 it more, a guinea being less to me, a year since, than a crown is now, 
 therefore remember me by all opportunities." 
 
 JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 «' 2d September, 1703. 
 ■K- * * * (' gy lagt post we have accounts from N. England that the 
 French and Indians, joining to the eastward, have cut off several settle- 
 ments, and killed and carried away 150 persons, a sore unexpected blow. 
 The Governor having, even this summer, made peace by a solemn treaty 
 with those very savages who have been chiefly concerned in the mischief. 
 They are at open war with them now, having proclaimed it at Boston 
 about fifteen days ago. The French have likewise settled among the Five 
 Nations not at peace with them, and have their emisaries everywhere, those 
 of Connecticut are also like to break with the English, as letters by the same 
 post inform us. Indian Harry of Conostoga, is now here, and informs us 
 of the great endeavox's of the French, but I have not yet fully discoursed 
 with him. ***** I wish thee could find more to say for our 
 lying so naked and defenceless. I always used the best argument I could, 
 and when I pleaded that we were a peaceable people, had wholly renounced 
 war and the spirit of it, that were willing to commit ourselves to the pro- 
 tection of God alone, in an assurance that the sword can neither be drawn 
 nor sheathed, but by his direction ; that the desolation made by it, are the 
 declaration of his wrath alone ; that the Christain dispensation is exclu- 
 sively of peace on earth and good-will towards men ; and that those who 
 will not use the sword, but by an entire resignation commit themselves to 
 his all-powerful providence, shall never need it, but be safe under a more 
 sure defence than any worldly arm. When I pleaded this, I really spoke 
 my sentiments, but this will not answer in English government, nor the 
 methods of this region. Their answer is, that should we lose our lives 
 only, it would be little to the crown, seeing it is our doing, but others are 
 involved with us, and should the enemy make themselves masters of the 
 country, it would too sensibly touch England in the rest of her colonies. 
 Tills must be weighed, but still I hope such measures may be taken, as 
 will prevent these base men frum becoming our masters. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 457 
 
 " But what shall we say ? Almighty Providence seems to bo preparing 
 the most dreadful scenes throughout the world. Rage and fury appear 
 to be commissioned to carry desolation through the earth, and few will be 
 the doors, I doubt, it will not visit. The most secure may find their ene- 
 mies, the most naked be protected." 
 
 " Philadelphia, 8th 7th, 1703. 
 "As I said in my large letter, the Justices who are Friends, having 
 yesterday gone off the Bench and left the Court, to-day it has been held 
 by the others, J. Guest, C. Finney, E. Farmer, A. B., who administer 
 oaths to all who can take them, fining those that will not, and the afiir- 
 mation to all others." 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 " London, 31st 10th mo , 1703. 
 "Fear not my bargain with the Crown, for it shall never be made 
 without n security to the inhabitants according to the constitution and 
 laws of the country, though my supplies to defend them come so costly 
 and slowly to my support." 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL. 
 
 « London, 31st 10th mo., 1703. 
 " Esteemed Friends — I heartily salute you, wishing you and yours true 
 happiness. I perceive by divers letters, as well as that I received from 
 most of you, the restless endeavors of a few malcontents to throw the 
 government into confusion, that they may have the better excuse and pre- 
 tence for changing the government, ana shifting it from the hands in 
 which it now is : as for instance, that you are careless about the laws of 
 trade and navigation, because you are not cruel and extortionate, where 
 facts relating thereunto have happened through ignorance or undesigned 
 omission, as in the case of poor Lumby, Kule and Piighton, to say nothing 
 of the barbarous treatment of George Claypoole and Thomas Masters, for 
 which Quarry and Moore deserve the aversion of all honest men, and I 
 doubt not they will find it in due time. The next instance is their outcry 
 for want of a militia to defend them in time of danger, and then strenu- 
 ously endeavor to defeat the means of obtaining and settling it. * * 
 3dly. After all their aggravations about trying for life, without an oath, 
 they have discouraged the methods taken by my Lieutenant-Governor 
 Hamilton, to the obstruction of justice, which might accommodate that 
 matter, than which hardly anything can appear more disingenuous. 
 4thly. I was astonished at the address delivered by Quarry, in the name 
 of the Vestry of Philadelphia, to Lord Cornbury, at his last being there ; 
 and I admire almost as much, your extreme patience under so impudent 
 an affront and injustice. I suppose it was out of respect to that noble 
 
 39 
 
458 LIFE OF 
 
 Lord, otherwise I think, had I been there, I should have made those gen- 
 tlemen sensible of the smart of that power they have so often abused in 
 your hands ; and for that reason, now, would have wrested out of them. 
 But his answer, I confess, (as it comes from thence, J shows his prudence, 
 and their folly ; and, with the addition of what his father, the Earl of 
 Clarendon, told me, the other day, upon my mentioning to him the unac- 
 countableness of that passage in their address, as well as his great jus- 
 tice ; for, (says he,) I will never solicit the Queen, or any one else, for that 
 which is the property of another man. 5thly. I also understand that 
 these open defiances to the government they have got their bread under, 
 have excited many of my renters in the lower counties to refuse the pay- 
 ment of my quit-rents, an unhappiness to themselves, poor people ! at 
 the long run. For I am determined to show them they are in the wrong, 
 and forgive them when they have submitted to their old, kind, and abused 
 landlord. But, perhaps, their leaders may have cause, one time or other, 
 to wish they had not misled them from their duty and common justice. 
 My present indisposition (which, they say, is the beginning of the gout) 
 makes writing uneasy to me, or else you had had all this from my own 
 hand. I shall conclude when I have said I expect from you that you will 
 maintain my just rights and privileges, both in government and property, 
 granted to me by King Charles II., under the Great Seal of England, and 
 by James, Duke of York, his Royal brother, and the constitution, laws, 
 and customs, unitedly and universally signed and established in that 
 government long before the coming of those troubles of our race amongst 
 us ; for you cannot think that I shall support them here, if you submit 
 them there to the unjust, clamorous, and insolent practices of those noto- 
 rious enemies to our public peace. 
 
 " I am your very loving friend, WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 William Penn, Jr. arrives in Pennsylvania ; Visited by the Indians ; 
 Penn's Letter to Logan ; Col. Quarry ; Oaths and Affirmations ; Logan's 
 Letter to Penn ; S. Bonas Imprisoned ; Governor Evan's Measures ; 
 William Penn, Jr.'s Affray with the Watch ; Renounces Quakerism ; 
 Returns to England ; Evans Disputes with Assembly ; D. Lloyd's Arti- 
 fices ; Pretended Remonstrance of Assembly ; Letters of Penn and 
 Logan. 
 
 1703-4. 
 
 The intention of William Penn to send his son to the province 
 was probably formed during his residence there, and was ex- 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 459 
 
 pressed in several of his letters soon after his return to England, 
 but not accomplished until near the close of the year 1703. In 
 one of his letters to Logan he expresses great solicitude that 
 wise measures and salutary counsels should be employed to re- 
 claim this unhappy son, who had fallen into habits calculated to 
 destroy his own peace, and to embitter his father's declining 
 years. 
 
 "Take him," he says, "away to Pennsbury, and there give him the 
 true state of things, and weigh down his levities, as well as temper his 
 resentments, and inform his understanding, since all depends upon it, as 
 well for his future happiness, as in measure the poor country's." * * * 
 
 " Watch him, outwit him, and honestly overreach him, for his good. 
 Fishings, little journeys, (as to see the Indians, &c.,) will divert him, and 
 interest Friends to bear all they can, and melt towards him, at least 
 civilly, if not religiously. lie will confide in thee. If S. Carpenter, 
 Richard Hill, and Isaac Norris could gain his confidence, and tender 
 Grifl&th Owen — not the least likely, for he sees and feels — I should rejoice. 
 Pennsylvania has cost me dearer in my poor child than all other con- 
 siderations. The Lord pity and spare in his great mercy. I yet hope." 
 
 William Penn, Jr. arrived in the province in the 12th month, 
 1703, [i. e, February, 1704.] He was accompanied by John 
 Evans, who had been appointed by the Proprietary as Deputy- 
 Governor, with the Queen's approbation. Evans was recom- 
 mended, in a letter of Penn to James Logan, as " a young man, 
 not above six and twenty, but sober and sensible ; the son," he 
 says, " of an old friend that loved me not a little. He will be 
 discreet, advisable, and especially by the best of our friends." 
 Penn was, however, deceived in him, for he proved to be an un- 
 suitable companion for his son, and exceedingly indiscreet as a 
 Governor. The first impression, made by both Evans and 
 young Penn, was favorable. Logan, with all his sagacity, was 
 at fault, and expressed the most sanguine hopes of them both. 
 
 Samuel Preston, in a letter written about the same time to 
 Jonathan Dickerson, in Jamaica, mentions him in the following 
 terms : 
 
 " Our young landlord, to say true, in my judgment discovers himself 
 his father's eldest son ; his person, his sweetness of temper, and elegance 
 of speech, are no small demonstrations thereof. But I wish him more of 
 his zeal." 
 
460 LIFE OF 
 
 The Indians, hearing of his arrival, testified their respect for 
 his father, by repairing to Penn>bury to meet him, as appears by 
 a letter of J. Logan, dated 14th of 1st mo., 1704. 
 
 He says, " Last week thy son, Judge Mompesson, and myself, went to 
 Peuusbury to meet 100 Indians, of wliich nine were Kings ; Opewousium- 
 hook, the Chief, Avith his neighbors, who came thither to congratulate thy 
 son's arrival, presenting the belts of wamjium for a ratification of peace, 
 and had returns accordingly. He staid there with the Judge, awaiting 
 Clement Plumstead's wedding with Sarah Righ.on, (formerly Biddle.") 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 "London, lOlh First month, 1703-4. 
 
 " I hope 'ere now my son and Lieutenant-Governor are arrived. This 
 comes by Edward Shippen, Jr., and N. Puckle, to whom I refer thee as to 
 generals and common news, and the prints that come with them. 
 
 " And in the first place, know that I received none from thee since I 
 writ largely to thee, by way of Barbadoes and Antigua, and since, a 
 shorter, to the Council, and so to thee, by way of New England ; duplicates 
 of which go now. And I hope and please myself to think you will be 
 quickened to show yourselves men in that affair, to wit : — of Quarry's 
 and his few venomous adherents' proceedings against the government. 
 For if you could longer endure those contempts, it would be, I take it, a 
 betraying of the rights of the people, as well as of mine, and my posterity's. 
 I have made good use of the defence thou sent me. The Council's letter, 
 and passages out of thine, much to the purpose ; and the very Lords Com- 
 missioners themselves are come at last to dislike his busy and turbulent 
 proceedings. And I hope for a letter next week, (to send by this, or next 
 opportunity, to New York, in twenty days time,) from that Board, to 
 reprimand his behavior ; having convinced them by instances you gave 
 me, of his disingenuous practices, as well as injurious ; as also that I have 
 shown them, that the counties he has seduced from their duty, are the 
 only tobacco folks, and that the only enumerated commodity in our country ; 
 as also, that the people of the territories, purged (by their address to the 
 late King, anno 1699-1700) the colony from Col. Quarry's imputations 
 upon us about trade ; and who also, anno 1684, did by their address to 
 the King and Duke (of York,) highly express their satisfaction in me, and 
 their union with the upper counties, — and which was indeed their seek- 
 ing, — returning their humble thanks to both, for sending them so kind a 
 landlord and so good a Governor. And, therefore, to Quarry's foul prac- 
 tices, and the protection ho brags there, ho has here, I owe that great defec- 
 tion, those poor people have been led into of late. In short, I am now 
 more likely to keep my government than ever, or to have some equivalent 
 for it ; and take this from me, that if you do but the Queen justice in her 
 
WILLIAM PLXN. 401 
 
 revenue, and discountenance illegal trade, and all own the administration 
 their jurisdiction, so far as agrees -with the Attorney General's opinion I 
 sent you, you will not be molested hence, but protected. This the ministry 
 here assures me. 
 
 " And I do require it of the Lieutenant-Governor, the Council and 
 magistrates, that they maintain to the utmost the powers of my grant, and 
 the authority of the laws. And if Quarry, or any of his ungrateful gang, 
 offer to invade or affront them, that they feel the smart of them. His 
 being an officer in the revenue, shall not exempt him from correction, or 
 support him in his seditious and factious practices with impunity. 
 
 " I could almost send orders to have him prosecuted with the utmost 
 rigor ; and if I find encouragement from the learned in the law, that it 
 might be done to good purpose, I may think to do it. 
 
 " I offered the Lords Commissioners, the other day, either that we might 
 be bought out, or have liberty to buy out our turbulent churchmen, and 
 they wished it were so ; the latter, thoy said. I desired them to forward 
 it, and assured them I would find four amongst us that could and would 
 do it. They are thoroughly apprised of your hardships, and so are 
 greater persons, and Quarry will have a rebuke from that Board by this 
 opportunity, or by the New York convoy, as before noted. * * * 
 
 " Salute me to all Friends as if named, the Council, magistrates, officers, 
 and inhabitants that behave discreetly. 
 
 '• With hearty good wishes for thy true prosperity, and that wisdom 
 may guide thee — that wisdom which is gentle and easy to bo entreated 
 (for it comes from above, and will outlive all the false wisdom of the low 
 and miserable world.) — being 
 
 " Thy real friend, WM. PENN." 
 
 FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME. 
 
 "8th of 2d mo. 1704. 
 ****** II J jjjjj grieyed to think that you ever gave way to 
 any other affirmation than that appointed by law in the province ; by 
 which you have given away a most tender point, not easily recoverable. 
 My regard to this Queen is known almost to a partiality, but I shall never 
 obey her letters, (against laws,) into which she may be drawn by interest- 
 ed persons, or those who would make their court by other men's costs. 
 The Bishop of London himself is under humiliations. However, use thy 
 utmost wits to get intelligence of the motions of our enemies there, in their 
 designs, and with correspondences they hold at New York, Virginia, and 
 INIaryland ; and communicate them to me by the quickest and safest oppor- 
 tunities." 
 
 This false step gave much trouble to Friends in the colony. 
 Some years afterwards, their opponents carried a law for the 
 
 39* 
 
4G2 LIFE OF 
 
 English affirmation. "Whereupon Penn again expressed his 
 regret as follows : 
 
 " I do abhor the new affirmation, carried here and then there, hy absolute 
 faction, and if I can I will waive it. For I would rather Friends were 
 never in power, so our old affirmation were confirmed for Friends and 
 others scrupulous, and oaths for the rest: — unless a short way of Bond's 
 penalty, for truth of what is said, were made practicable and acceptable, 
 as I have often thought it might be." 
 
 JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 " Philadelphia, 25tli 3d mo., 1704, 5th day. 
 " Honored Governor — I send this chiefly to let thee know that I am 
 writing largely by the Virginia fleet, to be sent down on Third day next 
 by the Friends going to the Maryland meeting. ***** The 
 provinces and territories are entirely disunited in pursuance of that un- 
 happy chartei-, and the province now acting by themselves in Assembly ; 
 but what they will do, cannot yet be foreseen. Some hope for good, and 
 some expect but little. In the meantime, however, if thou hast an oppor- 
 tunity of making a good bargain for thyself and the many honest peojjle 
 that are still here, notwithstanding the endeavors of the spiteful or mal- 
 contents, 'tis what I believe thy best friends will advise thee to. We are 
 all well. Thy son and myself have taken "William Clark's great house in 
 Chestnut street.* Judge Mompesson will be with us, as I suppose, when 
 here ; but he has lost all in his commission but New York, and Colonel 
 Quarry is made Surveyor General of all the main, and I believe the 
 island, too. The Governor acquits himself beyond what could possibly 
 be expected from his years ; is master of his temper to a great degree, 
 which has been but too much tried by some of our humors. It will be a 
 justice due to him to get the Queen's first commission to him. Judge 
 Mompesson is certainly a man of consummate worth, but has not fallen 
 into hands that know how to value him. I fear the Assembly will give 
 him no encouragement. He is of the Council, and as he is of ability in- 
 finitely beyond the rest, so he has a willingness suitable to it. A militia 
 is going forward with all vigor ; but our friends would not suffer the Pro- 
 clamation to be printed on their press. I shall not enter into particular 
 business here, referring it to the other opportunity, and conclude with all 
 .due respects. Thy faithful friend, JAi^IES LOGAN," 
 
 FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME, 
 
 " Philadelphia, 26th 3d mo., 1704. 
 ****<< The Governor acquits himself to the satLsfactiou of his 
 and thy friends, and much better, I believe, than is desired by our eno- 
 
 • Near the south-west corner of Third street, afterwards the residence of Israel 
 Pemberton, and now occupied as a Bank. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 463 
 
 mies. There has not much passed that is very material, except that uf 
 the separation of the province and territories, all the steps to which -will 
 fully appear in the minutes and papers which accompany this." * * - 
 
 " They have, this day, voted for raising a sum not less than a thousand 
 pounds for public uses, but the methods not yet agreed on ; and, indeed, 
 the country is so very poor, it will be very difficult, when laid, to make it 
 answer in the collection. They design, I vmderstand, presenting the 
 Queen with part of that £350 — they say £200, and to leave the rest to the 
 territories ; but I hope otherwise, for to bring them so near us, in propor- 
 tion, will be a disadvantage to us." * * * * * 
 
 " The Governor is settling a militia with all application. I send a copy 
 of a Proclamation, Avhich the overseers of the press were not willing to 
 have printed. There are three companies in this town, three in New 
 Castle, two in Kent, and as many in Sussex. The Captains of this place 
 are G. Lowther, who had a commission under Colonel Hamilton ; George 
 Roche, whom I mentioned per the Experiment, a stranger of great estate 
 from Antigua ; and Capt. Finney, who is also Sheriff of the county." * * 
 
 * * * " The account of thy circumstances, and the exigencies I 
 know thou must labor under there, with the difficulties I am oppressed 
 with here, through the great decay of trade and poverty of the planters, 
 from whom, chiefly, we receive our pay, makes my life so uncomfortable, 
 that it is not worth the living. I'm ground on all sides. I know 'tis im- 
 possible to satisfy thee thus, and the condition of our affairs will not 
 enable me to do better." 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. » 
 
 "London, llth of 5th mo., 1704. 
 
 * * * " Give no occasion to exceptions or reflections, and value 
 them not when made or thrown without a cause ; but command thy tem- 
 per all that is possible in doing thy business ; for in Joseph Pike's case 
 thou hast been hardly represented to him, and sorely is he provoked at 
 thee, and displeased with me, of which more by another hand upon the 
 spot. I know whence the arrow came ; 'tis provoking ; but this is the 
 cross we are to bear to prove ourselves Christians indeed. Whatever thou 
 dost, give no offence, " be not high-minded, but fear." I take the lesson 
 to myself; we all need an holy and daily remembrance of it." * * * 
 
 "Be sure the very next Assembly to let the laws pass with the Queen's 
 name, though under my seal, according to charter. The Attorney-General 
 making the want thereof an ugly objection against the confirming of them, 
 though a good fee would go a great way to clear the scruple, if I had it 
 to give him, for what with the decay of Ireland, half in half at present, 
 and the loss of two ships, nothing coming in from the Islands and Caro- 
 lina, with four shillings in the pound here, my son's part of the estate, 
 and the interest money I have to pay ; so that, with all these drawbacks, 
 I live but from hand to mouth, and hardly that." * " 
 
464 LIFE OF 
 
 FROM THE SAME TO SAME. 
 
 "22(3 5th mo., (1704) 
 ***** * " I enclose a letter from Lord Clarendon to his 
 son, your neighboring Governor, about Samuel Bownas, that if he is not 
 at liberty, will, I hope, procure it. But I admire at his permissions, if 
 not proceedings, at this time of day, when the Queen and Ministry show 
 so moderate a side towards dissenters here ; and on complaint of this af- 
 fair, would be very ready to reprimand such a different conduct. Send it 
 to him by a discreet Friend, if needful." * * * 
 
 Samuel Bownas was an eminent minister in the Society of 
 Friends, who, being on a religious visit to America, was im- 
 prisoned nearly a year on Long Island. 
 
 He was preaching in the village of Hempstead, where he met 
 with George Keith, who had before challenged him to a public 
 dispute, which he declined. Keith was then on a mission as a 
 minister of the Church of England, and manifested great enmity 
 to "Friends," from whose communion he had been disowned. 
 He had with him William Bradford, formerly printer in Phila- 
 delphia, whom he sent to the religious meeting appointed by 
 Samuel Bownas, in order to find matter of accusation against 
 him. When he stood up to speak, the reporter took out his pen, 
 ink, and paper. The discourse was partly on the subjects of 
 Water Baptism and the Lord's Supper, which Samuel endeavored 
 to show^ were, of themselves, insufficient for salvation. Bradford 
 took such notes as would answer his purpose, and calling in 
 another witness, he, with the assistance of Keith, drew up an 
 affidavit, attested it before two Justices, and had a warrant is- 
 sued for his apprehension. The Justices required him to give 
 bail, which, he refusing, they sent him to prison, where he lay 
 three months before he was brought to trial. An indictment 
 was then prepared, and sent to the Grand Jury, but they re- 
 jected it, at which the (^hief Justice, John Bridges, was much 
 incensed, and remanded Samuel Bownas to prison, where he 
 lay nearly nine months more, when being again brought before 
 the Court, the Grand Jury refused to find a bill, and he was dis- 
 charged. During his imprisonment he learned the trade of 
 shcemaking, by which he maintained himself. Li this malicious 
 prosecution Keith and his party were encouraged by Lord Corn- 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 465 
 
 burj, who was Governor of New York, as well as the Jerseys. 
 He was a corrupt politician, and an arbitrary Governor, having 
 silenced a number of Presbyterian preachers, and placed church- 
 men in their room.* Under his patronage the church party in- 
 creased in numbers and influence, though probably not in vital 
 religion. Logan, in one of his letters about this time, remarks : 
 
 "The clergy Increase much this way. Burlington and Chester have 
 their churches and ministers ; and several more are buihling. God grant 
 that a spirit of charity and kindness may be cultivated among us, iu place 
 of hatred and persecution." 
 
 Soon after the arrival of Gov. Evans he increased the number 
 of members in the Provincial Council, by calling to the Board 
 Judge Mompesson, William Trent, Richard Hill, James Logan, 
 and William Penn, Jr. The latter, in honor of his father, was 
 seated next to the Governor, but he seldom attended, being 
 probably more intent upon pleasure than business. A few 
 months after his arrival, Logan, in writing to his father, evinces 
 an increasing solicitude on his account : 
 
 "Philadelphia, 14th 5th mo. 1704. 
 
 " Honored Governor : — 
 
 " The Governor [Evans,] lodges at present at young Capt. Finney's, the 
 Sheriff of this county, but intends if he can acquit himself of an engage- 
 ment with Robert Ashton, to make one of our family in William Clark's 
 house, in Chestnut St., which we were forced to take, the whole town not 
 affording any suitable accommodation to thy son as a boarder, those that 
 were able, declining the trouble, and others not being fit to accept it. * 
 
 * * * I lie under a great hardship for want of a more full adjust- 
 ment of matters in relation to his (Wm. Penn, Jr.) supplies here. Before 
 he left England, he threw himself, he says, entirely upon thy generosity, 
 and therefore resents it the more nearly, when I am not able to come up 
 to his expectations, which tho' far from extravagant, are much above the 
 limits set me. The directions given me can by no means satisfy him, nor 
 answer what is thought suitable to the presumptive heir of the province, 
 upon his first appearance in it, even by the most reasonable. He express- 
 es himself dutifully to thee, but notwithstanding it forces him on thoughts 
 that render his visit of less service to him. It proves an hardship upon 
 me Ijetween both, but I shall endeavor the best, tho' in so nice a point I 
 do not expect the success of pleasing either " * * * * 
 
 * Gough's Hist, of Quakers. 
 
466 LIFE OF 
 
 Penn in sending his son to Pennsylvania, placed great reliance 
 on the prudence and good example of Logan, to whose care he 
 recommended him. The Secretary, though a young man him- 
 self, fulfilled the trust with wisdom and fidelity, but unhappily, 
 this degenerate scion of a noble stock, was not to be reclaimed. 
 
 " Be as much as possible in his company," wrote the father, 
 " and suffer him not to be in any public house after the allowed 
 hours." The wisdom of this premonition was soon apparent; 
 for young Penn and Gov. Evans, being late at night at a public 
 house in the city, got involved in a disgraceful affray with the 
 watch. 
 
 The Grand Jury, it seems, were so fully inibued with republi- 
 can principles, that they paid no respect to hereditary rank, and 
 presented the son of the founder, as though he had been of 
 humbler lineage. 
 
 The subject was brought before the Council on information 
 from the Attorney-General, who stated that some gentlemen had 
 received great abuses from the watch, "who were backed by 
 the Mayor, Recorder, and one Alderman," that the peace had 
 been broke, and the Mayor and Recorder being parties, the trial 
 could not be brought into the city court," &c. 
 
 Those officers, with Alderman Wilcox, being summoned before 
 the Council, made it appear that they were no otherwise concern- 
 ed in it, than to assist in quelling the disturbance ; on which the 
 case was dismissed. 
 
 Tradition relates, that young Penn in the affray, called for 
 pistols, but the fights being extinguished, one of his antagonists 
 gave him a hearty beating ;* and that Alderman Wilcox " availed 
 himself of the darkness to fail in recognising the chief magistrate, 
 to whom he gave a severe drubbing, redoubling his blows upon 
 him as a slanderer, when he disclosed his quality."! 
 
 The Governor was greatly chagrined at the result of this 
 affray, and young Penn was so indignant, that he soon after 
 declared his intention of leaving the country. 
 
 Isaac Norris thus notices the affair in a letter to a friend : 
 
 • Watson i. 114. f Friend xviii. No. 46. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 4^7 
 
 '« 27th, 9bi, 1704. 
 " William Penn, Jr., is quite gone off from Friends. He being in 
 company with some extravagants, that beat the watch at Enoch Story's, 
 was presented with them. Which unmannerly and disrespectful act, (as 
 he takes it,) gives him great disgust, and seems a waited occasion. He 
 talks of going home in the Jersey man-of-war next mouth. I wish things 
 had been better, or he had never come." 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 Bristol, 2d, 9br. 1704. 
 
 * * * "If my son proves very expensive I cannot bear it ; but must 
 place to his accourt what he spends above moderation, while I lie loaded 
 with debt and interest here : Else I shall pay dear for the advantage his 
 going thither might entitle me to, since the subscribers and bondsmen 
 cannot make ready pay, according to what he has received for his land 
 there ; so excite his return or send for his family to him ; since I cannot 
 come to him as soon as I wish. For if he bring not wherewith to pay his 
 debts here, his creditors will fall foul upon him most certainly. * * * 
 
 " I have done, when I tell thee to let my poor son know that if he be 
 not a very good husband, I must sell there as well as here, and that all he 
 spends is disabling me, so far to clear myself of debt, and that he will pay 
 for it at the long run. Do it in the friendliest manner, that he may co- 
 operate with me to clear our encumbered estate and honors." 
 
 The allowance of money received from Logan not being suf- 
 ficient to meet the expenditures of this prodigal son, he sold his 
 manor, called Williarastadt, to William Trent and Isaac Norris, 
 for the sum of 850 pounds. 
 
 It consisted of 7000 acres, and now constitutes Norristown 
 township, Montgomery county. 
 
 How much his conduct in Pennsylvania, and the disgrace 
 attending it, contributed to augment his father's afflictions, may 
 be judged by the ensuing correspondence. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 "London, 16lh llth mo. 1704. 
 
 " I think I may say I have all thy letters, as well private as public, 
 from my son, John Askew, &c. 
 
 " A melancholy scene enough upon my poor child. Pennsylvania began 
 it by my absence here, and there it is accomplished, with expense, disap- 
 pointment, ingratitude and poverty. 
 
 " The Lord uphold me, under these sharp and heavy burdens, with his 
 
468 LIFE OF 
 
 free spirit. I should have been glad of an account of his expenses, and 
 more of a rent-roll, if I nivist perish with gold in my view but not in my 
 power. To have neither supplies nor a reason of credit here, is certainly 
 a cruel circumstance. I want to know what I have to stand upon and 
 help myself with. He [his son] is my greatest affliction, for his soul's and 
 my country's and family's sake. ****** 
 
 " Nor did thou send me word what my son sold his manor for, but after 
 his arrival he drew a bill for £10 to ride two hundred miles home, and 
 which he performed in two days and a night. I met him by appointment 
 between this and Worminghurst ; we stayed but three hours together. See 
 how much more easily the bad Friends' treatment of him stumbled him 
 from the blessed truth, than those he acknowledges to be good ones, could 
 prevail to keep him in possession of it, from the prevailing, ground in him- 
 self, to what is levity, more than what is retired, circumspect and vir- 
 tuous. I have writ very copiously to thee, by several packets, two by E. 
 Lane, a great enemy to Friends — a reviler — let kindness teach him his 
 mistakes." * * * * 
 
 Soon after the arrival of Governor Evans, he summoned the 
 members of the Legislature, both for the province and territories, 
 to meet in Philadelphia; and when they were assembled, he 
 made a strenuous effort to re-unite them in one body, but without 
 success. 
 
 Finding this impracticable, he was compelled to acquiesce in 
 their holding separate Assemblies ; that for the province meeting 
 at Philadelphia, and the other, for the territories, at New Castle. 
 
 The Assembly of the province by its unwillingness to enter 
 into the proposed re-union, incurred the Governor's displeasure, 
 which, with the disputes that soon after arose, concerning their 
 privileges, occasioned a misunderstanding and hostile feeling, 
 that obstructed the business of legislation. 
 
 Logan, who was less republican in his principles than Penn, 
 attributed their dissensions to the too great indulgence of the 
 Proprietary, in granting them more political pri\ileges than they 
 were capable of enjoying. 
 
 JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 "Phila. 14th 5th mo. 1704. 
 ■X- * * * " This people think privileges their due, and all that can 
 be grasped, their native right ; but when dispensed with too liberal a hand, 
 as not restraining licentiousness, may produce their greatest unhappiness. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 469 
 
 Charters here are In danger of being made of fatal consequence, for some 
 peoples' brains are as soon intoxicated with power, as the natives are with 
 their beloved liquor, and as little to be trusted with it. They think it 
 their best policy to secure themselves in case of Queen's Government, but 
 then, their privileges, could they obtain them, may prove as troublesome 
 and opposite to the public good as now. A well tempered mixture in 
 government, is the happiest, the greatest liberty and property ; and com- 
 monwealth's men, invested with power, have been known to be the great- 
 est tyrants." 
 
 Col Quarry, who was for some years so active in thwarting the 
 measures of the Proprietary government, had, since the infliction 
 of a reprimand from the Board of Trade, become more respect- 
 ful and submissive ; but there seemed to be no respite from 
 trouble, for David Lloyd, the most designing demagogue of 
 that day, was rising into power, and beginning to exercise his 
 baleful influence in the Legislature. 
 
 Isaac Norris, in a letter written some time afterwards, says, 
 "things in Governor Evans' time ran to a great height between 
 him and the Assembly. On his first arrival, and two years after, 
 a niggardly and untoward temper seemed to reign in the 
 Assembly, against the Proprietor, and him, his Lieutenant, 
 fomented and managed by the arts of some that were either pro- 
 fessed or secret enemies of the Proprietor, All his management 
 from the beginning, was nicely scanned, and from thence [was] 
 raked together everything that could be thought of, as a material 
 for remonstrances and reproaches, dressed up in the most inde- 
 cent manner. And this was made a pretence to give nothing 
 towards the support of government, but starve the deputy." 
 
 JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 " 3(1 8br., 1704. 
 *****<( David Lloyd being Recorder of the city, and likely 
 in all probability to be speaker of the next Assembly, from his temper, so 
 well known, there seems but little good to be anticipated. The generality, 
 however, are honestly and well inclined, and out of the Assembly are 
 very good men, but when got together, I know not how, they are infatuated, 
 and led by smooth stories. David himself makes as great a profession as 
 any man, but we can see no good effects from it. 
 
 40 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 " The pnrt thou hast hitlierto had to manage in the world, will not 
 suffer thee with any honor utterly to desert this people ; and on the 
 other side, I cannot see why thou should neglect thy own interest, while 
 no more gratitude is shown thee. Were one man from among us, we 
 might, perhaps, he happy, but he is truly a promoter of discord ; with the 
 deepest artifice, under the smoothest language and pretences, yet cannot 
 Bometimes conceal his resentment of thy taking (as he calls it) his bread 
 from him. This expression he has several times dropped, overlooking his 
 politics, through the heat of his indignation. In reflecting upon this sub- 
 ject, I cannnot but pity the poor misled people, who really design honestly, 
 but know not whom to trust for their directors ; they are so often told that 
 things want to be mended, that at length they are persuaded it is the case, 
 and not knowing how to set about it themselves, believe that those who 
 can discover the disease are the most capable to direct the proper remedies : 
 how ends may be gained thus, is easy to imagine. I have a tenderness in 
 my own thoughts for the people, but cannot but abhor the appearance of 
 baseness; I believe in the whole Assembly, there are not three men that 
 wish ill to thee, and yet I can expect but little good from them. Thy 
 friends in the Council are disabled from serving thee with the country by 
 their being so, for they are looked on as ill here as the court party at home, 
 by those that some reckon the honest men of the country. I am sorry we 
 have lost, this election, two or three good men that were in the last, as 
 Samuel Richardson and Nicholas Wain, who is now pretty right, but es- 
 pecially my late landlord Isaac Norris, who was the chief man of sound 
 eense and probity amongst them, and the greatest clog in their way. 
 
 " I have never been under a greater depression of thought than for these 
 few months past : Thy estates here daily sinking by the country's im- 
 poverishment, with thy exigencies increasing, suffer me not to know what 
 any of the comforts of life are." 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 1704. 
 
 * * * * "As difficult as my circumstances are, and as mean a 
 prospect as thou givest me of any supply, yet that hardly troubles me 
 equally to the weakness, and worse, (I fear) of some of our folks in refer- 
 ence to your government matters. If, at a time when monarchs on this 
 side the world, who will yet for some ages give law to that, seem almost of a 
 mind to get as much power in their hands as they can, the people think 
 Buch a law as thine mentions can succeed here, they are distracted, if not 
 worse, for to say truth 'tis incongruous, and a mere bull in constitution as 
 the case stands. They will leave no government for me to dispose of, but 
 take it upon themselves, and neither acquit me for a Deputy-Governor these 
 twenty-three years at my cost, nor so much as settle a maintenance upon this 
 gentleman. By no means let the present Governor i-ecommeud himself to 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 471 
 
 the Queen or me, to succeed in the government at so preposterous a rate. 
 Will they never be wise ? These Assemblies held so unvrisely, as well 
 as so hazardously, will, in the end, subject the whole to laws made for 
 them in Parliament. 
 
 " I am sorry to have such a prospect of charges ; two houses and the 
 Governor's salary, my son's voyage, stay and return ; and no revenue nor 
 Susquehannah money paid ; on which account I ventured my poor child 
 BO far from his wife and pretty children, and my own oversight. 
 Pennsylvania, what hast thou not cost me ? Above £30,000 more than I 
 ever got by it, two hazardous and most fatiguing voyages, my straits 
 and slavery here, and my child's soul almost ; as I have formerly expressed 
 myself, but I must be short, — I shall be further loaded, instead of his 
 coming being instrumental to relieve me. In short I must sell all or be 
 undone, and disgraced into the bargain." * * * 
 
 JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 " Philadelphia, 27 Eighth mo. 1704. 
 
 '• Honored Governor : — Being yesterday returned from New York, I 
 was surprised to hear of a letter sent from hence to England, directed to 
 thee, signed by David Lloyd, Speaker of the Assembly, and in the name 
 of the whole House. I heard the Governor first mention it; but the follow- 
 ing account is what I had from Is. Norris, with whom alone of that Assem- 
 bly I have had an opportunity as yet to discourse. At the breaking up of 
 the last Assembly, when the country members were eager to be gone home, 
 it was concluded by the House, and a minute made of it, that there should 
 be an address to thee, upon some heads then agreed upon , and because 
 the whole House could not attend to it, it was committed to David Lloyd, 
 J. Wilcox, Is. Norris, Jos. Wood, G. Jones, Anthony Morris, Wm. Biks 
 and Samuel Richardson. But they, never meeting about it, Jos. Wilcox, 
 (as Isaac thinks,) drew it up, stuffing it with all the most scurrilous and 
 scandalous reflections, and running upon a great many particulars, not 
 before thought of, or once touched at, by the Assembly. D. Lloyd con- 
 tributed his assistance ; G. Jones and Jos. Wood were privy to it, and 
 agreed to what was done ; but beside those, not one person saw it, that 
 could be heard of, upon inquiry, except Samuel Richardson, who, upon a 
 cursory view of it, declared his dislike of it. 
 
 "When they finished, David, without further communicating it to the 
 persons concerned, signed it as Speaker of the House on the first of October, 
 (Eighth month,) when the Assembly,' by charter, is dissolved, and, there- 
 fore he is no Speaker at all. To warrant his signing, he produces an 
 order for it in the minutes ; but that proves to be an interlineation in 
 David's own hand, and in a different ink, inserted between the close of 
 the paragraph and the adjournment. 
 
 " The letter runs as if from the body of Friends, (in the House,) and 
 
472 LIFE OF 
 
 even talks of money given thee by Friends, for tliy assistance, when the 
 authors of it are those four I have mentioned, viz : David Lloyd — whom 
 scarce any man of sense believes to have any religion or principle, but 
 that of his interest and revenge, — G. Jones — whose reputation has been 
 very scandalous, was rejected by Friends, and is not yet received, — J. 
 Wilcox, who has long entirely separated, — and Jos. Wood — who is pro- 
 fessedly of the Church of England : and that it — the remonstrance — may 
 do the more execution, it is not only sent to thyself, but directed to such 
 of London as they understood to be the most disaffected to thee, as W. 
 Mead, &c., to be made use of as they shall see occasion. 
 
 " A piece of unparalleled villainy, and that needs no observation or 
 remark to aggravate it. The letter, or letters, were delivered to Robert 
 Barber, who went from hence in the brigantiue, J. Guy, master, to New 
 York. But, not liking the vessel, he talked there of returning home again, 
 and not proceeding on the voyage ; which, if he does, 'tis possible he may 
 bring»back the letters, having had a strict charge to deliver them with his 
 own hand. But if they should arrive, and come into any other hands than 
 thy own, please give them a copy of this, and I will stand by it here upon 
 the spot, if they think fit to transmit it. I wish I could have more time, 
 but the post goes to day, aud this will certainly be the last opportunity of 
 writing by this vessel. 
 
 " The generality of the Assembly, who are acquainted with it, are much 
 disturbed, but know not what course to take. He has such a faculty of lead- 
 ing them out of their depth ; and his accomplices in the House drown all 
 others with their noise. Issac Norris, two days ago, went with five or 
 six more, who were members of that Assembly, and being very sharp 
 upon him for abusing them so, he told Isaac, he is now but a private man, 
 and was not concerned in it — for he is left out last election. 
 
 " The present Assembly, after thirteen days sitting, yesterday presented 
 another bill for confirming and explaining the charter of privileges, con- 
 taining all that was in t'.je former, prepared for that purpose, with several 
 large additions about elections. It is believed they will scarce do anything 
 but draw addresses and remonstrances ; unless the leading members should 
 commit somethmg against the rest so gross, that their eyes should be 
 forcibly opened. 
 
 " So that if thou canst bear to support all the heavy charges of govern- 
 ment, both there and here, without any consideration, and suffer wounds 
 from such ungrateful men to be repeated against thee, without redressing 
 thyself, if in thy power, it will appear a patience something above human. 
 
 "Thy friends are deeply grieved at these proceedings, and sympathize 
 with thee. Nay, more, Jos. Growden declares his abhorrence of them, 
 and their proceedings against thee. 
 
 " That Almighty Being, who has always stood by thee, will, I hope, 
 support thee over it all, for his own glory, and thy happiness, is most 
 heartily desired by thy dutiful and affectionate. "JAMES LOGAN." 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 473 
 
 The spurious remonstrance fabricated by D. Lloyd and his 
 party, was accompanied by a disingenuous letter, addressed to 
 three prominent Friends in London, but they did not imme- 
 diately reach their intended destination. 
 
 The messenger by whom they were sent, being captured and 
 taken into France, lost them, and a fellow prisoner meeting with 
 them, after they had been opened by the enemy, carefully 
 gathered them up and got leave to carry them to England, 
 where he placed them in the hands of William Penn. 
 
 But David Lloyd, as will hereafter appear, being determined 
 to effect his malignant design, sent a duplicate to the same 
 persons. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN.* 
 
 " London, 1 6lh of 1 1 ih mo , 1 704, 
 " Now for the government : depend upon it, I shall part speedily from 
 it ; and had I not given that charter, and got but £40 > per annum fixed 
 for Governor, and not made such good conditions for them, I had had 
 twice as much as I am now likely to have. If I don't dissolve it, the 
 Queen will ; after all David Lloyd's craft and malice — despised for its 
 craziness. 
 
 " [As] for selling all,t if I can clear my incumbrances without it, I shall 
 do so ; if not, then province or territories must go. But, alas ! I can 
 neither sell nor borrow, till I know what I have, to do either. Pray, mind 
 this, and let it not be said, that after five years'J time, I know not what 
 I have to sell or mortgage, if I would do either. I heartily acknowledge 
 to Governor Evans his quietness, good disposition, integrity and courage. 
 Had he passed those laws,§ he had destroyed me, and himself, too. I 
 Bhall support him, if he do right, in those methods he has taken. 
 
 " Had I not orders to turn out David Lloyd from the Lords Justices ? 
 and to prosecute and punish him, and send word what punishment I in- 
 flicted, and that part of it should be, that he were never after capable of 
 any employ in the country ? And does he endeavor my ruin for not 
 
 obeying? * * * And did I not almost as much for , having 
 
 orders to treat him sharply ? And has Griffith Jones forgot the boons I 
 have made him many a day? If those illegitimate Quakers think their 
 
 • "Friend," 1845. 
 
 f He now .speaks of land ; he had before sjioken of selling his right of juris- 
 diction. 
 
 t I,oj;an had been Secretary five years. 
 
 § Laws curtailitiLi; the power of the Proprietary, and extending that of the peo- 
 ple beyond the charter. 
 
 40* 
 
474 LIFE OF 
 
 unworthy treatment no fault towards me, they may find I can, upon bet- 
 ter terms, take their enemies by the hand, than they can take mine. And 
 unless the lionest will, by church discipline, or government, (whilst it is 
 mine,) take these Korahs to task, and make them sensible of their base- 
 ness, I must and will do so. 
 
 " In short, upon my knowledge of the conclusion of this winter's As- 
 sembly, I shall take my last measures. When the prosperity that attends 
 the country is talked of, and what they have done for me, or allowed my 
 deputies, that have supported them against their neighbor's envy,* and 
 church attempts here, and there, [people] seem struck with admiration 
 [wonder] ; and must either think me an ill man, or they an ungrateful 
 people. That which I expected was, £300 or £400 per annum for the 
 Governor, and to raise for other charges, as they saw occasion. And if 
 they will not do this willingly, they may find they must give a great deal 
 more, whether they please or not, [under a royal government.] I only, by 
 my interest, have prevented a scheme drawn up to new model the colonies. 
 I was told so by a duke, and a minister, too. For, indeed, if our folks 
 had settled a reasonable revenue, I would have returned, to settle a 
 Queen's government and the people together, and laid my bones with 
 them ; for the country is as pleasant to me as ever. And if my wife's 
 mother should die, who is now very ill, I believe not only my wife and 
 our young stock, but her father, too, would incline thither — who has been 
 a treasure to Bristol, and given his whole time to the service of the poor ; 
 Friends first, (till they made eight per cent, of their money,) and next the 
 city poor, by act of Parliament, where he has been kept in beyond forms. 
 He has so managed to their advantage, that the Bristol members [of Par- 
 liament] gave our Friends, and my father-in-law in particular, an enco- 
 mium much to their honor, in the House. 
 
 "Well, God Almighty forgive, reclaim, amend, and preserve us all. 
 Amen !" 
 
 • Lord Baltimore attempted to possess himself of part of Pennsylvania. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 4/0 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 W. Aubroy, son-in-law of William Peun ; William Ponn, Jr., oifers for 
 Parliament ; Letters of William Pcnn to J. Logan ; To Friends in Eng- 
 land ; To R. Mompesson ; Letter of Logan Concerning Charter of Govt. ; 
 Note of D. Logan ; William Penn's Answer to D. Lloyd's Allegations 
 about Charter, &c. ; Meeting of Assembly ; Governor Evans' Speech, 
 Assemljly's Answer ; They Claim the Quit-Rents for Support of Govt. ; 
 Gov. Evans Complains of W. Biles ; Assembly Dismissed ; Poverty of 
 the Colony at this time ; Losses by Privateers ; William Penn to J. 
 Logan, about the "Wool Act" in England ; Logan to Penn; Improving 
 Prospects of the Colony; William Penn to J. L. About Surrender; 
 Boundcry Line and Cost of Colony ; J. L. to W. P. ; Harmony in the 
 Govt.; W. P. to J. L. About Selling the Government, Answer of J. L. 
 
 1705-6. 
 
 William Penn's daughter, Letitia, having married William 
 Aubrey, a portion was assigned her, part of which was in P. nn- 
 sylvania, under the care of James Logan. This match dimin- 
 ished the means without contributing to the satisfaction of the 
 Proprietary. 
 
 Aubrey was a merchant, a keen calculating man of business, 
 and seems to have insisted rudely upon the payment of his wife's 
 portion, faster than the means of her father would allow. 
 
 This, with the continual demands of his spendthrift son, Wil- 
 liam, increased the perplexities of the father, already borne down 
 by the debts incurred for his province. In one of his letters to 
 Logan, speaking of his son Aubrey's affairs, he says, "in the 
 meantime both son and daughter clamor, she to quiet him, that 
 is a scraping man and will count interest for a guinea — this only 
 to thyself; so that I would have thee fill his attorney's hands as 
 full as thou canst." The secretary found it difficult to satisfy 
 his pressing demands, and describes him as "one of the keenest 
 men living." 
 
 The younger Penn, still continued to recede from the princi- 
 ples in which he had been educated ; he had so completely 
 thrown off all regard for his father's profession, that he intended 
 
476 LIFE OF 
 
 to enter the army or navy, and made an unsuccessful effort to 
 obtain a seat in Parliament. The accumulated trials of the 
 father are touchingly described in his correspondence with his 
 secretary. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 "Hj'ile Park, 30tli 2d mo., 17U5. 
 *****•»" J cf^jj hardly be brought to turn my back entirely 
 upon a place the Lord so specially brought to my hand, and has hitherto 
 preserved against the proud swellings of many waters, both there and 
 here. My surrender is before the lords, a copy of which, and conditions, 
 as also the report of the Attorney General — as to the thirtj'-seven laws 
 he excepts against, I send now that you may obviate them before refused 
 by the Queen ; the rest shall be confirmed— I can do no more ; and what 
 with the load of unworthy spirits with you, and some not much better 
 here, with my poor son's going into the army or navy, as well as getting 
 into Parliament, through so many checks and tests upon his morals as 
 well as education ; with the load of debt, hardly to be answered, from the 
 difficulty of getting in what I have a right to, of twice their value, which 
 is starving in the midst of bread ; my head and heart are filled sufficiently 
 with trouble ; yet the Lord holds up my head, and Job's over-righteous 
 and mistaken friends have not sunk my soul from its confidence in God. 
 
 " Mv sou has lost his election, as also the Lord Keeper's son-in-law, 
 but both hope to recover it by proving bribery upon the two that have it, 
 Lord Windsor and Squire Argell. I wish it might turn his face to privacy 
 and good husbandry, if not nearer to us." * * 
 
 Notwithstanding all his trials and perplexities, the mind of 
 Penn was still stayed in confidence on the unfailing support of 
 Divine power, which he found to be " an anchor of the soul 
 both sure and steadfast." He visited, this year, the meetings 
 of Friends in the western parts of England, " where he had good 
 service, and his testimony was effectual for the information of 
 many."* He also wrote a small epistle, byway of exhortation, 
 to the members of his own society, viz: 
 
 '* My Dear Friends — Hold all your meetings in that which set them up, 
 the Heavenly power of God, both ministers and hearers, and live under it 
 and not above it, and the Lord will give you dominion over that which seeks 
 
 • Life prefixed to his works. 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 477 
 
 to draw you again Into captivity to the spirit of this world, under divers 
 appearances ; that the truth may shine through you in righteousness and 
 holiness, in self-denial, long suffering, patience, and brotherly kindness ; so 
 shall you approve yourselves the redeemed of the Lord, and his living wit- 
 nesses in and to an evil generation. So prays your friend and brother 
 through the many tribulations that lead to the kingdom of God." 
 
 In adverting again to the affairs of Pennsylvania, we find the 
 following interesting letter : 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO ROGER MOMPESSON. 
 
 " Hyde Park, 17th twelfth month, 1704-5. 
 
 " Honored Friend — It is a long time since I have been obliged with 
 any letter from thee, and then, so short, that had not others furnished me 
 with thy American character, I had been at a loss to answer the inquiries 
 of thy friends. But by my son I received one, more copiously informing 
 me of those affairs that so nearly concern both the public, and my personal 
 and family good. And for answer to the gi-eatest part thereof, I desire thee to 
 observe, first : that, with God's help, I am determined to stand firmly to 
 both ; and, for that reason, will neither turn an enemy to the public, nor 
 suffer any under the style of the public good, to supplant mine. And as 
 I take thee to be a man of law, and justice, and honor, I do entirely refer 
 my concerns, both as to the legality and prudence thereof, not only in 
 government, but property, to thy judicious and judicial issue, so that it 
 may hold Avater with the learned and honoraljle friends here of both 
 parties. 
 
 " I went thither to lay the foundation of a free colony, for all mankind 
 that should go thither, more especially those of my own profession. Not 
 that I would lessen the civil liberties of others, because of their persua- 
 sion, but screen and defend our own from any infringement on that ac- 
 count. The charter I granted, was intended to shelter them against a 
 violent or arbitrary government, imposed upon us ; but that they should 
 turn it against me, that intended their security thereby, has something 
 very unworthy and provoking in it ; especially, when I alone have been at 
 all the charge, as well as danger and disappointment, in coming so ab- 
 ruptly back and defending ourselves against our enemies here, and ol)tain- 
 ing the Queen's gracious approbation of a Governor of my nominating 
 and commissioning — the thing they seemed so much to desire. 
 
 " But as a father does not use to knock his chilldren on the head, when 
 they do amiss, so I had much rather they were corrected and better in- 
 formed, than treated to the utmost rigor of their deservings. I, therefore, 
 earnestly desire thee to consider of what methods law and reason will 
 justify, by which they may be made sensible of their encroachments and 
 presumption ; that they may see themselves in a true light, in their just 
 
478 LIFE OF 
 
 proportions and dimensions, according to the old saying, Metiri se quem- 
 que sue modulo ac pede, verum est. 
 
 " No doubt these follies have been frequent and big enough to vacate 
 their charter, but that should be the last thing, if anything else would do. 
 I would hope — that in the abuse of power — punishing the immoderate 
 offenders, should instruct them to use it well. 
 
 * * * " There is an excess of vanity that is apt to creep upon the 
 people in power in America, who having got out of the crowd, in which 
 they were lost here, upon every little eminency there, think nothing taller 
 than themselves |)ut the trees ; and as if there was no after superior judg- 
 ment to which they should be accountable. So that I have sometimes 
 thought, that if there was a law to oblige people in power, in their respec- 
 tive colonies, to take turns in coming over to England, that they might 
 lose themselves again amongst the crowds of so much more considerable 
 people, at the Custom House, Exchange, and Westminster Hall, they 
 would exceedingly amend in their conduct at their return, and be more 
 discreet and tractable, and fit for government. 
 
 " In the meantime pray help them not to destroy themselves. Accept 
 of my commission of Chief Justice of Pennsylvania and the territories ; — 
 take them all to task for their contempts, presumption, and riots ; — let 
 them know and feel the just order and economy of government, and that 
 they are not to command, but to be commanded, according to law and 
 constitution of the English government. And, 'till those unworthy people 
 that hindered an establishment upon thee, as their Chief Justice, are 
 amended, or laid aside, so as that thou art considered by law to thy satis- 
 faction ; I freely allow the £20 at each session; which I take to be, at spring 
 and fall ; and at any extraordinary session thou mayst be called from New 
 York, upon mine, or weighty causes ; having also thy OTa^zctim discharged. 
 Let me entreat thee, as an act of friendship, and as a just and honorable 
 man. * -x- * 
 
 "I will write no news ; only I find that moderation, on this side of the 
 water, is a very recommendatory qualification ; nothing high-church, nor 
 violent whig ; neither seeming to be the inclination nor choice of the present 
 ministry. I wish our people on your side had no worse disposition. 
 
 "I cannot conclude this letter till I render thee, as I now do, my hearty 
 acknowledgments for all the good advices thou has given for the public, 
 and my private good ; especially thy sentiments to the Governor, upon 
 those three preposterous bills, foolishly as well as insolvently presented 
 him by Uavid Lloyd, the last Assembly. 
 
 "Let him part with nothing that is mine ; for had he passed them, they 
 would never have been confirmed here ; but he might have spoiled him- 
 self. 
 
 " What a bargain should I have made for my government with the 
 crown, after such a bill had taken from me the power I should dispose 
 of? 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 479 
 
 "I will say no move at this time, but that I am, with just regards, 
 " Thy very afl'ectionate and faithful friend, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 " P. S. The reason why I use another hand is my late indisposition, which 
 has left my hand incapable of allowing me to write myself, but I bless 
 Almighty God, I am something better." 
 
 In Logan's correspondence with the Proprietary, he frequently 
 alludes to the last charter or constitution of the province, in 
 terms of regret. 
 
 He did not consider it an improvement on the first " frame of 
 government," and, though granted in accordance with the wishes 
 of the people, he thought it was not in reality a boon to be highly 
 prized. 
 
 The valuable immunities secured by the first constitution and 
 confirmed by the last, he justly regarded ; not as the gift of the 
 Proprietary, but as the basis of a compact between him and the 
 first settlers. They were, however, in entire accordance with 
 the judgment and feelings of Penn, who was always disposed to 
 grant every privilege that appeared to be for the public good. 
 
 JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 "5th of 2(1 mo, ir05. 
 " In any letter thou write to Friends, pray be pleased not to set such 
 a value as thou dost upon the charter granted, for most are of opinion it 
 is not worth so much, and I must own myself to be of this way of think- 
 ing. Thou seems to be in a mistake about the time it was granted, which 
 was either the night or the morning thou left this place, (it was then 
 signed, I mean,) and bears date 28th 8br, 1701. I w^ould beg leave, also, 
 to put thee in mind that one part of the people's inducement to come over, 
 was the privileges thou proposed, as well as to have land at 40 shillings per 
 100 acres, in which thou Avast large in thy declarations and prints, which, 
 by their accepting of thy proposals, altogether becomes a part of the con- 
 tract, and, therefore, (as all things of the kind should,) ought, as near as 
 possible, to be observed. The baseness and ingratitude of some seems to 
 me to lie in this, that they will not weigh [what] was truly thine ; the 
 other, that they cannot be securely happy, whilst thou art otherwise; 
 when, instead of this, they lay hold on thy own grants, and what thou 
 hast furnished them with (though they have no value for the thing con- 
 tended for itself,) to clog and hinder business, they are [contributing] to 
 thine, and their own destruction, the last especially. * * * * Yet, 
 
480 LIFE OF 
 
 notwithstanding all this, -when they ha^^e all the privileges they at first 
 contracted for, or were given to expect, 'tis certain they have no more than 
 their due, and, therefore, these are not so much to be accounted acts of 
 grace as performance of a covenant. I hope this freedom will not offend, 
 nor be judged, accoi'ding to the maxims of the times, too uncourtly. It 
 arises from the best of principles — true friendship, and is built on the 
 most sacred basis of all things to me — the everlasting and unalterable 
 standard of justice." ^ * * 
 
 On the ^/irst clause of the foregoing letter, Deborah Logan 
 has made this elegant annotation : 
 
 " This sentiment will probably create some surprise, as I own it did to 
 me, until I recollected that the persons dissatisfied were, perhaps, rendered 
 so by a comparison of this charter with one that had been lived under 
 near twenty years, and which, tradition says, had been made to give 
 place to a successor, because some of the more recent inhabitants, and 
 the persons in government of other persuasions, thought it was only fit 
 for a colony of Quakers, for whom it was designed, and of whose princi- 
 ples it was, indeed, an illustrious commentary ; and, perhaps, it is not 
 going too far to call the original frame of government, designed by Wil- 
 liam Penn for his province, and the preliminary discourse affixed to it, the 
 fountains from which have emanated most of the streams of political wis- 
 dom which now flow through every part of United America, diffusing 
 civil and religious liberty, and favoring the expansion of happiness and 
 virtue. In order, justly, to estimate the character of our illustrious 
 founder, we must take into consideration the times in which he lived, and 
 the difficulties Avith which he had to contend, and not judge him alto- 
 gether as we should do one at the present day, when principles are acted 
 on, and considered as unquestionable, which were then struggling for a 
 reception amongst mankind, and which, when avowed, cost the gallant 
 Sydney his life. 
 
 "We should remember that the present times are profiting by the ex- 
 ertions of those generous spirits, ' for in the progress of human affairs 
 mankind build, in every subsequent age, on foundations formerly laid.' 
 What veneration and respect must wc acknowledge to be due to the man, 
 Tvho, living at a period when the principles of civil and religious liberty 
 had to contend, for their existence, with a base and sordid despotism, 
 voluntarily stepped forth as their champion, and triumphantly rescued 
 and handed down to us some of the proudest distinctions of his country. 
 ' A man who spent his whole life, and all the means which he possessed, 
 in endeavoring to benefit mankind, and, finally, by exhibiting to the 
 world a scheme of government founded on the benevolent principles of 
 Christianity, and which was administered by himself in the same spirit, 
 has shown, by the unexani])led prosperity and success which has attended 
 it, how consonant such principles are with the true interests of society.' 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 481 
 
 Is not a character that effected such noble purposes, entitled to the grati- 
 tude and esteem of the latest posterity?"* 
 
 It will be seen by the following letter of Penn, in answer to 
 the allegations of his adversaries, that he thought the new char- 
 ter, or constitution, had been a disadvantage to the province. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 " 30th of 2d mo., 1705. 
 ******** 
 
 "I would only observe that I know of and David Lloyd's false- 
 hood, and briefly mention, 
 
 " 1st. The charter made in England was but probationary, as the con- 
 clusion shows, and when the real one was executed, it was with all the 
 solemnity of an interior and exterior presence unanimously as any act 
 could be performed. That which was the great objection at first, was 
 that I would not stand, with my grant and estate, a security to the Crown 
 for their use of the negative voice. I, by that in London, having but a 
 treble voice in all cases, unless they and theirs would be a counter secu- 
 rity to me and mine, which, after two or three days consideration, agreed 
 to leave that power, and me the use of it, rather than to answer for them 
 and theirs. 
 
 " 2d. That charter was never altered by me, but by the suggestion of 
 his present confederate, David Loyd, to my regret as my letters before 
 and my conduct after plainly showed, and truly they have not prospered 
 since. 
 
 * 3d. For the last method, established at my arrival, it was carried by 
 so great a majority that I see no blame, and being nearer to English 
 methods (which they called for so often,) I acquiesced, having first shown 
 my dislike, as at their disliking the model of an elected Council to prepare, 
 an Assembly to resolve, and at throwing away the use of the ballot, which 
 their children, as I told them, will perhaps see cause sufiicient to repent 
 of their folly therein. 
 
 " 4th. I have not in the province so many manors as my tenths come to, 
 viz : for every 100,000 acres, 10,000 acres, and for my children and Sir J. 
 Flaggs, for my wife, they bought dearly what they had, their mother 
 lending her estate in land to the value of at least 3000 or thereabouts, to 
 answer my debts, that was raised by selling her hereditary land, or being 
 mortgaged, which was all one. 
 
 " 5th. If any are deficient it is their own fault, for they had time enough 
 in two years before my return, and three and a half years since to have 
 taken it up. I have not had my due, I am sure ; I was defeated of my 
 land Charles Ascom laid out in the county of Chester, 10,000 acres, great 
 
 • Logan MSS. 
 41 
 
482 LIFE OF 
 
 part of the manor of Springetsbury, Gilberts and Highlands taken up by 
 encroachers, as he well knows. And for the lands of my children thou 
 can'st answer upon the spot, how Willie and Tishie's have been encroach- 
 ed upon, tho' all first purchasers, viz : of 100 share men, and pray let the 
 old Surveyor General's books be examined, and there will be warrants 
 for at least 40,000 acres of land never executed. 
 
 "6th. Neither himself or any other person ever once attacked me in 
 the two years I was there, nor accused me, nor applied to me on any of 
 these clamors, which shows what spirit has excited them since those 
 days ; having myself lain at stake with purse these three years and a half, 
 without half a crown from them to support me, and gained so many points 
 for them, and held up their credit ; for were it not for my exertions, to- 
 morrow we should be sacrificed to the Envoy of New York and to her enrich- 
 ment, which these misguided people think not of. He appears to be of that 
 spirit Friends always told me he was of, and my kindness has been 
 unable to change him. His character will soon come over by some old 
 acquaintances. ******** 
 
 " For^David Lloyd's letter it speaks for itself, and I desire, nay command, 
 the Governor to call a Select Council and view the enclosed, and see under 
 the greatest secresy, what is practical and fitting to be done to thwart 
 these intrigues, but if not to be done to purpose, then to expose the vil- 
 lainy and its authors. I think if they own their letters you have room 
 enough to deal with them to purpose, of which let me hear per first oppor- 
 tunity. My son says he had but 20A'your money weekly, and that all he 
 spent over that allowance was his own money, from the sale of his land. 
 
 "If thou thinkest confirming the pi-esent Governor will be of service, I 
 can get it done, or appoint another fit to settle me and mine in our property, 
 which will do and is preferable to selling all here, considering a peace is 
 likely to take place this winter, and that many upon that will remove to 
 you to settle among you, and the country Avill thrive beyond expectation 
 or example. Pray let me have thy best digested and closest thoughts, for 
 I cannot tell how to leave America, tho' the scene those ill men have 
 opened to me after my two chargeable voyages and stay among them, and 
 never leaving them by choice, but by compulsion, and being always at 
 stake here for them and the country, without a groat for twenty years or 
 thereabouts, and by it sunk in my estate above £20,000, and might out 
 of £1500 per annum, have 700 a year besides, which is much more : I say, 
 after my hazards, expenses and pains, and absence from my own dwell- 
 ing to attend that service, to be headed as a ' lurcher of the people, and 
 one that had an interest against them,' as David Lloyd expressed it, is 
 more, one would think, than any poor mortal man could bear." 
 
 In the spring of the year 1705, the Assembly met in Philadel- 
 phia, when Gov. Evans addressed the House, ably defending 
 the measures and interest of the Proprietary, who, he stated, was 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 483 
 
 much displeased at " the most scandalous treatment he had met 
 with in letters directed to himself and others, in the name of the 
 Assembly." 
 
 To the Governor's speech, the House returned an ungracious 
 reply, in which they asserted that the letters complained of not 
 having emanated from that Assembly, it was not concerned in 
 answering the charge. 
 
 The Governor, who was an unflinching advocate of the Pro- 
 prietary, made another effort to awaken their sympathy and gain 
 their support by representing the heavy expenses Penn had in- 
 curred in warding off' the blow with which they had been threat- 
 ened, and obtaining the confirmation of their laws, which could 
 not be effected without considerable expense. He reminded 
 them that in the other English colonies, provision was made for 
 the support of government, whereas, in Pennsylvania, "to the 
 scandal of the place, all was done at the Proprietary's charge." 
 They rejoined, that the Proprietary undertook to obtain the royal 
 sanction to their laws, and to prevent the surrender of the gov- 
 ernment to the crown, and if " he had found the money he had, 
 and was to have, by the tivo thousand pounds act^ had not 
 been sufficient," more would be raised on his specifying the 
 particular charges incurred. 
 
 They further maintained that the quit-rents had been reserved 
 for the support of government, being the first instance in which 
 this pretence had been advanced. The Governor sharply re- 
 proved them for these expressions, asserting that the <£2000 had 
 been granted for another purpose — as in /act it ivas — for it was 
 levied before the emergency occurred which called Penn to 
 England ; and, moreover, a considerable part of it had never 
 been collected. As to the quit-rents, he assured them their 
 assertion was entirely groundless. 
 
 The Governor informed the House that William Biles, one of 
 their members, had used " scandalous and seditious expressions" 
 towards him, and he therefore expected them to expel him. 
 They replied that the words were not alleged to have been 
 spoken in that House ; that William Biles had already been pro- 
 secuted at the Governor's suit in the County Court, and they 
 
484 LIFE OF 
 
 declined to expel him, but were willing to intercede for his for- 
 giveness. 
 
 The Governor, finding that no business was likely to be done, 
 dismissed the Assembly ; and, at the same time, reproached 
 them for having spent two sessions in fruitless debate about 
 their privileges, without a single act being passed, or anything 
 done for the support of government. 
 
 There can be no doubt that the Assembly was exceedingly 
 culpable in not providing a revenue for the support of govern- 
 ment, and for the reimbursement of the Proprietary's expendi- 
 tures in the public service. They were probably misled by the 
 artifice and sophistry of David Lloyd, who, as Logan said, " had 
 the faculty of leading them out of their depth," and took advan- 
 tage of the Governor's inexperience or misconduct to excite a 
 jealousy towards the Proprietary. 
 
 The only extenuation that can be offered for their dehn- 
 quency, is the great scarcity of money at that time, and the de- 
 pressed condition of the province, brought on by the general 
 war in Europe. The American coasts and the high seas were 
 infested with privateers and pirates ; the commerce of the colony 
 had suffered greatly, and its produce could scarcely be sold. In 
 one of Logan's letters, dated in the 1st mo., 1704, he says : 
 
 " I am, every day, worn out by the great cliscouragoment we lie under 
 here. The country has no money. What little there is, the traders in 
 town have it. Wheat — the farmer's dependence — bears no price ; and 
 bread and flour is a very drug ; notwithstanding so high in demand three 
 years ago. 
 
 " Things are at such a stand, that I know not whether to receive thy 
 dues or not, seeing that they can, by no means, be had in money." 
 
 Again he wrote, at the close of the same year : 
 
 " Thy unfortunate losses by sea yield so melancholy a prospect, that it 
 quite disheartens me, but it is not thy lot alone. William Trent and J. 
 Norris, the chief traders in the place, have lost, this last year, I fear, one- 
 third of their estates, for scarce anything returns that is sent out." 
 
 It appears, by a passage in one of the Proprietary's letters, 
 that the colony was also suffering from the laws of England in- 
 tended for the protection of her manufactures. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 485 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 "London, 14th 7th mo., 1705. 
 
 * * * " [As] for the wool act here, in England, I will lay the mis- 
 chief of it to America before the Council of Trade, and use my utmost 
 endeavors to have it amended this next Parliament ; though they are 
 jealous here of encouraging manufactures there, and therefore demur to 
 the law about tanning of leather."* 
 
 It is pleasing to find that the colonists, generally, and the 
 Friends especially, were dissatisfied with the factious proceed- 
 ings of the last Assembly, and took measures to clear them- 
 selves of the odium, by an affectionate address to the Proprie- 
 tary, and the election of a new Assembly, who chose a different 
 speaker, and pursued a wiser course. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 " London, 14th 7th mo., 1705, 
 "Thy letter of the 11th of 12th mo. contains four points. First, the 
 late quiet state of government amongst you. Could I promise myself the 
 continuance thereof, I should be induced never to part with it. The sur- 
 render is not yet effected, nor do I know when it will. * * * 
 
 " I am well pleased with the Governor's speech, and as little pleased 
 with the Assembly's answer. I have not yet surrendered, and unless I 
 can do it upon very valuable terms, I will not ; and, therefore, expect 
 three things : 1st. The condemnation of David Lloyd's proceedings, as 
 thou speakest of, and that, whether I surrender or not. Since one or t'other 
 shall make no difference as to my coming and inhabiting there, and 
 placing some of my children among them. 2dly. That no law be passed, 
 nor privilege granted, by my Lieutenant-Governor, till they have settled 
 a revenue of £1000 per annum upon the government, at least. I, too, 
 mournfully remember how noble a law I had, of exports and imports, 
 when I was first in America, that had been worth, by this time, some 
 thousands a year ; which I suspended receiving for a year or two, and 
 that not without consideration engaged by several merchants. But T. 
 Lloyd, very unhappily for me, my family, and himself, complimented 
 some few selfish spirits with the repeal thereof, without my final consent, 
 which his commission required. And that has been the source of all my 
 loads and inabilities to support myself under the troubles that have oc- 
 curred to me on account of settling and maintaining that colony. For I 
 
 * "The Eighth of Elizabeth, f h. 3, punished with imprisonment and the loss 
 of the left hand, the sending of live sheep out of the kingdom, or the embarkation 
 of them on baard any ship; and this, to >, witliout any e .ceplion of the necessary 
 provisiuns fur the ship's crew." — Logan MSS. 
 
 41* 
 
486 LIFE OF 
 
 spent upon it £10,000 the first two years, as appears by accounts here in 
 England, which, with £3000 I overspent myself in King James's time, 
 and the war in Ireland that followed, has been the true cause of all my 
 straits I have since labored under ; and no supply coming from Penn- 
 sylvania between my fii'st and second voyage, (being 15 years,) to alle- 
 viate my burdens and answer my necessities ; — to say nothing of what 
 my Deputy-Governors have lost me, from the beginning, even in Fletcher's 
 time, and the vast sum of money I have melted away here in London, to 
 hinder much mischief against us, if not to do us much good — ^v\4iich I can 
 solemnly say has not been less, cormmmibus annis, than £400 a year, 
 which comes to near £10,000. Lord Baltimore's two shillings per hhd., 
 with anchorage, tonnage, and other immunities, is a supply far transcend- 
 ing what I can hope for, though he never took the hundredth part of the 
 concern upon him that I have done : and when they gave it to him, they 
 were in poorer circumstances than Pennsylvania is now, by many de- 
 grees. And I am ashamed to tell thee how opprobriously our people's 
 treatment of me has been styled by people of almost all qualities and 
 stations. ******** 
 
 " To thy third paragraph, I only say, I wish I could see it, for I am a 
 crucified man, between injustice and ingratitude there, and extortion and 
 oppression here. The Lord support my spirit through it all ! ! ! ! 
 
 " To thy twelfth paragraph, about the meeting house and school lot, I 
 wish some people had exercised some more tenderness towards my poor 
 suffering and necessitous circumstances. * * * * However, since I 
 will hope it is the better sort of Friends that seek it, I consent, as my gift, 
 both that the meeting house and school house ground be granted and con- 
 Jirmed to the meeting, and greatly recommend the caution that sent for 
 my authority. For though my commissioners have power to be just, they 
 have no power to be bountiful."* 
 
 JAMES LOGAN TO WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 " 24th 8br. 1705. 
 " Our new Assembly for the province is now sitting, being, I presume, 
 one of the best choices this government ever had, but cost no small pains 
 to make it such. We have in it, Edw. Shippen, S. Carpenter, Caleb Pusey 
 and Richd. Hill, members of Council, besides many more very good heads ; 
 as I. Norris, J, Growden, who is now on the right side, and largely proved 
 it last Assembly, and the generality of the rest, as Rowland Ellis, R. 
 Thomas, and Rd. Pyle, and are very honest pickt men. Only the corpor- 
 ation has given us D. Lloyd, after he was rejected by ballot, for the county, 
 
 * This is supposed to be the lot at the corner of Market and Second Streets, oc- 
 cupied for a Friends' Meeting House, erected in. 1695, rebuilt in 1755, and pre- 
 mises «old in 1808, when the Arch Street house was built. 
 
WILLIAM PENN". 487 
 
 and even in the town it was unfair play got him in, our party was so 
 strong. * if * * 
 
 " In short, we are all exceedingly easy in matters of government, and 
 more happy in all our circumstances (trade and wealth excepted) than I 
 have ever known since I have been here. But our losses are still great 
 and the unhappiness of Maryland, by having their bills protested, deeply 
 affects us, for now, though before they were not worth purchasing, there 
 is not one to be had. J. L." 
 
 The members of this Assembly were all Friends, except one; 
 they chose Joseph Growden for their speaker, and although D. 
 Lloyd had been returned by the city of Philadelphia, he had but 
 little influence. 
 
 They proceeded to business with an earnest determination to 
 retrieve the credit of the province, which had been impaired by 
 the proceedings of the last Assembly. At this session, which 
 continued nearly three months, fifty bills were passed and re- 
 ceived the Governor's assent. 
 
 Among them were several laws against crimes and misde- 
 meanors, a law for liberty of conscience, an act to confirm tides 
 for land, an act to prevent the importation of Indian staves 
 an act for the relief of the poor, an act lor raising a revenue, and 
 an act " directing the qualification of magistrates," being for the 
 relief of persons scrupulous of taking an oath. The last of these 
 laws being objected to by the Governor, was not to take effect 
 for some months in order to give time for obtaining the royal 
 sanction.* An act concerning courts of justice, was rejected by 
 the Governor. 
 
 At the close of the session, a dutiful and affectionate address 
 to the Proprietary was drawn up and adopted by the House. 
 
 This was the most harmonious and effective session of the 
 Legislature that had been held for many years, and when its 
 proceedings were reported to Penn, he was induced to hesitate 
 in his purpose of selling his government. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 "I do again a little complain of thee, to thee : for thou hast shifted thy 
 judgment about selling the government. One time sell it with all speed, and 
 
 * Colonial Records, ii 239. 
 
488 LIFE OF 
 
 another time keep it. One time sell all ; perplexities in property staring 
 ui?in the face, as well as those in government ; another time, government 
 only, and go thither and enjoy myself quietly, in the evening of my time, 
 with my family and friends, and it would much advance my property. 
 And thou advisest me to sell government, and the millions of rough lands 
 remaining — being about thirty millions of acres, unless the lakes divide 
 me. Now the opinion I have of thy abilities, (as is well known to our 
 secretaries and great men here, ) makes me stagger under diversity of direc- 
 tions. I know also thou hast two or tliree good heads in thy intimacy, 
 and, that I make myself believe, love me and wish me well, that are good 
 assistants to thee ; and I wish I had your solemn final resolve what I 
 shall do." 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 Misconduct of Gov. Evans ; False alarm caused by him ; Letter of Logan ; 
 Governor Evans loses public confidence ; Conduct of Friends during the 
 false alarm ; The Governor calls the Assembly ; Proposes military de- 
 fences ; Their answer; The Governor levies a tax called "Powder Money ;" 
 Richd. Hill and others pass his fort at New Castle ; The Governor foiled 
 in his exactions ; Reaction in the public mind ; D. Lloyd again Speaker 
 of the Assembly ; Altercation betM^een the Assembly and Governor 
 about judiciary bill ; Assembly impeach Logan ; Characters of Logan 
 and Lloyd ; Charges against Logan, and his answer ; Assembly's remon- 
 strance to William Penn, about Evans and Logan; AVilliam Penn 
 censures Evans ; Determines to remove him ; Letter to Logan, announc- 
 ing the appointment of another Deputy-Governor. 
 
 1706-7. 
 
 The administration of Gov. Evans was disturbed, throughout 
 nearly its whole course, by the conflict of opposing interests and 
 passions. At first, the Assembly, by its extravagant pretensions, 
 had arrested the progress of legislation ; and when the people, 
 dissatisfied with their representatives, elected others qualified, and 
 disposed to promote the public good, the harmonious action that 
 ensued, was of short duration, for the Lieutenant-Governor, elated 
 with the triumph of his party, proceeded to acts of dissimulation 
 and oppression, that resulted in his own disgrace. He had a 
 
WILLIAM PEKN. 489 
 
 strong inclination for military display, and the depredations of 
 privateers and pirates on the commerce of the province, together 
 with the incursions of the Indians in some of the neighboring 
 colonies, furnished him with cogent arguments for enforcing the 
 directions of the British government to put the colony in a posture 
 of defence. 
 
 In the lower counties, called the territories, his views met 
 with the concurrence of the people, few of whom were Friends, 
 but in the province, where that peace-loving people were numer- 
 ous, he found all his efforts to sustain a militia were ineffectual, 
 and only rendered him the more unpopular. 
 
 Not being able to appreciate the motives of the Friends, and 
 perhaps doubtful of their sincerity, he determined to put their 
 principles to a severe test, and for that purpose devised a scheme 
 as puerile as it was mischievous. 
 
 In a letter of Logan dated 4th month, 1706, he gives a par- 
 ticular account of the alarm produced by the Governor's strata- 
 gem. 
 
 " To bring it about, lie first procured a letter as from Col. Seymour, 
 (Governor of Maryland,) counterfeiting his hand to it, and sent it to the 
 sheriff* of New Castle, with orders to send it hither in great haste by an 
 express, informing of a French fleet upon the coast : and the next day, 
 seconded this, with another report from Burlington, said to come from 
 East Jersey, to the same purpose. But before this, I should have inform- 
 ed thee, that being that day to dine two miles out of town, at Captain 
 Roche's, on Schuylkill, he left word with Thomas Guy, that if any letter 
 was brought to town, directed to him from New Castle, it should be des- 
 patched to him immediately ; which gave me, when it appeared, the first 
 suspicion that it was a sham, and so I suspiciously told him, but he denied 
 it positively. This order was obeyed, and hurrjnng to town with the 
 members who were there, he caused a Council immediately to be called, 
 and with all due formality caused the letter to be read, and the matter 
 considered. The resultof all this was that a proclamation should be forth- 
 with issued, requiring all persons to furnish themselves with arms and 
 ammunition ; and for two nights the militia kept regular guard of about 
 forty men each night. 
 
 " The sherifi" of New Castle had orders, the night before the alarm here, 
 to raise theirs through the whole country : which the unhappy man, being 
 a diligent and obedient ofiicer, was obliged with reluctancy to do. 
 
 " Another letter was also framed, as sent from the sherifi" of Sussex to 
 New Castle, informing that Lewis was burnt. All which, being in pursu- 
 
490 LIFE OF 
 
 ance of what was fiist concocted here, shews the thought long, — but not 
 deep ; unless purposely designed for the mischievous effects it is likely to 
 have. He himself, in the time of the alarm, rode about the town with his 
 sword drawn, forcing, all that could be induced to arms, to Society Hill. 
 Powder was dealt out among the people, to the loss of several apprentices, 
 now so many scores of pounds in value. The people threw their goods 
 into wells and all manner of holes, greatly to their damage ; women were 
 taken ill, and the distress was very great. Friends were generally the 
 quietest, yet many of them fled, but were miserably insulted and menaced 
 by those who bore arms.' After other particulars, he adds : ' It is believed 
 'twill now be utterly in vain to call the militia out, they are so disgusted 
 with being so miserably imposed upon.' 
 
 " In short, the whole is looked upon to be a most mischievous, boyish 
 trick, and has given many hearty well-wishers to the government occasion 
 to remember Wm. Biles's words with much more charity." 
 
 The words ofWilliam Biles here alluded to, were, '' he is but 
 a boy, ' he is not fit to govern us,' we will kick him out ;" 
 " which the Governor, construing to be seditious expressions, 
 caused him to be prosecuted and imprisoned. The imprison- 
 ment of Biles, the attempt to raise a militia ; the affair with 
 the watch, and the loose morals of Evans, had brought his 
 reputation to a low ebb in the colony ; but this preconcerted 
 attempt to drive them from their principles by a false alarm, 
 subjected him, and all others concerned in it, to pubhc indig- 
 nation. 
 
 Logan, living at the time in the same house with the Governor, 
 and being considered his general adviser, was charged with 
 being an accomplice in this disgraceful transaction ; but we have 
 in his letters to Penn, an explicit denial; and independently of 
 his high moral character, which ought to exculpate him, we may 
 conclude that he had too much sagacity to advise so shallow an 
 artifice, which could not fail to be discovered.* 
 
 The Friends, instead of being driven to arms in this supposed 
 emergency, evinced, by their calmness and self-possession, the 
 firmness of their principles. " It being our meeting day," ob- 
 serves Logan, " and although the time and tide that was to 
 bring them up, it did not prevent the meeting, nor did the sur- 
 
 • I am surprised that Gordon should give countenance to this charge. See his 
 Hist, of Fa. p. 139. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 491 
 
 prise put many of our Friends into those military companies ;" 
 and Isaac Norris avers that " not a Friend of any note but be- 
 haved as becomes our profession." 
 
 Soon after " the alarm," the Governor and those members of 
 the Council who were not Friends, affected to consider the con- 
 sternation it had produced, a sufficient evidence of the neces- 
 sity for military defences, and they even proceeded to convene 
 the Assembly for that purpose. When they were met, the 
 Governor stated to them his views on the propriety of establish- 
 ing a militia and erecting fortifications ; but they replied that 
 they had levied a considerable tax last year for the support of 
 government ; that their crops having failed, and their trade de- 
 cayed, they were unable to do more ; and they earnestly desired 
 of the Governor, that those who brought up the false reports by 
 which the alarm was caused, might be " brought to condign 
 punishment." 
 
 This address was just such as might have been expected, and 
 the Governor, finding the Assembly impracticable, dismissed it. 
 
 The indignation of the inhabitants at the Governor's conduct 
 was greatly increased by an unwarrantable attempt he made to 
 levy an impost on their commerce. Having induced the Assem- 
 bly of the territories to pass a law for the erection of a fort at 
 New Castle, all vessels navigating the Delaware were required 
 to report themselves, under a penalty of five pounds, and an ad- 
 ditional charge for every gun fired to bring them to. Inward- 
 bound vessels were subjected to a duty of half a pound of pow- 
 der for every ton of their capacity. This illegal exaction was 
 highly resented by the merchants, being in direct contravention 
 of the Royal Charter, which secured to them the free navigation 
 of the river. Richard Hill, Samuel Preston, and William Fish- 
 born, owners of a new sloop called the Philadelphia, then leav- 
 ing, on her first voyage to Barbadoes, determined to withstand 
 the exaction ; and, acquainting the Governor with their purpose, 
 went on board. 
 
 The Governor hastened to New Castle and ordered watch to 
 be kept for the vessel. 
 
 As she approached, she anchored above the fort, when Preston 
 and Fishborn went ashore and informed John French, the com- 
 
492 LIFE OF 
 
 mandant of the Fort, that she was regularly cleared, and they 
 demanded their right to pass without interruption. This being 
 refused, Richard Hill, who had been bred to the sea, took the 
 helm and steered past the Fort, with no other injury than a shot 
 through the mainsail. French pursued in an armed boat, and 
 coming alongside, they cast him a rope, by means of which he 
 boarded the vessel, when those on board cut the rope, which 
 caused the boat to fall astern, and making him a prisoner with- 
 out a blow, they proceeded on their way. The Governor, greatly 
 exasperated, pursued them in another boat to Salem, where 
 Richard Hill went ashore with his prisoner ; and Lord Cornbury 
 being there, who claimed to be Vice-Admiral of the River Dela- 
 ware, they brought the matter before him. He sharply reproved 
 French for his conduct, and to Governor Evans he plainly ex- 
 pressed his disapprobation.* Logan, in writing to Penn, says, 
 
 " On the 3d Lord Cornbury came to town ; I waited upon him and had 
 a conference with him for about an hour. I entered fully into the matter, 
 and protested, in thy name and behalf, against these 2:)roceedings, as being 
 not only against thy inclinations, but evasive of thy rights. I found he 
 had resented the matter to our Governor, and will res(fnt it home to the 
 Lords of Trade. * * * These are very cloudy times indeed, and to 
 us a day of severe trial ; there is a mighty hand in it that lays the design 
 out of reach of prevention. For my own part, I have reasoned and thought 
 as coolly, and I think as regularly on these matters, as ever I did in my 
 life, and have used my best endeavors ; but things conspire so together, 
 out of any particular reach, that to me the hand is very visible, and Penn- 
 sylvania, thy former darling, has now become thy heavy afHiction ; and I 
 cannot but lament my own fortune, that should be concerned in it, at such 
 a time when it is made so. But I have the comfort to think that design- 
 edly, or accidently, I have contributed to no part of it. * * * 
 
 "May that Divine goodness that has hitherto so manifestly protected 
 thee through so many floods, continue the same remarkable goodness, 
 and deliver thee from the same pressing straits, which I believe will at 
 length bring a real advantage. * * * 
 
 " Friends are preparing their letter to thy assistance, but it goes on too 
 slowly. They have missed the opportunity of the vessel from York to 
 Bristol, and intend to take the next." 
 
 The bold and successful passage of the sloop Philadelphia 
 • Proud's Hist. i. 472, and Logan MSS. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 493 
 
 before the Fort at New Castle, showed its inefficiency as a 
 means of defence, and put an end to the exaction of powder 
 money. Hill and his associates were members of the Society 
 of Friends, they stood high in the community, and their con- 
 duct was generally approved. 
 
 At the next meeting of the Legislature, they, with many 
 others, presented a petition on the subject, w'hich occasioned a 
 remonstrance from that body to the Governor, on his illegal pro- 
 ceedings. 
 
 The conduct of Governor Evans produced a reaction in the 
 public mind, and at the ensuing election, the popular party, as 
 it was called, was again triumphant. 
 
 David Lloyd was elected speaker, and they forthwith began 
 to inquire into abuses, and complain of grievances with their 
 wonted vehemence. 
 
 The main points of difference between the Assembly and the 
 Gov. and Council, related to courts of justice, and the tenure of of- 
 fice by the judges. Great pertinacity was manifested on both sides, 
 and many conferences were held ; in one of which, David Lloyd, 
 the speaker, neglecting to rise when he spoke, the Governor 
 commanded him to stand up, but he, not being disposed to con- 
 ciliate, kept his seat, and affecting to represent the viajeslrj of 
 the people^ claimed " to be exempted from this tribute of respect 
 in a conference where equality was indispensable and was sanc- 
 tioned by precedent." 
 
 The testy Governor, who professed to represent the majesty, 
 of the Queen., insisted upon the punctilio, and the members of 
 the House retired from the conference, fearing, as they said, 
 that " the difference might terminate in unseemly language."* 
 
 More than a week was employed in debates and messages 
 about this ridiculous atTair; when they again proceeded with the 
 judiciary bill, but the Governor, not agreeing to its provisions, 
 established a judicature by proclamation. 
 
 David Lloyd and his party, being highly exasperated, and 
 thinking the Governor was, by his commission, placed beyond 
 their reach, drew up articles of impeachment against James 
 
 * Colonial Records, ii. Gordon's Hist. Pa. 
 
 42 
 
494 LIFE OF 
 
 Logan, whom they considered obnoxious to censure as the Secre- 
 tary and leading member of the Executive party. 
 
 Logan had for some years been the most powerful antagonist 
 of Lloyd, and in the heat of party spirit which arose, they each 
 attributed to the other faults of the gravest character. 
 
 The Secretary was a man of sterling integrity, great learn- 
 ing, and consummate ability ; but his manners towards persons of 
 inferior acquirements, were not always courteous. He was ac- 
 cused of being aristocratic in his feelings, and his exactness in 
 collecting quit-rents and other proprietary dues, had rendered 
 him unpopular. In defence of proprietary interests, he stood like 
 a rock, and proudly defied the waves of popular clamor. 
 
 Lloyd, although he could not pretend to the learning of Logan, 
 was possessed of sufficient legal attainments to give him great 
 influence in an assembly composed chiefly of farmers ; he was 
 versed in parliamentary tactics, skilful in debate, pleasing in his 
 manners, and affecting to be ihe champion of popular rights, he 
 obtained an ascendency which all his prevarications failed to 
 destroy. 
 
 The articles of impeachment against Logan accused him of 
 endeavoring to deprive the people of their political rights, de- 
 laying to furnish patents to the purchasers of land, charging 
 quit-rents before the lands were located, and keeping the oflSce 
 of Surveyor General in his own hands. 
 
 Logan, by permission of the Council, made a speech in his 
 own defence, and soon after laid before the Board a full and cir- 
 cumstantial answer, being a copy of one he had sent to the Pro- 
 prietary. 
 
 The Governor informed the Assembly that he doubted his 
 power to try impeachments, as there was no express grant in 
 the charter for that purpose ; but, it being his duty to hear and 
 redress complaints against all officers under him, he invited 
 them to appear before him, and exhibit their charges. A day 
 being appointed, and a large concourse of citizens in attend- 
 ance, the Assembly presented their articles of impeachment, and 
 required Logan to answer them separately, in loriting. He 
 demurred to this demand, until they should adduce evidence to 
 sustain their charges. They insisted upon his answers being 
 
"WILLIAM PEXX. 495 
 
 first given. He rejoined by a general denial of all the charges, 
 and more especially the first, which, he said, it was impossible 
 for him to be concerned in, as the transaction took place in 
 England. The Assembly still declined to exhibit their proofs, 
 and some days were spent in angry altercations, during which, 
 it must be admitted, that Logan did not treat the Assembly with 
 the respect due to them as the representatives of the people. 
 
 The Assembly being foiled in their attack upon the Secretary, 
 now turned upon the Governor, w'ith whose conduct they, and 
 the whole country, had good reason to be dissatisfied. 
 
 They drew up, in the summer of 1707, a remonstrance, ad- 
 dressed to the Proprietary, in which they recited many instances 
 of Governor Evans's misconduct : — as his immoral conduct on 
 a visit to the Indians at Conestoga — his refusal to pass the Judi- 
 ciary Bill — his impositions upon trade, by the duty at New 
 Castle — his proceedings in relation to the militia and tavern 
 licenses — his propagation of "the false alarm" — his granting a 
 commission for privateering — his beating a constable in one of 
 his midnight revels — and, finally, his great excesses and debau- 
 cheries, wdiereby wickedness was encouraged, and the hands of 
 the magistrates weakened. Against the Secretary, James Logan, 
 it was alleged, that " he knew of the false alarm, but instead of 
 using such means as were in his power to prevent it, he, by his 
 conduct, under pretence of coming at the truth of the atlair, 
 made it worse ;" and that, as a commissioner of property, he had 
 unjustly detained certain deeds for lands from the owners, &c. 
 It is remarkable that most of the charges against Logan, con- 
 tained in their articles of impeachment, were omitted in the re- 
 monstrance, and others substituted that were probably equally 
 groundless. 
 
 The remonstrance of the Assembly was transmitted to George 
 "Whitehead, William Mead, and Thomas Lower, in London, 
 wdth instructions to .present it to the Proprietary, and to the 
 Board of Trade and Plantations. William Penn had already 
 been advised, by Logan, of the Governor's misconduct, concern- 
 ing whom the Secretary had, during the past year, entirely 
 changed his opinion. 
 
 Before the date of the Assembly's remonstrance, Penn, in 
 
496 LIFE OF 
 
 consequence of information received from Logan and others, 
 concerning the Governor, wrote him a severe admonition, viz :* 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO J. EVANS. 
 
 "Eatuy, 15th 3(1 mo., 1707. 
 
 " Esteemed Friend — As my dependence was entirely upon thy honor, 
 so I never thought myself unsafe with it; but three reports, strenuously 
 improved to my disgrace in these parts, (for so I account every thing tliat 
 affects thee and thy conduct, in which I am so much concerned,) makes 
 me very uneasy. The first is, the ' alarm' given the people, by thy 
 knowledge, if not contrivance, when, at the same time, thou knewest there 
 was no validity in the pretended reason of it, and thou gavest those per- 
 sons the private hint of the fiillacy, that perhaps could not more deserve 
 that whisper than others that were left to be frightened, as the very best 
 and most obliging of our Friends in town and country wore ; and this 
 just after they had shown their distinguished regards to thee and me, by 
 the provision they had zealously made for Governor and government, and 
 for which singular token of wisdom and kindness they have been ne- 
 glected in the last election, that being improved by mine and our friend's 
 implacable enemies to misguide and blow up the present Assembly to 
 fall upon things either impracticable or inconvenient, as well as inflaming 
 against us. I am truly sorry for these things. 
 
 " The second report is the sufferings Friends lie under, as well as are 
 exposed to, on account of not bearing arms. A thing which touches my 
 conscience as well as honor. 'lie must be a silly shoemaker who has 
 not a last for his own foot.' That my Friends should not be secure and 
 easy under me, in those points that regard our very characteristic, but that 
 fines, or a forced disowning of their own principles, they must stoop to!* * 
 
 " The third complaint is, the encouragement and groAvth of vice, for want 
 of power and countenance to suppress it. Now this touches my reputa- 
 tion, that so fairly began, in both good laws, and good examples too. * * * 
 In all which, I desire thy answer and utmost caution, on one hand, and 
 care on the other to suppress vice, as by proclamation now sent ; and 
 taking advice of the most eminent Friends and safe people of that city, of 
 who are most deserving of encouragement, or best qualified to keep public- 
 houses there. As I desire that vice may be suppressed, (one great end 
 of government,) so I desire that care may be taken that no just offence 
 may be given the crown officers there, in reference to the revenue thereof: 
 and hope Col. Quarry came to you last with a disposition of living easily 
 and fairly among you. And pray let no occasion be given him to change 
 his resolutions ; for that has hitherto been the pretence to fall upon Pro- 
 prietary governments, though none so deserving of the [protection of thej 
 crown ; being made and governed at their own charge. 
 
 • Penn's MSS. Letters, Am. Phila. Soc, Phila. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 497 
 
 " Give no occasion to the inhabitants, nor yet court any selfish spirits, 
 at my cost and my suffering family's. Distinguish temper and places ; 
 and let realities, and not mere pretences, engage thee. Redress real grie- 
 vances, suppress vice and faction, encourage the industrious and sober, 
 and be an example, as well as a commander, and thy authority will have 
 the greater weight and acceptance with the people. 
 
 " I am far from lending my ears against my own officers — 'tis neither 
 wise nor just — nor yet is it so to refuse to hear what is said by way of 
 complaint, when the nature of the thing calls for it, and the exigency of 
 affairs requires it. But there is, I know, a just caution to be observed in 
 the use to be made thereof on all hands. 
 
 "Thy friends, of which mine are not the least, (my relations, I mean) 
 inquire of thy welfare ; and those, and other stories, coming to their ears, 
 have troubled them, as not savoring of the character they had before ap- 
 prehended to have been thine, and suitable to one employed by me. I, 
 therefore, earnestly desire thy utmost honor, prudence, justice, and cou- 
 rage, in my affairs ; and do not despond of a happy providence and success 
 in them at last ; which hitherto has not failed to attend me in the close of 
 various and hazardous adventures in the world. And for a conclusive 
 paragraph upon these things, what thy honest and friendly father and 
 mother would advise thee, if living, to do for my service, and honest, 
 though abused, interest, that do with all thy might, I desire thee. 
 ******** 
 
 " Be wise and firm to the last, for I hope a reasonable issue. * * * 
 
 " Thy friend, &c., 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 This letter had a salutary effect ; Governor Evans endeavored 
 to amend his conduct, and according to Logan's account, seemed 
 to be really an altered man, but it was too late ; he had lost the 
 confidence of the public, and nothing short of his recall could 
 restore harmony to the distracted councils of the province. 
 
 Penn was remarkably steadfast in his friendships, and having 
 been well satisfied with the early part of Governor Evans's ad- 
 ministration, he was slow in giving credence to the heavy 
 charges brought against him, especially as they had been coupled, 
 in the spurious remonstrance of 1704, with accusations against 
 himself, which he knew were unfounded. 
 
 After he became assured that his Lieutenant was altogether 
 unworthy of the station, he determined to remove him ; but 
 his purpose was delayed, for some months, by the difficulty 
 of finding a suitable successor. The following letter to his 
 
 42* 
 
498 LIFE OF 
 
 secretary, announces his intention to appoint another Governor, 
 and discloses the kindness he still felt towards Evans:' 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 " LonJon, 3d of 3d month 1703. L'd Trcas'rs. 
 
 * * * "I have had none from thee since last 6th month, which 
 gives me great uneasiness ; since the virulent treatment of D. Lloyd, &c., 
 can much sooner find its way to Philip Ford, and by him to G. W., W. M. 
 and T. L., who have been with me at my lodgings, in Old Baily, to repre- 
 sent the, state of the province, and render it very lamentable, under the 
 present Lieutenant-Governor ; and unless I will discharge him, and put in 
 a man of virtue, years, and known experience, and of a moderate spirit, 
 they cannot avoid laying the Assembly's complaint before the Queen and 
 Council ; in which they have enumerated all the faults, if not imprudences, 
 they can lay to his conduct. The alarm, the refusal of the law for courts, 
 the New Castle law, to pay toll coming from, and going to, Philadelphia, 
 and the violent struggle upon it; the affair of young Susan llarwood, and 
 conniving at the escape of the old one made from justice, and accompany, 
 ing them to another province, for avoiding shame and punishment. To 
 which they add a voyage to Susquehannah, with the vilest character of 
 his, and his retinue's practices, in the families of the people at Conestoga. 
 My soul mourns under these things, for the very fame of them, but much 
 more if true. 
 
 " I doubt not his regards for my interest, in the main, but this disjoints 
 all, and cuts me down at once ; so that I have been forced to think, much 
 against my desire, of looking out another to put in his place ; and, at last, 
 I have found one,* of whose morals, experience and fidelity, I have some 
 knowledge, and of his family, forty years, also a recommending character 
 from persons of great rank. And, he assures me, he intends to centre 
 with us, and end his days in that country, being forty-six years of age, 
 and has sold his estate in Europe, to lay out his money there, and be a 
 good freeholder among you. 
 
 " Highly commended by Lieutenant-General Earle and Major-General 
 Cadogan, and the Ingoldsby family, as Avell as Major Morris, my Steward, 
 and some friends in Ireland : and if he goes, it will be as one resolved to 
 retire, and absolutely disposed to recommend himself to you by sobriety 
 and thriftincss, rather than luxury or rapaciousness. Which I thought 
 tit to communicate. And pray break it to him, [Governor Evans] and 
 that the reason why I chose to change, rather than contest with the com- 
 plaints before the Queen in Council, is, that he may stand the fixirer for 
 any employment elsewhere ; which would be very doubtful if those blem- 
 ishes were aggravated in such a presence. * * * 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 • Colonel Charles GooJin. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 499 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 Penn's pecuniary embarrassments ; Treachery of his Steward ; The Fords 
 claim Pennsylvania ; Letters of Penn and Logan about Ford's Accounts ; 
 Suit in Chancery ; Penn's friends offer a composition of the claim ; Diffi- 
 culty interposed by D. Lloyd's accusation ; I. Norris's certificate about 
 the Spurious llcmonstrance of 1704 ; Letter of Penn ; Letter of I. Norris 
 about Penn's Arrest and Imprisonment for Debt ; Ford's Claim Settled ; 
 Penn released from the Fleet Prison. 
 
 1706-8. 
 
 While William Penn was stnjo:u"linp^ with the difficulties attcn- 
 dant on his station as Proprietary, and burdened with sorrow for 
 the dereliction of his son, he was subjected to the most galling 
 pecuniary embarrassments by the treachery of his steward. 
 
 Philip Ford was a man of respectable standing ; a member of 
 the Society of Friends, and much esteemed by Penn, who 
 employed him in the management of his estates, placing implicit 
 confidence in his integrity, and accepting his accounts without 
 scrutiny. It was this easy, confiding temper, so amiable in 
 itself, that led the Proprietary into many of the difficulties he 
 encountered. In a letter to Thomas Lloyd and others, dated in 
 1685, he thus speaks of Ford, who was one of the first purchas- 
 ers of land in Pennsylvania, but resided in England ; " I would 
 have you forthwith take care and order Philip Ford's city lot, for 
 his ten thousand acres, * * and his hundred and fifty 
 acres in the suburbs, to be laid out the very next of all that is 
 not taken up, for he deserves of the whole country to be pre- 
 ferred, that for the good of it, has neglected the advancement of 
 his own."* Yet at that very time, or soon after, this unfaithful 
 steward was weaving the toils that were to bind his unsuspect- 
 ing friend and emplo}'er, and, when he had him completely in 
 his power, he exacted without mercy his exorbitant demands. 
 
 • Pemberton MSS. 
 
500 LIFE OF 
 
 On the large sums of money that passed through his hands, 
 for many years, he charged unreasonable commissions, and on 
 his advances, he calculated compound interest, every six months, 
 at eiglit per cent, which was one-third more than the law^ allowed, 
 by which means, although he had received seventeen thousand 
 pounds and expended ,£16,000 only, he brought the Proprietary 
 in his debt to the amount of ten thousand five hundred pounds. 
 Penn, from time to time, accepted his accounts, without sufficient 
 examination, and finally to secure the debt gave him a lien upon 
 his province, in the form of a deed of conveyance. After the 
 death of Philip Ford, his widow and son Philip endeavored to 
 obtain possession, which gave rise to the following correspon- 
 dence. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 (about ford's claim.) 
 
 "28th 10th month, 1705. 
 " I offered upon the adjusting the accounts, (against which I have great 
 and equitable exceptions,) that the half should be then presently paid, 
 and the other reasonably secured ; and that, as I desired not to be a judge 
 in my own case, I did propose to refer it to Friends of their and my own 
 choosing. Both which, (after three years agitation,) they refused. On 
 •which, I complained to the meeting they belonged unto ; and had it not 
 been for the young man's late illness, which hindered their attendance on 
 the meeting, that adjourned from week to week, mostly on that account, 
 they had been disowned by' the meeting, or had stopped their proceedings 
 in chancery. Those people have been very dilatory, false, and changeable, 
 as well as insolent and unmannerly ; and their strength is not their cause, 
 but their abettors — some of the worst among you, and of such here as 
 have long laid a design to supplant both me and mine. I hope the Lord 
 will disappoint them, to their shame. The reason why they will not 
 refer their case, is supposed to be the blackness and injustice of the 
 account, which by chancery they hope to stifle, and have the oppressive 
 sum allowed, being upon security. But my counsel, (esteemed the top of 
 that court,) assures me otherwise ; and then, their £12,000 pretence must 
 bear a considerable abatement ; Mdiose accounts, though so voluminous, 
 have been, though Providence, rather than by my carefulness, preserved 
 entire ; having never opened them, since the family delivered them sealed 
 to me, 'till on this occasion. Some of the exceptions thereunto are these : 
 First, lie received more moneys of mine than ever he paid for me, as 
 appears from the account enclosed. Second, That the pretended sum 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 501 
 
 amounts to that height by an unreasonable and voracious coniputation'of 
 compound interest every six months (sometimes sooner,) at sis, butoftcner 
 at eight per cent. Third, The unusual and extravagant sum he sets down 
 as salary money, for paying himself out of my money — and 22 per cent. 
 for money advanced, when the custom here is but J per cent. Fourth, 
 That he did not set down any of the times on which he received £8000 of 
 my money, whereby one might bring the account to a balance — but con- 
 tinued the first sum advanced, which was £2800, and the compound interest 
 thereof, reckoned every six months ; with other demands, as aforesaid. 
 There are many things more which I cannot insert, by reason of the short- 
 ness of time. 
 
 " Friends' lettei", with the many subscriptions [signatures] is come to 
 hand. My dear love to them all, and let none be concerned about the 
 lands they purchased, either before or since my last being among you, for 
 care was taken therein : and let them know, that I neither have, nor wil- 
 lingly shall surrender, since they desire I should not." 
 
 "London, 9lh Twelfth month, 1705. 
 " Clear off the Fords and I fly to you ; and, I believe, some here will 
 advance half — at least one-third, did Friends there do the like ; and thou, 
 out of mine own in thy hands, or due to me, help to crown all, — be the 
 same sis or twelve thousand pounds to be paid." 
 
 Thomas Callowhill, Penn's father-in-law, wrote at this period 
 to James Logan, from Bristol, under date of 23d of First month, 
 1706: 
 
 " I have seen their accounts, stated under both their hands, (W. P. and 
 P. F.,) in which by his easiness and want of caution, (as thou observes 
 it,) he gave the wretch opportunities of his base, barbarous, and wicked 
 extortions, that ariseth to so great a bulk ; which, had they been corrected 
 in time, would not have amounted to the tenth part of wliat they now 
 are. That little knowledge I have of it troubles me ; yet I have comfort 
 in this, that though their concern seems great and exercising, neither him 
 nor my daughter sinks under it, but from the Divine power have supports 
 to their spirits ; and I pray God it may turn to their good, and be instruc- 
 tion to their posterity." 
 
 And Isaac Norris, then in London, wrote about the same date to the 
 Secretary ; " After all, I think the fable of the palm good in him — ' the ' 
 more he is pressed, the more he rises.' He seems of a spirit fit to bear, 
 and rub through difiiculties ; and as thou observes, his foundation remains. 
 I have been at some meetings with him, and have been much comforted 
 in them, and particularly last First-day."* 
 
 • "The Friend." 
 
502 LIFE OF 
 
 JAMES LOGAN TO THOMAS CALLOWHILL. 
 
 " 13th of 6th mo., 1706. 
 
 " I fear we shall be engaged in great perplexities, by reason of that 
 most unfortunate business of Philip Ford. Never was any person more 
 barbarously treated, or baited with undeserved enemies. He [William 
 Penn] has been able to foil all attacks from public adversaries ; but, 'tis 
 his fortune to meet with greatest severities from those that owe most to 
 him. One would think there was almost a commission granted, as against 
 Job, for his trial ; for such an accumulation of adversaries has seldom 
 been known to attack a person that so little deserved them. It must be 
 confessed that something of it all is owing to his easiness and want of 
 caution. 
 
 " I wish some of those that are acquainted with the more effectual way 
 of transacting such concerns would search into the bottom of it ; consider, 
 by the most unbiassed advice, the strength of his antagonists, and endea- 
 vor to fix on the most effectual means for his security ; for, as far as I can 
 gather from the accounts which I have at such a distance, Philip Ford's 
 designs were base and barbarous from the beginning. 
 
 " And what an old, cunning, self-interested man, with such intentions, 
 might be capable of doing, when he had so much goodness, open-hearted- 
 ness, and confidence in his honesty to deal with, is not difficult to 
 imagine." 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 " London, 10th 4th mo , 1707. 
 
 " Our chancery suit is like to go to the House of Lords, not because the 
 Lord Chancellor does not repute it a mortgage, and not a fee, (for that he 
 has already done,) but because I have great hopes to have the accounts 
 reduced to at least a moiety. * * Many great men interfere for the 
 ending it by reference, or lumping it, to prevent scanning those enormous 
 accounts ; and certainly that must be a base and wretched account, that 
 cannot stand the inquiry of an honest and able accountant. 
 
 "But my son-in-law, Aubrey, grows very troublesome, because he gets 
 nothing thence, — almost an open break, did I not bear with him extreme- 
 ly : all his last bills are protested ; at which he has no patience, and truly 
 it is provoking. * * But I bless the Lord I am yet upon my rock — a 
 lasting foundation ! and had [I] but supplies from thence, I could yet 
 bear up my head till matters issue with the Fords, and should hope for a 
 comfortable and easy conclusion of my present troubles, and days, too, in 
 God's time. 
 
 " I desire thee to hasten all the relief thou canst, both to me and my 
 son Aubrey, of whom I Avould be clear, of all men ; he has a bitter 
 tongue, and I wish I had nothing to do with him iu money matters." 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 503 
 
 "8th 5th month. 
 "Prospects dark for the public, yet a good peace hoped for. Give 
 honest and wise Samuel Carpenter, Caleb Pusey, T. Masters, Griffith 
 Owen, and Thomas Story, too, my dear love, not forgetting Captain Ilill, 
 and his sweet wife ; indeed, all that love the truth in its simplicity, my 
 love is for, and forgiveness fur the rest. My God has not forsaken, nor 
 yet forgotten me in all respects. Blessed be his name I" 
 
 IS. NORRIS TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 " Lontlon, 14th of 5th mo., 1707. 
 
 " Dear Friend, James Logan — I am indebted for thine of 10th and 20th, 
 which is still the latest date I have from Pennsylvania. * * * * 
 
 " In the 3d month, came on a hearing before the Lord Chancellor, who 
 declared, that let the accounts be ever so unreasonable, that considering 
 the repeated closures, deeds and confirmations thereupon, he would not 
 set such a precedent as unravelling the accounts would be, thouo-h he 
 were to pay the money himself; yet dropped several expressions, that we 
 think it is his opinion that it would not exceed a mortgage. Since then 
 has been a trial at common law, they having arrested him, as their 
 tenant, for above £2,000, for rent due since the deed of sale and lease ; 
 and upon some mislaying there, it came to a special verdict, and that put 
 off till their Michaelmas Term ; and thus the matter lies. They have 
 spread reports about the country, that he is a prisoner in the Fleet, and 
 are very bold with his reputation in all their discourses of him. There 
 has been some expectation of lumping it, from some former conversation 
 of Philip's, but he now appears adverse. * * To oblige George White- 
 head and some [others,] E. Hartwell, Jos. Wright, Jno. Frome, Jos. and 
 Silvanus Grove, &c., have perused the whole accounts from the beginnino-, 
 and, as one man, declare they never saw nor heard of the like extortion. 
 They have, I think, given in their report to G. W., to show the widow, 
 and to try what he can do to bring them to reason." * * * 
 
 The friends of Penn, both in England and Pennsylvania, had 
 begun to move in earnest to raise funds for his assistance. 
 
 Logan, ever faithful to the interest of his patron, was using 
 his utmost endeavors to procure subscriptions for a loan, and, at 
 the same time, wrote to the Proprietary advising him to sell his 
 government to the Crown, in order to obtain the desired relief. 
 
 While these arrangements were proceeding, Penn wrote to 
 the Secretary under date 16th of 8th month, 1707. 
 
 " Now know, that divers of my friends, to whom I am indebted, as 
 well per bonds, as notes and book-debts, clear me here for bills at six 
 months sight upon what is owing me there, and that is in thy hands. A 
 
504 LIFE OF 
 
 great relief to me from clamor and charge here, and the greatest benefit 
 that place (i. e. Pennsylvania) has yet yielded me. Pray, compl}'^ therewith, 
 and that in a respectful manner ; and what thou canst not do in time, 
 having so copious a fund sure, my friends there will assist thee, upon 
 credit thereof, to comply handsomely with the said bills. I have drawn 
 them at sixty per cent. (^Bills drawn, thirteen names=£1139 55, Od.") 
 
 But the progress of these measures was unexpectedly inter- 
 rupted. The exaggerated reports and artful misrepresentations 
 sent over to England by David Lloyd and his associates in 
 Pennsylvania, had poisoned the minds of some Friends in Lon- 
 don ; it was manifest that Governor Evans had been guilty of 
 many abuses in his administration, and they began to fear that 
 Penn, who was slow in giving credence to the reports sent over, 
 was not entirely clear of blame. This w-as one of the severest 
 of all his trials, that those who stood high in society — who had 
 been his companions in suffering — who had mingled with him 
 in the sweet fellowship of religious communion, should now, in 
 this season of adversity, doubt his rectitude, was like adding the 
 wormwood and the gall to the cup of his afflictions. 
 
 This circumstance is alluded to in the following letter from 
 Isaac Norris to Samuel Carpenter : 
 
 " Perhaps David Lloyd may be uneasy or displeased at the certificate I 
 have given under my hand, at the request of G. W., &c., concerning the 
 printed remonstrance of 1704. I was with several friends at the chamber, 
 and when I saw the great stress laid upon it, as from an Assembly, by 
 William Meade especially, and that in the remonstrance of 1706 a refer- 
 ence was insinuated to former complaints, and in the margin, I could not 
 forbear telling them that remonstrance was not fair, nor gained above- 
 board. The copy of my certificate runs thus : ' Having been a mem- 
 ber of the Assembly of Pennsylvania in the year 1704, I do certify and 
 declare that this foregoing paper called, A Representation of the Freemen 
 of Pennsylvania, dated the 25th day of 6th mo., 1704, signed as above by 
 David Lloyd, Speaker, did never duly pass the said Assembly, nor was it 
 once read therein, as witness my hand, &c.' 
 
 " Perhaps David Lloyd may pretend, because I have so worded the cer- 
 tificate, it is evasion and not a full declaration of the matter. But I do 
 assure thee, I acquainted Friends Avith a full and true state of the matter, 
 viz. that they read heads in the Assembles had a minute for drawing it 
 up, and who were appointed to do it, and how many of those concerned 
 acted in it, likewise the concern of some Friends about it, and they being 
 all along refused a copy Upon which G. W. declared it wrong, and that 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 505 
 
 it was his opinion nothing ouglit to pass under the authority of the As- 
 sembly without being first read and perfected therein, and thereupon 
 pressed me to give it him, under my hand, that it was never read in the 
 Assembly, from whence it was dated. I have got a copy of the remon- 
 strance, and 'tis pretty enough to see Griffith Jones's and David Lloyd's 
 memorandum, upon their second reading it, after the first was lost. 
 
 " I am thy cordial friend, ISAAC NORRIS." 
 
 In a postscript to the foregoing letter, I. Norris states, tliat Penn 
 had signed a paper directed to S. Carpenter, G. Owen, and T. 
 Story, and observes that, "what is done serves the purpose." 
 
 The following is doubtless the paper alluded to: 
 
 TO SAMUEL CARPENTER, GRIFFITH OWEN, THOMAS STORY, CALEB 
 PUSEY, ROWLAND ELLIS, AND RICHARD HILL. 
 
 " London, 7th 8th mo., 1708. 
 " Dear Frientds and Brethren — In the ancient tender love that lono- 
 since hath engaged our hearts to the Lord, and in Ilim, to one another, I 
 salute you. 
 
 " And whereas there hath been communicated to me by George White- 
 head, William Meade and Thomas Lower, the copy of an address made to 
 me, from the late Assembly of Pennsylvania, held 170G,* containing com- 
 plaints of divers unfair and injurious things in the administration of the 
 government, I have, at their request, and out of a desire to satisfy the in- 
 habitants in their just and reasonable expectations, writ to my Deputy- 
 Governor, to exert the utmost of his authority to punish vice: and, in 
 order to do it effectually, to reduce the number of public houses ; and that 
 such as are allowed within the city, be recommended to him by the ma- 
 gistrates of the city, and for the county, by the justices thereof, in open 
 sessions. I have also severely checked his treatment of the constables of 
 Philadelphia, and, likewise, the countenance he seemed to give to that false 
 and reprovable alarm, that so much disturbed the people. 
 
 " I have also shown my great dissatisfaction, indeed abhorrence, of the 
 late treatment of my friends in the lower counties, by the militia law, 
 (and far beyond it,) which I shall take all possible cai-e here, to prevent 
 being confirmed. In the meantime, I have ordered him to stop all such 
 rash proceedings, and prevent them for the future. And in other matters, 
 wherein the inhabitants are really aggrieved, and which is in my power 
 to redress, I shall not be wanting therein. 
 
 "Of all which, I refer you to my Deputy-Governor, Council and Assem- 
 
 • This does not refer to the ppurious remonstrance, which was wriUen in 1704, 
 
 43 
 
506 LIFE OF 
 
 bly, as you shall find occasion to make your address and application unto 
 them. I shall add do more, but my best wishes for your's and the whole 
 people's prosperity, being their and your loving friend, 
 
 " WILLIAN PENN." 
 
 FROM ISAAC NORRIS TO 
 
 «'29th 9br, 1707. 
 
 "Last fifth day, the special verdict at common law, for the rent (as 
 they call it) on the lease, went against William Penn. 'Tis no more than 
 was to be expectea, yet I perceive it goes near him to think of a prison, 
 now it comes to ; though it has been his own, as well as his friends' opin- 
 ion that he ought to do it rather than pay the money, (which, with costs, 
 is near £.3000,) and thereby bear his testimony as honorably against the 
 extortion and fraud of that account, as against other evils, and bear it as 
 a persecution. IIow it will be, I cannot yet say, but believe in a few days 
 he must yield up or abscond, till the next term, when the principle will be 
 determined in Chancery, and he must appeal to the House of Lords." 
 
 The 10th of Eleventh month, Is. Norris wrote again: — "Governor 
 Penn was, last fourth day, arrested at Grace Church street meeting, by 
 order of Piiilip Ford, on an execution on the special verdict for about 
 £3000 rent. He has, by the advice of all his best friends, turned him- 
 self over to the Fleet. I was to see him last night, at his new lodgings in 
 the Old Bailey. He is cheery, and will bear it well ; and, 'tis thought, no 
 better way to bring them to terms. At some, there are hopes of a com- 
 position : at other times, they appear cold and hardened : so that there is 
 no judgment beforehand how it will terminate. I have taken some pains, 
 and sometimes seem to have an interest with them ; but wheu they get 
 with their lawyers all is blown. * * * 
 
 " This act of theirs, with the aggravation of dogging to a meeting, makes 
 a great noise everywhere, but especially among Friends ; and people, who 
 had not troubled themselves before, now appear warm, and I hope still a 
 good issue." 
 
 Another letter, near same date. 
 • " Henry Goldney and Herbert Springett prevented their taking him out 
 of the gallery, by their promise he should come to them, in a few hours, 
 which he accordingly did, and then by a habeas corpus threw himself over 
 to the Fleet, where he has commodious lodgings, and we hope is pretty 
 easy." -x- * * 
 
 ISAAC NORRIS TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 «' London, 6lh 1st month, 1708. 
 "Our Proprietor and Governor is still in the Fleet — good lodgings — and 
 has meetings there, is often visited, and lives comfortably enough for the 
 circumstances * * * 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 507 
 
 " Last sixth day, I mean yosterday-week. I was at a hearing Itefore the 
 Lord ChanceUor. It is like you know how the Fords have petitioned the 
 Queen to l)o put in possession of the country, and tliat tlie Proprietor might 
 be divested of the government, for that they couhl not exj)ect impartiality 
 from his officers ; and produced the proclamation made by King Cliarlea 
 II., (at the time of the grant, that the people should yield obedience to 
 William Perm,) as an exam[)le ; that the like might be to Governor Philip 
 or to Governess Bridget, now ! 
 
 " Sir Simon Harcourt and Sir Edward Northey pleaded: the first said 
 all the ease would bear, but the last overthrew the whole project, and ob- 
 served, first, the Fords had no words assigning the government, and if 
 they had, its possibility was still questional^le : 2ndly, that the property 
 was not alienated, for the matter in debate was not yet ended in that 
 court; therefore they had abused her majesty, to tell her they had re- 
 covered their right in her courts ; and if it were so, yet equity of redemp- 
 tion remained; and [ho] positively, (with all deference,) declared, the 
 Queen could not grant possession ; for the law must determine property 
 between subject and subject ; that they must begin in the courts of Penn- 
 sylvania ; — with much more. 
 
 " The Chancellor agreed to what he said, allowing it to be reasonable ; 
 declared positively, that the equity' of redemption still remained in William 
 Peun and his heirs, though thei/ should at last recover ; told the Forda 
 they were too early to ask such a thing of the Queen, if it were ever so 
 proper ; and as to taking the government, that could not be, for it would 
 not be decent (to use his cjwn words) to make government ambulatory. 
 
 " Stated : — ' Suppose the Queen should, as they desired, proclaim the 
 government, then, perhaps a year, or a year and a half or two years hence, 
 Mr. Penn might, by himself or friends, pay the whole money demanded, 
 if recovered ; or might in the meantime, have his plea of abatement to the 
 accounts granted, (which he would not say was impossible, though there 
 was probability against it,) or might otherwise compound it, and then the 
 Queen must be petitioned to proclaim back again.' He spoke more fully 
 and handsomely than I can repeat, and, in a word, their petition wiia 
 laid aside, and the Queen will be advised not to answer it." 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 "London, Tul of od month, 1708. 
 " The Fords seem to embrace an accommodation, and several Friends 
 and others not of our profession, interpose to mediate it. Seven thousand 
 pounds looks to bo the sum; to be sure that, or eight will do it effectually : 
 (and though I don't like my friends' method, yet it will do, I hope, at last,) 
 in which my poor recovering father, Callowhill, comes in for £1000, for 
 his share. So that I hope to regain my property, and pay them by way 
 
508 LIFE OF 
 
 of the government, or what arises there. The Lord Treasurer* I hope, wiM 
 lend me seven thousand, and receive it in New York, for the service of 
 the government, or for us, and give me nine years to pay it in ; and I find 
 Secretai-y Lownds inclinable to encourage it as a practicable thing ; and 
 then I may still keep the government, or at least for a time." 
 
 Notwitstanding Penn had offered for '■'■peace sake'"' to pay 
 such a sum as disinterested men might award ; and " even more'''' 
 than " men of honor, conscience and judgment, should think 
 just and reasonable," yet the Fords still remained inexorable, 
 ahd he continued about nine months within the prison bounds. 
 
 The following letter from Penn to Friends in Pennsylvania, 
 was written a short time previous to his release from prison and 
 sent by Governor Gookin. 
 
 It shows that he still looked towards Pennsylvania as the 
 home of his old age, and he was cheered in his adversity by the 
 consolations of religion. 
 
 "London, 28ih 7th month, 1708. 
 
 " Dear Friends and Brethren : — My ancient love, if you can believe it, 
 reaches to you as in times past, and years that are gone ; even in the 
 Divine root and principle of love and life, that made us near to one ano- 
 ther ; above all worldly considerations ; where our life, I hope, is hid with 
 Christ in God, our Fatlier ; so that when he appears, we shall also appear 
 with him in glory ; and in the meantime througli us, to those that love and 
 wait for his appearance, as the desire of nations, that we may glorify 
 God, his, and our everlasting Father, in our bodies, souls, and spirits, in 
 temporal and eternal affairs. * * * 
 
 " Oh, my dear friends, let all below this, keep on the left hand ; and 
 wait to feel those blessed things, to inherit the right hand ; and in faith 
 and courage cry aloud to the Lord, for his renewing and refreshing power, 
 that may revive and reform his work upon your hearts and minds ; and 
 our humility, meekness, patience, self-denial and charity, with a blameless 
 walking, may appear and manifest the work of God upon our hearts, to 
 those that are without ; which is not only the way to bring up the loiterers, 
 and gather in the careless ones to their duty ; but fetch home and bring 
 in, the strangers and the very enemies of the blessed truth, to confess and 
 acknowledge that God is in you and for you of a truth. * * * 
 
 " I earnestly beseech you to assist James Logan, and who else the 
 trustees for the payment of the money here advanced shall nominate, not 
 only to get in, but turn into money, the best you are able, that I may come 
 
 * Lord Sidney Godolphin. 
 
WILLIAM PENN". blVJ 
 
 honoraMi/ to yon and speedily, which I hope to do, as soon as you and 
 those friends here think fit Let nie have this pledge of your love, and it 
 shall be a lasting one, to advise and assist you for the expediting of the 
 matter ; for be assured I long to be vrith yon ; and if the Lord bring me 
 and mine there, I hope not to return on almost any terms, at least not 
 without your advice and satisfaction ; for care of you, and settling planta- 
 tions for my poor minors ; for planters, God willing, they shall he in their 
 father's country, rather than great merchants in their native land : and to 
 visit friends throughout the continent: at least, their chiefest business. 
 
 " In the first love I leave you and yours, and all the Lord's people 
 amongst you ; my family and aff"airs, to the merciful providence and 
 orderings of our great and gracious God, that welcomed us in poor Ameri- 
 ca, with his excellent love and presence, and will, I hope, once more ; and 
 remain your h)ving friend, WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 During Penn's imprisonment his friends continued to exert 
 themselves in his behalf: the Fords at last consented to mve 
 him a full acquittance on the payaient of seven thousand six 
 hundred pounds, and the amount being raised, as stated in his 
 last letter to Logan, he was again set at liberty; which he an- 
 nounced to his faithful Secretary in the following terms : 
 
 " Kensington, 29lh, xbr, 1708. 
 
 " The ships being still at Spithead, I send this to let thee know that a 
 day or two after C(j1. Gookin left me, the Fords were paid, and the country 
 redeemed, to and by me ; and 1 granted my assistants a fresh mortgage, 
 without naming that base f\xmily therein. 
 
 " Secondly, I have sent you a new Lieutenant-Governor, and also a 
 charter for a free school for Friends, which, with orders to Col. Quarry to 
 accept of customs of tobacco in kind, will I hope, strike all, even the worst 
 of my enemies, with fear, respect and confusion." 
 
 Throughout the whole of this vexatious and humiliating busi- 
 ness, he evinced the })atience and fortitude of the true Chiistian, 
 whose affections are fixed not on earthly, but on heavenly thii.gs ; 
 and the beautiful remark of Isaac Norris, seemed applicable to 
 him, that " God darkens this world to us, that our eyes may- 
 behold the greater brightness of his king-dom." 
 
510 LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 Letter of William Penn recommending Governor Gookin : Rumor about a 
 Silver Mine ; Address of Assembly to Governor Gookin ; His Answer ; 
 Logan Censured by Assembly ; He Demands a Trial, which they Evade ; 
 Requisition of the Queen for Men and Money ; Assembly's Answer ; 
 Another Remonstrance against Logan ; He Prefers Charges against D. 
 Lloyd ; The Assembly Pass an Order to Imprison Logan ; The Governor 
 Protects Him ; He Embarks for England ; Logan's Acquittal in Eng- 
 land ; An Entirely Xew Assembly Elected ; Harmony Restored ; J. 
 Norris's Letters ; William Penn's Expostulatory Letter to People of 
 Pennsylvania ; The Assembly Grant £2000 for the Queen's Use ; Act to 
 Prevent the Importation of Negroes ; Annulled 1;y the Crown. 
 
 1709-12. 
 
 Governor Gookin airived in Pennsylvania in March, {then the 
 1st month,) 1709. He was the bearer of a letter from William 
 Penn to his friends in the province, in which he says : 
 
 " Now, my dear friends, * * * I have sent a new Governor of 
 years and experience, of a quiet, easy temper, that I hope Avill give offence 
 to none ; nor too easily put up with any, if offered him, without hope of 
 amendment. 
 
 " The Queen very graciously approved him at first offer, and gave him 
 her hand to kiss : and, at last, being introduced by the Earl of Godolphin, 
 Lord High Treasurer of Great Britain, at Windsor, she added, ' Sir, I 
 wish you a good journey, and shall be ready to serve you.' He is sober, 
 understands to command and obey ; moderate in his temper, and of what 
 they call a good family ; his grandfather. Sir Yincent Gookin, having 
 been an early planter in Ireland, in King -James the First and King 
 Charles's days ; and he intends, if not ill treated, to lay his bones, as well 
 as substance, among you, having taken leave of the war, and of both 
 England and Ireland, to live amongst you ; and as he is not voluptuous, 
 so I hope he will be an example of thriftiness. In short, he has instruc- 
 tions as much to the virtue, justice, and peace of the country, as I can ex- 
 press myself, or you desire, for your comfortable living. Pray, therefore, 
 receive him kindly, and express it by a modest subsistence, or rather give 
 it me to give him, or how you please."* 
 
 • Proud's History of Pennsylvania, ii., 4. 
 
WILLIAM PEXX. 511 
 
 In another letter near the same date, addressed to the Secre- 
 tary, Penn alludes to a rumor that had reached him, of a rich 
 silver mine having been discovered in the province. The report 
 of such a discovery appears to have originated in the mysterious 
 movements of a Swiss named Michel, in the vicinity of Cones- 
 toga, which excited the suspicions of the Indians, one of whom 
 conveyed the intelligence to the Council in Philadelphia. It 
 seems that Penn had received information which induced him 
 to suspect that the mine was secretly worked, and that Evans, 
 his deputy, shared the profits. 
 
 In one of his letters to the Secretary, he says : 
 
 " Pray, scrutinize this matter well, and let me hear from thee with all 
 the speed thou canst ; for the assurance Michel gives me, makes me soli- 
 citous to pry into this affair, whence help may arrive to deliver me." 
 
 It is not surprising that, in his embarrassed circumstances, he 
 should indulge the hope of being relieved from his pecuniarv 
 troubles, by this supposed discovery ; but the cheering prospect 
 ended in disappointment, for no such mine could be found. 
 
 When Governor Gookin arrived in Philadelphia the Assembly, 
 then in session, presented him an address, signed by David 
 Lloyd, their Speaker, in which, unhappily, they not onlv al- 
 luded to the conduct of his immediate predecessor, but request- 
 ed that he might be prosecuted and punished for malversation 
 in office, and they intimated that he had been influenced by 
 " evil counsel,'''' to which they attributed his obnoxious mea- 
 sures. 
 
 The Governor, in his answer, expressed his regret that on his 
 first appearance among tliem, subjects should be brought before 
 him not within his cognizance ; for, although the measures com- 
 plained of, were well known in England, he had no instructions 
 concerning them. He was desirous to redress all grievances 
 within his power ; but he thought the " most effectual method to 
 free the people from the apprehensions of grievances would be 
 to lay aside all former animosities and jealousies, and apply 
 themselves to such business as they were concerned in for the 
 pubhc." 
 
 The Council, or those members of it who had been in office 
 
512 LIFE OF 
 
 during the administration of Evans, considered the Assembly's 
 allusion to "evil counsel" as a censure upon them ; whereupon 
 they presented an address to the Governor, denying that they 
 had advised the measures complained of, asserting that they de- 
 rived no emolument from the office, and that they could have 
 no other object in view than the public good. 
 
 The Assembly, in another address, replied that they designed 
 the charge against the Secretary, and some others not of the 
 Council. Logan immediately appHed for a trial upon the charges 
 formerly preferred against him, but the Assembly took no action 
 upon it till near the close of the session. 
 
 In the meantime the Governor, in obedience to an order from 
 the Queen, made a requisition upon the Assembly for assistance 
 towards a military expedition against Canada. The quota re- 
 quired from Pennsylvania was 150 men, and a contribution in 
 money. The Governor stated to the House, that being aware 
 of the scruples of many of the inhabitants against bearing arms, 
 he would excuse them from furnishing troops if they would raise 
 a subsidy of four thousand pounds. 
 
 After much debate the Assembly replied that they could not, 
 for conscience sake, comply with the requisition, but in grati- 
 tude to the Queen, for her many favors, they had resolved 
 to raise and present her with five hundred pounds, as a 
 testimony of their loyalty. This was, by no means, satisfactory 
 to the Governor, who insisted upon a larger sura, and the As- 
 sembly subsequently offered to add three hundred pounds for a 
 present to the Indians and other public charges, and two hun- 
 dred pounds fur the Governor's salary, expecting, in return, his 
 concurrence in redressing their grievances.* The Governor re- 
 sented this condition as a want of confidence and courtesy, and 
 the remainder of the session was spent in fruitless debates and 
 messages. 
 
 On the last day of the session the Assembly adopted another 
 remonstrance, containing heavy charges against Logan, intend- 
 ed, as he believed, for political effect, as he was not then allowed 
 to answer it, and they had it publicly read in the several coun- 
 ties on the day of election. 
 
 • Colonial RecorJs, ii. 495. 
 
WILLIAM PENN". OiO 
 
 In the next Assembly, which met in October, (then Stli mo.,) 
 1709, the same party was predominant, and David Lloyd was 
 again chosen Speaker. 
 
 Loffan, who had hitherto stood on the defensive, now became 
 the assailant, and preferred, through the Governor, charges 
 against Lloyd, for high misdemeanor, probably founded on the 
 spurious remonstrance of 1704, and the correspondence con- 
 nected therewith. He, at the same time, demanded a trial on 
 the accusations made against himself, and stated that he was 
 about to embark for England. 
 
 The Assembly, instead of attempting to prove their charges 
 against the Secretary, passed a resolution for his arrest and im- 
 prisonment, " for reflecting on sundry members of the House, 
 and charging their proceedings with unfairness and injustice." 
 
 The Governor interposed for his protection, by a supersedeas^ 
 to prevent the execution of the Speaker's writ, and Logan em- 
 barked for England. 
 
 A letter of Isaac Norris written soon after, exonerates the 
 Society of Friends from much of the blame attached to these 
 factious proceedings : 
 
 ISAAC NORRIS TO JOSEPH PIKE. 
 
 " 18th Twelfth month. 1709-10. 
 "Most of these sticklers in Assembly are either Keitheans, or such as 
 stand loose from Friends, who have other ends than what is penetrated 
 into by some pretty honest, but not knowing men." * * 
 
 About the time of Logan's embarkation, the Assembly, " enter- 
 ed upon tlieir minutes, an assurance which the Speaker had re- 
 ceived by letter from George Whitehead and Thomas Lower, 
 that he should in England b' brought to his trial upon the articles 
 charged against him." It appears that, after a full hearing there, 
 he was triumphantly acquitted, " both by Friends and the civil 
 authorities."* The confidence of William Penn in his Secretary 
 never wavered ; and even in the province, a reaction took place 
 soon after his departure. The friends of the Proprietary rallied; 
 
 • Friend, xix, 210. 
 
614 LIFE OF 
 
 the eyes of the people were opened to the deceptions that had been 
 practised upon them, and Lloyd's party was completely prostrated. 
 In the election of 1710 not a single member of the last Assem- 
 bly was returned ; all M'ere the friends of the Proprietary ; they 
 chose Richard Hill for their Speaker, and their proceedings were 
 characterised by order, decorum and despatch. 
 
 ISAAC NORRIS T(5 JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 •' Philadelphia, 29th 8br., 1710. 
 " Our Assembly met at the time, and adjourned to the 4th xbr, with 
 consent of the governor, and all, so far, in good humor and well. We 
 met with difficulty in getting papers ; — they cull and keep back what they 
 please ; — there is not a word to be seen of the foul minutes of 1704, but a 
 fair, large, lying full one, stiched up in the book. Brother Ilill, Speaker ; 
 — David Lloyd moved to Chester ; — the country pretty quiet and easy. 
 Thou used to talk of Astral influences ; I am not very superstitious, though 
 I cannot but .take notice how universally and resolutely Friends were 
 spirited about this election ; nay, some, from whose cautious or careful 
 temper, so much could hardly be expected." 
 
 The remark about astral influences was only a piece of pleasant- 
 ry; his sentiments are more seriously expressed below. 
 
 ISAAC NORRIS TO WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 " Philadelphia. 23d 9br., 1710. 
 " Thine, directed to Edward Shippen, with the enclosed copy of thy 
 welcome expostulatory letter to thy Friends, and the people here, of 
 29th Fourth month, came to hand by the packet boat, three days since. 
 Several of thy good friends have already seen it, and are extremely 
 pleased therewith. It is so consolatory to thy friends, so tender and soft 
 where it touches the others, and suitable to the present postui-e of affairs 
 here, that we think it cannot be made too public. Notwithstanding, the 
 contenders may perhaps cavil ; and to-morrow, being our Monthly IMeet- 
 ing, [we] shall consider the most proper method to make it so. Had it 
 happily arrived before the election, it might have facilitated the work, 
 and been some support to Friends, under the exercise which seemed to 
 fall on several, with more than usual weight ; who, contrary to their incli- 
 nations against mobbish contests, resolutely stemmed the insolent assu- 
 rances that some seemed to have, that they could not be laid aside. Sure an 
 over-ruling hand directed that our thoughts and steps here, should bo so 
 answerable to thine there ; and I heartily pray, the providential hand 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 515 
 
 which governs all, may particularly influence here, and direct us to peace, 
 duty, moderation, and right things." * * * 
 
 The expostulatory letter of Penn referred to above, is given in 
 full, by Proud and Clarkson, who attributed to its influence the 
 remarkable change in the Assembly ; and Gordon, in his History 
 of Pennsylvania, expresses the same sentiment; adding that 
 " Lloyd thus beheld the fragile staff on which he leaned break 
 under him, and his violence against the Secretary recoil upon 
 himself." Norris v.'as a prominent member of the new Assem- 
 bly, and it appears from his statement that Penn's letter did not 
 arrive till after the election. Its effect, however, was most 
 salutary ; being a beautiful exposition of his affectionate regard 
 and parental care for the people of his province. 
 
 « London, 29th 4th month, 1710. 
 
 " My Old Friends — It is a mournful consideration, and the cause of 
 deep affliction to me that I am forced, by the oppressions and disappoint- 
 ments which have fallen to ray share in this life, to speak to the people of 
 that province in a language I once hoped I should never have had occasion 
 to use. But the many troubles and oppositions that I have met with from 
 thence oblige me, in plainness and freedom, to expostulate with you con- 
 cerning the causes of them. 
 
 " When it pleased God to open a way for me to settle that colony, I had 
 reason to expect a solid comfort from the services done to many hundreds 
 of people ; and it was no small satisfaction to me that I have net been 
 disappointed in seeing them prosper, and growing up to a flourishing 
 country, blessed with liberty, ease, and plenty, beyond what many of 
 themselves could expect, and wanting nothing to make themselves happy 
 but what, with a right temper of mind and prudent conduct, they might 
 give themselves. But, alas ! as to my part, instead of reaping the like 
 advantages, some of the greatest of my troubles have arisen from thence. 
 The many combats I have engaged in, the great pains and incredible 
 expense to your welfare and ease, to the decay of my former estate, of 
 which (however some there would represent it) I too sensibly feel the effects, 
 with the undeserved opposition I have met with from thence, sink me into 
 sorrow, that, if not supported by a superior hand, might have overwhelm- 
 ed me long ago. And I cannot but think it hard measure, that, while that 
 has proved a land of freedom and flourishing, it should become to me, by 
 whose means it was principally made a country, the cause of grief, trouble 
 and poverty. 
 
 " For this reason I must desire you all, even of all professions and 
 degrees (for, although all have not been engaged in the measures that have 
 
516 LIFE OF 
 
 been taken, yet every man who lias interest there is, or must be, concern- 
 ed in them by their effects), I must therefore, I say, desire you all, in a 
 serious and true weightiness of mind, to consider what you are, or have 
 been doing ; why matters must be carried on with these divisions and con- 
 tentions ; and what real causes have been given, on my side, for that oppo- 
 sition to me and mj interest, which I have met with, as if I were an enemy, 
 and not a friend, after all I have done and spent both here and there : I 
 am sure I know not of any cause whatsoever. Were I sensible you really 
 wanted any thing of me, in the relation between us, that would make you 
 happier, I should readily grant it, if any reasonable man would say it 
 were fit for you to demand, provided you would also take such measures 
 as were fit for me to join with, 
 
 " Before any one family had transported themselves thither, I earnestly 
 endeavored to form such a model of government as might make all con- 
 cerned in it easy ; which, nevertheless, was subject to be altered as there 
 should be occasion. Soon after we got over, that model appeared, in some 
 parts of it, to be^very inconvenient, if not impracticable. The numbers of 
 members, both in the Council and Assembly, were much too large. Some 
 other matters also proved inconsistent with the King's charter to me ; so 
 that, according to the power reserved for an alteration, there was a necessity 
 to make one, in which, if the lower counties (the Territories) were brought 
 in, it was well known at that time, to be on a view of advantage to the 
 province itself, as well as to the people of those counties, and to the general 
 satisfaction of those concerned, without the least apprehension of any 
 irregularity in the method. 
 
 " Upon this they had another charter passed, nemine contradicente, which 
 I always desired might be continued while you yourselves would keep up 
 to it and put it in practice ; and many there know how much it was against 
 my will, that, upon my last going over, it was vacated. But, after this was 
 laid aside (which, indeed, was begun by yourselves in Colonel Fletcher's 
 time), I, according to my engagement, left another, with all the privileges 
 that were found convenient for your good government ; and, if any part of 
 it has been, in any case, infringed, it was never by my approbation. I 
 desired it might be enjoyed fully. But, though privileges ought to be 
 tenderly preserved, they should not, on the other hand, be asserted under 
 that name, to a licentiousness : the design of government is to preserve 
 good order, which may be equally broke in upon by the turbulent endeavors 
 of the people, as well as the overstraining of power in a Governor. I 
 designed the people should be secured of an annual fixed election and 
 Assembly ; and that they should have the same privileges in it that any 
 other Assembly has in the Queen's dominions ; among all which this is one 
 constant rule, as in the Parliament here, that they should sit on their own 
 adjournments ; but to strain this expression to a power to meet at all times 
 during the year, without the Governor's concurrence, would be to distort 
 government, to break the due proportion of the parts of it, to establish con- 
 fusion in the place of necessary order, and make the legislative the executive 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 517 
 
 part of government. Yet, for obtaining this power, I perceive, much time 
 and money has been spent, and great struggles have been made, not only 
 for this, but some other things that cannot at all be for the advantage of 
 the people to be possessed of; particularly the appointing of judges ; because 
 the administration might, by such means, be so clogged, that it M^ould be 
 difficult, if possible, under our circumstances, at some times to support it. 
 As for my own part, as I desire nothing more than the tranquillity and 
 prosperity of the province and government in all its branches, could I see 
 that any of these things that have been contended for would certainly 
 promote these ends, it would be a matter of indifference to me how they 
 were settled. But, seeing the frame of every government ought to be regular 
 in itself, well proportioned and subordinate in its parts, and every branch 
 of it invested with sufficient power to discharge its respective duty for the 
 support of the whole, I have cause to believe that nothing could be more 
 destructive to it than to take so much of the provision and executive part 
 of the government out of the Governor's hands and lodge it in an uncertain 
 collective body ; and more especially since our government is dependent, 
 and I am answerable to the Crown, if the administration should fail, and a 
 stop be put to the course of justice. On these considerations, I cannot 
 think it prudent in the people to crave these powers ; because, not only I, 
 but they themselves, would be in danger of suffering by it. Could I believe 
 otherwise, I should not be against granting any thing of this kind, that 
 were asked of me, with any degree of common prudence and civility. But, 
 instead of finding cause to believe the contentions that have been raised 
 about these matters have proceeded only from mistakes of judgment, with 
 an earnest desire notwithstanding, at the bottom, to serve the public (which, 
 I hope, has still been the inducement of several concerned in them), I have 
 had but too sorrowful a view and sight to complain of the manner in which 
 I have been treated. The attacks on my reputation ; the many indignities 
 put upon me in papers sent over hither into the hands of those who could 
 not be expected to make the most discreet and charitable use of them ; the 
 secret insinuations against my justice, besides the attempt made upon my 
 estate ; resolves past in the Assemblies for turning my quit-rents, never 
 sold by me, to the support of government ; my lands entered upon without 
 any regular method ; my manors invaded (under pretence I had not duly 
 surveyed them), and both these by persons principally concerned in these 
 attempts against me here ; a right to my overplus land unjustly claimed 
 by the possessors of the tracts in which they are found ; my private estate 
 continually exhausting for the support of that government, both here and 
 there, and no provision made for it by that country ; to all which I cannot 
 but add the violence that has been particularly shown to my Secretary ; 
 of which (though I shall by no means protect him in any thing he can be 
 justly charged with, but suffer him to stand or fall by his own actions) I 
 cannot but thus far take notice, that, from all the charges I have seen or 
 heard of against him, I have cause to believe, that had he been as much 
 
 44 
 
518 LIFE OF 
 
 in opposition to me as he has been understood to stand for me, he might 
 have met with a milder treatment from his prosecutors ; and to think that 
 any man should be the more exposed there on my account, and, instead 
 of finding favor, meet with enmity, for his being engaged in my service, 
 is a melancholy consideration. In short, when I reflect on all these heads, 
 of which I have so much cause to complain, and, at the same time, think 
 of the hardships I and my suffering family have been reduced to, in no 
 small measure, owing to my endeavors for, and disappointments from that 
 province ; I cannot but mourn the unhappiness of my poi'tion, dealt to me 
 from those, of whom I had reason to expect much better and different 
 things ; nor can I but lament the unhappiness that too many of them are 
 bringing upon themselves, who, instead of pursuing the amicable ways of 
 peace, love, and unity, which I at first hoped to find in that retirement, 
 are cherishing a spirit of contention and opposition, and, blind to their 
 own interest, are oversetting that foundation on which your happiness 
 might be built. 
 
 " Friends ! the eyes of many are upon you ; the people of many nations 
 of Europe look on that country as a land of ease and quiet, wishing to 
 themselves in vain the same blessings they conceive you may enjoy ; but, 
 to see the use you make of them, is no less the cause of surprise to others, 
 while such bitter complaints and reflections are seen to come from you, of 
 which it is difiicult to conceive either the sense or meaning. What are the 
 distresses, grievances and oppressions, that the papers, sent from thence, 
 60 often say you languish under, while others have cause to believe you 
 have hitherto lived, or might live, the happiest of any in the Queen's 
 dominions ? 
 
 " Is it such a grievous oppression, that the courts are established by my 
 power, founded on the King's charter, without a law of your making, when 
 upon the same plan you propose ? If this disturb any, take the advice of 
 other able lawyers on the main, without tying me up to the opinion of 
 principally one man, whom I cannot think so very proper to direct in my 
 affairs (for I believe the late Assembly have had but that one lawyer 
 amongst them), and I am freely content you should have any law that, by 
 proper judges, should be found suitable. Is it your oppression that the 
 officers' fees arc not settled by an act of Assembly ? No man can be a 
 greater enemy to extortion than myself. Do, therefore, allow such fees as 
 may reasonably encourage fit persons to undertake these offices, and you 
 Bhall soon have (and should have always cheerfully had) mine, and, I hope, 
 my Lieutenant's concurrence and approbation. Is it such an oppression 
 that licenses for public-houses have not been settled, as has been proposed ? 
 It is a certain sign you are strangers to oppression, and know nothing but 
 the name, when you so highly bestow it on matters so inconsiderable ; but 
 that business I find is adjusted. Could I know any real oppression you 
 lie under, that it is in my power to remedy (and what I wish you would 
 take proper measures to remedy, if you truly feel any such), I would be as 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 519 
 
 ready, on my part, to remove them, as you to desire it ; l,ut according to 
 the best judgment I can make of the complaints I have seen, (and you once 
 thought I had a pretty good one,) I must, in a deep sense of sorrow, say, 
 that I fear the kind hand of Providence that has so long favored and pro- 
 tected you, vrill, by the ingratitude of many there, to the great mercies of 
 God hitherto shown them, be at length provoked to convince them of their 
 unworthiness ; and, by changing the blessings, that so little care has been 
 taken by the public to deserve, into calamities, reduce those that have 
 been so clamorous and causelessly discontented to a true but smarting 
 sense of their duty. I write not this with a design to include all ; I doubt 
 not, many of you have been burdened at, and can by no means join in, 
 the measures that have been taken ; but, while such things appear under 
 the name of an Assembly, that ought to represent the whole, I cannot but 
 speak more generally than I would desire, though I am not insensible 
 what methods may be used to obtain the weight of such a name. 
 
 " I have already been tedious, and shall now, therefore, briefly say, that 
 the opposition I have met with from thence must at length force me to 
 consider more closely of my own private and sinking circumstances in re- 
 lation to that province. In the meantime, I desire you all seriously to 
 weigh what I have wrote, together with your duty to yourselves, to me, 
 and to the world, who have their eyes upon you, and are witnesses of my 
 early and earnest care for you. I must think there is a regard due to me 
 that has not of late been paid ; pray consider of it fully, and think soberlj 
 what you have to desire of me, on the one hand, and ought to perform to 
 me on the other ; for from the next Assembly I shall expect to know what 
 you resolve, and what I may depend on. If I must continue my regards 
 to you, let me be engaged to it by a like disposition in you towards me. 
 But if a plurality, after this, shall think they owe me none, or no more 
 than for some years I have met with, let it, on a fair election, be so declared ; 
 and I shall then, without further suspense, know what I have to rely upon. 
 God give you his wisdom and fear to direct you, that yet our poor country 
 may be blessed with peace, love, and industry, and we may once more 
 meet good friends, and live so to the end, our relation in the Truth having 
 but the same true interest. 
 
 " I am, with great truth and most sincere regard, your real friend, as 
 well as just Proprietor and Governor, 
 
 "WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 " By the election of the new Assembly, harmony was restored 
 to the government, and all its branches were distinguished by 
 sedulous and successful application to business. The right to 
 adjourn at pleasure was yielded : the expenses of the state were 
 cheerfully supplied, and the judiciary was established by law. 
 
620 LIFE OF 
 
 The voice of complaint was hushed, whilst the manifold blessings 
 enjoyed by the inhabitants were frankly acknowledged."* 
 
 In 1711, another requisition was made by the British govern- 
 ment, for aid in prosecuting the war against Canada, which being 
 communicated, by the Governor, to the Assembly, they, after 
 some delay, passed a law for " raising .£2000 to the Queen's 
 use." There is extant a letter of Isaac Norris in reference to 
 this law, in which he says, " we did not see it inconsistent with 
 our principles to give the Queen money, notwithstanding any use 
 she might put it to, that not being our part but hers." 
 
 In the year 1712, the ascendency of the Friends in the As- 
 sembly, is indicated by the passage of " an act to prevent the 
 Importation of Negroes and Indians into the province."! 
 
 But this wise and humane law was annulled by the crown, 
 in pursuance of that nefarious policy of the British government, 
 which sought to enrich her merchants by keeping open, in her 
 colonies, a market for men. J 
 
 It is pleasing to reflect that during the last three years of Wil- 
 liam Penn's participation in colonial affairs, harmony prevailed 
 in the government of his province, and that an act so consonant 
 with his feelings and principles was then passed ; for, though at 
 that time unsuccessful, it entitles Pennsylvania to the honorable 
 distinction of having led the way to a more humane system of 
 legislation on the subject of slavery. 
 
 « Gordon's Hist. Pa. 163. f Colonial Records, ii. 578. t Gordon. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 521 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 Penn Travels as a Minister ; Ilis Health Declines ; Composes a Preface to 
 J. Banks's Journal ; Contracts for the Sale of his Government ; His Let- 
 ter to the Council ; Letter to Logan ; Severe Illness ; Last Letter to 
 Logan ; Second Attack of his Disease : Letters from Hannah Penn ; 
 William Penn's Intellect Impaired by Disease ; His Health Gradually 
 Declines ; Hannah Penn's Management of Colonial Affairs ; Her Cor- 
 respondence with Logan ; Death of William Penn ; Address and Present 
 of the Indians to Hannah Penn; William Penn's Will; Death of Wil- 
 liam Penn, Jr., of Hannah Penn, of James Logan. 
 
 1709-18. 
 
 Although the infirmities of age began to require some respite 
 from physical exertion, the mind of William Penn still continued 
 vigorous, and in 1709 he was engaged in travelling as a minis- 
 ter of the Gospel, being then sixty-five years of age. 
 
 Ill this service he visited the " western part of England, as 
 well as the counties of Berks, Buckingham, Surry, and other 
 places." 
 
 For some years past he had resided about eight miles from 
 London, and within a mile of Brentford, where a meeting was 
 established by the Friends, to be held once a month, as well for 
 the accommodation of his family, as for the general service of 
 their profession. 
 
 In the year 1710 the air near London not suiting his de- 
 clining constitution, he took a handsome seat at Ruscombe, 
 near Twyford, where he resided the remainder of his life.* 
 
 In 1711 he composed a Preface to the Journal of his ancient 
 friend, John Banks, which he dictated to an amanuensis. 
 
 While composing it " he walked the floor to and fro, with a 
 cane in his hand, and gave occasional answers to other matters 
 intervening." This being the last piece he pubHshed, an ex- 
 tract is here inserted to show the brightness of his intellect, and 
 the freshness of his religious feelings in the evening of his day. 
 
 • Life prefixed to his works, 
 
 44* 
 
522 LIFE OF 
 
 " Friendly Reader — The labors of the servants of God ought always 
 to be precious in the eyes of his people, and for that reason the very frag- 
 ments of their services are not to be lost, but to be gathered up for edifi- 
 cation, and that is the cause why we expose the following discourses to 
 public view ; and I hope it will please God to make them effectual to such 
 as seriously peruse them, since we have always found the Lord ready to 
 second the services of his worthies upon the spirits of the readers, not 
 suffering that which is his own to go without a voucher in every con- 
 science — I mean those Divine truths it hath pleased him to reveal among 
 his children by his own blessed Spirit, without which no man can rightly 
 perceive the things of God, or be truly spiritually minded, which is life 
 and peace. And this, indeed, is the only beneficial evidence of heavenly 
 truths, which made that excellent Apostle say in his day, ' We know that 
 we are of God, and that the whole loorld lieth in wickedness :' for, in that 
 day, true religion, and undefiled before God and the Father, consisted in 
 visiting the fatherless and widows in their afflictions, and keeping un- 
 spotted from the world, not only a godly tradition of w^hat others have 
 enjoyed, but the , experimental enjoyment and knowledge thereof, by the 
 operation of the Divine power in their own hearts, which makes up the 
 inward Jew and accomplished Christian, whose praise is not of men, but 
 of God ; such are Christians of Christ's making, that can say with the 
 Apostle, ' It is not we that live, but Christ that liveth in us, dying daily 
 to self, and rising up, through faith in the Son of God, to newness of life.' 
 Here formality bows to reality, memory to feeling, letter to spirit, and 
 form to power ; which brings to the regeneration, without which no man 
 can inherit the kingdom of God ; and by which he is enabled, in every 
 estate to cry Abba Father t * * * * 
 
 " Now, reader, before I take my leave of thee, let me advise thee to 
 hold thy religion in the Spirit, whether thou prayest, praisest, or min- 
 isterest to others ; go forth in the ability God giveth thee ; presume not to 
 awaken thy beloved before his time : be not thy own in thy performances, 
 but the Lord's ; and thou shalt not hold the truth in unrighteousness, as 
 too many do, but according to the oracle of God, that will never leave nor 
 forsake them who will take council at it ; which that all God's people may 
 do, is, and hath long been, the earnest desire and fervent supplication of 
 theirs and thy faithful friend, in the Lord Jesus Christ. 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN.* 
 
 " London, 23d of 12th mo, lYU." 
 
 For some years past he had been negotiating with the British 
 Cabinet for the sale of his government. He was impelled to 
 this step by two principal motives : the first arose from pecu- 
 niary embarrassments — the province being still under a mortgage 
 
 * Clarkson. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 523 
 
 to those friends who released him from his debt to the Fords ; 
 the second was the difficidty he found in his administration, 
 being, on the one hand, often thwarted by a faction in the 
 colony ; and, on the other, restrained, by his allegiance to the 
 Crown, from the full development of his peaceable policy. Per- 
 haps a third motive may have been the unfitness of his eldest 
 son to succeed him as Proprietary and Governor. 
 
 There were, however, other considerations which inclined him 
 to keep his government : the original purpose of the enterprise 
 was, to found a " free colony for all mankind," and to adminis- 
 ter its government on Christian principles. This favorite idea 
 had been more nearly realized than in any other instance on 
 record ; and he still indulged the hope that, if a peace were con- 
 cluded in Europe, and he settled with his family at Pennsburv, 
 he might yet see all his plans accomplished, and spend the 
 evening of his days in serene tranquillity. 
 
 Another strong motive for retaining the government, was to 
 secure for the Friends in Pennsylvania that religious liberty 
 which had been one of their main inducements to emigrate. 
 This object, together with political privileges for the people^ 
 he kept constantly in view during his negotiations with the 
 Cabinet, by which means the completion of the contract was 
 delayed for some years. 
 
 His letters to Logan, already quoted, show how sedulous was 
 his care, and how firm his determination on this head. 
 
 The advice of his Secretary, and some of his best friends in 
 the province, was in favor of the sale, though they regretted the 
 necessity that seemed to require it. In the summer of 1712 the 
 terms of the surrender were agreed upon, as appears by the fol- 
 lowing letters, viz : 
 
 " For my dear Friends, S. Carpenter, Ed. Shippen, Rich. IIill, I. Norris, 
 C. Posey, S. Preston, T. Story, Gr. Owen, &c., at Philadelphia, ia 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 "Ruscombe, Berks, 24th 5lli mo. 1712. 
 
 "Dear and Worthy Friends — Having so fair an opportunity, and 
 
 having heard from you by the bearer, John French, I choose by him to 
 
 salute you and yours ; and all unnamed friends that you think worthy, 
 
 for my heart loves such and heartily salutes them and theirs, and prays 
 
524 LIFE OF 
 
 foi- your preservation in the Lord's everlasting truth, to the end of time ; 
 and the way of it is, to take the Lord along with you in all your enter- 
 prises, to give j'ou right sight, true counsel, and a just temper or modera- 
 tion in all things ; you knowing right well the Lord our God is near at 
 hand. Now know, that though I have not actually sold my government 
 to our truly good Queen, yet her able Lord Treasurer and I have agreed it, 
 and that affair of the prizes, the bearer came hither about, is part of the 
 Queen's payment, viz., her one-third ; and the other comes very oppor- 
 tunely, that belongs to me, which I hope J. Logan will take care of, in 
 the utmost farthing, and remit it to me first, to whom I suppose orders 
 will go by this opportunity from the treasury, to that effect. 
 
 " But I have taken effectual care that all the laws and privileges I have 
 granted to you, shall be observed by the Queen's Governors, &c. ; and that 
 we who are Friends shall be in a more particular manner regarded and 
 treated by the Queen. So that you will not, I hope and believe, have a 
 less interest in the government, being humble and discreet in our conduct. 
 
 " And you will find all the charters and proprietary' governments an- 
 nexed to the Crown, by an act of Parliament, next Avinter ; and perhaps 
 Col. Quarry, if not J. Moore, may happen to be otherwise employed, not- 
 withstanding the politic opinion of one of my officers in that government, 
 that is still for gaining them, which I almost think impossible. But be 
 that as it will, I purpose to see you, if God give me life, this fall, but I 
 grow old and infirm, yet would gladly see you once more before I die, and 
 my young sons and daughter also, settled upon good tracts of land, for 
 them and theirs after them, to clear and settle upon, as Jacob's sons did, 
 I close when I tell you that I desire fervent prayers to the Lord for con- 
 tinuing my life, that I may see Pennsylvania once more before I die, and 
 that I am your faithful, loving friend, 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 «« 24th of 5th mo. 1712. 
 * * * * << J rejoice that I am yet alive to write to thee, and if ever 
 thou lovest me, or desirest my welfare, show it now, I pray thee, in my 
 poor concerns, though I hope I have made an end with the Lord Treasurer 
 about my business (twelve thousand pounds, payable in four years, the 
 price; with certain stipulations,) which I recommend to thy great care 
 and diligence ; for since the Lord has continued my life, I hope by the 
 same token, to see an end of my incumbrances." 
 
 These expressions seem to refer to a recent attack of illness ; 
 probably the same alluded to in the codicil to his will, dated 
 :27th of the 3d month, in which he says he had been ill of a fever 
 at London, but was then recovered. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 525 
 
 It was not long, however, before he had a second attack of 
 what his wife called a " lethargic illness." It came upon him 
 suddenly, while he was writing to Logan, so suddenly, that his 
 hand was arrested by paralysis in the beginning of a sentence, 
 which he never completed. 
 
 This letter possesses peculiar interest, being the last he wrote 
 to his faithful friend and secretary. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 " Bristol, 4th 8th month, 1712. 
 
 " I desire thee to move all springs that may deliver me from my present 
 thraldom, as thou wilt answer it to the great all-seeing God, and all just 
 and good men ; for it's my excessive expenses upon Pennsylvania that has 
 sunk me so low, and nothing else ; my expenses yearly in England, ever 
 exceeding my yearly income. 
 
 " And that which urges me more, is thy deep silence to my earnest ex- 
 pectation, upon my pressing order to thee to dispose Friends there, to come 
 in with Friends here, to sink the present incumbrance on the country. It 
 would have been a kindness I should not have forgotten ; but I see such 
 a holdfast disposition in the most of men, that I almost despond. Yet the 
 Attorney General assures me, I might have made over my patent to any 
 number of my friends, or a less number, as 48, 24, or 12, for the whole, 
 as an incorporated body, to have ruled in my stead [including myself or 
 family (with J a double vote] and so Friends would have had a country ; 
 which Friends there and here may have time hereafter to consider of. 
 And truly so great is the number and interest of Friends here, that they 
 would always have had it in their power to have preserved their interest 
 in the province to the end, in all revolutions in government here. But I 
 am not to be heard either in civils or spirituals till I am dead. 
 
 "I am now to tell thee that both my daughter and son, Aubrey, are 
 under the greatest uneasiness about their money, which I desire, as 
 well as allow thee, to return per first. 'Tis an epidemic disease on your 
 side the sea, and the worst of all the seasoning, to be too oblivious of re- 
 turns ; which I beseech thee to contradict by the most speedy methods 
 possible. But as thou sayest the money intended [for] me was placed to 
 account of my mortgages, but still kept there, and so from me — so I have 
 paid William Aubrey, (with a mad bullying treatment from him into the bar- 
 gain,) but £500, which, with several hundreds paid at several times to him 
 here, makes near £1100, besides what thou hast sold, and put out to interest 
 there ; — which is so deep a cut to me here ; — and nothing but my son's 
 tempestuous and most rude treatment of my wife and self too, should have 
 forced it from me. Therefore do not lesson thy care to pay me, or at least 
 to secure the money on her manor of Mount Jo}^ for a plantation for me, 
 or one of my children. 
 
626 LIFE OF 
 
 " I writ to thee of our great and unhappy loss and revolution at Bristol, 
 by the death of our near and dear friends, father and mother Callowhill ; 
 so shall only say that he has loft all his concerns in America, to poor John, 
 who had almost followed his grandfather, and who, by his sorrow at his 
 death and burial, and also by his behavior since, has justified my special 
 regards to him, as of an uncommon character and capacity. Now, through 
 the Lord's mercy, he is on the recovery, as I now likewise am, by the same 
 Divine goodness ; for I have been most dangerously ill at London. 
 
 " A peace certainly — and that whether the Dutch will or not ; and whom 
 our folks threaten shall pay for the recovering of it too ; which will not 
 be less than a million of money ; and I advise you to be discreet in those 
 parts of the world, and may the simplicity, humility, and serious sincerity 
 of the Christian life and doctrine, be your aim and attainment in the peace 
 and plenty you are blest withal. 
 
 "1 am glad to see Sybilla Masters, who has come down to the city, and 
 is with us, but sorry at M. Phillips's coming, without a just hint of it. 
 She " 
 
 HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 "Biistol, 13th 8br, 1712. 
 "Esteemed Friend — The enclosed my poor husband wrote, but had 
 not time to finish, before he was taken with a second fit of his lethargic 
 illness, like as about six mouths ago, at London ; which has been no small 
 addition to my late most severe exercises. But it has pleased the Lord, in 
 ^ the midst of judgment to show us mercy, in the comfortable prospect of 
 ^his recovery ; though as yet but weak. And I am ordered by the doctors 
 to keep all business from him till he is stronger ; and yet, loth to let what 
 he has wrote be left behind, I, therefore, thought best to send it, though 
 unfinished, for thee to make the best use of, there being several things of 
 moment. 
 
 "I pray thee use thy utmost diligence to settle things and returns for 
 our comfort. 
 
 " I ought to say more in answer to thine, intended for my dear deceased 
 father ; only pray show the regard thou hadst for him, in assisting his poor 
 helpless descendants ; time and trouble forbid my enlarging. I am called on 
 in haste, the wind coming fair ; so conclude with my well wishes to thee, 
 and love to my good and kind inquiring friends. 
 
 " From thy real friend, 
 
 "HANNAH PENN." 
 
 There are a few words added by William Pcnn, of which only the fol- 
 lowing were legible : " Farewell, and pursue former exact orders, and thou 
 wilt oblige thy real friend, W. PENN." 
 
 " My dear love to all my dear friends." 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 527 
 
 HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 "Ruscombe, 5th 12th month, 1712. 
 "Esteemed Friend — I wrote to thee about three months since, in a P.S., 
 or rather a conclusion, of a letter from my husband, who was then %'ery 
 ill there, [at Bristol,] but recovered so as by easy journeys to reach Lon- 
 don, and endeavored to settle some affairs, and get some laws passed fur 
 that country's ease, and his own and family's comfort ; but finding himself 
 unable to bear the fatigues of the town, he just reached Ruscombe, when he 
 was seized with the same severe illness that ho has twice before labored 
 under. And though, through the Lord's mercy, he is much better than 
 he was, and in a pretty hopeful way of recovery, yet I am forbid, by his 
 doctors, to trouble him with any business till better." * * * 
 
 The third paroxysm of his disease left his constitution in a 
 shattered condition, from which he never recovered. 
 
 During six years he hngered an invalid, gradually sinking to 
 the grave. 
 
 His memory was impaired — his noble intellect was clouded, 
 but the sweetness of his temper remained, and he was favored 
 to retain the hio-hest and best of his endowments — a sense of 
 spiritual enjoyment, and a heart overflowing with love to God 
 and man. 
 
 His wife, in one of her letters, speaking of his serene state of 
 mind, and lively sense of the Divine presence, very happily 
 terms it " his translation." 
 
 Previous to his second or third paroxysm, he had proceeded 
 so far in negotiating for the sale of his government, that he had 
 received, in advance, a payment of a thousand pounds from the 
 Treasury ; but, the deed not being executed, the Crown lawyers 
 gave it as their opinion that he was not capable of completing 
 the surrender. In this emergency the whole burden of his pub- 
 lic and private affairs devolved on his wife ; for his son William, 
 who ought to have been the stay of his father's decUning years, 
 was, by his intemperate habits, rendered uQworthy of trust, if 
 not incapable of business. Two years after the commencement 
 of his father's malady, Hannah Penn wrote : 
 
 " I have not seen him this half year, nor has he seen his father these 
 eighteen months." 
 
528 LIFE OF 
 
 And more than a year afterwards, notwithstanding a report of 
 his reformation had reached America, she said : 
 
 " He is exactly ditto. I wish I could say otherwise. I might then have, 
 in many respects, help and ease from some of the burthens which I now 
 labor under. But he has now put himself out of the way of every thing, 
 except the enjoyment of that which has brought him to where he is." 
 
 And again, after the interval of another year : 
 
 " I left both my daughters, Aubrey and Penn, to take care of their 
 father and the family until my return, the [latter] to be pitied, for, poor 
 woman, her husband continues the same."* 
 
 Hannah Penn was a woman of extraordinary energy, talent, 
 and fortitude ; but the accumulation of business requiring her 
 attention, was truly appalling. The heavy incumbrances on her 
 husband's estate were to be liquidated, an expensive family to 
 be provided for, and the Proprietary affairs required a frequent 
 correspondence with the Secretary, as well as many conferences 
 with men in authority. 
 
 In addition to all these cares, she had a young family to edu- 
 cate, and her husband required a large share of her attention ; 
 for her presence had become indispensable to his comfort. Her 
 arduous duties were faithfully and successfully performed ; the 
 return of peace in 1713 brought prosperity to the colony; the 
 increasing value of property there enabled her, after some years, 
 to discharge the mortgage ; and during her husband's declining 
 health, the voice of complaint was seldom heard from the As- 
 sembly, or people of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Logan continued in her service as Secretary, and one of the 
 Commissioners of Property. Having served William Penn 
 faithfully for ten years without any definite agreement as to 
 salary, the Proprietary asked him to name a suitable compensa- 
 tion. Logan has left the following memorandum concerning it: 
 
 "Considering his melancholy circumstances in 1711, I set it at only 
 j£100 a year currency for all manner of services whatever, but told him I 
 could stay in his service no more than two years ; but he was seized with 
 an apoplectic fit in less than one year, which tied me down to his business, 
 and vastly, as it proved, to my loss." 
 
 * " Friend," xviii., 369. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 529 
 
 JAMES LOGAN TO HANNAH PENN. 
 
 "23(3 of 12th mo., 1712-3. 
 " Mr Honored Mistress — Last week, by New York post, to our very 
 great joy, I was favored with thy most welcome lines of the 13th 8br ; 
 welcome on their own account, as coming from such a hand, yet abun- 
 dantly more so, as they dissipated those clouds of sorrow that had univer- 
 sally, for some weeks before, been cast over us, by the reported accounts 
 of our Proprietor — my master's — death. The story first rose from a fool- 
 ish fellow, * * who said he saw his funeral, being imposed on, (as we 
 now judge,) by that, of Col. Quarry. I was heartily affected at the loss of 
 thy worthy father, for whose clearness of judgment and great solidity, 
 both in thinking and acting, none, that truly knew him, could forbear en- 
 tertaining a very great value. I should gladly have served him in his 
 life-time, and now, since his departure, shall be ready to do the same to 
 those that succeed him in his interest in this province." * * * «- 
 
 HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 '« 16th 12lh mo., 1713. 
 "My husband's and my dear love to our friends, Thomas AV'ilson and 
 James Dickenson, if with you. Let Thomas know that my husband is 
 better than when he was here. lie was at Reading meeting last First- 
 day, as also two or three times before, and bore it very comfortably, and 
 expressed his refreshment and satisfaction in being there, as he frequently 
 does in the enjoyment of the Lord's goodness to him in his private retire- 
 ments. He frequently expresses his loving concerns for that country's 
 good, and sends his love in a general manner to all its well-wishers." 
 
 An intimate friend of William Penn, who went to see him in 
 the spring of 1713, 
 
 " Found him to appearance, pretty well in health, and cheerful of disposi- 
 tion, but defective in memory : so that, though he could relate many past 
 transactions, yet he could not readily recollect the names of absent persons, 
 nor could he deliver his words so readily as heretofore : yet many savory 
 and sensible expressions came from him, rendering his company even yet 
 acceptable, and manifesting the religious stability of his mind. 
 
 " The same friend, in his second visit, which he made to him in the 
 spring of 1714, found him very little altered from what he had been last 
 year. He accompanied him in his carriage to Reading meeting. He 
 describes him as rising up there to exhort those present ; as speaking 
 several sensible sentences, though not able to say much ; and, on leaving 
 the meeting to return home, as taking leave of his friends with much 
 tenderness."* 
 
 • Life prefixed to his works, and Clarksnn. 
 
 45 
 
630 LIFE OF 
 
 In the autumn of the same year, his old friend Thomas Story, 
 being in England on a religious visit, went to Ruscombe to see 
 him, and thus describes his condition. 
 
 " He was then under the lamentable effects of an apopletic fit, which 
 he had had some time before ; foi- his memory was almost quite lost, and 
 the use of his understanding suspended, so that he was not so conversable 
 as formerly, and yet as near the Truth, in the love of it, as before, wherein 
 appeared the great mercy and favor of God, who looks not as man looks ; 
 for, though to some this accident might look like judgment, and, no doubt, 
 his enemies so accounted it, yet it will bear quite another interpretation, 
 if it be considered how little time of rest he ever had from the importuni- 
 ties of the affairs of others, to the great hurt of his own and suspension of 
 all his enjoyments, till this happened to him, by which he was rendered 
 incapable of all business, and yet sensible of the enjoyment of Truth as at 
 any time in all his life. When I went to the house I thought myself strong 
 enough to see him in that condition ; but when I entered the room, and 
 perceived the great defect of his expressions for want of memory, it greatly 
 bowed my spirit under a consideration of the uncertainty of all human 
 qualifications, and what the finest of men are soon reduced to by a disorder 
 of the organs of that body, with which the soul is connected and acts 
 during this present mode of being. When these are but a little obstructed 
 in their various functions, a man of the clearest parts and finest expression 
 becomes scarcely intelligible. Nevertheless, no insanity, or lunacy,* at 
 all appeared in his actions; and his mind was in an innocent state, as 
 appeared by his very loving deportment to all that came near him ; and 
 that he had still a good sense of Truth is plain by some very clear sentences 
 he spoke in the life and power of Truth in an evening meeting we had 
 together there, wherein we were greatly comforted ; so that I was ready to 
 think this was a sort of sequestration of him from all the concerns of this 
 life, which so much oppressed him, not in judgment, but in mercy, that 
 he Djight have rest, and not be oppressed thereby to the end."t 
 
 HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 "Rusc'be, 22d Eleventh month, 1714. 
 
 *********** 
 
 " The Surrender remains as yet unfinished, and when it will be other- 
 wise I cannot tell ; but I am persuaded, that had my husband minded his 
 own and his family's interest, but as much as he did the country's, it had 
 heen finished years ago : for the answer I receive from all the great men 
 
 • It was rrported by his enemies that William Tenn had gone mad. 
 I T. Story's Journal, 463. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 531 
 
 is, that my husband might have long since finished it, had he not insisted 
 so much on gaining privileges for the people. 
 
 " My poor husl)and has had two or three little returns of his paralytic 
 disorder ; but, I thank the Lord, it went off, and he is now in pretty good 
 health — not worse in his speech than for some months past, nor can I say 
 he is better ; but when I keep the thoughts of business from him, he is 
 very sweet, comfortable, and easy, and is cheerfully resigned to the Lord's 
 will, and yet takes delight in his children, his friends, and domestic 
 comforts, as formerly. It is the public, and his family, who feel the loss, 
 and myself the trouble of his (I may say) translation. However, I bless 
 the Lord, who has hitherto upheld me. 
 
 " Our daughter Penn* and Guly are now here, and salute thee — the 
 two boys at G. Thompson's ; all under my care. 
 
 " My children, I thank the Lord, are all in health, and as yet at home 
 with us, under the care of a tutor. John inclines to be put apprentice at 
 Bristol, to some merchant or linen draper; which I am pleased with, if a 
 suitable place would present. Thomas's inclination, at present, looks 
 towards physic ; but how or where that will centre, I cannot yet tell." 
 
 HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 "2(1 Second month, 1715. 
 " I have lately been at London, and by advice of friends concerned, I 
 have got a sight of the deed of Surrender. Thomas Story has looked into 
 it, and, with others, thinks there is as much care taken for keeping the 
 lower counties, and confirming the people's privileges, as can be at all 
 expected ; and therefore all wish it could but be accomplished on so good 
 a footing, as it was then like to be done, and to which I am advised to 
 try. 'Tis now under consideration of Counsellor West and the trustees, 
 who are desirous to forward it." 
 
 The harmony prevaihng in the province for some years past, 
 was now distm'bed by the perverseness of Gov. Gookin. 
 
 An Act, passed in 1710, allowing affirmations to be administer- 
 ed to persons scrupulous of taking an oath, had been repealed 
 by the Queen, but was supplied by another in 1715, to which 
 the Governor gave his sanction ; but afterwards he undertook to 
 nullify it, under the plea that it was contrary to the laws of 
 England. Many of the judges and magistrates, as well as jury- 
 men, being Friends, were excluded from serving, and the whole 
 judicial system was deranged or suspended. The Assembly 
 
 * Wife of William Penn, jr., and their children — Springett, Gullelma, and Wil- 
 liam. 
 
532 LIFE OF 
 
 and Council remonstrated, but the Governor was obstinate in his 
 purpose. He also assailed, unjustly, the political character of 
 Isaac Norris and James Logan, and proceeded in such a course 
 of rashness and folly that he was thought to be partially de- 
 ranged. 
 
 The Assembly and Council unanimously requested his recall, 
 which was readily granted, and Sir William Keith appointed as 
 his successor. 
 
 HANNAH PENN TO JAMES LOGAN. 
 
 •'Ruscombe, 2d 1st mo., 1717. 
 
 " Dear Friend — I have already wrote to thee by the new Governor, 
 who, from the character given of him, we have accepted, and hope the 
 country and our family will, in the erd, reap the advantages, which I, at 
 present, refused in another, who oifered not less than £200 down, with 
 thanks and good promise ; and which would have been a useful recruit to 
 me in my toiling circumstances. But I let it slip, to oblige those that re- 
 commended the present Governor for the country's good, and in whose 
 power I hope it will be, (by attending to the country's prosperity,) to 
 more than make up that loss to me and mine. * * * * 
 
 " My poor dearest life is yet continued to us, but I know not how long 
 that may be, for he is very weakly. 
 
 " I have, for these last three or four years, continued on in this large 
 house and expense, only to keep him as comfortable as I can ; for he has 
 all along delighted in walking and taking the air here, and does still, 
 when the weather allows ; and, at other times, diverts himself from room 
 to room ; and the satisfaction he takes therein, is the greatest pleasure I 
 have in enjoying so large a house, which I have (with the necessary ex- 
 penses and loads I bear) long found too much for me and our shrunk in- 
 come." * * * * 
 
 The time of William Penn's release from the body now drew 
 near. In the summer of 1717 his strength was so much de- 
 cayed, that he could scarcely walk without leading. 
 
 " After a continual and gradual declension for about six years, his 
 body drew near to its dissolution ; and on the 30th day of the 5th month, 
 (.July,) 1718, in the 74th year of his age, his soul, prepared for a more 
 glorious habitation, forsook the decayed tabernacle, which was committed 
 to the earth on the 5th of the Gth month [August] following, at Jordon's, 
 in Buckinghamshire, where his former wife and several of his family had 
 been before interred."* 
 
 • Life by Besse, prefixed to his works. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 533 
 
 His funeral was attended by a large concourse of Friends, 
 and persons of other denominations. 
 
 Thomas Story speaks of it, in his Journal, as a season of 
 great solemnity. 
 
 " We arrived," he says, " at Ruscombe late in the evening, where we 
 found the widow and most of the family together. Our coming occasioned 
 a fresh remembrance of the deceased, and also a renewed flood of many 
 tears from all eyes. A solid time (of worship) we had together, but few 
 words among us for some time; for it was a deep baptizing season, and 
 the Lord was near at that time. On the fifth I accompanied the corpse to 
 the grave, where we had a large meeting ; and as the Lord had made 
 choice of him in the days of his youth for great and good services — had 
 been with him in many dangers and difficulties of various sorts, and did 
 not leave him in his last moments — so he was pleased to honor this occa- 
 sion with his blessed presence, and gave us a happy season of his good- 
 ness to the general satisfaction of all." 
 
 In a letter of Hannah Penn to James Logan, written the year 
 after her husband's death, she thus acknowledges the receipt of 
 a letter of condolence from Friends in America : 
 
 " Pray, let the Friends of the Women's General Meeting know I re- 
 ceived their affectionate and serious letter, on occasion of the death of my 
 dear husband, (as I did likewise the testimony from the men's meeting,) 
 and that I take most kindly the tender expression of their love and 
 respect to me, and heartily return mine to them." 
 
 The Indians in Pennsylvania, hearing of the death of their 
 great and good friend Onas, in order to testify their regard for 
 his memory, and their sympathy with his w^dow, sent her an 
 address of condolence, accompanied by a present. In the fol- 
 lowing letter to James Logan, she alludes to their gift, which, it 
 seems, consisted of " materials to form a garment of skins, suit- 
 able for travelling through a thorny wilderness ;'^'' intending to 
 express, by this s) mbol, the difficulties that lay in her path, and 
 their desire that she might pass through them in safety. 
 
 " Ruscombe, 12th of 1st mo., 1719. 
 " Dear Friend — Thine of the 7th 9br I had, and take very kindly thy 
 regards, and the sympathy of all those that truly lament mine and that 
 country's loss, as deservedly due ; the consideration of which loss has 
 brought with it a vast load of care, toil of mind, and sorrow upon 
 me. * * * * 
 
 45* 
 
534 LIFE OF 
 
 " For my own part, I expect a wilderness of care — of briars and thorns 
 here, as transplanted from thence ; which, whether I shall be able to ex- 
 plore my way through, even with the help of my friends, I have great 
 reason to question, notwithstanding the Indians' present — which I now 
 want to put on — having the woods and wildernesses to travel through, in- 
 deed ! However, I hitherto go on with comfort, and hoping that all will 
 end at last to our joint satisfaction." 
 
 The estates in England and Ireland, inherited by William 
 Penn from his father, together with those brought by his first 
 wife, produced an income of about j£1500 per annum. These 
 were settled upon his eldest son, William, and were then con- 
 sidered more valuable than his American possessions. By his 
 will the government of his province, and the territories annexed, 
 was devised, in trust, to the Earl of Oxford, Earl Mortimer, and 
 Earl Poulet, to dispose thereof to the Queen, or any other per- 
 son. This was written while he was negotiating for a surren- 
 der to the Crown. To his wife, Hannah, her father, Thomas 
 Callowhill, and others, he devised, in trust, all his lands, rents, 
 &c., in Pennsylvania and the territories ; first, to pay his debts ; 
 secondly, to convey to the three children of his son Wilham — 
 Gulielma Maria, Springett and William — each ten thousand 
 acres of land, and a like quantity to his daughter, Letitia Aubrey ; 
 thirdly, all the residue to be conveyed to the children of his 
 present wife,^in such proportions as she should think fit. All his 
 personal estate, in Pennsylvania or elsewhere, he gave to his 
 wife, whom he named his sole executrix. His children by her 
 were John, Thomas, Margaret, Richard and Dennis, all minors. 
 
 William Penn, Jr. had been residing on the Continent, leaving 
 his wife and children dependent on his father ; after whose 
 death he returned to England, and claimed the government of 
 the province as the heir at law. The Earls to whom it was de- 
 vised, in trust, being doubtful of their power to act under the 
 will, a suit in chancery was instituted, which kept the case, for 
 some years, in suspense. In the meantime the claim set up by 
 the eldest son, was resisted, and the government retained by 
 Hannah Penn as executrix. 
 
 About two years after his father's decease, William Penn, Jr., 
 died, in France, of a consumption, and, it is said, expressed on 
 his death-bed his regret for " the wrongs he had done." 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 535 
 
 His son Springett, and the other heirs, entered into a compro- 
 mise, by which the will was established. 
 
 Hannah Penn continued during the minority of her children, 
 to direct the proprietary affairs ; as appears by her correspond- 
 ence with James Logan. In 1722, she had an attack of para- 
 lysis, from which she partially recovered, and lived till about 
 the year 1727. 
 
 James Logan was employed in proprietary affairs during many 
 years after the death of the Founder ; he filled the highest judi- 
 cial and executive stations in the province, and was frequently 
 engaged in negotiating with the Indians, who had a great regard 
 for him. 
 
 In his old age he lived in dignified retirement at his seat, 
 called Stenton, near Germantown, where he employed much of his 
 time in literary and scientific pursuits. He died in 1751, aged 
 seventy-seven years. 
 
 By the establishment of William Penn's will, his sons by his 
 second marriage, John, Thomas and Richard, became Proprie- 
 taries of Pennsylvania, where their estates proved to be of im- 
 mense value.* 
 
 * In the year 1779, the Lfgislature of Pennsylvania passed an act, vesting in the 
 Commoiiweiillh the estate of the Penn family in the soil of the State. This act, 
 howevt*r, secures to the descendants of William Penn, all their private estates in 
 Pennsylvania, including the manors and the '' quil-rents and arrearages of rents 
 reserved out of the proprietary tenths or manors which had been sold." It also 
 appropriates 130,000 pounds sterling, to be paid out of the treasury of the State, to 
 the representatives of Thomas Penn and Richard Penn, late Proprietaries of Penn- 
 sylvania, as compensation for their rights. Smith's Laws of Pennsylvania, vol. i. 
 
 The amount of money received by the State of Pennsylvania from the estate of 
 the heirs of William Penn, from escheated lands, appears by the Comptroller Gene- 
 ral's account, from 1781 to 1789, was £824,094, Os 7d. The ;imijunt of the claim 
 made by the heirs on the British government, for losses sustained by them, was 
 £944,817, 86-. e^/. The Committee on Claims, allowed £5U0,000, and left for the 
 consideration of Parliament the remainder. Penn Papers in the pussession of 
 Geo. M Justice. 
 
536 LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XLL 
 
 The Holy Experiment ; Its Objects and Results ; State of Society In Penn- 
 sylvania during the Life of the Founder. 
 
 No other founder of a colony in ancient or modern times, has 
 attempted so sublime an enterprise as that which William Penn 
 has justly termed "the holy experiment." In order to estimate 
 the importance of his labors, and the degree of success that at- 
 tended them, we must take into view the objects he contemplated, 
 and the difficulties he had to encounter. 
 
 It was his purpose to found and govern a colony without arms 
 or military defences : " to reduce the savage nations, by gentle 
 and just measures, to the love of civil society and the Christian 
 religion," and to lay the foundations of a " free colony for all 
 mankind." Pennsylvania affords the only example of a state, 
 where the executive power was upheld without military force, 
 justice administered without the use of oaths, and religion sus- 
 tained without a priesthood or salaried ministry. 
 
 We can readily conceive that such an experiment, if attempted 
 on an island, previously uninhabited, not subject to foreign con- 
 trol, and colonized exclusively by men imbued with the princi- 
 ples of peace, would probably succeed in securing a degree of 
 harmony and happiness not elsewhere to be found on earth. 
 
 But in Pennsylvania the case was widely different. Owing 
 allegiance to the British government, whose policy was warlike, 
 and even aggressive, vehemently urged by the officers of the 
 Crown to join the other colonies in their hostilities against the 
 French and Indians, having a British Court of Admiralty esta- 
 blished in her midst, endeavoring to exact the use of oaths, and 
 worst of all, having in her metropolis a band of adventurers, at- 
 tracted thither by her prosperity, abusing the liberty they enjoyed 
 and fomenting discord, in order to weaken the proprietary govern- 
 ment ; that with all these impediments, William Penn should 
 have succeeded in maintaining his authority, without a compro- 
 mise of his principles, may be accounted truly wonderful. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 537 
 
 A government can be conducted on the principles of peace, 
 by those only who are fully imbued with the lamb-like spirit of 
 Christ, and who, having an abiding faith in Divine protection, 
 forbear to provide themselves with military defences. This posi- 
 tion is sustained by reference to the history of the other American 
 colonies. 
 
 "In Maryland, as well as in New England," says Graham, in his Colo- 
 nial History, " doubtless the pacific endeavors of the colonists were coun- 
 teracted, not only l)y the natural ferocity of the Indians, but by the hostil- 
 ities of other Europeans, by which that ferocity was, from time to time, 
 enkindled and developed. Yet the Quakers of Pennsylvania, who were 
 exposed to the same disadvantage, escaped its evil consequences, and were 
 never attacked by the Indians. Relying implicitly and exclusively on the 
 protection of Heaven, they renounced every act or indication of self-de- 
 fence, that could awaken the contentiousness of human nature, or excite 
 apprehensive jealousy, by ostentation of the power to injure. But the 
 Puritan and Catholic colonists of New England and Maryland, while 
 they professed and exercised good-will to the Indians, adopted the hostile 
 precaution of demonstrating their readiness and ability to repel violence. 
 They displayed arms and erected forts, and thus provoked the suspicion 
 they expressed, and invited the injury they anticipated." 
 
 It would not be difficult to point out a dangerous fallacy in 
 the maxim so generally believed, — that in time of peace nations 
 should prepare for war. For as in the intercourse of individuals 
 with each other, it is found that those who habitually carry arms, 
 are more liable than others to be involved in deadly affrays, — so 
 in the intercourse of nations^ the hostile attitude assumed by 
 their vast armaments, and the numerous officers employed, who 
 are dependent for promotion and renown on actual hostilities, 
 are rather incentives to war, than sureties for peace. 
 
 But although it may be demonstrated to the understanding, 
 that war is not only criminal in itself, but the most expensive 
 and ruinous of all human follies ; yet the practice will not cease 
 until the vital principles of Christianity shall more generally pre- 
 vail in the hearts of mankind. Nothing can overcome the 
 natural spirit that leads to hostility and revenge, but the heavenly 
 spirit that breathes peace on earth and good will to men. 
 
 The enterprise of Penn and his associates in the colony of 
 Pennsylvania, by demonstrating the feasibility of peaceable 
 
538 LIFE OF 
 
 principles, has served to confirm the faith of the wavering, and 
 to encourage the true-hearted disciples of Christ. As an example 
 of Christian principles, applied to the government of a state, it 
 stands without a parallel in the history of the world ; and will, 
 doubtless, continue to be more admired and imitated as time 
 advances, until that happy period shall arrive when " nation 
 shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn 
 war any more." 
 
 The constitution and laws of Pennsylvania, for which she is 
 greatly indebted to the wisdom and liberality of her Founder, 
 will form a lasting monument to his praise. We who live in 
 an age when the principles of free government and religious 
 liberty are widely diffused and jfirmly established, can scarcely 
 appreciate the debt of gratitude we owe to him, who, under 
 Divine Providence, was made the instrument to plead for these 
 principles in England with remarkable success ; and to plant 
 them securely in the institutions of his province. 
 
 In order to obtain a correct view of the state of society, and 
 public morals in Pennsylvania during the life of its Founder, it 
 is requisite that we first take a glance at the disturbing influences 
 which impeded the measures of his administration. 
 
 It has been seen, in the course of this narrative, — that Penn, 
 during his absence from the province, frequently received accounts 
 of great disorders prevailing there, and of dissensions among those 
 concerned in the government. Similar representations were 
 made to the Board of Trade, and to prominent Friends in London ; 
 the Proprietary himself being charged with remissness in his duty, 
 if not connivance at the abuses of his deputies. 
 
 It has been shown that some of these reports were unfounded ; 
 others greatly exaggerated, and that Penn was entirely clear of 
 blame in relation to them all. But the inquiry naturally arises ; 
 how can we exculpate the Proprietary from the censure implied 
 in the complaints of the Assembly, without throwing equal, or 
 greater censure upon the colonists, and especially upon the 
 Society of Friends, whose influence was then predominant? It 
 is not pretended that those worthy pioneers in the cause of reli- 
 gious liberty, were exempt from the frailties incident to humanity. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 539 
 
 but by attending to the facts and circumstances already related, 
 the objection may, in a great measure, be removed. 
 
 The dissensions and abuses complained of, may be considered 
 under four heads. 
 
 First. Those connected with the impeachment of Judge Moore 
 in the year 1685. 
 
 We have seen by the letters of Penn, that he was exceedingly- 
 grieved at the dissensions and animosities said to prevail among 
 the colonists ; but in the following year he wrote to his Steward, 
 James Harrison, " [as] for the government ; when I received thy 
 letter, thy honest son's, A. Cook's, and especially T. Lloyd's, I 
 see all is well, truth in authority in the government, and better 
 than when I left the government, which makes me glad at 
 heart."* 
 
 From this we may conclude, that the reports which had reached 
 him were exaggerated if not unfounded. 
 
 They probably originated in party zeal among the colonists, 
 and were magnified by the enemies of Penn in England. 
 
 Secondly. The dissensions between the representatives of the 
 province, and those of the territories in 1691, which led to a 
 separation of the three lower counties, now the State of Dela- 
 ware. 
 
 This discord originated in the territories, and arose in a great 
 measure from jealousy towards the province, which was rapidly 
 increasing in power. Although the separation was a source of 
 grief to the Proprietary, it exceeded his expectations in restoring 
 harmony. The province and territories still remained under his 
 government, with two Legislatures instead of one. 
 
 Thirdly. The machinations of Colonel Quarry and his party, 
 and the slanderous reports he sent to the Board of Trade in 
 England. 
 
 This officer, holding his commission as judge of the Admi- 
 ralty immediately from the crown, was placed beyond the con- 
 trol of the Proprietary and people, which exculpates them from 
 all blame in relation to his conduct. He was a prominent 
 member of the " church party," in the province, who were 
 
 » Pemberton MSS. 
 
540 LIFE OF 
 
 allowed entire liberty of conscience, but were not satisfied because 
 they did not enjoy exclusive privileges as in England.* 
 
 Quarry succeeded in obtaining from the Queen or her ministers, 
 an order in relation to oaths, that disabled Friends from serving 
 as magistrates or jurors. 
 
 This occasioned great perplexity, and the church party took 
 advantage of the confusion to represent the Proprietary govern- 
 ment as inefficient, in order to effect its overthrow. At length 
 Penn succeeded in convincing the Board of Trade that Quarry's 
 opposition proceeded from turbulence, whereupon they sent him 
 a reprimand which silenced him. 
 
 He afterwards proposed to be friendly to the Proprietary, and 
 in 1706 became the tenant of Pennsbury, which he took for seven 
 years, at a rent of .£40 per annum, ^vith a proviso, that on six 
 months' notice he was to resign it to the^Proprietor, who always 
 intended to return and make it his home. 
 
 Fourthly. The factious opposition of David Lloyd and his 
 adherents in the Assembly, wdiich commenced in 1704, and 
 continued w^th some intermissions until 1710. 
 
 It has been seen that they impeached Logan, but failed to 
 prove their charges ; and that they calumniated Penn to whom 
 Lloyd w^as under personal obligations for past favors. 
 
 The misconduct of Governor Evans afforded grounds for just 
 complaint; but the course of the Assembly towards him was not 
 free from blame. It has been shown that the spurious remon- 
 strance of 1704, which has furnished Doctor Franklin and others 
 with materials for accusation against Penn, ivas not the act of 
 the Assembly^ but a tissue of misrepresentations concocted by 
 Lloyd and his party in the name of that body, and signed by 
 him as Speaker, after it adjourned. 
 
 The question arises, how could the people, and especially the 
 Friends, re-elect Lloyd, and make him the Speaker of the 
 House, when he was the avowed adversary of Penn ? 
 
 It must be borne in mind that, at the period when these pro- 
 ceedings took place, there was in the province a large body of 
 inhabitants who were not Friends : some of them were church- 
 
 • See Chap, xxxiii. of this work. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 541 
 
 men, others were adherents of George Keith, who, for many 
 years, retained the rancor which arose from rehgious dissension, 
 and with these was probably united a considerable number who, 
 from motives of interest, were opposed to the collection of taxes 
 and quit-rents. These malcontents, when united, generally car- 
 ried the elections; they were called the "Popular Party;" David 
 Lloyd was their leader; and by his insinuating manners and 
 specious pretences, he succeeded in drawing into their ranks 
 many well-meaning persons, who really believed that their 
 liberties were in danger.* 
 
 In a letter of Logan to Penn, dated " December 20th, 1706," 
 he speaks of the effort then being made by the disaffected party 
 in the Assembly to throw censure upon the Proprietary, and 
 says : 
 
 " It is the very leaven of George Keith left among the people at his 
 separation, and now fermenting up again ; and these proceedings are 
 contrary to the mind of honest Friends, as appears by their letter of 
 1705." 
 
 The same sentiment is expressed by Isaac Norris, in a letter 
 to Joseph Pike, dated 18th I2th month, 1709. He says: 
 
 " Most of these sticklers in Assembly, are either Keithians, or such as 
 stand loose from Friends, who have other ends than what is penetrated 
 into by some pretty honest, but not knowing men." 
 
 It must be considered, moreover, that many of the Friends, 
 having no relish for political affairs, probably kept aloof from 
 them, and did not attend the elections unless some important 
 question was to be decided. When these were aroused, they 
 united with the friends of the Proprietary, and turned the scale 
 in his favor. 
 
 This result took place in two memorable instances : the first 
 was in 1705, being the next year after the spurious remon- 
 strance was issued; the other in 1710, soon after the attempt to 
 imprison Logan and to throw censure upon Penn. At this elec- 
 tion not a single member of the last Assembly was returned; 
 the friends of the Proprietary were triumphant, and David 
 
 • Logan MSS. 
 
 46 
 
542 LIFE OF 
 
 Lloyd's party was, for a time, prostrated. In these instances 
 the Assembly was composed, almost entirely, of Friends, and 
 their labors were harmonious and efficient. This result was a 
 noble vindication of Penn, and proves that the people of Penn- 
 sylvania, when disabused of false impressions and aroused to 
 action, were true to their principles. 
 
 Before leaving this subject, it seems proper to remark that, 
 although Lloyd pursued towards Penn and Logan an unjustifia- 
 ble course, which appears to have been prompted by party zeal 
 and personal ill-will, yet he sustained a fair character in all the 
 relations of private life. 
 
 After the death of Penn he probably regretted the course into 
 which his passions had led him, for he was one of the signers 
 to a memorial from the Friends of Pennsylvania, which contains 
 an affectionate tribute to the merits and services of the great 
 Founder. He also co-operated with Logan in ascertaining the 
 Proprietary tide to the lower counties. 
 
 " It is soothing," saj's the elegant annotator to the Logan correspond- 
 ence, " to observe in the characters of men who, like these, hitherto have 
 been swayed by prejudice or passions, that when the evening of life ad- 
 vances, the storms which have agitated them subside, and the soul, like 
 the sun of the natural world, emerging from the clouds which have ob- 
 scured it, illuminates the horizon with its parting beam, and the day 
 closes with serenity and peace." 
 
 The political dissensions in the province which, at times, dis- 
 turbed the harmony of its councils, and disquieted the mind of 
 the Proprietary, did not seriously affect the welfare of the 
 people. 
 
 Like the political contests which have since often been w^aged 
 in our favored republic, they were magnified by the excitement 
 of passion, and regarded by some as portentous evils; but they 
 ruffled the surface only of society — they did not reach the depths 
 below, where, secure from the billows of party rage, there exist- 
 ed a state of serene tranquillity. 
 
 Among all the North American provinces, there was no peo- 
 ple more thoroughly democratic, or more jealous of their political 
 rights, than the colonists of Pennsylvania. 
 
 It was remarked by William Penn that " colonies are the 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 643 
 
 seeds of nations ;" they have within them the germs of those 
 qualities and principles which expand with their growth, and 
 determine their future characters. When the Anglo-Saxons 
 landed in Britain, they brought with them the indomitable spirit 
 and love of freedom which still live in their descendants, and 
 have thence been transplanted into many a distant land. But 
 the population of Great Britain, after the Saxon invasion, re- 
 ceived various accessions from other sources, which modified its 
 character, and, together with a diversity of religious views, 
 enabled her to send forth colonies to her American possessions 
 widely different in their opinions and habits, yet each possessed 
 of peculiar excellencies. 
 
 In Virginia and the Carolinas the leading men inherited the 
 high, bold spirit of the cavaliers, and were distinguished by 
 their loyalty, their love of ease, and cultivated tastes ; but they 
 cherished in the wilds of America the aristocratic spirit of their 
 ancestors, and left to men of low degree the labors of the plow, 
 the anvil, and the loom. 
 
 In New England the spirit of Puritanism was fully developed. 
 The Pilgrims were bold in enterprise, persevering in labor, 
 ardent in the pursuit of knowledge, austere in their lives, zeal- 
 ous in their religion, but deficient in that divine charity which is 
 the crowning grace of the Christian character. 
 
 Among the colonists of Pennsylvania there existed a type of 
 character totally different from either the Cavalier or the Puritan, 
 and not less strongly marked. The first settlers, under Penn, 
 were nearly all members of the Society of Friends, and mostly 
 natives of England and Wales, with a few from Scotland, Ire- 
 land and Germany. Among them were some who had sprung 
 from the stock of the English Cavaliers; many were of Puritan 
 descent, and a very large proportion were from that middle rank 
 in life which constitutes the bone and sinew of English society. 
 The elder class had imbibed, from education, a diversity of reli- 
 gious opinions; but, under the ministry of George Fox, their 
 views had become assimilated, and the severe sufferings they 
 endured in England for their religion, had bound them together 
 in unity of feeling. 
 
 The younger class had been educated in these habits of 
 
544 LIFE OF 
 
 industry, economy, and strict morality, so conspicuous among 
 the primitive Friends. 
 
 They held that all occupations which contribute to the welfare 
 of society are alike honorable, and that the privileges of social 
 equality should be accorded to all, in proportion to their virtue 
 and intelligence. Husbandmen, mechanics, merchants and 
 physicians, stood upon their individual merits, without regard to 
 their callings, and some of each class were found in the legisla- 
 tive and judicial departments of the government. William Penn 
 expressed a wish that his own children should be husbandmen 
 and housewives, and one of his sons was placed to learn the 
 business of a linen-draper in Bristol. Among the colonists 
 generally the same views prevailed, and the most respectable 
 citizens thought it no derogation from their standing, to bring up 
 their children to husbandry or mechanical employments. 
 
 This feature in society sprung out of their religious principles; 
 and if not peculiar to Pennsylvania, was more fully developed 
 there, than in any other colony. It had a most happy influence 
 in elevating the laboring classes, who were not considered, as 
 in Europe, the drudges in society, but as members of the body, 
 entitled to the respect, as well as the symjiathies of all. 
 
 There was probably no other community on the continent 
 where the rudiments of an English education were more generally 
 diffused, and there were among the inhabitants a number of 
 highly improved minds who exercised an important influence on 
 the colony. Thomas and David Lloyd, Daniel Pastorious, 
 Thomas Makin, George Keith, Isaac Norris, James Logan and 
 others, that might be named, were men of considerable classical 
 attainments, and some of them were mathematicians. 
 
 The next year after the landing of Penn, the Governor and 
 Council engaged the services of Enoch Flower, to open a school 
 in Philadelphia,* and a few years afterwards " Friends' Public 
 School" was estabhshed there. In this institution the ancient 
 languages were taught, as well as mathematics, and the more 
 
 * Colonial Records, i. 36.—" He embraced it on the following terms : to learne to 
 read English, 4s., by the quarter; to learne to read and write, 6s , by ye quarter; 
 to learne to re;id, write, and cast accounts, 8s., by ye quarter; for boarding a scho- 
 lar, that is to say, dyet, washing and schooling, ten iiounds, for one whole year." 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 545 
 
 useful branches of an English education. The poor were taught 
 gratuitously, and its doors were open to all. By an Act of 
 Assembly it w^as required that the laws should be read in the 
 schools. 
 
 It is no small indication of a literary taste, that a printing 
 press was in operation in Philadelphia within three years from 
 the first landing of Penn, and while the primeval forests still 
 covered the greater part of its area. One of its earliest publica- 
 tions was an Almanac, in the year 1685, edited by Samuel 
 Atkins of Philadelphia, and printed by William Bradford. It 
 appears by a minute of the Provincial Council that " in ye 
 Chronologic of ye Almanack there was these words, (the begin- 
 ning of government here of ye Lnrd Penn) ; the Council sent 
 for William Bradford, ye printer, and gave him charge not to 
 print any thing, but what shall have lycence from ye councill." 
 This affords evidence, that there was in the minds of the colonists 
 a strong feeling against aristocracy, and that the views we now 
 entertain concerning the freedom of the press had not then been 
 developed. 
 
 The first newspaper published in Philadelphia, was in 1719, 
 at which time there was no other in the North American colonies, 
 except in Boston. 
 
 As early as 1683, being the next year after his landing, Penn 
 issued an order for the establishment of a Post Office, " and 
 granted to Henry W'aldy authority to hold one, and to supply 
 passengers with horses from Philadelphia to New Castle, or to 
 the Falls."* In 1717 Jonathan Dickinson writes to his corres- 
 pondent, " we have a settled post from Virginia and Maryland 
 unto us, and goes through all our northern colonies, whereby 
 advices from Boston unto WilUamsburg, in Virginia, is com- 
 pleted in four weeks ^ from March to December, and in double 
 that time in the other months of the year."t 
 
 The roads in those days were scarcely passable for carriages, 
 
 • Watson's Annal?, ii 391. "The rales of postage were, for letters from the 
 Falls to Philadelphia, 3(/ ; to Chester, 5rf ; to New Castle, Id; to Mainland, 9d. 
 This post went once a week and was to be carefully published on the meeting 
 house door and other pui'lic places." 
 
 t Ibid, 392. 
 
 46* 
 
546 LIFE OF 
 
 and most of the travelling was on horseback. It is mentioned 
 in Watson's Annals, that "Mrs. Shippen, in 1702, came from 
 Boston to Philadelphia on horseback, with a baby in her lap." 
 The hardships and privations incident to a new settlement 
 developed in the colonists a capacity for enduring fatigue and 
 exposure, a dauntless courage and boldness of enterprise, rarely 
 to be found in older communities. 
 
 They were unceremonious and hearty in their manners ; kind 
 to their neighbors ; hospitable to strangers ; watchful in main- 
 taining their civil rights, and zealous in adhering to their religious 
 principles.* 
 
 There were many settlements of Indians in Bucks and Chester 
 counties, which remained long after the foundation of the colony. 
 " Tradition relates that they were kind neighbors, supplying the 
 white people with meat, and sometimes with beans and other 
 vegetables, which they did in perfect charity, bringing presents 
 to their houses and refusing pay. " Their children were sociable 
 and fond of play : a harmony arose out of their mutual intercourse 
 and dependence, and native simplicity reigned to its greatest 
 extent."! 
 
 The course pursued by Penn and the colonists of Pennsylva- 
 nia towards the Indian tribes, has already been related, — it forms 
 the fairest page in the history of the American continent. Nor 
 were their efforts confined, as some have supposed, to endeavors 
 to conciliate the Indians and promote their civilization ; but 
 extended to their instruction in spiritual knowledge and the 
 practice of a Christian life. 
 
 Even before the foundation of the colony, George Fox and 
 other ministers had preached to them, and soon after the first 
 settlement, the subject was taken up by the society, when reli- 
 gious meetings were directed to be held for their improvement, 
 and measures were adopted to prevent the sale of spirituous 
 liquors among them. Penn himself, while in his province, 
 labored earnestly, both as a legislator and minister of the Gospel, 
 
 • MS. arcount of Buckingham and Solebury, by Doctor Jno. Watson, in the 
 archives of Hist So. Pa. 
 f Ibid. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 547 
 
 to improve their condition and promote their spiritual advance- 
 ment. 
 
 These efforts were not without success, for although few of the 
 natives embraced the Christian profession, there is abundant evi- 
 dence that many among them evinced, by their deportment, 
 some of the noblest traits of the Christian character. 
 
 There is an account of " a portion of them, in the western 
 part of Pennsylvania, who from a self-conviction of the injustice 
 and irreligion of war, united themselves into a community, with 
 a resolution to war no more ; and asserting as their reason that, 
 'when God made men he did not intend they should hurt or 
 kill one another.' " This account is given by Anthony Benezet, 
 and he attributes the wonderful change in their deportment, to 
 the immediate operation of the " Light of Christ in the soul."* 
 
 The natives, on their part, did not fail to reciprocate the bene- 
 volence of the colonists. Though prompt to avenge an injury, 
 they never forgot a kindness, and were not surpassed by any 
 other people in the virtues of gratitude, honesty, and veracity. 
 During the whole time the influence of the Friends prevailed 
 in the province, being a period of more than seventy years, the 
 Indians of Pennsylvania seldom committed an injury, and never 
 took the life of a white man. 
 
 The motives which prompted the first settlers of Pennsylvania, 
 to seek an asylum in the new world, are set forth in a cotem- 
 porary publication, called " The Planter's Speech." 
 
 Among the inducements were, a desire to lead a peaceable 
 life, and to worship God according to their own convictions of 
 duty ; "that as trees are transplanted from one soil to another to 
 render tliem more thriving and better bearers, so, under the boun- 
 tiful protection of God, and in the lap of the least adulterated 
 nature, every one might improve his talent and bring forth more 
 plenteous fruits, to the glory of God and the public welfare of 
 the whole creation." And lastly, that by "their holy doctrines 
 and the practical teachings of their example, they might gain 
 upon the thousands of poor dark souls scattered around them;" 
 and bring them " not only to a state of civility, but real piety." 
 
 • Watson's Annals, ii 2G9. 
 
648 LIFE OF 
 
 " Our business, therefore," he says, " is not so much to build 
 houses, and estabhsh factories, and promote trade, to enrich our- 
 selves, as to erect temples of holiness and righteousness, which 
 God may delight in ; to lay such lasting foundations of temper- 
 ance and virtue, as may support the structures of our future hap- 
 piness both in this and the other world."* 
 
 These intentions of the first settlers of Pennsylvania, alike ho- 
 norable to their character and conducive to their happiness, 
 were carried into practice with eminent success. " Of all the 
 colonies that ever existed," says Ebeling, " none was ever 
 founded on so philanthropic a plan, none was so deeply im- 
 pressed with the character of its founder, none practised in a 
 greater degree the principles of toleration, liberty and peace, 
 and none rose and flourished more rapidly than Pennsylvania, 
 She was the youngest of the British colonies established before 
 the eighteenth century, but it was not long before she surpassed 
 most of her elder sisters in population, agriculture, and general 
 prosperity.! This sentiment is corroborated by the eloquent 
 language of Duponceau: "Let it not be imagined," he says, 
 "that the aimals of Pennsylvania are not suflficiently interesting 
 to call forth the talents of an eloquent historian. It is true, that 
 they exhibit none of those striking events, which the vulgar mass 
 of mankind consider as alone worthy of being transmitted to pos- 
 terity. No ambitious rival warriors occupy the stage, nor are 
 strong emotions excited by the frequent description of scenes of 
 blood, murder, and devastations. But what country on earth 
 ever presented such a spectacle as this fortunate commonwealth 
 held out to view, for the space of near one hundred years, 
 realizing all that fable ever invented or poetry ever sang, of an 
 imaginary golden age. Happy country! whose unparalleled in- 
 nocence, already communicates to thy history, the interest of 
 romance! Should Pennsylvanians hereafter degenerate, they 
 will not need, like the Greeks, a fgbulous Arcadia to relieve the 
 mind from the prospect of their crimes and follies, and to redeem 
 their own vices by the fancied virtues of their forefathers. Penn- 
 
 * Planlrr's Sppcrh, ProiuTs Hist. Pa i 
 
 + Hist of Pa. by Professor Ebt-liiig ot Hnmburg. Hazard's Reg , i 340. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 549 
 
 sylvania once realized what never existed before, except in 
 fabled story. Not that her citizens were entirely free from the 
 passions of human nature, for they were men and not angels; 
 but it is certain, that no country on earth ever exhibited such a 
 scene of happiness, innocence and peace, as was witnessed here 
 during the first century of our social existence."* 
 
 CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 Personal Appearance and Character. 
 
 Although the moral and intellectual part of our nature is that 
 alone which can, properly, be designated as the man, yet, from 
 its connexion with the body, it imparts to this perishable tene- 
 ment an interest that survives the stroke of death, and induces 
 us to treasure in our memories every lineament of those departed 
 friends who have shared our affections. 
 
 This feeling, so natural, and so soothing to the heart, is not 
 confined to those whom we have personally known : it extends 
 to all the wise, the good, and the great, whose pure sentiments, 
 noble deeds, or patient sufferings have enlisted our sympathies. 
 We love to picture to ourselves their features and manners, and 
 when, by means of portraits or descriptions, we can form a clear 
 idea of their persons, we seem to contract a nearer acquaintance, 
 and to enter more fully into their views and feelings. 
 
 William Penn was " tall in stature, and of an athletic make." 
 When a young man he was handsome in his person, and grace- 
 ful in his manners : later in life he was inclined to corpulency, 
 but using much exercise, retained his activity. " His appear- 
 ance, at this time, was that of a fine, portly man."f 
 
 The only portrait of him, taken from the life, was drawn when 
 he was twenty-two years of age, and has been described in the 
 first chapter of this work. 
 
 After his death, Sylvanus Bevan, a chemist of eminence in 
 London, who had a talent for sculpture, took much pains to form 
 a bust of him, which was considered by his acquaintance a good 
 
 * Duponceau's Discourse before Am. Philo. So., 1821. t Clarkson. 
 
550 LIFE OF 
 
 likeness.* A copy of this bust was sent to James Logan, and 
 is now in the Loganian Library, Philadelphia. 
 
 There is a statue of Penn at the Pennsylvania Hospital, Phila- 
 delphia, said to have been sent to this country by one of his de- 
 scendants. 
 
 The second portrait in this work was copied from the full 
 length portrait by Inman, executed for the Penn Society of 
 Philadelphia. It is a beautiful painting, and may now be seen 
 in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. 
 
 " William Penn was very neat, though plain, in his dress. He walked 
 generally with a cane. This cane he was accustomed to take with him, in 
 the latter part of his life, into his study, where, when he dictated to an 
 amanuensis, as was frequently his practice, he would take it in his hand, 
 and, walking up and down the room, would mark, by striking it against 
 the floor, the emphasis on points which he wished particularly to be 
 noticed. 
 
 " He was very neat also as to his person, and had a great aversion to 
 the use of tobacco. However, when he was in America, he was often an- 
 noyed by it, but he bore it with good humor."! 
 
 Although he adhered to the plainness and simplicity of ad- 
 dress peculiar to Friends, his manners were polished and cour- 
 teous ; for, as he said in one of his letters : 
 
 " I know no religion which destroys courtesy, civility and kindness, 
 which, rightly understood, are great indications of true men, if not of 
 good Christians. "J 
 
 It was this remarkable urbanity, joined with sweetness of 
 temper, ready wit, profound knowledge, and great conversa- 
 tional powers, that made him a welcome visitor in the saloons 
 of the great and the palaces of kings ; yet such was the humility 
 of his character, that he was no less agreeable among the yeo- 
 manry of Great Britain and the farmers of Pennsylvania. As 
 an evidence of his agreeable qualities, we may remember that 
 Dr. Tillotson, in one of his letters, says: 
 
 " I will seek the first opportunity to visit you at Charing Cross, and 
 renew our acquaintance, in which I took great pleasure." 
 
 • Clarkson. j Ibid. \ Letter to Justice Fleming. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 551 
 
 And Dean Swift asserted that "Penn talked very agreeably."* 
 He was on terms of friendship with scientific and literary 
 men, and doubtless enjoyed their society. It is related, that on 
 one occasion, being in company with Newton, Locke, and some 
 others, the conversation turned upon the comparative excellence 
 of the new American governments, but particularly those of 
 Carolina and Pennsylvania. 
 
 " The matter was at length argued in the presence of the two leglshi- 
 tors, when Locke ingenuously yielded the palm to Penn."t 
 
 One of the most remarkable traits in the character of Penn 
 was his magnanimity. With a singular disregard for selfish or 
 personal considerations, he devoted his life to the good of man- 
 kind. To plead the cause of suffering humanity — to advocate 
 the doctrines of civil and religious liberty — to found a free 
 colony for all mankind — to establish there the most liberal con- 
 stitution and laws — to obtain, by justice and kindness, an unex- 
 ampled influence over the Indian tribes — to recommend mea- 
 sures for improving the moral and social condition of the African 
 race — to point out the means of avoiding the calamities of war, 
 and to exemplify the benign principles of peace — these, and 
 similar objects, engaged all the powers. of his active and vigor- 
 ous mind. To have aimed at such noble objects, entitles his 
 character to our esteem — to have succeeded so remarkably, de- 
 mands our gratitude. In confirmation of these views, the lan- 
 guage of two eloquent and philosophical writers may be quoted. 
 Edmund Burke, in his account of the European settlements in 
 America, after speaking of William Penn's large expenditures 
 for his colony, and his liberal policy, adds : 
 
 " But what crowned all, was that noble charter of privileges, by which 
 he made them as free as any people in the world, and which has since 
 drawn such vast numljers of so many diiferent persuasions and such vari- 
 ous countries to put themselves under the protection of his laws. He 
 made the most perfect freedom, both religious and civil, the basis of his 
 establishment ; and this has done more towards the settling of the pro- 
 vince, and towards the settling of it in a strong and permanent manner, 
 than the wisest regulations could have done on any other plan." 
 
 • Noble's continuation of Granger, quoted by Clarkson. 
 j- Clarkson, 338 — note. 
 
552 LIFE OF 
 
 " This," says Bancroft, " is the praise of William Penn, that, in an age 
 which had seen a popular revolution shipwreck popular liberty among 
 selfish factions ; which had seen Hugh Peters and Henry Vane perish by 
 the hangman's cord and the axe ; in an age when Sidney nourished the 
 pride of patriotism rather than the sentiment of philanthropy, when 
 Russel stood for the liberties of his order, and not for new enfranchise- 
 ments, and Shaftsbury and Locke thought government should rest on 
 property — Penn did not despair of humanity, and though all history 
 and experience denied the sovereignty of the people, dared to cherish the 
 noble idea of man's capacity for self-government." 
 
 * * * << There is nothing in the history of the human race like the 
 confidence which the simple virtues and institutions of William Penn in- 
 spired." * * * 
 
 " Penn never gave counsel at variance with popular rights." * * * 
 " England to-day confesses his sagacity, and is doing honor to his genius. 
 He came too soon for success, and he was aware of it. 
 
 " After more than a century, the laws which he reproved, began gra- 
 dually to be repealed ; and the principle which he developed, sure of im- 
 mortality, is slowly, but firmly, asserting its power over the legislation of 
 Great Britain." * * * " Every charge of hypocrisy, of selfishness, of 
 vanity, of dissimulation, of credulous confidence ; every form of reproach, 
 from virulent abuse to cold apology ;* every ill name, from Tory and Jesuit, 
 to blasphemer and infidel, has been used against Penn ; but the candor of 
 his character always triumphed over calumny 
 
 " His name was safely cherished as a household word in the cottages of 
 Wales and Ireland, and among the peasantry of Germany ; and not a 
 tenant of a wigwam from the sea to the Susquehannah, doubted his in- 
 tegrity. 
 
 " His fame is now wide as the world; he is one of the few who have 
 gained abiding glory."t 
 
 When we consider the sacrifices he made for the good of others, 
 we cannot but lament that the evening of his days should have 
 been clouded by pecuniary embarrassments. Had he been care- 
 ful to husband the revenues from his Irish estates, had he not 
 generously declined the imposts offered to him by the first colo- 
 nial Assembly, had he been less liberal in donations of land, 
 less charitable to the poor, and less bountiful to the Indians, he 
 might have lived in affluence, escaped the extortions of his 
 steward, and been saved the humiliation of imprisonment for 
 debt. But would his character have been more dear to our 
 
 * Mackintosh, Hist, of Uev. f Hist U. S , ii., 381—400. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 553 
 
 hearts ? Should we not have lost some of the most instructive 
 portions of his history ? As in prosperity he had not been vainly 
 elated, so, in adversity, he was not unduly depressed, but evinced 
 in all his vicissitudes a happy equanimity. In the councils of 
 Infinite Wisdom, his afflictions were, doubtless, made instrumen- 
 tal to some high purpose : perhaps to purify the immortal spirit 
 for its blest abode, or to manifest to the world the power of reli. 
 gion to sustain the soul under all the trials of life. 
 
 As a minister of the Gospel, he was highly esteemed, and in- 
 defatigable in his rehgious duties: 
 
 " Though a learned man, he used, while preaching, language the most 
 simple and easy to be understood, and he had a happy way of explaining 
 himself by images the most familar. He was of such humility, that he used 
 generally to sit at the lowest end of the space allotted to ministers, always 
 taking care to place above himself poor ministers and those who appeared 
 to him to be peculiarly gifted. He was also, no less remarkable for en- 
 couraging those who were young in the ministry," Thomas Story, among 
 many others, witnessed this. "I had no courage," says he, " of my own 
 to appear in public among them (the ministers). I thought, however, (on 
 seeing Aaron Atkinson's ministry acceptable,) that I might also probably 
 go through the meetings without offence, which was the full amount of my 
 expectation or desire there ; and that which added much to my encourage- 
 ment, was the fatherly care and behavior of the ministers in general, but 
 especially of that great minister of the Gospel, and faithful servant of 
 Christ, William Penn, who abounded in wisdom, discretion, prudence, love, 
 and tenderness of affection, with all sincerity, above most in this genera- 
 tion ; and, indeed, I never knew his equal."* 
 
 As an author of religious works, he holds a high rank among 
 the members of his own society, and some of his writings have 
 been well received by the public at large. His style is vigor- 
 ous, his illustrations apt, and often elegant, but like most wri- 
 ters of that age, his sentences are sometimes too cumbrous to 
 suit the taste of modern readers. As a specimen of pure old 
 EngUsh, without the affectation of foreign words or idioms, his 
 diction deserves to be studied by the young. 
 
 He was methodical in the division and use of his time, which 
 enabled him to accomplish a great amount of business without 
 
 • T. Story's Journal, and Claikson. 
 
 47 
 
554 LIFE OF 
 
 neglecting his religious duties. He wrote a paper called " Christian 
 Discipline," or good and wholesome orders for the well-govern- 
 ing of his family, which is supposed to have been posted in some 
 conspicuous place in his house. From this it appears, that 
 (luring that quarter of the year when the days are shortest, they 
 were to rise at seven in the morning, in the next quarter at six, 
 in the next at five, and in the last at six again. Nine o'clock 
 was the hour for breakfast, twelve for dinner, seven for supper 
 and ten to retire to bed. 
 
 " The whole family were to assemble every morning for worship. 
 They were to be called together at eleven again, that each might read in 
 turn some portion of the Holy Scripture, or of Martyrology, or of Friends' 
 hooks : and, finally, they were to meet again for worship at six in the 
 evening. On the days of public meeting, no one was to be absent except 
 on the plea of ill health or of unavoidable engagement. The servants 
 were to be called up after supper, to render to their master and mistress 
 an account of what they had done in the day, and to receive instructions 
 for the next." 
 
 " The same paper laid down rules for their guidance. They were to 
 avoid loud discourse and troublesome noises ; they were not to absent 
 themselves without leave ; they were not to go to any public-house but 
 upon business ; and they were not to loiter, or enter into unprofitalile talk, 
 while on an errand. It contained, also, exhortations to them, to be upright 
 and faithful to their employers, and,' though each had a particular service, 
 to be willing, all of them, to assist each other as it became brethren and 
 fellow-servants. And lastly, it contained one general exhortation to all ; 
 every member of the family was instructed to keep a watch over his mind, 
 to beware of lying, defrauding, tale-bearing, and other vicious practices 
 there specified ; to abstain from words which would provoke lightness, and 
 from giving each other bad names ; and, in cases of difference, not to let 
 the sun go down upon their wrath."* 
 
 In attention to the poor he was equalled by few, and no 
 man was more beloved in his own neighborhood, where his name 
 was long held in grateful remembrance. f It appears by his let- 
 ters, that many poor but respectable persons were enabled, 
 through his aid, to emigrate to the province, where they were 
 further assisted by his bounty until they could earn a livelihood. | 
 
 A few months after his decease, the General Meeting of 
 
 • Clarkson. f Ibid. t J- F. Fisher, M. H. S. Fa. iii. part ii. 
 
WILLIAM PENN. 556 
 
 Friends in Pennsylvania, issued a testimony or memorial con- 
 cerning him ; in which, after gratefully acknowledging his emi- 
 nent services as the Founder of the colony, and " the blessino-s 
 and ease they had enjoyed under his government," they speak of 
 him as a worthy elder and able minister of the Gospel. " His 
 behavior was sweet and engaging, and his condescension great, 
 even to the weakest and meanest ; affable and of easy access ; 
 tender of every person and thing that had simplicity of truth or 
 honesty for a foundation."* 
 
 The most affecting and beautiful tribute to his memory, is 
 found in the obituary memorial issued by his friends and neioh- 
 bors of his own Monthly Meeting. It is entitled, " A Testimony 
 concerning WilUam Penn, from the Monthly Meeting for Berk- 
 shire, England, held at Reading, .'Ust of the 1st month, 1719," 
 
 After speaking of his death and burial, the memorial con- 
 tinues : 
 
 " Being a member of our Monthly Meeting at the time of his decease, 
 and for some years before, we can do no less, in giving the foregoing ac- 
 count, than say something of the character of so worthy a man ; and not 
 only refer to other meetings, where his residence was in former times, 
 who are witnesses of the great self-denial he underwent in the prime of 
 his youth, and the patience with which he bore many a heavy cross ; but 
 think it our duty to cast in our mite, to set forth in part his deserved 
 commendation. 
 
 " He was a man of great abilities, of an excellent sweetness of disposi- 
 tion ; quick of thought and of ready utterance ; full of the qualifications of 
 true discipleship, even love without dissimulation ; as extensive in charity 
 as comprehensive in knowledge, and to whom malice and ingratitude were 
 utter strangers — ready to forgive enemies, and the ungrateful were not 
 excepted. 
 
 " Had not the management of his temporal affairs been attended with 
 some deficiencies, envy itself would be to seek for matter of accusation, 
 and judging in charity, even that part of his conduct may be attributed to 
 a peculiar sublimity of mind. 
 
 " Notwithstanding which, he may without straining his character, be 
 ranked among the learned — good — and great ; whose abilities are sufi&cient- 
 ly manifested throughout his elaborate writings, which are so many 
 lasting monuments of his admired qualifications, and are the esteem of 
 learned and judicious men among all persuasions. 
 
 * Friends' Library, v. 318. 
 
556 LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 " And although in old age, by reason of some shocks of a violent disease, 
 his intellect was much impaired, yet his sweetness and loving disposition 
 surmounted its utmost efforts, and remained when reason almost failed. 
 
 " In fine, he was learned without vanity ; apt without forwardness ; 
 facetious in conversation, yet weighty and serious — of an extraordinary 
 greatness of mind, yet void of the stain of ambition ; as free from rigid 
 gravity as he was clear of unseemly levity ; a man — a scholar — a friend ; 
 a minister surpassing in speculative endowments, whose memorial will be 
 valued by the wise, and blessed with the just." 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Since Chapter XXVITI. of this work went to press, the author 
 has been favored, by the courtesy of Alfred Cope, of Philadel- 
 phia, with the use of documents relating to Pennsylvania, copied 
 from the State Paper Office in London. 
 
 The following extracts relating to the restoration of Penn to 
 his government, in 1694, will be found to justify the conclusion, 
 stated on page 384. 
 
 "At the Committee of Trade and Plantations, at the Council Chamber 
 at Whitehall, the 1st and 3d of August, 1694. * * * * 
 
 ** The Committee being attended by Mr. Penn, who having declared to 
 their Lordships, that if her Majesty shall be graciously pleased to restore 
 him to the Proprietary according to the said grants, he intends with all 
 convenient speed to repair thither, and take care of the government, and 
 provide for the safety and security thereof, all that in him lyes. And to 
 that end he will carefully transmit to the Council and Assembly there, all 
 such orders as shall be given by her Majesty in that behalf, and he doubts 
 not but they will at all times dutifully comply with, and yield obedience 
 thereunto, and to all such orders and directions as their Majesties' shall 
 from time to time think fit to send, for the supplying such quota of men, 
 or the defraying their part of such charges as their Majesties shall think 
 necessary for the safety and preservation of their Majesties' dominions in 
 that part of America. That he will appoint the same person to be his 
 Deputy Governor, that is now commissionated by Col. Fletcher to that 
 trust, and if the government there shall not take due care that such 
 orders as their Majesties shall think fit to give as aforesaid be duly 
 complied with, he will then submit the direction of military afiairs to their 
 Majesties' pleasure."* * * * * 
 
 LETTER FROM WILLIAM FORD TO SECRETARY BLATHWAYTE. 
 
 " London, 14th December, 1694. 
 "Friend: — Yesterday I received a letter from William Penn, wherein 
 he desires me to give thee his respects, and to pray thee in his name as a 
 
 • State Paper Office, B. T., Pennsylvania, Vol. ii. p. 51. 
 
558 APPENDIX. 
 
 mark of thy friendship, to get the Lords to understand and allow that his 
 cousin W^liam Markham, who is Col. Fletcher's Deputy Governor, having 
 the military power, answers thei)' intention and the substance of his engage- 
 ment : that the civil affairs may be in the hands of those more suitable to 
 the mind and improvement of the colony."* 
 
 These extracts show that Col, Markham, who was already 
 Deputy Governor, was to be continued in the office, to exercise 
 the military power under authority from the crown ; but Penn 
 wished to place the civil power in hands " more suitable to the 
 mind and improvement of the colony." He, therefore, appoint- 
 ed two Friends, John Goodson and Samuel Carpenter, assistants 
 of Markham in the administration. f 
 
 * state Paper Office. B. T., Pennsylvania, vol. i. B. A., p. 19. 
 
 \ See Penn's commission to Markham, S. P. 0. B. T. Pennsylvania, vol. i., p. 
 35. Also his commission to John Goodson and Samuel Carpenter, S. P. O. B. T. 
 Pennsylvania, vol. i., p. 39. 
 
LIST OF AUTHOHITIES 
 
 CONSULTED IN THE COMPOSITION OF THIS WORK. 
 
 1. Penn's MSS. Letters in the archives of the American Philosophical 
 
 Society at Philadelphia. 
 
 2. Penn and Logan, MSS. Correspondence, in do. do. 
 
 3. Original MSS. and Letters in the archives of the Historical Society of 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 4. Penn's papers in the hands of Geo. M. Justice, Philadelphia. 
 
 5. Pemberton MSS., being letters of Penn to Harrison. 
 
 6. MSS. copies in the hands of Alfred Cope, Philadelphia, from twenty 
 
 documents relating to Pennsylvania, in the State Paper Office, 
 London. 
 
 7. Records of Cei'tificates, &c., Philadelphia Monthly Meeting, 1684 to 
 
 1758. 
 
 8. Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, in 8 half vols. 
 
 9. Memorials of Sir William Penn, by Granville Penn. 
 10. Works of William Penn, with his life prefixed. 
 
 11.. Clarkson's Memoir of William Penn, with Forster's vindication pro- 
 fixed. 
 
 12. Life of William Penn, by Enoch Lewis, in Friends' Library. 
 
 13. Life of William Penn, by George E. Ellis, in Sparks' American 
 
 Biography. 
 
 14. Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, 3 vols. 
 
 15. Smith's Laws of Pennsylvania. 
 
 16. Proud's History of Pennsylvania. 
 
 17. Gordon's History of Pennsylvania. 
 
 18. Ebeling's History of Pennsylvania. 
 
 19. Smith's History of Pennsylvania, in Hazard's Register. 
 
 20. Hazard's Register. 
 
 21. Hazard's Annals of Pennsylvania. 
 
 22. Watsons, do. do. 
 
 23. Pennsylvania Historical Collections, by Sherman Day. 
 
 24. Account of Pennsylvania and West New Jersey, by Gabriel Thomas, 
 
 1698. 
 
 25. Thomas Story's Journal. 
 
 26. John Richardson's Journal. 
 
^ ' J "f^ 
 
 560 LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 
 
 27. Thomas Ell wood's Journal. 
 
 28. George Fox's Journal. 
 
 29. Pepy's Diary. 
 
 30. Burnet's History of his own times. 
 
 31. Historical Review, (Franklin), 
 
 32. Original Settlements on the Delaware, by B. Ferris. 
 
 33. Life of Algernon Sidney. 
 
 34. Friends' Book of Memorials. 
 
 35. Sewell's History of Quakers. 
 
 36. Gough's do, do. 
 
 37. Smith's History of New Jersey. 
 
 38. New Jersey Historical Collections. 
 
 39. Bancroft's History of the United States. 
 
 40. Life of William Kiffin, by Joseph Ivenney. 
 
 41. " The Friend," Philadelphia, 24 vols. 
 
 42. Friends' Weekly Intelligencer. 
 
 43. Dixon's Life of Penn.* 
 
 * Dixon's work was not published until this volume was nearly read" for the 
 press. I have therefore introduced in the form of notes all that I deemed of import- 
 ance to be extracted from it.