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iS@:£lg^S!|)(S)l?!S)ll?@ll 
 
 BETWEEN THE 
 
 Hon. JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 LATE PRESIDENT OF THE XTNITED STATES, 
 
 AND THE LATE 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Es<i. 
 
 BEGINNING IN 1803, AND ENDING IN 1812. 
 
 BOSTON : 
 
 PUBLISHED BY E. M. CUNNINGHAM, 
 Son of the late Wm. Cnnniogham, Esq. 
 
 True and Greene^ Printers Merchants'' Hall, 
 
 1823. 
 

 
 
 DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, TO WIT : 
 
 District Clerk's Office, 
 ■*.wv«v«A.*- BE IT REMEMBERED, that oo the eighth day ot August, 
 
 J SEAL. > A. D. 1823, in the forty eighth year of the Indt-peiideiice of the 
 ^-wv«ww>j^ United States of America, Ephraim May Cunniugharu, of tlie said 
 District, has deposited in this Office the title of a book, the right whereof be claims 
 as Proprietor, in the words following, to wit : 
 
 "Correspondence between the Hon. John Adams, late President of the United States 
 and the late Wm. Cunningham. Esq beginning in 1803 and ending in 1813.'' 
 
 In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled " An Act 
 for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts and 
 Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies during the times therein men- 
 tioned :" and also to an Act entitled, '' An Act supplementary to an Act, entitled 
 An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts 
 and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies during the times therein 
 mentioned; end extending the benefits thereof to the Arts of Designing, Engraving 
 and Etching Historical, and other Prints." 
 
 JOHN W DAVIS. 
 CUrk ef the District of Massachusetts. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 THIS correspondence is presented to the American peo- 
 ple, with an exclusive view to their information and bene- 
 fit. The seal of secrecy, which was imposed by the sur- 
 vivor, is broken by the triumph of death over his corres- 
 pondent. It has now become the property of the public 
 and of posterity. The Editor is influenced by a deep soli- 
 citude for the welfare of our republic, and an anxious wish, 
 that its institutions and liberties may be transmitted to an 
 interminable futurity. He deems it an imperative obliga- 
 tion upon every citizen of this great and free nation to con- 
 tribute, according to his means, to the preservation and 
 glory of this invaluable inheritance. 
 
 The history of nations, is little else, than the history of 
 individuals ; and, the existence and prosperity of the one, 
 depend upon the purity, patriotism and public spirit of the 
 other. In all nations, which have risen, flourished and fal- 
 len, the causes of their decline and overthrow, may be trac- 
 ed to individuals and families. An inordinate and unprinci- 
 pled thirst for power, on the part of the few, at the ex- 
 pense of the many, has always been the inveterate bane of 
 liberty — the semen dissolutionis of political communities. — 
 Men are, by nature, free and equal ; but, there is, among 
 them, a perpetual tendency to inequalit3% Society is con- 
 stantly diverging into the extremes of affluence and power, 
 on the one hand, and penury and weakness, on the oiher- 
 B 
 
IV. 
 
 The progress to these extremes, is accelerated, in direct 
 proportion to the distance from the medium. An increase 
 of strength, gives new energy, and every accumulation 
 sharpens the appetite for more. On the other hand, de- 
 feat destroys confidence, and every failure paves the way 
 to a repetition, till a great majority of mankind, sink into 
 listlessness and indolence, and become the servile instru- 
 ments of pampered power. The operation and extension 
 of this principle, has created all those iron despotisms, 
 which have humbled and crushed the human family. 
 
 It is the spirit and intention of our republican institutions, 
 to correct this tendency to monopoly, and to restrain indi- 
 vidual and family aggrandizement. In this, consists our pre- 
 eminence, in freedom and happiness, over every other na- 
 tion. It is the bulwark of our liberties. When this correc- 
 tive power shall be yielded, we shall become a degraded 
 people. It is the duty of freemen to guard it, with un- 
 tiring vigilance. By a constant recurrence to first princi- 
 ples and an unceasing inspection and scrutiny into the con- 
 duct and characters of our distinguished men, we may hope 
 to preserve our rights and perpetuate them to future gene- 
 rationfe. However elevated his rank — powerful his con- 
 nexions — or, unlimited his hold upon the estimation and 
 confidence of his countrymen, we should not shrink from 
 summoning the dehnquent to that tribunal, from which 
 there is no appeal — to the tribunal of public opinion. 
 
 In times of revolutionary excitement, it is easy for a man 
 of a restless and daring spirit, to throw himself info the 
 stream and roll on with the tide. By activity and address, 
 he may mould the ingredients of a community in commo- 
 tion, to his own will and pleasure, and acquire power and 
 influence with wonderful facility. The splendor of success, 
 achieved by his associates, may throw a halo of glory round 
 his name, and the enthusiasm of a nation, may assign him a 
 
place among her worthies, which posterity will permit him 
 to retain, if the mask be not removed by his subsequent 
 career. In the hurry of events, it is impossible to form a 
 coricv-t estimate of h^ acts, and to foresee the ultimate ob- 
 jects of his ambition. It is only, when the storm is over, 
 that his motives may be developed and his true character 
 delineated. 
 
 It cannot be doubted, that the fame of Mr. Adams would 
 have gone into future times, with a brighter train, if his 
 public labours had ceased, with the termination of the re- 
 volution. By retirement, he might have preserved a rank 
 ia that luminous galaxy of heroes and statesmen, who 
 achieved our independence. But, every act of his, since 
 that epoch, has removed him farther from the proud eleva- 
 tion, to which a fortuitous concurrence of circumstances and 
 the unsuspecting gratitude of an emancipated people, had 
 raised him. It was not, however, till he became chief ma- 
 gistrate of the nation, that his real character and designs 
 were known. It was now, that his arlstocratical principles 
 and selfish policy, appeared in all their hideousness. The 
 people saw his rapid strides towards despotism, and, that 
 he aimed to wrest from them the sovereignty and secure it 
 to himself and family. It is unnecessary to recount the ob- 
 noxious acts of his administration ; for, they are fresh in the 
 recollection of every citizen. It is in vain to attempt to 
 charge the odium of this reign of terror upon his constitu- 
 tional counsellors ; for, the maxim, that " the king can do 
 no wrong," is not recognised in our political creed. The 
 Executive, possessed of the appointing power, and having 
 a negative upon the legislature, is amenable to the nation, 
 for the policy and practice of the government. The eyes 
 of the people are directed to the Supreme Head; and, not- 
 withstanding its immense patronage and influence, which 
 are calculated to dazzle and blind the million, Mr. Adams, 
 
VI. 
 
 clothed, as he was, with the revohitionary mantle, could 
 not sustain the scrutiny. The voice of a free people, called 
 him from power and consigned him to the shades of Q,uincy, 
 where it would have been well for his future fame, if he 
 had devoted the remnant of his years, to the cultivation of 
 his farm and of philosophy. But his feelings and principles 
 and desires, were not fashioned upon the model of the Ro- 
 man Cincinnatus. The shadow of departed glory, lingered 
 in his fancy, and stars and diadems still danced on his vi- 
 sion. He saw in every object around him, engraven in 
 capitals, the memento, non sum, quod fui. 
 
 It is well observed, that the truest delineations and traits 
 of human character, are found in private intercourse and in 
 familiar correspondence. Here, the mind discharges its sen- 
 tinels — the heart is liberated from the restraints of policy 
 and affectation — and, the whole man unbends and displays 
 the ingredients of his composition, and speaks the language 
 of his real feelings and sentiments. It is in this plain and 
 unclouded mirror, that the American people may now be- 
 hold the character, who once presided over their destinies, 
 and who assumes to be their political father. 
 
 It will be seen through the whole tenor of this corres- 
 pondence, that, in the estimation of Mr. Adams, no person 
 in the nation, of any party, is entitled to consideration or 
 credit, except himself and his son, who, when appointed to 
 an important office, '•'■ is banished^ because he is too justP'' — 
 They seem to be specially designed by providence, to take 
 this infant nation into their keeping, and to hold her in safe 
 leading-strings, through successive generations. Thrice hap- 
 py America, for possessing such a race ! How blind and in- 
 fatuated, for entrusting the reins, for a moment, to such ig- 
 noble hands as Jefferson and Madison ! 
 
 From the letters written in 1803 and 4, it appears, that 
 Mr. Adams' imagination was incessantly disturbed by the 
 
VII. 
 
 grisly gobiin of Democracy. This monster had broken the 
 chains, with which, he had been bound, in his reign, and 
 was now stalking through the nation, and leading the peo- 
 ple to seduction and ruin. The same uneasy and unhallow- 
 ed ambition, which characterised him, in public, pursued 
 him to his retreat. Envy, jealousy and resentment, burned 
 in his bosom ; and, he conceived the herculean project of 
 prostrating the' reputation of his successor, and of raising 
 himself and his family upon the ruins of republicanism. His 
 immediate friends and connexions^ and the newspaper scrib- 
 blers of the day, at his instigation, embarked in the business 
 of calumny, and the administration of Jefferson, was assail- 
 ed, with a venom and virulence, unparalleled in the annals 
 of any other age or nation. He affected to shudder at the 
 calamities, vvhich the infidel President was preparing tor 
 his country ; and, an appeal was made to the religion and 
 morality of the people, to avert the impending desolation. 
 The torrents of abuse and defamation, whicn were poured 
 out, with unsparing profusion, upon the republican chief, 
 may be traced, with unerring certainty, to the prolific foun- 
 tain at Quincy. The federalists were upbraided with the 
 charge of apathy and indifference to public concerns, for 
 not coming to the attack, vvitb more zeal and fury and de- 
 votion to their prostrate leader " Anecdotes from memo- 
 ry," conjured up in the dark caverns of spleen and resent- 
 ment, were furnished to be wrought into political essays, and 
 palmed, for facts, upon the nation. 
 
 Amidst all this confusion and war of elements, Jefferson 
 stood, like Atlas, upon a broad and immoveable basis, with 
 his head in clear sunshine, above the clouds. His adminis- 
 tration was energetic, without armies — dignified, without 
 gag-laws — and, the treasury abundant, without direct 
 taxes. The principles of the Constitution, wont into com- 
 plete and harmonious operation, and the resources of the 
 
Vlll. 
 
 country, wpre developed, to the credit of this, and to the 
 admiration of other nations. Religion and her altars were 
 preserved from profanation^ — temples of literature and sci- 
 ence were founded and patronized — and, an immense popu- 
 lation spread into the western wilderness, carrying the habits 
 of industry and enterprize, and the principles of civil liberty. 
 The people flocked to the republican standard; and, the- 
 result of the second election, demonstrated, that republican 
 principles had taken deep root in their affections. 
 
 The g'ame was up. Republicanism could not be over- 
 thrown ; and, we hear nothing more from our correspondent, 
 about the abandoned " Rake, Democracy." A long and 
 portentous sih^nce ensues, interrupted occasionally by a 
 small gun in the shape of a poetical lampoon, which, like 
 the scattered fire of a retreating enemy, shews more of 
 imbecile malice, than of magnanimous courage. 
 
 It would be a curious investigation to look minutely into 
 the chasm of years, in this correspondence. But, the secret 
 workings of the passions — the humbled pride — the stifled 
 hatred and resentment — the writhings and agonies of con- 
 flicting desires, must be left to conjecture. The result only 
 is known. Unconquerable ambition gained a victory, ct om- 
 nia alia cedant. To this triumphant passion, truth, consist- 
 ency, former principles, and gratitude to former friends, 
 associates and supporters, must yield. 
 
 Mr. Adams has laid it down as a princijtle* that " if a 
 family, which has been high in office, and splendid in 
 wealth falls into decay, from profligacy, folly, vice or 
 misfortune, they generally turn Democrats, and court 
 the lowest of the people, with an ardour, an art, a skill 
 and consequently with a success, which no vulgar Dem- 
 ocrat can attain." Upon this principle, the irrevocable 
 decision is taken, and conversion to democracy is re- 
 
 * Vide tetter VI. 
 
IX. 
 
 solved upon, as the only means of recovery, by his fam- 
 ily, of departed power. It does not appear, whether this, 
 conversion was a gradual work, or whether it came in a 
 blaze of lightning- like that of his " exemplar Paul."* The 
 only account furnished by Mr. Adams, is, " they cannot sink 
 me lower than the bottom, and I have been safely landed 
 there these eight years." " I will not die for nothing^^^ 
 and " my SONS are very much delighted, that 1 have taken 
 the subject up." The speculation was without hazard. — 
 Nothing to lose ; but the possibility, if not the prospect of 
 " a success, which no vulgar Democrat can attain"! Who 
 would not embark with such odds in his favour? 
 
 The time for the explosion arrives — the volcano bursts, 
 and red-hot streams of lava are poured through the columns 
 of the Boston Patriot, sweeping away characters, and bury- 
 ing the peace of families, in their march. The destroying 
 spirit has gone forth ; and, nothing can arrest his career. 
 The sanctuary of the dead is violated. The ashes of him, 
 who once wielded the sword, and fought our battles by the 
 side of our Washington — Those ashes, which once were 
 animated by the celestial fire of genius and eloquence, are 
 drawn from their repose and scattered in the winds. The 
 distinguished individuals of the party, which raised him to 
 power, now that its ascendency is gone, have become " Brit- 
 ish Bears and Tory Tigers," and must be hunted down. 
 The French have become a very clever people; but, John 
 Bull has turned his dreadful eye-balls upon us, and will ere 
 long trample us in the dust. " Democracy" has become a 
 Deity and its "• Islam" a vicegerent, — and, " I a94 Jefferson 
 have always been friends" — Ecce, nos^ poma natamus ! 
 
 My countrymen, it would be trifling with your ^feelings to 
 pursue the analysis further. It would be offering indignity 
 
 • No irreverent allusion to the apostle, is intended. Mr. A. uses the expression in 
 application to himself. 
 
X. 
 
 to your gfooil sense nnd disceniment, to driuv (he inferences 
 anil explain (he gieiU eml aiul tlesiijn of (liis ami ii simuUa- 
 neous coQversion. Thev are written in (laming' characters 
 upon the front of (he (rausaition. Let the voice of reason 
 ami ol pad'iotism he hearJ They make (heir solemn appeal, 
 to the democracy of Maine — to the repiihlicans of New- 
 Hampshire — to (lie (reemen of (he Green Moun(ains — to (he 
 whole people of (his na(ion, (o pause anil consider, whe(her 
 i( he sale (o eng^rut't a Scion of this old Stock in our tree of 
 liberty — where, it might shoo( up in rank luxuriance and 
 overshadow and destroy it. 
 
5©i£iE:ssLs^osrD:fflWi3Hi. 
 
 LEI riOR I. 
 
 QiiiNCY, .ISTov. -iU///, UU):i. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I received on Saturcliiy your favour 
 of the 21st — had before received tlie copy of 
 your Oration, which you mention in it, and since 
 that, have received the other, that you sent first. 
 For all these favours I thank yon. 
 
 The Brochure, which contains much valuable 
 mailer, I have read with a lively interest, and 
 lii<i;h j)leasure. 1 wish I had patience, and lei- 
 sure, however, to make a few friendly I'emarks. 
 But, as I have not, T shall confine myself to one 
 or two ([uestions. The first is, hav(^ you not 
 fallen too deeply in love witli Mr. Ames' style? 
 The second is, where you found yoiu* authority 
 for your ([notation in (n. p. 10) paoe 31 and 32, 
 which you say is from Mr. Jefferson's Letter to 
 Judge Wythe, 1776. I never knew nor lieard 
 
 ^^,'. 
 
of any letter to Judge Wythe from Jefferson. 
 The words quoted, viz : — " The dignity and sta- 
 bility of Government in all its branches," &c. 
 are taken from my letter to Judge Wythe, in 
 1776. 
 
 Some time in January or February, 1 believe, 
 in 1776, or if I am mistaken in the recollection 
 of the month, certainly, very early in that year, 
 I wrote the pamphlet in question, which Rich- 
 ard Henry Lee procured to be printed by Dun- 
 lap, in Philadelphia, under the title of Thoughts 
 on Government, in a Letter from a Gentleman 
 to his friend. — Being applied to by a printer 
 many years after, I gave permission to re-print 
 it, with my name, who wrote it, and Mr. Wythe's, 
 to whom it was written. By the quotation you 
 make, I suspect that some rascal has reprinted 
 it, and imputed it to the name of Mr. Jefferson. 
 I wish you success. Sir, in your literary pur- 
 suits and all others, and am, with kind regards 
 to your family, your most obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Mr. William Cumiingham. 
 
3 
 LETTER 11. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Dec. 2, 1803. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I duly received your favour of 
 the 28th iilt. I know your time is much em- 
 ployed, 3^et, I cannot restrain the wish, that you 
 would have " patience and leisure to make the 
 friendly remarks" which arose on the perusal 
 of my performance. I am sufficiently sensible 
 of inaccuracies to be admonished, for the future, 
 against too much confidence in my own infor- 
 mation. A friendly eye to discover faults, and 
 a friendly hand to correct them, are benefits 
 which a just precaution recommends to writ- 
 ers of more accuracy and of better advantages 
 than myself. 
 
 In answer to the two questions proposed in 
 your letter, I say — That if my style is like Mr. 
 Ames', I may with truth assert, that I am not 
 a copyist. I think myself tolerably well ac- 
 quainted with the merits of Mr. Ames ; while 
 I admire the strength of his imagination, I must 
 say that I think it greater than the solidity of 
 his judgment : I am deeply sensible of obliga- 
 tion for your friendly hint. 
 
My authority for the quotation (n. p. 10) is 
 the federal prints. If my memory is faithful, 
 the letter to Judge Wythe has been imputed to 
 Jefferson in a number of them. I found the ex- 
 tract I used in Thomas' Massachusetts Spy, 
 which is generally considered correct : — I here- 
 with forward the paper for your inspection. I 
 cannot conceal my mortification at not being in- 
 formed of the real author of the letter ; nor can 
 I suppress my indignation at the intention, or 
 incautiousness which steals from one and cheats 
 another. If you would suggest a method for 
 the correction of the error in my publication, I 
 would most readily conform to it. 
 
 Permit me to renew remembrances to your 
 family, and to assure you of my being, with 
 profound respect, 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your most Ob't. Serv't. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 
 Hon. John Mams^ 
 Quincy. 
 
9 
 LETTER III. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Jan. 10, 1804. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I have ascertained that Mr. Adams' 
 Sermon at the Dudleian Lecture was not pub- 
 lished ; a copy was deposited in the archives of 
 the University, agreeably to the will of Judge 
 Dudley. I am informed, in a letter from the 
 Rev'd. Mr. Gushing, of Ashburnham, that it was 
 a laboured discourse on the vaUdity of Presby- 
 terian Ordination, for which Mr. Adams was 
 much comphmented. 
 
 I have for some time been collecting materi- 
 als to present the Public with a full view of the 
 character and conduct of Mr. Jefferson. I am 
 informed that such a work is preparing by Mr. 
 Colman of New- York, under the eye of Gen." 
 Hamilton. If I should really find the design in 
 better hands, I shall relinquish it. I am, at pre- 
 sent, encouraged by the promised aid and pat- 
 ronage of some valuable friends. If I should 
 proceed in the work, the time most favourable 
 for effect at the ensuing election will be chosen 
 for its appearance. 
 
6 
 
 I wish to discover every arcanum that would 
 be of use to develope the true character of the 
 Salt Mountain Philosopher. This mountain has 
 increased the wonders of the world to eight, 
 and, if Mr. Jefferson would sink a tomb in a 
 part of it for himself, it might, better than being 
 a Mummy, preserve his body and memory 
 through succeeding ages. 
 
 But to return. No man living has so tho- 
 rough a knowledge of Mr. Jefferson's transac- 
 tions as yourself — it is necessary, therefore, to 
 the perfection of my plan, that I should assume 
 the confidence to apply to 3 ou for some parti- 
 culars. If, Sir, to promote my patriotic purpo- 
 ses, you would refer me to interesting incidents 
 in Mr. Jefferson's career, I promise most seri- 
 ously that no indiscretion or unfaithfulness in 
 me shall expose or abuse your goodness. 
 
 In the year 1800, 1 wrote. Sir, a lengthy out- 
 line of yourself It was first published in the 
 Providence Gazette, and was copied into most of 
 the federal papers thro' the Union : It has, per- 
 haps, passed your perusal. It was acknowledg- 
 ed by gentlemen, who had been long in public 
 life, to contain some facts which were not pre- 
 viously of notoriety ; and I was assured, parti- 
 
cularly by Judge Bourne, that it essentially 
 served the federal cause at the Presidential 
 election in Rhode Island, where I then resided. 
 I have rather mentioned this to refer you to a 
 specimen of the manner in which the work con- 
 templated will be executed than from any per- 
 sonal views ; tho' I will not dissemble that my 
 exertions and my admiration would not be abat- 
 ed by your auspices, but they would give activ- 
 ity and animation to both. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Mams. 
 
 P. S.— If it would be more agreeable to disclose yourself 
 in conversation than in writing, I would do m.yself the ho- 
 nor of waiting on you. 
 
 LETTER IV. 
 
 QuiNCY, Jan. 16, 1804. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I ought to acknowledge my fault in 
 having two of your kind letters to answer at 
 once. I return you with thanks, Mr. Thomas's 
 Spy, in which my poor " Thoughts on Govern- 
 
8 
 
 merit" are wickedly and libelously imputed to 
 '' the greatest man in America r This was re- 
 ceived in your letter of Dec. 2d. 
 
 I thank you for the trouble you have taken 
 to ascertain that Mr. Zabdiel Adams's Sermon 
 on the Validity of Presbyterian Ordination, was 
 
 not printed. 
 
 I would not advise you to relinquish the pro- 
 ject you have in hand, because another has the 
 same. If the two persons you name, are en- 
 gaged in such a work, you may depend upon 
 Tt, no good will come of it. There will be so 
 many little passions and weak prejudices, so 
 little candor and sincerity in it, that the dullest 
 reader will see through it. The Cincinnati and 
 the Essex Juntos, and there is one of these in 
 every State, will cry it up, but the louder they 
 extol it, the less influence it will have in the 
 nation. The jealousy of the people, will be ex- 
 cited and not without reason, when they see 
 - the President of the Cincinnati arranging his 
 forces, in battle array, though it be but a war 
 of the quill, against the Presidents of the Unit- 
 ed States, one after another. 
 
You are much mistaken when you say that 
 "' no man living has so much knowledge of Mr. 
 Jefferson's transactions as myself." In truth I 
 know but little concerning him. You will see 
 by the Journals, that he came first into Con- 
 gress in autumn, 1775 : but he never stayed 
 long in that assembly. During the short visit 
 he made us, he and I agreed very well in sen- 
 timents and votes and were very good friends, 
 but he never took any share in public debates ; 
 in Nov. 1777 I left Congress, and was appoint- 
 ed to go to Europe. During my absence, I had 
 no correspondence with him, nor information 
 concerning him, till in 1784 he came to Europe, 
 united with me and Dr. Franklin in fifteen Com- 
 missions ; and full powers to treat with all or 
 nearly all the powers of Europe in these Com- 
 missions. We acted together for one year ; but as 
 he lived in Paris and I at Auteuil, three or four 
 miles asunder, we met together seldom, but on 
 business. Although we agreed always very well, 
 there was no very close intimacy between us. 
 In 1785 I was sent to England, where he made 
 me a visit, as he afterwards did in Holland : but 
 
 there was never any sparring between us, nor 
 3 
 
10 
 
 much communication but by letters of no great 
 interest. 
 
 After his return from Europe, he was Secre- 
 tary of State for a short time, and afterwards 
 Vice-President for four years : but I had little 
 intercourse with him, except in common civili- 
 ties. He always professed great friendship for 
 me, even when, as it now appears, he was coun- 
 tenancing Freneau, Bache, Duane and Callen- 
 der. 
 
 No information could be obtained from me 
 sufficient to compensate you for a journey : — 
 But if you shall be in Boston on other affairs^ a 
 visit from you will be always agreeable. 
 
 The outline you mention I never saw, the 
 editors in Rhode-Island seldom sent me their 
 papers. I should like to see it very well. 
 
 Anecdotes from my memory would certainly 
 be known. There are some there known only to 
 him and me, but they would not be believed, or 
 at least they would be said to be not believed, 
 and would be imputed to envy, revenge or vani- 
 ty. I wish him no ill. I envy him not. I shud- 
 der AT THE CALAMITIES, WHICH I FEAR HIS CONDUCT 
 IS PREPARING FOR HIS CoUNTRY: FROM A MEAN THIRST 
 
11 
 
 OF POPULARITY, AN INORDINATE AMBITION, AND A WANT 
 OF SINCERITY. 
 
 I write in confidence in your honor as well 
 as your discretion, being your hearty well wish- 
 er. 
 
 J. ADAMS. 
 
 Mr. Wm. Cunningham, 
 Fitchburg. 
 
 LETTER V. 
 
 Fitchburg, Feb. 15, 1804. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I duly received your esteemed fav- 
 or of the 16th ult. I assure you without reserve, 
 that I shall not misuse nor abuse the confidence 
 you repose in me. 
 
 By the first opportunity I had, after the re- 
 ceipt of your letter, I sent to Mr. Russell of 
 Boston for a paper containing the outline that 
 you have so flatteringly expressed a wish to 
 see. Expecting, post after post, to receive the 
 paper, I have delayed an answer to your oblig- 
 ing letter — Either he has not forwarded me a 
 paper or it has miscarried. I have now trans- 
 cribed, and have enclosed, a copy from the man- 
 
12 
 
 uscript. I notice a few marks in the manuscript 
 which indicate, that when it was transcribed for 
 the press a few trifling variations were made — 
 an incorrectness in one of the dates was recti- 
 fied. I wrote it under very considerable disad- 
 vantages, and its pubHcation was hastened for 
 the purposes mentioned in my last respects. I 
 am very sensible of its insufficiency to do you 
 justice, but of its adequacy to the proof of my 
 high esteem, I feel the strongest confidence, and 
 on that consideration, I allow myself hopes of 
 your favourable reception of it. 
 
 I have taken leave to send you herewith a 
 copy of my Eulogy upon the death of your il- 
 lustrious predecessor in the Presidency. 
 
 Permit me to use this occasion to present 
 my most cordial regards to your family. 
 With perfect respect I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
 LETTER VI. 
 
 QuiNCY, Feb. 24, 1804. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I have received your favour of the 
 1 5th, with its enclosures. I thank you for the out- 
 
13 
 
 line, as well as the eulogy. I am sorry you had 
 the trouble of transcribing the former, whicii I 
 see was written, as the Italians speak, co7i amove. 
 Speaking of the classification of scholars in our 
 College before the revolution, you consider rank 
 and wealth as anti-republican principles of pre- 
 cedence. Is this correct ? About five and forty 
 years ago, I was in company with the oldest 
 Colonel, John Chandler, of Worcester, when a 
 newspaper was brought in, containing an ac- 
 count of the last elections in Rhode-Island. All 
 the principal magistrates were of ancient fami- 
 lies. The old gentleman's comment upon it, 
 was this — " I have always been of opinion, that 
 in popular governments the people will always 
 choose their officers from the most ancient and 
 respectable families." This has been the case 
 generally in Connecticut as well as Rhode-Is- 
 land, and in every republican government, in 
 Greece and Rome and Modern Italy, in Swit- 
 zerland and Geneva. The more democratical 
 the government, the more universal has been 
 the practice. If a family^ ivhich has been high 
 in office^ and splendid in wealth, falls into decay, 
 from profligacy, folly, vice, or misfortune, they 
 
14 
 
 generally turn democrats^ and court the lowest 
 of the people with an ardour, an art, a skill, and 
 consequently ivith a success, which no vulgar de- 
 mocrat can attain. If such families are nume- 
 rous, they commonly divide. Some adhere to 
 one party, some to another, so that which ever 
 prevails, the country still finds itself governed 
 by them. Consider the conduct of the Win- 
 throps, in this State, the Livingstons, in New- 
 York, the Madisons, in Virginia, &c. The whole 
 power and popularity of Virginia, I am told, is 
 now in the family connections of Mr. Madison. 
 You are young, and have much time to observe 
 and to reflect. In theory, all governments pro- 
 fess to regard merit alone, but in practice, de- 
 mocratical governments certainly regard it as 
 little as any. You see I have reason to repeat 
 my intimations of confidence. 
 
 It certainly was never any " humiliation" to 
 me to see thirteen of my classmates preceding 
 me. I never thought much upon that subject. 
 
 Have you seen Mr. 's Manifesto, 
 
 proposing Mr. Sullivan for Governor, and Mr. 
 Heath for Lieutenant Governor. With what 
 inimitable power of face it is written ! These 
 
15 
 
 people talk with as much gravity and solemnity 
 as if they thought they spoke truth. Do you 
 
 know the character of Mr. ? I 
 
 have had some experience of his intrigues. — 
 Talents he has : But candour and sincerity be- 
 long to other people. Cool, dispassionate, and 
 deliberate insidiousness never arrived at great- 
 er perfection. 
 
 With kind regard, I am, &c. 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Mr- William Cunningham, 
 Fitchburg. 
 
 LETTER VII. 
 
 Fitchburg, March 9th, 1804. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 The unusual obstructions to travel- 
 ling, prevented my receiving your favor of the 
 24th ult till a day or two ago. I am sensible 
 to that discernment, which has discovered in 
 the " con amore'"' of the Italians, the real temper 
 in which I wrote the outline. I wish it had been 
 more just to you, and that I could find encou- 
 ragement, now, that the public attention is en- 
 
16 
 
 gaged in designating a President, to bring it be- 
 fore the public in a more finished form. — This 
 Sir, is the spontaneous effusion of my feelings. 
 Your goodness will, I trust, excuse it. Under 
 no circumstances, should I scarcely dare to ask 
 the approbation even of your silence to such an 
 intention. 
 
 Accept, too, dear Sir, my grateful acknowledg- 
 Jtnents for describing the causes and the course, 
 which produce and guide the leading democrats. 
 I read with avidity, and treasure up with care, 
 the counsels of wisdom and experience. The 
 awful spirit of democracy was never so preva- 
 lent, nor in so great progress in our country, as 
 at the present day. 
 
 The " manifesto" I had seen, but was unac- 
 quainted with the author. An " inimitable pow- 
 er of face" indeed, have they, that can persist 
 in such exploded falsehoods, with such brassi- 
 ness. Seriously would I advise them to sell 
 their visages to the coppersmiths, to be made 
 into boilers for Sal Montanum. 
 
 Of Mr. ■ I have no knowledge, 
 
 and but little information. I think I have heard 
 the Duke of Berkshire describe him, as possess- 
 
17 
 
 ed of that restless and aspiring ambition, which, 
 disregarding means, would raise him to a post 
 in government, or cause his suspension between 
 the posts of ignominy. 
 
 Judge Sullivan is as great a trimmer and time- 
 server as, perhaps, can be found. He has long- 
 angled in the dirty water of democracy, but has 
 never filled his net, though he has several times 
 broken it. 
 
 His eye has been, and is, steadily fixed on 
 the chair of state. At first, he courted assist- 
 ance from the Clergy ; but now, I expect, he 
 means to make a push upon pure Jacobinic 
 principles. I have never seen any thing from 
 his hand that contained so much desiffnins: 
 meanness, as his " Sketch of the Life of Samu- 
 el Adams." His present nomination unfolds his 
 designs, and we see that the baits thrown out 
 are swallowed. He may blame his friends for 
 a most unfortunate designation of an associate. 
 The ponderosity of the " Marquis of Granby" 
 would keep any one from rising who is attach- 
 ed to him. The " sweat," which " our Gene- 
 ral" says has profusely fallen from his face, has 
 
 watered many a plant of renown ; but the fruits 
 4 
 
18 
 
 of them all, are not worth a mess of green peas, 
 and, he is so strongly tainted with the cow-yard, 
 that he must, 1 think, be offensive in the Coun- 
 cil chamber. 
 
 There may be more severity than good sense, 
 or prudence, in these remarks, but I really con- 
 sider such clod-pated politicians as fit subjects 
 for the most cutting strokes. 
 
 With sincere and cordial remembrances to 
 your family, I am, with the highest regard, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Mams. 
 
 LETTER VIII. 
 
 QuiNCY, March 15, 1804. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your favor of the 9th is received. 
 I beg you would not say a word about me in 
 relation to the subject which you say now en- 
 gages the public attention. I am no match for 
 these times, nor for the actors who now tread 
 the stage. You say, the awful spirit of demo- 
 cracy is in great progress. I believe it, and I 
 know something of the nature of it. It is a 
 
19 
 
 young rake who thinks himself handsome and 
 well made, and who has little faith in virtue. — 
 When the people once admit his courtship, and 
 permit him the least familiarity, they soon find 
 themselves in the condition of the poor girl, 
 who told her own story in this affecting style. 
 
 Le Lendemain il osa davantage : 
 II me protnit Le Foi de marriage. 
 Le Lendemain ...ii fut entreprenant. 
 Le Lendemain il me fit un enfant. 
 
 The next day he grew a little bolder — but pro- 
 mised me marriage. The next day — he began 
 to be enterprising : But the next day — O Sir ! 
 the next day he got me with child. 
 
 Democracy is Lovelace, and the people are 
 Clarissa. The artful villain will pursue the in- 
 nocent lovely girl to her ruin and her death. — 
 We know that some gentleman will arise at last, 
 who will put the guilty wretch to death in a du- 
 el. But this will be no friend of the lady. Per- 
 haps a son, a pupil or a bosom friend of Love- 
 lace, himself. The time would fail me to enu- 
 merate all the Lovelaces in the United States. 
 It would be an amusing romance to compare 
 their actions and characters with his. The fed- 
 
20 
 
 eralists appear to me to be very inattentive to 
 public events as well as characters. Mr. Sulli- 
 van's writings in the newspapers during the 
 whole of the last year, under feigned signatures, 
 his biographical sketch of Mr. Samuel Adams, 
 and especially his pamphlet on the constitutional 
 freedom of the press, have never been regard- 
 ed, nor, that I know of, seen or read. The pam- 
 phlet ought to be read. There are good things 
 in it, as well as notable traits of the character 
 of the author. In all these writings his ambi- 
 tious views are written with sunbeams. It will 
 be a great thing, if brother Langdon should be 
 governor of New-Hampshire, and Sullivan, the 
 second governor Sullivan, in New-England. I 
 dont wonder he was not willing that the noble 
 family of Sullivan should be shut up in a hole. 
 His ambition, if it were of a right character 
 ought not to be censured. There is an honor- 
 able, laudable and virtuous ambition, but it is 
 always attended with candor, sincerity and ve- 
 racity. With an abundance of laborious appli- 
 cation, with an ardent imagination, and a tena- 
 cious, though inaccurate memory, with a volu- 
 bility of eloquence, and a great deal of art — 
 
21 
 
 which, however, never could conceal his art, 
 there are faults in him, which, unless the peo- 
 ple are more degenerated than I believe they 
 are, will forever prevent him from being a suc- 
 cessful rival to Mr. Strong. If he lives, I be- 
 lieve he will teaze the national or state govern- 
 ment into some appointment of him, to some- 
 thing or other ; for, his modesty is but a very 
 little restraint upon his solicitations. 
 
 You see, I still confide in your discretion, be- 
 ing, with esteem and regard, your very humble 
 servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Mr. William Cunningham^ Jr. 
 Fitchburg. 
 
 LETTER IX. 
 
 Fitchburg, Sept. 19, 1808. 
 Dear Sir^ 
 
 In a letter which I had the pleasure some 
 time since, to receive from you, you expressed 
 some reproof of the inactivity of the Federal- 
 ists. Their conduct at present, is not liable to 
 such a censure ; perhaps it may deserve the 
 
22 
 
 reproach of intemperate ardour. The zeal of 
 party has certainly attempted to overbear the 
 freedom of private opinion, and even totally to 
 overthrow the character of him who would ex- 
 ercise that right — these are among the conse- 
 quences of party rage, and they are deeply to 
 be deprecated. 
 
 I have read every thing which has appeared 
 concerning the Embargo, and I lament, most 
 sincerely, that the bitterness of rebuke, so often 
 manifested towards your son, has been extend- 
 ed to yourself. Of the course of Mr. John 
 Quincy Adams, I have been an attentive ob- 
 serv er, and have never discovered in him a de- 
 viation from sound principles ; if he had giv- v 
 en his assent to the Embargo, under a limita- 
 tion of its duration, it would, perhaps, have been 
 better. As a pause for deliberation, in a mo- 
 ment of peculiar peril, I have thought the em- 
 bargo necessary; but, for an independent na- 
 tion, great, rich and powerful, alarmed at the 
 edicts of foreign courts, to break up at once, and 
 forever, the usages which had grown habitual, 
 and of which their natural situation was the 
 origin and nurse, would be an extremity that 
 
23 
 
 no circumstances could excuse. That, such a 
 measure would be opposed by your son, his re- 
 solution, introduced into the senate, soon after 
 the imposition of the embargo, is ample proof 
 The necessity for a temporary inhibition of our 
 trade, indeed the exceptionable edicts them- 
 selves, arose, from the imbecility, which ensued 
 from the previous mismanagement of our af- 
 fairs. Thinking favourably of the conduct of 
 Mr. Adams, I commenced, in January last, some 
 papers which to number six, were published in 
 Boston. In the seventh number, I defended his 
 conduct — descanted on his talents, and hinted 
 at the policy of his selection by the federalists, 
 as their candidate for the first in the magistra- 
 cy of the nation. This number, the editors re- 
 fused to publish, and my knuckles were rapped 
 for having written it. The project of a coali- 
 tion with the Clintonians, I have always con- 
 demned. If a candidate cannot be found who 
 is popular on the other side on the bare repu- 
 tation of being their friend, without, in fact, be- 
 ing on any side, but that of his country, I should 
 much prefer to have General Pinckney opposed 
 to Mr. Madison, even against a possibility of 
 
24 
 
 success. I know not, dear sir, what your opin- 
 ions are on the present state of our affairs. To 
 a report, which is current in this part of the 
 country, that you are on the side of the execu- 
 tive, through the whole of his administration, I 
 oppose the history and maxims of your hfe. 
 
 May I take the freedom to ask of you, your 
 opinion on the public measure which has so 
 agitated our Country ? I take some confidence, 
 in making this enquiry, from the circumstance, 
 that you have confided to me opinions, interest- 
 ing as any can be, which you may express on 
 the Embargo. The answer with which you 
 may favour me, shall be added to the stock of 
 my port folio, subject to no other disposition 
 than what the deepest solicitude for your fame 
 may hereafter dictate. 
 
 Please to make my most cordial remembran- 
 ces acceptable to Mrs. Adams, and your family. 
 
 With veneration and esteem, 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 
 Hon. John Adams, 
 
25 
 LETTER X. 
 
 QuiNCY, Sept. 27th, 1808. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 The papers to number six, which 
 you mention in your kind letter of the 19th, I 
 have never seen nor heard. In what paper or 
 pamphlet were they published ? 
 
 The federalists, I think, might suffer my old 
 lamp to go out, without administering their nau- 
 seous oil merely to excite a momentary flash, 
 before it expires. 
 
 Do you think the federalists believe them- 
 selves, when they say, that I am on the side of 
 the executive, through the whole of his admi- 
 nistration ? Do they believe that I approve of 
 the repeal of the Judiciary law, which I recom- 
 mended to Congress ? which I believe to be 
 one of the best of laws ? which was made by 
 the advice and repeated solicitations of the 
 Judges, for several years ? which I took infinite 
 pains to organize with a selection of the ablest 
 men and fairest characters in the nation ? a re- 
 peal, which I always believed to be a violation 
 of the constitution ? Do they believe that I ap- 
 
26 
 
 prove of the neglect and mismanagement of the 
 navy ? The omission to build more ships ? The 
 neglect to fortify our most important cities and 
 exposed places ? Do they beUeve that I approve 
 of the repeal of the taxes, which would have 
 enabled us not only to make the necessary pre- 
 parations against the formidable dangers that 
 surrounded us, but gradually to diminish the na- 
 tional debt ? Do they believe that I approve of 
 the removals of so many of the best men, or the 
 appointments of so many of the worst f Do they 
 beheve, that I approve of twenty other things, 
 too many to be enumerated ? Oh no ! They be- 
 lieve no such things. But they are conscious, 
 they have injured me and mine, and are only 
 forging false and awkward excuses for it. 
 
 It is true, I have not joined in the clamour 
 against the purchase of Louisiana, because I 
 know, that if the union of the northern, south- 
 ern, and western states was to continue, the 
 free navigation of the Mississippi was essential 
 to its preservation. I have not joined in the 
 clamour against gun-boats, though I despise 
 them, because I thought gun-boats better than 
 nothing, and because, I thought the government 
 
27 
 
 ought not to be opposed in any measures of de^ 
 fence merely because they would not adopt such 
 as I thought the best. I have not clamoured 
 against the embargo, because I thought it a ne- 
 cessary temporary measure, well knowing that 
 it could not be of long duration. I agree with 
 you, that it ought to have been limited to some 
 period. Any long continuance of it, is not con- 
 formable to my feelings or judgment. I had 
 much rather hear a cry in Congress, like that 
 which has so often sounded in the British Par- 
 liament, " Who shall dare to set limits to the 
 commerce and naval power of this country ?" 
 In refusing to acknowledge a right in Great 
 Britain to impress seamen from our ships, in 
 opposing and resisting the decrees and orders 
 of France and England, in resisting the outra- 
 ges and hostilities committed upon us, the ad- 
 ministration have my hearty wishes for their 
 success. 
 
 You have read in Thompson's Liberty : — 
 
 " Amidst the low murmurings of submissive fear 
 And mingled rage, my Hambden rais'd his voice, 
 And to the laws appeal'd." 
 
 Mingled fear and rage are now the predominant 
 
28 
 
 passions of our nation, and such is the noise and 
 fury, that the still small voice of reason cannot 
 be heard. If I were only forty years old, I 
 might have enthusiasm enough to hope that I 
 could ride in the ivhirlwind. But at seventy- 
 three it would be delirium. 
 
 I have nothing to hope or wish but repose, 
 and they will not allow me even that small con- 
 solation. 
 
 As I am not consulted by any party or any 
 individual, I take no share, and very little inte- 
 rest, in the approaching election. Hamilton's 
 ambition, intrigues, and caucusses have ruined 
 the cause of federalism, by encumbering and 
 entangling it with men and measures, that ought 
 never to have been brought forward. I have 
 no objection to Pinckney, but a full persuasion 
 that he never can rise to the chair, and, a more 
 complete conviction still, that he ought never 
 to have been nominated for it. 
 
 As you have mentioned my son, I shall take 
 the liberty to say, that his conduct, as far as I 
 know it, has been able, upright, candid, impar- 
 tial and independent. His letter to Mr. Otis, I 
 applaud and admire. His resignation I approve. 
 
29 
 
 He would have been more politic if he had de- 
 clined his invitation to the caucus, though the 
 question was only between Mr. Madison and 
 Mr. Monroe, and knowing both, I should cer- 
 tainly, as he did, prefer the former to the latter. 
 The policy of a limitation to the embargo, is, 
 in a national view, and on a large scale, a nice 
 question. I should, probably, have been for it, 
 but there is so much to be said on the other 
 side, that I cannot censure my son for agreeing 
 to it, without limitation, believing as he did and 
 had reason to believe, that it would soon be re- 
 pealed. The Federalists, by their intolerance, 
 have gone far towards justifying, or at least ex- 
 cusing, Jefferson for his ; and for the future, it 
 seems to be established as a principle, that our 
 government is forever to be, not a national but 
 a party government. How long such a maxim 
 can be maintained consistently with any civil 
 government at all, time will determine. While 
 it lasts, all we can hope is, that in the game at 
 leap frog, once in eight or twelve years, the 
 party of the outs will leap over the head and 
 shoulders of the ms ; for, I own to you, I have 
 so little confidence in the wisdom, prudence or 
 
30 
 
 virtue of either party, that I should be nearlj 
 as willing that one should be absolute and un- 
 checked as the other.* Thus, sir, I have given 
 you some hints of my general views of things, 
 but I wish to remain in obscurity^ and by no 
 means to become the subject of conversation or 
 speculation. 
 
 My family returns your compliments to yours 
 
 with your friend, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Mr. William Cunningham.^ 
 Fitchburg. 
 
 * The following note^ in the hand-writing of Mr. Adams' cor- 
 respondent^ is appended to the original letter from Mr. A. 
 
 " Mr. Adams has since determined which of these parties 
 he would have ' absolute and unchecked,' although it ap- 
 pears by this very letter, that the party he would now have 
 dominant, have violated the constitution^ and done many re- 
 prehensible acts. And he has so far got the better of the 
 ' delirium of seventy-three' that he has mounted the seat of 
 Phaeton to guide the chariot of fire through the murmurs 
 of submissive fear and mingled rage." 
 
 LETTER XI. 
 
 Fitchburg, Oct. 5th, 1808. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 The papers, to which you have 
 obligingly asked a more particular reference, 
 
31 
 
 were published in the Palladium, with the sig- 
 nature of Chatham. I deemed their composi- 
 tion in a higher strain than my principles sug- 
 gested, to be necessary to arrest the public at- 
 tention. In moments of peculiar excitement, 
 the ruling passion is frequently the only avenue 
 through which sober reflections can be convey- 
 ed to the judgment ; and, that pass is often times 
 best secured by a vapouring herald ; but bold 
 and boisterous as mine was, delusion kept the 
 ground against him. My design, as I commu- 
 nicated it in the envelope of my first number, 
 was to shew that neither Mr. Jefferson, nor a 
 convert to his crude opinions, would be proper 
 to preside over this commercial nation — and, to 
 an enlarged view of commerce, I intended to 
 add an illustration of its advantages by exam- 
 ples. Objections to Mr. Jefferson, brought af- 
 ter them an obligation to specify the qualifica- 
 tions, which, a free, opulent and independent 
 people should regard in the choice of their 
 chief magistrate. These qualifications are, I 
 conceive, eminently combined in Mr. J. Q. Ad- 
 ams. I spoke of him on a thorough acquain- 
 tance with his political course ; and it did not 
 
32 
 
 escape me, that he was the first writer in this 
 country, who pubhcly arraigned the pretensions 
 of Genet, and that his appointment to the 
 Hague was the well earned, but unsolicited re- 
 ward of his extrication of the Executive from 
 the embarrassments and perplexities in which 
 he was involved by the bold and extraordinary 
 proceedings of that hair-brained and contagious 
 revolutionist. But, in addition to a competent 
 capacity, an indication should be taken from 
 the temper of the times, in which there may be 
 something either to impede or facilitate " the 
 march of great talents." From this considera- 
 tion, the pretensions of Mr. J. Q. A. derived 
 vast accession ; it appeared to me, as if Provi- 
 dence in favour, had caused proof of his patri- 
 otism and independence to spring out of his in- 
 tegrity, in a trying situation, for the very purpose 
 of ensuring to his virtues a passage to the Pre- 
 sidency. It was for acting conformably to these 
 impressions that I met the repulse I have before 
 related. The declination of the editors to print 
 the panegyric, was graciously enough express- 
 ed, in a letter — it was by others, that I was re- 
 primanded. 
 
33 
 
 In a succeeding number to that which con- 
 tained the exceptionable matter above, (for I 
 sent two numbers at once) I was so unfortunate 
 as to provoke censure for advancing what is now 
 considered an indefensible tenet in politics. In 
 opposition to the opinion of a sprightly author, 
 who has lately appeared with the signature of 
 Espriella, I asserted it to be politic in a na- 
 tion, to associate manufactures with their trade, 
 and that it was not too soon to begin, in this 
 country, to link them together. Denied a ve- 
 hicle for such speculations, I discontinued writ- 
 ing them. The frankness, sir, with which you 
 have replied to my letter of the 19th ult. en- 
 courages me to seek an elucidation of an event, 
 the causes of which I have never seen publicly 
 unfolded, and, which Col. Pickering has nearly 
 pronounced inexplicable 1 mean his dis- 
 mission. In his last printed letter, he says, you 
 never told him what it was for ! I was in Phila- 
 delphia soon after that transaction, where 1 
 heard it accounted for in the following manner : 
 That Mr. Liston, expressing to the Secretary 
 his apprehensions of another mission to France, 
 
 was quieted by the Secretary's assurances that 
 6 
 
34 
 
 another would not be made — That, when ano- 
 ther mission was soon after concluded on, his 
 aversions to any farther negociation with France 
 were so untameable, and so indecorously ex- 
 pressed, as to render him an unfit medium for 
 the communications between the two govern- 
 ments, and unsuitable to remain in a ministerial 
 station. As this explanation furnished adequate 
 reasons for his dismission, I was easy with it, 
 but it cannot give me the satisfaction of your 
 own exposition. 
 
 I have taken the freedom to enclose a news- 
 paper, which contains, on its first page, some 
 observations written by me on the manufacture 
 of cider, which may, possibly, amuse. 
 With veneration and esteem, 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
 Quincy, Mass. 
 
 LETTER XII. 
 
 QuiNCY, Oct. 15, 1808. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 The information in your last letter, 
 
 to look in the Palladium for certain specula- 
 
35 
 
 tions, is very agreeable. As I have never sub- 
 scribed for that paper, I have never read them. 
 Indeed I seldom see it. Your friendship for J. 
 Q. Adams, encourages me to say, that Wash- 
 ington was indeed under obligations to him, for 
 turning the tide of sentiment against Genet, and 
 he was sensible of it and grateful for it. The en- 
 thusiasm for Genet and France and the French 
 revolution, was at that time, almost universal 
 throughout the United States, but, in Pennsyl- 
 vania, and especially in Philadelphia, the rage 
 was irresistible. Mifflin, M'Kean, and all the 
 principal popular men in that state, were open- 
 ly for war against England in alliance with 
 France. Marat, Robespiere, Brissot, and the 
 Mountain, were the constant themes of panegy- 
 ric and the daily toasts at table. Gov. Mifflin 
 invited me to dine with him ; Genet and his 
 suite were there, with many others of the prin- 
 cipal men of Philadelphia. The Governor gave 
 for a toast, — " The ruling powers in France ; — 
 May the United States of America, in alliance 
 with them, declare war against England." Miff- 
 lin perceived, that I did not drinjc his toast, and, 
 as I sat next to him, he whispered to me in a 
 
■y 
 
 36 
 
 friendly way, " I know I shall be too high for 
 you, and therefore no offence will be taken if 
 you withdraw from the company." I accord- 
 ingly took French leave. Jonathan Dickenson 
 Sargeant and Dr. Hutchinson, two old revoluti- 
 onary Americans, extremely popular, put them- 
 selves at the head of the mob. Washington's 
 house was surrounded by an innumerable mul- 
 titude, from day to da}^, huzzaing, demanding 
 war against England, cursing Washington, and 
 crying success to the French patriots and vir- 
 tuous republicans. Frederic A. Muhlenburg, 
 the speaker of the house of representatives, 
 toasted publicly, — " The Mountain, may it be a 
 pyramid that shall reach the skies." J. Q. Adams* 
 writings first turned this tide; and, the yel- 
 low fever completed the salvation of Washing- 
 ton. Sargeant and Hutchinson died of it. I was 
 assured soon after by some of the most sensible, 
 substantial, and intelligent of the Quakers, that 
 nothing but the yellow fever saved Washington 
 from being dragged out of his house, or being 
 compelled to declare war against England. Not 
 all Washington's ministers, Hamilton and Pick- 
 ering included, could have written those papers., 
 
37 
 
 which were so fatal to Genet. Washington saw 
 it, and felt his obligations. He took great pains 
 to find out their author. The first notice I had, 
 of his design to appoint nay son to a mission 
 abroad, was from his secretary of state, Ran- 
 dolph, who told me he had been ordered to en- 
 quire of the members of congress, and others, 
 concerning the life and character of J. Q. Adams, 
 and, he was, that day, to report in favour of his 
 appointment. His correspondence with gov- 
 ernment, and with his private friends, was so 
 universally admired, and especially by Picker- 
 ing and Washington, that the latter not only felt 
 his present obligations, but remembered the 
 past. I will give you one proof, selected from 
 many, in a letter from him to me, in these words, 
 the original of which, all in his own hand writ- 
 ing, is now before me. 
 
 Monday, Feb. 20th 1797. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I thank you for giving me the perusal 
 of the enclosed. The sentiments do honor to the head 
 and heart of the writer; — and if my wishes woukl be 
 of any avail, they should go to you in a strong hope, that 
 you will not withhold merited promotion from Mr. John Q.. 
 Adams, because he is your son. — For without intending to 
 
38 
 
 compliment the father or the mother, or to censure any 
 others, I give it as my decided opinion, that Mr. Adams is 
 the most valuable public character we have abroad ; — And, 
 that there remains no doubt in my mind, that he will prove 
 himself to be the ablest of all our diplomatic corps. If he 
 was now to be brought into that line, or into any other pub- 
 lic walk, I could not, upon the principle which has regulat- 
 ed my own conduct, disapprove of the caution, which is 
 hinted at in the letter. But he is already entered ; — the 
 public, more and more, as he is known, are appreciating 
 his talents and worth ; — and his country would sustain a loss, 
 if these were to be checked by over delicacy on your part. 
 With sincere esteem and affectionate regard, 
 I am ever yours, 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON. 
 Vice-President. 
 
 Please to recollect who were our ambassa- 
 dors abroad, at the date of that letter. The 
 presses, in this country, are under party licen- 
 ces. Many pieces in honor of Mr. J. Q. Ad- 
 ams have been refused admittance into all the 
 federal papers, as I have been informed. 
 
 Mr. Pickering's conscience, if it was faithful 
 to its trust, must have suggested to him very 
 sufficient reasons for his removal. If his mem- 
 ory is not decayed he may easily now recollect 
 them. 
 
 Caesar's wife must not be suspected, was all 
 the reason he gave for repudiating her. Rea- 
 
39 
 
 sons of state, are not always to be submitted to 
 newspaper discussion. It is sufficient for me 
 to say, that I had reasons enough not only to 
 satisfy me, but to make it my indispensible du- 
 ty. Reasons which upon the coolest delibera- 
 tion, I still approve. I was not so ignorant of 
 Mr. Pickering, his family relations, his politi- 
 cal, military and local connections, as not to be 
 well aware of the consequences to myself. I 
 said, at the time, to a few confidential friends, 
 that I signed my own dismission when I sign- 
 ed his, and that he would rise again, but I 
 should fall forever. The reason you heard in 
 Philadelphia, was quite sufficient, if there had 
 been no other, but there were many others and 
 much stronger reasons. His removal was one 
 of the most deliberate, virtuous and disinterest- 
 ed actions of my Life. If any future historian 
 should have access to the letter books of the 
 Secretaries of state and compare Mr. Picker- 
 ing's negotiations with England, with those of 
 his successor, Mr. Marshall, he will see reasons 
 enough for the exchange of ministers. In con- 
 sequence of Mr. Pickering's removal, I was en- 
 abled to negotiate and complete a peace with 
 
40 
 
 France, and an amicable settlement with Eng- 
 land. This is reason enough. Mr. Pickering 
 would have made a good collector of the cus- 
 toms ; but, he was not so well qualified for a 
 Secretary of state. He was so devoted an 
 Idolater of Hamilton, that he could not judge 
 impartially of the sentiments and opinions of 
 the President of the U. States. Look into Hamil- 
 ton's Pamphlet. Observe the pretended infor- 
 mation of things which could have only passed 
 between me and my cabinet. False and abu- 
 sive as they were, where could he pretend to 
 have derived them ? But, I am not yet to re- 
 veal the whole mystery. What I have said is 
 to remain in your own breast. I have no dis- 
 position to enter into newspaper controversies 
 with Pickering, or his friends or Editors. 
 
 I thank you for your observations on cider, 
 and remain your friend and humble servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Mr. William Cunningham, Jr. 
 Fitchburg. 
 
41 
 LETTER XIII. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Oct. 22, 1808. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Anxious as I am for the due appre- 
 ciation by the public of the merits of Mr. John 
 Quincy Adams, the invaluable testimonial of 
 President Washington, contained in your Let- 
 ter of the 15th instant, could scarcely have been 
 more gratifying to yourself than it is pleasing 
 to me. I perceive, with much satisfaction, that 
 the most essential parts of it may go into circu- 
 lation without the least hazard to your repose 
 — to that extent, I shall not consider myself in- 
 terdicted in its use by the obligations I owe to 
 the confidence you have reposed in me — I am 
 happy in the thought, that it has been too de- 
 liberately reposed to suffer your peace to be 
 disturbed by any fear of my indiscretion. 
 
 I am deeply sensible to your kindness in 
 making me acquainted with many of the rea- 
 sons for the dismission of Mr. Pickering. What 
 you have disclosed shall be inviolably kept. 
 If by the expression " But I am not yet to re- 
 veal the whole mystery," I am to understand 
 
 your fixed resolution tp make, at present, no 
 
 7 
 
42 
 
 farther developement, I beg that I may not be 
 suspected of attempting to change it, nor of ev- 
 en entertaining a curiosity to know its reasons 
 — I will only entreat to be initiated into the 
 whole mystery when you may deem it to be 
 proper. But, if the disclosure is too interesting 
 to be made but on engagements of fidelity 
 made with more than common solemnit} , you 
 may, dear Sir, consider such an engagement as 
 conditional to a farther communication. 
 With affection and respect, 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Mams. 
 
 LETTER XIV. 
 
 QuiNCY, JVor. 7, 1808. 
 Dear Sir,^ 
 
 The Letter of General Washington 
 
 would have remained in obscurity forever, as 
 
 far as I know, as it has done for twelve years 
 
 past, had not a mean vengeance been hurled on 
 
 the subject of it, for no other offence than his 
 
 sterling integrity. 
 
43 
 
 You are the first person, except one, who 
 ever asked me a question concerning the rea- 
 sons for releasing a certain gentleman from the 
 burthen of public office. That one was Barna- 
 bas Bidwell, in the violence of the tempest oc- 
 casioned by the Presidential Election in 1800. 
 Believing his curiosity to be insidious, I gave 
 him a civil but short answer, that he was a man 
 of too much information not to perceive the 
 impropriety of my complying with his request. 
 Though circumstances are now altered, 1 shall 
 insist tiiat whatever I write to you upon the 
 subject shall be confidential as long as I live. 
 
 What is it you require of me ? Nothing less 
 than a volume, which I have neither eyes, nor 
 hands, nor time, nor inclination to write, be- 
 cause it must contain the portraits of all my 
 five ministers : of a Dayton, a Hillhouse, a 
 Goodhue in the senate, of an Otis, a Sitgreaves . 
 a Bayard and a Harper, and several others in 
 the House, with a Hamilton behind the scene ; 
 of a M'Donald, a William Moore Smith, agent 
 for British creditors, a John Ward Fenno, and 
 a Porcupine Cobbet, and many others out of 
 doors. I have not mentioned a Liston, nor a 
 
44 
 
 Bond, because whatever their secret influence 
 might be, they were at least discreet. The 
 subterranean intrigues as well as the overt acts 
 must be developed and described. 
 
 The gentleman has wreaked his revenge on 
 my Son, in letters, which shew the character 
 of the man, bitter and malignant, ignorant and 
 Jesuitical. His revenge has been sweet, and he 
 has rolled it as a delicious morsel under his 
 tongue. 
 
 Suppose I should tell you, that the studies 
 of his early youth, and of his riper years, had 
 not been competent to the profound investiga- 
 tions which his office required. We had dis- 
 cussions of great importance with France, Eng- 
 land and Spain, especially the two former, in- 
 volving questions respecting neutral rights, res- 
 pecting British and Tory claims of anti-revolu- 
 tionary debts. I could get nothing done as I 
 would have it. My new minister, Marshall, did 
 all, to my entire satisfaction. 
 
 Suppose I should say he was very superficial- 
 ly read in the law of nations — Suppose I should 
 say he was very far from any familiar and ex- 
 tensive acquaintance with the laws of England, 
 
45 
 
 and indeed of his own land — Who would believe 
 me ? The gentleman himself would believe me, 
 because he is conscious of it, but he would not 
 be likely to confess it in public. Perhaps half 
 a dozen, or a dozen, men in the union, know it, 
 but these would be very unwilling to testify to 
 it. Would it be decent, would it be possible, 
 for a President to publish such reasons, and en- 
 ter into endless disputes in the newspapers to 
 support them ? 
 
 His intrigues with senators in opposition to 
 me, and to measures I had adopted, and nomi- 
 nations I had made, led the senate into viola- 
 tions of the constitution, particularly in the no- 
 minations of Mr. Murray, Mr. Gerry and Col. 
 Smith. His encharnament against Mr. Gerry, 
 whose negotiations were more useful and suc- 
 cessful, than those of either of his colleagues, 
 was so furious, that he urged upon me a report 
 containing a phillippic against Gerry as violent 
 and outrageous as it was false and groundless. 
 I blotted it out, but he was so angry at it, that 
 he scarcely treated me with decency. I final- 
 ly, however, admitted some expressions to pass 
 which I am now very sorry for. 
 
46 
 
 In every step of the progress of the negotia- 
 tions with France he opposed, obstructed, and 
 embarrassed me to the utmost of his power, and 
 in some instances, with the secret aid of Hamil- 
 ton, as I suppose, had the art to get all the other 
 four of my ministers to join him. 
 
 Before I left Philadelphia, I liad called togeth- 
 er all the five heads of departments, to consult 
 upon instructions to Mr. EIIsm orth, Mr. Davie, 
 and Mr. Murray, in their negotiations with 
 France. We had met several days, and discus- 
 sed every point in controversy. We had rea- 
 soned, and examined, and convinced one anoth- 
 er, until we had agreed unanimously upon eve- 
 ry article, and reduced the whole to writing. — 
 I gave it to the Secretary of State, to reduce it 
 into form, correct the language where it want- 
 ed any alteration, make a fair copy, and send 
 it, as soon as possible, to me, at Quincy, for re- 
 vision and correction, that I might sign the in- 
 structions to be delivered to the Envoys. Ar- 
 rived at Quincy, I expected them by every post. 
 Week after week passed away and no Instruc- 
 tions arrived. I was uneasy, because our En- 
 voys ought to be upon their passage. After a 
 
47 
 
 long time, instead of Instructions, came a letter 
 to me signed by all five of the heads of depart- 
 ments, advising and most earnestly intreating 
 me to suspend the embarkation of the minis- 
 ters. This trifling, this negligence of duty, this 
 downright disobedience of my orders, most se- 
 riously alarmed me. I was responsible alone to 
 my country for measures, vi^hich I knew to be 
 indispensible to avoid a war abroad with France, 
 and a civil war at home, while we were involv- 
 ed and embroiled with England in very difficult 
 controversies, and I could get nothing done. I 
 very cooly, however, preserved my temper, and 
 set off immediately for Trenton to meet my gen- 
 tlemen, face to face. At Trenton I found the 
 gentlemen had wrought themselves up to a per- 
 fect enthusiasm and delusion. They appeared 
 to be fully convinced that the first ships would 
 bring intelligence of the restoration of Louis 
 the eighteenth. Suwarrow at the head of a Rus- 
 sian army on one side, and Prince Charles at 
 the head of an Austrian army on the other, 
 were to conduct Louis 18th to Paris and Ver- 
 sailles in splendor and triumph. I preserved 
 my temper very happily : called my ministers 
 
48 
 
 together, heard all their reasons with the ut- 
 most coolness and candour, gave my reasons 
 and opinions in answer to theirs, and decided 
 that the instructions should be finished and the 
 ambassadors embarked as soon as possible, 
 which was done, and they brought back peace 
 abroad and at home. I found Hamilton at Tren- 
 ton. He came to visit me. I said nothing to 
 him upon politics. He began to give his advice 
 unasked. I heard him with perfect good hu- 
 mour, though, never in my life, did I hear a 
 man talk more like a fool. " The English nation 
 had the most perfect confidence in Mr. Pitt, and 
 Mr. Pitt was determined ' to restore the house 
 of Bourbon,' the two imperial courts were also 
 determined to restore the Bourbons, their ar- 
 mies were triumphant, Louis 18th would be in 
 glory at Versailles before my ministers could 
 arrive there. Offence would be taken at my 
 sending a mission to the Directory," and twenty 
 other wild extravagancies in the same style of 
 dogmatical confidence. I answered every one 
 of his topics with candour and temper, in too 
 long a detail to be repeated here. Time has 
 shewn that I was right and he wrong in every 
 particular. 
 
49 
 
 They had even wrought upon Mr. Ellsworth 
 to believe that the Bourbons would be restored 
 before winter. He and Mr. Davie, at dinner 
 alone with me, conversing upon the subject, 
 Ellsworth let fall an expression to that purpose, 
 when I turned to him and said, " Mr. Ellsworth, 
 do you seriously believe that the Bourbons will 
 be restored so soon ?" He answered, " Why : 
 it looks a good deal so." Upon that, I said to 
 them both, " Gentlemen, you may depend upon 
 it, the Bourbons will not be restored these se- 
 ven years, if they ever are. I request you, se- 
 ven years hence to recollect what I now say to 
 you," and I supported my opinion by a long ar- 
 gument drawn from the nature and history of 
 all coalitions, from the waste of northern ar- 
 mies by sickness and desertion in France, from 
 that forest of fortifications with which France 
 is every where defended, from the property 
 now possessed by revolutionary men, and es- 
 pecially from the enthusiasm and revolutiona- 
 ry fury that still possessed the people of France. 
 Mr. Ellsworth, however, behaved throughout 
 with perfect propriety and Mr. Davie was of 
 
 my opinion in all points. 
 8 
 
50 
 
 You shall now give me your opinion, wheth- 
 er I was in the wrong in giving Mr. Pickering 
 his conge. He is, for any thing I know, a good 
 Son, Husband, Father, Grandfather, Brother, 
 Uncle and Cousin ; but he is a man in a mask, 
 sometimes of silk, sometimes of iron, and some- 
 times of brass. And he can change them very 
 suddenly and with some dexterity, as I could 
 shew you in many instances, though I have 
 said little or nothing about him, till now, for 
 nine or ten years. 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Mr. William Cunningham, 
 
 LETTER XV. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, J^OV. 12, 1808. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 To my letter of the 22d ult. I have 
 not been favoured with an answer, indeed my 
 expectations of an answer were not confident, 
 for in case of your disinclination to a farther 
 disclosure concerning Mr. Pickering, the most 
 delicate and intelligible intimation of it could 
 be given in silence, and from that, too, I might 
 
51 
 
 infer your assent to another proposition in my 
 letter which you would not favor with your ex- 
 press approbation. 
 
 When the speculations, to which I have late- 
 ly referred, were published, I did not take the 
 Palladium, but since its establishment as the 
 Government paper, I have received it. In that 
 of last Tuesday, I see that the publication of 
 my pieces is resumed, and from the editorial 
 note, which is prefixed, it appears that instead 
 of six, as I have informed you, the Editors, in 
 Feb. and March, published seven numbers. Of 
 my writings for the press I do not retain copies, 
 and it was only from recollection, which had 
 not much room to err, that I said, it was my 
 seventh number which contained the matter 
 treated by the printers as inadmissible. If in 
 the insertion of my numbers, they have been 
 numerally correct, they suppressed, in the sev- 
 enth, my encomiums on Mr. John Q. Adams. — 
 But, with their files before them, to what infer- 
 ence are they liable, if they have not printed a 
 word of that number? I should not hazard a 
 question so pointed at their veracity, and solv- 
 ible by turning over a few leaves, if I had not 
 
52 
 
 the most entire confidence, that not a single line 
 of it has appeared in print. 
 
 I commenced the papers with the design I 
 have communicated to jou — I expected it would 
 hold me to the full length of " Discourses on 
 Davila," incapable of their imitation in any oth- 
 er particular. Frustrated, in part, I am embar- 
 rassed with a doubt, whether the prosecution of 
 my plan will answer any valuable purpose. I 
 take the liberty to enclose the Palladium which 
 contains number eight. 
 
 Permit me, dear sir, to renew through you. 
 my respects to Mrs. Adams, and your family. 
 With veneration and esteem, 
 I am, &c. 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 Quincy, Ms. 
 
 LETTER XVI. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, JSTov. 16, 1808. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 The person who carried to the of- 
 fice the letter which I had the pleasure to writ^ 
 
53 
 
 you the 12th inst. brought me yours of the 9th. 
 You may depend, most assuredly, that your dis- 
 closures concerning the ci-devant secretary shall 
 not be divulged while you live, and may the day 
 be distant which shall discharge me to my dis- 
 cretion in the use of the important matter you 
 have deposited in my bosom. 
 
 The answer which you demand on the ques- 
 tion, you have referred to my opinion, I give, 
 without hesitation, in the affirmative. I ask my- 
 self, what would have been done in such a case 
 by any other person, conscious of his compe- 
 tency to the duties of his high station, and alive 
 to the responsibility in which it was holden by 
 his country ? What, for instance, would have 
 been done by Cicero? What by the Earl of 
 Chatham ? But, if for your conduct, there was 
 required the authority of precedent, it was fur- 
 nished by your predecessor in his treatment of 
 Randolph, and in his answer to the call of the 
 house of representatives for the papers in the 
 case of the British treaty. Of what avail to the 
 nation is the responsibility of the first officer in 
 the republic, if his schemes, constitutionally 
 sanctioned, can be frustrated by his servants ? 
 
54 
 
 And where is his regard to his honor, his digni- 
 ty and the interests of his country, if under the 
 most flagrant instances of their misdemeanour, 
 he will forbear the exercise of his authority 
 over their stations ? 
 
 With affection and esteem, 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 
 Hon. John Mams. 
 
 Quincy, Mass. 
 
 LETTER XVII. 
 
 QuiNCY, JVo«. 25, 1808. 
 Dear >SVr, 
 
 I have your favours of the 12th and 
 16th of the month. The letter of President 
 Washington concerning John Q. Adams is at 
 your discretion, to make what use of it, you 
 please. All the communications concerning the 
 other gentlemen made, or to be made, I confide 
 to your sacred confidence. The great regard 
 I had for your grandfather, and for your grand- 
 mother, who was a beloved sister of my mother, 
 and for your father, have induced me, especially 
 
55 
 
 as you was the first, and the only person, who 
 ever candidly asked me the question, to com- 
 mit to you a few hints concerning a subject on 
 which I have been silent for so many years. 
 As, against all the vile slanders, which have 
 been published, I have never said or written 
 a word in my own vindication, I am not about 
 to begin, by a justification of myself for one of 
 the most virtuous actions of my life. If my ac- 
 tions have not been sufficient to support my 
 fame, let it perish. No higher ambition remains 
 with me than to build a tomb upon the summit 
 of the hill before my door, covered with a six 
 foot cube of Quincy Granite, with an inscrip- 
 tion like this, 
 
 Siste Viator! 
 With much delight these pleasing hills you view, 
 Where Adams from an envious world withdrew, 
 Where sick of glory, faction, power and pride, 
 Sure judge how empty all, who ail had tried, 
 Beneath his shades the weary chief repos'd, 
 And life's great scene in quiet virtue clos'd. 
 
 To return to the famous gentleman. He is ex- 
 tremely susceptible of violent and inveterate 
 prejudices ; and yet, such are the contradictions 
 to be found in human characters, he is capable 
 of very sudden and violent transitions from one 
 
56 
 
 extreme to an opposite extreme. Under the 
 simple appearance of a bald head and straight 
 hair, and under professions of profound repub- 
 licanism, he conceals an ardent ambition, en- 
 vious of every superior, and impatient of obscu- 
 rity. I always think of a coal-pit, covered over 
 with red earth, glowing within, but unable to con- 
 ceal its internal heat, for the interstices which 
 let out the smoke, and now and then a flash 
 of flame. He has been several years in Senate, 
 but so totally obscure and insignificant, as to 
 keep him in an agony. Almost always in a mi- 
 nority of two, three, four or five, in thirty-four, 
 rarely saying any thing that has been worth re- 
 porting, he broke out at last in a rage, and 
 threw a firebrand into our Massachusetts Le- 
 gislature against his colleague. The stubble 
 was dry and the flame easily took hold. He has 
 an hereditary right to this distinction ; I mean 
 a strong desire of celebrity, with feeble means 
 of obtaining it. If ever you should see the Sa- 
 lem newspapers, published forty or fifty years 
 ago, you will find them abounding with the 
 writings of the good Deacon, his father, in vin- 
 dication of the rights and prerogatives of the 
 
57 
 
 first church in Salem. He became so embold- 
 ened by the noise he made, that he wrote and 
 published several letters to the king, subscrib- 
 ed with his name. One part of the public was 
 amused, another diverted, and a third fatigued 
 with his ostentatious vanity for some years. — 
 Some thirty-five or thirty-six years ago, I was 
 engaged in a cause at Salem court, in which the 
 deacon was a witness. While he was under ex- 
 amination, though I treated him with the utmost 
 respect and civility, -he broke out, without the 
 smallest provocation into a rude personal attack 
 upon me. I was then, as a son of Liberty, ob- 
 noxious to the Judges, to the government, to 
 the British ministry, and to the king. Though 
 I was astonished at the deacon's manners, I took 
 no notice of them, till I came to examine his 
 testimony in my argument to the jury. I then 
 said I could not account for his unprovoked ani- 
 mosity to me, an entire stranger to him, unless 
 he meant to recommend himself to somebody 
 to whom I was obnoxious, and I should not be 
 surprised, if in his next letter to the king, he 
 should do me the honour to denounce me to his 
 
 majesty. This little sally raised a general laugh 
 9 
 
58 
 
 at the deacon's expense, and, as I suppose the 
 son was present, he has never forgiven me. — 
 The concatenation of little and great events in 
 this world is often very whimsical and very ri- 
 diculous. 
 
 Have you never seen the son's speech to the 
 Indians in 1794, or thereabouts? If you have 
 not I may send you a copy of it. Great light 
 may be thrown upon his character by this doc- 
 ument. No man I ever knew had so deep a 
 contempt for Washington. I have had nume- 
 rous proofs of it from his own lips : yet, he ap- 
 pears to the world a devout adorer of him. No 
 man was a more animated advocate for the 
 French ; yet, now he is as zealous for the En- 
 glish. But enough of this unpleasant subject. 
 
 1 thank you for the two numbers of Chatham, 
 which discover a good deal of reading and re- 
 flection. Have you read Bruce's Travels into 
 Abyssinia in search of the source of the Nile ? 
 You will find in the second volume much learn- 
 ing concerning David's commerce with Ophir 
 and Tarshish in gold and silver, &c. 
 
 I am, &c. JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Mr. William Cunningham^ Jr. — Fitchburg. 
 
59 
 LETTER XVIII. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Dec. 3, 1808. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your favour of the 25th ult. came du- 
 ly to hand. What you have already confided to 
 me concerning Mr. Pickering, and wliat more 
 3^ou may have the goodness to disclose I shall 
 not impart to any one. I repeat this assurance 
 to relieve the solicitude which I perceive you 
 cherish to have me sensibly impressed with the 
 delicacy and importance of the communications, 
 with which you have honoured me. 
 
 I hope, dear sir, that when the great acts of 
 your life shall be told in marble, your country- 
 men will recover that just estimation of your 
 worth which shall consecrate in their hearts, 
 through every convulsive scene, the spot of 
 your interment. I have a voucher in the ma- 
 jesty of virtue, and in apposite examples, for 
 asserting that it will be so. 
 
 I will get, if I can, the Salem Gazettes, con- 
 taining the anathemas of deacon P. In the old 
 block I may see the nature of the chip. 
 
 Of the speech of the " straight-haired" minis- 
 
60 
 
 fer Plenipotentiary to the Indians, I have only 
 some indistinct recollections. I would be much 
 obliged to you for a copy of it — I shall strictly 
 analyze its bearings on the orator's character. — 
 His contempt of Washington, and advocacy of 
 French fanaticism are facts which, unfortunate- 
 ly, are unknown to the public. I wish my sus- 
 picions were obviated or confirmed, that his far- 
 famed Report to Congress,^ on our Foreign Re- 
 lations, was not his own unassisted performance. 
 It is due to the deservedly laurelled head, that 
 the baldness, concealed under a cardinal's hat, 
 should be exposed. 
 
 I thank you for the reference to Bruce's Tra- 
 vels. I have some extracts from his books, but 
 I have not the work itself. I am not unacquaint- 
 ed with, though I do not own, a work of much 
 higher worth ; but I know not how to speak of 
 the "Defence of the American Constitutions," 
 without your taking an intimation that you can 
 make me indebted for more than the perusal 
 of it. 
 
 When Young and Minns resumed the publi- 
 cation of Chatham, they tendered me their press 
 as a channel of communication to the public of 
 
61 
 
 my essays. Presuming that this offer would 
 hold them, I concluded to write a few more pa- 
 pers, and to incorporate into one of them, some 
 notices of Mr. John Q. Adams. To this I was 
 induced by seeing the declination of Mr. Clin- 
 ton to serve as Vice-President — And as the 
 Electors, on the popular side, must make a se- 
 lection of another for that office, I thought it 
 woidd be neither impolitic, nor too late, to bring 
 Mr. Adams into view, through a federal paper. 
 Accordingly in number thirteen, I have spoken 
 of him at some length. The papers containing 
 numbers ten and eleven I send herewith. 
 
 With veneration and esteem, 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Mams, 
 
 Quincy. 
 
 LETTER XIX. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Dec. 10, 1808. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I had the pleasure to write you the 
 3d inst. I follow it with this to make the ex- 
 
62 
 
 planation of the concluding part of that letter, 
 which subsequent discoveries have made ne- 
 cessary. I mentioned a particular object as my 
 inducement to a public notice of Mr. John Q. 
 Adams, in the thirteenth number of certain spe- 
 culations, but it appears, that the occasion I in- 
 tended to influence has gone by in advance of 
 my efforts. But this was not owing to any de- 
 linquency in my endeavours. The paper was 
 received by the printers on the 10th Nov. and 
 if they had not intermitted the publication of 
 the numbers, the number thirteen would have 
 appeared on Friday the 22d of last month. — 
 That it did not appear on that day, I indeed 
 knew at the date of my last ; but the omission 
 of a number in the Palladium of that day week, 
 was vmknown to me. The letters I prepare for 
 the mail are written on post days, and I very 
 frequently meet with matter in the letters or 
 papers I receive, which affect the contents of 
 the letters I had sent to the office. This was 
 the case when I forwarded my last to you. I 
 found that the regular appearance of my papers 
 had been interrupted, and that the number thir- 
 teen could not appear until the 6th instant.— 
 
63 
 
 Whether the editors neglected me on that day 
 on purpose to defeat my views, I leave to con- 
 jecture. It is to wear away some of the cha- 
 grin their conduct has caused, that I make this 
 elucidation. As it respects Mr. Adams, the 
 omission of the paper will be of little conse- 
 quence, even though its appearance could have 
 effected all I wished. I designated him for the 
 office Mr Madison will be called to vacate. If 
 what I have sent to the press concerning Mr. 
 Adams should appear, or has appeared, and it 
 should be thought to be composed in more can- 
 dour than craftiness, I shall feel complimented, 
 rather than wounded, by the opinion. My well 
 meant attempts to serve liim have been direct- 
 ed as much by my sense of duty to my country, 
 as by the obligation of private friendship ; and 
 I am persuaded that I never shall have occasion 
 to apologise to him for what the union of these 
 governing rules of reflection may suggest res- 
 pecting him. 
 
 I have hopes of being favoured this evening 
 with the talk of Mr. Pickering. 
 
 With affection and respect, I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
64 
 LETTER XX. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Dec. 17, 1808. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Since I enjoyed the pleasure of 
 addressing you on the 10th inst. I have seen 
 two numbers of the Palladium, and found them 
 both silent respecting Mr. John Q. Adams. 
 Doubtful whether the editors would publish my 
 encomium on him, I retained a copy which is 
 subjoined, and which shall release your pa- 
 tience from any further tax on that subject. 
 
 [Here follows a quotation from Chatham No. XIll. writ- 
 ten in an abbreviated or short hand, peculiar to the author, 
 which cannot be decjphered by the editor.] 
 
 I see it asserted in the Boston papers, that 
 the democratic editors will vote for Mr. Clinton 
 for Vice-President. In the New- York Evening 
 Post, of an early date in November, I saw an 
 article formally announcing that he declined be- 
 ing a candidate for that office. I may have ad- 
 mitted it too hastily from an impression long 
 before imbibed, that he would not serve in that 
 station. 
 
 Mrs. Warren, in her History of the Revolu- 
 tion, vol. II, page 207, has given in a note, a 
 
65 
 
 sketch of the character of Count De Vergen- 
 nes, drawn, I presume, by your pen. Before 
 the appearance of this History, I had pubhcly 
 coupled the venahty of Vergennes and the ob- 
 sequiousness of his American vassals, to explain 
 the cause of an intermission in your Diplomatic 
 career. I am covetous of the information which 
 will enable me to fortify this explanation with 
 the direct proofs of his being visionary, and of 
 his destitution of moral worth. Mrs. Warren 
 had amassed much information, and where she 
 has confined herself to plain narration she ap- 
 pears very well. In the difficult undertaking 
 of portraying characters she has betrayed her 
 own incapacity, though it must be acknowledg- 
 ed, that she has not been unhappy in her delin- 
 eations in the instances which did not require 
 a deep investigation. She is the most unfortu- 
 nate when she assumes the umpirage of polit- 
 ical division. 
 
 With veneration, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
 10 
 
66 
 LETTER XXL 
 
 QuiNCY, Dec. I3th, 1808. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your favours of the 3d and 10th are 
 received. The 2d and 3d volumes of the De- 
 fence are at your service, provided I had any 
 means of conveyance for them. But the first 
 volume is not in my power, having none that I 
 can spare. An edition of the first was printed 
 in Boston, perhaps some copies of it remain 
 there : but I know nothing of it. I laughed 
 when I read your expectation that what you 
 had written on John Quincy Adams, would be 
 printed. I found that you was not acquainted 
 with the world as it exists in Boston. The ^our 
 federal papers are under the Imprimatur of an 
 oligarchy of purse proud speculators, as des- 
 potic as the thirty tyrants of Athens. Trials 
 enough have been made, as I have been inform- 
 ed, to insert many things on the same subject, 
 and refused. You will destroy all your credit 
 if you persevere in such attempts. Banks and 
 other vile pranks, have thrown the majority in- 
 to the hands of those, who were shapen in to- 
 ryism, and, in British idolatry, did their moth- 
 
67 
 
 ers conceive them. Beware then how you of- 
 fend this irritable race of refugees. Whatever 
 friendship you may have retained for John 
 Quincy Adams, or his Father, I advise you to 
 conceal it close within your own breast. If it 
 takes air it will ruin your prospects. 
 
 I have been too much occupied with other 
 things to think of the wise man of Salem :* 
 Time enough. Be patient. Your designation 
 of Mr. John Quincy Adams, to the office Mr. 
 Madison now holds, will be as erroneous, as the 
 other to that of Vice President. Mr. Giles, 
 Mr. Munroe, Mr. Pope, Mr. Mitchell, Mr. 
 twenty others will be more likely. No ! Mr. 
 Adams must be left where he is. He is now 
 at his ease and is happy, and useful, more use- 
 
 * The following note, in the hand writing of Mr. Cunning- 
 ham, is annexed to the original letter from Mr. Adams. 
 
 One of the things in which Mr. Adams was at this time 
 engaged, was his remarks on Col. Pickering's Letter to 
 Gov. Sullivan, of the 16th Feb. 1807. And, this is the first 
 letter in the correspondence with me, in which Mr. Adams 
 has given reins to the impatient spirit of a controvertist 
 The gentleman, described in a former letter, as too faulty 
 to succeed in a competition with Gov. Strong, " unless the 
 people should degenerate,'''' is now " lamented as the last of 
 the whigs !" 
 
68 
 
 fill perhaps than he could be in any other pub- 
 lic station in these times of anarchy, violence 
 and fury. No ! The old whigs and their pos- 
 terity must all go into obscurity, and all the 
 public offices must be monopolised by the 
 blood of the old refugees. Mr. Gore, the son 
 of one refugee must be Governor, Mr. Pickman, 
 a son of another refugee, must be a member of 
 Congress from the old tory county of Salem. 
 Mr. Edward Hutchinson Robbins, a nephew 
 of the sovereign Pontiff of toryism, must be a 
 Counsellor and member of Congress. Mr. 
 Lloyd, the son of another tory, as orthodox as 
 any of the refugees, must be a Senator, &c. &c. 
 &c. The old Whigs, dead or living, will soon 
 be in sufficient obscurity, and the Revolution in 
 sufficient disgrace. The whigs had been reduced 
 to the necessity of choosing Mr. Sullivan. He 
 is now departed and probably will be the last of 
 the whigs. The tories I suppose are sanguine 
 that they shall have Mr. Gore in the spring. 
 There seems to be among them however some 
 suspicions that they are not secure in this hope. 
 I conclude so, because I hear, that among them, 
 other persons are contemplated. Mr. Gray of 
 
69 
 
 Salem has been mentioned, and Mr. Parker, the 
 Judge of the Supreme Court. This gentleman 
 is said to be in high esteem and admiration in 
 the District of Maine, where the election has 
 been sometimes decided. In Worcester, Hamp- 
 shire and Berkshire, I expect to hear that Mr. 
 Sedgwick will be nominated, unless they should 
 return to my old friend. Governor Strong. The 
 Republicans, no doubt, will adhere to Mr. Lin- 
 coln. Both parties however will be directed by 
 their Caucuses, which are established by cus- 
 tom as part of the Constitution, as much as 
 party principles are or party intolerance. / 
 may mention to you in confidence^ that conside- 
 rable pains has been taken to persuade your 
 friend John Q. Mams to consent to be run by 
 the republicans. But he is utterly averse to it, 
 and so am I, for many reasons, among which 
 are 1st The office, though a precious stone, is 
 but a carbuncle shining in the dark. 2d It is 
 a state of perfect slavery. The drudgery of it 
 is extremely oppressive. 3d The Compensa- 
 tion is not a living for a common gentleman. 
 4th He must resign his professorship. 5th He 
 must renounce his practice at the Bar. 6th He 
 
70 
 
 must stand in competition with Mr. Lincoln, 
 which would divide the republican interest and 
 certainly prevent the election of either. 7th 
 It would produce an eternal separation between 
 HIM AND THE FEDERALISTS, at least that part of 
 them who now constitute the absoluteOligarchy. 
 This I OAvn, however, I should not much regret, 
 for this nation has more to fear from them than 
 any other source. 8th Finally, and above all, 
 there is as little prospect of doing any good as 
 acquiring any honour or receiving any comfort. 
 For these reasons, I am decidedly against the 
 project, and so is he. Private station, in my 
 opinion, has no equal for him. Be so good as 
 to tell me who are in nomination in your neigh- 
 bourhood. 
 
 I am as usual, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Mr. William Cunningham. 
 
 LETTER XXII. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Dec. 21, 1808. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I have received your favour of the 
 
 }3th inst. and give you my thanks for the offer 
 
71 
 
 of the 2d and 3d volumes of the Defence. If 
 you would be at the trouble of putting them 
 under a blank cover, superscribed with my ad- 
 dress, and cause them to be left at Mr. Whee- 
 lock's, at the sign of the Indian Queen in Marl- 
 borough street, they will be brought to me by 
 the driver of the Leominster stage. I shall be 
 unsusceptible of instruction if experience, much 
 longer protracted, shall fail to convince me of 
 an Oligarchic oversight of the federal presses. 
 
 Your advice to imprison in my bosom the 
 friendship I feel for yourself and family, is en- 
 titled to all the gratitude which is due to a kind 
 and generous intention, but its observance is 
 impracticable. --^ 
 
 I happened to be at the first Court in Wor- 
 cester which was holden after the acquittal of 
 Mr. Selfridge. There I was told by Mr. Speak- 
 er Bigelow, and others, that I was accused of 
 having apostatized from federalism. I inform- 
 ed them, that if the expression of my firm con- 
 viction that Selfridge had been guilty of mur- 
 der, and ought to have been hanged, was 
 the sole ground of the accusation, and if that 
 was enough to constitute a secession from fed- 
 
72 
 
 eralism, I wished to be considered as seceding. 
 But I was not ejected. The great political 
 parties in the State, arranged under their re- 
 spective standards on the simple question of 
 the guilt or innocence of an individual under a 
 criminal accusation, was a curious spectacle. 
 I am thoroughly persuaded of the power of 
 prejudice. Through the heat of party feuds she 
 sits in regal pomp, in the human breast, dictat- 
 ing most despotically, its decisions. But this 
 heat must subside, and the tranquil scene suc- 
 ceed, when reason shall be reinstated in her 
 government. 
 
 With veneration and esteem, 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
 LETTER XXIII. 
 
 QuiNCY, Jan. 3, 1809. 
 
 Dear Sir. 
 
 I have your favours of December 
 17, and 21st. I hope you will not insinuate a 
 comparison between John Q. Adams and Corio- 
 
73 
 
 lanus. Whatever injustice or ingratitude maj^ 
 be done him, he has none of the Roman's re- 
 venge, much less his treachery. 
 
 Of Mrs. Warren's History I have nothing to 
 say. The Count De Vergennes was an accom- 
 plished gentleman and scholar, and a statesman 
 of great experience in various diplomatic and 
 other ministerial stations. In treating with 
 other nations, he considered the interest of his 
 own country and left others to take care of 
 theirs. His refinements were not invisible. His 
 negociations were very like those of the British 
 Cabinet with us at this day. All I have to say 
 is, that all European Cabinets and Ministers 
 are very much alike : and our only security 
 against them is in our own fortitude and the 
 sense and integrity of our own Ministers. Have 
 you seen any wondrous skill in our foreign 
 Ambassadors for some years past ? 
 
 I have sent to the Indian Queen the 2d and 
 
 3d vols, of a work which the English editor of 
 
 the 2d edition calls an History of Republicks. 
 
 It may be called The American Boudoir. What 
 
 is a Boudoir ? It is a Pouting room. And what 
 
 is a Pouting room? lii many gentlemen's 
 11 
 
74 
 
 houses in France, there is an apartment, of an 
 octagonal form, twelve or fifteen feet across, 
 or thirty six or forty-five feet round, and all the 
 eight sides, as well as the ceiling over head, 
 are all of the most polished glass Mirrors : so 
 that, when a man stands in the centre of the 
 room he sees himself in every direction, multi- 
 plied into a row of selfs, as far as the eye can 
 reach. 
 
 The humour of it is, that when the lady of 
 the house is out of temper, when she is angry, 
 or when she weeps Avithout a cause, she may 
 be locked up in this chamber to pout, and to see 
 in every direction how beautiful she is. There 
 are settees and chairs round the sides and com- 
 monly a bath in the centre, which may be made 
 hot or cold. So that persons may see them- 
 selves naked in every posture. Such a Boudoir 
 is the Defence. Our States may see them- 
 selves in it, in every possible light, attitude and 
 movement. They may see all their beauties and 
 all their deformities. Happy they who are 
 made cautious by others' dangers ! 
 
 I return the editor's letter, which, with a 
 thousand other things, concurs to sliow that cer- 
 
75 
 
 tain presses are under the controul of an aris- 
 tocracy of bankers led by the nose by an oli- 
 garchy of Shylocks, all sycophants to Britain. 
 A happy new year. 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Mr. Wm. Cunningham, 
 
 LETTER XXIV. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Jan. 14, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I received, on the last day of De- 
 cember, the 2d and 3d volumes of the Defence, 
 for which I renew my thanks. You have truly 
 characterized this work in the comparison you 
 have made of it, in your letter of the 3d inst. 
 to a Boudoir. Many of the evils which you 
 have described as incident to an unbalanced 
 government, we have found by experience to 
 have been insufficiently guarded against by 
 our Constitution. A paragraph in the 3d vol. 
 page 460, beginning with — " It is the true poli- 
 cy," and ending with " constitution," I have 
 placed with my materials for elucidating an oc- 
 currence in the life of an Ex-Secretary, which 
 
76 
 
 lie and his friends would keep shrouded, or 
 have explained to your disadvantage. 
 
 The comparison of Mr. John Q. Adams to 
 Coriolanus, was, as you doubtless supposed, an 
 inadvertence. I had in my mind the story of 
 Camillus, but erred in its application. In a fu- 
 gitive essay, allusions are seldom attempted in 
 the accuracy of Plutarch's parallels. If they 
 hold in one or two striking particulars, they an- 
 swer. An important point, in the resemblance 
 to the Roman, is, and, I think not unaptly, anti- 
 cipated. — Mr. Adams may interpose and save 
 his country, and not lose a likeness of Camillus 
 should he do it in the Toga, not the Helmet. 
 My memory is oftentimes the only registry to 
 which I can appeal : a habit of confiding to its 
 records betrays me into mistakes. 
 
 Our foreign Ministers have not, I think, of 
 late been prodigies. Mr. jBowdoin (to whom, 
 by the way, I understand that the Republicans 
 have offered the Chair) made no figure. His 
 mind and his constitution were too far vitiated in 
 the old school of Europe, where he was sent to 
 finish his education, to permit him ever to ap- 
 pear rich in the inheritance of his Father's 
 
77 
 
 worth and wisdom. Mr. Pinckney, in the game 
 of cat-in-pan, is making himself contemptible. 
 Lethe would be better for Armstrong than the 
 water of Bourbon D'Archambault. 
 
 My Chathams are nearly all published. If 
 they attract your curiosity, you can gratify it 
 long before the papers can reach you so circu- 
 itously as through me. In No. XV. the editors 
 omitted a paragraph, for which they have asked 
 pardon, in the body of the piece. The part 
 omitted was to this purport : — 
 
 " But that Great Britain should do more than 
 maintain herself against her adversary, I have 
 the same objections as to her being expunged 
 from the catalogvie of nations. Her security 
 may require a new modification of the Europe- 
 an economy, but it asks nothing personally re- 
 lating to the Bourbons or the Buonapartes. 
 That a bone of contention might be mouldered 
 into dust, I wish, indeed, that the hopes of the 
 Bourbons, as they relate to France, were ex- 
 tinct. I can see nothing in policy, in principle, 
 or in justice, to require, but every thing in hu- 
 manity, to deplore their being reinstated on the 
 Gallic Throne. And, I will not dissemble, that 
 
78 
 
 I have no such elevated conceptions of British 
 magnanimity as to overcome the jealousy of the 
 most overbearing atrocities towards us, could 
 she reign mistress of her neighbours. We have 
 had too much experience on this head to be 
 unconvinced, that the reassumptoin of her for- 
 mer power and splendour, would occasionally 
 subject us to an inconvenient employment of 
 force to moderate her domineering temper." 
 
 The Liberty of the Press ! 
 
 According to the last advices, it appears that 
 Buonaparte will make as short work with 
 Castenos as Caesar did with Pharnaces, and 
 may describe his victory in the same terms. 
 
 It was with much regret that I saw in the 
 papers of this week, some account of a letter 
 from you to a Member of Congress. A Chroni- 
 cle of last week gave a summary account of its 
 contents. From the tenor of the letters with 
 which you have honoured me, I conclude, that 
 your correspondent has rendered himself unde- 
 serving of your confidence. I am informed that 
 the letter is much a topic at Boston, and has 
 given rise to free animadversion. It is an ar- 
 duous duty of friendship to give you this in- 
 
79 
 
 formation, but it will not, for that, be the less 
 acceptable. 
 
 The gratulations of the season I most sin- 
 cerely reciprocate to yourself, and tender to 
 your Family. 
 
 With veneration and affection, 
 I am, &c. 
 
 W31. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Mams. 
 
 LETTER XXV. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Jan. 11, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 The last letter, which I had the 
 honour to receive from you, dated January 3d. 
 I have before acknowledged. Permit me to re- 
 mind you, that I have in expectation something- 
 farther from you, concerning the misnamed 
 Aristides. 
 
 I am perfectly ashamed to speak to you again 
 of my Chathams, but it is unavoidable. The 
 three concluding numbers, the printers refuse to 
 publish. In two of them I had embodied the 
 reasons which had occurred to me in favour of 
 
80 
 
 substituting for the Embargo, a license to mer- 
 chant ships, to arm against aggressors indis- 
 criminately, and I gave many reasons against 
 giving to our resentments a partial direction. 
 
 The determinatian of the Essex Junto to 
 drive this country into a war with France, and 
 of another party to effect hostilities exclusively 
 with England, are, in my opinion, alike inauspi- 
 cious to our peace and prosperity. With this 
 impression, I reject the Report of Mr. Gore to 
 the House of Representatives. Considering the 
 temper of the times, an arming against vio- 
 lators of our rights, without distinction, is, it ap- 
 pears to me, the only defence of them, we can 
 engage in, whole bodied ; in any other, we shall 
 be lacerated with our own stripes. And does 
 not justice combine with policy in favour of in- 
 discriminate resistance ? 
 
 The papers announce that Mr. John Q. Ad- 
 ams is at Washington. I shall be disappointed 
 if his rare talents and incorruptible integrity 
 are permitted a long respite from public occu- 
 pation. 
 
 With veneration and affection, 
 1 am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jk. 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
81 
 LETTER XXVI. 
 
 QuiNCY, Feb. 11, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I have your favour of the 14th, ult. The 
 
 Mirror was never read — and if it ever should 
 be it will be wilfully misunderstood. Seventeen 
 wheels within one wheel, seventeen empires 
 within one empire, seventeen sovereignties 
 within one sovereignty, seventeen imperia in 
 one imperio, will tell in tim^. We have had a 
 Shays' disturbance, a Gallatin's disturbance, a 
 Tories' disturbance, and why may we not have 
 a Pickering's disturbance ? Such, I think, is the 
 spirit of the reasoning of the present times. 
 
 Whether the Republicans have offered the 
 Chair to Mr. Bowdoin, or not, I know not. 
 They talk of this, that, and the other Gentle- 
 man, but all will depend upon the Caucus in the 
 Legislature, and that, I presume, will determine 
 on Mr. Lincoln. The Federalists too talk of 
 many candidates, as Gov. Strong, Judge Par- 
 ker, and many others, but their Caucus is 
 pledged to Mr. Gore and they cannot abandon 
 him. The question will be between Lincoln 
 
 and Gore. 
 
 12 
 
82 
 
 Your rejected paragraph concerning Great 
 Britain was high treason against the present 
 domineering party. But it is sound sense and 
 true policy. It is not wonderful that some per- 
 sons among us are so eager to rush into the 
 arms of Great Britain. But it is unaccountable, 
 that there should be so many. Common under- 
 standing one would think sufficient, when en- 
 lightened with an ordinar}^ knowledge of man- 
 kind and the general history of England and 
 America, to convince any man that Great Brit- 
 ain is the natural enemy of the United States. 
 She has looked at us from our first settlement 
 to this moment, with eyes of jealousy, envy, 
 hatred and contempt. At this time she knows 
 not how to do without us. She makes a great 
 profit of us. Yet she sees that we make a 
 profit too, and that we grow faster than she 
 does. Our population, wealth, power, and im- 
 portance, with all nations, increases incompara- 
 bly more rapid than hers. This prospect she 
 cannot bear. She sees too, that this is the only 
 rising country of the world, and that the Amer- 
 ican people are the most active portion of the 
 human race, especially the New-England States, 
 
83 
 
 For us then to quarrel with all other nations for 
 the sake of courting the protection of Great 
 Britain, is as if the lamb should fly from its 
 friendly flock and faithful shepherd, and seek the 
 friendship and protection of the wolf All the 
 nations of Europe, to my knowledge, are friend- 
 ly to us. If the French are now an exception 
 it is owing to the war with England, and the 
 singular character of their present Ruler. 
 
 Buonaparte I think, at least I hope, will not 
 find so easy a conquest of the Spaniards. The 
 English will make sure of the Spanish Navy. 
 and secure their own retreat on board their 
 ships. I hope however they will come in con- 
 tact with the French. If they should, though 
 they may be overpowered by numbers, they 
 will give the French something to remember. 
 Bona will not have to say veni^ vidi, vici. Brit- 
 ons are at least as brave and more patient than 
 the French. 
 
 Regret nothing that you see in the papers 
 concerning me. It is impossible that newspa- 
 pers can say the truth. They would be out of 
 their element. — I regard them no more than the 
 gossamer that idles in the wanton summer air. 
 
84 
 
 When you told me that my letter had been a 
 topic in Boston, and given rise to free animad- 
 version, you should have told me what those 
 animadversions were. We should never tell a 
 man that he has been slandered without inform- 
 ing him what those slanders were. 
 
 I have a few sheets of paper written on a 
 point on which I differed formerly and latterly 
 with our angry Senator, and which was one of 
 the causes of his removal, which I will send you 
 provided you will previously give me your 
 honour tliat you will return it after you liave 
 read it without taking any copy. 
 I am, &c. 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Mr. Cimningham. 
 
 LETTER XXVII. 
 
 QuiNCY, Feb. 14, 1809. 
 Dear >SVr, 
 
 The complaint in your favour of the 
 11th, of the refusal to pubhsh your Chathams is 
 no surprise to me. I have seen nothing in the 
 four Federal papers of Boston for the last year, 
 
85 
 
 but such another prostitution of genius, learning, 
 and eloquence as we read in Madam Draper's, 
 Fleet's, and Mein and Fleming's, Papers in 
 1773 and 1774. A blind devotion to England and 
 a disposition to sacrifice to her, our rights and 
 a headlong inclination to go to war with France, 
 and for the sake of these blessings to hazard if 
 not sacrifice the Union and Constitution of the 
 United States. Not one of those papers will 
 publish a word inconsistent with that system. 
 
 I agree with you in the system of armed neu- 
 trality at first. It will take time to try that ex- 
 periment, and time gained is precious. 
 
 I have a letter to-day from John Q. Adams 
 at Washington on the sixth of the montli. He 
 arrived in time for the session of the Supreme 
 Court, before which he has a good deal of bet- 
 ter business than debating in Congress. If his 
 talents and integrity continue to be neglected, 
 as they have been insulted, it is not his fault, 
 and I have the consolation to know that it is 
 more for his interest and the peace of his mind, 
 than any public office would be. If he were in 
 the Senate of Massachusetts he could only la- 
 bour in vain with his friend Mr. Gray to prevent 
 
86 
 
 f 
 
 our Legislature from overleaping the boundaries 
 of our Constitution. 
 
 When John Wilkes was writing one of his 
 North Britons, he said to one of his friends, who 
 came in suddenly upon him, " I have been 
 studying these four hours to see how near I 
 could come in my next North Briton to treason, 
 without committing it." The deliberations and 
 debates of our two Houses, appear to me to be 
 somewhat like a hard study to come as near vi- 
 olating the Constitution as possible without 
 breaking it. 
 
 Our respectable Metropolis is too warm and 
 it has communicated too much of its heat to 
 some other places which are too much under its 
 influence. 
 
 I inclose you a Frederick Town Herald of 
 January 14th, in which you may read a phil- 
 ippick of Mr. John Hanson Thomas upon the 
 City of Baltimore. What would be said, if such 
 an oration were made in the Chronicle, or in 
 our House of Representatives concerning our 
 modest City of Boston. 
 
 I am Sir, as usual, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Mr. Cunningham. 
 
87 
 LETTER XXVIII. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Fe^. 20, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your favours of the 11th and 14th 
 inst. came both to hand to-day. I have only 
 time, by this mail, to make the acknowledg- 
 ment, and to request of you the goodness to 
 send me what you have written on a point con- 
 troverted between yourself and the person 
 whose pertinacity you have found so unman- 
 ageable. 
 
 The engagements, on my part, which you 
 have proposed as conditional to its reception, I 
 most freely and unreservedly make. 
 With esteem and veneration, 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Mams. 
 
 LETTER XXIX. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Feb. 23, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 1 wrote you under the date of the 
 20th inst. and sent it to the Post office, but ar- 
 
88 
 
 riving there a few minutes too late to be for- 
 warded by the mail, it was returned. I now 
 forward it under cover with this. There is a 
 sentence in your favour of the 1 1th, demanding 
 my particular attention. " Whe?i you told me" 
 you observe " that my letter had been a topick 
 at Boston^ and given rise to free animadversion^ 
 you should have told me lohat those animadver- 
 sions were.'''' I instantly thought of the story of 
 Le Fever — " Wlien thou offeredst him whatever 
 was in my house., thou shouldst have offered him 
 my house too.'''' But in the animadversions re- 
 ferred to, there is a counterpart, not a likeness 
 to the conduct of " my uncle Toby." — In the 
 censure of you, sir, there is the reverse of senti- 
 ment. An entire conviction of this and the cer- 
 tainty of your own consciousness of it, ought 
 perhaps to have restrained me from making the 
 communication I did; yet if the littleness 
 which is striving at aggrandizement through the 
 representation that any of your opinions are 
 dictated by private pique towards Pickering 
 and his party, is regarded by you, as it deserves 
 to be, undeserving of notice as the prattling of 
 a magpie, it will, I trust, afford you some conso- 
 
89 
 
 lation to know, that you have friends, who, 
 founding their estimation of your character upon 
 an intimate acquaintance with it, view with de- 
 rision, or with indignation, the bows exercised 
 by mahcious hands in hurHng arrows which" fall 
 pointless by your side. If in this explanation, 
 and to any extent, I have administered this con- 
 solation, I shall the less lament the unguarded- 
 ness which, in leaving undefined a calumny, 
 might to some have given occasion for disqui- 
 eting apprehensions. 
 
 I thank you for the Frederick Town Herald. 
 For the sake of Mr. Kettering's antidote to ca- 
 nine madness, which that paper contains, I ask 
 your leave to keep it. 
 
 Our peace and security may he as much jeop- 
 ardized in the intemperate warmth of Boston as 
 in the frantic licentiousness of Baltimore. To 
 both, the adage is applicable. JYe sutor ultra 
 crepidam. 
 
 With affection and respect, 
 
 1 am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Mams. 
 
 13 
 
90 
 LETTER XXX. 
 
 QuiNCY, Feb. 22, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Inclosed you will find a philippic 
 of our angry, peevish, fretful Prophet Jonah. 
 His anger is his talent. When he gives a loose 
 to that passion, as he always does in every thing, 
 he produces something smart, pert and malig- 
 nant which pleases the malignity of the vulgar. 
 But philippics are not the highest style of poli- 
 tics. I cannot think Demosthenes and Cicero 
 in the highest grade of Statesmen, though they 
 certainly were of Orators. 
 
 You will see how ardently he was attached 
 to the French, even to the highest strain of 
 Jacobinism, and king killing. Compare this with 
 his present ardent attachment to the English, 
 and see how the same temper can swing the 
 extremest vibrations of the pendulum. 
 
 From Jonah let me turn to Harlequin. Have 
 you read Matthew Lyon's letter to his friend in 
 Vermont ? The mixture of monk and monkey 
 in this fellow creature of ours, always diverts 
 me, like a medicine for the spleen, or a cordial 
 for low spirits. I shall not examine his system. 
 
91 
 
 As far as it is intelligible he is for repealing all 
 Embargoes, Non-Intercourses, and Non-Im- 
 portations, and surrendering all pretensions to 
 rights. I suspect he is one of the little mer- 
 chants he mentions, not one of the big, by any 
 means, and, that his little paquotilles are some- 
 what deranged and in danger. The sum of what 
 he says in one place, is, that the vulgar among 
 the Federalists adored John Adams and the 
 vulgar among the Republicans - adore Tom 
 Jefferson. " When John Adams said that the 
 finger of heaven pointed to war, you and I 
 laughed at him." This may be true : but it was 
 the grinning of idiots at each other — the laugh- 
 ter of fools, the crackling of thorns under a pot. 
 He is so great a worshipper and idolator of 
 Tom Paine, that he and his correspondent might 
 believe that there is no Heaven, or that Heaven 
 has no finger. If he believed in a God and a 
 Providence, and had eyes in his head or brains 
 in his skull, he might have seen and would have 
 seriously considered that the course of events 
 had rendered a war, or indelible disgrace and 
 national degradation, unavoidable. He must 
 have s^en that Providence did indicate war, and 
 
92 
 
 ordain war ; for, a war we had in fact, a war de- 
 clared in form by the House of Representatives, 
 the Senate and President of the United States. 
 It was not a universal war : it was defined and 
 limited to certain cases : but a declaration of a 
 Sovereign that a solemn and vastly important 
 treaty between him and another sovereign is 
 null and void, by the infractions, violence, injus- 
 tice and breach of faith by that other, is tanta- 
 mount to a declaration of war. But Congress 
 went farther ; they raised forces by land and 
 sea, and authorized hostilities, and a war was 
 actually waged. A glol-ious and triumphant war 
 it was. Instead of hearing of vessels taken in 
 our rivers and burnt in our harbours, as we had 
 done for a long time, not an hostile sail dared to 
 spread itself on any part of our vast sea-coast. 
 Instead of our merchant ships being taken by 
 scores, and our property captivated by millions 
 in the West-Indies, Talbot, Truxton, Decatur 
 and Little cleared the whole seas, and not a 
 privateer or picaroon or even frigate dared shew 
 its head. The Proud Pavillion of France was, 
 in many glaring instances, humiliated under the 
 eagles and stripes of the United States. But 
 
93 
 
 the greatest triumph of all, was, that the haugh- 
 ty Directory, who had demanded tribute, re- 
 fused to receive our Ambassadors, and formally 
 and publicly, by an act of Government, declar- 
 ed that they would not receive any more Min- 
 isters from the United States, till I had made 
 excuses and apologies for some of my speeches, 
 were obliged to humble themselves, retract all 
 their declarations and transmit to me the most 
 positive assurances in several various ways both 
 official and inofficial that they would receive 
 my Ministers, and make peace on my own 
 terms. 
 
 Let the jackasses, Lyon and his correspon- 
 dent, and his intimate friends, Duane, Callender 
 and Tom Paine, bray or laugh at all this, as 
 they did at the finger of God. If ever an His- 
 torian should arise fit for the investigation, this 
 transaction must be transmitted to posterity as 
 the most glorious period in American History, 
 and as the most disinterested, prudent, and suc- 
 cessful conduct in my whole life. For I was 
 obliged to give peace and unexampled pros- 
 perity to my country for eight years, and, 
 if it is not for a longer duration, it is not 
 
94 
 
 my fault, against the advice, intreaties, and 
 intrigues of all my Ministers, and all the leading 
 Federalists in both houses of Congress. 
 
 The two factions have conspired hitherto to 
 smother all my glory : yet, they cannot avoid 
 letting out, now and then, a glimpse, and this 
 letter of Lyon's is one instance of it. 
 
 Our parties at present resemble two ladies of 
 easy virtue, in whose quarrels a;nd scoldings, 
 one reproaches the other with her weakness 
 with a lover the last night, and the other re- 
 torts, you are worse than I, for, you committed 
 adultery the night before and put horns upon 
 your husband. Unfortunately there is too much 
 truth in both. Neither party, however, in the 
 violence of their rage can avoid throwing out 
 something now and then in honour of 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Mr. Cunningham. 
 
 P. S. The Caitiff says I repented. This is 
 false. I had nothing to repent of I departed 
 from no principle, system, or profession. The 
 French Government repented and reformed. 
 Their humiliation and my triumph were com- 
 plete. Both struck the British Ambassador so 
 
95 
 
 forcibly that he said to me " To what degrees 
 of abasement will not the French submit to you ? 
 I was in hopes they would have persevered and 
 gone to war with you." 
 
 My system was from the beginning, to make 
 peace with them the moment I could do it con- 
 sistently with the honour and interest of the 
 nation. But this disappointed the Anglomanic 
 Federalists as well as Mr. Liston, and they have 
 hated me for it ever since. J. A. 
 
 LETTER XXXI. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, March 11, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 On the first of the month, I receiv- 
 ed your favour of the 22d ult. with a copy of a 
 speech of a ci-devant Minister to the six Na- 
 tions. Having been ill with the prevailing in- 
 fluenza, and expecting, mail after mail, to re- 
 ceive your answer to my letters of the 20th 
 and 23d of February, I have delayed this ac- 
 knowledgement. I hope that this evening will 
 relieve my impatience to see the speculations 
 you have written in opposition to the opinions 
 
96 
 
 of an officer whose duty it was to facilitate, but 
 whose contumacy embarrassed your Adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 I had seen Lyon's Letter, and had waded 
 through it. When I turn to the journals of '98, 
 and compare the treatment of him then with 
 the estimation of him now, I think of a belle 
 who, in the pride of accomplishments, casts her 
 eye fastidiously upon a worthless fellow, but 
 who, when past her prime, ' oversteps the mod- 
 esty of nature' in her forwardness to encourage 
 his advances. — 'Tis a mortifying meanness ! 
 Lyon has been called a beast, but the most 1 
 could ever make of him was a chattering pla- 
 net. JVoscitur ex sociis. 
 
 Your view of our situation in 1798 is fully 
 substantiated by public documents. So glori- 
 ous a result of the measures then pursued, 
 ought to have settled them forever in the Cabi- 
 net, and in the bosom of ever}^ American, as the 
 only measures, designated by Heaven and con- 
 secrated by experience, for the maintenance of 
 our maritime rights. The fortunate issue, sir, 
 of these measures to your own fame, is a sub- 
 ject, with which I am too full not to fear to 
 
97 
 
 speak to yoii and confine myself within allowa- 
 ble limits. The reduction of Directorial hau- 
 teur to a compliance with your own conditions, 
 was a conquest which no other cabinet can 
 boast. Your declaration in your Message to 
 Congress of June 21, '98, that you " would not 
 send another Minister to France, without as- 
 surances that he would be received, respected 
 and honoured as the representative of a great, 
 free, powerful, and independent nation," com- 
 mitted you, as to the terms upon which a new 
 mission would be instituted. I derive the high- 
 est satisfaction from the direct information, that 
 the Directory transmitted to you " the most 
 positive assurances in various ways, both official 
 and inofficial, that they Avould receive your Min- 
 isters, and make peace on your own terms." You 
 know it,sir, to have been alleged, that of a relaxa- 
 tion in the tone of the Directory, you had nothing 
 but informal intimations, circuitously passed to 
 you through Mr.Murray, and of too vague a char- 
 acter to release you from your engagement in 
 your Message. To what distortions mil not a 
 phrenzied party descend ! The concessions on 
 
 the part of the executive of France, which abat- 
 14 
 
98 
 
 ed,if but for a moment, the Hotsperian temper of 
 the British minister, were unquestionably such 
 as ou^ht effectually to have appeased the just 
 indignation of the American President. The 
 confessions of Mr. Liston, that the submission 
 of the Directory had banished his hopes of a 
 war, is the more precious for being unwillingly 
 yielded. If his understanding and his magna- 
 nimity, enlightened and ennobled, burst through 
 his prejurlices to pay you a just compliment, the 
 breach was instantly repaired, and in his own 
 breast and in the breasts of his party, these pre- 
 judices have pent up, against you, not wisdom 
 and generosity only, but truth— They will have 
 their enlargement — ^The day will come when 
 the Statue, and the hearts of a grateful people, 
 Avill bear the honourable and useful memorial of 
 tlieir triumph. Magna est Veritas et prevalebit. 
 I wish I could be favoured with your thoughts 
 upon the State Papers which have lately ap- 
 peared. With veneration and esteem, 
 
 I am, &c. 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Mams, 
 
 Quincy, Mass. 
 
99 
 LETTER XXXll. 
 
 QuiNCY, March 4, 1809. 
 Dear Sir^ 
 
 I have yours of February 20th and 
 
 23d. The enclosed five sheets are the 
 rough draft, which I have requested and you 
 have promised to return. I shall burn it, be- 
 cause I have made another copy more correct, 
 in which I have left out the name, and much of 
 the Trumpery. 
 
 Return the enclosed a^ soon as you can to 
 Your humble servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Mr. Wm. Cunningham. 
 
 LETTER XXXIIL 
 
 FiTCHBURG, March 14, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 My solicitude to see your strictures 
 upon Mr. Pickering's letter was satisfied by the 
 last mail. I acquit myself, by the enclosure of 
 the sheets, of one of the stipulations upon 
 which you transmitted them to me — the other 
 has not been violated. 
 
100 
 
 It is evident that the plan of your administra- 
 tion and the medium of your foreign intercourse, 
 were not formed to be associated. 
 
 With veneration and esteem, 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr- 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
 LETTER XXXIV. 
 
 QuiNCY, March 20, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I have received your favours of 
 
 March 11th and 14th. In answer to the first, 
 I wish to know whether you remember Gen. 
 Washington's answer to Adet, the successor of 
 Genet. It was written by the Gentleman in 
 question, and, by the spirit of it, represented 
 the President almost as ardent a Jacobin as him- 
 self He had not yet been converted from his 
 Gallicism and Jacobinism. You remember the 
 thing, " Born and educated in a free Country," 
 &c. " wonderful people," &c. ^ 
 
 You wish to be informed of my thoughts upon 
 the State papers, which have lately appeared. 
 What State papers do you mean ? The Diplor 
 
101 
 
 matic correspondence between our Administra- 
 tion and the Cabinets of France and England? 
 or the votes of our towns of Boston, Newbury- 
 port, Augusta, &c. &c. &c.? or the Resolutions, 
 Addresses, &c. of our Massachusetts House and 
 Senate ? or the volumes of speeches in Con- 
 gress ? If you want my comments upon all this 
 farrago, you cut out more work for me than I 
 liave days to live. 
 
 You speak of the fortunate issue of my nego- 
 ciation with France to my Fame ! ! ! I cannot 
 express my astonishment. No thanks for that 
 action, the most disinterested, the most deter- 
 mined and the most successful of my whole life. 
 No acknowledgment of it ever appeared among 
 the Republicans, and the Federalists have pur- 
 sued me with the most unrelenting hatred and 
 my Children too, from that time to this. Cover- 
 ed however with the thickest veils of their hy- 
 pocrisy because there was some danger in be- 
 ing too open. My Fame ! ! I It has been the 
 systematical policy of both parties, from that 
 period especially, and indeed for twelve years 
 before to conceal from the people all the servi- 
 ces of my hfe. And they have succeeded to a 
 
102 
 
 degree, that I should scarcely have believed it 
 possible for a union of both parties to eftect. 
 
 I know too well that it was alleged, and Pick- 
 ering's correspondents, Higginson and Cabot, 
 alleged in their cowardly anonymous way, mid 
 they even corrupted Ben. Russell^ against his 
 own judgment, to print their calumnies in the 
 Centinel, " that I had nothing but informal inti- 
 mations." But the fact is, that I had the most 
 direct, formal and official information and as- 
 surances, in two different ways and through two 
 different diplomatic organs. The first was a 
 resolve of the Directory signified by their Se- 
 cretary, Talleyrande, and conveyed to Mr. 
 Pichon, Secretary of Legation and charge des 
 affairs of France, in the absence of their Am- 
 bassador at the Hague, by Mr. Pichon to Mr. 
 Murray, the American Minister at the Hague, 
 and by him officially to me. This was a legal 
 communication according to the most scrupu- 
 lous usage and practice of the Courts of the 
 world ; the most delicate in all matters of eti- 
 quette. In what other manner could the Cabi- 
 net of France have communicated with me. 
 They had no Minister in America. They were 
 
103 
 
 at war with England and had no minister there. 
 They could not therefore convey any thing to 
 me through Mr. King. Through Spain, Portu- 
 gal or Prussia, would have been more round 
 about, have taken more time, and been infinitely 
 less certain of a safe conveyance. The Direc- 
 tory then took the best possible course in their 
 power. And the assurance was as complete as 
 Avords could express. The second assurance 
 was more positive, more explicit and decisive 
 still, and through the most authentic channel 
 that existed. It was Mr. Gerry, one of my own 
 Ambassadors, and by way of excellence my 
 own Ambassador, for I had appointed him 
 against the advice of all my ministers to tlie 
 furious provocation of Pickering and against 
 the advice of all the Senators whom he could 
 influence. Mr. Gerry, in an official public letter, 
 conveyed to me, at the request of the Directo- 
 ry and their vSecretary, Talleyrande, the most 
 positive and express assurances, that I had de- 
 manded. This letter of Mr. Gerry threw Pick- 
 ering into so furious a rage against Gerry, that 
 in a report to me which I requested him to 
 draw for me to communicate to Congress, he 
 
104 
 
 inserted a most virulent, false, and calumnious 
 philippic against Gerry. I read it with amaze- 
 ment. I scarcely thought that prejudice and 
 party rage could go so far ; I told him it would 
 not do : it was very injurious and totally un- 
 founded. I took my pen and obliterated the 
 whole passage as I thought, but after all, I in- 
 advertently let some expressions pass, which 
 ought to have been erased. Pickering reddened 
 with rage, or grief, as if he had been bereaved 
 of a darling child. He even went so far as to 
 beg that I would spare it, and let it go to Con- 
 gress. But I was inexorable ; and, his hatred 
 of me has been unrelenting from that time to 
 this. 
 
 But these were not all the official assurances 
 I received. I had personal conversations with 
 Mr. Gerry and in detail. He declared to me, 
 that he had the most decisive assurances both 
 from the Directory and Talleyrande, that they 
 would not only receive my minister upon m}^ 
 own terms, but make peace with me on m}^ own 
 terms. And I am convinced, had that Constitu- 
 tion continued and the negotiation been con- 
 ducted with the Directory, I should have had 
 
105 
 
 my own terms. But Napoleon came in and al- 
 tered the case a little. The convention, how- 
 ever, as finally ratified, is a monument of the 
 dignity my country once had and of the re- 
 spect paid to its policy and power. Unofficial 
 assurances I had moreover. I will mention two 
 instances. Mr. Logan of Philadelphia, however 
 scorned and run down by the English party, is 
 a Gentleman of fortune, education, good breed- 
 ing and not despicable abilities. After his re- 
 turn from France, he made me a visit, and po- 
 litely informed me, that he waited on me at the 
 request of Talleyrande, to assure me in the 
 most solemn manner, that the Directory wished 
 for peace with the United States and desired 
 me to send a minister, or authorize one already 
 in Europe to treat, and that I might depend 
 upon his cordial and honourable reception ; and, 
 that a treaty should be made to my satisfaction. 
 I should however have paid no attention to this, 
 if I had not received other similar assurances 
 through Mr. Murray and Mr. Gerr}^ 
 
 Another instance was through General Wash- 
 ington. Mr. Joel Barlow wrote a long, elabo- 
 rate, elegant and ingenious letter to General 
 15 
 
106 
 
 Washington, in which he urged negociation and 
 peace with a variety of arguments, and insisted 
 upon it, that every thing might easily be ar- 
 ranged to mutual satisfaction. Washington was 
 so impressed by it, that he sent it to me, with 
 a letter of his own, in which he said to me, that 
 he had reason to believe that Barlow's Letter 
 was written with the knowledge and consent of 
 the French Government. iVnd Washington 
 added, that " it appeared to him that the peo- 
 ple of America were very desirous of peace." 
 What could I understand by this hint, but an 
 expression of his opinion, that I ought to en- 
 deavour to make peace if I could ? However, 
 Barlow's letter would have had no more weight 
 with me than Logan's message, nor would 
 Washington's opinion have been regarded more 
 than either, if they had not been preceded or 
 followed by the regular communications through 
 Murray and Gerry. With this diplomatic evi- 
 dence, every Court in Europe and the French 
 Nation themselves, as well as our American 
 people, would have cried shame upon the 
 French Government and justified a subsequent 
 war. 
 
107 
 
 This conduct should not have brought upon 
 me disgrace. But the British faction was de- 
 termined to have a war with France, and Alex- 
 ander Hamilton at the head of the army and 
 then President of the United States. Peace 
 with France w as therefore treason against their 
 fundamental maxims and reasons of state. 
 
 But if I had been too hasty in declaring, that 
 I would not send a minister, but upon certain 
 conditions, or too easy in receiving the condi- 
 tions, why should the Federalists endeavour to 
 render me unpopular for this ? It could answer 
 no end but to turn me out, and they ought to 
 have known, that they could carry no other man 
 in the Union ; or, to force me to retract my 
 nomination of ambassadors, or suspend their 
 yoyage and supercede the negociation alto- 
 gether. 
 
 These were their motives and they exhaust- 
 ed all their wit in studies and labours to defeat 
 the whole design. A war with France, an alli- 
 ance mth England, and Alexander Hamilton 
 the father of their speculating systems at the 
 head of our Army and the State, were their 
 hobby-horse, their vision of sovereign felicity. 
 
loa 
 
 No wonder they hate the author of their de- 
 feat. 
 
 The papers you promised to return, I have 
 received in yours of the 14th in better order 
 than they went from 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Mr. William Cumiingham, Jr. 
 
 LETTER XXXV. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, March 31, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I know not when my sensibihties 
 have been more exquisitely touched, than they 
 were, by the perusal of 3 our favour of the 20th 
 inst. and by the concluding sentence of your 
 letter to Messrs. Wright and Lyman, which I 
 read at the same time. Thoroughly sensible 
 as I am of the wrong which has been done you, 
 I am yet persuaded, that the natural effect of 
 your own reflections upon it, is to its aggrava- 
 tion, and to a misconception of its object. I 
 mean with the Federal party at large. The 
 vehement opposition of the leading Federalists 
 to a third mission to France, and the coldness 
 
109 
 
 with which they requited your regard to your 
 high responsibility, were the most unadvised 
 steps ; their effect was to oust you, and over- 
 throw the Federal cause together — Party spirit 
 is uncounsellable, and mischance is generally 
 the consequence of its rashness. So nearly 
 equipoised as were the parties, equanimity was 
 the virtue, on which the Federalists could alone 
 rely to preserve their preponderance. That 
 you .was the only candidate in the nation which, 
 with all the prudence they could exercise, they 
 could carry into the Presidency, was a fact well 
 understood b}^ them, and their conduct towards 
 you quadrated at last with that impression. At 
 the election of 1800, their endeavours in your 
 favour were unabated by their disapprobation 
 of the third diplomatic attempt to adjust 
 our diflferences with France. From the advice, 
 very particularly urged, by Hamilton upon the 
 electors, to give an equal vote to Gen. Pinckney, 
 it may be suspected, that in case of the success 
 of the Federal ticket, and of a choice eventually 
 by the House of Representatives, he intended 
 to throw his influence into that body in favour 
 of the Carolinian. But the great body of the 
 
•) 
 
 110 
 
 people would have spurned this Machiavelian 
 stratagem. It was you, and you only, whom 
 they designated for the first office in their gift. 
 Excepting the devices, of a transient duration, 
 which were employed to hoodwink the public 
 respecting the reasons you had, again to resort 
 to negociation with France, I cannot think that, 
 even with the rankest Essex-Junto-men, there 
 has ever been a disposition to your detraction ; 
 an estimation of your w orth and talents border- 
 ing on devotion, has been a common sentiment. 
 Should you object to my opinion the splenetic 
 ebullitions of the "Libeller" Hamilton, I should 
 not be disposed to retract it. I have no dispo- 
 sition to depreciate the talents of Hamilton — 
 had they been greater, the invectives in his 
 "Letter" could not have been sharpened by 
 them. 
 
 Your enumeration of the various ways in 
 which the solicitude of the Directory to avert 
 the displeasure of an insulted people, was com- 
 municated to you, gives me great pleasure and 
 satisfaction. They are ample authority for the 
 felicitations I expressed to you on the fortunate 
 termination to your fame of our disputes with 
 
Ill 
 
 France. It affects me, my dear sir, that you 
 understood me as referring to " present popular- 
 ity, that echo of folly and shadow of renown." 
 I meant not the fame resembling a vegetable 
 forced in a hot house, expanding luxuriantly but 
 with a sickly hue, and which expires the instant 
 it is exposed — But, I intended, the fame repre- 
 sented by the Mountain Oak, deepening its 
 roots the more it has to encounter, and thougli 
 often stripped ajcid shattered by the fury of the 
 elements, imbibes from them a vigour which 
 makes its spreading branches and its trunk in- 
 vincible to their power. And in my reference 
 to this fame, I accorded with the opinion you 
 expressed in the letter to which I replied — You 
 said (speaking of the year '98) " If ever an his- 
 torian should arise fit for the investigation, this 
 transaction must be transmitted to posterity as 
 the most glorious period in American history.'* 
 In the dialogue with Count Diodati, you could 
 not have avoided the consolation of the reflec- 
 tion, that, if in the strange contrariety of human 
 conduct, you should, like Aristides, be banished 
 by the Ostracism,confined like Miltiades, forced, 
 like Phoecion, to the poisonous draught, or be 
 
112 
 
 slain like Scipio, truth would soon triumph over 
 delusion, and perpetuate in sculpture its irrever- 
 sible decisions. Among the comforts of this 
 world, I hope, dear sir, that you will yet find min- 
 gled the extatic ore of knowing, that you live 
 contemporaneously with your own glory, and 
 may you leave the world — Vita cedat uti conviva 
 satu7\ 
 
 I perfectly recollect the Address to Adet, 
 but that it was penned by Pickering, I did not 
 before know. 
 
 The State papers upon which I wished to 
 have your thoughts, were those issued by our 
 Legislature ; the word "Farrago" is intelligible 
 of your opinion of all that have recently ap- 
 peared. 
 
 I inclose the Lieut, Governor's Paper, that 
 you may see what use, in the electioneering 
 way, is made of your Letter to Wright and Ly- 
 man. Was it your expectation that they would 
 have made it public ? 
 
 With affection and respect, 
 1 am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
113 
 LETTER XXXVI. 
 
 QumcY, April 24, 1809. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I received your favour of the 31st 
 
 March in due time : but I am become, all at 
 
 once and very unexpectedly, a man of business, 
 
 and of so much importance in the world, that I 
 
 have not found time to acknowledge it, till now. 
 
 You say your sensibilities were exquisitely 
 touched by my last letter to you and my letter 
 to Wright and Lyman which you received at the 
 same time. The word sensibilities has a very 
 extensive signification. There are sensibilities 
 of pity, compassion, and sympathy ; sensibili- 
 ties of fear, terror and horror ; sensibilities of 
 resentment and revenge ; sensibilities of anger, 
 Avrath and fury ; sensibilities of contempt, dis- 
 dain and scorn; sensibilities of ridicule and hu- 
 mour ; and lastly sensibilities of love and tender 
 affections. I will not descend to sensibilities of 
 a lower and more brutal kind. 
 
 But you have not told me what species of 
 
 sensibilities were so forcibly excited in your 
 
 bosom by those poor letters of mine. 
 
 Your sentiments, concerning the Federalists 
 16 
 
114 
 
 in general, and their regard to me at the time 
 when I made peace with France, are, I believe, 
 very just. But, the leaders are all ; the follow- 
 ers nothing : and the leaders are, and have long 
 been, my enemies. The great body are silent 
 and inactive, and not a man of them has ever 
 stepped forth to vindicate me, or express 
 the slightest indignation at the eternal revilings, 
 which appear in their Newspapers. 
 
 A new paper has been set up in Boston call- 
 ed the Boston Patriot, edited by Everett and 
 Munroe. Merely because the paper was a 
 novelty, and the editors total strangers to me, 
 I have chosen it to convey some thoughts to 
 the public. I will either throw off that intole- 
 rable load of obloquy and insolence they have 
 thrown upon me, or I will perish in the struggle. 
 
 In vain will you soothe me with the hopes of 
 justice from posterity — from any future histori- 
 an. Too many falsehoods are already transmit- 
 ted to posterity that are irrevocable. Records 
 themselves are often liars. No human being 
 but myself, can do me justice ; and, I shall not 
 be believed. All I can say will be imputed to 
 
115 
 
 vanity and self love. Be it so. Job, Paul and 
 Tully, shall be my examplars. 
 
 You ask if I expected that Wright and Ly- 
 man would publish my letter. I did not believe 
 it probable that they would : but, I did not care 
 if they did. I thought it possible they might 
 publish the paragraph relative to Gore's Decla- 
 ration of war against France. 
 
 The Dialogue with Deodati is literal truth, 
 and I could give you a multitude of reasons I 
 had in my mind, besides the general, the uni- 
 versal conduct and destiny of democratic Re- 
 publics,* for the expectations I then expressed 
 to that wise and learned Ambassador from the 
 Elector of Saxony. The Dialogue from first 
 
 * Note in the handwriting of Mr. Adams' correspondent. 
 "It will be recollected, that the spirit of this dialogue was 
 to shew that Mr. Adams, though then enjoying the confi- 
 dence of his country, would become, at last, an object of 
 its persecution. The expectation of this on the part of Mr. 
 A. was founded on the - general, the universal conduct and 
 destin}' of democratical Republics.' What is this 'conduct 
 and destiny?' It is ingratitude to public benefactors — anar- 
 chy — despotism. In the preceding letter from Mr. Adams, 
 he says, that certain ' conduct of his, should not have 
 brought upon him disgrace' — &c. Does this language 
 shew Mr. A. to be so well reconciled to the fruition of his 
 expectations, as the indifference would indicate in which he 
 pronounced their anticipation to Deodati ?" 
 
116 
 
 to last, was in a strain of perfect good humour, 
 and indeed of high hilarity and free convivi- 
 ality. 
 
 I am as ever, yours, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 P. S. I considered you as one of my own 
 House. They called me venerable Father of 
 New-England. I resented that, because if there 
 was any pretence for calling me Father of New- 
 England, there was equal pretence for calling 
 me Father of Kentucky and Tennessee. I 
 was therefore willing to be thought the Father 
 
 of the Nation. J. A. 
 
 Mr. Wm. Cimningham. 
 
 LETTER XXXVH. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, May 6, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I was duly favoured with yours of 
 
 the 24th ult. The species of sensibility excit- 
 ed by your Letters in March, are defined by 
 the interest I take in whatever affects your re- 
 pose, your happiness, and your just claims on 
 the affections, confidence and gratitude of a 
 Country reared under your paternal care. If it 
 
117 
 
 can be necessary to be more particular, they 
 were the various and refined emotions spring- 
 ing, as in their native source, from the contem- 
 plation of an unexampled instance of neglected 
 virtue, unruffled yet not unhurt, at the remem- 
 brance of the unprovoked waywardness it had 
 experienced. 
 
 I should receive with much pleasure, an ac- 
 count of all the reasons you had for giving the 
 public your interlocutory discourse with the 
 Representative of the Elector of Saxony. 
 One reason is extremely obvious, and was re- 
 garded with equal grace and fitness — it was, 
 to shew, that there had not grown out of in- 
 gratitude a more numerous nor a more flagi- 
 tious progeny than are generally, if not legiti- 
 mately, produced in the heats of party, and 
 consequently, not a greater than you were 
 prepared to meet and manage in their froward- 
 ness. Introduced with such a presentiment, the 
 conclusion of your letter to Wright and Lyman, 
 which you have, probably, noticed to have in- 
 curred the accusation of whimpering, bears not 
 the lovely weakness of a heart in the spontane- 
 ous eflfusion of its sorrow, but is expressed in 
 
118 
 
 a happy union of dignified civility, and of grace- 
 ful chastisement — in the point and purity of 
 your examplar Paul, not in the perturbed tem- 
 per of Xerxes when he scourged the sea. The 
 cause of your constructing that sentence in such 
 a strain of touching tenderness, must cease to 
 receive your censure — the fortunate occasion it 
 afforded you of expressing the Nationality of 
 your affections, atones for its fault. Confirmed, 
 by your coincidence, in the correctness of my 
 sentiments concerning the FederaUsts in gene- 
 ral, I feel my confidence strengthened in the 
 soundness of my knowledge of some of their 
 late leaders. Alexander Hamilton was their 
 head and hope. He was the Messiah, under 
 whose reign a political millenium was to be en- 
 joyed. Extravagant encomiums on his talents 
 had lifted my estimation of him to a lofty height, 
 and I readily confess, that in some interviews 
 1 had with him in New- York, the prop of his 
 fame of a capacious understanding was perspi- 
 cuously displayed. It is the pride of his friends 
 that he was ambitious ; but that this passion was 
 in him kept down to virtuous emulation, upon 
 which alone thev can exult, is not so evident. 
 
119 
 
 The testimony of Gen. Washington in his favour, 
 if not extorted, is yet not unexceptionable. 
 Washington, Hke yourself, had come under the 
 displeasure of this paragon of propriety, and a 
 threatening of a public exposure of his mistakes, 
 was suspended over the head of Washington 
 like the sword of Damocles, with this difference, 
 that it should fall, not on falsehood but on indo- 
 cility. This is a fact, unkno^vn to the public. 
 It is unknown, except to a very few in the 
 Nation — You sir, know what authority I have 
 for the declaration,* General Washington was 
 overawed with a menace, which gave you but 
 the more resolution. Whether he or you had 
 the higher reliance on the consciousness of 
 right, and on strength of capacity to wield the 
 cudgel against him — and " there can be no vic- 
 tory without crossing the cudgels" — are ques- 
 tions, which even if they were not now passing 
 the test of experiment, I might with more pro- 
 priety, postpone to posterity, than refer to your 
 determination, or pronounce to you my own. 
 
 *This note is in the hand writings of Mr. Adams' corres- 
 pondent. « Mr. Adams is himself my authority for alt this, 
 and more." 
 
120 
 
 Such is my opinion of the late Idol of the Fed- 
 eral part}-. If he would not like "Moloch, 
 vault over all impediments to seize the goal of 
 his ambition," his course was undeviatingly 
 shaped towards it. At the fourth Presidential 
 Election, it was, I suspect, his intention to keep 
 the nation bewildered, to deceive them with 
 directions, and to guide them by the circumvo- 
 lutions of a wheel, as Tony did Marlow and 
 Hastings, on Crack-skull Common. In the 
 course of the election canvass. General Pinck- 
 ney made an excursion into the eastern section 
 of the union. On his return, Hamilton accom- 
 panied him from New-York to New-Jersey, 
 where he had with him a lengthy interview. It 
 may be presumed that a plan of proceeding was 
 concerted. I do not derive this presumption 
 from any suspicion of the honour of Pinckney, 
 but it is irresistibly pressed by the unwarranta- 
 ble assumptions of Hamilton on your advance- 
 ment to the Presidency ; and, by his being of- 
 fended at your very proper treatment of his 
 officiousness. His agency had become active 
 in the administration of the Government. His 
 pride was inflated with the confidence which 
 
121 
 
 was reposed in him, and by the submission im- 
 plicitly paid by many to his opinions. It can- 
 not be doubted, that having unsuccessful!}" as- 
 pired to the direction of the measures of which 
 you were the appointed head, he wished a suc- 
 cession to your place of a Chief (if this is not 
 contradiction) who would keep his bureau at 
 New- York. But why have I told you all this ? 
 You, to whom, without allusion, every secret 
 was as promptly known, as were to Cicero the 
 schemes of Cataline ? I have done it to let you 
 see that I have not been studious of your story 
 without acquiring some acquaintance with the 
 arcana-credenda, so necessary to its explanation. 
 Interwoven as are the reasons for the dismis- 
 sion of Pickering, with other explanations, I 
 think it probable that you will publicly reveal 
 them, and release me from the injunctions I am 
 under. They are the great mystery. A person 
 ycleped General Eaton, and who affects to be in 
 every secret, in a speech at a meeting of the 
 Town of Brimfield, has very confidently assert- 
 ed the cause to be Pickering's opposition to 
 your nomination of Col. Smith for a General 
 
 Officer. 
 
 17 
 
122 
 
 Seeing, in some other papers, a notice of your 
 Communications to the Boston Patriot, I shall 
 send for that paper. I cannot conceal from you 
 my apprehension, that in throwing yourself into 
 the troubled element of dispute, you will meet 
 with many angry surges — I have more satisfac- 
 tion in communicating the conviction that you 
 will reach the shore without calling upon Cas- 
 sius. Forming yourself upon the model of Paul, 
 you will be crowned with his success, before 
 his judge and accusers. 
 
 With veneration and affection, 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
 LETTER XXXVIII. 
 
 QuiNCY, June 7, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Yours of May 6th, I have not 
 acknowledged, and cannot particularly con- 
 sider the abundance of matter in it at pre- 
 sent. If you see the Patriot, you will see 
 that I am scribbling, twice a w^eek. I am 
 
123 
 
 hammering out a brass farthing into an acre of 
 leaf brass. But I was determined that posteri- 
 ty should know the facts relative to my peace 
 with France in 1800. I expect " angry surges" 
 enough. Let them come. They cannot sink 
 me lower than the bottom, and I have been 
 safely landed there these eight years. 
 
 I rodomontaded with Lyman and Wright. 
 They called me Father of New-England — I re- 
 sented that, because if I was a Father at all, I 
 was Father of all the States. — I am, in earnest, 
 a friend to the whole Union, comprehending 
 East, West, North and South, and I will not 
 countenance a project of division. 
 
 John Q. Adams exposed Eaton's usurped title 
 of General, which is directly against the Con- 
 stitution, and opposed the grant of fifty thou- 
 sand dollars to him, for which he had no just 
 claim. That is enough for Eaton to revenge. 
 It is true, that Pickering, at the instigation of 
 Hamilton as I suppose, who was jealous of Smith 
 as a favourite of Washington and a better offi- 
 cer than himself, excited a faction in the Senate 
 against him, and to my knowledge propagated 
 many scandalous falsehoods concerning him, 
 
124 
 
 and got him negatived, though Washington had 
 recommended him to me. But no personal or 
 family considerations would have induced me 
 to dismiss Pickering. My motives were public 
 altogether ; but I have not yet told you half of 
 them. 
 
 A most profound silence is observed relative 
 to my scribbles. I say not a word about them 
 to an}^ one: and nobody says a word to me. 
 The Newspapers are as still as midnight. I 
 suppose the sulphureous combustibles are pre- 
 paring under ground, and the electrical fire col- 
 lecting in the clouds. The storm of thunder 
 and lightning, hail and rain, I expect will burst 
 upon me all at once ; and, the volcanoes burst 
 out at the same time. If I am neither drowned 
 in the rain, nor pierced with the bolts, nor 
 blown into the atmosphere by the eruptions, I 
 must be invulnerable. 
 
 Hie murus aheneus Esto. This heart be my 
 wall of Brass. 
 
 I will not die for nothing. My pen shall gc> 
 as long as my fingers can hold it. 
 
 I should be glad to know if you read the Pat- 
 
126 
 
 riot, and what is thought of it, whether and 
 wherein I have exposed myself? 
 In great haste, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Mr* Cunningham. 
 
 LETTER XXXIX. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, June 14, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I am favoured with yours of the 7th 
 
 inst. After telhng me that the employment of 
 your thoughts upon your public essays pre- 
 cludes your attention for the present, to my let- 
 ters, I should be bereft of apology for filling 
 again a whole sheet, if you had not also said 
 that you are in no apprehension of being inun- 
 dated. Amidst the heaviest outpouring which 
 may be supposed to be congregating in the ele- 
 ments of human vengeance, I know you will 
 stand like a conductor of electric fluid, which 
 the lightning can only seize, envelope, and rush 
 down its sides, but which it leaves uninjured 
 to cool, and to stand again with its daring points, 
 amid the storm. That you are a friend to an 
 
126 
 
 indivisible union of the States, is most clearly 
 evinced ; and you derive from your concern for 
 the common welfare, as indisputable a right as 
 was possessed by Augustus to the honourable 
 and endearing title of the Father of your 
 Country. 
 
 It was then because Mr. John Q. Adams had 
 given the upstart scribbler, and pedantic mys- 
 tagogue, Eaton, his deserts, that he spit at him 
 the toady poison with which he was so much 
 distended. 
 
 I take the Patriot, but either through miscar- 
 riage or purloining, I have failed of the recep- 
 tion of two numbers. You ask me " what is 
 thought of your communications, and whether^ 
 and wherein you have exposed yourself f"* I 
 understand that a replication to your papers, 
 will be a task assigned to, or assumed by, Cole- 
 man. But if you are not to be answered, some 
 short sentence of scurrility will be invented and 
 scattered. 
 
 An elderly and respectable Clergyman, on 
 his way home from Boston, called on me last 
 Friday, and continued over night. He inform- 
 ed me without any reserve, that Mr. Whitney, 
 
127 
 
 your Minister, represented to him, that your 
 resolution to rescue your reputation from re- 
 proach, is regarded by your whole family as an 
 unfortunate determination, but that you are in- 
 exorable to their entreaties to desist. This is 
 one of the tales of the table, and whether true 
 or unfounded, ought not, I think to be propa- 
 gated by Mr. Whitney without permission, but 
 he is pas among the pragmatical. Perhaps the 
 Clergy have got their cue. Osgood made a 
 pass at you in his election Sermon. Some of 
 the village papers, mere puppies of the pack, 
 have scented, and wag their joy that they have 
 dared to bark at some of your numbers. It is 
 unnecessary to refer you to these papers, for 
 like Alexander or Scander, you can enter the 
 lists with none but kings. You may have no- 
 ticed that the Repertory, which I consider as 
 sounding the highest note on the Federal gamut, 
 lately insinuated that Everett and Munroe were 
 put by you into the typographical department 
 to serve as the instruments of your ill-will to- 
 wards certain characters. But such sportsmen 
 at your reputation will find that they have been 
 discharging popguns at an elephant. 
 
12b 
 
 The enquiry whether, and wherein you have 
 exposed yourself? imposes upon me the most 
 difficult of duties, though one, which, towards a 
 great mind, may be performed without dread. 
 Before I reply, I cannot but remark on the free 
 and flowing style in which your developement 
 is written. To an application I made to you, 
 last winter, for some sentiments, you answered, 
 that you had neither hands nor eyes, nor time 
 to write. The occasion which has brought you 
 before the public, has been the Medea of your 
 renovation. The struggle in which you are 
 engaged may demand the strength of earlier 
 years, and I am happy in the discovery, that 
 you are in the vigor of the restored son. 
 
 In the number dated May — , wherein you 
 describe the importunate and fatiguing earnest- 
 ness of Hamilton to inoculate you with his vi- 
 sionary fears, you piteously and deridingly use 
 in a notice of his person, the adjective little. I 
 lamented the appearance of that descriptive 
 word, because the stature of a man has no rela- 
 tion to a mensuration of his mind ; and I la- 
 mented it, because it may be too chargeable 
 with acrimony. If men were to rank high, or 
 
129 
 
 to be undervalued, according as they are high 
 or low on the size-stick, Maxiniin must have 
 been the greatest, and Napoleon is the least of 
 all adult monarch s. I know that you had too 
 much provocation in the gross incivility, I 
 might say rudeness, of Hamilton towards you ; 
 but would not your exposures of him, have had 
 as much weight, had you omitted an expression 
 of contempt ? It is possible that as nature has 
 not given me indemnity against such a stroke I 
 may be too sensible of its wrong. 
 
 In the number dated May 29th, I have some 
 doubt, whether you have not too incautiously as- 
 serted of Mr. Ames, that "despair of a re-election 
 from the increase of the opposite party in his dis- 
 trict, had induced him to decline to stand a can- 
 didate." At the election which next ensued his 
 speech on the British Treaty, I know, he had not 
 the most distant expectation of being re-chosen. 
 This appears by his letters to Dr. Clark and 
 others. Boston was in a ferment against the 
 Treaty, and forwarded their Resolutions to Phi- 
 ladelphia by the wood-chuck. Revere. At the 
 election referred to, Ames did not suffer his 
 
 doubts, or despair of a re-election, to influence 
 18 
 
130 
 
 him to decline being a candidate. " The deli- 
 cacy of his health, and the despondency of his 
 disposition" are very correctly assigned as 
 causes of his refusal to be a candidate, and were 
 not these enough to mention ? 
 
 In this paper, you have unfolded many of the 
 particulars which you disclosed to me at an 
 interview, I had the honour to have with you at 
 your house in August 1804, and which I pre- 
 served to assist me in the composition of some 
 essays. Comparing its contents with my min- 
 utes, I cannot but think you more courteous than 
 I am, in being willing to bestow so much un- 
 qualified praise on Mr. Jeiferson. You strength- 
 en an encomium on this gentleman by found- 
 ing it on " an intimate friendship for five and 
 twenty years^'' and by a fellowship, perhaps as 
 long in public business. According to my me- 
 morandums, you mentioned at the interview 
 in 1804 that Mr. Jefferson while a member of 
 the old Congress, frequently vented sarcasms 
 against religion, and once, in debate spoke 
 sneeringly of the scriptures, which drew you 
 from your seat. The strength and severity of 
 your observations in reply procured acknowl- 
 
131 
 
 edgments from R. H. Lee and two others. 
 You acknowledged Jefferson to have been a 
 student in some branches of learning, but 
 thought him superficially acquainted with the 
 science of civil rule. You gave me a minute 
 account of the framing of the declaration of In- 
 dependence, and why and to what extent, Jef- 
 ferson had a hand in it. And you told me, that 
 when Mr. Jefferson was appointed Ambassador 
 to France, he informed you, that he would not 
 embark without his wife, and that he would not 
 be exposed, with his family, to a British man of 
 war for all this world. All these particulars, 
 but without the most distant allusion to the 
 source whence I derived them, have been in- 
 corporated into my political speculations ; and, 
 I have reposed upon you for my authority. In 
 addition to this in a letter, dated January 16th, 
 1804, after enumerating the various stations in 
 his political life, you speak thus of Mr. Jeffer- 
 son : — " Anecdotes from my memory would cer- 
 tainly be known. There are some there, known 
 only to him and me. But they ivould not be be- 
 lieved, at least they would be said not to be be- 
 lieved, and would be imputed to envy, revenge, 
 
132 
 
 or vanity. I wish him 710 ill; I envy him not. 
 I shudder at the calamities which I fear his con- 
 duct is preparing for his Country^ from a mean 
 thirst of popularity^ an inordinate ambition., and 
 want of sincerity.'''' If you have written and 
 spoken in this manner to others, and it should 
 become pubHc, would it not palsy your pane- 
 gyric ? I know that this enquiry can be very 
 properly pursued by an " analysis of investiga- 
 tion.'''' 
 
 Again. In the third column, you say, Hamil- 
 ton's friends, among the heads of departments, 
 and their correspondents in Boston, New-York 
 and Philadelphia,sympathized with him very cor- 
 dially in his hatred of Gerry, and of every other 
 man who had laboured and suffered early in the 
 Revolution.'''' Have you not gone too far here ? 
 Were not Washington, Knox, and many more, 
 " who had laboured and suffered in the Revolu- 
 tion," in the confidence of Hamilton and his 
 friends ? 
 
 Respecting Hamilton's synopsis, handed to 
 you by Mr. Tracy, I recurred to my notes. I 
 find the army was to be one hundred thousand 
 instead of fifty thousand. In the Patriot of last 
 
133 
 
 Saturday you say that a majority in the States 
 south of the Hudson, would have confederated 
 under Burr, and a majority north of that river, 
 under Hamilton — that Burr would have beaten 
 Hamilton to pieces — what would have followed, 
 you say, let the prophets foretel. Is not 
 the mastery of the Chiefs as much a matter of 
 prediction as any of the consequences ? Is it 
 not the main question ? 
 
 I must on your account, as well as my own, 
 defer a farther examination. 
 
 Is not the "review of the works* of Fisher 
 Ames," written by the younger Pliny. 
 With veneration and affection, 
 1 am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
 LETTER XL. 
 
 QuiNCY, June 22, 1809. 
 Dear JSir, 
 
 I most sincerely thank you for your 
 excellent letter of the 14th. — It contains an 
 abundance of matter that deserves, and shall 
 
134 
 
 liave my most serious consideration. But at 
 present I have not time to be serious. I had a 
 deUcious laugh with my family. I said nothing 
 till we were all at table at dinner: My 
 wife, my two daughters in law, my niece, Miss 
 Louisa Smith, and my two grand daughters, 
 misses, just entering their teens. My son was 
 at Cambridge. I assumed a very grave counte- 
 nance, and said I had received information, from 
 fifty miles distance, that I had given offence to 
 my family. I was very sorry to hear it, I wish- 
 ed to know which it was, that I might make 
 my apology or give some satisfaction. Lord ! 
 Who ? What ? Why ? what, sir, can you mean ? 
 sounded instantly from all quarters. 
 
 I learn that my family is grieved at my Let- 
 ters in the Newspapers, and have intreated me 
 to desist, but that I obstinately go on to their 
 mortification. The whole table was in a roar 
 at this. My Wife had read every line, I believe, 
 but one letter, before it went to the press. She 
 was not alarmed. My two daughters declar- 
 ed they had never said a word. My two 
 grand daughters cryed out, that on the contrar}" 
 nothing delighted them so much as to read 
 
135 
 
 them. Louisa, I know, said I, never said any 
 thing for she is no talker. Aye but I have said 
 something, for I was in company with ladies in 
 Boston a few days ago, who were lamenting 
 that you were writing, and said it was unneces- 
 sary and below your dignity. I was very much 
 provoked and said, why should not my uncle 
 vindicate himself, as well as any other gentle- 
 man ? My daughter in law said " I know sir 
 that your two sons are very much delighted 
 that you have taken the subject up." This I 
 knew as well as she did. 
 
 Never, sir, was a more groundless report or 
 a more sheer fabrication. Mr. Whitney never 
 could have said any such thing. 
 
 A number of these dastardly lies have been 
 
 made and circulated, but I regard them no more 
 
 than the croak of the Tree Toad. 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Mr. Cunningham. 
 
 LETTER XLL 
 
 FiTCHBURG, June 30, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I received, by the last mail, your 
 
 esteemed favour of the 22d inst. The unit* 
 
136 
 
 ed testimony of your most amiable family 
 in repulsion of the calumny which was said 
 to have originated with Mr. Whitney has not 
 disappointed me. Should it become again a 
 topic at your social board, I pray that my af- 
 fectionate respects may go along Avith it to the 
 company. 
 
 In my last I taxed your patience pretty 
 largely with my comments on your publications 
 in the Patriot. As you have received them with 
 the indulgence due to their intention, I feel en- 
 couraged to proceed, and to lay upon you the 
 unassessed part of these comments, as heavily 
 as your warrant will authorize. 
 
 Several of your letters shew throughout the 
 hand of Ulysses. The passages of beauty in 
 them, and of harmony with your other works, 
 which frequently occur, I mark as I proceed. 
 But I shall be more afraid of offending you with 
 their enumeration, than I am with pointing out 
 any instances of defect or disagreement — these, 
 for that is my commission, I must seek, and 
 find Csesar, if I can, in contradiction with him- 
 self. I must apprise you before I go farther, 
 that my receipt of the Patriot has been again 
 
137 
 
 interrupted ; and those which get to hand I can- 
 not secure against an avaricious curiosity. I 
 passed over a paragraph in the letter dated 
 May 29th, which I will now notice, not because 
 it contradicts any thing you have before said, 
 but to shew you, that the distance between you 
 when President, and Mr. Jefferson will be ac- 
 counted for, upon principles which may be sup- 
 posed to have been then operative on your 
 mind. In the letter you say, " We parted as 
 good friends as we had always lived ; but we 
 consulted but very little together afterwards. 
 Party violence soon rendered it impracticable, 
 or at least useless." Here you give the cause of 
 the distance between you, and it will be ad- 
 mitted on your credibility — but, in the " Dis- 
 courses on Davila," you said (as I recollect the 
 passage) that it would be impolitic for, and 
 you give reasons why, a Chief should refrain 
 from an intimacy with the second in power." 
 
 When I read your letter to the printers of the 
 Patriot dated June 7th, I regretted having made 
 objections to the epithet little^ used in a pre- 
 ceding number, because it was, compared with 
 
 the contents of this, a small article : and because. 
 10 
 
138 
 
 from a natural obstinacy in adhering to what we 
 once advance, they may have insensibly assist- 
 ed in strengthening a doubt, whether you have 
 adopted the method of treating Hamilton, the 
 best adapted to the satisfaction of the public of 
 your own vast superiority. Your letter to the 
 printers begins with a quotation from Hamilton, 
 which you call " a phantom, conjured up to 
 terrify minds and nerves as weak as his own." 
 But you immediately add, that his opinion was 
 embraced by some, of whose " sense and firm- 
 ness," you had good expectations. In aiming a 
 blow at Hamilton, have you not struck, indis- 
 criminately, his friends and followers, and anger- 
 ed them with the accusation, rather aggravated 
 than alleviated, of mental and nervous weak- 
 ness ? In lieu of the measure which had been 
 proposed by Hamilton, " we might," you say, 
 " as well petition the King and Parliament of 
 Great Britain, to take us again under their gra- 
 cious protection." " Is any one certain that 
 Great Britain would consent to it, if we should 
 propose it ?" This enquiry is in your own 
 words, as contained in your answer to the ad- 
 dress of the Grand Jury of the county of Ulster 
 
139 
 
 in the State of New-York, dated Sept. 26, 1798, 
 in which you declared your disbehef, that Great 
 Britain would again receive us in the character 
 of Colonies. Is the reply to Hamilton and the 
 reply to the Jury of the same complexion ? 
 Again — You say in the letter under considera- 
 tion, that "Mr. Murray must have gone to Paris 
 with his full powers, or must have communicat- 
 ed them to Mr. Pichon — The French Govern- 
 ment must have appointed a Minister to treat 
 with him — their full powers must have been 
 exchanged." Was this etiquette necessarily to 
 be followed on the adoption of Hamilton's plan 
 of having a minister, resident at a neighbouring 
 Court, empowered, and provisionally instruct- 
 ed to treat with France ? His words are : — 
 " with eventual instructions predicated upon 
 appearances of approaching peace." Is it unu- 
 sual or improper to give such instructions ? Is it 
 not customary for an offending power, inclined 
 to reparation, to sound the disposition of the 
 injured nation, and to pass propositions to it 
 through its functionary at another Court ? You 
 contend, and correctly, that it is not only custom- 
 ary, but proper, and that what comes through 
 
140 
 
 such a channel is entitled to attention. Admit- 
 ting this, and that the advances must have come 
 from that side, were not the objections to Ham- 
 ilton's plan founded on its being less expedient 
 than your own, rather than on its impracticabil- 
 ity, or on the embarrassments to its execution ? 
 The secrecy recommended did not, I think, be- 
 tray forgetfulness of the Constitution. "You 
 might" he says, "secretly and confidentially have 
 nominated." To whom? The Senate. Did 
 his recommendation mean any thing more than 
 the usual injunction? And would his design 
 have been exposed to defeat if the nomination 
 had been dishonourably promulgated ? Such 
 promulgation would not have made the appoint- 
 ments an overt act of the Government, which is 
 all, that he wished, for the sake of appearances 
 to have avoided. In one of your Letters, you 
 suggest that the President's privy council, 
 should be under an oath of secrecy. In the 
 appointment of Ambassadors, the Senate are 
 that Council — Can Hamilton be blamed for 
 presuming on the honour which can alone sup- 
 ply the omission of an oath ? If, however, his 
 system had, as you assert, no other motive than 
 
141 
 
 to shun giving umbrage to England, it is im- 
 possible that it should be condemned with too 
 much severity, or treated with too much con- 
 tempt. You go on and say : — " Besides, this 
 Avould have been the very indirect and circuit- 
 ous mode which Mr. Hamilton so deeply de* 
 plored." It would, indeed, have been a circuit- 
 ous mode, but so far from the case in which he 
 deplored being so, he thought, as he asserts, 
 that a due regard to our honour restricted us to 
 that mode in every farther effort of our own to 
 produce an eclaircissment with France. It is 
 obviously true, that the circumstances, which 
 give a nation a right to demand an act of conde- 
 scension of another, ought to keep her stub- 
 bornly resolved against her own humiliation. 
 If Hamilton sincerely believed that the honour 
 of the nation stood opposed to an embrace of 
 the overtures which had been made, can. he be 
 accused of attempts upon your fidelitj^ and on 
 the faith of the Government in endeavouring to 
 dissuade you against meeting them ? 
 
 You hint, in the next Letter, that, with views 
 to hostilities with France, Hamilton intended to 
 encumber the intercourse w ith her : and, vou 
 
142 
 
 rest a presumption of his disinclination to peace, 
 on his ardour for military fame ; on his recom- 
 mendation to provide an Army of a magnitude 
 disproportioned to our dangers ; on some ex- 
 pressions of concern for his personal safety 
 without military protection, on the extinguish- 
 ment, by peace, of this refuge, and on his insist- 
 ing that France should, contrary to the confi- 
 dence you presume he had she would not, send 
 a Minister here. I feel the weight of this pre- 
 sumption — but, would it not have been better, 
 that you should have forborne to do more than 
 to bring to light the facts which favour it, and to 
 have left to others the inference of " Thus it is, 
 when self-sufficient ignorance impertinently 
 obtrudes itself into offices'" — and — " when am- 
 bition undertakes to sacrifice all characters, 
 and the peace of Nations, to its own private in- 
 terest ?" 
 
 You conclude the letter of the 7th, with an 
 insinuation of Hamilton's destitution of the Mil- 
 itary knowledge of a drill Sargeant. — You speak 
 of the inglorious passions excited in him by the 
 greater capacity and assiduity of another Zieten, 
 with whom he was connected in his Military 
 
143 
 
 command — and of the " puerilities" which de- 
 graded him below " the awkwardest boy at col- 
 lege." A retort, like that of Mr. Pitt upon Sir 
 Robert Walpole, expressed before the excite- 
 ments to it have opportunity to subside, is re- 
 garded by mankind with more favour, than a 
 retort, in the same spirit, uttered long after its 
 provocation had passed by. Had you reviewed 
 the reasons why it is so, I think you would have 
 been more sparing. 
 
 In loading so liberally the memory of Hamil- 
 ton, have you conformed to the counsel inculca- 
 ted in the " Discourses on Davila^^'' in the thir- 
 ty-first and last number, respecting the rivalries 
 of great families ? And, in thus loading him. 
 have you not, injuriously to yourself, inflamed 
 the feelings of many, who, with much fondness, 
 cherish his remembrance ? Can he, without a 
 reflection upon Washington, be accused of an 
 incapacity to " teach tacticks to his troops ?■' 
 Can he, without a reflection upon Jay and Mad- 
 ison, be charged wi\\\'-'- puerilities^^'' when, in 
 concert with these gentlemen, he made an ex- 
 position of the Constitution, which is appealed 
 to in Congress, and in our Courts, as a standard ? 
 
144 
 
 Can he, without a reflection upon several Uni- 
 versities, and upon all our historians, be ranked 
 below " the awkwardest boy at College^^'' when 
 those have conferred on him their highest 
 honours, and these have been lavish in encomi- 
 ums on his talents ? Even Mrs. Warren, strong- 
 ly prejudiced against him, is not an exception. 
 Would it not have been better to have defined 
 with perspicuity, as you have done, the reasons 
 for your proceedings with respect to France, 
 and to have left to the reader the inference of 
 Hamilton's mistakes ? 
 
 Soon after Gov. Jay returned from his last 
 embassy to Europe, I dined with him at his 
 house in New-York, with a large party, of whom 
 Hamilton v, as one. The Governor, after Mr. 
 Hamilton withdrew, spoke of the estimation in 
 which he was held in Europe, and said that he 
 was the first in fame there of the Americans. 
 And he gave his opinion very freely, that the 
 talents of Hamilton were not overrated. Tal- 
 ents so ably defejided, will not be likely to be 
 carried by a russe de guerre. It was in this 
 view, that I at first had thoughts of giving you 
 this information, but since I have seen vour let- 
 
145 
 
 ter of the 22d inst I have another motive suf- 
 ficiently audible in silence. — When I told you, 
 and gave some reasons why the Federalists 
 could not have preferred Mr. Jay for President, 
 I may have reckoned without my host. 
 
 What a slap in the letter of the 22d have you 
 given the Monticellonian sage, in asserting 
 your superiority to the same sacrifices which he 
 refused to make, in the service of his Country ! 
 The resolution which you adopted, of Martin 
 Luther, was as aptly adapted to your situation 
 as to your character. A Revolution as impor- 
 tant to mankind as the reformation in 1517, took 
 place in 1775, and of the one you were as much 
 the head as Luther of the other. 
 
 Again — Your letter published last Saturday, 
 dated June 10th, begins with a reflection on 
 Hamilton's venal appetites. You had alluded 
 to them before ; and, if they were founded on 
 the affair with his paramour, the bonaroba Rey- 
 nolds, are you not unkind in laying open that 
 wound ? It is an aphorism of Lavater, that, " He 
 who has genius and eloquence sufficient to 
 cover or excuse his errours, yet extenuates not, 
 
 but rather accuses himself, and unequivocally 
 20 
 
146 
 
 confesses guilt, approaches the circle of immor- 
 tals." It will not be disputed, that he who pen- 
 itently makes this confession, obtains acquit- 
 tance at the bar of reason and religion. I have 
 no occasion, on my own account, to be an apol- 
 ogist of incontinence. It is a crime which 
 empties a poisonous vial into that little fountain 
 of connubial bliss, in which the finest feelings 
 of our nature have their fullest play. 
 
 These, sir, are some of the reflections which 
 sprung up in my mind on the broken reading, I 
 have as yet had, of your public letters. It is to 
 yoii. and to you only, I communicate them, 
 and that according to your desire. I have made 
 them singly with a view to the splendour of 
 your glory through successive ages. If, as is 
 said, there is an adaptation in the contents of 
 your letters, to the recovery, by your family, 
 of departed power, I cannot recognize it. I la- 
 ment that any prejudices are existing to weak- 
 en the estimation by the public of the most ex- 
 alted excellence. — They will relax under the 
 just encomiums pronounced by the impartial, 
 when they would be rivetted by the egotism 
 expressed by the interested — May they give 
 
147 
 
 way in respect to yourself and your family, till 
 you shall become as dear to the American 
 people as Avere the Medici to the Italians. 
 
 If the reflections I have offered are of no 
 weight, I may be the more easily convinced for 
 having an inclination to be converted. If, on 
 the contrary they are of any strength, you may 
 receive them in season to be serviceable. 
 
 In my humble opinion, your remarks on 
 Hamilton's pamphlet should have been untinc- 
 tured with asperity. "He who renders full 
 justice to his enemy shall have friends to adore 
 him." The shaft which is tinged with gaul, 
 thrown by what hand it will, can never pierce 
 like IthuriePs spear. Is the character of Lord 
 Mansfield less esteemed because he was a 
 mark for the polished arrows of Junius ? You 
 were raised higher above the reach of envy or 
 malice. Your expressions censuring Gen. Ham- 
 ilton which occasioned him to write his " most 
 famous letter,''^ were uttered confidentially to 
 Mr. Pickering, and Mr. McHenry, and by the 
 la tter, as you suppose, were dishonourably be- 
 trayed to Hamilton. You said no more than 
 was exacted by the duty of your station, and 
 consequently nothing unallowable. The de- 
 
148 
 
 mands made by Hamilton were very indefinite, 
 and unauthorised by the laws of honour. These 
 truths would not perish in oblivion — the mists 
 in which they have been obscured, will be dis- 
 sipated ; and, the public will yield their minds 
 to their just operation. "Nothing," says an 
 acute observer " is more impartial than the 
 stream-like public ; always the same and never 
 the same ; of whom, sooner or later each mis- 
 represented character obtains justice, and each 
 calumniated, honour." Another, less known to 
 fame, but not less accurate in his remarks, ob- 
 serves : — "Talents which are before the public, 
 have nothing to dread from the transient misre- 
 presentations of party spleen or envy. In spite 
 of opposition from any cause, their buoyant 
 spirit will lift them to their proper grade." 
 " The man who comes fairly before the world, 
 and who possesses the great and vigorous sta- 
 mina which entitles him to a niche in the temple 
 of glory has no reason to dread the ultimate re- 
 sult ; he will, in the end, most indubitably re- 
 ceive that distinction." 
 
 With veneration and affection, I am, &c. 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
149 
 * 
 
 LETTER XLII. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, July 24, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 To my letter of the 30th ult. I have 
 
 not been favoured with an answer. I feel an 
 
 uncertainty from which I wish to be relieved, 
 
 whether that letter got to your hands. 
 
 What is this new freak of England ? Can it 
 be, that we are only acting a farce of " Who's 
 the Dupe ?" If so, we will stop the play, and 
 exhibit " Venice Preserved, or the Plot Dis- 
 covered." Can she think, that if we refuse to 
 march directly to a point, she can bring us to 
 it by carrying us, nolens volens, through Pem- 
 lico into Holborn, and through Pall mall into 
 Finsbury square ? Can she think, that, after the 
 manner of a Persian Monarch, she can crop off 
 our noses and that we will remain content be- 
 cause our heads are spared ? We must consider 
 our country as our parent, and, in any difficulty, 
 we must be emulous towards it of the conduct of 
 the son of Anchises towards his father. Or, like 
 Manlius, we will give to its accuser the option 
 of death, or its exemption from dishonour. 
 
 Mr. Erskine's letters, though a more full, may 
 
150 
 
 have even a less faithful sign of friendship, than 
 Cressida's glove given to Troilus on her de- 
 parture from Troy from the Grecian Camp— 
 Ubijiis iiicertum, ibijiis nullum. 
 With veneration, &c. 
 1 am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
 LETTER XLIII. 
 
 QuiNCY, July 31, 1809. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I received in season your favour of 
 
 the 30th June as well as that of July 24th, and 
 thank you for both. 
 
 The first is full of the candour and frankness of 
 true friendship, and deserves my mature consid- 
 eration. I have not been able to answer it, for 
 I have been very busy, and my son's destination 
 and preparations for departure, have claimed all 
 my attention. It is an heartrending stroke to 
 me. I may see him no more. I hope his 
 absence will not be long. Jristides is ban- 
 ished because he is too just. He will not leave 
 
 AN HONESTER OR ABLER MAN BEHIND HIM. 
 
151 
 
 I am in a fair way to give my criticks and en- 
 emies food enough to glut their appetites. 
 They spit their venom and hiss like serpents. 
 But no facts are denied, no arguments confuted. 
 I take no notice of their billingsgate. Let it 
 boil and broil. I have had their secret hatred 
 for ten years, for twenty years, for all my life 
 indeed. And I had rather have their open hos- 
 tility than their secret. I never hoped for mer- 
 cy from British Bears and Tory Tigers. Their 
 system would lead this country to misery and I 
 will not follow it. 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Mr. Cunningham. 
 
 LETTER XLIV. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Aug. 9, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I duly received your favour of the 
 
 31st ult. The separation from you of your son, 
 
 would be, I knew, as painful to you both as 
 
 was the parting of Paris and Priam, when the 
 
 son took leave of the Father for Lacademon : 
 
152 
 
 "British Bears and Tory Tigers" are not intend- 
 ed for an indiscriminate application to the Fed- 
 eralists. From the manner in which, in your 
 letters, you have spoken of Mr. Jay, Judge 
 Chase, Judge Dana and others, it is evident that 
 you consider many of the Federalists as Hes- 
 perian Dragons guarding the tree of Liberty. 
 But Bears and Tigers^ of whatever cast or 
 Country, which are like 
 
 "That mad Bull, whom Marcius lets loose, 
 
 On each occasion, when he'd make Rome feel him. 
 
 To toss our laws and liberties in the air," 
 
 I would most freely join you in hunting- 
 down. 
 
 I shall forbear troubling you with any farther 
 remarks on your public letters. No one can 
 enter more deeply into your true situation. I 
 know the zeal, and ardour, and extent, and con- 
 stancy, and disinterestedness, of your exertions, 
 to stretch out to your country safe leading 
 strings for her infancy, in circulating lessons to 
 guard her childhood and to give her, at last, 
 the stamina of sound maturity. 
 
 Perceiving, at first, that your determination 
 to publish, originated in circumstances which 
 
153 
 
 would put all the virtues of the Man, and all the 
 greatness of the first Character in the Nation, 
 to the severest trial, I gazed with eagerness on 
 the spectacle. And, it may be, because my 
 fears fluttered too much in a sense of our infir- 
 mities ; or, that my expectations of a finished 
 example were so sanguinely set as to make me 
 too vigilant of a failing, that I thought I saw it — 
 as too eager a gaze on a brilliant spotless mir- 
 ror, will soon stamp it somewhere with a proof 
 of the imperfection of our sight. I have another 
 apology. At a conversation, to which I have 
 before referred, you said of Hamilton, that 
 you had confided a son to his instruction — that 
 when Vice-President, you was ex officio, con- 
 nected with him in the commission on the sink- 
 ing fund, and that your concurrence with him 
 was indispensably required to enable him to 
 carry his measures against Mr. Jefferson, 
 another commissioner — and you was totally 
 confounded in any attempt to explain his con- 
 duct in his letter concerning you, aside from 
 supposing it the offspring of a brain distemper- 
 ed with ambition — on this passion you descant- 
 ed, and ended your remarks upon him, with the 
 21 
 
expression of an hope that he was sincere in 
 the professions of his last hour ; and, turning 
 your eyes upwards, you breathed a desire for 
 his forgiveness — and acceptance. 
 
 The breaking out of a stifled resentment is 
 generally like the springing of a cork from a 
 bottle of porter — it is sudden, and the whole 
 contents come foaming after it. This, you 
 know, is the accusation made against you ; but 
 with whatever degree of malice this accusation 
 may be made, you can render it harmless as the 
 viper, which hung for a moment on the hand of 
 Paul. I think, with Seneca, that " a wise man 
 is out of the reach of fortune, but not free from 
 the malice of it ; and all attempts upon him are 
 no more than the arrows of Xerxes ; they may 
 darken the day, but they cannot strike the sun. 
 There is nothing so holy, as to be privileged 
 against sacrilege. But, to strike and not to 
 wound, is anger lost ; and he is invulnerable 
 who is struck and not hurt. His resolution is 
 tried ; the waves may dash themselves upon a 
 rock, but not break it. Temples may be pro- 
 faned and demolished, but the Deity still re- 
 mains untouched." 
 
15.5 
 
 Your letters, if they are not history, they are 
 nearly allied to history ; in this view of them, 
 together with the certainty of their transmission 
 to future times, they ought not, and I trust they 
 will not lack, nor contain any thing to deprive 
 them of an association with the memoirs of the 
 Cardinal de Retz, and Duke of Sully, described 
 by Blair, as the only works of this kind, which 
 approach to the usefulness and dignity of his- 
 tor}^ 
 
 I have read your last letter to Perley. It is 
 well known that you draughted the Constitution 
 of the Commonwealth, but I have no remem- 
 brance of your making before a public confes- 
 sion of it. Your opinion must have great weight 
 in settling any point of controversy. 
 
 If you have seen Ramsay's Life of Washing- 
 ton you noticed that the Biographer glided into 
 the errour you have latel}'^ exposed. He says : — 
 " No sooner had the United States armed, than 
 they were treated with respect, and an indirect 
 communication was made, that France would 
 accommodate all matters in dispute on reasona- 
 ble terms : — Mr. Adams embraced these over- 
 tures." It was certainly right to have an error 
 
156 
 
 corrected which was spreading its roots through 
 our histories. 
 
 With veneration, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 
 Hon. John Mams. 
 
 LETTER XLV. 
 
 [This letter was returned by Mr. A's positive 
 request. The evidence that such a letter was 
 written, is, the envelope, superscribed in Mr. 
 A's hand writing and bearing his frank together 
 with the mail marks of the Quincy Post Office. 
 Its contents and character may be inferred from 
 the allusions and quotations in Mr. C's answer* 
 which follows.] Post mark Aug. 14, 1809. 
 
 LETTER XLVI. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, August 18, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 The last mail brought me your fa- 
 vour of the 8th of July with a postscript of the 
 13th inst. Whether you had received my let- 
 ter of the 9th inst. does not appear by your fa- 
 
157 
 
 vour. You request the retura of the letter, to 
 yourself uncopied — you will find it inclosed, 
 but if you have no particular reasons to the con- 
 trary, you would oblige me by entrusting it to 
 my possession. It contains many things which 
 I admire, and many before unknown to me. 
 
 I regret that my suggestions have cut out so 
 much work for your reflections ; but, you will 
 own, that when you asked my opinion, I was 
 bound in the fidelity of friendship to give it to 
 you freely and fully ; and it is a satisfaction to 
 me, that, you are sensible of the sincerity of my 
 affection. 
 
 The thoughts I have given you on your pub- 
 lic Letters, have all been shaped in a situation 
 to make me timid of their soundness. Feeling 
 myself restrained from the right, if I had the op- 
 portunity, of consulting others, I have sent you 
 my opinions direct from the place of their con- 
 ception, without a swadling cloth, a tunic, or a 
 pin from any other hand. It is not common that 
 a judgment is made up and communicated upon 
 an important subject, without a previous inter- 
 change of thoughts, or without examining how 
 it comes out from the menstruum of other men's 
 minds. 
 
158 
 
 The motives for your writing, as you unfold 
 them to me, are deserving of all regard — " To 
 abash the guilty — to humble the insolent — to 
 expose the nakedness of folly, and to strip the 
 mask from the visage of knavery," are subjects 
 rising in importance above every other, in a 
 pure Republic. 
 
 After I had noticed in some of your public 
 Letters, some reflections upon the Senate, I re- 
 viewed the reasons for its institution ; and have 
 collated the thoughts of many civilians upon 
 such a branch in Government, particularly Sir 
 William Blackstone's. According to your letter 
 now before me, you consider the country re- 
 duced, by the Senate, to the condition of the 
 Kilshonites, who were anathematized for the 
 refusal of their help. I may coincide with 
 you on this subject, but the contrary opinion 
 was too deliberately imbibed to be inconside- 
 rately abandoned. If it be a " Fortress of ex- 
 clusive party," and a " Barrier against modera- 
 tion and impartiality," (and experience is your 
 lecturer, while reason only is mine) may you 
 not be an unheeded Capys, nor an imsuccess- 
 ful Laocoon, when you warn of its dangers, and 
 when you smite its sides. 
 
159 
 
 Of the prostitution of power to the brutal 
 purposes of sensual gratification, we know, to 
 the disgrace of our nature, of too many instances. 
 Such gross declension is more shocking among 
 an infant people, than among nations grey in 
 crime ; as vice is more odious in a youth than 
 in a hardened sinner. In this view, I think it 
 most lamentable, that in your opinion ^Hhe pan- 
 egyrical orations of Ames and Otis — and the 
 " Funeral made by the bankers in Boston'''' for 
 Hamilton, exceeded in atrocity and impiety, 
 the King's brothel of Belview, and the Adonian 
 Temple of Madame Du Barry. 
 
 You say, " I know not the history of this man.''' 
 I certainly do not if your portrait shews his 
 lineaments. 
 
 The ''• infidelity oftheivorst kind, propagated 
 by him in our Army, when in the family of 
 Washington^'' I am unacquainted with. 
 
 You say I have never read Hamilton's pam- 
 phlet, &c. It was circulated, at first, among his 
 confidential friends, one of whom,Judge Bourne^ 
 lent it to me the day he received it. 
 
 You have, indeed, been the target for the 
 poisoned arrows and chewed balls of malice, 
 
160 
 
 envy, and revenge. It is the unfailing lot of all 
 greatness to be so. 
 
 In answering 3 our letter, I have reserved to 
 the last the concupiscence of Hamilton. 
 
 Knowing the impetus you felt when speaking 
 of Hamilton, I have been fearful whether you 
 would not get into too hot a temper, and thus 
 disease your rebukes with the fever of animosi- 
 ty. I have thought that you would have been 
 safer to have followed Plato, and to have said, 
 " Speusippus, do you beat that fellow, fori am 
 angry." But, sir, you set him before me in 
 new and horrid odiousness. Of '•'-his debauch- 
 eries in Meiv-York and Philadelphia'''' — of "Ais 
 audacious and unblushing attempts upon ladies 
 of the highest rank and purest virtue'''' — of " the 
 indignation ivith tohich he has been spurned^'' — 
 and of " the inquietude he has given to the Jirst 
 families,^'' I never before heard a word. By this 
 he was infamous as Caligula, when he told 
 Asiaticus, in public, what kind of a bed-fellow 
 was his wife." — And as insolent as the Duke of 
 Orleans when he took the Duke of Burgundy 
 into his cabinet embellished with the portraits 
 of the women he had enjoyed, among which the 
 
161 
 
 picture of the Dutchess of Burgundy was con- 
 spicuously placed. If he was all this he was 
 abandoned beyond reclamation — Candor and 
 charity must be dumb in his excuse — Avouch, 
 sir, all this to be true, and I shall consider my- 
 self bound by all my duties to m}^ family, to 
 virtue, to my country and to heaven, to dress 
 him in a suit from the devil's wardrobe, and 
 hold him up to the execration of mankind. 
 Cato valued himself on his integrity, and was, it 
 is said, addicted to intemperance; but the 
 friends of Cato prized him so highly for his 
 main excellence, that they looked upon his oc- 
 casional intoxication with indulgence. Thus I 
 have understood it of Hamilton — he set the 
 estimation made of his uprightness against that 
 which might be formed from the confession of 
 his lewdness, and he determined that the weight 
 of his cardinal virtues would preponderate over 
 every defect, and forever keep that scale im- 
 moveably down. But could he think — would 
 any body believe, that his peculation, if true, 
 as insinuated in an ephemeral " History of the 
 United States for the year 1796," was a crime 
 
 less aggravated than the robbery of virtue of its 
 22 
 
162 
 
 unbought, invaluable and irredeemable posses- 
 sion ? Vain dependence on the clemency of 
 mankind ! 
 
 In his " Remarks, explanatory of his conduct, 
 motives and views," in meeting Burr,written the 
 day before the interview — and in his will, he 
 speaks with the most moving tenderness of his 
 " Wife and Children." In his last hour, accord- 
 ing to Dr. Moore, he was collected, tranquil, and 
 resigned as Addison — If there had ever been 
 
 a 1 should be confounded. 
 
 With veneration, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
 N. B. There are some parts of your Letter 
 unnoticed in my answer. I had not time to ex- 
 amine it so minutely as I want to-^I have almost 
 a mind to detain it for your second thoughts, or 
 until I write again. If you will favour me with 
 its farther use, I will, if you should wish it, send 
 you a duplicate. W. C. 
 
 LETTER XLVII. 
 
 [This letter was returned by the express in- 
 junctions of Mr. A. Its existence and contents 
 
163 
 
 rest upon the same evidence as letter 45. Post- 
 mark Aug. 25, 1809.] 
 
 LETTER XL VIII. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Sept. 9, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 On our way home from Quincy, we 
 were detained by the kindness of friends until 
 last evening. Of the pleasant events of our ex- 
 cursion, none are recollected with more delight 
 than the attention we received at your house, 
 nor have I to express my obligations to any but 
 yourself, for any part of the secret history you 
 orally communicated. Your letter of the 22d 
 ult. I received with the seal unviolated, and 
 agreeably to your injunctions, and my promise 
 at parting with you, I enclose it. 
 
 "Integrity," as I used the term in application to 
 Hamilton, was not to be understood in the com- 
 mon acceptation. In that acceptation it barely ris- 
 es to a virtue, for it is wholly equivocal whether 
 it be the effect of any innate goodness, or pro- 
 duced by the restraints of law, and by cal- 
 culations of advantage ; considerations which 
 keep many knaves from the crimes of theft, rob- 
 bery, &c. and which give to such a suspicious 
 
164 
 
 anxiety to shine in the varnish ol' an opposite 
 reputation. Of all the qualities of a virtuous 
 soul, pure integrity is the brightest — it takes no 
 counsel from human law, nor from even the 
 common propensities of our nature ; the perfec- 
 tion from which it emanated, is its sole example 
 and security — of this divine virtue, you have 
 shewn me that Hamilton was totally destitute. 
 His Religion, as has been the case with thou- 
 sands, might have been accommodated to polit- 
 ical changes — I thank you for pointing me to 
 the winding in the labyrinth from which his os- 
 tentation of religion sprang. Of his lubricity, 
 what on odious picture you have drawn ? Oh ! 
 he was too foul for " ablution by all the waters 
 of Zemzem." I have not time and am too much 
 fatigued to say more^ 
 
 You propose to give me an account of " his 
 talents and services in another letter." I wish 
 to see a connected chain of these services, and 
 their magnitude ; since it has been announced 
 by Coleman that years are to be occupied by 
 some best gifted genius in penning his life. 
 With veneration, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jiu 
 Hon. John Mams. 
 
165 
 LETTER XLIX. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Sept. 23, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 My letter of the 9th inst. had an en- 
 closure, which it is so interesting to myself, as 
 well as you, that it should get to your posses- 
 sion, that I cannot suppress my solicitude to be 
 advised of its safe reception. 
 
 The present covers the last National iEgis, in 
 which you will find your juvenile letter to your 
 friend Webb, which I have caused to be insert- 
 ed in that paper according to your intimations 
 on the first of the month. 
 
 If, in the introduction, I have not mounted to 
 your just encomium, I have some refuge against 
 mortification, in the knowledge, that a perfect 
 delineation of greatness can be the work of none 
 but a master's hand — and, I have more than this 
 refuge in the consciousness of a disposition to 
 lift you to your just grade. 
 
 I capitalized the prophetic parts of the letter, 
 which have been fulfilled; and italicized the 
 Latin, neither of which were done in the An- 
 thology. But with all my care, the Printers 
 disregarded the Latin word, dira, and used, as 
 
166 
 
 the Anthology had done before them, the Eng- 
 lish word dire,!M\d direfuUy it looks — The works 
 of an author are so frequently garbled at the 
 press, and his feelings disturbed by its ortho- 
 graphical inaccuracies, that even the case-men 
 should be something above mechanicks. . 
 
 Three days of this week, I was absent on a 
 journey to Boston. I passed some hours at the 
 Athenaeum, and at the office of its founder, with 
 even more satisfaction than I had anticipated — 
 An enterprise of so much utility, originating in 
 the foresight and public spirit of Mr. Shaw, and 
 seconded by his urbanity, industry and exact- 
 ness, cannot fail of reaching a point that will 
 give him an immortality of renown. 
 With veneration, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Mams. 
 
 LETTER L. 
 
 QuiNCY, Sept 27, 1809. 
 Dear Sir. 
 
 Yesterday I received your favour 
 of the 23d and had before in its season received 
 
167 
 
 that of the 9th in good order, its enclosure 
 imviolated. 
 
 My boyish letter to Dr. Nathan Webb ap- 
 peared with more propriety in a Worcester pa- 
 per than any where else. It is demonstrative 
 evidence that John Adams' Declaration of In- 
 dependence WAS ONE AND TWENTY YEARS OLDER 
 
 THAN Thomas Jefferson's. To understand my 
 letter it is necessary to have lived at the time 
 when it was written, when we Avere so angry 
 with Great Britain for misconducting American 
 affairs, and for leaving us exposed to the mur- 
 ders and depredations of French and Indians, 
 that from my heart I wished we were indepen- 
 dent of her, and left to ourselves to take care 
 of our enemies, or perish in the struggle. 
 
 I presume the Latin word should be "dira" 
 the " dreadful things" " the horrors" of war. — I 
 remember the word "dire," and direful and dira 
 were very fashionable among the boys in Col- 
 lege, out of which I had just before migrated, 
 but enough of this childish business. The 
 thing is an oddity, that's all. You have 
 made enough and more than enough of it, in 
 your introduction. 
 
168 
 
 Mr. Shaw's Athenaeum is an honour to Bos. 
 ton, to Massachusetts and to North America, 
 and I hope no Tory Junto will be able to de- 
 prive him of the honour of it. Yet he and his 
 Athenaeum are too much under their thumbs. 
 Poor Democrats, Republicans and still poorer 
 Americans, are at the feet of John Bull and his 
 Calves. Matters cannot be much longer minced. 
 The truth must out. 
 
 With regard, &c. 
 
 I am your friend and relation, 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Mr. William Cunningham, Jr. 
 
 LETTER LI. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Oct. 17, 1809. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your favour of the 27th ult. arrived 
 
 when I was at Worcester, attending a session 
 of the Supreme Court, to get some redress for 
 a most gross and injurious fraud. Immediately 
 on rriy return, I set out for Boston, whence I 
 returned last evening. These jaunts have oc- 
 casioned this delay in the acknowledgment of 
 your letter. 
 
169 
 
 " Poor Democrats, Republicatis, and still 
 poorer Americans, are,''"' you say, " at the feet of 
 John Bull and his Calves.'''' Were I convinced 
 of this, I would, as you have done, give it regis- 
 try in my mind, and " every day I'd turn the 
 leaf to read it" — and like you, I would spare no 
 labour to " strew it in the common ear." But if 
 the apprehension of this be only "the strong and 
 swelling evil of your conception," then should I 
 sorrow at seeing its currency rendered irresist- 
 able by the authority of your august name. On 
 so trite and so sharply contested a subject, the 
 arguments are embodied for the use of either 
 side. I have frequently passed them in review, 
 and although it is evident that pride, and policy, 
 and the insatiable spirit of revenge, can operate 
 on Great Britain to induce her to attempt an 
 ascendancy in this country, yet that the Feder- 
 alists (the calves of the Bull) are estranged from 
 their own country in subserviency to the views 
 of England, is an idea, in my present opinion, 
 every way inadmissible. I have seen too much 
 virtue, too much intelligence, and too much pat- 
 riotism employed in the contrivance and in the 
 
 prosecution of the Federal plan, to take, as yet. 
 23 
 
170 
 
 so ungrateful an impression. As a corollary to 
 this accusation, the Federalists are denominat- 
 ed Monarchists. But Elliot, who wrote after he 
 had been initiated into the secrets of Democra- 
 cy, says in his tenth letter, " Monarchical prin- 
 ciples are confined to a few individuals in our 
 country, and among those individuals may be 
 placed some of our most ardent Republicans." 
 I acquit alike the Republicans and the Federal- 
 ists from any fondness for Monarchy, though I 
 do believe that this system will be engendered 
 in our abuses of a milder form ; and when it 
 comes, it will come in chastisement of our neg- 
 ligence, as any hateful visitation, which, Avith 
 due precaution, could have been avoided. 
 
 Every party, in every country, have, says 
 Paley, a vocabulary of cant phrases and un- 
 meaning terms, which they use to mislead the 
 multitude — What a pity, that so fair a country 
 should be rent asunder by such a jargon, and 
 that she wants the knowledge necessary to ena- 
 ble her to repose with confidence and security, 
 on the fundamental and scientific principles 
 which can alone uphold her liberty and her 
 peace ? In one of your letters to Kalkoen, you 
 
171 
 
 vindicated your countr} men against a devotion 
 to persons — were they deserving the character 
 you gave them in that letter, they would have, 
 in their capacity, a better safeguard for their 
 liberties, than would have resulted from any 
 stratagem the framers of their constitution could 
 have invented. 
 
 It is owing to the profound respect I pay to 
 your opinions, that I am put to a pause on the 
 question, whether the influence of England is 
 so extensive and deadly as you imagine ; but I 
 should be unfit for the examination ; if this re- 
 spect could unsettle the independenc}'^ of my 
 own judgment. You see that I am claiming my 
 share of the applause bestowed by you on all 
 the Americans in the abovementioned letter to 
 Kalkoen. If in general, an independency of 
 thought were freely indulged, not in the obstina- 
 cy of ignorance, not in the more unmanageable 
 inveteracy of party ,nor in the disgusting affecta- 
 tion of wisdom, but in the calmness and confi- 
 dence of a good intention, and of plain common 
 sense,there would be but one party of the people. 
 Such was your conclusion when you addressed 
 
172 
 
 the Dutch civilian. But the misfortune is, that 
 
 faction fattens on the soil of freedom, like the 
 
 steed turned loose in clover, and is the more 
 
 untractable for its better fare. To take another 
 
 comparison : Faction buzzes over the body 
 
 which gave it birth, and devours it, as the bees, 
 
 according to Virgil's story of their production, 
 
 fasten on, and become glued with the vitiated 
 
 juices of the stag — and after the manner of 
 
 these bees, in another stage of their history, 
 
 faction, when it comes to its own strife, settles 
 
 it with a king. The materials of such a faction 
 
 constantly exist in the causes of government, 
 
 but it is systematized and put in motion, either 
 
 by those who are 
 
 " So weary with disasters, so tugg'd with fortune, 
 That they'd set their hfe on any chance 
 To mend it, or be rid on't," 
 
 or by those 
 
 " Whom the wild blows and buffets of the world 
 Have so incens'd, that they're reckless what 
 They do." 
 
 You have fully and forcibly described the im- 
 pulse by which the heads of a faction are hurried 
 on,in your examination of Needham's right Con- 
 stitution of a Commonwealth, as I find it in the 
 
173 
 
 third Vol. of your defence of the Constitutions of 
 the United States, page 278, London edition. 
 " Continuation of 'power ^'' you observe, " in the 
 same persons and families^ will as certainly take 
 place in a simple Democracy^ or a Democracy 
 by representation, as in an hereditary aristocra- 
 cy, or monarchy — The continuation will be cer- 
 tain, but it will be accomplished by corruption, 
 which is worse than a continuation by birth ; 
 and if corruption cannot effect the continuation, 
 sedition and rebellion will be resorted to : for a 
 
 DEGRADED, DISAPPOINTED, RICH AND ILLUSTRIOUS FAM- 
 ILY WOULD, AT ANY TIME, ANNIHILATE HEAVEN AND 
 EARTH, IF IT COULD, RATHER THAN FAIL OF CARRYING 
 FTS POINT." 
 
 In a sentence which follows, you suggest a 
 truth which would overcome in the great bulk 
 of mankind, every obstacle to their being 
 slaves of a chief, rather than supporters of their 
 country, for " it becomes," j^ou say, " more pro- 
 fitable and respectable too, except with a very 
 few, to be a party man than a public spirited 
 one." And these are the reasons why a faction 
 is always ostentatious, and why men grow into 
 consequence who are of no greater worth 
 
174 
 
 tlian Carr and Villiers, — and which make, in- 
 deed, braggarts in politics of men, empty, en- 
 thusiastic, visionary and outrageous, as were 
 Bell, Maxfield and Nelson, converts to the Wes- 
 leian system of divinity — which make in fine, 
 imaginary adepts in politics, of such fairies as 
 " Pease-blossom, Cobweb, Moth, and Mustard- 
 seed.'* — 
 
 " Our country sinks beneath the yoke : 
 
 It weeps, it bleeds, and each new day a gash 
 
 Is added to her wounds.'' 
 
 If these cuts of misfortune could serve us like 
 the bite of Virgil's Culex on the Shepherd, to 
 warn us of the coming serpent, we should wake 
 and stand on our defence. But it will not be so ; 
 for these dangers do not hiss till their deleteri- 
 ous power has unnerved the people ; but they 
 allure like the Siren, singing till the moment of 
 destruction. 
 
 Whether I am right or wrong in the view I 
 take of our situation, I can satisfy myself in no 
 other way than by retrospecting our history. 
 To give you this review, would resemble an at- 
 tempt to enrich an alcove with an imperfect 
 copy of its own contents. I shall therefore. 
 
175 
 
 with one or two exceptions, pass it over, inter- 
 mixing with the little I shall recapitulate such 
 reflections as I think are authorized by some 
 acquaintance with the progress and fate of em- 
 pires. 
 
 The war with England caused much political 
 investigation ; but it was soon perceived, that 
 our most popular canclusions were rather com- 
 pliments to the overweening vanity of all scio- 
 lists, than resting substantially on the true char- 
 acter of man, and on the sound principles in the 
 science of civil government. 
 
 Several of our State Constitutions are strong- 
 ly marked with the crudities of immature reflec- 
 tion. At the time of forming the National con- 
 stitution, we had all, in imagination, become Ly- 
 curguses; and in public virtue we were all Catos. 
 Yet with all our boasted wisdom and virtue, the 
 instrument proposed to our consideration,for ac- 
 ceptance or rejection, did but just escape nega- 
 tion; and in my opinion, the exceptionable 
 parts were the most necessary, and, of course, 
 the most faultless. It was constructed for a 
 wise and virtuous people ; and what Anacharsis 
 said of all laws when applied to the powerful. 
 
176 
 
 might be safely said of this constitution, that it 
 was slender as a spider's web for the govern- 
 ment of any other people than such as perform- 
 ed more than half the work of government by 
 the natural tameness of their tempers, and effi- 
 cacy of their private examples. It went into 
 operation under the most fortunate auspices ; 
 and if any one great object of a public nature, 
 more than another in which he was engaged, 
 engrossed the mind of Washington, it was to 
 give it such on outset as should ensure it a safe, 
 an unbiassed, a dignified and a prosperous 
 course ; such a course as should wring from its 
 enemies more than their confession of its suc- 
 cess — their otcn imdeviating pursuit of it. 
 
 Soon after the coming in of Mr. Jefferson, 
 [ saw the growing mountain of our greatness 
 shake by the turning of his body ; and I was 
 satisfied his uneasiness would continue till he 
 liad shattered it into fragments. These fears 
 were strengthened by the corresponding alarms 
 you did me the honour to commiuiicate. It is 
 not necessary to pursue the steps of our declen- 
 sion any lower — to a prophet reclining on the 
 page of history, and embracing within his view 
 
177 
 
 the little space which has been occupied with 
 our experiment, our end would be neither a 
 difficult nor a distant prospect. The same his- 
 tory which authorizes the prediction of our 
 close, gives the lessons by which all we have 
 lost might be regained and kept ; but they will 
 be disregarded. It stands before me visible, 
 as in its vicinity is the aspiring ^tna, that our 
 country, from the quantity and variety of its 
 concealed combustibles, is doomed to undergo 
 as violent and as awful convulsions, as those 
 with which any people were ever cursed. If 
 these calamities are not to be averted, the only 
 remaining advantage in our power, is to procras-* 
 tinate their coming. — To mitigate their fury 
 would be impracticable ; every thing will be 
 done in a delirium which gathers equal ag- 
 gravation from all attempts to assuage it, as 
 from the most angry opposition. In the con- 
 templation of these calamities by the true lover 
 of his country, whether he view them as near or 
 distant, every other consideration dwindles in 
 comparison with that of his obligation to the 
 Commoqwealth : and he only can be the real 
 
 and approved friend of his country, who comes 
 24 
 
178 
 
 to her altar with the offering, if need be, of his 
 Isaac. 
 
 If government be a combination of the 
 whole to repress the outbreakings of the disor- 
 derly, yet, with those who are, or with those 
 who have been high in authority, this very gov- 
 ernment may be besieged, or used as an engine 
 to give a more extended and a more pernicious 
 influence to their own corruption. Such, if to 
 such it were not in vain to moralize, might be 
 told that 
 
 "The rarer action is 
 In virtue than in vengeance." 
 
 This is a general observation, connected with 
 what precedes. 
 
 It appears by the last gazettes, that peace is 
 likely to obtain between France and Austria. 
 If peace be now desired by Buonaparte, it is 
 because the harvest of war is gathered, and in 
 the autumn of his Austrian affairs, the seeds can 
 be scattered which, concealed under a winter's 
 covering, can yet spread their roots, draw nutri- 
 tion, and soon start afresh for another crop. — 
 
 " He speaks of peace, while covert enmity. 
 Under the smile of safety, wounds the world." 
 
He looks with a more angry mein upon us, 
 which is a natural consequence of his growing 
 might. We must deal with him, and with eve- 
 ry other aggressor, in something stouter than 
 our statutes, which are like the ashes of a burnt 
 rope, having the form but none of the power of 
 the cord. — One of these strings of ashes was 
 blown away by a proclamation, and we regard- 
 ed the scattered dust as the Egyptians did the 
 falling of the nectae, when they thought they 
 could go abroad in safety — But the plague re- 
 turned. 
 
 In your letter to the printers of the Patriot, 
 which was published last Wednesday, you refer 
 to Judge Dana, as the only person living, who 
 can explain the style of the correspondence be- 
 tween yourself and Vergennes. When I saw 
 this reference, I could not but lament that you 
 had bestowed so many encomiums upon the 
 Judge whenever you introduced his name. I 
 have not the pleasure of a personal acquaint- 
 ance with Judge Dana, but I know his reputa- 
 tion as well as of any man in the state, and I 
 know him to be deserving of all that you have 
 said of him ; but as you appear to depend upon 
 
180 
 
 liim to explain some passages in your despatches 
 which have been made interesting, would not 
 his representations be given and received with 
 more satisfaction, had you noticed him with 
 less attention ? I beg you to pardon the free- 
 dom of this suggestion. I know not whether 
 the doubt has occurred to any other person, 
 but I confess, the instant I read the reference 
 it sprung into my mind. 
 
 With veneration, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Mams, 
 
 Quincy. 
 
 LETTER LII. 
 
 QuiNCT, Oct. 23, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I thank you for your favour of the 
 17th. — I know the integrity, talents and intel- 
 ligence of great numbers of the Federalists : 
 and have no doubt of the good intentions of the 
 great body of that party : but of a great number 
 of their leaders, and the most active of them 
 especially, I have no better opinion than I 
 
181 
 
 have of some of the leaders of the Republicans. 
 By their writings they have deceived the peo- 
 ple into an affection and confidence in England, 
 and an abhorrence of France ; neither of which 
 is well founded. The Funding system and 
 Banking systems which are the work of the 
 Federalists, have introduced more corruption 
 and injustice, for what I know, than any other 
 cause. 
 
 My confidence in Mr. Dana during the whole 
 time we lived and acted together in Europe, 
 ought not to have been concealed. I know 
 that if he transmits to posterity any relation of 
 the controversy between the Count De Ver- 
 gennes and me, it must be founded on the let- 
 ters that passed between us, which I possess 
 as well as he. I can transmit it myself, if I shoidd 
 live : but as I care little about it, and it is not like- 
 ly I shall live long enough to go through the plan 
 I have in view, I shall probably leave it among 
 a number of manuscript volumes, to be con- 
 cealed forever from the public eye, or scatter- 
 ed and lost like the papers of Mr. Hancock and 
 Mr. Samuel Adams. So many Federal lies 
 have been published concerning the peace of 
 
182 
 
 1783, that I was determined that all the papers 
 relative to that transaction, should not be left 
 for chance or cunning to mutilate or mangle. 
 With great regard, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Mr. Cunningham, 
 
 LETTER LIII. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Oct. 28, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I have received your favour of the 
 
 23d. The sentence from your letter of the 27t,h 
 ult. which made the theme of my answer, I 
 understood as being extended to the whole bo- 
 dy of the Federalists. Several circumstances 
 conspired to induce me to make of it an unqual- 
 ified application to that party. I cannot, and it 
 is imnecessary to recite them all — two or three 
 shall suffice. In your letter to the printers of 
 the Patriot of June 10th, in the enumeration of 
 the " opposition and embarrassments you had 
 to overcome" you inserted — '-from that large 
 body of Jlmericans who revere the English.'' 
 In the review of the works of Fisher Ames, by 
 
» 183 
 
 my friend John Q. Adams, I saw that Ames was 
 considered as one of the principals of such a 
 body — And in the answer of Mr. Jefferson of 
 the 3d ult. to the address of the Republican 
 Citizens of the City and County of New- York, 
 I noticed a very plain insinuation that the oppo- 
 sition to the embargo, and its supplementary 
 measures, Was induced entirely by a predilec- 
 tion in the opposers for another country than 
 their own. Laying these and many things of 
 the same complexion together, I could not but 
 regard the sentence I quoted from your last 
 letter as coming, " point from point to the full 
 arming of the . verity," that our country, the 
 land of proud freemen, was become in great ex- 
 tent, but pasturage for the progeny of foreign 
 kine. 
 
 In the letter on my table, you restrict the 
 appellation of Calves of John Bull, to the 
 Leaders of the Federalists, of a great number 
 of whom you " have no better opinion than you 
 have of some of the Leaders of the Republi- 
 cans." By which I understand, that we have 
 " cockerels that crow as they have heard the 
 old one," as well as calves that roar in the tone 
 
184 
 
 of the great Bull. How are these Leaders dis- 
 tinguished ? This Commonwealth, and I learn 
 it is so in other states, is under the most com- 
 plete organization of party against party. There 
 is on each side, a Central Committee, a County 
 Committee, and a Town Committee, all com- 
 bined, as a chain by its links, of which the first 
 is the jar that gives the whole, by one touch, a 
 shock. Trace these links up to this first and 
 break it off, and the breach, like the division of 
 a worm would not only heal, while crawling, 
 but would immediately put out more length. 
 And this system of " a wheel within a wheel," 
 is so contrived, that its whole energy is deriv- 
 ed from the multiplicity of the cogs which 
 keep it in operation — officers or Leaders are 
 more numerous than in our militia, and are much 
 better fitted for service. The one who was 
 raised to the rank of the leader of the Federal- 
 ists, has been five years dead. It was said, that 
 " from his metal was his party steel'd," yet there 
 appears to be no lack of sagacity nor of indus- 
 try to carry on the system, now that he is gone ; 
 nor does it fail, notwithstanding he confessed 
 himself to be one that could not cool his iron in 
 
185 
 
 his own trough ; and notwithstanding you have 
 
 since represented him as " without bottom in 
 
 vohiptuousness :" so bad that, 
 
 " Our wives, our daughters, 
 
 Our matrons, and our maids, could not fill up 
 
 The cistern of his luj^t, and his desire 
 
 All continent impediments would o'erbear 
 
 That did oppose his will." 
 
 With veneration, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
 LETTER LIV. 
 
 QuiNCY, Kov. 15, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I have received your favour of Oct. 
 28th. — I am very unexpectedly involved in oc- 
 cupations and correspondencies very dispropor- 
 tioned to the feeble forces remaining to a 
 man of seventy-four, and which make it impos- 
 sible for me to reply to the various important 
 subjects of your letter. 
 
 With usual esteem, your friend 
 
 JOHN AT^AMS. 
 Mr. Cunningham. 
 25 
 
186 
 LETTER LV. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, J\*ov. 18, 1809. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Since my last of the 28th iilt. I have 
 
 not had the pleasure to hear from you. I lately 
 received some information concerning you,which 
 I deem it a duty of friendship to communicate. 
 I had it from one of the supreme Junta residing 
 at the " Head quarters of good principles." It 
 is of a confidential nature though no secrecy 
 was imposed — and is, that yourself and Mr. 
 Gray are to be the candidates for the first and 
 second offices in the Commonwealth. I have 
 no doubt but you will find that " a bush lim'd 
 for you." The information was probably given 
 to me with a view to obtain my opinion wheth- 
 er you would allow yourself to be a candidate. 
 I have not given an opinion, nor could I, al- 
 though acquainted with the objections you 
 made last year to Mr. John Q. Adams' being a 
 candidate, speak any other way than hypothet- 
 ically upon the subject. 
 
 If the project now agitated in the upper 
 
 Chamber of the Caucus, by those who keep 
 
 ' the body and the limbs of this great sport to- 
 
107 
 
 gether," should not be shoved aside by any new 
 occurrence in the rapid versatility of events, 
 you may depend on being soon sounded on this 
 affair. 
 
 The sayings and doings of one party, seem 
 to be to the other but "stuff to make paradoxes." 
 It may so appear in this case, but I believe the 
 intention is, really, if possible, to tranquilize the 
 Commonwealth by some greater unanimity in 
 the designation of the first Magistrate. All I 
 can say to yourself about it is what Ulysses 
 said to Agamemnon : — You are one " in whom 
 the tempers and the minds of all should be shut 
 up." Could this confidence be effected by your 
 presidency over the counsels of the Common- 
 wealth, there is no consideration of a private 
 nature that ought to get the ascendency over 
 your obligations to your country. In no other 
 view could I suppose your election auspicious 
 to your peace or glory — in any other you w ould 
 be happier as Atticus than as Cicero. 
 
 I think there is some pith in the Letters of 
 Cobbett to the King. The smuggled system 
 of Internal navigation pursued by Buonaparte 
 may, if unobstructed in its prosecution, prepare 
 
188 
 
 a torpedo for the British Navy. Buonaparte 
 has as much valour and forty times the pru- 
 dence of Anthony — He will let others " go a 
 ducking," and continue the plan of " fighting 
 foot to foot," until he can reduce his enemy to 
 a condition that he will not fear to take a 
 chance with him at Actium or Salamis. 
 With veneration, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
 LETTER LVI. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, JSCov. 22, 1809. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I have received your 'favour of the 
 15th inst. It is no more than I expected, that 
 your elucidations of the great transactions in 
 which you were uninterruptedly engaged 
 through the different periods of their existence, 
 and in the making of which you have repeated- 
 ly had occasion to make personal allusions, 
 would necessarily lead you into extensive cor- 
 respondencies. I think I told you as much soon 
 after you commenced your public letters. I 
 
189 
 
 really hope that your life, and health, and 
 vigour will be continued to you unimpaired to 
 carry you through, and many years beyond, the 
 completion of your design. I shall take care 
 not to interrupt nor retard your progress with 
 my speculations. If it is true that " we bring 
 forth weeds when our quick winds lie still," 
 you must bear abundantly of fruits, turned up 
 so thoroughly as you are to ventilation — I wish 
 you a great crop, and joy of the harvest. I 
 know it would be unjust to yourself, and to 
 your family, that you should be " the grave of 
 your deserving." I have hinted, that you had 
 better leave your life to the pen of some Com- 
 ines, but if none but yourself can do yourself 
 justice, 
 
 " 'Twere a concealment 
 
 Worse than death, no less than a traducement 
 
 To hide your doings." 
 
 The expression in your letter of Sept. 27th, 
 that " Poor Democrats," &c. " are at the feet of 
 John Bull and his Calves," I should have let 
 pass without objection, had I not thought it 
 more chargeable with inconsistency than im- 
 propriety. By causing your letters to Kalkoen 
 
190 
 
 to form a part of your present communications 
 to the public, they are, I think, to be regarded 
 as containing your present sentiments. 
 
 A subject of great delicacy I have thought I 
 would take the liberty to mention. It is no 
 less than to offer you some advice respecting 
 your treatment of Hamilton, when you shall 
 again resume the consideration of his conduct. 
 It is a transgression of a rule to give counsel 
 unasked, but I am stimulated beyond subjection 
 to rules by what was suggested to me by your 
 son, when I was at Quincy. He said that when 
 you entered again on that topic 'Hhe little''' (using 
 some harsh epithet) " would have it," meaning, 
 undoubtedly, that he would be lashed with se- 
 verity. But, my dear sir, if you mean to give 
 weight to 5'our animadversions, should they not 
 be stated with calmness and candour? Let it 
 be admitted that he deserved to be treated as a 
 stigmatic — let it be admitted that he took the 
 example of Semiramis for proof that sensuality 
 was connected with talents for governing, but 
 recollected from the same example^ that it may 
 be the associate of injustice and inhumanity — 
 let it be admitted, that the marble mausoleum 
 
191 
 
 erected to his memory in New-York, siiould 
 wear nothing but the indecent figures th at Se- 
 sostris ordered to be sculptured on certain pyr- 
 amids — ^let it be admitted that he was officious, 
 assuming, ambitious and a Hbeller, yet injured 
 as you feel yourself, what point can you possi- 
 bly give your pen beyond a very candid and 
 unruffled statement of such facts as will con- 
 duct the public mind to a just determination ? 
 Such a determination cannot eventually be 
 avoided. This truth shoidd be your consola- 
 tion. It is the consolation of integrity, and the 
 affliction of vice, that " the final impartiality of 
 the public" will appear through every art that 
 can be employed to blacken or to brighten. 
 Pardon, great sir, this freedom — if you judge 
 me rude — ^judge me friendly. "There is a silence 
 of such magnitude, energy, decision, as to be 
 singly worth a whole life of some men." — I did 
 regret that you broke this silence with regard to 
 the person in view ; but as I have no right to 
 judge until I shall see ihejiiiale, I shall suspend 
 my conclusion, and I hope to be satisfied, that 
 in breaking it, you imparted to your country- 
 men the coup cf mil, enabling them distinctly 
 
192 
 
 to discern, even through the mists of party, the 
 abode of truth. 
 
 With veneration, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Mams, 
 
 Quincy. 
 
 LETTER LVII. 
 
 Quincy, JVov. 29, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I return you the enclosed letter, ac- 
 cording to your desire. No eye but mine has 
 seen it, and no copy of it, or any part of it has 
 been taken. 
 
 Whatever my son said to you, he said it by 
 guess. He knows nothing of my plan. You 
 need be under no concern. If I should live to 
 make mention again of the gentleman, which is 
 not very probable, I shall be very mild with 
 him. 
 
 I could not give an adequate idea of my 
 transactions in Holland without inserting in their 
 place the letters of Dr. Kalkoen. The publi- 
 cation of those, or any other, letters of mine 
 
193 
 
 written thirty years ago, by no means implies 
 that I am of the same opinion now. Many 
 things that I then thought correct may not ap- 
 pear so now, original documents will be scan- 
 ned by historians. 
 
 The inconsistencies you mention are merely 
 imaginary, as might be shewn : but our opinions 
 differ so widely, and upon so many points, that 
 the discussion would require more time than I 
 can possibly spare. 
 
 I have received another letter from you, con- 
 taining a hint from a Junto or a Junta man. Which 
 Junta he belongs to you do not say. You may 
 easily imagine that a Republican would dress up 
 a man of straw to divide the Federalists, or vice 
 versa, a Federalist would evoke a ghost to di- 
 vide the Republicans. But this is too ridiculous 
 a story for me to write a word more about it. 
 I am, dear sir, 
 
 Your friend and humble servant. 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Mr. Cunningham. 
 
 26 
 
194 
 LETTER LVIII. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Dec. 9, 1809. 
 Dear Sir^ 
 
 I am indebted to you for your favour 
 of the 29th ult. 
 
 It appears, that you think our opinions as 
 opposite "as the south to the Septentrion." I am 
 not sensible of so much odds, but be the differ- 
 ence what it may, when I gave you my im- 
 pressions, I was bound in honour to be indiffer- 
 ent whether they would carry one into the 
 southern or northern region of your opinion. I 
 well know that no favour is so ungraciously re- 
 ceived as the pure offering of friendship. Aware 
 of this, Shakspeare has, in most of his collo- 
 quies where the severity of kindness should be 
 displayed, assigned its performance to the Fool, 
 from whom nothing offends. 
 
 You inform me that I need be under no con- 
 cern about your future treatment of Hamil- 
 ton. The anxiety I have felt on that subject, 
 has not been on his account. As it respects 
 him, and every other public character, living 
 or dead, I should have no objection to having 
 
195 
 
 the casket of their deserts " unpeg'd upon the 
 house's top." 
 
 I am Sir, your most obliged friend, 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr 
 Hon. John Mams. 
 
 LETTER LIX. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Dec. 29, 1809. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 When I wrote to you of the 9th inst- 
 I did not expect that I should again trouble you ; 
 nor did I look for an answer. To this hour, I 
 can very truly assure you, that the contents of 
 your letters are unknown to any human being 
 but myself, excepting those to whom they were 
 known before their transmission to me. But 
 believing that you are overleaping the senti- 
 ments you used to embrace and inculcate, in the 
 pursuit of some new design, or to gratify a 
 resentment, I wish myself enlarged from your 
 injunctions. And since I have seen and exam- 
 ined the Message of Mr. Madison at the open- 
 ing of the present session of Congress, and the 
 documents accompanying it, I can hardly per- 
 
19(3 
 
 suade myself, that my obligations to you are par- 
 amount to those which I owe my country. 
 
 I will shew you, in a very brief analysis of 
 your letters, wherein their disclosure would sub- 
 serve the great purpose of overcoming the pre- 
 judices against one country, and of the partiali- 
 ties to another, which have already exhausted 
 our treasury, enfeebled us to a condition that 
 we are become the very sport of the nation we 
 would befriend — the contempt of the one we 
 would injure, and which are about to ingulph us 
 in an unjustifiable and a devouring war. The 
 candour which would forbear this censure any 
 longer, is itself censurable. 
 
 It appears by your Letters to me in the years 
 1803 and 1804 that you declared yourself in 
 possession of certain facts concerning Mr. Jef- 
 ferson which, for the reasons you assigned, 
 you were averse to communicating by Let- 
 ter — That you encouraged me to arraign, "at 
 the Bar of Reason," the Administration of Mr. 
 Jefferson, and censured the Federalists for their 
 inactivity. That you very intelligently hinted, 
 that you could verbally supply me with some 
 materials for the manufacture of strictures — 
 
197 
 
 And that you very seriously declared of Mr. 
 Jefferson, that he was under the government of 
 the two most unfriendly passions to the liber- 
 ties of a people, that can possibly reign in the 
 bosom of a magistrate — " A mean thirst of pop- 
 ularity, AND AN INORDINATE AMBITION." What, sir, 
 
 but avariciousness of popularity, and insatiable 
 ambition, have been the causes of all the tyran- 
 ny with which the world has been cursed ? It 
 will farther appear by your Letters, that so re- 
 cently as September 1808, you passed judg- 
 ment decidedly against much, nay against the 
 most, of the management during the Jeffersonian 
 dynasty. And it appears that subsequently to 
 the last date, and after you had thrown off your 
 aversion to an appearance on the public stage, 
 you exonerated Mr. Jefferson, directly or vir- 
 tually, of every allegation which had been pre- 
 ferred against him. Besides these things, the 
 Letters first mentioned contain much anti-dem- 
 ocratical doctrihe. And your Letter of the 22d 
 June, contains a most unfortunate confession. 
 You therein say, that your " Daughter-in-law, 
 on a particular occasion, exclaimed, " I know 
 sir, that your two sons are very much delighted 
 
198 
 
 that you have taken the subject up" — " This'* 
 you add, " I kneAV as well as she did." This con- 
 fession is unfortunate, insomuch as it broadens 
 the ground for the suspicion of an ascendency 
 of you by your sons, which stood on the public 
 conduct of the eldest of them. It is not absent 
 from me, that you lately told me that your son 
 now with you, knows nothing of your plan, but 
 surely he will not think himself complimented 
 by an assurance, that he is much delighted with 
 what he knows nothing of. Neither his filial 
 affection, nor his confidence in you, can deserve 
 a compliment of this extent. 
 
 I agree with Burke, " that no government 
 ever yet perished from any other direct cause 
 than its own weakness." And I agree with you, 
 where you say, in your " Defence of the Consti- 
 tutions of the United States," — " It has been the 
 common people, and not the gentlemen, who 
 have established simple monarchies all over 
 the world. The common people, against the 
 gentlemen, established a simple monarchy in 
 Caesar at Rome, in the Medici at Florence, and 
 are now in da-nger of doing the same thing in 
 Holland." They have done it. And are they 
 
199 
 
 not in danger of doing the same thing in Amer- 
 ica ? An excellent writer you observed in the 
 *' Defence," " said, somewhat incautious!} , that 
 people will never oppress themselves, or in^ ade 
 their own rights." "This compliment," say 
 you, " if applied to human nature, or to man- 
 kind, or to any nation or people in being or in 
 memory, is more than has been merited — If it 
 should be admitted, that a people will not unani- 
 mously agree to oppress themselves, it is as 
 much as is ever, and more than is always true." 
 Now sir, with letters of the complexion I have 
 mentioned, and with such concessions, the full- 
 est ever made, of the fickleness of the multitude, 
 added to the peculiar circumstances of the 
 times, I appeal to you as to a Patriot,and demand 
 what shall I do ? Since the appearance of the 
 Message, and Documents, I have turned this 
 question over and over in my mind. I have ex- 
 aminf^d every side and each end of it — When 
 patriotism gives me counsel, it is difficult to 
 find enough in my affection for you to dissuade 
 me against its importunity — When I consult 
 the claim of affection, I think on those who have 
 sacrificed their Children for their Country. Are 
 
^ 200 
 
 we more under the calves of John Bull than 
 when George Washington was President, 
 John Adams, Vice-President, and John Jay, 
 Chief Justice ? Are we, suffer me with all plain- 
 ness to ask, are we nearly so much under that 
 calfish influence as when you yourself was 
 President? I build this enquiry on the argu- 
 ments which you repeatedly and publicly em- 
 ployed, not only to overthrow the prejudice ex- 
 isting against Great Britain, but to shew that 
 she would not receive our volmitary submission. 
 Who, yourself excepted, ever went so far as 
 this? Will you contend that what you have 
 said, on this subject, to public bodies which ad? 
 dressed you, and what on the same subject you 
 have said to me, are imaginary contradictions ? 
 I think it important to the public security, that 
 they should have before them all the means 
 which can enable them to determine whether 
 there is not " an unnoble swerving." Should 
 they perceive that there is, the errours you are 
 disseminating may be prevented from finding 
 root in a too easy credulity, or in the profound 
 respect which has been imbibed for your name. 
 And Manlius will be roused before the city shall 
 
201 
 
 be taken. There are, in your letters, many 
 things of a jocose, of a serious, and of a very 
 delicate nature, which I have no Vrish, nor any 
 warrantable cause to let loose from confinement. 
 But in addition to reasons of a public nature, 
 for wishing enlargement to some of the matter 
 entrusted to my keeping, I have private rea- 
 sons : — I do not know that I have an opinion on 
 any political subject unsupported by your au- 
 thority. I remember that in the year 1774 or 
 5, you made a visit to my Father's. I was then 
 a small boy, but I have as strong a remem- 
 brance as if it was but yesterday, that I regard- 
 ed with particular attention, the bag in which 
 your hair was tied ; and that it assisted to 
 heighten my conception of your greatness. The 
 bent of these conceptions I have followed from 
 that time to this, and it would be an endless 
 labour to recite the sentiments, written and oral, 
 of yours, upon which most of my political spec- 
 ulations have been founded. I cannot omit the 
 mention of an instance which strikingly con- 
 firms how well you thought I had profited by 
 your instructions : — Entering your room in the 
 
 year 1804, you accosted me Hume, and attribut- 
 
 27 
 
202 
 
 ed to me the pieces which at that time appeared 
 with that signature. I could not permit myself 
 to enjoy the felicity of being supposed by you the 
 writer of those numbers—you then extolled their 
 contents, and pronounced them worthy a death- 
 less meed. It is an inexplicable enigma, that you 
 should have spoken as you did then, and write 
 as you do now. Am I wrong, that I retain the 
 opinions which were common to us both, or 
 you in departing from them ? But yet farther 
 the retention by me exposes me to the unplea- 
 sant consequences of your disapprobation — this 
 I feel as a cruelty. I cannot now enjoy your 
 smiles without sacrificing my sentiments, and 
 of this fact, of which I presume you are insen- 
 sible, I will give you an admonitory example : — 
 From an intimation that it would be agreeable 
 to you to have your letter to Dr. Webb pub- 
 lished in a Worcester Paper, I caused it to be 
 there printed, with an introduction which I 
 penned in the full flow of esteem. The letter, 
 which you returned me in answer to the one 
 in which I transmitted you the printed letter to 
 Dr. Webb, is the only letter couched in the 
 spirit of a genuine cordiality, which you have 
 
203 
 
 written to me since, by your desire, I criticised 
 your public letters — The admonition from this 
 fact, you may take from one of the charges 
 made against you by your great accuser. But 
 the business with which you tasked me respect- 
 ing your public letters, had no connexion with 
 your panegyric — it lay altogether in the shades. 
 I knew its performance was difficult, for I had 
 not forgotten the speech of Symmachus to the 
 Imperial Court ; but I expected a generous re- 
 ception of what you had solicited, though I did 
 not look for such remuneration as Henry IV. 
 made to Sully when, in the transports of zeal 
 for his master's honour. Sully rent in pieces the 
 marriage articles which Henry had shamefully 
 entered into with Henrietta d' Entragues ; and 
 when he intimated that his master was a fool for 
 having signed them. My comments were so evi- 
 dently disagreeable to you that I discontinued 
 them. In my letter of June 30th, which was 
 the second I addressed to you after I received 
 your enquiry, " Whether and wherein you had 
 exposed yoin-self?" I proposed to suspend 
 my remarks till I should receive some signifi- 
 cation of your wish to have them continued — 
 
204 
 
 the request never was renewed. I did after- 
 wards, however, notice one or two things. — 
 And now that I think of it, I say a word or two 
 about Col. Pickering. In one of your public 
 letters, you gave an account of an interview be- 
 tween yourself and one of the Heads of Depart- 
 ments, at which you attempted to pacify a 
 dislike of your proceedings, which was unex- 
 pectedly manifested by a tender of resignation — 
 with begging that none of the Heads of Depart- 
 ments would think of resigning — that you was 
 perfectly satisfied, &c. Now in two or more 
 of your letters to me, you assert or insinuate, 
 that Pickering was unfit on the score of capaci- 
 ty, for Secretary of State, and that fact, you 
 say or insinuate, was known to some few in the 
 nation who had " winnowed him with a rough 
 w^ind." Such being your impression, at the 
 time of the interview, was there no impropriety 
 in your answer to the Secretary ? I pretend not 
 to know what the talents of Col. Pickering real- 
 ly are, but a certain Report of his, which I 
 could not believe to have been penned by him, 
 if destitute as you had described him, I ques- 
 tioned you about, but you never satisfied me 
 
205 
 
 whether he was assisted in its composition, al- 
 though you have ascribed to him the production 
 of Washington's Address to Adet. I received 
 your statements concerning him as correct, and 
 answered you accordingly. 
 
 I made you a visit in the year 1792 in com- 
 pany with Mr. John Q. Adams. The floor of 
 the room in which the company sat, was cover- 
 ed with a new painted canvass. The figures 
 arrested attention, and it was concluded that 
 the painting represented the street of some 
 ancient city. Assenting with the rest, to this, 
 you refnarked, that the city which had such 
 streets was not under the government of Se- 
 lectmen ; from which I drew the inference, that 
 in your opinion, the objects of legislation, even 
 within the limited circle of municipal authority 
 could not be brought to any approach to per- 
 fection, without energy and order — How much 
 more is an energetic regulation necessary to the 
 attainment by a nation of all the advantages of 
 civil rule ? 
 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jk. 
 Hon. John Adams. 
 
206 
 LETTER LX. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, Jan. 15, 1810. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 1 am without an answer to my last 
 of the 29th ult. in which I observed, that a con- 
 fession respecting your sons, made in your let- 
 ter of the 22d of June, was unlucky, but I re- 
 served for another letter, the principal fact, and 
 the reflections upon it, which give that aspect 
 to the acknowledgment alluded to. 
 
 If you will review the letter of the 8th of 
 July, but which you detained in your own 
 hands on account of its virulence, till the 13th 
 of August, and then forwarded to me with di- 
 rections to return it, you will find the following 
 sentence : — " I should have gone to m}^ grave 
 without writing a word, if the very system of 
 Hamilton, a war with France, had not been re- 
 vived, and apparently adopted by a majority of 
 New-England. The British faction, and the 
 old tories, appeared to have disciplined the 
 Federalists to a system which appeared to me 
 fundamentally wrong, and I determined to op- 
 pose it." By this, sir, it appears most evidently, 
 that instead of coming before the public to 
 
207 
 
 make your defence, you have entered the arena 
 of poUtical controversy, with a view to prevent 
 the success of one party, and to make the other 
 predominant. In ordinary cases, we except 
 motives, and answer arguments, but in this case 
 it is material to shew, that you have sacrificed 
 to your passions. This I can shew by your own 
 concessions. 
 
 In my answer to the letter from which the sen- 
 tence above is extracted, I said — " it contained 
 many things which I admired, and many before 
 unknown to me." I might have admired the seven 
 lines of original poetry in which you compress- 
 ed the plan you are now executing in your pub- 
 lic letters. But is there in these lines, the least 
 glimpse of your being actuated in the composi- 
 tion of these letters by a sense of obligation to 
 yourself against any injustice done you by Gen. 
 Hamilton? No, sir, not a shadow of it — your 
 objects in these letters, as you revealed them to 
 me in those sprigs of the Parnassian Mount, 
 (and they appear as if intended to describe your 
 whole design,) are all of another sort — they are 
 slips engrafted on the stock of your hatred of 
 Hamilton, and bear the same natural affinity to 
 
208 
 
 your object in your public writings, as you dis- 
 closed in it the above-recited passage from youi' 
 letter of the 8th of July, as despoiling is alUed 
 to the Agrarian Law. 
 
 As to what was before unknown to me in the 
 letter last mentioned, it was nearly all so, as is 
 plain from some recapitulations from it in mj'^ 
 answer. 
 
 The passage recited from your letter of the 
 8th of July, is the most extraordinary confes- 
 sion of all, and is so intimately connected with 
 the confession in the letter of the 22d of June, 
 and in the letter of Sept. 27th, that they are es- 
 sentially depending one upon another. The bud 
 which put out in the letter of the 22d of June, 
 dilated in the letter of the 8th of July, and fullj^ 
 expanded in the letter of Sept. 27th — This is 
 the progress to maturity : — 
 
 " My sons were very much delighted I had 
 taken the subject up!''' 
 
 " / should have gone to my grave, ivithout 
 ivriting a word, if the very system of Hamilton, 
 tt war ivith France, had not been revived and 
 apparently adopted.'''' 
 
 " Poor Democrats, Republicans, and still 
 
209 
 
 poorer Americans, are at the feet of John Bull 
 and his calves ; matters cannot be much longer 
 minced, the truth must out.'''' 
 
 Why were your sons delighted that you had 
 taken the subject up ? 
 
 When I read the passage recited from the 
 July letter, my attention and astonishment were 
 equally enchained ; but as the measures of the 
 Federalists, which appeared to you to have a 
 warlike countenance against friendly France ; 
 and which had brought you, according to your 
 letter, from your sequestered abode into the 
 field of controversy, had subsided by an accom- 
 modation with England, my alarm abated, and 
 was soon lost in a supposition, that you felt 
 yourself obliged to fill up the outline of your 
 plan as you had presented it to the public, and 
 that you would move slowly on after the winds 
 had ceased, by the impetus given you by the 
 first gusts. According to this outline, the pub- 
 lic understand, that your present undertaking 
 is to vindicate yourself against certain asper- 
 sions, which you consider unfounded in Gen. 
 Hamilton's letter — but by the declarations made 
 
 to me in two passages in your letter of July, 
 28 
 
210 
 
 your design is very different ; and if it is not 
 undeniably true that, under the semblance of 
 a personal vindication, your design is nothing 
 less than to baffle and defeat the measures you 
 once advocated and supported, I may, without 
 fear of contradiction, assert, that it is to give 
 more poicer and more extensive adoption, to the 
 prejudices you once reviled and condemned! 
 Through whose instigation, or by what excite- 
 ment, is this reverse of conduct ? To say it has 
 been effected by a change of circumstances, is 
 too palpably unfounded to be pretended. You 
 do indeed, follow the above recited passage, 
 with some swelling on your own ill treat- 
 ment, but the personal complaints are evident- 
 ly used in the letter as if intended for no- 
 thing more than to serve you with a conven- 
 ient apology for your public appearance. If 
 there is not an inconsistency here, and an incon- 
 sistency at the expense of what you ought most 
 to value, there is a mystery in great manage- 
 ment which I know as little how to solve, as a 
 boor to explain a problem in Euclid. What has 
 the prevalency of any system recommended by 
 Gen. Hamilton to do with proving your pre- 
 
211 
 
 miership in the negociations of 1783 ? To give 
 this proof, is the publicly avowed object of 
 your publications in the Patriot. 
 
 Suffer me with seriousness to ask — Whether 
 a war, for which we made great preparation in 
 1798, against France, and which you have said 
 w^ts actually waged, was not as much in accord- 
 ance with the system of Hamilton, as the oppo- 
 sition measures of last winter, to which you 
 have alluded, could have been ? Most assuredly 
 it was. And what part did you take in 1 798 ? 
 Gen. Hamilton himself said in your praise, that 
 you "took upon the occasion, a manly and 
 courageous lead — that you did all in your pow- 
 er to rouse the pride of the nation — to inspire it 
 with a just sense of the injuries and outrages 
 which it had experienced, and to dispose it to a 
 firm and magnanimous resistance ; and that 
 your efforts contributed materially to the end.'" 
 You may possibly object that this does not 
 come up to the full merit of your exertions, but 
 you will not say that it outmeasures them. 
 
 In an answer to the address of the young men 
 of New- York, dated May 1798, you say : — "I as- 
 sure you, my young friends, that the satisfac- 
 
212 
 
 tion with my conduct which has been express- 
 ed by the rising generation, has been one of the 
 highest gratifications I ever received, because 
 I can sincerely say, that their happiness, and 
 that of their posterity, more than my own, or 
 that of my cotemporaries, has been the object 
 of the studies and labours of my life." — The 
 same sentiment, with more expansion, you ex- 
 pressed on several occasions. Enlivening the 
 courage of the young men of Boston with en- 
 comiums on the public spirit of their fathers, 
 you exclaim, — " To arms ! m}^ young friends, 
 to arms!" — And in another answer to an ad- 
 dress, you emulated a few examples in histo- 
 ry of proud and generous patriotism, and wish- 
 ed the opposers of the measures then in opera- 
 tion, safely within the lines of the enemy. Had 
 you been in your last hour, the young men of 
 New-York standing around } ou, you could not 
 have addressed them with more solemnity, nor 
 apparently, with higher satisfaction in the con- 
 sciousness of your sincerity. And what were 
 " the studies and labours of your life," which 
 you then considered so important to the hap- 
 piness of future generations ? Pray, sir, con- 
 
213 
 
 sider that an Omar, nor oblivion are yet your 
 friends. 
 
 I entreat you now, to turn your eye to one 
 line of the summary given of your character by 
 Hamilton in the 1.3th page of his letter — and to 
 a trait in the last paragraph of the 19th page, 
 and then tell me with your hand on your heart, 
 whether any thing, save a deep-rooted antipa- 
 thy to Hamilton, Pickering, &c. — or a partiality 
 to some others, the natural consequence of that 
 antipathy, and equally unwarrantable, can ac- 
 count for your opposite appearance, on the same 
 question, in the years 1798 and 1810 ? Certain- 
 ly the same question in respect to the disposi- 
 tion towards us of England ; and the same with 
 regard to France, with the single exception, 
 that England is in the same transgression. Tell 
 me, too, whether this opposition will not sink 
 your political character — your rectitude, to ir- 
 redeemable perdition, as certainly so, as the 
 giving way, in his old age, to his resentments 
 against Demosthenes, and his favouring the 
 views of the enemy, Nicanor, in disregard of 
 the counsel of Dercyllus, sunk Phocion, sur- 
 named for his early devotion to his country, the 
 
214 
 
 good ? Tell me, too, whether as a friend to the 
 rights and liberties of my country, I am not 
 bound to exhibit, that the causes of this oppo- 
 sition are such as ought to reduce an estima- 
 tion of your professions of democratic republi- 
 canism, to a level with the estimation, long 
 since made, of certain professions of Rolla and 
 Clovis, made to facilitate the government of 
 those to whom they were addressed ? 
 
 No man is more deeply penetrated with a 
 sense of the inviolability of confidential trusts. 
 But were I to make oath to keep inviolate such 
 a trust, conditional to its reception, and to make 
 it with as much solemnity as Atrides swore that 
 he surrendered the beautiful Briseis untouched 
 to Achilles, and should make it without any sort 
 of reservation, a reservation would yet exist in 
 the duty, social and relative, which every man 
 and every citizen is bound by solemn obliga- 
 tions to respect. A promise nor an oath of 
 secrecy, is not to be constructed to extend to 
 the transgression of the duty we are under from 
 the instant of our birth, and of which there is 
 never an intermission — it is a contradiction in 
 
215 
 
 terms, that a man can bind himself to do what 
 he is bound not to perform. 
 
 I have felt for you as a neighbourhood feel 
 towards one brought up amongst them, whose 
 actions now and then, incur suspicions, but which 
 suspicions die away without reviving, until some 
 act less equivocal than any preceding, or until 
 some extraordinary occurrence shall awaken re- 
 flection, and put eyes into it, that it can see what 
 before passed almost unobserved. In the letter 
 from which I have extracted, you observed, that 
 the portrait of Washington ought not to shove 
 aside the portraits of John Hancock and Samuel 
 Adams, in Fanueil Hall. Now, to say nothing of 
 Samuel Adams, what was John Hancock ? I will 
 tell you what you yourself once said of him. In 
 the afternoon of a day in the summer of 1791, 
 some conversation respecting him led Mrs. Ad- 
 ams to remark, that he was born near your 
 residence — you turned yourself towards your 
 front door, and pointing to a spot in view, you 
 laughingly exclaimed, " Yes ! there's the place 
 where the great Governor Hancock was born.'" 
 Then, composing your countenance, and rolling 
 your eye, you went on with these exclama- 
 
216 
 
 tijoiis — " John Hancock ! A man without head 
 and without heart — the mere shadow of a man, 
 and yet a Governor of old Massachusetts !" 
 Pausing a moment you breathed a sigh, which 
 sorrowed, as plainly as a sigh could sorrow, for 
 poor Massachusetts. 
 
 This, I expect, is the last letter I shall write 
 you. You have had ample time to make ob- 
 jections to a public use of some parts of your 
 letters, had you been disposed to make them. 
 I shall, therefore, construct your assent to such 
 an use from your silence, and shall so dispose 
 of your letters as a sense of public duty shall 
 dictate. 
 
 I am, &c. 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Mams. 
 
 LETTER LXI. 
 
 QuiNCY, Jan. 16, 1810. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I have received your three last let- 
 ters. The correspondence and conversations 
 which have passed between us have been under 
 
217 
 
 the confidential seal of secrecy and friendship. 
 Any violation of it will be a breach of honour 
 and of plighted faith. I shall never release 
 you from it, if it were in my power ; but it is 
 not. After all the permission that I could give, 
 your conscience ought to restrain you. I could 
 as well release you from your obligations of 
 obedience to the Decalogue. 
 
 I hope you will consider, before you plunge 
 yourself into an abyss, which the melancholy 
 and disturbed state of mind you appear to be in 
 seems to render you at this time incapable of 
 perceiving before you. 
 
 In hopes you will soon be more calm, I am 
 Your well wisher, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Mr. William Cunningham, Jr. 
 
 LETTER LXII. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, J«w. 28, 1810. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I have received your favour of the 
 
 16th inst. I shall be scrupulously cautious 
 
 against bringing myself under reproaches of my 
 29 
 
218 
 
 conscience, and of giving any just occasion for 
 the forfeiture of the esteem of those whose ap- 
 probation, next to the consciousness of a good 
 intention, is the most precious of all earthly 
 consolations. 
 
 Much contained in our correspondence, and 
 much more in our conversations, will not be ex- 
 torted from me by any circumstances, out of 
 yourself, while you live — some parts of it can 
 never be divulged to any others than the impli- 
 cated characters — perhaps never to them, nor is 
 my resolution to divulge any part of either, yet 
 decisively taken. 
 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon. John Mams. 
 Quincy. 
 
 LETTER LXIII. 
 
 FiTCHBURG, JflW. 21j 1812. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Enclosed is a communication for the 
 Palladium. I shall delay forwarding it to the 
 printers for a few days, that if it contains any 
 
219 
 
 thing unwarranted by your letters to and con- 
 versations with me, you may point out wherein. 
 I have been cruelly and unjustly treated by 
 you — (He that is 
 
 "In rebellion with himself will have 
 All that are his so too.") 
 
 I have, nevertheless, in all that I have done, 
 been sparing — Review your letter to me of the 
 16th of January 1810, in connection with the 
 letters to which it was an answer, and say, what 
 must be the opinion of an impartial world on 
 that answer ? It needs but a little knowledge 
 of the human heart, and but a little acquaintance 
 with history, to make the inferences. 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Wm. CUNNINGHAM, Jr. 
 Hon, John Adams. 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 Page 19, line 2 from the top, insert /ema/e before virtue. 
 
 Page 28, line 12 from the bottom, insert rational before 
 federalisjn. 
 
 Page 40, line 8 from the bottom, for where read whence. 
 
 Page 64, line 10 from the bottom, for editors read electors. 
 
 Page 69, line 11 from the bottom, for hasreAd have. 
 
 Letter XXV, page 79, date should be Feb. 11. 
 
 Page 81, line 9 from the top, for Tories'' read Frie'' s. 
 
 Same page, bottom line, for Phoecion read Phocion. 
 
 Page 112, line 5, for ore read one. 
 
 Page 123, line 12 from the bottom, for "a project of^^ 
 read " the project of a." 
 
 Page 150, line 3 from the top, for/rom before iAe read /or. 
 
 Page 162, line 10 from the top, for ever read never. 
 
 Page 194 line 8 from the top, for one read me. 
 
REVIEW 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 BETWEEN THE 
 
 HON. JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 LATE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 AND THE LATE 
 
 WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM, ESQ. 
 
 EECINWING IN 1803, AND ENDING IN 1812. 
 
 BY TIMOTHY PICKERING. 
 SECOND edition:. 
 
 SALEM: 
 PUBLISHED BY GUSHING AND APPLETON. 
 
 1824. 
 
DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, TO WIT : 
 
 District Clerk^s Office. 
 BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the seventh day of May, A. D. 1824, and in 
 the 48th year of the Independence of the United States of America, Cashing and 
 Appleton, of the said district, have deposited in this office, the title of a hook, the 
 right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit : 
 
 " A Review of the Correspondency between the Hon, John Adams, late Presi- 
 dent of the United States, and the late William Cunningham, Esq. beginning in 
 1803, and ending in 1812. By Timothy Pickering." 
 
 In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled " An Act 
 for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and 
 books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein men- 
 tioned ;'' and also to an act, entitled " An Act, supplementary to an act, entitled 
 " An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts 
 and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein 
 mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving 
 and etching historical and other prints." 
 
 JOHN W. DAVIS, 
 Chrk of the District of Massachusettt. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Introduction - 1 
 
 SECTION I. 
 Thomas Jefiferson 7 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 John Quincy Adams, and Mr. Jefferson's Embargo. - - 29 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 The Causes, pretended and real, for removing T. Pickering 
 from oflSce — The Mission to France in 1799 — The Pardon of 
 Fries. 44 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 Elbridge Gerry — Mr. Adams's Minister to the French Republic ; 
 and a further account of the Mission instituted in 1799. 77 
 
 SECTION V. 
 Lieut. Col. William Stephens Smith, son-in-law of Mr. Adams. 100 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 Alexander Hamilton. - 109 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 George Washington. - •« - - - - - 121 
 Conclusion. - 126 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 1. Extracts irom Callender's pamphlet entitled "The Prospect 
 Before Us j"' referred to in page 10. - - - - 128 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 JPiise. 
 
 2. Letter from Mr. Jefferson to Lieut. Governor Barry, of Ken- 
 tucky, on the Judiciary; referred to in page 12. 129 
 
 3. Note B, referred lo in page 18. Concerning Mr. Jefferson's 
 literary works. - - 130 
 
 4. Note C, referred to in page 18. Correspondence of T. Pick- 
 ering with Mr. Adams, on the Declaration of Independence. 130 
 
 5. Note D, referred to in page 18. Mr, Jefferson's Draught of 
 the Declaration of Independence — And the Declaration as 
 
 amended and adopted in Congress - - - - 132 
 
 6. Note E, Remarks on the Treaty and Conventions, relating to 
 
 ' the cession of Louisiana to the United States. - - 140 
 
 0:5° The recurrence of Mr. Adams to the same topics, in various 
 parts of his Correspondence, and the arrangements of the principal 
 subjects in this Review, have occasioned some repetitions of the same 
 facts and remarks. 
 
 -5D -JiHlX: 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 jTX PAMPHLET of more than two hundred pages has appeared, under 
 the title of " Correspondence between the Hon. John Adams, late 
 " President of the United Slates, and the late William Cunningham, 
 " Esq. beginning in 1803, and ending in 1812." 
 
 A family connexion appears to have had some influence to induce 
 Mr. Adams to unbosom himself to Mr. Cunningham. In one of his 
 letters he tells us that Cunningham's grandmother was the beloved 
 sister of his mother. Two objects were obtained by Mr. Adams's 
 disclosures : He gratified the keen appetite of his friend for secret 
 history ; and eased his own mind, by giving vent to his spleen against 
 some public men whom he hated. 
 
 Mr. Adams, roused at length by his subject, and stimulated by 
 the constant flatteries of his friend, resolves to write his own history ; 
 because, says he, " no human being but myself can do me justice ; 
 " and I shall not be believed. All I can say will be imputed to vanity 
 " and self-love." In the progress of this Review, the reader will 
 find these prophetic anticipations verified. He v/ill see, from the 
 numerous aberrations of Mr. Adams, that his statements are not enti- 
 tled to belief; while every page is characterized by his vanity and 
 self-love. 
 
 In performing the task which Mr. Adams has imposed on me, I 
 shall be obliged to take a pretty extensive view of his character; 
 and present some features in the characters of others whom he has 
 introduced into his letters. In these he has been pleased to give me 
 a conspicuous place, making me a standing theme of reproach. 
 But although so many of his shafts have been levelled at me, from 
 his full quiver he has shot many at others ; especially at one who 
 byway of eminence, may be justly styled The Federalist. Federal- 
 ists generally, perhaps almost universally, were once the friends 
 of Mr. Adams ; and they continued such, so long and so far as his 
 public conduct permitted them to support him, consistently with 
 their views of what the public welfare required. The mere abate- 
 ment of their zeal wounded his pride, excited his resentment, and 
 exposed them to his reproach. 
 
 For myself, I determined on a formal vindication ; aware, at 
 the same time, of the labour it would cost me, in looking for and 
 
 2 
 
examining numerous documents, written and printed, of many years' 
 standing. Accusations, which a page would comprise, might require 
 a volume to refute. But Mr. Adams's calumnies are spread over 
 many pages, and will bring into view a variety of topics for re- 
 flection. 
 
 The letters of Mr. Adams present a tissue of misrepresentations, 
 perverse constructions, and unfounded assertions. The latter, in 
 any other case, I might designate by a harsher term. While under 
 the influence of his passions strongly agitated (and a little excite- 
 ment, like a small match to a mass of gunpowder, is sufficient to 
 produce an explosion) he may not be perfectly qualified to dis- 
 tinguish between truth and falsehood. Suspicions, the offspring of 
 a proud and jealous mind, are substituted (or fads ; and on these 
 chimeras he rests confident assertions. But heedless precipitation 
 is itself criminal ; and its consequences may be as injurious to the 
 party accused, as deliberate falsehood. 
 
 By many persons, forgetting the latter years of his life, and think- 
 ing only of his revolutionary services, Mr. Adams is hailed as 
 " great and good," and is now familiarly designated by the flattering 
 title of " the venerable sage of Quincy." 1 am as ready as any 
 man to acknowledge — I have, not long since, before a very nu- 
 merous assembly, acknowledged — Mr. Adams's merit in contributing 
 largely to the vindication of the rights of the Colonies, and in effect- 
 ing the independence of the United States : it was an act of justice, 
 which I feel no disposition to retract. But "great men are not 
 always wise ;" and some, after many good deeds, commit inexcu- 
 sable faults; and, whether these injuriously affect one's country, 
 or individual citizens, they ought to be exposed ; for the public 
 welfare, in one case ; and, in the other, to rescue individuals from 
 the eff'ects of undeserved reproach. 
 
 In analyzing the " Correspondence," and some other letters of 
 Mr. Adams written at the same period, it will be seen with what 
 facility, and how little truth, he could represent facts and occur- 
 rences concerning persons Avho were the objects of his hatred. 
 This may serve to put on their guard readers of all his produc- 
 tions, Avhether already written, or which may hereafter appear, 
 during his life, or after his death. Of the latter, I doubt not he has 
 made ample preparation. The present examination will demon- 
 strate, that when the interest of himself or of any member of his 
 family is involved, or his vanity and ambition have room to operate, 
 or meet with checks and obstacles, little reliance can be placed 
 on his statements. If ingenuity or charity can find an apology for 
 him — and that v/ill be a bad one — it will be, that his selfish and 
 ungoverned passions blind him. 
 
 Mr. Adams's virulent reproaches of federalists, of Hamilton and 
 of nte in particular, seem to have been written when he was 
 tortured with the keen feelings of disappointed ambition (feelings 
 which, after the lapse of eight years, since he failed of a re-elec- 
 
tion to the presidency, recurred in full force) — an ambition which 
 could bear no opposition, or even lukevvarmness, in regard to the 
 means of gratifying it. He has himself described this passion in 
 language that would not have occurred to any man who had not 
 felt it in its utmost violence. " The desire of the esteem of others," 
 says he, " is as real a want of nature, as hunger — and the neglect 
 " and contempt of the worlds as severe a pain a<; the gout or the stone.^''* 
 
 Of Mr. Jefferson I should have said nothing beyond what ap- 
 peared in Mr. Adams's own writings ; and that, merely to con- 
 trast his different representations, to show their inconsistency, and 
 that his course of conduct was directed exclusively by his views of 
 existing interests of himself and family. But Mr. Jefferson's letter 
 to Mr. Adams, of October 12, 1823, published in the Boston Patriot 
 in December, and thence introduced into other papers to be spread 
 through the Union (for every letter from the pens of these two 
 gentlemen is eagerly circulated in the public prints) appeared to 
 me calculated to lead the readers into a misconception of their 
 characters, and of the relations in which they stand towards each 
 other. That letter, therefore, with its connexions, will demand 
 some notice. 
 
 What is history ? A mere detail of events may engage curiosity ; 
 but it is the characters of the actors which especially interest 
 the reader; and the exhibition ot their actions, whether these be 
 good or bad, which furnishes useful lessons of instruction. Mr. 
 Adams and Mr. Jefferson were conspicuous actors in the period of 
 our revolution, and received applause. Future historians will inves- 
 tigate their characters, and by their actions regulate the award of 
 censure and of praise, for the information and warning of those who 
 shall live after them. But, seeing they have at one time done deeds 
 worthy of remembrance, why drag their faults and failings before 
 the eyes of their countrymen, many of whom, without inquiry, 
 seem now inclined (o forget and forgive ? Let a celebrated ancient 
 give the answer: — " In this, I apprehend, consists the chief part of 
 " the historian's duty : It is his, to rejudge the conduct of men, 
 " that generous actions may be snatched from oblivion, and the 
 " authors of pernicious counsels, and the perpetrators of evil deeds, 
 " may see, beforehand, the infamy that awaits them at the tribu- 
 " nal of posterity."! The occasion calls on me to make some 
 contributions for this object. Hence this Review will be extended, 
 and assume, in some degree, the shape of historical memoirs. With 
 respect to Mr. Adams, the truths I state may, without much diffi- 
 culty, gain admittance ; for, by his own account, he has few 
 
 * Discourses on Davila, No. 4 ; ascribed to Mr. Adams as the author. 
 
 t Tacitus, Annals, iii. Murphy's translation. These ideas are compressed in 
 the original : Praecipuum munus annalium reor, ne virtutes sileantur, utque pravis 
 dictis factisque ex posteritate et infamia metus sit. 
 
friends among those denominated federalists ; and still fewer among 
 his old enemies, the adherents of Mr. Jefferson.* 
 
 Of all the persons vilified and reproached by Mr. Adams, Mr. 
 Jefferson is the only one to whom he appears to have been solicit- 
 ous to make reparation. But was he the only one entitled to it ? 
 Do his eulogists think nothing due to the memories of Hamilton 
 and Ames and other departed federalists, and to their surviving 
 compatriots, who have been calumniated by the Adams family ? 
 Are their names to be blotted from history, or remembered only 
 to be associated with infamy ? The " Correspondence" demands 
 a full examination. As far as present circumstances require, I will 
 examine it; and make an essay to do justice to the parties whose 
 names Mr. Adams has introduced, and made the subjects of his re- 
 proaches or of his praise. Of the latter, the number is small 
 indeed; principally himself — his son J. Q. Adams — his son-in-law 
 Col. William S. Smith deceased, and Elbridge Gerry, also de- 
 ceased. 
 
 A just defence of myself and others, the subjects of Mr. Adams's 
 bitter calumnies, compels me to expose his numerous aberrations, 
 and to state some necessary truths. Truth is the soul of history. 
 To ascertain some facts, my testimony may be useful. The value 
 of that testimony will depend on the estimate formed of my charac- 
 ter by my contemporaries. On that footing I am willing it should 
 rest. 
 
 * In March, 1809, a short lime prior to the election of governor and senators 
 of Massachusetts, two democrats of Northampton addressed a flattering- letter to 
 Mr. Adams, requesting him to express his opinion respecting the present circum- 
 stances of the nation, with regard to foreign powers and domestic parties. On the 
 20th of that month, Mr. Adams sends an answer, in which he gives a dialogue, 
 ■which he says passed in Holland, in 1784, between himself and Deodati, minister 
 of the elector of Saxony. Deodati overwhelms him with compliments ; ascrib- 
 ing to him the glory of having made his countrymen and their government repub- 
 lican ; that he had made his country very celebrated ; that he had made it 
 independent ; that he had made an astonishing treaty with Holland, and a mar- 
 vellous peace with England, and made her acknowledge our independence. Mr. 
 Adams tells Deodati, that he is too polite ; that he had no pretensions to have 
 performed all those great achievements ; that he had acted a part in some of those 
 affairs. Deodati then predicts, that his fate would be the same with all the 
 ancient republicans, Aristides, Phocion, Miltiades, Scipio, &c. kc. To which Mr. 
 Adams answers, " I believe it." Deodati goes on : " You will experience in- 
 " gratitude, injustice:" — " You will be ill-treated, hated, despised, persecuted." 
 Mr. Adams answers, " I have no doubt of all that : it is in the ordinary nature and 
 " course of things." Mr. Adams then proceeds to say, that a curious coalition of 
 French and English emissaries, with Federal and Republican Libellers, had so 
 completely fulfilled the prophecy of Deodati, and his own forebodings — so total- 
 ly destroyed his reputation by their calumnies — that he had then neither power 
 nor influence to do any thing for his country. The last paragraph of his letter 
 is particularly characteristic, and is in these words : 
 
 " I always consider the whole nation as my children ; but they have almost all 
 *' proved undutiful to me. You two gentlemen are almost the only ones, out of my 
 " own house, who have for a long time, and I thank you for it, expressed a filial 
 " affection for j^^^ Adams." 
 
By introducing a few sentences in Latin, I do not desire to im- 
 pose on the reader an idea of literature, to which I make no pre- 
 tensions ; but when a passage suited to my subject occasionally falls 
 in my way, I take the liberty to use it. All I claim to possess is, 
 some portion of common sense, and some force in argument ; and 
 knowledge enough of my mother tongue, to exhibit facts, reason- 
 ings and reflections, in a plain and perspicuous style, so that my 
 m.eaning can be easily understood. To scurrilities 1 have been 
 subjected through a large portion of my life : these I have despised : 
 but, when assailed in any point of morals, I have offered a vindi- 
 cation, or have caused the libellers to be prosecuted. This was a 
 duty which I owed, not to myself only, but to the great number of 
 respectable men who have honoured me with theii' friendship. 
 Some of these have been pleased to say, that I owed it to my 
 country, in whose service so large a portion of my life has been 
 employed. The first suit was against one Dr. Reynolds, of Phila- 
 delphia. The case was clear, to the satisfaction of the supreme 
 court ; and so the cause was committed to the jury. Eleven of 
 these were agreed ; but one, a democrat, persevered in withholding 
 his assent ; and the jury was dismissed. On the second trial, there 
 were two democrats on the jury — and a verdict not obtained. 
 Reynolds's counsel then observed to mine, that his client was 
 "a poor devil," without property; and that if I should persevere, 
 and finally obtain a verdict for damages, it would not operate as a 
 punishment on the libeller ; but if I would drop the suit, he would 
 make him muster money enough to pay the costs. The suit was 
 dropped. One Baptiste Irvine, editor of a paper in Baltimore, 
 published a libel against me. I brought an action against him : 
 he published a recantation, and I forgave him. Libelled once in 
 a newspaper in my native town, the printer was indicted, convict- 
 ed, fined and imprisoned. I was then absent, attending a session 
 in congress. Libelled once more in my native county, the libeller 
 Avas prosecuted. He made his confession, which was entered on 
 the records of the court ; and I forgave him. The last prosecution 
 was of a printer in New-Hampshire. He also humbled himself — 
 published his recantation — and was forgiven. 
 
 Doubtless there were many other libellous publications, which 
 never came to my knowledge. 
 
 Once I was hung in effigy in the Northern Liberties of Phila- 
 delphia, on a gallows fifty feet high ; and a printed notice of the 
 time was sent to me, then in congress at Washington. This was 
 during the existence of president Jefferson's glorious, indefinite em- 
 bargo ; of which I had taken the liberty to say, that I did not 
 like it. On receiving the notice, the first thought that occurred to 
 me was, that the effigy of one of the greatest and best men the 
 United States ever knew, John Jay, had been exhibited, a public 
 spectacle, in the same manner, and I believe in the same place ; 
 and, so associated, I felt myself honoured by the elevation. 
 
I close these introductory observations with one remark on the 
 principal subject of this Review — 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 No man, perhaps, has ever suftered more from disappointed am- 
 bition and mortified vanity, than Mr. Adams ; for in no man, 1 be- 
 lieve, were those passions ever more highly sublimated. At the 
 first organization of the general government, he complained (so it 
 has been, and I doubt not truly, staled) because the votes of the 
 electors were not unanimous for him as well as for Washington.* 
 At that time (some readers may need to be informed) before the 
 constitution was cdtered, in the first term of Mr. Jeflerson's presi- 
 dency (specially, perhaps, for his accommodation, prior to another 
 election) the candidates for the offices of president and vice-presi- 
 dent were not respectively designated in the electoral votes ; but 
 he who had the greatest number, if a majority of the whole, was 
 to be the president ; and he who had the next greatest number was 
 to be the vice-president : and in case more than one had such 
 majority, and an equal number of votes, then the house of repre- 
 sentatives, voting by states (that is, the representation from each 
 state having one vote) were immediately to choose, by ballot, one 
 of them for president. Under this provision of the constitution, 
 Mr. Adams might hope, if the votes for him and Washington had 
 been equal (and from his complaint that they were not, it is pretty 
 evident that he expected it) to have obtained the preference, by 
 the choice of the house ; leaving to Washington the honour of 
 being his " lieutenant." At any rate, he would have contemplated 
 the fact with great complacency, that the people, acting by their 
 electors, held him in equal honour with Washington. From his 
 education as a lawyer, and his learned investigations of what con- 
 cerned civil rule, he probably thought himself entitled to a pre- 
 ference. But Mr. Adams has admitted and repeated a truth, too 
 rvell known^ that " knowledge is by no means necessarily connected 
 
 with WISDOM or VIRTUE."t 
 
 * Washington had all the votes — 69 ; Adams 34. 
 
 t Defence of the American Constitutions of Government, vol. i. letter 29 
 
REVIEW. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 
 The first letter in the " Correspondence" is from Mr. Adams, 
 dated November 28, 1803, near three years after his rival, Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, had intercepted him in his second march towards tiic presi- 
 dent's chair. In this letter, Mr. Adams acknowledges the receipt 
 of an oration of Cunnhigham's, and of a " brochure,"* in which this 
 friend ascribes to Mr. Jefferson the authorship of a pamphlet en- 
 titled " Thoughts on Government, in a letter from a gentleman to his 
 " friend." Mr. Adams says he was himself tlie author, and that it 
 had been published with his name; but, fi'om the quotation of his 
 correspondent, " suspects that some rascal had reprinted it, and im- 
 " puted it to the name of Mr. Jefferson." 
 
 In his next letter, dated January 16, 1804, Mr. Adams returns 
 to Cunningham a newspaper, in which, with a poignant sneer, he 
 says, " My poor ' Thoughts on Government' are wickedly and libel- 
 " lously imputed to ' the greatest man in America!' " — " libellous- 
 " ly," because (such appears to be the obvious implication) his own 
 views of government were, probably, so different from Mr. Jeffer- 
 soifs theories. In the same letter, Mr. Adams, in replying to Cun- 
 ningham's request, to be furnished with information concerning Jef- 
 ferson, communicates the sentiments I shall presently introduce. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson, in his letter of October 12, 1823, acknowledges 
 the receipt of one from Mr. Adams, dated Sei)tember 18, which 
 was a few days after his Correspondence with Cunningham had 
 been published in Boston. This letter, no doubt, was written to 
 apologize to Mr. Jefferson for the pointed reproaches he had utter- 
 ed against him, in his confidential letters to Cunningham. On the 
 1 2th of the next month, Mr. Jefferson writes a consolatory answer 
 to Mr. Adams, assuring him of his " unabated and constant altach- 
 " ment, friendship and respect." But Jefferson had not then seen 
 the Correspondence. " I had for some time," says he, " observed, 
 
 * A pamphlet. 
 
8 
 
 *' in the public papers, dark hints and mysterious innuendoes of a 
 " correspondence of yours with a friend to whom you had opened 
 " your bosom without reserve, and which was to be made public by 
 " that friend or his representative ; and now it is said to be actual- 
 *' ly published. It has not yet reached us, but extracts have been 
 " given, and such as seemed most likely to draw a curtain of sepa- 
 " ration between you and myself." Mr. JetFerson then exclaims 
 with indignation against the author of this outrage on private corres- 
 pondence. This indignation is doubtless the echo of Mr. Adams's 
 expression of resentment against Cunningham's son, the publisher 
 of the Correspondence. But Mr. Adams, in his apologetical letter, 
 did not tell Mr. Jefferson, that, although the present publication was 
 " an outrage on private correspondeftcc," yet it was, in fact, only an 
 anticipation of a year or two — ^perhaps of a few months only — of 
 the publication of the same correspondence, with his (Adams's) per- 
 mission : for the injunction of secrecy was limited to his own life. 
 His words are, " 1 shall insist that whatever I write to you upon 
 " the subject shall be confidential as long as I /i're."* It is true, the 
 subject here directly referred to, was his removing me from office ; 
 but his details on that act, and his libels on ray character, pervade 
 the whole correspondence. Besides, why should Cunningham, the 
 publisher, be more tender of Mr. Jefferson's character than of mine? 
 The latter was not less dear to me, my family and friends, than his 
 to his family and adherents; and the humble talents I possessed 
 were for as many years devoted to the service of my country: 
 whether as faithfully, I am willing to submit to Mr. Jefferson's own 
 decision. 
 
 On the 10th of January, 1804, Cunningham informs Mr. Adams, 
 that "• he had for some time been collecting materials to present the 
 " public with a full view of the character and conduct of Mr. Jef- 
 " ferson 5" and asks Mr. Adams to furnish him with " some particu- 
 " lars — interesting incidents in Mr. Jefferson's career ;" at the same 
 time telling him, that he had been informed " that such a work was 
 " pi-eparing by Mr. Coleman of New- York, under the eye of Ham- 
 " ikon," which might induce him to relinquish it. In his answer of 
 the 16th of the same month, Mr. Adams says, " I would not advise 
 " vou to relinquish the project you have in hand, because another 
 " iias the same. If the two persons you name are engaged in such 
 " a work, you may depend upon it no good will come of it." Why? 
 Mr. Adams subjoins the reason : " There will be so many little 
 " passions and weak prejudices, so little candour and sincerity in 
 " it, that the dullest reader will see through it." That is : Hamilton 
 has always been Jefferson's opponent and enemy ; and whatever he 
 sdijs to Jefferson's disadvantage will be ascribed to his resentments, 
 and will not be believed ; whereas, whatever you shall state, as an 
 impartial observer, will stick : — hccrebit lateri lelhalis arundoA 
 
 * Letter, Nov. 7, 1808. t The fatal shaft will fasten in his side. 
 
Then, in compliance with Cunningham's request for information 
 concerning Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Adams freely makes the following 
 contribution : " He [Jefferson] always professed great friendship 
 " for me, even when, as it now appears, he was countenancing Fre- 
 " neau, Bache, Duane and Callender." — "Anecdotes from my 
 " memory would certainly be known. There are some there, 
 " known only to him and me ; but they would not be believed, or 
 " at least they would be said not to be believed, and would be im- 
 " puted to envy, revenge, or vanity. I wish him no ill. I envy him 
 " not. / shudder at the calamities which I fear his conduct is prepar- 
 " ^^8 fof ^**" country ; from a mean thirst of popularity, an inor- 
 " DiNATE AMBITION, and a WANT OF SINCERITY." lu this paragraph 
 there is a clear implication, that some of the anecdotes which he 
 could recite would present such ill-favoured features of Jefferson, 
 and such fair ones of himself, that they would be imputed, by Mr. 
 Jefferson's friends, to envy, revenge, or vanity. 
 
 In the same letter of January 10th, Cunningham says, " I wish 
 " to discover every arcanum that would be of use to develop the 
 " true character of the Salt-Mountain Philosopher. This mountain 
 " has increased the wonders of the world to eight ; and if Mr. 
 " Jefferson would sink a tomb in a part of it for himself, it might, 
 " better than being a mummy, preserve his body and memory 
 " through succeeding ages." This pointed ridicule of his old and 
 nearly half-century friend, Mr. Adams doubtless enjoyed: certain- 
 ly it received no rebuke. 
 
 If the " venerable and illustrious sages" of Monticello and Mon- 
 tezillo* are ever to be reconciled, and confer and receive mutual 
 forgiveness, there is no time to be lost. The latter, being eighty- 
 eight years old, and " now trembling on the verge of the grave ;" 
 and the former, an " octogenarian," waiting impatiently " for the 
 " friendly hand of death to rid him at once of all his heavy hours.'* 
 
 Mr. Jefferson, in his letter to Mr. Adams, is pleased to suggest, 
 that whatever alienation between them had ever taken place, was 
 to be ascribed to tale-bearers ; " filling our ears," says he, " with 
 " malignant falsehoods ; by dressing up hideous phantoms of their 
 " own creation, presenting them to you under my name, to me under 
 " yours, and endeavouring to instil into our minds things concerning 
 " each other, the most destitute of truth." But who has not heard 
 of the libels on president Adams (not omitting Washington) in the 
 
 * It has been the practice, in European states, for gentlemen to give particular 
 names to their villas, or seats of residence in the country. This has been imitated 
 in America: and in Virginia, and other states where there are not divisions of ter- 
 ritory smaller than counties, it may have been found convenient. But in New- 
 England, where counties are divided into small townships, and each distinguished 
 by a legal and well known name, to give other names to small spots of a few acres, 
 or to a farm, within a township, is preposterous, and worse than useless. Yet Mr. 
 Adams has (to use a word of Mr. Jefferson's) belittled himself, by lately giving to 
 the place of his residence in Quincy (a post-town too) the name of Montezillo — 
 Little-Mount. Whether this was the effect of vanity, or a humble imitation of his 
 friend elevated on the top of Monticello, I do not undertake to decide. 
 
 3 
 
10 
 
 pamphlet called " The Prospect before Us," written by Callender, 
 under the countenance, patronage and pay of Mr. Jefferson ? of 
 which libels Callender was convicted by a jury at Richmond ; for 
 which he was fined and imprisoned, and for which he received (as 
 he had a good right to expect) president Jefferson's pardon.* The 
 patronage and pay Avere evidenced by two letters from Jefferson 
 to Callender, which, after they had quarrelled, Callender put into 
 the hands of Augustine Davis, Esq. of Richmond. From Davis 
 they went into the hands of a very respectable citizen of Virginia, 
 from Avhom 1 received them. Both were in Mr. Jefferson's own 
 hand-writing, to me perfectly well known. Even the hand-writing 
 of Davis, on the backs of the letters, noting his receipt of them from 
 Callender, was known to me, in consequence of an official corres- 
 pondence, of more than (hree years, when Davis was the post- 
 master in Richmond, and I postmaster general. 
 
 Extract of a letter, dated Monticello, Sept. 6, ^99, from Thomas Jefferson 
 
 to Mr. Callender. 
 
 " Sir, — By a want of arrangement in a neighbouring- post-oflBce during the 
 absence of the post-master, my letters and papers for two posts back were de- 
 tained. I suppose it was owing to this that your letter tho' dated Aug. 10, did 
 not get to my hand till the last day of the month, since which this is the first 
 day I can through the post-oflSce acknolege the receipt of it. mr. Jefferson t 
 happens to be here and directs his agent to call on you with this & pay you 
 50 dollars, on account of the book you are about to publish, when it shall 
 be out be so good as to send me 2 or 3 copies, & the rest only when I shall 
 ask for them." 
 
 The next paragraph has no relation to " the book ;" and the 
 letter concludes .with these words : 
 
 " with every wish for your welfare, I am, 
 
 with great regard. Sir, 
 
 your most obedt. servt. 
 " Mr. Callender" TH : JEFFERSON." 
 
 at the foot of the second page. 
 
 The other letter is dated Monticello, October 6, '99. The first 
 line acknowledges the receipt of a letter from Callender of Sept. 
 29, and concludes with these words: 
 
 "I thank you for the proof sheets you enclosed me : such papers cannot fail 
 to produce the best effect, they inform the thinking part of the nation ; and 
 these again supported by the tax gatherers as their vouchers set the people to 
 rights, you will know from whom this comes without a signature: the omis- 
 sion of which has been rendered almost habitual with me by the curiosity of 
 the post-offices, indeed a period is now approaching during^ which I shall dis- 
 continue writing letters as much as possible, knowing that every snare will be 
 used to get hold of what may be perverted in the eyes of the public. 
 
 This is addressed to Adieu." 
 
 " Mr. James Thompson Callender, 
 Richmond."! 
 
 * See the Appendix, A, for some of the libellous passages in Callender's book, 
 t George Jefferson, nephew to Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 :|; Perhaps the reader will notice some singularities in the above extracts from 
 Mr. Jefferson's letters : he writes acknolege for acknowledge, and begins his sen- 
 
11 
 
 And on the back of each letter were these words, in the hand- 
 writing of Mr. Davis : 
 
 " Given by M. Callender to Aug. Davis." 
 
 There can be no room for an apology for Mr. Jefferson, in pay- 
 ing " fifty dollars on account of the book," on the ground that he 
 might not know its contents ; for by the second letter it appears 
 that Callender sent him the proof sheets, and that he approved of 
 their contents ; " such papers," says he, " cannot fail to produce 
 " the best effect :" that is, Callender's book, " The Prospect before 
 " Us," by its slenders on Washington and Adams, and on the whole 
 federal party, would poison the minds of many well-intentioned 
 people, inflame the passions of the democrats, and, by the aid of the 
 whiskey and other internal taxes (always disagreeable to the mul- 
 titude) thin the federal ranks, give victory at the pending election 
 to democracy, and to Mr. Jefferson the long contemplated object 
 of his " inordinate ambition," the presidency of the United States. 
 
 This whole Callender affair, although no trial in our courts was 
 of more notoriety, Mr. Adams has been willing to forget, since his 
 son, John Quincy Adams, in 1807, fully enlisted himself under the 
 banners of president Jefferson. Callender was convicted under 
 what has been called the sedition law ; a law enacted in Mr. Adams's 
 presidency, and for its duration limited to that term. One of its 
 objects — for it embraced other subjects — was to protect him from 
 the torrents of calumny pouring upon him from all the streams of 
 democrac}^ It was a law more abused than understood. While 
 it provided for the punishment of slanderers — who are always liars 
 (such being the import of the word) — it gave protection to honest, 
 truth-telling men, in criminal prosecutions, for alleged libels on the 
 president of the United States ; by authorizing them to give in evi- 
 dence the truth of the facts alleged, for their justification. 
 
 In his letter, No. X, dated September 27, 1808, Mr. Adams 
 enumerates various acts of Mr. Jefferson's administration, which he 
 reprobates ; as the repeal of the judiciary law, which Mr. Adams 
 says he " always believed to be a violation of the constitution ;" 
 ••' the repeal of the taxes," so necessary to provide defences against 
 foreign dangers, and to diminish the national debt ; and " the re- 
 " movals of so many of the best men, and the appointments of so 
 " many of the worst." 
 
 Even legislative acts, in Mr. Jefferson's administration, may be 
 ascribed to him : for he had acquired such an astonishing ascend- 
 ency with his party (though it would puzzle any impartial inquirer 
 to find a reason for it) that the manifestation of his wishes was suf- 
 ficient powerfully to influence, if not to determine, the passing of a 
 law. And this gentleman has been spending his last breath, and 
 
 tences (excspting the first M'ord in a paragraph) vf\i\\small instead of capital let- 
 ters. Tt is bis fashion in all his maauscripts that have fallen under my observation. 
 
12 
 
 gome of the remaining rays of his glimmering lamp, in attempting to 
 destroy the independence of the judiciary — our surest defence 
 against tyranny — by depriving the judges of the only safe tenure 
 of their office, " during good behaviour ;" and rendering them, a 
 short periods, absolutely dependent on the executive for reappoint 
 ment ; and, thenceforward, his degraded, miserable, corrupt tools 
 Were this pernicious project to obtain, we should no longer be gov 
 erned by certain laws, but by the varying passions of our rulers 
 Had this been our judiciary system when Mr. Jefferson was presi 
 dent, he would have hurled from the bench chief justice Marshall 
 because he did not hang Aaron Burr ; although judging with the 
 wisdom and purity of Hale, and the integrity, ability and firmness 
 of Holt. 
 
 It is in his letter of July 2, 1822, to lieutenant-governor Barry of 
 Kentucky, that we have seen broached these dangerous ideas. It 
 is a letter which ought to be preserved, as a characteristic memori- 
 al of a personage so much celebrated as Mr. Jefferson.* The su- 
 preme court of the United States, with the independence essential to 
 a due administration of justice, had given some decisions adverse to 
 the pretensions and acts of certain individual states — to restrain 
 them within the limits of the constitution, of which that court is the 
 rightful interpreter : and if the national legislature, or the legisla- 
 tures of individual states, overleap its boundaries, that court is the 
 only constitutional power which can bring them back. Yet this is 
 the power which Mr. Jefferson would destroy. " Let," says he, 
 " the future appointment of judges be for four or six years, and re- 
 " newable by the president and; senate :" — that is, at the pleasure 
 of one man, the president, who would or would not re-nominate the 
 judges, according to their decisions on questions affecting himself, 
 his friends, his party, his caprice, or his visionary notions ; and 
 thus destroy the only power whose acts can be relied on — in the 
 highest degree to which any human institution can be entitled to 
 confidence — as most uniformly regulated by Reason. 
 
 It deserves notice, that when Mr. Jefferson wrote his letter to 
 lieut. governor Barry, of the seven judges then on the bench of the 
 supreme court, five had received their appointments from Mr. Jeffer- 
 son and Mr. Madison, from their own party. The judges Marshall 
 and Washington received their appointments from Mr. Adams, in his 
 better days — when he was himself a federalist. Yet these demo- 
 cratic judges, according to Mr. Jefferson, were, by their judicial 
 decisions, on solemn argument, violating the constitution, and an- 
 nihilating state rights ! No ; the obvious solution of their proceed- 
 ings is this : Feeling their independence of party, and, like all 
 other men when not under the bias of personal interest, disposed 
 to do justice, and knowing that their reputation and future fame — 
 to which none are indifferent — will rest on the purity as well as the 
 
 * It will be found in the Appendix, B, 
 
13 
 
 ability of their decisions, they will, by their enlightened and impar- 
 tial adjudications, satisfy their consciences, enjoy a present reward 
 in the approbation of their fellow citizens, and transmit their names 
 with honour to posterity. This is the Power, and the Only Power, 
 which can present a check to the national legislature, whenever 
 its acts shall transcend the limits of the constitution ; which was 
 intended to bridle the curvetings of congress, as well as the 
 flounderings of state legislatures ; assemblies which, like individual 
 rulers, feeling Power, may sometimes forget Right. This is the 
 Power which may decide, in the last resort, the important question 
 now agitated, with great zeal and ability, in the house of repre- 
 sentatives, on the making of roads and canals, by the authority of 
 the general government ; a measure warmly advocated by some, 
 and as warmly opposed by others, of that national assembly. 
 Should it be enacted, any citizen, whose property shall be touched 
 by the national road or canal, by instituting an action against the 
 national agent, may bring the question before the supreme court ; 
 and if that court pronounces the act unconstitutional, that power 
 which holds the purse and the sword — the power so much dreaded, 
 in anticipation, by Patrick Henry and some other distinguished 
 citizens — must stop : for I am not willing to believe that congress, 
 disregarding the court's decision, would by physical force carry 
 the act into execution ; but would resort to the mode prescribed 
 by the constitution, for obtaining, by its amendment, the desired 
 power. But it is this moral poicer in the supreme court, the power 
 of Reason over brute force, which Mr. Jefferson would destroy. 
 Every four or six years, he would " bring their conduct under re- 
 vision" of the president and senate ; and renew their appointments, 
 or eject them from the bench, as their decisions should quadrate 
 with, or oppose, the views, interests or passions of the president 
 and senate for the time being : and one of the court's decisions^ 
 giving offence, might be the deniai of the power of congress to 
 make national roads and canals. Yet this is the Oracle to Avhich 
 one of the able opposers of the existing bill appeals, and by the 
 force of whose name he hopes to influence the opinions of at least 
 some members of the house, to reject the bill : and if one half of 
 the eminence, which, in the gentleman's eloquent eulogj'-, is ascribed 
 to Mr. Jefferson, were his due, his opinion, in all cases, would be 
 entitled to much respect. " Against this power of the general 
 " government, to make internal improvements, by means of roads 
 " and canals, under any part of the constitution, Mr. Stevenson 
 " said, he would bring the sanction of a high name in the annals of 
 " our political historj^ — the authority of a man, whose principles 
 " had been as uniformly steadfast as republican, and whose virtues 
 " were as pure as his genius was splendid ; a man, who had justly 
 " been considered as the ' Apostle of Liberty.' It was unnecessa- 
 " ry to say, that he alluded to Thomas Jefferson." His message 
 to congress, Dec. 2/ 1806, is then referred to. It is the same 
 
^ 14 
 
 celebrated message in which Mr. Jefferson casts about him to know 
 what to do with the surpluses of the public revenue soon to be ac- 
 cumulated in the national treasury ; and suggests the idea of ex- 
 pending them " for the purposes of public education, roads, rivers, 
 " canals, and such other objects of public improvement as it may 
 " be thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of 
 " federal powers." Mr. Jefferson adds, " I suppose an amendment 
 " to the constitution, by the consent of the states, necessary : be- 
 " cause the objects now recommended are not among those enu- 
 " merated in the constitution, and to which it permits the public 
 " moneys to be applied." His immediate successor, however, in- 
 stead of being perplexed to find objects on which to expend Mr. 
 Jefferson's surpluses, was obliged to study to find expedients to sup- 
 ply deficiencies, and actually to borrow some millions of dollars. 
 
 But to return to the topic of mutual forgiveness, of which the 
 two distinguished gentlemen of whom I am speaking appear so 
 anxious to make a public exhibition — What is its character? The 
 apologetical letter of Mr. Adams would afford some information ; 
 but it is not published, and 1 presume never will be : unmutilated, 
 it would be a curiosity. Did he confess that the sentiments he 
 once entertained and expressed of Mr. Jefferson were erroneous 1 
 that he believed Mr. Jefferson never contemplated nor carried 
 any measures injurious to his country? that he was not charge- 
 able with a " mean thirst of popularity," nor'an " inordinate ambi- 
 tion," nor " a w^ant of sincerity ?" and that he possessed no anec- 
 dotes which if made known would be disreputable to Mr. Jef- 
 ferson ? And will Mr. Jefferson say, that he never countenanced 
 Freneau, Bache, Duane and Callender, in writing and publishing 
 their slanders against Mr. Adams, in order, by diminishing his 
 popularity, to prevent his re-election to the presidency ? Will Mr. 
 Jefferson go one step further, and say, that he did not, when secre- 
 tary of state, patronise, and in effect set up, the National Gazette, 
 edited by Philip Freneau, a translating clerk* in his office ; the 
 whole tendency of which — and thence we have a right to say its 
 design — was to undermine the administration of Washington, con- 
 ducted, as it always was, on federal principles? principles to which 
 Mr. Adams was attached, and on the expected adherence to which 
 his single election to the presidency was obtained. Or, the facts 
 being considered as unquestionable, will Mr. Jefferson now admit 
 that he sinned against Washington, and Adams, and the federal sys- 
 tem of government, and truth, in the countenance he gave to those 
 licentious libellers of them all ? When these two gentlemen shall 
 make these avowals and confessions, we may, in the exercise of 
 abounding charity, ascribe their mutual forgivings to a temper be- 
 coming Christian penitence — an act not lightly pressing on persons 
 whose accounts are so near being closed. 
 
 * An imperfect translator loo, though qualified to edit such a gazette. This^ 
 unsiistained by a sufficient subscription, died an early death. 
 
15 
 
 In reviewing the " Correspondence,"'' the reproaches uttered by- 
 Mr. Adams against Mr. Jefferson would, indeed, have found a 
 place, for the necessary purpose of contrasting them with the sub- 
 sequent expressions of friendship, respect and praise ; the latter 
 drawn from him, or rather volunteered., in consequence of the new- 
 political situation of his son, in Mr. Jefferson's corps. I should not, 
 however, have made a single animadversion on Mr. Jefferson, but 
 for the appearance of his letter of October 1 2, in exculpation, not 
 of Mr. Adams only, but of himself ; apologizing for their mutual 
 heart-burnings and ill will, by ascribing them to a cause, plausible 
 indeed, and wrought up with no little ingenuity, and wanting only 
 truth and fact for its basis. He insinuates, that tale-bearers have 
 .produced all the mischief: but he speaks guardedly — " there 7night 
 '' not be wanting those who wished to make it" — their political op- 
 position — " a personal one, by filling their ears with malignant 
 '• falsehoods :" and that the " whispers of these people might make 
 •' them forget what they had known of each other for so many 
 " years, and years of so much trial.*' Then, as an experienced 
 philosopher, he closes the solution of their difference by a remark, 
 just in itself, and proper, if it were applicable to the case of him- 
 self and Mr. Adams. " All men," he says, " who have attended to 
 " the w^orkings of the human mind, who have seen the false colours 
 "' under which passion sometimes dresses the actions and motives of 
 "' others, have seen also those passions, in subsiding with time and 
 " reflection, dissipating like mists before the risingjsun, and restoring 
 " to us the sight of all things in their true shape and colours." 
 Very handsomely spoken indeed. But will Mr. Jefferson say, that 
 the opinion he noAV entertains of Mr. Adams materially differs from 
 that he entertained from the year 1796 to 1801 ? If, during that 
 period, dark mists were thrown around Mr. Adams, did not Mr. 
 Jefterson contribute to raise them ? If they were malignant va- 
 pours, were they not generated by the men whom he patronised, 
 and at least one of whom he paid (as we have seen) for that very 
 purpose? Were those men some of the mischievous go-betweens, 
 whose " whispers" made two old friends " forget what they had 
 known of each other for so many years ?" Mr. Adams, however, 
 during that period, seems not to have supposed, that those libellers 
 were the agents of Mr. Jefferson. His constant professions of 
 friendship had laid Mr. Adams's suspicions asleep. The discovery 
 of the truth justified his branding Mr. Jefferson with " a want of 
 " sincerity." 
 
 To use such means to outstrip his competitor, and rise to the 
 supreme power, Avas to the last degree dishonourable ; and, joined 
 to his affectation of distinguished love for the people — to be mani- 
 fested by a repeal of the internal taxes, in order to ease their bur- 
 dens, or, to use his own cant, " not to take from the mouth of labour 
 " the bread it has earned" — the practice of such means, and of such 
 artifices, justly subjected Mr. Jefferson to another of Mr. Adams's 
 
16 
 
 charges — " a mean thirst of popularity." And the evidences of 
 these two, support the third charge — " his inordinate ambition." 
 
 Mr. Adams will not thank me for the pains I have here taken 
 to justify him before the public for uttering those reproachful 
 charges against Mr. Jefferson : for, in his letter of apology, he may 
 have taken them all back, together with every thing else in the 
 " Correspondence" which could give offence to his half-century 
 friend, the " patriarch" of republicans — lest they should have an 
 inauspicious infiuence on the fortunes of his son. 
 
 After all, Avhat is there in Mr. Jefferson's letter, of October 12, 
 to entitle him to the honour of a triumph — by some few so liberally 
 decreed? Suppose Mr. Adams's accusations well founded— as 
 every intelligent reader, and all others acquainted with the affairs 
 of the United States during the last twenty-four years, may justly 
 be inclined to believe — and suppose Mr. Jefferson to be conscious of 
 their truth; did it require any great stretch of charity to forgive 
 his friend and fellow " patriarch," 
 
 " Now at his feet submissive in distress," 
 
 and suing for pardon ? and when freely to grant it would present 
 the idea of his own innocence^ and of Mr. Adams'^s guilt ? for, if not 
 guilty, why make apologies, or sue for pardon ? And while Mr, 
 Adams's situation bears not the most honourable aspect, that of his 
 friend is singularly happy ; it exhibits the loveliness of innocence, 
 the calmness of philosophy, and the meek, forgiving temper of 
 Christianity. 
 
 But in what originated Mr. Adams's solicitude so promptly to 
 apologize, in order to prevent, or soften, the displeasure of his old 
 friend? Certainly not the belief that all his reproaches were un- 
 founded. It was, as above suggested, the apprehension of the ef- 
 fect of the " Correspondence," made public prematurely — before 
 the time which he had himself assigned for its publication — and 
 when he had not contemplated a crisis like the present. It was a 
 moment of high family concern. His son, who, by deserting his and 
 his father's former friends, and joining their enemies, had risen anew 
 to place and power — a boon which he saw was no longer attainable 
 if he continued in their ranks, and persevered in their principles — 
 was now a candidate for the highest object of republican ambition 
 — the presidency of the United States. This elevation would de- 
 pend on his standing well with the great dominant party, of which 
 Mr. Jefferson, originally the leader, was still, though not officially, 
 yet in public estimation, the political head. Under these circum- 
 stances, Mr. Adams hastens to make apologies and atonement to 
 Mr. Jefferson, for the just reproaches^ or the foul slanders — they 
 must be one or the other — which he had uttered against him. Mr. 
 Adams may avow either, as will best comport with his knowledge, 
 his conscience, or his family interest. His choice will not change 
 my opinion, nor the opinions of the distinguished citizens still living, 
 
17 
 
 who have observed the course of public affah'S, and of those who 
 have conducted them, for the last three or four and twenty years. 
 
 In letter No. IV, January 10, 1804, Cunningham (as before ob- 
 served) requests information concerning Mr. Jefferson, supposing 
 " no man living had so thorough a knowledge of his transactions as 
 " Mr. Adams." In his answer of the 16th of the same month, Mr. 
 Adams says, " You are mistaken when you say that ' no man living 
 " has so much knowledge of Mr. Jefferson's transactions as myself.' 
 " In truth I know but Utile concerning him.''' Then, giving some de- 
 tails, showing how small had been the intercourse between them, 
 he adds, "■ Although w'e agreed always very well, there was no 
 " very close intimacy between its." Now observe the contrast. A 
 little more than five years afterwards — Avhen his son John Quincy 
 Adams (having before devoted himself to Mr. Jefferson, and con- 
 tinuing in full favour with his successor, Mr. Madison) had been 
 nominated minister plenipotentiary to Russia — Mr. Adams was ca- 
 pable of making the following declaration : " I sought and obtained 
 " an interview with Mr. Jefferson.* With this gentleman I had lived 
 " on terms of intimate friendship ybrj^re and twenty years, had act- 
 " ed with him in dangerous times and arduous conflicts, and always 
 " found him assiduous, laborious, and, as far as I could judge, up- 
 " right and faithful."! And, farther on, Mr. Adams says, " 1 will 
 " not take leave of Mr. Jefferson in this place, without declaring 
 " my opinion, that the accusations against him, of blind devotion 
 " to France, of hostility to England, of hatred to commerce, of par- 
 " tiality and duplicity in his late negotiations with the belligerent 
 " powers, are without foundation." In the progress of this Review, 
 the reader will learn how to estimate any of Mr. Adams's opinions, 
 in cases where the interests of himself or of his son may be affect- 
 ed. 1 accord with Mr. Adams thus far — that Mr. Jefferson's devo- 
 tion to France was not a blind devotion. The elucidation of this 
 remark will appear, when I describe his embargo, and the support 
 of it by John Q. Adams. 
 
 So anxious has been Mr. Adams to conciliate the good will of 
 Mr. Jefferson (for the persuasive reason I have mentioned) that he 
 perverts the use of as plain words as any in our language. He 
 has said (in one of his late published letters) that Mr. Jefferson 
 and he were never rivals ; but that Jefferson and Hamilton were 
 rivals ! Surely, every reader of English knows, that they who con- 
 tend for one common object are rivals. The common object, for 
 which Adams and Jefferson contended, was the presidency. But 
 Jefferson and Hamilton aimed to effect different measures in the ad- 
 ministration of the government — and therefore were not rivals but 
 antagonists. 
 
 * This refers to affairs of 1797, Mr. Jefferson being: then vice-president, 
 t Mr. Adams's letter No. XIII, dated May, 29, 1809,' in the Boston Patriot. 
 
 4 
 
18 
 
 In noticing the extraordinary ascendancy acquired by Mr. Jef- 
 ferson over the minds of his partisans and admirers, I remarked, 
 that it would puzzle any one to account for it. And 1 ask, what 
 evidences has he given to the world, of his being, what he seems 
 generally reputed to be, a profound philosopher^ and a great states- 
 man ? The former part of his character (which, by the way, has 
 litde to do with government) I leave with philosophers and men of 
 science.* Of the latter, every man of common sense is qualified 
 to judge, from its practical effects. For the rule, " By their fruits 
 " ye shall know them," is alike applicable in politics as in morals. 
 A list of the beneficent acts of his eight years' administration of the 
 government of the United States is a desideratum. Those of a con- 
 trai-y character would rise to a large amount. But let us look back 
 to earlier and more virtuous times. In the war of words with the 
 mother country, antecedent to the war of arms, when every Ameri- 
 can, who could hold a pen, employed it in defending American 
 rights, it is natural to suppose that Mr. Jefferson's was not idle ; 
 and then, probably (though his political lucubrations may not have 
 passed the bounds of Virginia) he gained the reputation of holding 
 a good pen ; to which Mr. Adams alludes in a letter to me, extracts 
 from which will appear in the Appendix.! But the performance, 
 for which Mr. Jefferson has been most distinguished, is the Decla- 
 ration of Independence. This has been extravagantly eulogized, 
 as if rising to a degree of excellence that not one of his cotempora- 
 ries had the power to reach. In my humble opinion, however, 
 much of its merit is owing to the amendments made when reported 
 to congress, where one fourth of the whole was struck out, and 
 some things (not many indeed) were introduced. In my letter to 
 Mr. Adams on this subject, I remarked, that the Declaration con- 
 tained few new ideas. Mr. Adams, in his answer, says, not one ; but 
 he thinks the best parts were struck out. I shall give in the Appen- 
 dix+ a copy of Mr. Jefferson's draught of the Declaration, which I 
 took some years ago from one in his own hand-writing; by the 
 comparing of which with the Declaration as voted and proclaimed 
 by congress, every reader Avill be enabled to judge for himself. 
 
 But Mr. Jefferson added to the United States the rich and im- 
 mense territory of Louisiana ; thus extending their dominions from 
 the Adantic to the Pacific Ocean ! Yes — the acquisition was effect- 
 ed in his presidency ; and his merit in the case shall now be ex- 
 hibited. 
 
 By the treaty of Oct. 27, 1 795, between the United States and 
 Spain, the king, assenting to the claim of the United States to the 
 free navigation of the river Mississippi, from its source to the ocean, 
 stipulated to permit the citizens of the United States, " for the space 
 *' of three years, to deposite their merchandises and effects in the 
 '► port of New-Orleans, and to export them from thence without 
 
 * See Appendix, B, f Appendix, C. X Appendix, D. 
 
" paying any other duty than a fair price for the use of the stores ;" 
 and promised cither to continue this permission, or to '• assign to 
 " them, on another part ot the banks of the Mississippi, an equiva- 
 " lent establishment."' The benefit of this stipulation was enjoyed 
 by our citizens until 1802, when the Spanish intendant at New-Or- 
 leans " occluded" (as Mr. Jefferson said) — shut them out, from this 
 deposite, without assigning any equivalent establishment elsewhere. 
 This violation of the treaty-stipulation was not to be endured ; and, 
 upon representations to the government of Spain, the place of de- 
 posite was restored. To whom this interruption of our right is to 
 be ascribed, will presently be seen. 1 presume it was to prevent 
 its recurrence, that Mr. Jefferson instructed his minister at Paris 
 (the late chancellor Livingston) to obtain, as 1 have understood, a 
 cession of the isle or port of New-Orleans, or some part of the 
 eastern bank of the Mississippi — that is, of West Florida, or of 
 both — to the United States. It is not a little curious, that a negotia- 
 tion for purchasing supposed Spanish territory should be carried on 
 at Paris, with the French government, instead of Madrid, with the 
 government of Spain. In the same manner, when, at a subsequent 
 period, Mr. Jefferson proposed to congress the purchase of Florida, 
 the certain property of Spain, the negotiation was instituted at Paris. 
 The truth is, that France, exercised a complete ascendancy over 
 Spain, which was no longer a free agent. Godoy, the prince of 
 peace, the favourite of the queen, ruled Spain in the name of her 
 weak king ; and Godoy was Bonaparte's tool. The •' occlusion" 
 of the port of New-Orleans against American merchandise and ef- 
 fects excited keen resentment in the United States ; and some were 
 ready to send an armed force to occupy the port ; and the poor 
 Spaniard was the subject of severe reproach. But I presume it 
 was not then known, that the king of Spain had been, before that 
 time (viz. on Oct. 1, 1800) compelled to rcconxey Louisiana to 
 France. This fact exposes the secret of the interruption of our 
 right of deposite at New-Orleans ; and it was against the French 
 government that the indignation of the United States should have 
 been excited, had the retrocession of Louisiana to France been 
 knov.n. The opening again of the jjort of New-Orleans arose from 
 the circumstance, that Bonaparte was not prepared to take imme- 
 diate possession of Louisiana. But the territory having been 
 actually reconveyed to France accounts for the unsuccessful at- 
 tempts of Mr. Livingston to obtain a cession of Orleans and part 
 of the adjacent province of West Florida. 
 
 At length, during the short and feeble administration of the British 
 government which succeeded Mr. Pitt's, a peace was negotiated at 
 Amiens between Great Britain and France. Bonaparte seized this 
 interval to prepare a fleet and army to go and take possession of 
 New-Orleans and the whole province of Louisiana. But the British 
 government soon perceived, that it was, in effect, an armistice, rather 
 than a peace, which had been concluded at Amiens ; and that the 
 
2(^ 
 
 war must be renewed. And finding that Bonaparte was going to 
 add the immense province of Louisiana — a new world — to the do- 
 minions of France, a British fleet Avas despatched to block up the 
 ports (in Holland) where Bonaparte had assembled military forces, 
 and ships to transport them to New-Oj-leans. 
 
 It was in this state of things that Bonaparte became willing to 
 transfer to the United States — not the island of New-Orleans and 
 part of the adjacent territory — but the whole province of Louisiana 
 — the whole or no part. For he was justly apprehensive, that, its 
 retrocession to France being then known. Great Britain would send 
 an adequate force, and take possession of it for herself. If there- 
 fore he could raise some millions of dollars by the sale of the pro- 
 vince to the United States, the sum would be so much clear gain. 
 Under these circumstances, the transfer to the United States was 
 made, and (if 1 mistake not) rather pressed on our envoys, chancel- 
 lor Livingston and Mr. Monroe ; and they agreed to receive it, 
 stipulating the price at fifteen millions of dollars. They gave to 
 Mr. King, American minister in London, information of the treaty ; 
 with which the British government, to whom he made known the 
 transfer, was perfectly satisfied. And I recollect that when Alex- 
 ander Baring (son-in-law to the late Mr. Bingham, and whom 1 had 
 known in Philadelphia) came from England to Washington, to re- 
 ceive the six per cent, stock created to pay for this purchase, he 
 told me, that the British government would sooner have paid the 
 money stipulated for the purchase, than have suffered Louisiana to 
 become a province of France. ' 
 
 Thus, to British policy and interest are the United States indebt- 
 ed for the acquisition of Louisiana. And, if gratitude ever enters 
 into the consideration of nations^ we owe it to Britain for that ac- 
 quisition, as really as to France for her assistance in acquiring our 
 independence. But on the score of gratitude, in these two cases, 
 we are indebted neither to one nor to the other. Each of them 
 acted to serve her own interest exclusively : France, to diminish the 
 power of Britain by cutting off" thirteen flourishing colonies ; and 
 Britain, to prevent an accession to the power of France in possess- 
 ing the immense territory of Louisiana, and a consequent control over 
 all our western states, which depended on the Mississippi, and the 
 rivers running into it, for the conveyance of their boundless pro- 
 ducts to a market. Yes, we owe it to the naval power of Britain, 
 that Louisiana is not now a province of France. Bonaparte had 
 already sent his prefect, Mr. Laussat, to New-Orleans, to receive 
 possession ; and he waited only for the arrival of the French fleet 
 and army, to take upon himself the administration of the govern- 
 ment.* Before I take leave of Louisiana, I will add a few obser- 
 vations. 
 
 At the close of the seven years' war, so disastrous to France, 
 
 * See Appendix, E. 
 
21 
 
 which was terminated by the peace of 1763, she ceded to Spain — 
 apparently in consideration of the losses which the latter had sus- 
 tained by being drawn into that war, towards its close, in aid of 
 France — the province of Louisiana, westward of the river Missis- 
 sippi, and the island of New-Orleans on i(s eastern side. The 
 whole of Florida was ceded by France and Spain (each her part) 
 to Great Britain. In the course of the war of our revolution, 
 France and Spain became once more engaged in a war with Great 
 Britain. Spain seized the occasion to possess herself of Florida ; 
 and, at the treaty of peace of 1783, Britain relinquished her right 
 to it. 
 
 1 entertain no doubt, that at that time the government of France 
 contemplated the regaining of Louisiana, and wailed only for some 
 favourable events to accomplish her purpose. It was unquestiona- 
 bly with this in view, that, in the negotiations at Paris, in 1782, for 
 effecting a general peace, the French minister represented to our 
 commissioners, authorized to treat of peace with Great Britain, 
 that they ought not to claim the country westward of the Allegany 
 mountain, but to suffer it to go into the hands of Spain. Mr. Jay, 
 however, (for he was obliged for a Avhile to act alone, though Dr. 
 Franklin was also a commissioner) resisted all the French intrigues, 
 as well at Paris as in London ; and thus that country was secured 
 to the United States, it was, unquestionably, with a view to this 
 land-scheme, and some other plans injurious to the United States, 
 that the French government exerted itself, and successfully, through 
 its minister to the United States, la Luzerne, and the secretary of 
 legation, Marbois, to obtain from congress instructions to the 
 American ministers for negotiating a peace with Great Britain, 
 wholly unworthy of the earlier firm, dignified and independent acts 
 of that body. The commissioners were instructed "to undertake 
 "nothing in the negotiations for peace or truce, without the know- 
 " ledge and concurrence of the ministers of the king of France, and 
 " ultimately to govern themselves by their advice and opinion." 
 This appeared to Mr. Jay so dishonourable to the United States, 
 and fraught with such evil consequences, that he laid the instruc- 
 tion aside, and, in his negotiations with the British minister, con- 
 sidered only what the important interests of his country required; 
 and thus formed the basis of the treaty of peace, so highly advan- 
 tageous to the United States. 
 
 In pursuance of our treaty of 1795, with Spain, commissioners 
 were to be appointed to run the boundary line between the territo- 
 ry of the United States and Florida, from the river Mississippi to 
 the Atlantic ocean. Andrew EUicott was the commissioner on the 
 part of the United States; and, with the requisite attendants, he 
 repaired to the Natchez, the place designated in the treaty for the 
 first meeting of the commissioners. From the time of his entering 
 the Mississippi, after his descent by the Ohio, and coming to the 
 first Spanish posts, and thence proceeding downwards towards the 
 
22 
 
 Natchez, there were mysterious appearances, suggesting the idea 
 that delays and ditiicuUies would be interposed, to prevent the run- 
 ning of the boundary line. The apprehensions of Mr. Ellicott 
 were realized, after his arrival at the Natchez. He there received 
 satisfactory information, that the governor in chief at IS'ew Orleans, 
 and the sub-governor (Gayoso) at the Natchez, in some private and 
 confidential communications, had suffered the secret to escape 
 them — that it Avas intended, by delays and evasions, to defeat the 
 attempt on the part of the United States to run the boundary line, 
 and the execution of the treaty, in Avhat concerned that country. 
 Mr. Ellicott states, that governor Gayoso's original letter to a con- 
 fidential friend, to that effect, had been in his hands. Accordingly, 
 in the correspondence of this governor with Mr. Ellicott arc seen a 
 series of apologies, excuses, and empty professions, all contemptible, 
 and offered in the face of treaty articles too plain to require a mo- 
 ment's hesitation as to their meaning. One of the articles stipulated 
 the evacuation of the posts occupied by Spanish troops on the 
 eastern bank of the Mississippi, within the known boundary of the 
 United States. Of these the Spaniards still kept possession. All 
 these occurrences are accounted for by the information next re- 
 ceived, and stated by i\Ir. Ellicott — " 77(0/ the country cither xcas or 
 *■' icould be ceded to the Republic of France.''* It will be recollected 
 that Spain had concurred with the other most considerable European 
 nations in warring against France, in the early years of her revo- 
 lution ; but meeting with defeats, and in danger of being overrun 
 by the French arms, her prime minister, Godoy, made peace with 
 France : and for this act, at that time so auspicious to Spain, he 
 had conferred on him the extraordinary title of Prince of Peace. 
 This was in the year 1795. From this tiuic the Spanish councils 
 were under the influence of the French republican government ; 
 and. eventually, appear to have been in a state of complete subju- 
 gation, in whatever materially concerned the interests of France. 
 And to that controlling influence are to be ascribed all the delays, 
 dithculties and injuries experienced by the United States and their 
 citizens, in every thir.g relating to their interests in the country in 
 question. 
 
 So much for the friendship of France to the United States; 
 which, according to the declarations and demands of her revolu- 
 tionary rulers, and of many of our own citizens, imposed on the 
 United States obligations of everlasting gi-atitude ! That it was 
 for the ]nirpose of securing the independence of the United States 
 that France rendered the aid we received from her. is true : but 
 this was solely to weaken her old adversary, by lopping ofl' an im- 
 portant limb. In justification of his treating with the Americans, 
 Louis XVl said expressly, that he acted " zvith no other vieiv than 
 •• to put an end to the predominant power which England abused 
 
 * Ellicott's Journal, p. 44. 
 
23 
 
 "in every part of the globe;" and, " that the only means of being 
 " secured iVom it, was to seize the opportunity of diminishing it.'''' 
 That opportunity was the war in which we had engaged, to sepa- 
 rate the United States from Great Britain. The king said, further, 
 that he formed a connexion with the United States, " because his 
 " SAFETY, THE INTEREST OF HIS PEOPLE, invariable poUcy, and, above 
 " all, the secret projects of the court of London, imperiously laid him 
 '■'■under the necessity.'''' The secret projects, of which the French 
 government was so apprehensive, were doubtless the measures then 
 contemplated by the British government to affect a reconciliation 
 and re-union of the United States with Great Britain ; and to defeat 
 them, and so to prevent a re-union, was the leading motive to the 
 French alliance ; while Americans fondly believed, that friendship 
 for them 7vas its basis. And congress itself, h'om feeling or policy, 
 pronounced Louis the Sixteenth, "• the Protector of the Rights of 
 Mankind."* Indeed the citizens of the United States, rejoiced at 
 the assurance of the aid and co-operation of France, thought only 
 of the 6cnf^/, without adverting to the motives in which it originated. 
 
 During our revolutionary war, and ever since, we have been 
 taught to believe that Louis XVI, and his queen, Maria Antoinette, 
 entertained a personal regard to the United States and their cause. 
 This was possible^ and in the glow of our gratitude we cheerfully 
 believed it. But it was unnatural that a monarchical power, whose 
 will was law, should desire to promote the estal^lishment of free 
 republican governments. This idea, now so obvious, is shown to 
 be correct, by the statement of the fact, in the interesting memoirs 
 of madame Campan, published at Paris since the restoration of the 
 Bourbons to the throne of France. And we see it strikingly exem- 
 plified in the avowed principles of the emperors and kings who 
 compose the so called " Holy Alliance." 
 
 The sentiments of the persons who composed the court of Louis 
 XVI were doubtless similar to those manifested by the king and 
 queen ; but all sacrificed their feelings, in regard to republicanism, 
 for the sake of humbling their great rival, England. Of all the 
 French ofiicers, of name, who served in the United States, and re- 
 turned to France, la Fayette, I believe, stands alone, invincibly firm 
 in his original principles, for the establishment and maintenance of 
 free governments. We have seen the present monarch of France, 
 his ministers and armies, by their operations in Spain, the last year, 
 violating her independence, and overturning her free government ; 
 and who can doubt that his brother, Louis XVI, his ministers and 
 armies, under like circumstances, would have acted the same part? 
 And that their aid to the United States, in supporting their inde- 
 pendence, was rendered solely for the interest of France, I trust has 
 been satisfactorily shown.! 
 
 * Resolve, May 6, 1778, in the journals of Congfress. 
 
 t Of the expenditures of France, in the maintenance of troops and ships ap- 
 plied directly to our aid, 1 have no data on which to form an estimate; but the- 
 
24 
 
 In the face of all these clear and incontrovertible evidences, that 
 the views of France in aiding us in our revolutionary contest were 
 exclusively sclfsh, and ihatshe aimed at doing serious injuries to 
 the United States in its conclusion, Mr. Jefferson in his letter to 
 Mazzei* charged them with ''ingratitude and injustice towards 
 France" ! He charged the enlightened and eminent statesmen and 
 patriots who formed the federal constitution, and who organized, 
 and were then administering, the government under it, as " Anglican- 
 " monarchical-aristocratic ; whose avotved object it was, to impose 
 " on the people the substance, as they had already given them the 
 '■''forms, of the British government." And, after mentioning various 
 measures of the federal government as political " heresies — estab- 
 '"'■ lished for the purposes of corruption,'''' he points his reproaches at 
 the officers of our government and the members of congress who 
 had embraced them — •' the men," he says, " who were Solomons in 
 "counsel and Samsons in combat, but whose hair had been cut off 
 "by the whore England." For this infamous slander, which em- 
 braced Washington, Hamilton, and all the eminent men who had 
 formed the constitution, and established the measures referred to, 
 Washington, when ho became a private citizen, called Jefferson to 
 account ; requiring of him, in a tone of unusual severity, an exf)la- 
 nation of that letter, in what manner the latter humbled himself, 
 and appeased the just resentment of Washington, will never be 
 known ; as, some time after his death, this correspondence was not 
 to be found ; and a diary for an important period of his presidency 
 was also missing. My information on this subject is derived from 
 an authentic source. The late Dr. David Stuart, of Virginia, who 
 married the widow of Mrs. Washington's son Custis, first mentioned 
 the matter to me, twenty years ago; and five j-ears afterwards, at 
 my request, stated the circumstances in detail, in a letter, with a 
 voluntary "permission to make what use of it I should think pro- 
 " per." A train of occurrences within my knowledge would enable 
 me to unravel what may seem mysterious in this affair ; but I for- 
 bear. 
 
 Prior to the appearance of Mr. Jefferson's letter to Mazzei, 
 " there was," says Dr. Stuart, '•'■ a friendly correspondence between 
 "him and W^ashington — since then, none :" and " before that letter, 
 " he used always either to call on him when passing by, or to send 
 " an apology for not doing it." 
 
 capture, plunder, and wanton destruction, of American ships and merchandise, by 
 the French, have been estimated, by a well informed and judicious merchant, the 
 late Thomas Fitzsimons of Philadelphia, at fifty millions of dollars ; to wit — twen- 
 ty millions under the orders of the Directory and their agents, and thirty millions 
 during the imperial reign of Bonaparte. These fifty millions may fairly be set off 
 against the expenditures of France directly made by her in the caii«e of the United 
 States. The loans of money by France to the United States were all repaid. The 
 estimates of Mr. Fitzsimons were made at my request, and communicated to me 
 by a letter which I have not yet found ; but 1 well remember their amount. 
 
 * Mazzei, an Italian gentleman, was in Virginia prior to our revolution; and 
 then the apparently intimate acquaintance between hira and Mr. Jeffersou took 
 place. Mazzei relumed to Italy- 
 
25 
 
 Notwithstanding these lamentations of Mr. Jefferson to his friend 
 Mazzei, of palpable deviations from republican principles in the 
 form of the federal constitution^ and in the administration of the govern- 
 ment, under Washington, Hamilton, and the eminent federalists of 
 that period in congress ; yet, after he had gained the president's 
 chair, 1 do not recollect a single amendment to that " Anglican- 
 monarchical-aristocratic" constitution to have been recommended 
 by him ; nor, that more than one was made during his presidency ; 
 and that one should have been called an alteration^ not an amend- 
 meat. Its object was, by requiring the electors to designate the 
 person to whom they gave their votes for president, and the one 
 whom they voted for to be vice-president, to prevent the recurrence 
 of a contest like that between him and Mr. Burr, when the states 
 represented in the house were equally divided. And as to his mea- 
 sures, 1 know not any, that related to principles of government, 
 which Mr. Jefferson could pretend were more republican than those 
 of his predecessors. As to other principles, 1 will not say there 
 was no difference ; but in regard to them 1 content myself with re- 
 marking, that, during Washington's administration, and a part of 
 that of his immediate successor, there were no ostentatious profes- 
 sions of regard to the public welfare, nor similar declarations re- 
 peated and repeated of a desire of settling existing controversies, 
 in an amicable and friendly manner, with any foreign nation. 
 
 Under Mr. Jefferson's administration, three treaties were nego- 
 tiated with Great Britain. The object of the first (negotiated by 
 Mr. King, pui'suant to his instructions) was, an adjustment of the 
 northwestern boundary ; but, from an apprehension that its execu- 
 tion might derogate from a claim as to the northern boundary of 
 Louisiana, it was ratified on the part of the United States with an 
 exception which defeated the treaty. Another, a treaty of amity 
 and commerce with Great Britain, was negotiated by ministers of 
 Mr. Jefferson's own selection — James Monroe and the late William / 
 Pinkney. These gentlemen, it must be presumed, well understood ' 
 the interests of their country; and no one will question the dili- 
 gence and faithfulness of their endeavours to promote and secure it, 
 in the terms of that treaty. They thought the informal arrange- 
 ment offered by the British negotiators — in whose sincerity they 
 saw reason to confide — would prove, in practice, an adequate pro- 
 tection to our seamen, on board American merchant vessels, against 
 impressment. In reference to that informal arrangement, they say, 
 "We persuade ourselves we shall place the business almost, if not 
 " altogether, on as good a footing as we should have done by trea- 
 " ty, had the project which we offered them been adopted."* This 
 treaty, however, Mr. Jefferson sent back, without laying it before 
 
 * From different sources I received information, from which it appeared clearly, 
 to my apprehension, that with all the parade, kept up for several years, of nego- 
 tiating a treaty of amity and commerce with Great Britain, Mr. Jefferson really de- 
 sired none. A letter from a friend of his, now before me, contains this passage ; 
 
 5 
 
26 
 
 the senate, although it was then in session ; because there was not 
 z formal stipulalion, by an article in the treaty, against any im- 
 pressments whatever, of seamen on board those vessels : a stipula- 
 tion which, from the experience of the American government, dur- 
 ing a series of years, he had reason, amounting to moral certainty, 
 to believe to be unattainable ; and therefore, J infer, he made such 
 a formal stipulation a sine qua non. A third treaty he readily rati- 
 fied. This was negotiated by Mr. King, pursuant to Mr. Jeffer- 
 son's instructions. Its object was, by a compromise with the 
 British government, to put an end to the controversy concerning 
 the ante-revolution debts due to British merchants, and to extin- 
 guish the British claims, by paying to its government a round sum ; 
 in consideration of which, that government undertook to satisfy the 
 demands of its own subjects. This sum was six hundred thousand 
 pounds sterling — equal to $2,264,000; which was paid from the 
 treasury of the United States. The merchants in the commercial 
 states were the debtors to the British merchants, and generally 
 speaking (I always understood) had, prior to Mr. Jay's treaty, paid or 
 compromised their debts, to the satisfaction of their British creditors. 
 The treaty of peace of 1 783 recognized those debts ; and the 
 United States stipulated, that no legal impediments should be op- 
 posed to their recovery : but such impediments were opposed; and 
 that stipulation remained a dead letter. When, therefore, fresh 
 causes of controversy arose, in 1793 and 1794, Washington, to 
 prevent a war with Great Britain, instituted a new mission to that 
 government, and appointed Mr. Jay, the able and principal negotia- 
 tor of the treaty of peace of 1783, envoy extraordinary and minis- 
 ter plenipotentiary, to negotiate and by treaty to settle the new con- 
 troversies, and those which had arisen from the non-execution of 
 some of the articles of the treaty of peace. In this negotiation, 
 Mr. Jay honestly renewed, or rather provided for the due perform- 
 ance of, the original stipulation relative to British debts. This, 
 unquestionably, was one thing which contributed to render his trea- 
 ty unpopular, in some parts of the Union ; while its terminating the 
 recent controversies which hazarded our peace with Great-Britain 
 — disappointing the vehement haters of that country and at the 
 same time ardent lovers of France — raised up enemies to its ratifi- 
 cation, in every part of the Union. It was ratified, however, and 
 executed ; and procured for our merchants, who had suffered by 
 British spoliations, indemnities to the amount of more than five 
 millions of dollars, paid to them by the British government. What 
 did they obtain for ten fold more aggravated spoliations committed 
 on their vessels and merchandise, and to ten times that amount, by 
 the republican and imperial governments of France ? Not one cent. 
 
 "I perfectly remember he terminated a conversation on this subject, by observing, 
 *' that before a treaty could be ratified with Great Britain, she might no longer exist 
 •' as an independent nation." ' He imagined (as I learned from another source) that 
 Gi'eat Britain must sink under the weight of her debt, and the arms of Bonaparte, 
 
27 
 
 Every independent American must, I presume, view this subject 
 (our relations with France) in the light in which I have now placed 
 it ; and be willing, should it become necessary, to concur with the 
 only great, free and independent nation on earlh, besides our own, 
 in measures which the interest and welfare of both may require, to- 
 prevent the re-establishment of despotism in the New World. 
 
 That France afforded assistance to the United States, in our revo- 
 lutionary war, exclusively for her own interest, had long ago been 
 manifested; and it seems impossible that with Mr. Jefferson it 
 should ever have been a subject of doubt. But the people of the 
 United States having unwittingly entertained and steadily cherished 
 the contrary opinion, their prejudice was too strong to yield even 
 to the force of moral demonstration ; and the leaders of the oppo- 
 nents of the federal administration seized on this honest prejudice 
 in favour of France, to obtain popularity ; while by every means 
 they excited and promoted opposite sentiments towards Great 
 Britain, which the resentful passions engendered in the revolutiona- 
 ry war rendered it easy to propagate among the people. These 
 prejudices, diligently cultivated, were among the chief means by 
 which Mr. Jefferson and his partisans acquired a predominance ; 
 and they may now safely abandon the scaffolding by which they 
 rose to power. Still, however, for the purpose of enjoying, exclu- 
 sively, all the benefits to be derived from its possession, they con- 
 tinue to arrogate to themselves the name of Republicans ; willing 
 and desirous that their federal opponents should, by the people, be 
 deemed aristocrats and monarchists. Yet to the Federalists are 
 they indebted for their republican constitution and republican govern- 
 ment ; both of which are now very good things, and in their hands 
 quite unexceptionable. Many years ago, in the senate of the 
 United States, 1 heard the most frank, the most bold, and in my 
 opinion the most able politician, of the, so called, republican party, 
 pronounce a eulogy on the constitution, as strong and honourable 
 as words could express. And even Mr. Jefferson must have enter- 
 tained the like opinion ; or, in conformity with his libellous remarks 
 on it to his friend Mazzei, he would have proposed to change its 
 features. And now he appears to desire only one alteration — to 
 destroy, as I have before remarked, the independence of the 
 judges. And having three and twenty years ago pronounced the 
 chizens of the United States, composed of the different political 
 parties, " all republicans, all federalists," it might have been ex- 
 pected that by this time, at least, he would be willing we should 
 together form one people^ one nation^ equally entitled to, and equally 
 enjoying the advantages to be derived from, the government of our 
 common country ; but it is not so. In his letter to lieutenant gov- 
 ernor Barry, before mentioned, he affects to doubt (for if he really 
 doubts he must be a blinder and more narrow-minded politician 
 than any of his intelligent followers) — he, I say, affects to doubt 
 whether it would be safe to admit federalists into the republican 
 
28 
 
 •' camp 1" ihat is, to admit to a participation of the public offices, 
 the men whom he, before the representatives of the nation and a 
 numerous assembly of citizens, pronounced, either honestly or de- 
 ceitfully (he may choose which term he pleases) to be republicans . 
 And he desires still to foster the spirit of party, by party names ; 
 and, assigning to his own the name of aj/iig5— originally in England 
 designating the friends of liberty, in opposition to the partisans of 
 the tyrannical race of the Stuarts, who were called lories — he would 
 brand all federalists with the latter name, to induce a belief among 
 the r)eop\e, that federalists are enemies to liberty ! What federalist 
 can feel a shadow of respect for such a man ? If they suppose him 
 sincere in broaching such ideas, they must think lightly of his pre- 
 tensions to wisdom as a statesman : if insincere, I need not say 
 what sentiment they will feel and express. 
 
 Wailings for the condition of the Catholics of Ireland, so long 
 suffering under the Protestant oppression of the English government, 
 have been heard throughout the United States. The Dissenters in 
 England are also oppressed. Both pay tithes to support the eccle- 
 siastics of the established church. But what is the real condition 
 of Federalists in the United States? How does it differ fronri that 
 of the Dissenters and Catholics in the United Kingdom of Great 
 Britain ? Federalists have long been paying tithes to the established 
 Political Clergy of the United States, who exclusively enjoy all the 
 benefices. Surely there are many high-minded, liberal men, 
 among the reigning class, who must see this injustice, and be wil- 
 ling to provide a remedy. One such man, elected the Executive 
 Head of the Nation, and having in view only the " general vyel- 
 " fare," and not the continuance of himself in power by a re-election, 
 might remove the existing evil, and " set the people to rights." For 
 the enjoyment of equal rights, Federal Emancipation is as necessary 
 in the IJnited States, as Catholic Emancipation is in Ireland. 
 
 In stating the preceding facts, and the reflections they suggested, 
 in regard to Mr. Jefferson, I have written with the freedom which 
 the occasion seemed to require, but without the consciousness of 
 any personal animositj^. Towards me his deportment has ever 
 been marked with urbanity. It is in reference to his conduct and 
 character as a public man, that he is presented as a just subject of 
 reproach ; such as, on a further and full investigation, he will, in 
 my apprehension, appear to the fulure impartial historian of our 
 country. The sentiments exhibited in his letter to lieutenant 
 o-overnor Barry, at this period, I confess I could not have expected. 
 That they have excited in me a degree of indignation, I cannot, 
 nor do I desire to, conceal. 
 
29 
 
 section ii. 
 John Quincv Adams, and Mr. Jefferson's Embargo. 
 
 The first eight letters in the " Correspondence" were inter- 
 changed between Nov. 28, 1803, and March 15, 1804. After the 
 lapse of four years and a half, appears No. IX, dated Sept. 19, 
 1808, from Cunningham; in which he mentions THE EMBARGO; 
 and, after " lamenting that the bitterness of rebuke so often mani- 
 " fested towards his son (John Quincy Adams) had been extended 
 " to Mr. Adams himself," asks his opinion " on that public measure, 
 "which had so agitated our country," and in producing which his 
 son had acted so conspicuous a part. This unkicky question was 
 the putting of a match to a mass of combustibles, which soon kind- 
 led to a flame, and threatened to burn me up. 
 
 John Q. Adams and myself were, in 1803, chosen by the legis- 
 lature of Massachusetts to represent that state in the senate of the 
 United States ; and we took our seats there in the session which 
 commenced in October of that year. He was then a federalist, and 
 for a good while acted in that character. Some cases, however, 
 occurred, in which he displayed a zeal in coincidence with the 
 views and wishes of the president, Mr. Jefferson. He particularly 
 distinguished himself in the attempt to expel from the senate John 
 Smith of Ohio, as one concerned in Aaron Burr's conspiracy, or pro- 
 ject, whatever it was: for Burr and his accomplices were the 
 marked objects of Mr. JeflTerson's hatred and revenge. There 
 were passages in Mr. Adams's report in Smith's case, which out- 
 raged, I believe, every distinguished lawyer in America. The 
 process of law, with its " pace of snail," was too slow for his ven- 
 geance. But this by the by. It was the unfortunate question of 
 the Embargo, which, in regard to myself, set the ink a-running 
 through president Adams's pen ; and it continued running in the 
 whole of his correspondence, not unmingled with gall. Of the Em- 
 bargo, therefore, it is necessary to give an account. 
 
 The emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, in the prosecution of his plan 
 of universal dominion, having overturned the Prussian monarchy — 
 and resting a little while in its capital, Berlin — on the ^Ist of No- 
 vember 1806, issued a decree, called the Berlin decree; whose 
 object was, the destruction of the commerce of Great Britain, his 
 persevering enemy, and the only country in Europe (the waters of 
 the sea intervening) which his arms could not reach. The decree 
 consisted of ten articles. By the first, " The British Islands are 
 " declared in a state of blockade." By the second, " All commerce 
 " and correspondence with the British Islands are prohibited." 
 And by the fifth, " All trade in Erjglish merchandise is forbidden ; 
 
30 
 
 " all merchandise belonging to England, or coming from its manu- 
 " factories and colonies, is declared lawful prize."* 
 
 Plain as was the intention of this decree, from the words of it, 
 yet an interpretation, indicating an exception favourable to the 
 neutral commerce of the United States, was given to it, by the 
 French minister of marine — but unsanctioned by the emperor, or 
 even by his minister for foreign affairs, to whose department (as the 
 minister of marine avowed) the question more properly belonged. 
 That interpretation, however, served to amuse our government — 
 willing to be amused — even when not bearing on its face (to use the 
 words of president Adams in another case) " the plausible appear- 
 " ance of probability" of its giving the real meaning of the decree. 
 At length the time arrived, when it suited the convenience of the 
 emperor to carry his decree into rigorous execution. The com- 
 merce of the United States with the British dominions was proba- 
 bly at that time of as much importance to the former, as their com- 
 merce with all the world besides ; and, as the benefits of a fair 
 commerce are reciprocal. Great Britain shared with the United 
 States the advantages of that intercourse ; and so far the views of 
 the imperial tyrant were obstructed. He had long shown himself 
 indifferent to the interests of his own commercial subjects : the 
 plunder of conquered nations supplied the place of that revenue 
 which would accrue from foreign commerce. He, of course, 
 would be perfectly regardless of the interests of the United States. 
 So the Berlin decree went into full operation. The papers on the 
 subject were transmitted to our government from Paris, by general 
 Armstrong, our minister at the imperial court ; and were communi- 
 cated by the president to congress, with the following message, 
 recommending an 
 
 EMBARGO. 
 
 « To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. 
 
 " The communications now made, shewing- the great and increasing- dan- 
 gers with which our vessels, our seamen, and merchandise, are threatened on 
 the high seas and elsewhere, from the belligerent powers of Europe, and it 
 being of the greatest importance to keep in safety these essential resources, I 
 deem it my duty to recommend the stibject to the consideration of congress, 
 ■who will doubtless perceive all the advantages which may be expected from an 
 inhibition of the departure of our vessels from the ports of the United States. 
 
 " Their wisdom will also see the necessity of making every preparation for 
 whatever events may grow out of the present crisis. 
 
 " / ask a return of the letters of Messrs. Armstrong and Champagny, which it 
 ieould be im-proper to make public.'''' 
 
 "Dec. 18, 1807. TH. JEFFERSON." 
 
 The last paragraph of the message (in italics) is omitted in the 
 
 * The -whole decree, and the documents communicated with it, by the Presi- 
 dent, are in the volumes of State Papers, published by Wait aud Sons. 
 
31 
 
 copy in the state papers, as well as in the journal of the senate ; but 
 is retained in the journal of the house of representatives. It was, 
 on a formal motion in the senate, ordered not lo be entered on their 
 journal. I cannot assign, for 1 do not recollect, any reason for it. 
 Possibly the mover felt some delicacy on the subject, after voting 
 for the law recommended in the message ; seeing a part of the 
 documents, on which it was avowedly founded, were withdrawn^ 
 and so far the basis of his vote was taken axcay. 
 
 No. 1. Was a proclamation, dated October 16, 1807, by the king 
 of Great Britain, requiring his " natural born subjects, seafaring 
 " men," serving in foreign vessels, to return home, according to their 
 duty and allegiance, to defend their own country, then menaced and 
 endangered, from the arms of France and of the nations subjected 
 to her power, whom she honoured with the name of allies. Such 
 proclamations are common among nations engaged in war; and no 
 well-informed man will, 1 presume, dispute their justness. And be- 
 cause it was known that numbers of such seamen did continue to 
 serve in foreign vessels, British naval officers were required to take 
 and bring away all such persons who should be found serving in 
 any foreign merchant vessel; but with a special injunction to offer 
 no violence to such vessel, or to the remainder of the crew. 
 
 No. 2. Was an extract of a letter, dated September 18, 1807, 
 from the French grand judge, minister of justice, to the imperial 
 advocate general for the council of prizes. Jt was an answer to 
 some questions which concerned the execution of the Berlin decree. 
 
 " 1st. May vessels of war, by virtue of the imperial decree of the 
 " 21st of November last, seize, on board neutral vessels, either 
 " English property, or even all merchandise proceeding from the 
 " English manufactories or territory ?" 
 
 " Answer, His majesty has intimated, that as he did not think 
 " proper to express any exception in his decree, there is no ground 
 " for making any in its execution, in relation to any whomsoever." 
 
 " 2. His majesty has postponed a decision on the question, Whe- 
 " ther armed French vessels ought to capture neutral vessels bound 
 " to or from England, even when they have no English merchandise 
 "onboard." (Signed) '^ Regnier." 
 
 Of these two papers no secret was made ; and for a plain reason ; 
 the British proclamation had many days before been published in 
 the newspapers. The copy laid by Mr. Jefferson before the senate 
 had been cut out of a newspaper — a form not the most respectful, 
 of a document laid before the legislature of the United States, by 
 their president. In like manner, the substance, if not the v^ords, of 
 the grand judge Regnier's letter had been published. But these 
 two papers had excited little, if any, concern among those most in- 
 terested — our merchants and seafaring people: they saw, in the 
 proclamation, not an increased^ but a diminished danger of impress- 
 ments ; and French cruisers on the seas were then few in number. 
 
32 
 
 The third paper was a letter, dated September 24, 1 807, from 
 general Armstrong to the French minister for foreign afTairs, Cham- 
 pagnj ; asking him, whether the report he had just heard was true — 
 " that a new and extended construction, highly injurious to thecom- 
 " merce of the United States, was about to be given to the Imperial 
 "decree of the 21st of November 1806" (the Berlin decree.) 
 
 The fourth document was Champagny's answer to Armstrong, 
 bearing date October 7, 1807, and which, with a little difference in 
 the phraseology, is the same with that of the grand judge, Regnier, 
 before mentioned, to the imperial advocate general ; from whom, 
 indeed, Champagny sa^'^s he received the explanation. These are 
 his words : " His majesty has considered every neutral vessel, go- 
 " ing from English porls, with cargoes of English merchandise, or 
 " of English origin, as lawfully seized by French armed vessels." 
 
 Here an obvious question presents itself. Seeing Armstrong's 
 letter simply asks the question, whether his information about the 
 Berlin decree was correct — and Champagny's answer tells him that 
 it was — why did Mr. Jefferson ask a return of these two papers, 
 saying, " it would be improper to make them public?" The solu- 
 tion may be found in the last paragraph of Champagny's letter, in 
 which he says, " The decree of blockade has now been issued 
 " eleven months. The principal powers of Europe, [meaning Hol- 
 " land, Spain, and the other powers which the arms of France had 
 " subjected to her control] far from protesting against its provisions, 
 " have adopted them. They have perceived that its execution must 
 " be COMPLETE to render it more effectual.'''' The commerce of the 
 United States surpassed that of all the other neutral nations ; and with 
 the British dominions was very extensive, and of vast importance 
 to both. To render the blockade of the British Islands " complete," 
 the commerce of neutrals with them must cease. This object, in 
 respect to the United States, could be accomplished only by an 
 Embargo. In four days after the arrival at Washington of Arm- 
 strong's despatches by the Revenge, containing the letters of the 
 grand judge and Bonaparte's minister Champagny, Mr. Jefferson 
 recommended his Unlimited Embargo.* One more fact: — On the 
 
 * The following extract, recently found amonja^ my papers, of a letter, dated 
 January 2, 1808 (eleven days after the embarg:o law had passed) from a respecta- 
 ble gentleman in New- York to his father, a member of congress at Washington, 
 merits attention. 
 
 " It is said, and from correct sources, that Mr. Armstrong gave notice, in Am- 
 " sterdam, that a general embargo would take place in the United States imme- 
 " diately on the arrival of the Revenge ; and that, in one day, sugar rose from 13 
 "to 19 dollars, and coffee from 21 to 27 stivers, in consequence of that informa- 
 " tion." 
 
 The Revenge arrived at New- York. The bearer of the despatches was Dr. Bul- 
 lus, surgeon to the marine corps. New-York papers announced her arrival, and, 
 among other articles of news, stated this — that the French Emperor said there 
 should be no neiilrah. I did not doubt the truth of the report ; but, not having the 
 evidence of the fact, in my first letter to Gov. Sullivan, Feb. 16, 1808, on the em- 
 bargo, I merely asked the question, " Has the JVench emperor declared that he 
 " will have no neutrals ?" J. Q. Adauis, in his letter to Mr. Otis, dated the follow- 
 
33 
 
 8th of February, 1808, (less than two months after the passing of 
 the embargo law) the secretary of state, Mr. Madison, in his letter 
 to general Armstrong, on this subject, says, " The conduct of the 
 *' French government, in giving this extended operation to its de- 
 " cree, and indeed in issuing one with such an apparent or doubtful 
 " import against the rights of the sea, is the more extraordinary, 
 " inasmuch as the inability to enforce it on that element, exhibited 
 
 " the measure in the light of an empty menace."* So then, Mr. 
 
 Jefferson's embargo, which prostrated our immense commerce, 
 which ruined many, and seriously injured all, of our citizens, was 
 founded on an empty menace ! I now leave every intelligent reader 
 to judge, whether the real object of the embargo was, "' to keep in 
 " safety our vessels and merchandise," — or, to render the French 
 emperor's decree of blockade of the British Islands " complete." 
 To him, it is certain, the embargo was acceptable ; he passed a de- 
 cree to enforce its execution. And at a subsequent period (August 
 5, 1810) his minister informed general Armstrong, that " the empe- 
 " ror applauded the embargo." 
 
 Such were the grounds, or pretexts, for the embargo. The pre- 
 sident's message, and the four papers accompanying it, were refer- 
 red to a committee, of whom John Q. Adams was one. In a short 
 time they reported a bill for laying an embargo. It was read once. 
 A motion made to read it, immediately, a second time, was objected 
 to ; it was repugnant to a standing rule of the senate, wisely form- 
 ed, to prevent hasty decisions. To remove this difficulty, the 
 senate, on a motion for the purpose, " Resolved, That so much of 
 "the 12th rule for doing business in the senate, as requires that 
 " three readings shall be on three different days, unless the senate 
 " tinanimously direct otherwise, be suspended for three days." The 
 bill was then read a second lime, as in committee of the whole, and 
 reported to the house without amendment. Then the bill (having 
 been quickly engrossed) was read a third time, and passed — yeas 
 22, nays 6. Those who voted in the negative were 
 Messrs. Crawford, Maclay, 
 
 Goodrich, Pickering, 
 
 Hillhouse, White. 
 
 The time occupied in this business, from the reception of the pre- 
 sident's message, to the passing of the bill, was about four hours. 
 It was Friday. A motion was made to postpone the further con- 
 sideration of the bill until the next Monday : it passed in the nega- 
 tive. On motion of Mr. Crawford, that the bill be postponed till 
 the next day, it passed in the negative, yeas 12, nays 16. Mr. 
 
 ing 31st of March, roundly affirmed, that " The French emperor had not declared 
 "that he would have no neutrals." Yet it afterwards appeared that gen. Arm- 
 strong officially communicated the emperor's declaration, " That the Americans 
 " should be compelled to take the positive character of either alliet or enemies ;" 
 that is, they should not be neutrals. 
 
 * State Papers, vol. 1808—9, page 232. 
 6 
 
34 
 
 Adams was among the nays. No member of the senate displayed 
 equal zeal for the passing of the bill. In opposing a postponement, 
 to obtain further information, and to consider a measure of such 
 moment, of such universal concern, Mr. Adams made this memora- 
 ble declaration : " The president has recommended the measure on 
 " his high responsibility : / 7oould not consider — / would not delibe- 
 '-'■ rate : I would act. Doubtless the Freswe^jt possesses such further 
 '■'information as will justify the measure P^ This sentiment was so 
 extraordinary, that 1 instantly wrote it down. It shocked even Mr. 
 Jefferson's devoted partisans. " However I may vote, (a member 
 " was heard to remark) that is too much for me to sa?/." For my 
 own part, I originally viewed, and I still view, the sentiment as so 
 abhorrent to the principles of a free government, so derogatory to 
 the character of a member of congress, such a dereliction of duty, 
 and so disgraceful to a man of sense, that I am incapable of con- 
 ceiving of any counterbalance in official honours and emoluments. 
 An embassy, a judgeship, or the presidency, to an honourable and 
 independent mind, would, in comparison, be " as a drop in the 
 " bucket — and the small dust of the balance." Upon the principle 
 advanced by J. Q. Adams, what becomes of the " checks and bal- 
 " ances," which are the pillars of his father's "Great Work" (as it 
 has been called) on the American Constitutions of Government ? 
 By the constitution of the United States, the senate and house of 
 representatives were intended as checks on the acts of each other, 
 and both as checks on those of the president. The sentiment ex- 
 pressed by Mr. Adams resolves the whole business of legislation 
 into the will of the executive. 
 
 The bill, passed by the senate, was immediately sent to the 
 house of representatives. There it was long and earnestly contest- 
 ed ; and did not pass until Tuesday, the 22d of December. On 
 the same day it received the president's approbation, and became 
 a law. 
 
 In the year 1807, the registered tonnage of the United States, 
 employed in foreign trade, amounted to 848,306 tons. Of this, 
 Massachusetts owned 310,309 tons, almost equal to the united ton- 
 nage of the three states of New York, Pennsylvania and Mary- 
 land, which amounted only to 322,836 tons. That vast quantity 
 of shipping belonging to Massachusetts, giving employment to ma- 
 ny thousands of her citizens on the water and on the land, was to 
 be laid waste by the embargo, unlimited in its duration, and con- 
 templated, I have not a shadow of doubt, by its author, to endure 
 as long as the war between France and Great Britain should con- 
 tinue. 
 
 Seeing then, as every impartial reader will nozo see and acknow- 
 ledge, that the reasons, presented to congress for imposing the em- 
 bargo, were but shallow pretences, and, as resting on the Berlin de- 
 cree, amounted, according to Mr. Madison, only to " an empty me- 
 " nace ;" and as, according to J. Q. Adams, as will presently be 
 
35 
 
 shown, the four' papers laid before congress, containing Mr. Jeffer- 
 son's reasons for recommending an embargo, were but four 
 " naughts ;•' and viewing with horror and indignation its destructive 
 effects ; 1 thought it to be my duty to give to the greatest navigat- 
 ing state in the union, which I in part represented, such information 
 concerning it as was in my power ; that the state might take such 
 measures to obtain a removal of the evil as her wisdom should di- 
 rect. For this purpose, I wrote a long letter to Mr. Sullivan, gov- 
 ernor of Massachusetts, to be laid before the legislature, then in 
 session ; and through that channel to pass to all my fellow-citizens. 
 But, from a knowledge of his party politics, apprehensive that m}*^ 
 object li'ould not be obtained through him, I sent a copy to my ex- 
 ceil enf friend, the lately deceased George Cabot — a man of so en- 
 lightened a mind, of such wisdom, virtue and piety, that one must 
 travel far, very far, to find his equal. After waiting a few days, 
 finding that the original was not communicated to the legislature, 
 Mr. Cabot sent the copy to a printer. It first appeared in a small 
 pamphlet ; and, being republished in pamphlets and ncAvspapers, 
 was soon spread over the United States. In this letter I neither 
 named nor alluded to my colleague, J. Q. Adams. 
 
 The governor refused to communicate my letter to the legisla- 
 ture. He sent it back to me, in a letter of rebuke, for my expect- 
 ing him to make such a communication. In my reply, justifying 
 the step I had taken, I said, " I confess there seemed to be a pecu- 
 " liar fitness in a senator's addressing the legislature from whom he 
 "immediately derives his appointment. And in the present case, 
 "seeing my letter embraced the highest concerns of our country, in 
 " which Massachusetts holds so large a stake, especially in a com- 
 " mercial point of view, I could not imagine that I was offending 
 " her chief magistrate, in presenting a view of those concerns to 
 "/i?m to be afterwards laid before the legislature.'^ This reply was 
 dated the 9th of March. On the 18th the governor wrote me a 
 long, but not very courteous, letter. My answer, not destitute of 
 reciprocity, was still longer ; and, in the estimation of my friends 
 in Boston, who caused it to be printed, was, in all respects, a com- 
 plete vindication. The last paragraph in the governor's letter con- 
 tained these words : " Mr. Adams, your colleague, is quite opposed 
 " to you in his opinion of the embargo. He voted for it, and still 
 " considers it as a wise measure, and as a necessary one. I have 
 " his letters before me upon it." In answer to this, I say, "True — 
 " he did vote for the embargo ; and I must now tell your excellency 
 " how he advocated that measure. It is not willingly, sir, that I 
 " speak of him in an address to the public. Though often opposed 
 " in opinion on national measures, there has never existed for a 
 " moment any personal difference between us. But as you have 
 " now contrasted his opinion with mine, to invalidate my public 
 " statements, you compel me to relate the fact." 
 
36 
 
 " In my first letter I informed your excellency of the haste with 
 " which the embargo bill was passed in the senate. I also inform- 
 " ed you that a ' little more time was repeatedly asked, to obtain 
 ^^ further information, and to consider a measure of such moment, 
 " of such universal concern ; but that those requests were denied ;' 
 " and I must now add, by no one more zealously than by Mr. 
 " Adams, my colleague. Hear his words. But even your excel- 
 "lency's strong faith in the president's supreme wisdom may 
 " pause, while independent men will be shocked, at the answer of my 
 " colleague to those requests. ' The president (said he) has recom- 
 " mended the measure on his high responsibility : 1 would not con- 
 *^ sider — I would not deliberate: 1 would ac/. Doubtless the President 
 "possesses such further information as will justify the measure!' — 
 " Need I give to your excellency any other proof (though other proof 
 " abounds) of ' blind confidence in our rulers?' Need I give further 
 " evidence of ' the dangerous extent of executive influence?' When 
 " the people of Massachusetts see a man, of Mr. Adams's acknow- 
 " ledged abilities and learning, advancing such sentiments ; when 
 " they see a man, of his knowledge of the nature of all governments, 
 " and of his intimate acquaintance with our own free republican 
 " government, and of the rights and duties of the legislature ; es- 
 " pecially of their right and duty to consider, to deliberate, and, ac- 
 " cording to their own judgment, independently of executive plea- 
 " sure, to decide on every public measure ; when, 1 say, the people of 
 " Massachusetts see this, will they wonder if a majority in congress 
 " should be overwhelmed by the authority of executive recommenda-' 
 " tions ? And had I not reason to be alarmed ' at the dangerous 
 "extent of executive influence,' which to me appeared to be lead- 
 " ing the public mind, by its blind confidence, to public ruin ?" 
 
 The reader has now the whole of what was written and published 
 concerning J. Q. Adams, in my correspondence with governor Sul- 
 livan ; and it is to this that president Adams refers, when, after a 
 page of virulent abuse, he says, " He [Pickering] broke out at last 
 " in a rage, and threw a firebrand into our Massachusetts legislature 
 " against his colleague. The stubble was dry, and the flame easily 
 "took hold."* Mr. Adams, accustomed to let loose his violent 
 passions, mistakes the rage burning in his own breast, for a flame 
 which he fancies that he sees lighted up in the bosom of the person 
 he is intemperately reviling. 
 
 In a preceding letter (XIV) dated Nov. 7, 1808, Mr. Adams has 
 been pleased to describe me in the following words : " The gentle- 
 " man has wreaked his revenge on my son, in letters which shew 
 " the character of the man bitter and malignant, ignorant and jesu- 
 " itical. His revenge has been sweet, and he has rolled it as a 
 " delicious morsel under his tongue." To this reproach I disdain 
 to offer a contradiction. If the reader can find any ground for it, 
 
 *■ Letter XVII, to Cunningham. 
 
37 
 
 in the foregoing extracts from my last letter to governor Sullivan 
 (for, as I have said already, it was in that letter only that I named 
 or alluded to his son) then let the reproach fasten upon me. 
 
 Here is the source of the father's wrath. In my correspondence 
 with governor Sullivan, 1 was constrained to state, in the manner 
 before mentioned, a fact which occurred in the senate of the United 
 States, in order to justify my own vote against the embargo, con- 
 trary to the vote of my colleague, J. Q. Adams, on the same ques- 
 tion. Of the character of that fact, every reader will judge. I have 
 given my own sense of it. If the fact was honourable to his son, 
 why should the father's wrath be kindled against me for stating it ? 
 That it has been kindled, and into a flame, his whole correspon- 
 dence with Cunningham affords demonstrative proof. What is the 
 obvious inference? That, in his opinion, the fact recited was dis- 
 honourable to his son. 
 
 In his letter to Mr. Otis, Mr. J. Q. Adams intimates a reproach 
 to me for spending my time, when a senator, in writing the letter to 
 governor Sullivan ; while he was assiduously devoted to his sena- 
 torial duties. But where was his regard to his duty as a legislator 
 for the Union, in advocating and voting for a law which paralysed 
 all the business of the nation ; when, by his own admission, it had 
 only four ciphers for its basis? Where was his attention to the 
 rights and interests of his constituents of Massachusetts, when his 
 utmost exertions were made to impose that law upon them? a law 
 deceptively called an Embargo ; which is a measure sometimes 
 adopted for an important national object, of a temporary nature : 
 but the law in question was without limitation. The law was 
 general in its terms, interdicting our commerce with all nations : it 
 would not have been convenient to discriminate: but, accurately 
 speaking, its title should have been — an act ' to prohibit all commerce 
 w^ith Great Britain and her dominions.' Whether J. Q. Adams 
 really performed his duly in thus advocating and voting for the em- 
 bargo — or abandoned it ; whether he guarded the interests of his 
 constituents of Massachusetts, or betrayed them, the reader can now 
 form a pretty correct opinion : but if he will accompany me as I 
 proceed, he will see the latter completely established. 
 
 I proceed with the embargo ; though I fear the reader will be as 
 weary of the details concerning it, as the people of the United 
 States were of the embargo itself, when they threw the intolerable load 
 from their shoulders. I pray for the reader's patience a little 
 longer. 
 
 My first letter to governor Sullivan, giving an account of the em- 
 bargo — exposing it stripped of the disguise which concealed its de- 
 formity — was opening the eyes of the people, to see the delusion 
 practised upon them. The administration stood in need of justifi- 
 cation ; and J. Q. Adams stepped forth as its champion. The zeal 
 of new converts is proverbial. The justification was in the form of a 
 letter, addressed, nominally, to Harrison Gray Otis. In this letter^ 
 
38 
 
 Mr. Adams took new ground on which to rest the embargo ; the 
 British orders in council, of the 11th of November 1807 — issued to 
 retahate the French emperor's Berlin decree. As the latter inter- 
 dicted the commerce of neutral nations with the British Islands — 
 which in its execution was extended to all the British dominions — 
 its object, as already observed, being to ruin the commerce of 
 Britain, as an essential source of that revenue which enabled her 
 to contend successfully with France ; so the orders in council inter- 
 dicted the commerce of neutrals with France and her allies and 
 their dependencies, and with all other countries, under the control 
 of France, whose ports were shut against British commerce ; with 
 the exception, however, of a direct trade between neutral nations 
 and the colonies of the enemies of Great Britain. Mr. Adams de- 
 scribes these orders as " studiously concealed until the moment 
 "when they hurst upon our heads.^'' Whereas our government was 
 apprised, by the British secretary of state (lord Howick) soon after 
 the Berlin decree was issued, that measures of retaliation would be 
 necessary on the part of Great Britain. The first was a prohibi- 
 tion of the coasting trade carried on by neutral vessels, from one 
 port to another of France and her allies ; and notice thereof was 
 immediately given to our minister in London. This was on the 
 10th of January 1807. But the French emperor continuing his 
 Berlin decree, and in September, in that year, directing its execu- 
 tion, without any exception of the nations affected by it, the British 
 government, having waited almost a year, and no neutral nation 
 having offered any efficient interposition to obtain a repeal of the 
 Berlin decree, made and proclaimed the retaliating orders in coun- 
 cil of November 11th, 1807. 
 
 Perhaps it may be asked. How could any of the nations then neu- 
 tral, the United States for instance, the principal neutral power, in- 
 terpose, with effect, to obtain a revocation of the Berlin decree ? 
 The answer is obvious. That decree was such a monstrous stride 
 in imperial tyranny, so atrocious a violation of our treaty with 
 France (a treaty made with Bonaparte himself when first consul) 
 such an outrage on the law of nations, that all commerce with that 
 country, and with her allies and dependencies, might have been pro- 
 hibited, and the prohibition effectually enforced ; while our com- 
 merce would have been protected against the small naval pow- 
 er of France. The American navy, with the requisite increase 
 then in our power, would soon have been completely competent to 
 that object: not Mr. Jefferson's contemptible gun-boat system; the 
 expenditures on which were enough to have built a squadron of 
 frigates. And had he possessed any portion of the spirit manifested 
 by president Adams and the congress of 1798, such a resistance 
 ■would have been made.* But nothing was more remote from Mr. 
 Jefferson's policy than such resistance ; while it was the only raea- 
 
 * To protect our commerce in 1798, all commerce with France and her domin- 
 ions was prohibited. Our armed vessels were instructed to capture all French 
 
3d 
 
 sure which could have had a tendency to effect a revocation of the de* 
 cree. Or, if the pride and obstinacy of the emperor should have 
 caused him to persevere, at least our commerce would have been 
 protected. Whereas the timid subserviency of our goverment natu- 
 rally invited the emperor to persist in his scheme of universal 
 plunder. And the delusive hopes which the actual conduct of our 
 government excited among the people, enticed them to hazard their 
 property on the seas, and even to enter the ports of France and her 
 allies ; thus rushing into the mouths of the sharks which the de- 
 crees of Bonaparte had opened to devour them. 
 
 The British orders in council, of which every body has heard, 
 were not, like French decrees, put in instant execution, " without a 
 " moment's warning:" they were not " pounced" upon all neutral 
 commerce. Time was allowed for neutrals to receive information 
 of them, before their vessels would be subjected to their operation. 
 These were the orders which J. Q.. Adams has said '■ stood in front 
 " of the real causes of the embargo." " To argue (said he) upon 
 " the subject of our disputes with Great Britain, or upon the motives 
 " of the embargo^ and keep them out of sight, is like laying your finger 
 " over the unit before a series of naughts, and then arithmetically 
 " proving that they all amount to nothing." Now I will show that 
 when the embargo was recommended, and when the bill passed in 
 the senate, those orders in council were, in fact, out of sight of the 
 president — out of sight of the secretary of state — out of sight of 
 the senate — and out of sight of Mr. Adams himself. 
 
 1. Mr. Jefferson, together with his message recommending an 
 embargo, sent to congress the four papers I have already described ; 
 saying, that those papers showed the great and increasing dangers to 
 our vessels, our seamen and merchandise ; against which he ex- 
 pected the wisdom of congress would provide. And, far from 
 placing the orders in council in front of the causes for the embargo, 
 there is not the slightest reason to believe that he thought of their 
 existence. On the contrary, forty-six days afterwards, viz. in his 
 message to congress, of February 2, 1808,* laying before them the 
 orders in council, he says, " I transmit them to congress as a farther 
 " proof of the increasing dangers to our navigation and commerce, 
 " which led to the provident measure of the act of the present ses- 
 " sion, laying an embargo on our own vessels." 
 
 2. Mr. Madison, in his letter of December 23, ]807t — the day 
 after the embargo law was enacted — to William Pinkney, our 
 minister in London, says, " I enclose you a copy of a message from 
 " the president to congress, and their act in pursuance of it, laying 
 " an immediate embargo on our vessels and exports. The policy 
 
 armed vessels. Our merchant vessels were permitted to arm in their own defence. 
 Vigorous measures were adopted to increase our vessels of war. And all our trea- 
 ties with France, grossly violated by her, were declared void. 
 
 * State Papers, voL 1806-8, p. 263. 
 
 t State Papers, vol. 1808-9, p. 260. 
 
40 
 
 " and the causes of the measure are explained in the message itself." 
 But Mr. Madison, like Mr. Adams, was afterwards willing to drag 
 in the orders in council to bolster up that mischievous measure. 
 Accordingly, in his next letter to Mr. Pinkney, dated Feb. 19, 1808, 
 Mr. Madison says, " My last, which was committed to the British 
 " packet, enclosed a copy of the act of embargo, and explained 
 " the policy of the measure ;" leaving out " causes." More cautious, 
 however, than Mr. Adams, or having a better memory, he does not 
 venture to assign the orders in council as a cause of the embargo ; 
 much less to place them " in front of the real causes of the embar- 
 " go ;" but contents himself with saying, that " among the consid- 
 *' erations which enforced it, was the probability of such decrees as 
 " were issued by the British government on the 1 1th of November ; 
 " the language of the British gazettes, with other indications, hav- 
 " ing left little doubt that such were meditated." But these were 
 after thoughts, the expression of which does no honour to Mr. Madi- 
 son ; as they bear an insinuation that those rumours of British or- 
 ders were among the motives which influenced the president to re- 
 commend an embargo ; which he knew was not the case. 
 
 3. I have said, that as to J. Q. Adams himself, the orders in 
 council were out of sight, when he zealously advocated and voted 
 for the embargo. This is a plain inference from the facts I have 
 already stated. When hard pressed for adequate causes for the 
 embargo, and not finding them in the four documents communicated 
 with the message, Mr. Adams, it will be recollected, had recourse 
 to the president's highly responsible recommendation of the measure, 
 and the possible hformaiion locked up in his bosom, to justify the 
 passage of the law. Now, if the orders in council furnished the 
 great and prominent cause for the embargo, and if, compared with 
 them, the four papers assigned by the president as the only causes 
 for an embargo were but four " naughts ;" is it possible that " those 
 *' all-devouring instruments of rapine," as Mr. Adams calls the or- 
 ders in council, should never have risen in their terrific forms to 
 his view? that he should not have so presented them to the view of 
 the senate ? and that they should not have caused him to pour 
 forth a deluge of his appalling metaphors, in describing them 1 I 
 hesitate not to pronounce it impossible. " Out of the abundance of 
 the heart the mouth speaketh." Should he assert the contrary, no 
 man of common understanding can believe him. At all events, it is 
 clear, from the president's first message and documents, and from 
 the quotations already made from his next message, and from Mr. 
 Madison's letters, that neither Mr. Jefferson nor he had the orders 
 in council in their minds, when assigning and mentioning the causes 
 of the embargo. 
 
 4. It is equally clear, that no other senator, in voting for the em- 
 bargo, contemplated the orders in council, because no one adverted 
 to them in the discussion. 
 
 I now consider it as demonstrated, that Mr. Jefferson's embargo 
 
41 
 
 was not recommended by him, " to keep in safety our vessels, our 
 " seamen and our merchandise." And as no man who thinks at 
 all does any act of consequence w ithout a motive, and as I am in- 
 capable of discerning any other, I do not hesitate to say, that its 
 object was a co-operalion zvkh the French emperor^ to diminish, and 
 as far as possible to destroy, the commerce of Great Britain ; and 
 thereby compel her at least to make peace, if not absolutely to subject her 
 to the controul of the imperial conqueror ; rchen it was apparent that 
 the object of his ambition was universal empire. 1 add, that the mis- 
 chievous measure 1 have been exposing Vvas not an embargo, but an 
 absolute prohibition of commerce, and therefore a violation of the con- 
 stitution : for the power given to congress to regulate, cannot be 
 construed to authorize the annihilation of commerce : but such was 
 the nature, and such v.ould have been the effect, of this perpetual 
 law- — perpetual in its terms — if the people of the United States had 
 tamely continued to submit to it. But they v.ould not submit ; 
 and congress were obliged to repeal it. The commercial part of 
 our nation considered the Berlin decree, and the still more out- 
 rageous one issued at Milan, with the British orders in council, su- 
 peradded, as less injurious than Mr. Jefferson's edict called an em- 
 bargo : andj all those decrees and ordeis continued in force xchen the 
 embargo law was repealed, 
 
 1 have but one more fact to state on this subject : it is this — that 
 on his first hearing the news of the embargo, president Adams ear- 
 nestly condemned it. But he did not then know that his son had 
 voted for it, and was its most strenuous advocate : that son, of whom 
 he said, there was not an honester or abler man in the United 
 States.* "When afterwards he learned what a conspicuous part his 
 son had acted in favour of the embargo, he also thought it a wise 
 measure. He even doubted whether it ought to have been limited! 
 He says, '' The policy of a limitation to the embargo is, in a na- 
 " tional view, and on a large scale, a nice question."! That a man 
 of his strong understanding, extensive knowledge, and great expe- 
 rience, when judging zvilh an unbiassed mtW, should have condemned 
 the embargo — especially an embargo of unlimited duration — was 
 perfectly natural ; and, but for the agency of his son J. Q. Adams 
 
 * Letter to Cunningham, Nc. XLIII, dated July 31, 180&. J, Q. Adams was 
 then on the point of departure from Boston, bound to Russia, as minister plenipo- 
 tentiary from the United States. "■ I hope," says the father, "• his absence will not 
 " be long. ..irisiides is banished because lie is too just. He will not leave an 
 "honester or abler man behind KI3I.'" Here is a singular confusion of ideas. 
 To the inclement region of Siberia in Russia, her despots have been accustomed to 
 banish offending subjects, Aristides the just was driven into banishment by the 
 votes of his fickle fellow citizens. J. Q. Adams roluntarily accepted of the mission 
 to Russia. It was his first reward for abandoning the cause of federalism, and his 
 father"'s and his own original principles. He perceived " there was no gettino- 
 *' along, or being any thing, without popularity ;■" and the path to popularity was 
 that opened by Mr. Jefferson — then the idol of the people : his measures must be 
 supported. 
 
 t Letter X, to Cuaningham, p. 29. * 
 
 7 
 
42 
 
 .in imposing it, and his continuing joined to the dominant party, he 
 would never have ceased to condemn it. Tlien, too, 1 might have 
 been exempted from his calumnies : for it was my involuntary ex- 
 hibition of his son's conduct about the embargo, that kindled the 
 father's wrath against me ; which, in the eticrvescence of his 
 foaming passions, threw up that foul scum which is spread over all 
 his letters where my name is mentioned. 
 
 The immense importance ascribed by Mr. Adams to his son, 
 John Quincy, induces me to state — that, having received a law 
 education, he commenced the practice of it in Boston ; but soon (in 
 1794) when his father was vice-president, he was appointed minis- 
 ter resident of the United States to the States of Holland. His 
 father places this first step in diplomacy to the account of Washing- 
 ton's gratitude for the son's rescuing the government from the over- 
 Avhelming flood of democratic fanaticism, raised in the preceding 
 3^ear by the influence or proceedings of Monsieur Genet, minister 
 from the French republic. " John Quincy Adams's writings (says 
 '•' his father) first turned this tide." — '' Not all Washington's minis- 
 " ters, Hamilton and Pickering included, could have written those 
 " papers, which tvere so fatal to Genet. Washington saw it, and felt 
 " his obligations."* 
 
 Mr. Adams's overweening opinion of his son's talents, and his 
 raging enmity to others, makes him forget and confound times and 
 facts. I had then nothing to do with the cabinet. The general 
 post-office Avas my department. But Mr. Jefferson was at that time 
 (1793) secretary of state ; and he has always been reputed to pos- 
 sess certain talents, some knowledge of public law and of foreign 
 affairs, and a familiar acquahitance with the rights and duticsof 
 ministers ; having himself been minister from the United States to 
 the court of France, from the year 1785 to 1789. And being 
 secretary of state, it was his special duty to enter the lists with Mr. 
 Genet; but he shrunk, it seems, from the fearful task. Alexander 
 Hamilton, too, then secretary of the treasury, was believed to be 
 a man of understanding, with a capacity to manifest its strength on 
 paper. Even at the age of eighteen, he encountered successfully 
 the most powerful tory advocates of British taxation. But what of 
 all this ? Mr. Adams represents Alexander Hamilton at one time 
 as not possessing a particle of common sense ; at another, as an 
 ignoramus; and that, in a certain conversation with him, "he 
 '• talked like a fool ;" and at length sinks him even below Elbridge 
 Gerry '• Yes — Elbridge Gerry was Alexander Hamilton's master in 
 finance !t 
 
 In this state of terror and dismay, when all Washington's minis- 
 ters trembled at the sight of the French Leviathan, forth stepped a 
 youthful champion, son of the venerable sage of Quincy, and (like 
 
 * Letter XII, dated Oct. 15, 1808, to Cuuningfham. 
 
 t See Mr. Adams's Letter, No. XIIL May 20, 1809, published in the Bos- 
 ton Patriot; an extract from which -will be inserted iu the section concerning 
 Hamilton. 
 
43 
 
 the stripling son of Jesse who slew the Philistine giant) " put a 
 " hook in his nose." 
 
 It will be impossible to doubt of the persuasive motives that in- 
 fluenced John Q. Adams to desert the cause, policy and principles 
 of federalists, and join himself to their adversaries. In addition to 
 what I have already stated, look at the following facts. 
 
 In a little more than a year after turning out as the champion for' 
 the embargo, to wit, on the 4th of March 1 809, Mr. Madison (it 
 being the first day of his presidency) nominated J. Q. Adams 
 minister plenipotentiary to the court of the emperor of Russia. 
 The senate put their negative on the nomination. But Mr. Madi- 
 son, having called a special meeting of congress in the following 
 May, repeated the nomination ; and, by a change in some votes, 
 the nomination was approved. Mr. Adams was next appointed 
 minister plenipotentiary to the court of London ; then one of the 
 commissioners for negotiating a peace with Great Britain ; and, in 
 the last place, secretary of state. There is but one more step in 
 the ladder of ambition ; and there are not wanting partisans to aid 
 him in the ascent — so far as perpetual eulogies can give him aid. 
 His abilities and learning have been highly extolled. His father 
 possessed the same qualifications. But something more is requisite 
 in the character of a safe and useful president. Whose passions, 
 of the two, are the most violent, it may be difficult to decide. Those 
 of the son may, perhaps, be managed with the most discretion : 
 from the father's errors he may have learned some degree of cau- 
 tion. But his review of the works of Fisher Ames, one of the most 
 able, excellent and amiable of men — and his last fourth of July 
 oration — exhibit a temper which no candid, liberal and honourable 
 mind would indulge. In both are manifested a rancour alike unbe- 
 coming a gendeman, a statesman and a Christian. Of what value 
 are professions^ without the spirit, of Christianity ? In vain will you 
 search for this spirit in the conduct of either father or son. In 
 Avhat part of the gospel did the latter find a warrant for him to 
 throw the bolts of Heaven ? Where, to authorize him to interpret 
 the events of Providence as the special judicial acts of the Deity 
 applied to individual sufferers? In his oration, he has the boldness 
 to ascribe the insanity of George the Third to the judgment of 
 Heaven : to consider his insanity — the most deplorable malady in- 
 cident to suffering humanity ; an affliction, the bare idea of which 
 would melt any but the most obdurate heart — as a punishment 
 inflicted by God, for the evils experienced by the colonies in his 
 reign, from the oppressive acts of parliament, and the consequent 
 American war. " Suppose ye that those Galileans (whose blood 
 " Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices) were sinners above all 
 " the Galileans, because they suffered such things ? I tell you, 
 " Nay :" — " Or those eighteen on whom the tower in Siloam fell, 
 " and slew them, think ye that they were sinners above all men 
 " that dwelt in Jerusalem ? I tell you, Nay." These words have 
 
44 
 
 an authority which J. Q. Adams will not controvert. His father, 
 more placable, has expressed his belief, that George the Third " was 
 "not a tyrant in disposition and in nature ;" but that he was "de- 
 " ceived by his courtiers on both sides of the Atlantic ; and in his 
 " official capacity only cruel." 
 
 Had J. Q. Adams been a private citizen, the sentiments in his 
 oration, here adverted to, would have been a subject of just re- 
 proach : but, viewing him as the secretary of state — the officer of the 
 government whose particular duty it was to hold a courteous and 
 amicable intercourse with foreign nations v.'ith whom the United 
 States were at peace — it was peculiarly indecorous thus to insult 
 the memory of the deceased king. From his general reputation, if 
 there was, at that period, a monarch in Europe, whose actions and 
 whose life were regulated by moral principles, it was George the 
 Third. Will it then be deemed a stretch of candour to suppose, 
 that he verily thought himself bound by the duties of his station, 
 as the head of the British empire, to preserve it entire ? 
 
 On the score of talents and learning, the experience of five and 
 thirty years, in the United States, has furnished ample proof, that 
 a practical knowledge of the interests of the country^ and common sense 
 deliberately exercised informing a sound judgment^ united xoith perfect 
 integrity and pure and disinterested patriotism, are of infinitely greater 
 "value, than genius without stability, profound learning, ripe scholarship, 
 and philosophy ; — the latter often wasting its energies in visionary thzo- 
 ries and political dreams. 
 
 SECTION JII. 
 
 The Causes, pretended and real, for removing T. Pickering from 
 OFFICE — The Misssion to France in 1799 — The Pardon of Fries. 
 
 It appears to have been a material object of Mr. Adams, in his 
 correspondence with Cunningham, where he labours to justify his 
 dismissing me from the office of secretary of state, to show that I 
 did not possess the qualifications necessary to perform the duties 
 of it. This reproach from him should have been spared, when he 
 knew v/hat I had written and published in Boston above five months 
 before the date of his letter to Cunningham, No. Xll, the first in 
 which he introduces my name. Mr. Adams had certainly read 
 that publication ; for it is the same in which I recited to governor 
 Sullivan J. Q. Adams's extraordinary sentiment in the embargo 
 question, which I have already stated. Mr. Cunningham (letter 
 No. XI) asks the cause of my dismission ; which (says he) " I have 
 "never seen unfolded, and which col. Pickering has nearly pro- 
 " nounced inexplicable;" referring to my last printed letter to 
 governor Sullivan, which is dated April 22, 1808. The principal 
 
45 
 
 object of that letter was, my vindication against many aspersions 
 on my ciiaracter. The urgent motives to undertalce that vindica- 
 tion are expressed ii\ the following paragraph of the same letter: 
 
 •' I am now, sir, far advanced in life. 1 have children and grand- 
 " children, who, when 1 am gone, may hear these slanders repeat- 
 " ed, and not have the means of repelling them. I have, too, some 
 *' invaluable friends in most of the states, and many in that which 
 " gave me birth ; men who are the ornaments of society and of their 
 " country. All these, if not my country itself, interested as it is in 
 " the public concerns on which I first addressed yon [the embargo] 
 " have claims which I ought not to leave unsatisfied. Thus called 
 " upon to vindicate my character, 1 am constrained to give a con- 
 " cise nnrrative of my public life." 
 
 I shall not trouble the reader with long details. It may suffice 
 to say. That early in 1768, when a marked line was drawn between 
 Avhigs and tories (the party names of that day) 1 acted with the 
 former in all the measures of my countrymen, in opposition to Bri- 
 tish taxation of the colonies — that in my native town I was a mem- 
 ber of the various committees raised in that period, to support that 
 opposition ; and that on me devolved all the writing which occa- 
 sions called for : — That, prior to the war which ensued, I was elect- 
 ed by the freeholders of my native county, Essex, register of deeds 
 — that, after the commencement of hostilities, when Massachusetts 
 organized a provisional government, 1 was appointed a judge of the 
 county court of common pleas; and sole judge of the maritime 
 court, to take cognizance of prize causes, pursuant to the resolu- 
 tions of congress, for the middle district of Massachusetts, compre- 
 hending Boston, Marblehead, Salem, and other ports in Essex. 
 Into these places were brought most of the prizes taken by the 
 armed vessels of Massachusetts. The number of those prizes, 
 while 1 held the office (which was until I joined the army under 
 general Washington's immediate command) amounted to about one 
 hundred and fifty. In the autumn of 1776, the army being greatly 
 reduced, by the expiration of enlistments, and likely soon to be 
 nearly dissolved, there was a call on Massachusetts for many thou- 
 sands of her militia. I marched a regiment of seven hundred men 
 from Essex. The tour of duty terminated in New-Jersey, in March 
 1777. General Washington's head quarters were at Morristown. 
 Some time after my return home, I received from the general an 
 invitation to take the office of adjutant general. In that capacit3% 
 I joined the army at Middlebrook about the middle of the month of 
 June. In September happened the battle of Brandywine. Five 
 days afterwards another general action was expected ; but, rain 
 coming on, the enemy halted ; and, after some skirmishes between 
 the advanced parties, the American army retired. In October the 
 battle of Germantown took place. After the capture of Burgoyne's 
 army, general Washington, reinforced by some brigades from the 
 northern army, took an advantageous position at Whitemarsh, four-* 
 
46 
 
 teen miles from Philadelphia. In the beginning of December, sir 
 William Howe led his army from Philadelphia to Chesnut Hill, 
 about three miles from the American armj, and on the morning of 
 the third day afterwards advanced, with his whole force, apparent- 
 ly with the expectation, or hope, of drawing Washington from his 
 advantageous position. The advanced parties, and Morgan's rifle 
 regiment, engaged the British advanced parties. Washington re- 
 taining his station on the hills, Howe returned to Philadelphia. 
 The American army then marched to Valley Forge, on the western 
 side of the river Schuylkill, and hutted for the winter. 
 
 Some two or three months before, congress had constituted a 
 board of war. 1 was appointed one of its members ; and took my 
 seat there as soon as a successor in the office of adjutant general 
 was appointed, being the last of January, 1778. Judge Peters was 
 a member of the board, and we were joined by generals Gates and 
 Mifflin : but these two left the board not long afterwards, and the 
 business of it rested chiefly on Mr. Peters and myself. I continued 
 in this station until the summer of 1780, when general Greene re- 
 signed the office of quarter master general. Very unexpectedly, 
 that office was proposed to me, and by Roger Sherman, then a 
 member of congress ; a man whose name, in the annals of his coun- 
 try, will descend to posterity among the names of her eminent pat- 
 riots and statesmen. Having taken a little time to consider the 
 proposition, I informed him that 1 would accept the office, should it 
 please congress to confer it. It was an arduous undertaking, and 
 the more embarrassing because continental paper money was so de- 
 preciated as to be hardly worth counting; and congress had no 
 other funds. Having accepted the office, I addressed a letter to 
 congress, proposing the expedient of authorizing me to value all 
 services and supplies, in the department, as if to be paid for in 
 specie, and to give certificates therefor, bearing an interest of six 
 percent. This measure was adopted; and with the aid of these 
 certificates the business of the department, which under the new 
 regulations extended to all the states, was carried on, until that 
 eminent citizen, Robert Morris, appointed superintendent of finance, 
 by his personal credit, furnished, in his own promissory notes 
 (which foreign loans enabled him to redeem) a medium which pass- 
 ed as cash. I continued in the office of quarter master general to 
 the end of the war. 
 
 In the year 1791, president Washington appointed me postmaster 
 general. At the close of the year 1794, general Knox resigned the 
 office of secretary of war, and Washington appointed me his succes- 
 sor. In August, 1 795, on the resignation of Edmund Randolph, 
 secretary of state, Washington chargfed me with the business of that 
 department. Some time before the meeting of congress, which was 
 in December following, the president tendered to me the office of 
 secretary of state : at the same time he frankly told me the names 
 of three highly distinguished citizens, to whom he had offered, but 
 
47 
 
 who declined accepting, the office. General Washington knew me 
 well, and that 1 had not enough of vanity or ambition to be wound- 
 ed or humbled at the preference given to those gentlemen ; they 
 were entitled to it : I only regretted that they declined the office. 
 For myself, I objected, that the duties of the department of state 
 were foreign to my former pursuits in life, and that I thought my- 
 self unequal to the proper discharge of them. He desired me to 
 take the matter into consideration. When he again spoke to me 
 on the subject, I observed, that although the gentlemen he had 
 named to me had declined the office, yet by a little delay he might 
 find some other candidate to fill it. The session of congress was ap- 
 proaching ; by inquiry among the members he might obtain infor- 
 mation of a fit character not then occurring to him; and I request- 
 ed him to postpone the matter until the meeting of congress. The 
 president acquiesced. But as soon as congress assembled — with- 
 out speaking to me again — he nominated me to be secretary of 
 state ; and the senate approved the nomination. 
 
 Now all these important offices, in the general government, were 
 voluntarily conferred upon me ; the last, and highest, attended by 
 the singular circumstances I have just stated ; and all of them un- 
 asked for, in any form whatever. Yet Mr. Adams says, Pickering 
 zvas ambitious ! Had I solicited these offices — had I made an inter- 
 est through my friends, or intrigued with my enemies, to obtain them 
 : — had I swelled with vanity on their acquisition — I might have 
 been pronounced ambitious. The following are Mr. Adams's 
 words : — " Under the simple appearance of a bald head and straight 
 '• hair, and under professions of profound republicanism, he con- 
 " ceals an ardent ambition, envious of every superior, and impatient 
 " of obscurity I*** 
 
 My "bald head and straight hair' are what nature has given 
 me ; and I have been content with her arrangements : they are not 
 a fit subject for reproach. Mr. Adams's friend Cunningham re- 
 minds him, that it was rather unfortunate for him to attempt to de- 
 grade Hamilton, by calling him " the little man ;" seeing, though 
 with less flesh, he surpassed in stature both him and his son. Of 
 all men living, those who best know me will say, that I am one of 
 the last to whom a disposition in any maimer to disguise his senti- 
 ments should be im.putcd. 
 
 Having seen, throughout the " Correspondence," a scries of mis- 
 representations of comparatively recent events, it cannot surprise 
 one that Mr. Adams should misstate an occurrence fifty or sixty 
 years old. He says, that he was engaged in a cause in which my 
 father was a witness ; that " while under examination, though treat- 
 " ed with the utmost respect and civility, he broke out, without the 
 " smallest provocation, into a rude personal attack upon him," Mr. 
 Adams. I know my father's character too well to give any credit 
 
 * Letter XVII, p. 5G. 
 
48 
 
 to the latter part of this tale. He was a farmer ; yet, bred in the 
 town, his manners were not coarse and rude. It is true that he 
 thought all men were born free and equal ; and, though indisposed to 
 any act of humiliation to a proud barrister, he would treat his poor 
 neighbour with kindness and civility. The story admits of an easy 
 solution. It was, I presume, a cross-examination ; and that my 
 father's testimony bore hard upon the cause of Mr. Adams's client. 
 Then, as it not unfrcquently happens (and I have often thought 
 Avith too much indulgence from the court) the lawyer brow-beat 
 the witness, with the hope to confound him, in order, amidst his 
 confusion, to produce some change in his language that might lessen 
 or destroy the weight of his testimony. Such, probably, was Mr. 
 Adams's conduct towards my father ; who had discernment enough 
 to perceive the insult, and spirit enough not to let it pass unnoticed. 
 In commenting upon the testimony, in his argument to the jury, Mr. 
 Adams says he raised a general laugh at my father's expense. 
 He supposes that I was present; and says I " have never forgiven 
 " him." Now, whether this miserable tale be true in whole, or in 
 part, or wholly destitute of truth, it is, as to the conclusion, alto- 
 gether immaterial ; for I never heard of it before, nor do I remem- 
 ber a single instance in which my father was examined as a witness 
 in any court. There was, consequently, no object on account of 
 which, in regard to Mr. Adams, 1 could impart or withhold forgive- 
 ness. My father, at the age of 75, died almost six and forty years 
 ago. 
 
 1 have mentioned one cause of Mr. Adams's virulent reproaches 
 in giving an account of Mr. Jefferson's embargo. I shall now men- 
 lion another. His friend Cunningham desires to be informed by 
 Mr. Adams of the causes of his dismissing me from office.* He 
 eagerly seized the occasion to vent his resentments, while he gra- 
 tified the extreme curiosity of his friend. 
 
 In his first answer,! Mr. Adams says, " Caesar's wife must not be 
 " suspected, was all the reason he gave for repudiating her." [On 
 this reason I make but a single remark — that the familiarity of this 
 same delicate Csesar, with the other sex, was so notorious, that he was 
 stigmatised as the husband of every woman in Rome.] Mr. Adams 
 proceeds — " Reasons of state are not always to be submitted to 
 " newspaper discussions. It is sufficient for me to say, that I had 
 " reasons enough, not only to satisfy me, but to make it my indis- 
 " pensable duty: reasons which, upon the coolest deliberation, I 
 " still approve. I was not so ignorant of Mr. Pickering, his family 
 *' relations, his political, military and local connexions, as not to be 
 "well aware of the consequences to myself. I said at the time, to 
 "a few confidential friends, that I signed my own dismission when 
 " I signed his, and that he would rise again, but I should fall for- 
 « ever." [This, 1 doubt not (the reader will pardon the apparent 
 
 * Letter XI, dated Oct. 5, 1808. t Letter XII, Oct. 15, 1808. 
 
49 
 
 solecism) was a prediction after the event. Mr. Adams, when he wrote 
 this letter, forgot the date of his prophecy.] " His removal was 
 "one of the most deliberate, virtuous and disinterested actions of my 
 « life." 
 
 On this part of the answer, I must pray the reader to pause for 
 a moment. That there were, in his own views, " reasons of 
 "state," I am ready to admit: what they were wdll by-and-by ap- 
 pear. But his prediction, that for "one of the most deliberate, 
 " virtuous and disinterested actions of his life," " he should fall for- 
 " ever," while 7, the subject of that act, " should rise again," ap- 
 pears, among intelligent and virtuous people, really enigmatical. 
 Incapable, as he represents me, on what ground could Mr. Adams 
 predict that I should rise again ? Never in my life did I court 
 popularity, the usual road to honours and employments. Yet I 
 have had many excellent friends, Avhose approbation has infinitely 
 more than countervailed all the obloquy of which I have been the 
 subject. 
 
 Mr. Adams proceeds — " If any future historian should have ac- 
 " cess to the letter books of the secretaries of state, and compare 
 " Mr. Pickering's negociations with England, with those of Mr, 
 " Marshall, he will see reasons enough for the exchange of minis- 
 " ters." 
 
 Be it so : but the actual comparison was out of the question 
 when I was removed, my letters only being on the books ; and Mr. 
 Adams saw very few of them ; as he usually passed half the year, 
 enjoying otium cum dignitate, at Quincy ; and during the sessions of 
 congress he never called for a letter book to read one of then^^ 
 However, he might very well calculate on the superiority to which 
 he refers, as Mr. Marshall's distinguished talents w^ere well known ; 
 and perhaps no one entertains a higher opinion of them than I do. 
 Since we were personally known to each other, I have been happy 
 in receiving uniform testimonies of his friendship and esteem. His 
 elevated and generous mind will derive no pleasure from this con- 
 trast. -^ 
 
 Mr. Adams again. " In consequence of Mr. Pickering's removal, 
 " I was enabled to negotiate and complete a peace with France, and 
 " an amicable settlement with Ensiland." 
 
 I do not know what settlement with England he refers to. The 
 difficult question about impressment of seamen was not then adjust- 
 ed; nor in the two next succeeding administrations ; though in the 
 latter of thtm it was one -of the professed objects of a three years' 
 war. vastly expensive in money and in human lives : nor is it set- 
 tled to this day. There was another subject of dispute with Eng- 
 land — the debts incurred by Americans prior to the revolutionary 
 war, and remaining due to British merchants. What negotiations, 
 in this case, were carried on by Mr. Marshall and the British 
 government, I do not know ; yet 1 am sure, that, on the part of Mr. 
 Marshall, they must have been ably conducted : but. nevertheless, 
 
50 
 
 they did not effect an " amicable settlement," as Mr. Adams asserts, 
 nor any settlement at all, unless it was, that the two parties, unable 
 to agree on terms, mutually consented to let the matter rest ; for an 
 actual settlement was not made until January 1802, near the close 
 of the first year of Mr. Jefferson's presidency, by a convention 
 negotiated in London, by Rufus King the American minister, and 
 the British secretary of state. This was a compromise about the 
 British debts. It was agreed, as I have already stated, that the 
 United States should pay to his Britannic majesty six hundred 
 thousand pounds sterling (|>2,664,000) for the use of his subjects^ 
 creditors to the American ante-revolution debtors, in discharge of 
 those creditors' claims. That he was enabled to make peace with 
 France, in consequence of my removal^ is not true. The commission- 
 ers, Ellsworth and Davie, furnished with full and minute instruc- 
 tions, sailed for France six months before my removal ; and my 
 being in or out of office was a matter of perfect indifference in the 
 negotiations, and in their result. 
 
 Having so far gratified Cunningham's eager appetite for secret 
 history, he takes care to keep up the excitement, by saying, near, 
 the close of this letter, " But I am not yet to reveal the whole mys- 
 " tery." Accordingly, in the next letter, No, XIII, Cunningham 
 renews his importunity " to be initiated into the whole myster}",'* 
 relating to me. 
 
 In his next letter (No. XIV) Mr. Adams adds to the former sub- 
 jects of negotiation, " discussions of great importance with Spain,'^ 
 as well as with France and England. On the discussions with 
 Spain, I can speak with some certainty, having seen Mr. Marshall's 
 letters to col. Humphreys, our minister at Madrid. They were 
 few in number, and treated of the spoliations of our commerce, by 
 the privateers of France and Spain. By both, the captured ves- 
 sels were carried into the ports of Spain, and there generally con- 
 demned, in violation of every law that is held in respect by civilized 
 nations. The case was too plain to require the abilities of Mr. 
 Marshall to discuss it. The chief clerk whom I left in the depart- 
 ment of state, and v.hom Mr. Marshall retained, was quite compe- 
 tent to that task. The Spanish government was at that time but 
 partially independent. French consuls in her ports erected them- 
 selves into ti'ibunals taking cognizance of prize causes. The cap- 
 tures made by Spanish armed vessels, and unlawfully condemned 
 in Spanish courts, were the suliject of a treaty afterwards negotiat- 
 ed by Mr. Jeficrson's minister to Spain, Charles Pinckncy ; in which 
 the Spanish government stipulated to make compensation for all 
 which, on due investigation, should be found in that predicament. 
 But the senate, to whom this treaty was submitted, did not (under 
 an influence easy to divine) advise its ratification. At the next 
 session of congress, the same treaty was again submitted to the 
 senate, who then advised its ratification. But it was too late; the 
 Spanish government now refused to ratify. It was rejected by our 
 
51 
 
 own government, in the first instance, because the illegal captures 
 and condemnations, by French armed vessels, and the French con- 
 sular tribunals, were not comprehended, and stipulated to be pnid 
 for by Spain. She was in fact under duress from the French Repub- 
 lic, under whose authority, or efficacious countenance, the French 
 consular tribunals were erected. On these three subjects of nego- 
 tiation, Mr. Adams says, " I' could get nothing done as I would have 
 " it. My new minister, Marshall, did all, to my entire satisfac- 
 " tion." 
 
 Mr. Adams was a lawyer, a statesman, a diplomatist, of great 
 experience ; and from his abundant resources, ready at his call, it 
 would not be unnatural, or unrea^nable, to expect, that, having 
 endured his lame secretary so long, he might be willing to lend him 
 some aid — to suggest at least some leading ideas on the subjects in 
 question : but of these he was certainly very sparing, if he offered 
 any at all. As soon as a session of congress ended, he hurried 
 away to Quincy, to indulge himself in repose, almost free from the 
 cares of government, and enjoying his office, with its emoluments, 
 nearly as a sinecure. At the close of the very important session in 
 July 1798, he posted off without informing any head of department 
 that he was going to leave the seat of government ! His son-in-law, 
 Col. Smith, nominated for adjutant general, had recently been 
 negatived by the senate ; and I supposed he departed in a pet. 
 Much in this manner he left the city of Washington, early on the 
 morning of the fourth of March 1801, the day of the inauguration 
 of his successful rival, Thomas Jefferson ; vexed and mortified that 
 he was not himself elected to the presidency a second time. 
 Washington stayed in Philadelphia, and, with dignified courtesy, 
 attended the inauguration of Mr. Adams; and afterwards made 
 him a visit at his lodgings, before he departed for Mount Vernon. 
 
 So much on the score of incapacity, with which I am roundly 
 charged by Mr. Adams. With this, however, great as it may have 
 been, it was somewhat cruel to upbraid me, after what had passed 
 between president Washington and me, when he tendered me the 
 office of secretary of state, as recited in my letter to governor Sul- 
 livan ; which Mr. Adams had read, and which, as already mention- 
 ed, caused the out-pouring of his wrath ; and after I had held the 
 office a year and a half under Washington, and three j-ears and two 
 months under Adams himself. 
 
 If the reader will have the goodness to accompany me, we will 
 now look on the other side of the question. 
 
 Mr. Adams having advanced far in gratifying Cunningham's in- 
 quiry concerning my dismission, the itching curiosity of the latter 
 prompts him to solicit further information. " I wish," says he, " my 
 " suspicions were obviated or confirmed, that his (Pickering's) far- 
 " famed report to congress, on our foreign relations, was not his own 
 *' unassisted performance." There were two reports relatino- to 
 France. To the first Mr. Cunningham must refer. It was in the 
 
52 
 
 form of a letter, of great length, dated the 16th of January 1797, 
 addressed to general Pinckney, the American minister at Paris; a 
 copy of which, on the 19th of that month, was communicated by 
 "Washington to congress ; by whose order it was printed. It made 
 a pamphlet of a hundred pages. Mr. Adams had satisfactory 
 reasons to know, that it was my own composition ; but he carefully 
 avoided answering Cunningham's importunate desire of information 
 on this point ; it would have presented a contradiction to his nu- 
 merous vilifying reproaches. This report was the result of a tho- 
 rough and laborious investigation, which enabled me to conclude 
 with the following inferences : 
 
 " From the foregoing statement w^e trust it will appear, That 
 "there has been no attempt in the government of the United States 
 " to violate our treaty, or weaken our engagements, with France : 
 "That whatever resistance it has opposed to the measures of her 
 " agents, the maintenance of the laws and sovereignty of the United 
 " States, and their neutral obligations, rendered indispensable : 
 " That it has never acquiesced in any acts violating our rights, or 
 " interfering with the advantages stipulated to France ; but, on the 
 "contrary, has opposed them by all the means in its power: That 
 " it has Avithhckl no succours from France, that were compatible 
 " with the duties of neutrality to grant : That, as well by their inde- 
 " pendent political rights, as by the express provisions of the com- 
 " mercial treaty Avilh France, the United States were at full liberty 
 " to enter into commercial treaties with any other nation, and con- 
 " sequently with Great Britain : That no facts manifesting a par- 
 " tiality to that country have been, and I add, that none such can 
 " be, produced. 
 
 " Of the propriety and justness of these conclusions, you will en- 
 " deavour to satisfy the French government ; and, conscious of the 
 " rectitude of our own proceedings, during the whole course of the 
 " present war, we cannot but entertain the most sanguine expecta- 
 " tions that they will be satisfied. We even hope that this has been 
 " already accomplished, and that you will be saved from the pain 
 " of renewing a discussion, which the government has entered upon 
 " with regret. Your mission and instructions prove its solicitude to 
 " have prevented its necessity, and the sincerity of its present hopes, 
 " that your endeavours, agreeably to those instructions, 'to remove 
 "jealousies, and obviate complaints, by showing that they were 
 " groundless — to restore confidence, so unfortunately and injurious- 
 " ly impaired — to explain the relative interests of both countries, 
 " and the real sentiments of your own,' have been attended with 
 " success. And, as a consequence thereof, we rely on the repeal 
 " of the decrees and orders, which expose our commerce to indefi- 
 " nite injuries, which militate with the obligations of treaties, and 
 " our rights as a neutral nation." 
 
 Of the nature and character of this letter to general Pinckney, I 
 can desire no higher or better opinion than chief justice Marshall's. 
 
53 
 
 In his Life of Washington, vol. v. p. 725, he gives the following 
 account of it : 
 
 " Early in the session (1797) the president communicated to con- 
 " gress, in a special message, the complaints alleged by the repre- 
 " sentative of the French republic against the government of the 
 " United States. These complaints embracing most of the transac- 
 " tions of the legislative and executive departments in relation to 
 " the belligerent powers, a particular and careful review of al- 
 " most every act of the administration, which could affect those 
 " powers, became indispensable. The principal object for the mis- 
 " sion of general Pinckney to Paris having been to make to the ex- 
 " ecutive directory those full and fair explanations of the principles 
 " and conduct of the American government, which, by removing 
 " such prejudices and jealousies as were founded on misconception, 
 " might restore that harmony between the two republics which the 
 '• president had at all times anxiously sought to preserve, this re- 
 " view was addressed to that minister. It presented a minute and 
 " comprehensive detail of all the points of controversy which had 
 " arisen between the two nations, and defended the measures which 
 " had been adopted in America, with a clearness and a strength 
 " of argument believed to be irresistible. To place the subject in 
 " a point of view admitting of no possible misunderstanding, the 
 " secretary of state had annexed to his own full and demonstrative 
 " reasoning, documents establishing the real fact in each particular 
 " case, and the correspondence relating to it." 
 
 The other report I addressed to president Adams himself, on the 
 18th of January 1799, to be communicated to congress. On the 
 21st he made the communication, with the following message ad- 
 dressed to the two houses : 
 
 " According to an intimation in my message of Friday last, I 
 " now lay before congress a report of the secretary of state, con- 
 " taining his observations on some of the documents which attended 
 " it." 
 
 These documents consisted of a letter, dated June 25, 1798, from 
 me to Mr. Gerry, then in Paris ; of a very long letter from him to 
 me, dated Oct. 1, 1798, at Nantasket road, the lower harbour of 
 Boston, where he had just arrived fi-om France ; prepared, of 
 course, on his voyage ; and studiously framed, to put the best face 
 possible on his transactions with the French minister Talleyrand, 
 after his colleagues, Pinckney and Marshall, had been obliged to 
 leave Paris ; and of a mass of papers, numbered from one to thirty- 
 five. To these I added two or three letters from Fulwar Skip- 
 with, consul general of the United States at Paris, and some papers 
 received by him from the French minister, after Mr. Gerry left 
 that city. These were the documents referred to by Mr. Adams, 
 in his message to congress, on which I made my report; which oc- 
 cupies a pamphlet of 45 pages, published by order of the house of 
 representatives. 
 
54 
 
 To understand perfectly, and justly to estimate, the conduct of 
 the United States government, in relation to France, during the ad- 
 ministrations of presidents Washington and Adams, one must read 
 the correspondences between the department of state and the 
 French ministers to the United States, Genet, Fauchet, and Adet ; 
 and the letters and reports of the secretaries of state, on the sub- 
 jects in controversy between the two republics. This, perhaps, 
 will hardly be undertaken by any one, excepting the historian who 
 shall minutely investigate the public transactions of that period. 
 Chief justice Marshall, when writing the Life of Washington, read, 
 as he once told me, the immense mass of letters and papers left by 
 him, in relation to all his public transactions, during the long periods 
 in which he was engaged in the service of his country ; and the 
 reader has seen, in the extract from the Life of Washington, that 
 all the acts of his administration, in relation to France, received, in 
 the opinion of the chief justice, a complete vindication, in my letter. 
 of January IGth, 1797, to General Pinckney, My report to Mr. 
 Adams, of January 18th, 1799, was intended, by an exhiVjition of 
 the subsequent unjust, tyrannical and profligate conduct of the 
 French government, to justify our own government in all its 
 measures towards the French republic, whether in its attempts to 
 conciliate by negotiation, or of armed defence against her wanton 
 and outrageous hostilities. The examination of Mr. Gerry's budget 
 of documents, which constituted the basis of that report, led me to 
 remark, that the points, chiefly meriting attention, were the attempts 
 of the French government, 
 
 1. To exculpate itself from the charge of corruption, as having 
 demanded a douceur of fifty thousand pounds sterling (222,000 dol- 
 lars) for the pockets of the directors and ministers of the republic, 
 as represented in the despatches of our envoys: 
 
 2. To detach Mr. Gerry from his colleagues, and to inveigle 
 him into a separate negotiation ; and 
 
 3. Its design, if the negotiation failed, and a war should take 
 place between the United States and France, to throw the blame of 
 the rupture on the United States. 
 
 The report does not admit of an abridgment. I can introduce 
 only its concluding observations, the result of my examination. 
 They are these: — "The French government, by always abstaining 
 " from making specific demands of damages — by refusing to re- 
 " ceive our ministers — by at length proposing to negotiate, in a 
 " mode which it knew to be impracticable, with the person who had 
 " no powers, and who therefore constantly refused to negotiate, and 
 " thus wholly avoiding a negotiation — has kept open the field for 
 " complaints of wrongs and injuries, in order, by leaving them un- 
 " defined, to furnish pretences for unlimited depredations. In this 
 " way it ' determined to Jleece us :' in this way it gratified its ava- 
 " rice and revenge ; and it hoped also to satiate its ambition. After 
 " a long series of insults unresented, and a patient endurance of in- 
 
55 
 
 " juries aggravated in their nature and unexampled in their extent, 
 " that government expected our final submission to its will. Our 
 " resistance has excited its surprise, and as certainly increased its, 
 " resentment. With some soothing expressions, is heard the voice 
 " of wounded pride. Warmly expressing its desire of reconcilia- 
 " tion, it gives no evidence of its sincerity ; but proofs in abundance 
 " demonstrate that it is not sincere. From standing erect, and in 
 " that commanding attitude requiring implicit obedience — cowering, 
 " it renounces some of its unfounded demands. Bui I hope we 
 " shall remember, ' that the tiger crouches, before he leaps upon his 
 " prey.' " 
 
 Of the truth of this report — its conformity to facts — and the cor- 
 rectness of the inferences — Mr. Adams must at that time have been 
 satisfied ; or he would not have communicated it to congress. It 
 is true he calls the report the observations of the secretary of stale ; but 
 they were the secretary's observations after passing Mr. Adams's 
 examination and expurgation ,• that is, after he had marked a num- 
 ber of sentences to be struck out, because they bore somewhat 
 hardly on the conduct of his friend and favourite minister, Mr. 
 Gerry ; who, it must be confessed, appears as a principal actor, and 
 the hero of the report. But, after this expurgation, all that re- 
 mained must be considered as having his approbation. But it hap- 
 pens to be in my pov/er to present the reader with the opinion of a 
 perfectly competent and impartial judge. In searching among my 
 papers, I have found the following letter from general (now chief 
 justice) Marshall to me, which I trust he will excuse my presenting 
 to the public, seeing it is material to my vindication from Mr. 
 Adams's aspersions on this particular subject. Headers will be 
 pleased to recollect, that general Marshall, having been one of the 
 envoys to the French republic, with Mr. Gerry, was perfectly ac- 
 quainted with the characters of the directory and their minister 
 Talleyrand; and, comparing the management of this minister with 
 Mr. Gerry w ith the occurrences under the direction of the same 
 minister, during the six months that Marshall and Pinckney had 
 stayed in Paris, was perfectly competent to form a correct judgment. 
 
 Gexeral Marshall's Letter to T. Pickering. 
 
 " Richmond, Feb. 19, '99. 
 
 " Dear Sir, — An occasional absence from Richmond suspended for some time 
 my acknowledgment of the receipt of your very correct analysis and able com- 
 mentary on the late neg-otiation Avith France. I wish it could be read more 
 generally than I fear it will be. 
 
 " 1 am grieved rather than surprised at Mr. Gerry's letter. To my compre- 
 hension, the evidence, on which his judgment is formed, positively contradicts 
 the opinion he lias given us. From what facts he infers tlie pacific temper of 
 the P'rench government, I am unable to conjecture. That France is not de- 
 sirous of immediate war with America, is obvious; that is, of reciprocal ivar — 
 for she has been long making it on us ; but, that any indications appear of a 
 disposition for a solid accommodation, on terms such as America can accede to, 
 is by no means to be admitted. 
 
56 
 
 " It is Strang's that Mr. Gerry should state the negotiation to have been in 
 a fair train when intellig'ence of the publication of the despatches arrived in 
 Paris ; while he represents Mr. Talleyrand as having declined entering on the 
 proposed treaty, until he could know the temper of our government on the 
 communications that had been made, which communications related chiefly to 
 money ; and while also he states Mr. Talleyrand to declare, that he had never 
 approved of sending a minister to the United States. I am, Sec. 
 
 J. MARSHALL." 
 
 Every reader acquainted with the character of general Marshall 
 (and who in the United States, at all conversant in public affairs, is 
 a stranger to it?) will be satisfied that my report, as communicated 
 to congress by Mr. Adams himself, far from containing any thing 
 exceptionable, merits approbation. Fortunately it is in my power 
 to show, that the passages struck from the original draught are 
 alike unexceptionable. These I have exhibited in the section on 
 Elbridge Gerry, from a press copy found among my papers, with 
 all the parts to be expunged, according to the president's direction, 
 included between brackets. I am aware that these minute details 
 may, at this day, excite little interest ; and I would not invite atten- 
 tion to them, had they not been rendered important by Mr. Adams, 
 in making my original report the basis of a malicious slander. 
 
 Every American who lived in the days of the French republic, 
 particularly in the years 179G., 7, 8 and 9, or who, by a little read- 
 ing, has become acquainted with the transactions of that period, 
 will remember the familiar use of the letters X, Y and Z, in rela- 
 tion to those transactions. Those letters have often been repeated 
 ludicrously, even as though they represented fictitious characters; 
 whereas, in decyphering the vohmiinous despatches of our envoys, 
 Pinckney, Marshall and Gerry, I substituted, for a reason to be 
 herein after mentioned, those letters for the names of persons intro- 
 duced to our envoys in Paris ; whither they had been sent, and 
 ■where they waited patiently for six months, for the purpose of ef- 
 fecting an amicable settlement of all differences between the United 
 States and the French Republic; wdiich differences, by the govern- 
 ment of that republic, in the hands of a Five-Headed Executive, 
 called the " Directory," were made the pretences for a scene of 
 piracies, in kind never surpassed, in extent never equalled, by the 
 barbarous Mahometan regencies of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli. 
 On the arrival of our envoys at Paris, " cards of hospitality" were 
 sent to them, to entitle them to stay there unmolested by the po- 
 lice. They delivered to Mr. Talleyrand,* minister for foreign af- 
 fairs, copies of their letters of credence; and rightfully expected 
 to be soon presented to the Directory, by its minister. But they 
 were not presented — they were never admitted to the presence of 
 that haughty and insolent executive. The arms of France had 
 
 * This is the same extraordinary personage who, under the title of Prince Tal- 
 leyrand, made an important figure for some years under the Emperor Bonaparte, 
 and since in the court of Louis the Eighteenth. 
 
57 
 
 subjected Holland, Spain, Portugal, and the minor powers conve- 
 niently within their reach ; and even Austria was compelled to 
 make peace. All the subject nations were treated with little cere- 
 mony, and some with utter contempt; to which they submitted. 
 The directory expected a like humble submission from the United 
 States. In this they were encouraged by .their knowledge of a 
 powerful party, which from the beginning were opposed to the 
 federal administration under Washington, and who persisted in their 
 opposition during the continued federal administration of govern- 
 ment under his successor Mr. Adams. Few, if any, important acts 
 of the federal administrations, prior to the year 1799, escaped op- 
 position from that party, of which Mr. Jefferson was the reputed, 
 and undoubtedly the actual, head and oracle. This party vehe- 
 mently opposed even the building of two or three frigates, which 
 were necessary to protect our commerce from the Algerines ! those 
 frigates which were the commencement of that navy, which, in the 
 late war having saved the administration from political perdition, 
 has now become a favourite with the government, as well as with 
 the people. 
 
 Instead of admitting our envoys to an audience with the directory, 
 their minister, Mr. Talleyrand, employed certain agents to make 
 overtures — to inform thern of the temper of the directory towards 
 the United States, as filled with resentment, on account of some ex- 
 pressions in president Adams's speech to congress, in which he 
 noticed the offensive discrimination made by the French govern- 
 ment between the people of the United States and their government, 
 in the last public audience given to Mr. Monroe, minister from the 
 United States, on his taking leave of the directory, in the year 
 1796, 
 
 The parts of the president's speech, with which the directory af- 
 fected to be offended, regarded chiefly the speech of the president 
 of the director}' to Mr. Monroe. Mr. Adams said (and most truly) 
 that it was marked with indignities towards the government of the 
 United States. " It evinced," said he, " a disposition to separate 
 " the people of the United States from their government ; to per- 
 " suade them that they have different affections, principles and in- 
 " terests from those of their fellow-citizens whom they themselves 
 " had chosen to manage their common concerns ; and thus to pro- 
 " duce divisions fatal to our peace." But not the government only 
 was reproached ; the whole people of the United States were in- 
 sulted in the speech to Mr. Monroe : " They," (said the president 
 Barras) " always proud of their liberty, n-ill never forget that they 
 " owe it to France.'"' A generous friend, who had conferred the 
 greatest benefit, even at the hazard of fife, on another, would never 
 boast of it ; much less would he tauntingly remind the latter of his 
 obligations. 
 
 I have suggested, that the resentment of the Directory against 
 
 9 
 
58 
 
 the American government was merely affected^ for the purpose now 
 to be explained. 
 
 Had there existed in the directory a particle of honesty or hon- 
 our, and had there been any solid grounds for complaint against 
 the United States, our envoys would have been at once admitted to 
 an audience ; commissioners would have been appointed to nego- 
 tiate on all the topics of complaint; all differences would have been 
 settled, and harmony and good will restored. But the French gov- 
 ernment had no just ground for even one of their complaints. 
 Such was the opinion of well informed men at the time ; and such, 
 the reader has seen, was the deliberate opinion of the enlightened 
 citizen, chief justice Marshall, formed several years afterwards, on 
 an examination of all the public documents, aided by his own per- 
 sonal knowledge, relating to the subject. 
 
 Why then, was there such a loud and long continued clamour 
 of the French government against the United States; especially 
 against their government? I shall not attempt to enumerate all the 
 causes. Those who conducted the aiiairs of France, doubtless, 
 wished to involve the United States in the war commenced with 
 England in 1793. But the president (Washington) after the most 
 mature consultation with the members of the administration, con- 
 sisting of Jefterson, Hamilton, Knox and Randolph, determined 
 that it was the right, as well as the interest, of the United States, to 
 remain at peace; and, in pursuance of this determination, he issued 
 his proclamation of neutrality, and enjoined upon the citizens of the 
 United States an observance of all the duties of neutrality. The 
 exactness with which the executive endeavoured to secure and en- 
 force their observance offended the government of France. 
 
 Having a serious controversy with Great Britain on subjects 
 arising out of the existing war, as well as claims of vast importance 
 resulting from the treaty of peace of 1783, the government of the 
 United States, instead of plunging the country into an expensive 
 and bloody war, sought redress by an amicable negotiation. Suc- 
 cess attended the pacific measure. By mutual stipulations, pro- 
 vision was made for adjusting all the matters in dispute between 
 the two nations, for which the mission was instituted. Of this treaty 
 the French government loudly complained, and prelendcd that it 
 contravened some of the articles of our commercial treaty with 
 France. There was no foundation for this complaint ; the treaty 
 with Great Britain (well known by the name of Jay's treaty) con- 
 taining an article, introduced by Mr. Jay, for the express purpose 
 of securing to France and other nations, with whom we had engag- 
 ed in treaties, the perfect enjoyment of every right and privilege 
 to which those treaties entitled them. The real cause of French 
 clamour about this treaty was, that it prevented a imr helrveen the 
 United States and her most hated enemy ^ Great Britain. The French 
 government pretended, that some articles in the British treaty gave 
 that nation advantages not secured to France by our commercial 
 
59> 
 
 treaty with her. To remove this ground of complaint, though un- 
 der no obligation to do it, we offered to change our stipulations 
 with her which she said operated to her disadvantage — or to make 
 an entire new treaty, to give to her every advantage which accrued 
 to Great Britain by any article in Jay's treaty. But the French 
 government evaded every" offer we could make : it would not nego- 
 tiate — it would not reeceive our envoys commissioned for the sole 
 purpose of adjusting, by an amicable negotiation, every point in 
 dispute between France and the United States. She had for two 
 years been carrying on a piratical war against our commerce ; to 
 which we had made no armed resistance, and which therefore she 
 preferred to mutual peace ; presuming, that while so many nations, 
 subdued by her arms, humbly submitted to their fate, the United 
 States would be alike subservient. Threats, corresponding with these 
 expectations, were thrown out, indirectly, to intimidate our envoys, to 
 induce them to yield to her demands ; a compliance with which would 
 have furnished to her enemy. Great Britain, a just cause of war. 
 Those threats made no impression on our envoys. They persevered 
 in their attempts to bring on a negotiation ; if with little hope of suc- 
 cess, at least with the expectation of such a development of the 
 character and views of the French government, as would satisfy 
 the people of the United States, strongly prejudiced in favour of 
 France, that no treaty with her, compatible with the interest, the 
 honour and the independence of the United States, was practicable. 
 This was sufficiently ascertained some time before Pinckney and 
 Marshall quitted Paris ; and at an earlier day they would have 
 sent their final letter to the French minister, but were delayed by 
 Mr. Gerry ; on whom, in private conferences, Talleyrand had 
 made impressions favourable to the designs of the Directory ; as 
 will be more particularly related in another place. The directory 
 and Talleyrand expected to engage him singly to enter on a nego- 
 tiation, and to impose on him such terms of a treaty as would suit 
 their own and the interests of France ; such unequal terms as they 
 had been accustomed to impose on the vassal nations around them, 
 and which, once stipulated by Mr. Gerry, and favoured by the 
 whole party opposed to the federal administration, which was reli- 
 ed upon as partial to France, they presumed the American govern- 
 ment would not dare to reject. 
 
 In the same letter. No. XI, dated Oct. 5, 1808, in which Cun- 
 ningham desires Mr. Adams to inform him of the causes of my 
 removal, he says, that when in Philadelphia, soon afterwards, he 
 was told, that when another mission to the French Republic was 
 concluded on [meaning that which was commenced by the nomina- 
 tion of Mr. Murray] " my aversions to any farther negotiations Avith 
 " France were so untameable, and so indecorously expressed, as to 
 " render me an unfit medium for the communications between the 
 " two governments, and unsuitable to remain in a ministerial sta- 
 " tion." In the answer of Mr. Adams (Letter No. XII, Oct. ] 5) 
 he says, " The reason you heard in Philadelphia was quite suffi- 
 
60 
 
 " cient, if there had been no other ; but there were many other 
 " and much stronger reasons." All I need say on this reason is — 
 that it is a nonentity. And if Mr. Adams, in cases where his resent- 
 ments are operating, were capable of any just reflection, he would 
 have been ashamed to have adopted it; for he continued me in 
 office almost fifteen months after the institution of the mission ; viz. 
 from February 18, 1799, the day he nominated Mr. Murray, until 
 the 12th of May, 1800, when he sent me my dismission. 
 
 In his letter XVII, Mr. Adams mentions, as an evidence of my 
 incompetency for the department of state, and consequently to jus- 
 tify my removal, that when in the senate of the United States, I 
 was almost always in a minority of two, three, four or five, in 34, 
 This Mr. Adams has said, as he has said many other things, at 
 random, without examination ; which shows how little his naked as- 
 sertions are to be relied on. The number of federal senators was. 
 small ; and therefore, on questions in which the diflferent principles or 
 views of the two parties were affected, federal members would of 
 course be in the minority. But I had the curiosity to look into the 
 journal of the first session (1803 — 4) in which J. Q. Adams and I 
 were in the senate ; and in making a list of the instances when the 
 questions were decided by yeas and nays, I found that he was 
 seven times in the majority and nineteen times in the minority ; 
 while I was eight times only in the minority and twenty times in 
 the majority ; and more than forty times we voted on the same side. 
 1 presume (for it is too trifling a matter to be critically examined) 
 that we continued for the most part voting together, until Mr. 
 Adams began to change his course, and finally joined the strongest 
 side. But if a want of talents commensurate with the duties of the 
 office of secretary of state rendered me unfit to retain it, why did 
 he suffer me to hold it so long ? Did it require three years and 
 two months for a person of his knowledge, discernment and expe- 
 rience (which he certainly believed were not surpassed, if equalled, 
 in any man in the United States) to make the discovery ? And if 
 he had made it, even by the end of one year, where was his re- 
 gard to his official duty, in letting the public interests suffer, above 
 two years more, and at a most critical period, through my incom- 
 petency ? 
 
 In his letter No. XXVI (February 11, 1809) Mr. Adams is 
 pleased to give me rank with three men whose names are familiarly 
 known throughout the United States — Shays, who headed the dan- 
 gerous insurrection in Massachusetts — Gallatin, a reputed leader in 
 the whiskey insurrection in Pennsylvania — and Fries, the author of 
 the second insurrection in the same state, in the time of Mr.. 
 Adams's presidency. These three instances of treason, the highest 
 crime which a citizen can commit, he lowers to a small offence — 
 " a disturbance!" — But he had pardoned Fries ! (the mode and the 
 apparent motive will be explained.) And what a cruel thing it would 
 have been to have hung a poor man, only for disturbing the tran- 
 
61 
 
 quillity of a state ! This same Fries, however, was convicted of 
 treason^ before the court in which that very able and learned 
 judge, Samuel Chase;, presided — the judge whom Mr. Adams calls 
 his friend, and on whom he has pronounced a lofty eulogy. Asso- 
 ciating me with the three persons first above named, Mr. Adams 
 asks — " And why may we not have a Pickering's disturbance ?" 
 This idea of Mr. Adams's was suggested, perhaps, by some ex- 
 pressions in his son's letter to Mr. Otis ; in which he wished to 
 have it believed that my opposition to Mr. Jefferson's embargo law, 
 after it was passed — even so far as my letter to governor Sullivan 
 w as in opposition — was unwarrantable. From this wanton charge, 
 basely insinuated, my political enemies will not think any defence to 
 be necessary. However, I will refer to my letter itself, to gover- 
 nor Sullivan, on which the insinuation rests, for a vindication. I 
 need recite only the last sentence of my letter on the embargo 
 (for which I had shown there was no adequate cause) in which I 
 say, " Regardless of personal consequences, I have undertaken to 
 " communicate these details ; with ihe view to dissipate dangerous 
 " illusions; to give to my constituents correct information ; to excite 
 "inquiry; and to rouse that vigilant jealousy which is character- 
 " istic of REPUBLICANS, and essential to the preservation of their 
 "rights, their liberties, and their independence." In another part 
 of the same letter, I said, " Nothing but the sense of the commer- 
 " cial states, clearlj"- and emphatically expressed, will save them 
 " from ruin." Of such sentiments I have no reason to be ashamed • 
 and to have expressed them in the most public manner, is not a 
 subject of regret : they will receive the approbation of every in- 
 dependent mind. But if high authority were necessary to justify 
 them, I v/ould cite that of the same eminent lawyer and upright 
 judge, Samuel Chase : — " To oppose (says he) a depending measure, 
 " by endeavouring to convince the public that it is improper, and 
 '-"ought not to be adopted; or to promote the repeal of a law already 
 '•'• past, by endeavouring to convince the public that it ought to be repeal- 
 " cd, and that such men ought to be elected to the legislature as will 
 " repeal it ; to attempt, in fine, the correction of public measures, by 
 " arguments tending to show their improper nature or destructive ten- 
 " dency, never has been or can be considered as sedition, in any 
 "country where the principles of law and liberty are respected; 
 "but it is the proper and usual exercise of that right of opinion 
 " and speech which constitutes the distinguishing feature of free 
 " government."* 
 
 In the same letter, No. XXVI, Mr. Adams says, " I have a few 
 " sheets of paper written on a point on which I differed formerly and 
 " latterly with our angry senator, and which n-as one of the causes of 
 '■''his removal; which I will send you, provided you will previously 
 
 * From the answer of Judge Chase, to the articles of impeachment against him 
 in 1805. 
 
62 
 
 " give me your honour that you will return it after you have read 
 " it, without taking a copy." I can only conjecture what was the 
 subject of these " sheets of paper ;" — that it was the impressing of 
 British seamen from neutral merchant vessels. In his letter No. 
 XXXII, March 4, 1809, Mr. Adams encloses five sheets, "the 
 " rough draft," which Cunningham had promised to return. " I 
 " shall burn it," says Mr. Adams, " because I have made another 
 " copy more correct, in Avhich I have left out the name, and much 
 " of the trumpery." I now recollect reading, about that time, an 
 anonymous publication on the subject of impressments, and that it 
 was ascribed to president Adams as the writer. But I have no 
 recollection of ever discussing with Mr. Adams the principle in- 
 volved' in the question of impressments ; and it is incredible that it 
 should have been a cause of my removal. It is to be placed, with 
 many other pretended causes, to afttr thoughts ; when, as in the 
 case of instituting the mission to France, he was straining his wits 
 to discover and disclose reasons, if they bore only " the plausible 
 " appearance of probability" of satisfying public or individual 
 inquirers. 
 
 I believe I have now exhibited all the alleged causes of my re- 
 moval from office — except the indelinite one, " Reasons of State," 
 but which (see letter XII) Mr. Adams says, " are not always to be 
 " submitted to newspaper discussion." Of these I have promised to 
 take some notice ; and here they are. After the perusal, readers 
 will not wonder that Mr. Adams should be unwilling to subject 
 them to newspaper discussion. An extract from general Hamilton's 
 letter, published in 1800, "concerning the Public Conduct and 
 " Character of John Adams, Esq. President of the United States," 
 will be a proper introduction to the evidence in the case. Refer- 
 ring to the removal of M'Henry and myself, Hamilton says, " It 
 " happened at a peculiar juncture, immediately after the unfavoura- 
 " ble turn" [unfavourable to Mr. Adams] " of the election in New- 
 "York; and had much the air of an explosion of combustible 
 " materials which had been long prepared, but which had been kept 
 " down by prudential calculations respecting the effect of an ex- 
 " plosion upon the friends of those ministers in the state of New- 
 " York. Perhaps, when it was supposed that nothing could be lost 
 " in this quarter, and that something might be gained elsewhere, 
 " by an atoning sacrifice of those ministers^ especially Mr. Pickerings 
 " who had been for some time particularly odious to the opposition 
 " party, it was determined to proceed to extremities." The reader 
 will compare this with the following details. 
 
 Hazen Kimball, a very worthy man, had been a clerk in my 
 office. After quitting the office he settled in Savannah. In 1803, 
 being in Massachusetts, and calling to see me, he gave me informa- 
 tion relative to my dismission, which 1 had not expected. Meeting 
 him afterwards at Washington (where I was attending as a member 
 of the senate) I desired him to commit that information to writing ; 
 which he did as in the following certificiale : 
 
63 
 
 "At a public table, IVI'Laughlin's tavern, in Georgetown, July, IGOO, I heard 
 Elias B. Caldwell say, that some time in May preceding', he was present in a 
 public room at Annapolis, when Mr. Smith, the present secretary of the navy, 
 made the following' declaration: That we (meaning the democratic party) 
 have been sent down (from Philadelphia) to know on whaft terms wc would 
 support Mr. Adams at the next presidential election. In our answer, among 
 other conditions, was the dismissal of colonel Pickering from the office of secre- 
 tary of state : but he has delayed it till he lost all hopes of his election by the 
 strength of his own party, and now we do not thank him for it. 
 
 "I have shown this statement to Mr. Caldwell, who says, if it does not con- 
 tain the precise words of Mr. Smith, that it is substantially correct. 
 
 " Mr. Caldwell further says, that Mr. Smith said, in the same public manner, 
 that he knew colonel Pickering would be dismissed some time before it took 
 place. HAZEN KIMBALL." 
 
 City of Washington, 29lh Dec. 1803. 
 
 Having learnt that Thomas C. Bowie, Esq. of Prince George's 
 county, Maryland, (whom i did not personally know, but who was 
 named to me as " a gentleman of high respectability, who had re- 
 " tired from the bar") had had a very particular conversation with 
 Robert Smith, on the subject stated in the above certificate, I took 
 the liberty, in April, 1810, of addressing a letter to him, with a 
 copy of the certificate. The following extracts from his answer 
 are all that particularly apply to the case in question. 
 
 Extracts of a letter^ dated April 16, 1 810, yVom Thomas C. Bowie, Esq. 
 to Timothy Pickering. 
 
 " I assure you, sir, it will be a source of much gratification, if any thing' in 
 my power can contribute, in the smallest degree, to the exposure of those 
 gross and palpable delusions which have been so long imposed upon the Ameri- 
 can people, by the abetters of democracy, in regard to your public character." 
 — [Then noticing my official publications relative to our rulers, and their 
 management of the affairs of the United States, Mr. Bowie says,] " In order to 
 impair the effect and universal conviction which they had begun to operate in 
 almost every section of the country, it was soon found necessary to make you 
 the incessant theme of the most bitter invective and vulgar abuse." — '' It is 
 impossible for you, sir, to have any adequate idea of the very ungenerous, and 
 I may say wicked, expedients resorted to by the democrats in relation to this 
 subject." 
 
 " I certainly did hear Mr. Secretary Smith make the declaration contained 
 in the certificate of Mr. Kimball. A iew days before the account of your 
 dismissal arrived at Annapolis, I repaired thither, attending the general court, 
 having just commenced the practice of the law : and, having studied in Balti- 
 more with judge Chase and Mr. Martin, I was well acquainted with Mr. Robert 
 Smith, and the Baltimore Bar generally, with whom I messed in No. 2, at 
 Wharfe's tavern, although then a resident of Prince George's county. One 
 morning, while in bed, Mr. Smith remarked, that in a few days the federalists 
 would receive from the seat of government a piece of intelligence which 
 would both surprise and alarm them. He would not impart what it was, but 
 requested me to notice his prediction. When the mail brought the news of 
 your dismissal, Mr. Smith told me it was that to which he alluded ; and he sup- 
 posed I would admit he had some knowledge of cabinet secrets." — " I had un- 
 derstood, a short time previous, that Mr. Adams was negotiating with the lead- 
 ing republican members of the house of representatives, a coalition which 
 
64 
 
 went to secure his twenty-five thousand dollars (a year) at the expense of what 
 he himself had deemed the public good, but a little time before : that general 
 Smith, and other leading democratic members, were, on the eve of Mr. Adams's 
 expected re-election, frequently dining and visiting at his house, and who be- 
 fore that time had never been in the habit of either." 
 
 The fact, that I was to be removed, being known among the 
 democrats, while federalists were ignorant of it, is an irrefragable 
 evidence of the intrigue between Mr. Adams -and the democrats, to 
 which mj removal is to be ascribed. 
 
 The reader now sees, in the compass of two or three pages, the 
 real cause of my removal by Mr. Adams ; " the reasons of state," 
 not to be submitted to newspaper discussion. If this statement is 
 sufficient to shock every honest and honourable man, what will be 
 his feelings when he compares it with this solemn declaration of 
 Mr. Adams, in his letter No. XII, Oct. 15, 1808, when speaking of 
 me ? " His removal was one of the most deliberate, virtuous and 
 " disinterested actions of my life !" — And again, on the 25th of 
 November following (letter No. XVII) he calls it " one of the most 
 " virtuous actions of his life !" 
 
 Mr. Kimball's certificate, and the extracts from Mr. Bowie's let- 
 ter, with observations, I published thirteen years ago ; only in the 
 certificate I then, of my own accord, left blanks where I have now 
 introduced, as in the original, the name of Mr. Caldwell. He is 
 the respectable citizen, Elias B. Caldwell, Esq. of the city of 
 Washington, and clerk of the courts there. He also knows the 
 excellent character sustained by Mr. Bowie. 
 
 At the time of the former publication (March 1811) I made the 
 following, among other, reflections on this transaction : — " When a 
 " man has, at one period of his life, distinguished himself by his 
 " public services, it is distressing to find and exhibit him, as capable 
 " of straying from the straight path of integrity and truth ; for it 
 " tends to excite suspicions and jealousies towards the most upright 
 " and inflexibly just." 
 
 In another part of this Review, I mention the efibrts made by 
 Mr. Adams to justify his unadvised institution of a mission to the 
 French republic, in February 1799, when he nominated Mr. Mur- 
 ray sole commissioner to negotiate a treaty with its rulers — " men 
 " so bold, so cunning and so false." But as that mission appears to 
 have had an origin similar to that of my removal — if it was not a 
 part, and indeed the important part, of the original intrigue — I 
 shall here introduce what has come to my knowledge concerning it. 
 
 In the year 1815, in conversing with some of my friends, of 
 whom the late Thomas P. Grosvenor, a representative in congress 
 from the state of New-York, was one, I said, that for a considera- 
 ble time I had been endeavouring to make some discovery as to 
 the origin of that mission ; and that I suspected it to be the same 
 with that of my removal — an intrigue between Mr. Adams and the 
 
65 
 
 opposition, or democrats. Grosvenor instantly answered in these 
 words: " Why that was the fact : John Nicholas told judge A'^an 
 " Ness the whole story, and laughed at Mr. Adams's credulity." 
 
 John Nicholas was a Virginian, and for several years a member 
 of congress, in Washington's administration, and firmly in opposi- 
 tion. At length he removed to the state of New- York; where, as I 
 have understood, he was appointed a judge of the court of the 
 county in which he resided, and a senator for the district, in the 
 senate of that state. Judge Van Ness was the late Willian P. Van 
 Ness, of the supreme court of New-York. 
 
 Here the matter rested for some years ; after which, being in 
 company with a number of members of congress, and the conversa- 
 tion turning on some past events, particularly the mission to France 
 in 1799, in the midst of our successful naval hostilities with that 
 power — without the previous mention of it by the president to any 
 head of a department, or to any federalist in or out of congress, as 
 far as was then known — one of the gentlemen said, that when 
 John Dennis* returned from congress, after that session, he said in 
 his hearing, and in the hearing of many others, that a committee of 
 three waited on Mr. Adams, and told him, that if he would institute 
 a mission to make peace with France, and dismiss the secretary of 
 ■war, Mr. M'Henry, and of state, Mr. Pickering, they would not op- 
 pose — or they would support — his re-election to the presidency. 
 Immediately afterwards, I mentioned this information to another 
 member, of my acquaintance : he confirmed it as received by him 
 from another source ; and named for his author the same gentle- 
 man, a member of congress in 1799, who, the late Gouverneur 
 Morris once told me, negotiated my removal. 
 
 The veil being now taken off from the two acts of president 
 Adams, of which no federalist could give a satisfactory solution, 
 the embarrassments attending his laborious attempts to justify those 
 acts, and his glaring inconsistencies, are easily accounted for. The 
 fruits of his toil on these subjects, as displayed in the letters pub- 
 lished in 1309 in the Boston Patriot, and those written in 1808 and 
 1809 to Cunningham, and lately published by Cunningham's son, 
 would cover nearly a hundred printed pages in octavo; whereas, 
 had they originated in considerations purely public, the honest and 
 satisfactory truth might have been expressed in a single page. 
 Truth alone is clear and consistent. 
 
 With respect to the French mission — at one time i»Ir. Adams 
 says, the information derived from his minister, Mr. Gerry, formed 
 a full and comjilete basis on which to institute the mission. Yet, 
 in December, 1798, after he had been for above two months in pos- 
 session of all that information, and of more, of one kind and another 
 — in addressing congress, he said, " To send another minister, with- 
 " out more determinate assurances that he Avould be received, y 
 
 * Mr. Dennis was a representative from the Eastern shore of Maryland. 
 
 10 
 
66 
 
 " would be an act of humiliation to which the United States ought 
 '- not to submit:" and on the 12th of that month, in answer to an 
 address from the senate, he said, " 1 have seen no real evidence 
 " of any change of system or disposition in the French republic 
 " towards the United States." At other times, Talleyrand's letter 
 to Pichon, who communicated it to Mr. Murray, furnished the as- 
 surances he had required, of the due reception of an envoy. • Mr. 
 Adams's Avords are, " This letter Avas transmitted by Mr. Murray 
 " to the American government, and I own I am not acquainted with 
 " any words, either in the French or English language, which could 
 " have expressed in a more solemn, a more explicit, or a more de- 
 " cided manner, assurances of all that I had demanded as condi- 
 " tions of negotiation."* Yet, when, ten years before, he nomi- 
 nated Mr. Murray to the senate, and sent them a copy of Talley- 
 rand's letter, he declares to that body (in order to conciliate and 
 obtain their approbation) that Mr. Murray " shall not go to France 
 '' without direct and unequivocal assurances from the French govern- 
 " ment, signified by their minister of foreign relations, that he shall 
 " be received in character." 
 
 I have said, that Mr. Gerry's long letter to me, dated October I, 
 1798, in the harbour of Boston, on the morning of his arrival, was 
 written on his passage from France, and studiously prepared, to put 
 the best face on his conduct while in Paris. In that letter he says, 
 " Before the arrival of the despatches of the envoys, the minister 
 " [Talleyrand] appeared to me sincere, and anxious to obtain a re- 
 " conciliation." And again, " On the 26th of July I left Paris ; and 
 " from the best information which I could obtain relative to the 
 " disposition of the executive directory (for I never had any direct 
 " communication with them) they were very desirous of a recon- 
 " ciliation between the republics." All this is very courteous and 
 charitable towards the French rulers and their minister Talleyrand, 
 from whom he had received, and with tame submission, the most 
 pointed insults. But see his language eleven years afterwards, 
 when his former communications were not recollected, or were for- 
 gotten, and 7chen he expressed his real senliments — Ihe same that re- 
 mained stamped on his mind from the deep impressions made upon it by 
 the actual occurrences in Paris. These sentiments are found in his 
 letter dated at Cambridge, in July, 1809, addressed to Mr. Talley- 
 rand, and published, with Mr. Adams's letter, in the Boston Patriot 
 of August 26. It was written in reference to one of Talleyrand's, 
 letters to Pichon (that dated August 28, 1798) which also Mr. 
 Adams had published in the Boston Patriot. This letter contained 
 an expression somewhat contemptuous, in regard to his friend and 
 " HIS minister," Mr. Gerry, at v/hich he took offence. Talleyrand 
 said, " I v/ished to encourage Mr. Gerry by testimonies of regard, 
 " that his good intentions merited, although I could not dissemble 
 
 * Letter III, dated April 1809, published by Mr. Adams ia the Boston Pati-iot. 
 
67 
 
 " that he wanted decision at a moment when he might have easily 
 " adjusted every thing. It does not thence follow that I designated 
 " him : / will even avow that I think him too irresolute to he Jit to has- 
 " ten the conclusion of an affair of this kind.'^ On this Mr. Gerry 
 makes a pointed appeal to I'alleyrand : " Let any candid man read 
 " our correspondence, and declare, if he can, that your, propositions 
 " were not altogether vague, from the beginning to the end.'''' 
 
 I have one more case to mention, on which I shall be sparing of 
 comments, and content myself with a brief statement of facts : it is 
 the case of Fries, of Pennsylvania, twice convicted of treason ; the 
 second time on a new trial, ordered on a supposed incorrectness 
 discovered after the first conviction, and allowed by the court, 
 though not affecting the facts on which the prosecution had taken 
 place, nor the construction of the law applied to the facts ; in other 
 words, not afllecting the merits of the case. Judge Iredell, of the 
 supreme court of the United States, presided on the first trial, and 
 was assisted by judge Peters, the district judge of Pennsylvania. 
 At the second trial, judge Chase presided, and judge Peters sat^with 
 him. The first trial had occupied nine days. Judge Chase con- 
 sidered, that much irrelevant matter had been suffered to be intro- 
 duced in the first trial, in respect to cases in English books, occur- 
 ring in times and under circumstances which rendered them inad- 
 missible on trials for treason under the constitution of the United 
 States ; and made known this opinion, in writing, that such cases 
 would not be permitted to be introduced in the trial of Fries. Upon 
 this, William Lewis and A. J. Dallas, of counsel for Fries, refused 
 to act ; and advised Fries not to accept of any other counsel, should 
 the court offer to assign any ; which advice Fries accepted. On 
 the 24th of April, 1 800, the trial commenced. On the evening of 
 the second day, the evidence was closed ; and the court charged 
 the jury ; who, retiring for two hours, brought in a verdict of guil- 
 ty.* On the second day of May (the last day of the session) Fries 
 was brought into court, and received sentence of death. 
 
 Mr. Lewis, in his deposition (to be used on the impeachment of 
 judge Chase) states, that, soon after sentence of death had been 
 pronounced on Fries, Thomas Adams, son of the president, told 
 him, that " his father wished to know the points and authorities 
 " which Mr. Dallas and he had intended to rely on, in favour of 
 " Fries, if they had defended him on the trial. The attorney gen- 
 " eral of t,he United States, Charles Lee, made the like request to 
 " Mr. Lewis and Mr. Dallas. These gentlemen made their state- 
 " ment accordingly, and sent it to Mr. Lee ; who, on the 1 9th of 
 " May, acknowledged the receipt of it, and informed them that he 
 
 * This brief sketch I have abstracted from the deposition of William Rawle, 
 Esq. (who as district attorney conducted the prosecution) taken to be used in the 
 trial of judge Chase, on his impeachment. Mr. Rawle remarks, that the trial was 
 conducted with the utmost fairness, and that the conduct of the court was marked 
 with great tenderness and humanity towards the prisoner. 
 
68 
 
 " had immediately laid the same before the president, ^vho had di- 
 " rected him to return to them his thanks for the trouble they had 
 " so obligingly taken." It would not have been difficult to antici- 
 pate the consequence of consulting, in this case, only the counsel of 
 the convict : Fries was pardoned. It was 2i popular act, in Pennsyl- 
 vania. My removal from office was on the 12th of the same month 
 of May, as I have already stated, zoiih its 7notives. I content my- 
 self with just remarking, that Mr. Adams sought not any informa- 
 tion in this case from the persons best qualified to give it impartial- 
 ly — the judges of the court ; especially when the presiding judge 
 was Samuel Chase, his old congressional friend, of whom he gives 
 this honourable character : " I have long wished for a fair oppor- 
 '• tunity of transmitting to posterity my humble testimony to the 
 " virtues and talents of that able and upright magistrate and states- 
 " man."* Nor would it have been amiss to have applied to William 
 Rawle, district attorney of Pennsylvania, who had conducted both 
 the trials, and from whose fair mind might have been expected in- 
 formation quite as correct as that which could be derived from the 
 counsel of the convict. But if to pardon was the object, it was ex- 
 pedient to consult his counsel only. Mr. Dallas, in his deposition 
 (also taken in the case of the impeachment of judge Chase) avowed 
 the leading motive with him and Mr. Lewis, in eventually refusing 
 to act as counsel for Fries. He says, " I may be permitted, like- 
 " wise, to discharge a duty to the counsel, as well as to all the parties 
 " interested, in observing, that Mr. Lewis and myself were greatly 
 " influenced, in the conduct which we pursued, by our opinion of 
 " the means most likely to save the life of Fries, under all the cir- 
 " cunistances of the case." Judge Chase says, they refused to ap- 
 pear for Fries, " because they knew the law and the fact to be 
 " against them, and the case to be desperate : and supposed that 
 " their withdrawing themselves" [under the circumstances above in- 
 " timated] " in the event of a conviction, which from their knowledge 
 " of the law and the facts they knew to be almost certain,! might 
 " aid the prisoner in an application to the President for a pardon. "^; 
 General Hamilton (in the letter of 1800, on the conduct and char- 
 acter of Mr. Adams) noticing this case of Fries, and the extraordi- 
 nary step of consulting only the culprit's counsel, makes this reflec- 
 tion on the pardon : '' We are driven to seek a solution for it in 
 " some system of concession to his political enemies ; a system the 
 " most fatal for himself, and for the cause of public order, of any 
 " that he could possibly devise. It is by temporisings like these, 
 " that men at the head of affairs lose the respect both of friends and 
 
 * Letter II, dated April, 1809, published in the Boston Patriot. 
 
 t Lewis and Dallas were Fries'' counsel on his first trial, and therefore perfectly 
 acquainted with the merits of the case. 
 
 X Judge Chase's Defence before the Senate. 
 
69 
 
 " foes: it is by temporisings like these, that in times of fermcnta- 
 " tion and commotion, governments are prostrated, which might 
 " easily have been upheld by an erect and imposing attitude." 
 
 The reflections of Mr. Adams are of quite a different complexion. 
 In his tenth letter in the Boston Patriot (May 17, 1809) remarking 
 on his responsibility for all his executive acts, and therefore that it 
 was his right and duty to be governed by his own mature and un- 
 biassed judgment, though unfortunately it may be in direct contra- 
 diction to the advice of all his ministers, he says, " This was my 
 " situation in more than one instance. It had been so in the nomi- 
 " nation of Mr. Gerry ; it was afterwards so in the pardon of Fries : 
 " two measures that I recollect with infinite satisfaction, and which will 
 " console me in my last hour.'''' 
 
 How much cause for satisfaction and consolation he can find in 
 the case of P»Ir. Gerry, the reader will be able to judge, from the 
 proceedings, exhibited in this Review, of that gentleman, as Mr. 
 Adams's minister to the French Republic. As to Fries, he having 
 been at the head of a second insurrection in Pennsylvania, to pre- 
 vent, by force, the execution of the laws enacted by congress for 
 levying taxes laid in pursuance of the express provisions of the 
 constitution, and, in 1798, of the most pressing necessity, for the 
 common defence of the country, and the protection of its great and 
 essential commercial interests, against the hostilities of the French 
 Republic ; under these circumstances, the public welfare appeared 
 to demand a signal example of inflexible justice. 
 
 We see, however, that in various acts of president Adams, com- 
 bined with their apparent motives, he can glory, and draw conso- 
 lation, where other men would find cause only for profound regret. 
 Those, v/ho have been accustomed to view Mr. Adams as a bold 
 and able leader in the American revolution ; as a man of extensive 
 learning, and much and useful experience ; as a great and upright 
 statesman ; and therefore entitled to all the high offices and honours 
 which his fellow citizens could bestow, and did confer upon him ; 
 will be astonished at the picture of his character presented in this 
 Review, and not without difficulty admit that it is a likeness. My 
 veracity is pledged for all I state as facts. What I give on infor- 
 mation from others, I offer because I think it entitled to belief. Of 
 the correctness of my inferences and conjectures from any facts 
 and circumstances which I state, every reader will judge. If, after 
 all, any should remain incredulous, Mr. Adams himself may at 
 least contribute to remove their unl)elief. In the 26th letter, vol. I. 
 p. 129, London edition, of his " Defence of the Constitutions of 
 " Government of the United States of America," the doubting reader 
 may find a solution of the apparent enigma. There Mr. Adams 
 says, " The passions are all unlimited ; nature has left them so : if 
 " they could be bounded, they would be extinct ; and there is no 
 " doubt they are of indispensable importance in the present system. 
 " They certainly increase too, by exercise, like the body. Th& 
 
70 
 
 " love of gold grows faster than the heap of acquisition. The love 
 " of praise increases by every gratification ; till it stings like an 
 " adder, and bites like a serpent ; till the man is miserable every mo- 
 " ment when he does not snvff the incense. Ambition strengthens at 
 " every advance, and at last takes possession of the whole soul so abso- 
 " lutely, that the man sees nothing in the world of importance to others, 
 " or himself but in this object. The subtlety of these three passions, 
 " which have been selected from all the others because they are 
 " aristocratical passions, in subduing all others, and even the undei-- 
 " standing itself, if not the conscience too, until they become abso- 
 " lute and imperious masters of the whole mind, is a curious spccu- 
 " lation." He then mentions " the cunning with which they hide 
 " themselves from others, and from the man himself too ; the pa- 
 " tience with which they wait for opportunities ; the torments they 
 " voluntarily suffer for a time, to secure a full enjoyment at length." 
 
 On this recital, who can forbear to exclaim, " Ecce Homo !" or, 
 in the solemn words of Nathan to David, " Thou art the man !" 
 
 Mr. Adams would spurn at an exhortation from me ; but he may 
 not refuse to apply to himself his own admonition. " Men should 
 " endeavour at a balance of affections and appetites, under the mo- 
 " narch}^ of Reason and Conscience within, as well as at a balance 
 " of power without. If they surrender the guidance, for any course 
 " of time, to any one passion, they may depend upon finding it, in 
 " the end, an usurping, domineering, cruel tyrant."* 
 
 At the age of eighty-eight years, it might be expected that a 
 man's strong passions would have cooled ; but those of Mr. Adams, 
 by an immoderate indulgence, have acquired the mastery of his 
 soul ; and now, incapable of personally enjoying their gratification, 
 he lives in his son ; and, if he survive a few more months, he will 
 be pleased or tormented, as that son shall succeed or fail, in the 
 last object to which American ambition can aspire. 
 
 In the account here given of the intrigue in which the precipitate 
 institution of the mission to France originated, compared with Mr. 
 Adams's too often repeated avowals of public motives exclusively, 
 every reader will have the means of forming his opinion, whether 
 these, or others purely selfish, the offspring of his ungoverned ruling 
 passions, were the decisive inducements. But although he readily 
 adopted the measure, it may easily be imagined that it was the 
 contrivance of a more cool and crafty head — of the man of whom 
 that experienced diplomatist, Mr. Liston, once said, that, " for con- 
 " ducting an intrigue, there was not one American who came with- 
 " in a thousand miles of him."t This crafty person perfectly un- 
 derstood the character of Mr. Adams, and knew the avenues to his 
 heart. Mr. Liston said, at the same time, " that never, at any 
 " government where he had been a ministei*, had he so little trouble 
 
 * Same volume, p. 130. 
 
 + I received this anecdote from an unquestionably correct source, a very intelli- 
 gent American °^entleman present in the company when the remark was made. 
 
71 
 
 'in gaining all desirable information: thai from Mr. Adams him- 
 " self he obtained what he wanted ; for that nothing more was re- 
 " quisite than to listen, while he took his own course in talking." 
 This brings to my mind an anecdote, of late accidentally commu- 
 nicated to me. Mr. Adams paid a handsome compliment to Wash- 
 ington, and said, " He could keep his mouth shut — / never could.'''' 
 And this again reminds me of a letter written to me some years 
 ago by a gentleman of respectable character, of which the follow- 
 ing is an extract : 
 
 '• Some time in the fall of 1807, I was in company with general 
 
 " Henry Lee, at in Virginia. During the day, various topics of 
 
 '' conversation were introduced. Among others, some remarks were 
 " made upon the unhappy consequences which had resulted from 
 " the change in the federal administration of the government of the 
 " United States. And this change was in a great measure, by the 
 " person submitting these remarks, attributed to the apathy and 
 " inertness of federalists at elections. General Lee replied, that 
 " he did not hesitate to allow some influence to that cause, but that 
 " he ascribed the principal cause to Mr. Adams himself; and thcQ 
 "remarked, that being in Philadelphia in the summer of 1300, 
 " when the subject of the approaching presidential election had ex- 
 " cited much interest, he dined with Mr. Adams, in company with 
 " Mr. Jefferson. In the afternoon, when Mr. Jefferson had retired, 
 " he took the liberty to caution Mr. Adams, who had been, as he 
 " considered, very unguarded in the presence of Mr. Jefferson ; 
 " and observed, with the view to enforce that caution, that he 
 " knew Mr. Jefferson was using all his influence and intrigue to 
 " supersede him in the presidential chair. Mr. Adams received 
 " this friendly admonition with apparent displeasure ; and observed, 
 " with warmth, that he believed Mr. Jefferson to be more friendly 
 " towards him, than many who professed to be his friends ; and 
 " that he further believed, Mr. Jefferson never had the ambition or 
 " desire to aspire to any higher distinction than to be his first lieu- 
 " tenant." 
 
 So respectable is the source of this information, that it requires 
 no coniirmation. It has, besides, the advantage of internal evidence 
 of its correctness, in the perfectly characteristic answer of Mr. 
 Adams, which concludes the extract. This, probably, was the 
 time when Mr. Jefferson was making his warmest professions of 
 friendship to Mr. Adams, of which the latter after\vards found he 
 had been the dupe, and the discovery of w'hich authorized him to 
 reproach Mr. Jefterson with " a want of sincerity." Three years 
 before, Mr. Jefferson had proclaimed his hvmhle pretensions, in his 
 inaugural address to the senate, w'hen he took the chair in that as- 
 sembly ; he having been elected vice-president, as Mr. Adams was 
 elected president, of the United States. Mr. Jefferson appeared to 
 rejoice that the burthen of the chief executive power had fallen on 
 Adams's shoulders, so much abler than his own to sustain its 
 
72 
 
 weight ! Remarking lo the senate, that the primary business of the 
 office of vice-president being to preside over the forms of that 
 house, he added, " No one more sincerely prays that no accident 
 " may call me to the higher and more important functions which 
 "the constitution devolves on this oflice." This profession was un- 
 necessary — but not without an object. To the uninibrmed (in all 
 communities the numerous class) as to the true characters of pub- 
 lic men, it bore the appearance of the amiable virtue of humility ; 
 and Mr. Jetierson believed in its auspicious tendency to advance 
 his interest on the next occasion ; not doubting, in reference either 
 to philosophy or the gospel, the correctness of the position, " He 
 " that humbleth himself shall be exalted." Among those in public 
 life, or the citizens well acquainted with distinguished public char- 
 acters, there was one, and 1 presume but one, in the United States, 
 who supposed Mr. Jefferson's declaration to have come from the 
 heart : 1 hardly need say, that this one was Mr. Adams. 
 
 Mr. Adams catches at every straw, and sometimes at phantoms, 
 which, in the use he makes of them, may have even a remote ten- 
 dency to give a colour of necessity for instituting his extraordinary 
 mission to the French Republic in 1799. For this end, he allows 
 himself to go back to the year 1793, to exhibit the temper of the 
 people in relation to France and Great Britain ; and tells the fol- 
 lowing tale : " Jonathan Dickinson Sargeant and Dr. Hutchinson, 
 " two old revolutionary Americans, extremely popular, put them- 
 " selves at the head of the mob. l^^ashington's house was sur- 
 " rounded by an innumerable multitude, from day to day, huzzaing, 
 " demanding war against England, cursing Washington, and crying 
 "success to the French patriots and virtuous republicans." — "J. 
 "Q. Adams first turned this tide ; and the yellow fever completed 
 " the salvation of Washington. Sargeant and Hutchinson died of 
 " it. I was assured, soon after, by some of the most sensible, sub- 
 "stantial and intelligent quakers, that nothing but the yellow fever 
 *' saved Washington from being dragged out of his house, or being 
 " compelled to declare war against England."* This story was too 
 absurd and ridiculous to be believed. When writing it, Mr. Adams 
 forgot that the president of the United States did not possess the power 
 to declare war; and that no leader of a mob in Philadelphia could be 
 so ignorant as not to know that congress alone possessed that power. 
 I do not know whether Dr. Hutchinson left any offspring ; but the 
 respectable sons of Mr. Sargeant will not thank Mr. Adams for 
 placing their father, an eminent lawyer, and the attorney general 
 of Pennsylvania, at the head of a mob^ and of a mob to commit 
 such an outrage on the president of the United States — and that 
 president, Washington. Incredible, however, as was this story — of 
 which I had never heard before — I wrote to William Rawle, Esq. 
 at that time the district attorney of the United States for Pennsyl- 
 
 * Letter to Cunningham, No. XII, Oct. 15, 1808. 
 
73 
 
 vania ; and, referring him to Mr. Adams's statement, requested an 
 answer. In his letter, dated the 18th of last December, he thus 
 writes : " In respect to the mob asserted to have surrounded the 
 " president's house, &c. &c. Judge Peters and I have already had 
 "several conversations. We read this part of the Cunningham 
 " Correspondence with surprise, as we neither of us at the time 
 " knew, nor till then had heard, of such transactions. The judge 
 " lived out of town, but was frequently in town. I resided about 
 " three of our squares distant from the president, passed his door 
 " almost every day, and regularly attended his weekly levees. I 
 " never noticed the slightest disturbance of the kind. Mr. Sar- 
 " geant and Dr. Hutchinson, although zealous in their politics, were 
 " not men who would have so degraded themselves." 
 
 Where, let me now ask, could this mob story have its origin ? It is 
 a sheer fabrication. But who was its artificer ? Mr. Adams is res- 
 ponsible for it. And it further shows the justness of the remark I 
 have had occasion to make and to repeat, that where his passions 
 or interested views are enlisted, no reliance can be placed on his 
 statements. 
 
 Hamilton acknowledged, and every other well-informed man 
 will acknowledge, that Mr. Adams, in 1798, contributed largely to 
 rouse the spirit of the nation to resistance against the unexampled 
 insults and injuries we had experienced from the French Republic ; 
 and he boasts of the beneficial operation of the measures then taken, 
 and of our naval successes in the limited war authorized by con- 
 gress ; when, as he says,* " the proud pavilion of France was, in 
 " many glaring instances, humiliated under the eagles and stripes 
 " of the United States." But the greatest triumph of all, he says, was 
 in the humiliation of the haughty directory ; who, renouncing all their 
 unfounded claims, sought for peace — " transmitting to him the most 
 " positive assurances, in several various ways, both official and in- 
 " oflicial, that they would receive his minsters, and makepeace onhis 
 " onm terms.'''' These last words are, assuredly, a fond assumption 
 of Mr. Adams. The directory could never have entertained the 
 idea of giving Mr. Adams a carte blanche, on which to write what 
 articles he pleased. It is too absurd to be imagined, except by Mr. 
 Adams when his mind was highly sublimated. Had such an offer 
 been made, it would have furnished additional ground for believing 
 the directory were not sincere. But, unfortunately, in the heyday 
 of victory, when the United States were rising in their own estima- 
 tion, and were cheered by the salutations of admiring Europe, the 
 American admiral struck his flag; the "proud pavilion of France" 
 rose above the " eagles and the stripes ;" and, instead of " making 
 " peace on his own terms," he received the law from France. He 
 even gave up the trophies of our victories, stipulating to restore to 
 France her national vessels captured by ours. He purchased peace 
 
 * Letter No. XXX, Feb. 22, 1809, to Cunningham. 
 11 
 
74 
 
 at the expense of twenty millions of dollars (for that was the esti- 
 mated amount of French spoliations) relinquished to France, without 
 any equivalent. For the United States had been fairly exonerated 
 of the burthen of their treaties with France, by her " infractions, 
 " violence, injustice, and breach of faith ;"* and congress accord- 
 ingly declared them null and void. But the French government 
 would not consent to give any indemnities to the American mer- 
 chants, for those spoliations of their property, unless the United 
 States would revive and restore the treaty of alliance, with its bur- 
 thensome guarantee. To get rid of this, the claims of the merchants 
 were abandoned. 
 
 Such were the fruits of the glorious naval war of 1798, and of 
 the inglorious peace by which it was terminated. Yet, Mr. Adams 
 fondly expects, that for these acts in his administration, laurels will 
 crown his monument, and flourish in immortal green. " If ever," 
 says he, " If ever an historian should arise, fit for the investigation, 
 " this transaction must be transmitted to posterity as the most glo- 
 "rious period of American history, as the most disinterested, pru- 
 " dent and successful conduct in my whole life. For I was obliged 
 " to give peace and unexampled prosperity to my country for eight 
 " years — and if it is not for a longer duration, it is not my fault — 
 " against the advice, entreaties and intrigues of all my ministers, 
 " and all the leading federalists in both houses of congress." 
 
 This rodomontade of Mr. Adams is perfectly in character. It is 
 akin to another fond conceit of his, which we find in his 28th let- 
 ter (July 27, 1809) published in the Boston Patriot — the last para- 
 graph : " I shall continue," says he, " to send you extracts of let- 
 " ters, by which the rise, progress and conclusion of our connexion 
 " with Holland may be in some degree understood ; a connexion 
 '" ihat accelerated the peace, more than the capture of Cornwallis and 
 " his army.^'' Who can forbear to smile at the folly as well as the 
 vanity of this assumption? Cornwallis surrendered on the 18th of 
 October, 1781. On the 27th of February, 1782, a resolution was 
 carried, in the house of commons, against the whole force of the 
 administration, declaring it to be inexpedient any longer to prose- 
 cute oflfensive war against America. And, to put an end to all fur- 
 ther hesitation on the part of the crown, the house of commons, on 
 the fourth of March, resolved, " that the house will consider as 
 " enemies to his majesty and the country, all those who should advise 
 " or attempt a further prosecution of offensive war on the continent 
 " of America." These votes were soon followed by a change of 
 administration, and by instructions to the commanding officers of 
 his Britannic majesty's forces in America, which conformed to 
 them.t 
 
 * The words, marked with inverted commas, are Mr. Adams's, in letter XXX, 
 to Cunningham. 
 
 t Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. IV, p. 567. 
 
75 
 
 In the summer following, a British minister was sent to Paris to 
 negotiate a treaty of peace with the commissioners of the United 
 States. The important preliminary step had been insisted on and 
 obtained by Mr. Jay — that the United States were to be treated with as 
 already independent. He gave notice of this to Mr. Adams, who was 
 in Holland, and who arrived in Paris some time after the middle of 
 October. On the 30th of November, 1782, Dr. Franklin, Mr. 
 Adams and Mr. Jay signed the preliminary treaty of peace with 
 Great Britain, which constituted, in fact, the definitive treaty. 
 
 Now the connexion (by which I presume Mr. Adams means the 
 treaty) with Holland, negotiated by him, was not concluded until 
 the 8th of October, 1782 ; almost a year after the capture of Corn- 
 wallis, and when the Dutch government knew the negotiations for 
 peace between the United States and Great Britain had been for 
 some time going on at Paris. Hence it is past all doubt, that the 
 resolutions of the house of commons, the consequent change in the 
 British ministry, and the negotiations begun at Paris, decisively in- 
 fluenced their high mightinesses to conclude the commercial treaty 
 with Mr. Adams. This inference appears inevitable, if we take a 
 view of the deplorable state of Holland, after England had made 
 war upon her, and cut up her commerce by extensive captures. 1 
 will take Mr. Adams's own description, in one of his letters to con- 
 gress — the epitome of similar information spread over other letters. 
 In that of the 4th of August, 1781, he says, " I should scarcely be 
 " credited, if I were to describe the present state of the country. 
 " There is more animosity against one another, than against the 
 " common enemy. They can agree upon nothing ; neither upon 
 " war nor peace ; neither upon acknowledging the independence of 
 " America nor upon denying it." Again, in the same letter, he 
 says, " In short, this nation has no confidence left in its own wis- 
 " dom, courage, virtue or power. It has no esteem, nor passion, 
 "nor desire, for either. It loves and seeks wealth, and that 
 " alone."* 
 
 One word more on Mr. Adams's mission of February 1799, to 
 make peace with the French Republic. 
 
 This mission was instituted in the midst of our naval successes, 
 and of the increasing spirit of the people. But for this, the system 
 of administration which had been established under Washington, 
 and until then continued under Adams, would have remained. The 
 true character of the French government had been developed, and 
 generally understood — and consequently was generally detested. 
 Our proper weapon of war, our navy, Avould have been strength- 
 ened by an adequate increase ; our commerce would have revived and 
 flourished. On the change of the French revolutionary government, 
 by which its powers were placed in the hands of Bonaparte, the spirit, 
 vigour and ability which the United States had displayed, and would 
 
 * Letter LXIII, dated Feb. 8, 1810, in the Boston Patriot. 
 
70 
 
 have continued to display, would have secured to them the respect of 
 that extraordinary man, and saved them from renewed insults, and 
 their commerce, from the more extended and aggravated depreda- 
 tions under the imperial ruler, than had been experienced from the 
 despotic directory. The United States would not have been told 
 by Bonaparte's minister, that those who administered their govern- 
 ment were " men without just political views, without honour, with- 
 " out energy" — an insult unexampled^ and, what is worse, an insult 
 UNRESENTED.* Had that first system of the federal government 
 continued to operate, we should have had no indefinite embargo, 
 prostrating our commerce, in subserviency to France ; nor its se- 
 quel, the non-intercourse laws, in their effects and consequences 
 alike destructive; nor, finally, a three years' war with Great 
 Britain ; a war which cost the United States more than a hundred 
 millions of dollars, and the lives of probably thirty thousand of 
 our citizens, zcithoiit obtaining any one of the objects for which it was 
 professed to be declared. 
 
 Dr. Johnson has observed, that " there is nothing more dreadful 
 " to an author than neglect ; compared with which, reproach, ha- 
 " tred, and opposition, are names of happiness." Mr. Adams felt 
 himself to be in this unfortunate situation. He began to publish 
 his long letters in the Boston Patriot on the 10th of April, 1809; 
 and in two months he had advanced to his eighteenth letter — the 
 subject, his unadvised mission to France. But it seems no notice 
 was taken of them, by friend or foe. " A most profound silence," 
 says he, " is observed relative to my scribbles. I say not a word 
 " about them to any one ; and nobody says a word to me. The 
 " newspapers are still as midnight." But, unwilling to think this 
 silence resulted from general indifference to his letters (though 
 doubtless that was the fact) he fancied that " sulphureous combus- 
 " tibles were preparing under ground, and the electrical fire col- 
 " lecting in the clouds," to burst upon him all at once, to destroy 
 him : but, consoling himself with the expectation that he might es- 
 cape unhurt from the thunder and lightning, and the eruption of the 
 volcano, he determines that " his pen shall go as long as his fingers 
 " can hold it."t Some of his well-wishers, perceiving that in his own 
 bosom the lightning and the fiery lava were preparing, may regret 
 that they ever found vent, satisfied that in the end the explosion and 
 eruption will not injure those he meant to destroy, and that the 
 great sufferer will be himself. They may see verified his own as- 
 sertion, that "records themselves" [his letters were designed for 
 records] " are often liars ;" and his prediction fulfilled, that " he 
 should not be believed." The statements and evidences, which I 
 
 ♦Letter of Feb. 14, 1810, from the French minister, the duke de Cadore, to 
 general Armstrong. Madison was then president, 
 t Letter XXXVIII, June 7, 1809, to Cunningham. 
 
77 
 
 have exhibited, must convince every impartial reader, that his rt* 
 cords are not entitled to belief. 
 
 Mr. Adams often complains that the federalists are his enemies ; 
 sometimes limiting the charge to their leaders. If this were true, 
 ■what was the cause ? The federalists wished to retain their ascen- 
 dency, for their own sake and their country's ; and every body of 
 men, every association, will have a leader or leaders. Mr. Adams 
 was once their chief. And what produced an alienation ? Their 
 principles and system of government remained unchanged. To 
 the conduct of their chief, then, must their alienation be ascribed. 
 And how was it possible for men of intelligent and independent 
 minds to persevere in their confidence, and continue their attach- 
 ment, where they saw, constantly displayed, boundless vanity, dis- 
 gusting egotism, repulsive self-sufficiency, and an ambition so 
 inordinate as to be capable of sacrificing principles, system and 
 consistency, to personal gratification ? 
 
 Was Mr. Jay ever reproached by any federalist^ that deserved 
 the name ? With eminent abilities, with as pure integrity, and true 
 zeal to serve his country, as any citizen ever displayed, he was 
 driven from power by the enemies of federalism. But the profound 
 respect, which his public conduct had produced, has suffered no 
 diminution. Still revered, admired and loved, his name, without a 
 stain to lessen its lustre, will descend to posterity with distinguished 
 brightness. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 ELBRIDGE GERRY. 
 
 This gentleman makes so prominent a figure in Mr. Adams's let- 
 ters in relation both to himself and to me, I must unavoidably con- 
 sume a good deal of ink and paper in exhibiting his conduct and 
 character. I regret the necessity of entering on details, which I 
 fear may fatigue the reader, but without which the force of Mr. 
 Adams's calumnies and of my vindication cannot be fully under- 
 stood. This biographical sketch of Mr. Gerry, though in some re- 
 spects minute, may nevertheless be found in a degree interesting, 
 when it shall be recollected, that, subsequently to the actions and 
 events detailed, he was twice elected by the people of Massachu- 
 setts to be governor of that state, and afterwards by the people of 
 the United States to be their vice-president. 
 
 Mr. Gerry, appointed a delegate to congress from Massachusetts, 
 in 1776, had the good fortune to be present at the adoption of the 
 declaration of independence, and the honour of subscribing his 
 name to that celebrated state paper. He continued a member o 
 
78 
 
 that body for some years. He was also a member of the national 
 convention by which the present constitution of the United States 
 was formed (and carped at some of its provisions) and a member of 
 the house of representatives in the first congress, and in one or two 
 of the succeeding congresses. 
 
 The financial embarrassments of the French monarchy produced, 
 about the year 1787, a crisis, which, in a succession of remedial 
 measures and reforms, issued in the subversion of the monarchy, 
 and the establishment of a republic. The people of the United 
 States, flourishing and happy in their own republican institutions, 
 rejoiced in the prospect of a free government to be established in 
 France. This joy was raised to enthusiasm, by the recollection of 
 the aids received from that country in eftecting their own inde- 
 pendence. A war between France and her neighbours soon suc- 
 ceeded. The energies of her government, and the zeal of the peo- 
 ple, brought powerful armies into the field ; which enabled her to 
 defeat her enemies, and to invade their territories. In a few years, 
 the neighbouring nations were subdued. Her pride increased with 
 her conquests ; and her injustice was not slow to follow in their 
 train. " I considered (says the wise man) all the oppressions that 
 " are done under the sun — and on the side of the oppressors there was 
 " POWER." A series of unprincipled rulers governed the state, and in 
 succession cut off the heads of their predecessors. At length a 
 constitution was formed, and a government organized, on republican 
 principles, which gave hopes, to the lovers of liberty, of a perma- 
 nent establishment. The legislature was composed of two branches, 
 denominated the Council of Ancients, and the Council of Five 
 Hundred ; and the executive consisted of five persons, called the 
 Directory. But the revolutionary spirit continued. The executive 
 
 f)ower found the means of impairing the independence of the legis- 
 ature ; and, practising much tyranny at home, set no limits to its 
 exercise on all the nations within its reach. Remote as were the 
 United States, their commerce brought them near to every portion 
 of the world. Upon various pretences, all alike unfounded, the 
 corsairs of France were let loose upon that commerce, and her 
 government insulted our country. 
 
 Willing to hope that these outrages and injuries originated in 
 misrepresentations and misconceptions of the conduct and views of 
 the United States in relation to France, president Washington ap- 
 pointed general Charles Cotesworth Pinckney minister plenipoten- 
 tiary to the French republic, to make to its government those frank 
 and friendly explanations, v/hich, if received in the spirit with which 
 \they were to be offered, would restore harmony and a beneficial 
 ■intercourse between the two countries. General Pinckney, accept- 
 ing the appointment, proceeded on his mission, and early in Decem- 
 ber, 1796, arrived at Paris. He was introduced to the minister for 
 Weign affairs, Mr. de la Croix, by Mr. Monroe, as his successor 
 ii the station of minister plenipotentiary from the United States ; 
 
79 
 
 and in that character delivered an official copy of his letters of cre- 
 dence, which announced his public character, under the signature 
 of the president and the great seal of the United States. General 
 Pinckney's public character being thus ascertained, all the indigni- 
 ties practised towards him by the French government were insults, 
 as well to the country which he represented, as to himself. 
 Anxious, however, to restore that harmony which once existed be- 
 tween America and France, Pinckney forbore to resent this treat- 
 ment, hoping that a reconciliation might yet be effected. But he 
 was disappointed, and was required to leave France. Upon this 
 requisition he quitted Paris, and travelled with his family to Am- 
 sterdam, there to await the orders of his government. General 
 Pinckney might bear those indignities with the more patience, be- 
 cause they were not peculiar to him. In one of his letters to the 
 department of state, he says, " I am informed that they have alrea- 
 " dy sent off thirteen foreign ministers ; and a late emigrant,* now 
 " here, has assured them, that America is not of greater conse- 
 " quence to them, nor ought to be treated with greater respect, than 
 " Geneva or Genoa." " Those who regard us as being of some 
 " consequence (continues general Pinckney) seem to have taken up 
 " an idea, that our government acts upon principles opposed to the 
 " real sentiments of a large majority of our people ; and they are 
 " willing to temporise until the event of the election of president is 
 " known ; thiniiing, if one public character [Adams] is chosen, he 
 " will be attached to the interest of Great Britain ; and that if 
 " another character [Jefferson] is elected, he will be (to use the ex- 
 " pression of Du Pont de Nemours in the council of ancients) de- 
 " voted to the interest of France." Every body knows that Adams 
 and Jefferson were the rival candidates for the presidency, on the 
 retirement of Washington. 
 
 Notwithstanding this haughty and insolent rejection of general 
 Pinckney, it was thought expedient to make one more effort to re- 
 cover the good will of our termagant sister. A more solemn em- 
 bassy was therefore instituted ; and general Pinckney, general 
 Marshall, and Francis Dana, then chief justice of Massachusetts, 
 were appointed by president Adams, with the advice and consent 
 of the senate, " envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary 
 " of the United States to the French republic." Elbridge Gerry was 
 Mr. Adams's choice ; and it was with some difficult)'- that the heads 
 of departments prevailed on him to substitute Mr. Dana ; ^.he same 
 gentleman of whom Mr. Adams made mention, alike honourable 
 
 * Meaning Mr. Talleyrand, I presume, who visited this country in the year 
 1794 ; appeared in the character of an emigrant, and was treated with hospitality 
 and respect. If his object in coming to the United States was to escape the guil- 
 lotine, yet, from what is mentioned by general Pinckney, we may infer that he 
 acted the part of a spy ; and probably in that character made his peace with the 
 directory, who in 1797 appointed him their minister for foreign affairs. For his 
 great talents and otiier qualities, no man was better adapted to their service. 
 
8b 
 
 and just, in his letters published in the Boston Patriot, in 1809-10. 
 But Mr. Dana, declining the service, Mr. Adams recurred to the 
 first object of his partiality, Mr. Gerry. Further opposition was 
 vain. One reason assigned by Mr. Adams for preferring Mr. Ger- 
 ry was (and I wish it to be remembered) that, besides possessing 
 the requisite talents, he was a firm man, and superior to all the arts 
 of French seduction ! 
 
 Marshall and Gerry arrived in France about the last of Septem- 
 ber, 1797, and proceeded to Paris, where general Pinckney joined 
 them. They in due form announced their arrival to Mr. Talley- 
 rand, the French minister for foreign affairs. Cards of hospitality 
 were sent them, to save them from molestation by the police; and 
 they expected to be formally received, and to enter on the business 
 of their mission. But in a few days they had reason to think that 
 the first favourable appearances were delusive. They delivered to 
 Mr. Talleyrand copies of their letters of credence from the presi- 
 dent, showing their characters, and desiring full credit to be given 
 to their communications. But they were not admitted to an audi- 
 ence of the directory. At length, certain propositions were made 
 to them by Mr. Talleyrand's agents to which they must assent, as 
 preliminaries to their admission as ministers of the United States. 
 These preliminaries were, a disavowal of some parts of the presi- 
 dent's speech to congress, touching the conduct of the French gov- 
 ernment, notoriously founded on facts, and therefore impossible to 
 be disavowed ; but at which the directory affected to be offended. 
 Nevertheless, they were not inexorable. Their extreme resent- 
 ments might be allayed, and their wounded honour healed, by a 
 douceur (gratuity or bribe) of fifty thousand pounds sterling (222,000 
 dollars) for the pockets of the directory and their minister Talley- 
 rand ; and a loan to the amount of thirty-two millions of florins, 
 equal to twelve millions eight hundred thousand dollars ; for which 
 Dutch paper securities, under the name of Rescnptions, of that 
 nominal sum, but acknowledged to be worth not more than ten shil- 
 lings in the pound, might be assigned to the United States. These 
 modest propositions v:ere of course not assented to. Our envoys had 
 no power to give their assent. Their instructions expressly forbade 
 the making of any loan : it would have violated our duty as a neu- 
 tral nation. But if the douceur had been given, and our envoys 
 had been so far disposed to assent to a loan as to consult their gov- 
 ernment upon it (an operation of full six months) which indeed they 
 off"ered to do ; the horrible depi^dations on our commerce were not 
 to be discontinued ; and these were already estimated at fifteen 
 millions of dollars, and were still going on with unremitting activity. 
 The names of Talleyrand's private agents, designated by the let- 
 ters X and Y, were written at length in our envoys' despatches ; 
 but accompanied with an engagement, on the part of the United 
 States, that their names should in no event be iiiade public. For this 
 reason, when the despatches were to be laid before congress, I sub- 
 
81 
 
 slituted the letters X and Y. The letters W and Z were also in- 
 troduced by me, gratuitously, instead of the proper names of two 
 other persons who had some agency in these transactions, and 
 through whom X and Y might perhaps be discovered. 
 
 Mr. Talleyrand's corrupt overtures were repeated, and pressed 
 upon the envoys ; and soon with threats of vengeance from the di- 
 rectorj^ if not complied Avith. Thanks to the intelligence and firm- 
 ness of Pinckney and Marshall, these threats were utterly disre- 
 garded. I do not add the name of Mr. Gerry, although he then 
 concurred with them, for reasons which will hereafter appear. 
 
 Thus slighted, thus insulted, and kept at an official distance, 
 Pinckney and Marshall would not make to Talleyrand, what he 
 desired, inofficial visits to discuss official business.* Mr. Gerry, 
 however, because he had seen Talleyrand in the United States, in 
 the form of an emigrant, was pleased, contrary to the opinions of both 
 of his colleagues^ to make him an early visit. Once he was accom- 
 panied by Mr. Y and Mr. Z. The latter was a French gentleman, 
 occasionally if not regularly employed by Talleyrand ; and, under- 
 standing the English language, served as an interpreter. Mr. Ger- 
 ry, thus in the presence of Y and Z, spoke to Mr. Talleyrand of 
 the propositions which had been made to our envoys by Y, in be- 
 half of Mr. Talleyrand : to which statement the latter answered, 
 " The information Mr. Y had given was just, and might always be 
 " relied on." 
 
 Although not received, yet the depredations on our commerce, 
 the capture and condemnation of our vessels, were so extensive, and 
 pressed with ardour, that Pinckney and Marshall proposed the 
 making of a respectful communication to the minister, to pray for a 
 suspension of those proceedings until the further order of the direc- 
 tory. " Mr. Gerry is of a contrary opinion : he apprehends that 
 *' by hurrying we shall irritate the government."! It Avas now the 
 15th of October. To several subsequent attempts to act with some 
 decision, Mr. Gerry was constantly opposed. War, like a terrible 
 spectre, had risen up lo his view. Precipitation, he said, would 
 certainly produce war. Yet he acknowledged the demands of 
 France to be unjust, and her treatment of the envoys insulting ; and 
 to such a degree, that, if proceeding from any other government 
 in the world, he said he would not submit to them for ten days. 
 
 Near a month having elapsed, since the envoys had delivered to 
 the French minister copies of their letters of credence, without their 
 being admitted to an audience of the directory, Pinckney and Mar- 
 shall wished to call the attention of the minister to the subject of 
 their mission. To this Mr. Gerry at length agreed ; but the next 
 day changed his mind, and proposed the postponement of such a 
 
 * At a subsequent period, eveuls of magnitude, affecting^ the United States, in- 
 duced them to depart from this determination. 
 
 t General Marshall's manuscript journal, a copy of which is now before me. 
 
 12 
 
82 
 
 letter until all their conversations already detailed should be put 
 in cipher (a tedious operation) and six copies made out and sent to 
 their government. " This (says general Marshall in his journal) 
 " would, on a reasonable calculation, require about two or three 
 " months." However, a letter having been prepared, and submit- 
 ted to Mr. Gerry, and he having employed a day in making essen- 
 tial changes, to adapt it to his own taste — to which the other two 
 envoys yielded, for the sake of unanimity — on the 11th of Novem- 
 ber it was sent to Mr. Talleyrand. No answer, however, was 
 given to it. 
 
 Three months having elapsed, general Marshall draughted a long 
 letter, consisting of a justification of the conduct of our government 
 in relation to France. This was done by the 10th of January, 1 798. 
 It was submitted to Mr. Gerry (whose humour it was necessary to 
 consult to obtain his signature) to suggest any alterations and amend- 
 ments he might think proper. That such a letter should be writ- 
 ten, had been agreed on by the 18th of December; and that it 
 should be concluded with a request to the Fj-ench government to 
 open the negotiation, or to grant to the envoys their passports, to 
 return home. The letter was closed, however, in very gentle terms 
 (undoubtedly to satisfy Mr. Gerry) requesting, that if no hope re- 
 mained of restoring harmony between the two republics, by amica- 
 ble negotiation, '' their return to their own country might be facili- 
 " tated." Mr. Gerry's vexatious delays prevented the completion 
 and translation of the letter until the 31st of January, when it was 
 signed, and sent to the French minister. 
 
 Mr. Gerry appears now to have had frequent appointments to 
 meet Mr. Talleyrand ; but this gentleman was often absent, nor did 
 he think Mr. Gerry of consequence enough to make any apology 
 for repeated disappointments, until a fourth had occurred. Then 
 one of Talleyrand's secretaries called on Mr. Gerry, to make a 
 slight apology ; and this secretary took this opportunity (Feb. 3) to 
 remark, that they had received a very long letter from the envoys, 
 and inquired what was its purport — " for they could not take the 
 " trouble to read it !" and he added, " that such long letters were 
 " not to the taste of the French government, who liked a short ad- 
 *' dress, coming at once to the point." No ; th.e peremptory de- 
 mands of that government, just or unjust, on the neighbouring na- 
 tions, subjugated or intimidated by the French arms, superseded all 
 negotiation ; and the like short work was intended to be made with 
 the United States. The secretary invited Mr. Gerry to see Mr. 
 Talleyrand the next day. 
 
 " February 4. — Mr. Gerry returned from his visit to Mr. Talley- 
 " rand, and informed me (says general Marshall) that communica- 
 " tions and propositions had been made to him by that gentleman, 
 " which he was not at liberty to impart to general Pinckney or my- 
 " self; that he had also propounded some questions to the minister, 
 " which had produced some change in the proposition from its ori- 
 
83 
 
 " ginal aspect ; that he was to give an answer to-morrow or the day 
 "after; and that upon it probably depended peace or war."* 
 
 So this distinguished diplomatist, Mr. Gerry, the favourite of Mr. 
 Adams, " whose negotiations were more useful and successful than 
 " those of either of his colleagues"! — " by way of excellence (says 
 " Mr. Adams) my own ambassador, for I had appointed him against 
 " the advice of all my ministers."^ — This envoy, one of three, and 
 the last of the three, to whom the great interests of the United 
 States in relation to France had been entrusted, engages in private 
 consultations with the French minister, and under an injunction of 
 secrecy, to which he pledges himself, on the business of their im- 
 portant mission ! And on his answer to that minister, he says, " pro- 
 *' bably depended peace or war !" And the whole of this machina- 
 tion was to be concealed from his colleagues ! So gross a misde- 
 meanor must be ascribed either to corruption, or to weakness and 
 pusillanimity and vanity: I am ready to acquit him of the first. 
 
 On the 18th of January, at the instance of the directory, the two 
 legislative councils passed a decree, enacting that " every vessel 
 " found at sea, loaded in whole or in part with merchandise, the 
 " production of England or of her possessions, shall be declared 
 " good prize, whoever the owner of these goods or merchandise 
 " may be."§ On the 6th of February, general Marshall put into 
 Mr. Gerry's hands the draught of a letter to the French minister, 
 remonstrating against that decree, and closing with a request of 
 passports. But Mr. Gerry was too busily occupied with his secret 
 negotiations with that minister to attend to the letter, though it 
 would affect nearly every American vessel on the ocean. On the 
 14th of February Mr. Gerry returned the draught of the letter, 
 with some amendments. It was then put under copy, and trans- 
 lated.jl On the 18th, being fully prepared, it was offered to Mr. 
 Gerry to sign — which he declined. 
 
 The envoys had been waiting for an answer to their long letter, 
 dated the 17th and delivered to the minister on the 31st of Janua- 
 ry ; in which, as before mentioned, they had minutely examined 
 all the subjects on which the French government had made com- 
 laints, and exhibited a complete vindication of their own. At 
 ength Mr. Talleyrand, on the 18lh of March, deigned to send 
 them an answer, in the usual style of French republican sophistry 
 
 r. 
 
 • General Marshall's manuscript journal. The above paragraph I have copied 
 verbatim. For all other details concerning the envoys and their proceedings, iu 
 Paris, which are not communicated in their public despatches, I am indebted to 
 General Marshall's journal, of which, on his return from France, he allowed me 
 to take a copy. The original is in his hands. 
 
 t So says Mr. Adams in letter XIV, Nov. 7, 1808, to Cunningham. 
 
 % Letter XXXIV, March 20, 1809, to Cunningham. 
 
 } This is the prototype of Bonaparte's Berlin decree. 
 
 II The envoys' letters to Mr. Talleyrand were in their own language, but ac- 
 companied by French translations, ai well to prevent misconstructions, as any pre- 
 tence for delay in answering them. 
 
84 
 
 and round assertions, which he knew were alike false and insulting, 
 and near its close is the following paragraph : 
 
 " It is, therefore, only in order to smooth the way of discussions, 
 *' that the undersigned has entered into the preceding explanations. 
 " It is with the same view, that he declares to the commissioners 
 " and envoys extraordinary, thai, notwithstanding the kind of pre- 
 "judice which has been entertained with respect to them, the 
 " executive directory is disposed to treat with that one of the three, 
 " whose opinions, presumed to be more impartial, promise, in the 
 " course of the explanations, more of that reciprocal confidence 
 " which is indispensable." 
 
 The above paragraph, being interpreted, would read thus : — 
 " You, Messrs. Pinckney and iViarshall, discerning what the rights 
 " and interests of your country demand, and being determined to 
 "maintain them, are not the persons with whom the directory 
 " choose to have any intercourse. Mr. Gerry, on the contrary, 
 " being more open to useful impressions, ' more impartial' — that is, 
 " not partial to those rights and interests, at least so far as com- 
 " ports with the present views and wants of the French govern- 
 " ment — possesses the qualifications proper for an envoy with whom 
 " the directory will negotiate." 
 
 At the beginning, Mr. Talleyrand's agents X and Y had stated 
 to the envoys the necessity of paying money, and a great deal of 
 it, to sooth the irritated directory, and of agreeing to a very large 
 loan. The envoys repelled these demands ; and assured those 
 agents, and Mr. Talleyrand himself, that they had no power to 
 make any loan of money ; and, finally, that their instructions for- 
 bade their agreeing to a loan. Mr. Gerry concurred with his col- 
 leagues in these declarations. But, after he had been closeted by 
 Talleyrand, and invited to and indulged in frequent secret con- 
 ferences, he came out a convert to the minister's avowed opinion, 
 that a loan, to be paid after the war with England, was not forbid- 
 den by their instructions; although the direct object of such astipu- 
 lation was, to raise the money upon it immediately, to aid in carry- 
 ing on the existing zcar ! And in this new opinion, enforced by the 
 terror of the war with v/hich Talleyrand had inspired him, Mr. 
 Gerry persisted, in opposition to the plain and unanswerable argu- 
 ments of his colleagues. Their instruction, on this question, was in 
 these words — "That no aid be stipulated in favour of France dur- 
 " ing the present war." 
 
 On the 3d of April, the envoys sent to the French minister a full 
 answer to his letter of the 18th of March; and concluded with 
 saying, that if " it should be the will of the directory to order passr 
 " ports for the whole or any number of them, you will please to 
 "accompany such passports with letters of safe conduct, which 
 " will entirely protect from the cruisers of France the vessels in 
 " which they may respectively sail, and give to their persons, suite, 
 
85 
 
 " and property that perfect security to which the laws and usages 
 " of nations entitle them." 
 
 After this, general Marshall prepared for his departure, and 
 waited only the order of the directory as to a passport and letter of 
 safe conduct. But these they wished to avoid giving : for though 
 it was pei-fectly clear thai Mr. Gerry was their man^ they desired - 
 not to make a formal selection of him; but that generals Pinckney 
 and Marshall, by asking passports for themselves, would, in effect, 
 make the selection ; and by thus withdrawing, in appearance 
 voluntarily, leave Mr. Gerry more at liberty, with some colour of 
 authority, to negotiate alone. It is due to him to say, that he was 
 not guilty of this last degree of folly : he undertook only to nego- 
 tiate informaUy^ and in this way suffered himself to be amused and 
 trilled with for above four months ; two months and a half of that 
 time after he had received instructions from his government to leave 
 France. He had repeatedly told his colleagues that he would not 
 stay ; but changed his mind afterward, and said he would stay, to 
 prevent a war. Threats of various kinds had been thrown out, for 
 six months, to alarm the envoys, and frighten them into a submission 
 to the arbitrary will of the directory; none of which had been car-' 
 ried into execution ; and among them this bugbear of immediate 
 war, which ]\Ir. Gerry had now been persuaded to believe would 
 become a reality, and which nothing but his remaining in France 
 would prevent. 
 
 The sickness of general Pinckney's daughter compelled him to 
 stay some time in France. General Marshall embarked without 
 delay ; and his safe return was a subject of cordial congratulation 
 among his independent fellow-citizens. 
 
 The despatches from our envoys, in which the unjust and cor- 
 rupt demands of the French government were displayed, having 
 been communicated to congress, they ordered them to be publish- 
 ed. They were of course circulated by newspapers, and reached 
 England; and from England they travelled to Paris. Upon their 
 arrival, Mr. Talleyrand, with singular effrontery, wrote to Mr. 
 Gerry the following letter, dated May 30, 1798. 
 
 "I communicate to you, sir, a London g-azette of the 15th of May. You will 
 therein find a very strange publication. I cannot observe without surprise, 
 that intriguers have profited of the insulated condition in which the envoys of 
 the United States have kept themselves, to make proposals and hold conversa- 
 tions, the object of which was evidently to deceive you. I pray you to make 
 known to me immediately the names denoted by the initials W, X, Y and Z, 
 and that of the woman who is described as having had conversations with Mr. 
 Pinckney upon the interests of America. If you are averse to sending them 
 to me in writing, be pleased to communicate them confidentially to the bearer. 
 
 " I must rely upon your eagerness to enable the government to fathom those 
 practices, of which I felicitate you on not having^ been the dupe, and which 
 you must wish to see cleared up. 
 
 Accept, &c. CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND." 
 
86 
 
 It is difficult to conceive of a more pointed insult than was in 
 this letter offered to Mr. Gerry. He was present with Pinckney 
 and Marshall, and heard all the propositions for the douceur and 
 the loan, made by X and Y, in Talleyrand's behalf, and had 
 signed all the despatches which Talleyrand now called " strange 
 " publications." Further— Mr. Gerry went with Y to Mr. Talley- 
 rand's office (as before mentioned) where Mr. Gerry told him "that 
 " Mr. Y had stated to him some propositions as coming from Mr. 
 " Talleyrand, respecting which Mr. Gerry could give no opinion." 
 Mr. Gerry made some other observations : after which, Mr. Tal- 
 leyrand said, " that the information Mr. Y had given him (Mr. Ger- 
 " ry) was just, and might always be relied on." Now, the precise 
 propositions offered by Y, that morning, are thus given, in the en- 
 voys' despatches, as stated by Mr. Y. to Mr. Gerry himself. " He 
 " (Mr. Y) then stated, that two measures, which Mr. Talleyrand 
 " proposed, being adopted, a restoration of friendship between the 
 " republics would follow immediately ; the one was a gratuity of 
 " 50,000 pounds sterling ; the other, a purchase of thirty-two mil- 
 " lions of Dutch rescriptions." Still further ; at a preceding inter- 
 view between Mr. Talleyrand and Mr. Gerry, Mr. Z being present, 
 Mr. Gerry said, " that as to a loan, we had no powers whatever to 
 make one; ^' that if we were to attempt it, we should deceive himself 
 
 " and the directory ; but that we could send one of our number 
 
 " for instructions on this proposition, if deemed expedient, provided 
 " the other objects of the negotiation could be discussed and adjust- 
 " ed;" concluding with a reference to Talleyrand's desire to "confer 
 " with (he envoys individually." To this Mr. Talleyrand answered, 
 " He should be glad to confer with the other envoys individually ; 
 " but that this matter about the money must be settled directly, zoithoiit 
 *' sending to America; that he would not communicate the arret for 
 " a week ; and that if we could adjust the difficulty respecting the 
 " speech, an application would nevertheless go to the United States 
 " for a loan." This conversation was on the 28th of October, 
 twenty-four days after all the envoys had arrived in Paris. The 
 threatened arret was to order them off. 
 
 The reader now sees, that the two conversations held by Mr. 
 Gerry with Mr. Talleyrand demonstrate, that the money propositions 
 of the " intriguers" are precisely those of Mr. Talleyrand himself — 
 Mr. Y present in one instance, and Mr. Z in the other ; that Talley- 
 rand distinguished between the loan^-for which the American gov- 
 ernment must be consulted, and the money — " which must be settled 
 " directly ;" which was the douceur, or gratuity, of 50,000 pounds 
 sterling. Yet, with all this certainty that X and Y were Talley- 
 rand's agents, Mr. Gerry yields to his demands, and certifies their 
 names ! He wished to have evaded the disgraceful compliance ; 
 but exacted only one condition, Talleyrand's assurance that their 
 names should not be published on his (Gerry's) authority. Tallcy- 
 
87 
 
 rand answers, " that they shall not be published as coming from 
 " him." Then follows the certificate in these words : 
 
 ^^ Paris, June 1798. Prairial, 6 an. 
 "The names of the persons designated in the communications of the envoys 
 extraordinary of the United States to their government, published in the Com- 
 mercial Advertiser of the 11th of April last at New- York, are as follow : 
 
 X is Mr. , 
 
 Y is Mr. Bellamy, 
 
 Z is Mr. Hauteval. E. GERRY." 
 
 " To the Minister of Foreign Affairs 
 of the French Republic," 
 
 This certificate is No. 12, among the documents communicated 
 to congress by Mr. Adams, on the 18th of January, 1799 ; and to 
 this No. 12 1 then subjoined the following note : 
 
 " Mr. Gerry has inserted the proper name of X in this document, as given 
 to Mr. Talleyrand ; but the person designated by X not having (like Y) avow- 
 ed himself, thie promise made to him and Y, ' that their names should in no 
 event be made public,' is still obligatory on the Executive in respect to X, and 
 therefore his name is here omitted. T. PICKERING." 
 
 But, besides thus debasing himself in giving to Talleyrand the 
 names of his own agents, Mr. Gerry stated, that " they did not, to 
 " his knowledge, produce credentials or documents of any kind." 
 But what credentials could be necessary, when Mr. Talleyrand had 
 acknowledged to Mr. Gerry himself, that Y was his agent in the 
 propositions he had made ; when not only X, but Talleyrand also, 
 had made to Mr. Gerry the same propositions, for the gratuity and 
 a loan ? Mr. Gerry did not stop here : in another letter to Talley- 
 rand, he says, " In regard to the citizens attached to your employ- 
 *' ment, and authorized by you to see the envoys on your official 
 *' communications, I do not recollect a word from any of them which 
 " had the least relation to the proposition, made by X and Y in 
 " their informal negotiations, to pay money for corrupt purposes." 
 Now when, on the 28th of October, Mr. Talleyrand made to Mr. 
 Gerry the same money propositions, (as I have before stated) Z 
 (Mr. Hauteval) was present, and was desired by Taliej^rand to re- 
 eat what he had said to Mr. Gerry. Another fact was certified 
 y Mr. Gerry — that throe of the persons were foreigners, and the 
 fourth (Hauteval) Mr. Gerry says, " acted merely as a messenger 
 " and linguist." — Mr. Talleyrand had now obtained, through Mr. 
 Gerry's pusillanimity, the ground-work for a pul)lication in Paris, 
 ridiculing the envoys as the dupes of the pretended intriguers, and 
 using Mr. Gerry's answers on the subject to justify the statement. 
 Mr. Hauteval was not merely a messenger and linguist, but a solici- 
 io)\ in this business, for Mr. Talleyrand ; of which take the follow- 
 ing decisive proof, it being an extract of a letter, dated June 15, 
 1798, from Mr. King, our minister in London, to the secretary of 
 
 i; 
 
88 
 
 state, and which was published, as a note, in my report. Col. 
 Trumbull is the painter so well known in that profession. 
 
 " Col. Trumbull, who was at Paris soon after the arrival there 
 "of the commissioners, has more than once informed me, that Hau- 
 " teval told him, that both the douceur and the loan were indispensa- 
 " ble ; and urged him to employ his influence with the American 
 " commissioners to offer the bribe, as well as the loan.'''' Yet this 
 same Mr. Hauteval, acting a part in this government farce, writes 
 to Mr. Talleyrand — " My sensibility must be much affected on 
 " finding myself, under the letter Z, acting a part in company with 
 " certain intriguers, whose plan it doubtless was to take advantage of 
 " the good faith of the American envoys, and make them their dupes." 
 — " Citzen" Tallej^rand, now prince Talleyrand, was long enough 
 minister of foreign affairs to accumulate a princely fortune, by prac- 
 tising, for himself and his principals, on the vassal states subdued by, 
 or trembling in terror of, French armies, the same exactions with 
 those he attempted to impose on the American envoys.* 
 
 On the 4th and 5th of March 1798, the first despatches fi'om our 
 envoys came to hand. Being voluminous, and in cipher, much time 
 was required to decipher them, and make copies to be laid before 
 congress. On the 23d of that month, by the president's direction, 
 I wrote a letter, addressed to all the envoys ; in which I quote from 
 their No. 5, dated the 8th of January, the following passage : You 
 " repeat, that there exists ho hope of your being officially received 
 " by that government, or that the objects of your mission will be 
 *' in any way accomplished." ' This opinion is sanctioned by the 
 whole tenor of your communications ; and we trust that soon after 
 the date of your No. 5 you closed your mission, by demanding 
 passports to leave the territories of the French Republic' Then, 
 adverting to the fair and honourable views of the American gov- 
 ernment, which dictated the mission, and the extreme neglect with 
 which they, and through them their country, had been treated by 
 the government of France, ray letter proceeds : " Under these cir- 
 " cumstances, the president presumes that you have long since quit- 
 " ted Paris and the French dominions." Then, noticing their 
 intention to make one more attempt to draw the French govern- 
 ment to an open negotiation, in which there was a bare possibility 
 of succeeding, the president authorized their staying to complete a 
 treaty ; but, if there appeared a design in that government to pro- 
 crastinate, they were directed to break oft' the negotiation, demand 
 their passports, and return. " For (it was added) you will consider, 
 " that suspense is ruinous to the essential interests of your country;" 
 and this instruction was given them : " In no event is a treatj'to be 
 "purchased with money, by loan or otherwise. There can be no 
 
 * It is perhaps hardly known, that this prince is a citizen of Pennsylvania. He 
 ■was citizenized when there in the form of a French emig^rant. I have somewhere 
 among my papers a copy of the certificate of his admission* 
 
89 
 
 '' safety in a treaty so obtained. A loan to the republic would 
 " violate our neutrality ; and a douceur to the men now in power, 
 " might, by their successors, be urged as a reason for annulling the 
 " treaty ; or, as a precedent for further and repeated demands." 
 
 In his letter of May 13th, addressed to me, Mr. Gerry acknow- 
 ledged the receipt of my letter of the 23d of March, delivered to 
 him the preceding evening by the special messenger, sent to France 
 in a public vessel of the United States. The instructions in that 
 letter Mr. Gerry said he should duly observe ; yet suffered himself 
 to be amused by Talleyrand's idle proposals of a negotiation, until 
 near the end of July ; even when the French minister's letters were 
 marked with repetitions of insulting sentiments towards the Ameri- 
 can government, particularly in suggesting doubts of its sincerity in 
 its measures to eiiect a settlement of differences — reproaches which 
 Mr. Gerry knew to be unfounded — and after he had, to his col- 
 leagues, pronounced the government of the French Republic " the 
 " proudest as well as the most unjust government on the face of the 
 '• earth ; that it was so elevated by its victories as to hold in per- 
 "fect contempt all the rights of others; and that with this disposi- 
 " tion it would certainly make war on us, if we refused to comply 
 " with what its pride would insist on, because the measure had been 
 " proposed."* Thus completely had Mr. Adams's able and magna- 
 nimous ambassador become the dupe of the French minister's 
 threats, mingled with blandishments flattering to his vanity. Mr. 
 Gerry had even the folly to imagine his colleagues to be envious of 
 his good fortune : " They were wounded (he said) and he was not 
 " surprised at it, by the manner in which they had been treated by 
 " the government of France, and the difference which had been 
 " used with respect to him."t How differently his great friend and 
 protector, president Adams, at that time, viewed his conduct, will 
 appear by the following extracts of my letter, dated June 25, 1 798, 
 to Mr. Gerry, which, together with his voluminous documents, were 
 by the president communicated to congress on the 1 oth of Jan. 1 799. 
 
 Extract of the letter to Mr. Gerry, dated June 25, 1798. 
 
 " By the iostriictions dated the 23d of March, which agreeably to the presi- 
 dent's directions I addressed to generals Pinckney and Marshall and yourself, 
 and of which six sets were transmitted, one by a despatch boat sent on purpose^ 
 and some of which doubtless reached j'ou during- the last month, you will have 
 seen that it was expected that all of you would have left France long- before 
 those instructions could arrive, and which were transmitted rather from abund- 
 ant caution than necessity, seeing- no probability or hope existed that you 
 would accomplish the object of your mission. The respect due to yourselves 
 and to your country irresistibly required that you should turn your backs to a 
 government that treated both with contempt; a contempt not diminished but 
 aggravated by the flattering but insidious distinction in your favour, in dispar- 
 agement of men of such respectable talents., untainted honour and pure patriotism, 
 as generals Pinckney and Marshall, and in whom their government and country 
 
 * General Marshall's Journal— Feb. 26, 1798. 
 t General Marshall's Journal — April 3. 
 13 
 
90 
 
 reposed entire confidence ; and especially when Iht real object of thai distinction 
 was to enable the French government, trampling on the authority and dignity of 
 your own, to designate an envoy with whom they would condescend to negotiate. 
 It is therefore to be regretted, that you did not concur with your colleagues in 
 demanding passports to quit the territories of the French Republic, some time 
 before they left Paris." 
 
 " It is pi-esumed that you will consider the instructions of the 23d of March, 
 before mentioned, as an effectual recall. Lest, however, by any possibility, 
 those instructions should not have reached you, and you should still be in 
 France, / am directed by the President to transmit to you this letter, and to 
 inform you, that you are to consider it as a positive letter of recall." 
 
 If the reader has had patience to accompany me through this 
 abridged history of the occurrences at Paris in relation to the 
 French government and our envoys, and particularly to the con- 
 duct of Mr. Gerry, he will be prepared to understand and appre- 
 ciate the passages in my report on French affairs, which Mr. Adams 
 marked to be struck out, and which were accordingly expunged. 
 The reader wall see, in another part of this Review, general Mar- 
 shall's testimony to the correctness of the report as laid before con- 
 gress. The following passages between brackets are those ordered 
 to be struck out, and complete the report "as originally written and 
 submitted to the president. A few words of the report, as adopted 
 by the president, are introduced, to render those passages perfectly 
 intelligible. 
 
 Paragraph 6. Mr. Gerry wishes to evade Talleyrand's demand 
 of the names of the persons designated by the letters W, X, Y and 
 Z, and with reason ; for he and his colleagues had " promised 
 " Messrs. X and Y that their names should in no event be made 
 " public. [I know not what considerations could warrant a depar- 
 " ture from this promise, on the supposition that their names were 
 " unknown to the French government ; and admitting that they 
 " were known (which was the fact) the minister's request was im- 
 " pertinent and insulting ; and to comply with it was submitting to 
 " an indignity."] In the same paragraph — " Mr. Gerry had Mr. 
 " Talleyrand's own assurance that Mr. Y was acting by his author- 
 " ity. [It is to be regretted that an envoy from the United States 
 " should have consented to act a part in this farce."] In the same 
 paragraph — Mr. Gerry, " besides formally certifying to Mr. Talley- 
 " rand the names of his own private agents, [giving colour for his af- 
 " fected ignorance of them, in using the hypothetical expression, ' if 
 " any of those persons were unauthorized to act,' and adding] that 
 " ' they did not produce, to his knowledge, credentials,' &c." In 
 the same paragraph — " Mr. Talleyrand answered, that the informa- 
 " tion Mr. Y had given him (Mr. Gerry) was just, and might always 
 " be relied on. [This surely was a ' credential' for Mr. Y, to vouch 
 " not only for his past, but for any future, communications to tlie 
 " envoys, as made by the minister's authority."]* 
 
 * The following passage is in the same paragraph of the printed report: " Mr. 
 Y, himself, who is Mr. Bellamy, of Hamburgh, in his public vindication, declares, 
 that ' he had done nothing, said aothiugj aud written nothing, without the orders 
 of citizen Talleyrand.' " 
 
^1 
 
 Paragraph 9. " On the 2d of December X, Y and Z dined to- 
 "gether at Mr. Talleyrand's [familiarly] in company with Mr. 
 " Gerry ; and, after rising from table, the money propositions, which 
 " had before been made, were repeated, in the room and in the 
 " presence, though perhaps not in the hearing, of Mr. Talleyrand. 
 " Mr. X put the question to Mr. Gerry in direct terms, either, 
 " ' whether the envoys would give the douceur^'' or ' whether they 
 " had got the money ready,' [meaning the douceur."] 
 
 Paragraph ] 2. " It was to accomplish the object of these [scan- 
 " dalous] intrigues, that the American envoys were kept at Paris, 
 " unreceived, six months after their credentials were laid before the 
 " directory." 
 
 Paragraph 13. The report, mentioning the threats, which during 
 four or five months had been uttered, of immediate orders to the 
 envoys to quit France, and of war in its most dreadful forms — 
 which threats had induced Mr. Gerry to separate himself from his 
 colleagues, and stay in Paris — goes on to say, that "those threats 
 " had not been executed, and the unworthy purposes for which they 
 " had been uttered had been obvious. [It is further unfortunate 
 " that Mr. Gerry should have imagined it to be his duty to remam 
 " in France near three months after the instructions reached him, 
 " busied in informal negotiations, hopeless in their nature, and un- 
 '• warranted by those instructions ; in which, too, he was pointedly 
 " told, ' that suspense was ruinous to the essential interests of his 
 " country.' "] 
 
 Paragragh 20. " Hitherto, instead of a [sincere and anxious] 
 " desire to obtain a reconciliation, we can discover in the French 
 government only empty professions of a desire to conciliate" — 
 
 Paragraph 23. " On the 1 2th of May, the new instructions of 
 " March 23d, sent by the Sophia packet, reached Mr. Gerry, [re- 
 " quiring him, situated as he then was, to demand his passports, and 
 " return ; for, possessing no powers to negotiate, it was impossible 
 " that any circumstance mentioned in the instructions, to warrant 
 " his staying any longer in France, could exist. He was informed, 
 " too, that suspense^ the natural consequence of his stay, was ruin- 
 " ous to the essential interests of his country. Mr. Gerry, however, 
 " instead of conceiving himself bound immediately to demand his 
 " passports and return, onl}?^ thought himself authorized to give im- 
 " mediate information to the minister of foreign affairs,] and he gave 
 " immediate notice to the minister, that he should return to America 
 *' in the Sophia, as soon as she could be fitted for sea. [He re- 
 " mained, nevertheless, much longer in France, vainly seeking paci- 
 " fie arrangements."] 
 
 Paragraph 28. " Such are the proceedings of the French gov- 
 " ernment, by its minister, Mr. Talleyrand, before the arrival of 
 " the printed despatches of the envoys : [and where can we find 
 "any mark of ' a sincere and anxious desire to obtain a reconcilia- 
 " tion ?' "] 
 
92 
 
 Same paragraph. After noticing the impossibility of the envoys' 
 negotiating on the terms proposed by Mr. Talleyrand, " because 
 " directly repugnant to their instructions : [It is really surprising 
 " that such renewed propositions should not have appeared to Mr. 
 " Gerry to be, what they really were, illusory, and calculated only 
 " to amuse."] 
 
 Paragraph 34. " While we, amused and deluded by warm but 
 " empty professions of the pacific views and wishes of France, and 
 " by [Mr. Gerry's] informal conferences, might wait in fruitless tor- 
 " por, hoping for a peaceful result." 
 
 Such are the passages in my original report, on which Mr. Adams 
 has made the atrocious charge, that '' I inserted a most virulent, 
 " false and calumnious philippic against Gerry." I need not 
 appeal to generals Pinckney and Marshall, who are intimately ac- 
 quainted with facts, and will assuredly justify all I have said; but 
 every reader will see, that the parts struck out are only inferences 
 and remarks on notorious facts — facts stated in the official des- 
 patches of the envoys which are signed by Mr. Gerry, or in his 
 own official communications. But the reader cannot possibly con- 
 ceive of the virulence of Mr. Adams himself, in this case, without 
 seeing that charge in its connexions : it shall be exhibited. 
 
 Mr. Adams, having taken an unadvised step, in instituting a mis- 
 sion to France in February 1799, nominated Mr. Murray, then 
 minister resident of the United States in Holland, sole minister 
 plenipotentiary to negotiate a treaty with the government of the 
 French Republic. The measure was condemned by the most en- 
 lightened federalists. It paralysed the public spirit, at that time 
 roused to a proper sense of the unexampled injuries and insults of 
 that republic. It subverted the temple of federalism; and, burying 
 its destroyer in its ruins, rendered strikingly applicable to Mr. 
 Adams, his own quotation in another case — 
 
 -Nee lex est justior ulla 
 
 Quam necis artifices arte perire sua. 
 
 Which, as applied in this case, may be thus translated : J^o lazo is 
 morejust^than that lo the contrivers of ynis chief their own arts shouldprove 
 fatal. This measure, if clearly correct and patriotic, in the actual 
 state of things, in relation to France and the United States, would 
 not have required so long and laboured an argument, and the pro- 
 duction of so many letters and papers, for its justification. Yet it is 
 the burden of a number of his letters to Cuimingham, and of many 
 more which he published in 1809, in the Boston Patriot. And he 
 introduces the names of many persons who had given him in- 
 formation, official and inofficial, that the directory desired to 
 make peace ; all which, in his communications to congress in 
 December 1798, he declared unsatisfactory; yet in 1809 he mus- 
 ters them together, in order to prove the propriety, expediency, and 
 
93 
 
 moral certainty, of negotiating an honourable peace.* In his 
 message of June 21, 1798, to congress — feeling with some 
 force the monstrous indignities with which Pinckney, the minis- 
 ter of Washington, and finckney, Marshall and Gerry, his own 
 ministers, had" been treated and finally rejected — he said, " I 
 " will never send another minister to France, without assurances 
 " that he will be received, respected and honoured, as the repre- 
 " sentative of a great, free, powerful and independent nation." In 
 his letter No. XXXI V, March 20, 1809, to Cunningham, forgetting 
 what he had declared eleven years before, concerning Gerry's in- 
 formation, he says, "Mr. Gerry, in an official public letter, convey- 
 " ed to me, at the request of the directory and their secretary, 
 " Talleyrand, the most positive and express assurances that I had 
 *' demanded." The reader will now compare this solemn assevera- 
 tion with Mr. Adams's message to the senate, nominating Mr. 
 Murray ; in which no use is made of Mr. Gerry's official letter, 
 but of Talleyrand's letter to Pichon, which he communicated to 
 Mr. Murray, who sent it to his own government.! 
 
 ." Gentlemen of the Senate, 
 
 "I transmit to you a document which seems to be intended to be a compli- 
 ance with a condition mentioned at the conclusion of my message to congress, 
 of the 21st of June last. Always disposed and ready to embrace every plausi- 
 ble appearance of probability of preserving or restoring tranquillity, I nominate 
 William Vans Murray, our minister resident at the Hague, to be minister ple- 
 nipotentiary of the United States to the French Republic. If the senate shall 
 advise and consent to his appointment, effectual care shall be taken in his in- 
 structions, that he shall not go to France, without direct and unequivocal assur- 
 
 * Among these, was the late Dr. Logan of Pennsylvania. He was of the socie- 
 ty of Friends^ whose leading principle, every one knows, is opposed to war. A 
 gentleman of fortune, he went to Europe at his own expense. Anxious for peace, 
 he visited Paris, in 1790, and conversed with Talleyrand, from whom he received 
 the information to which Mr. Adams refers ; and, ou his return home, in the au- 
 tumn of that year, communicated the same to him. Yet, far from setting any 
 value upon it at that time, it became a subject of his censure. In his answer, 
 Dec. 12, 1798, to the senate's address, Mr. Adams says, "Although the officious 
 interference of individuals, without public character or authority, is not entitled 
 to any credit^ yet it deserves to be considered whether that temerity and imperti- 
 nence of individuals, affecting to interfere in public affairs between France and 
 the United States, whether by their secret correspondence or otherwise, and intend- 
 ed to impose upon the people, and separate them from their government, ought not 
 to be inquired into and corrected." This suggestion, doubtless, gave rise to an act 
 of congress to restrain such private interferences ; and its popular name was the 
 Logan Law. Dr. Logan was an acquaintance of mine ; and I am perfectly satis- 
 fied of the purity of his views. For the same solicitude to preserve peace to his 
 country, he made a voyage to England, in 1810, when there were signs of war in 
 the American horizon. He visited British ministers — noblemen — gentlemen — 
 farmers — in a word, some among all classes of the people, in various parts of Eng- 
 land ; and when I saw him, on his return, he informed me, that all were averse to 
 a war with the United States — with the single exception of one lieutenant in the 
 navy. 
 
 t Mr. Pichon, once known in America as the charge des affaires of the French 
 republic, was at this time officiating in the same character in Holland, where Mr. 
 Murray was resident as the minister of the United States. The " document," 
 mentioned by the president, was Talleyrand's letter to Pichon of Sept. 28, 1798. 
 
ances from the French government, sig'nified by their minister of foreign rela- 
 tions, that he shall be received in character, shall enjoy the privileg-es 
 attached to his character by the law of nations, and that a minister of equal 
 rank, title and powers shall be appointed to treat with him, to discuss and 
 conclude all controversies between the two republics. JOHN ADAMS. 
 « Feb. 18, 1799." 
 
 The reader must be struck with what Mr. Adams assumed for 
 the ground of this nomination, relating to a matter of very high 
 national concern, and manifestly of great difficulty to manage, and 
 bring to a safe and successful issue. The ground assumed did not 
 rest on probahility, nor the appearance of probability ; but only on 
 the plausible appearance of prohahility I And the business to be 
 transacted was the same for which he had before appointed three 
 envoys, two of whom were general Pinckney and general Marshall. 
 Mr. Murray, though worthy and respectable, yet, standing alone, 
 would not have received the senate's approbation. This was mani- 
 fested to the president by a committee of that body. The measure 
 itself excited extreme surprise ; and, excepting to a few members in 
 the opposition party zcho zvere in the secret, the surprise was as univer- 
 sal as extreme. No head of a department — not a s\ng\e federalist 
 — had any previous knowledge of it. The shock to the minds of 
 federalists, generally, may be judged of by this fact : As soon as 
 the report of the nomination to the senate took air, a member of 
 the house of representatives, and a friend to Mr. Adams, came to 
 my office, and accosted me in this manner : How is all this ? the 
 president's nomination of Mr. Murray to be minister to France ? I 
 answered, I know nothing more about it than you do ; I have only 
 heard that the nomination has been made. " Why, is the man 
 mad ?" was the member's reply. 
 
 But let us compare the different acts of Mr. Adams. If he had 
 received " the most positive and express assurances that he had de- 
 " manded," as the condition on which alone he would send another 
 minister to France, why, in the message to the senate, in order to 
 reconcile them to the measure, and gain their approbation of the 
 nomination, does he declare, that Mr. Murray shall " not go to 
 " France without direct and nnequivocal assurances from the French 
 " government, signified by their minister of foreign relations, that 
 " he shall be received" in the manner required by his message to 
 congress of the 21st of June, 1798? The two statements are in- 
 congruous. The simple truth is, unquestionably, that the materials 
 he had mustered up, with great diligence, and many of which he 
 had displayed in the Boston Patriot, in 1809, and referred to in his 
 letters to Cunningham, to justify himself for instituting the mission, 
 were (like. the British orders in council, dragged in by his son J. 
 Q. Adams, to justify his active zeal and vote in imposing on our 
 country Mr. Jefferson's ruinous embargo) the fruit of after thoughts. 
 Most of them, and especially those furnished by Mr. Gerry, on 
 which so much stress was now laid, had been a good while known 
 
95 
 
 to him.* To which add the verbal communications from that gen- 
 tleman to the president while remaining at Quincy. The reader 
 shall now see of hov/ little value they were in his estimation, only 
 a short time before he instituted the mission. 
 
 Congress assembled in Philadelphia in December, 1798. On the 
 8th of that month, Mr. Adams addressed that' body, according to 
 the usage under the federal administrations, in a speech. After 
 noticing the failure of the measures which had been taken to settle 
 our controversies with France, and some of the outrageous acts of 
 its government, he says, " Hitherto, therefore, nothing is discovera- 
 " ble in the conduct of France, which ought to change or relax our 
 •' measures of defence ; on the contrary, to extend and invigorate 
 *' them is our true policy." Again — •' It is peace that we have 
 " uniformly and perseveringly cultivated ; and harmony between 
 " us and P'rance may be restored at her option. But to send anoth- 
 " er minister, without more determinate assurances that he zoould he 
 " received, would be an act of humiliation, to which the United States 
 *' ought not to submit. It must therefore be left to France (if she is, 
 " indeed, desirous of accommodation) to take the requisite steps." 
 
 The senate, on the 12th of December, presented to the president 
 a respectful answer to his speech, echoing his sentiments. In the 
 president's reply we have this passage — " I have seen no real evi- 
 " dence of any change of system or disposition in the French re- 
 " public towards the United States." It should also be recollected, 
 that so late as the 18th of January, 1799, just one month prior to 
 the nomination of Mr. Murray, he laid before congress my report 
 on the conduct of the French government towards the United States ; 
 in the last paragraph of w hich is this expression : — " Warmly pro- 
 " fessing its desire of reconciliation, it gives no evidence of its sin- 
 " cerity ; but'proofs in abundance demonstrate that it is not sincere." 
 If Mr. Adams had then thought this opinion erroneous, he would 
 have marked it to be struck out, as he did some expressions in the 
 report which had too pointed a bearing on his favourite, Mr. 
 Gerry. 
 
 I have already recited Mr. Adams's charge, that in my report I 
 " inserted a most virulent, false and calumnious philippic against 
 " Gerry ;" and I presume I have shown to every candid reader that 
 the charge is utterly groundless. In truth, all the virulence, false- 
 hood and calumny belong to Mr. Adams. If I forbear, in this 
 case, to accuse him of premeditated falsehood, what excuse can be 
 offered for the man Avho, for ten years, can hoard up his resent- 
 ments, ""and then with augmented virulence, even carelessly utter 
 unfounded reproaches, which in their nature deeply affect the 
 character of the person at whom they are pointed ? I will now 
 give the above mentioned false charge, with its connexions, from 
 
 * Mr. Gerry arrived at Boston the first of October 1798, and delivered his budg-et 
 of letters to Mr. Adams, then at Quincy, and Mr. Adams sent them to me at Phil- 
 adelphia. 
 
96 
 
 his letter No. XXXIV to Cunningham. My remarks will be in- 
 cluded in brackets. 
 
 " You speak of the fortunate issue of my negotiation with France 
 " to my fame ! ! I I cannot express my astonishment. No thanks 
 " for that action, the most disinterested, the most determined and the 
 " most successful of my zohole life. No acknowledgment of it ever 
 " appeared among the republicans ; and the federalists have pur- 
 " sued me with the most unrelenting hatred, and my children too, 
 " from that time to this." [Without admitting the existence of that 
 *' unrelenting hatred," it is obvious to remark, that trimmers between 
 two parties lose the respect of both. Mr. Adams then mentions 
 the assurances he received, that the government of the French re- 
 public would duly admit an American minister to treat of peace ; 
 and speciiies the letter before mentioned, from Mr. Talleyrand to 
 Mr. Pichon, French charge des affaires at the Hague, to that effect, 
 and which Pichon communicated to Murray.] " And the assurance" 
 (says Mr. Adams) " was as complete as words could express." 
 [Yet we have before seen that Mr. Adams assured the senate, to 
 whom he sent a copy of that letter, that Mr. Murray " should not 
 '• go to France without direct and unequivocal assurances from the 
 " French government, signified by their minister of foreign relations, 
 " that he should be received in character." 
 
 " The second assurance (says Mr. Adams) was more positive, 
 " more explicit and decisive still, and through the most authentic 
 *' channel that existed. It was Mr. Gerry, one of my own ambas- 
 *' sadors, and by way of excellence my own ambassador, for I had 
 *' appointed him against the advice of all my ministers, to the furi- 
 " ous provocation of Pickering," [False — " furiously" false : there 
 was no passion manifested by me or any other head of department, 
 on the occasion. In denying any of Mr. Adams's assertions, I feel 
 very little disposed to seek ibr any voucher beside my own decla- 
 ration. One other head of a department, however, is still living — 
 Governor VVolcott of Connecticut, who was then secretary of the 
 treasury; and to him, if any one doubt, an appeal may be made] 
 " and against the advice of all the senators whom he could in- 
 " fluence." [I have before stated, that when Mr. Adams first pro- 
 posed Mr. Gerry for one of the envoys, the heads of departments 
 objected; and that Mr. Adams gave way, and substituted chief 
 justice Dana of Massachusetts ; but, on his declining, Mr. Adams 
 recurred to Mr. Gerry, and in a manner to preclude, as well as I 
 recollect, any further opposition. And as to senators, I am perfect- 
 ly satisfied, that I never spoke to any one of them. We had entire 
 confidence in general Pinckney and general Marshal ; and only 
 wished to save them from being embarrassed with a difficult and 
 troublesome associate ; and such, to their extreme vexation and de- 
 lay, Mr. Gerry proved to be.] " Mr. Gerry, in an official public 
 " letter, conveyed to me, at the request of the directory and their 
 " secretary, Talleyrand, the most positive and express assurances, 
 
97 
 
 " thai I had demanded." [Yet Mr. Adams had no confidence in 
 them ; as is manifest by the passages I have before quoted irom 
 his speech to congress in December 1798, and in his reply to the 
 answer of the senate on the 12th of that month. To the senate he 
 said, " I haye seen no real evidence of any change of system or 
 " disposition in the French republic towards the United States."] 
 " This letter of Mr. Gerry threw Pickering into so furious a rage 
 " against Gerry, that in a report to me, which I requested him to 
 " draw for me to communicate to congress, he inserted a most viru- 
 '' lent, false and calumnious philippic against Gerry." [1 have had 
 occasion to remark, that Mr. Adams, subject to the raging of furious 
 passions, fancies, by the aid of that sublimated imagination which 
 Hamilton ascribed to him, that the storm within his ov/n breast is 
 violently agitating the bosom of another, against whom he is dis- 
 charging all its fury. My feelings in relation to Mr. Gerry were 
 of a kind totally different from " rage." And once for all 1 affirm, 
 that in my various interviews with Mr. Adams, there was never a 
 single instance of passion on viy part ; (I had a higher sense of the 
 decorum proper to be observed towards the president of the United 
 States;) and, what is not a little remarkable, but one on his ; and 
 this on an occasion which would not have produced in any other man 
 the smallest emotion.* Mr. Adams proceeds,] " I read it with amaze- 
 " ment. 1 scarcely thought that prejudice and party rage could go 
 " so far. I told him it would not do ; it was very injurious, and to- 
 *' tally unfounded. 1 took my pen, and obliterated the whole passage 
 " as 1 thought, but after all I let some expressions pass which ouglit 
 " to have been erased." [I have already given a full account ofthe 
 report. As printed, general Marshall has pronounced it correct; 
 and the parts struck out, which 1 have accurately stated, every 
 
 * It was this. In 1794, John Q. Adams ■was appointed minister resident of the 
 United States at the Haofiie. Just before general Washington's last presidency ex- 
 pired, he raised J. Q. Adams to the higher grade of minister plenipotentiary to 
 Portugal, But his father soon succeeding to the office of president, he changed 
 the son's destination from Portugal to Prussia. In making out a new commission, 
 I called him lale minister residtnt of the. United Slates at the Hague ; doubting 
 whether it would be correct to call liim late minister plenipotentiary of the United 
 States at the court of Lisbon^ seeing that not having gone thither, of course he had 
 not been received in that character. I concluded, however, to submit the draught 
 to his father, to be approved or altered, as he pleased. He read on till he came to 
 " late minister resident of the United States at the Hague," when he burst into a 
 passion, and with a loud and rapid voice exclaimed, " Not late minister resident at 
 " the Hague, but late minister plenipotentiary of tlie United States to the court of 
 " Lisbon, to which office he was appointed by general Washington — not by me — 
 " and so he shall be called." Then, lowering his tone, but speaking with ear- 
 nestness, he added, '^ I am sorry that my son ever went abroad as a minister : I 
 " wish he had staid at home ; for there was not a pen in the United States of which 
 '■'■ the Jacobins were so much afraid as of my son's I" ^Vhere and what is now this 
 " wonderful son ? Among the men whom his father called Jacubins^ — himself, of 
 course, a Jacobin. And where, I may also ask, is the father ? When the son tached., 
 the father ^rore ship^ and followed in his wake., Jefferson leading the ran ; Jefferson, 
 whom, not long before, the father pronounced "■ the deepest dissembler and most 
 '• artful hypocrite he ever knew." 
 
 14 
 
96 
 
 reader will see to be the natural inferences and remarks applicable 
 to the notorious facts exhibited in public documents vouched by 
 Mr. Gerry's own signature.] " Pickering reddened with rage or 
 " grief, as if he had been bereaved of a darling child." [This is 
 not a whit the more credible for Mr. Adams's having declared it. 
 While writing the parts of this letter to Cunningham, in which my 
 name is introduced, it is evident that his resentments were kindled 
 to a flame ; and thence he fancied that / was red hot.] '• He even 
 " went so far as to beg that I would spare it, and let it go to con- 
 " gress. But I was inexorable ; and his hatred of me has been 
 " unrelenting from that time to this." [The simple history of the 
 report is this : As the president was to communicate it to congress, 
 I of course submitted it to his inspection and correction. When 1 
 called for it, and found he had marked some passages to be struck 
 out, I, with perfect calmness, observed, that it would produce some 
 chasms, and, 1 apprehended, might break the connexion of some 
 parts of the report ; and therefore wished it to remain unmutilated. 
 Mr. Adams answered, with a voice steady and slow, precisely in 
 these words, (I here endeavour to indicate the manner by the 
 spaces between them) — " I am not going to send to 
 
 "• congress a philippic against Mr. Gerry." Such is 
 
 the amount of this mighty affair. I took the report, and had a fair 
 copy made, leaving out the passages and words to which the presi- 
 dent objected ; and, thus expurgated, he laid it before congress. 
 The parts struck, out were of much less consequence than at first 
 sight I had supposed.] 
 
 Mr. Adams's blind prejudice in favour of Mr. Gerry was to me 
 incomprehensible. I exhibit, elsewhere, an instance in which it 
 rose to a ridiculous excess. Perceiving that he entertained a high 
 opinion of general Marshall, I put his journal into Mr. Adams's 
 hands, hoping that some parts of it, in which his favourite was 
 necessarily introduced, would lead him to form more correct ideas 
 of his character. Whether he read the journal I do not know : if 
 he did, it is plain that it had no effect ; his prejudices appear to 
 have rem.ained unchanged. 
 
 On the 21st of September, 1798, 1 wrote a letter to Mr. Adams, 
 at Quincy, of which the following is an extract. 
 
 " I have a letter from general Marshall, dated at Richmond the 
 13th, in which is the following passage :" 
 
 " I have seldom seen more extraordinary letters than those of Mr. Talley- 
 rand to Mr. Gerry. He must have known in what manner they would have 
 been answered before he could have ventured to have written them. That he 
 should have founded a demand to Mr. Gerry, for the names of certain persons, 
 on a document proving- that Mr. Gerry had asserted Mr. Talleyrand to have 
 recognized those verj' persons as his agents, was as pointed an insuit as could 
 have been given. There is a fact relative to this business, not mentioned in 
 the despatches, which deserves to be known. The company at the private 
 dinner, to which Mr. Gerry was invited by Mr. Talleyrand, consisted of X, Y 
 
99 
 
 and Z. After rising from the table, X and Y renewed to Mr. Gerry, in the 
 room and in the presence (though perhaps not in the hearing) of Talleyrand 
 the money propositions which we had before rejected. " 
 
 About this time I received a letter from Mr. P. Johnson, 
 chairman of an assembly of citizens of Prince Edward County in 
 Virginia, covering an open address to president Adams ; which I 
 read. Numerous addresses, from all parts of the union, had been 
 presented to Mr. Adams, expressing the just resentment of his fel- 
 low-citizens at the deep injuries and insults which we had too long 
 borne from the French republic, and applauding him for the vigour 
 he had manifested in his endeavours to rouse his countrymen to 
 resist and repel them. But the address from Prince Edward was 
 of a character so different, and so charged with insults, that I re- 
 fused to be the medium of conveying it to the president, and had 
 written a short letter to Mr. Johnson, with which to send back the 
 address •, but, just as 1 was closing it, a newspaper came to hand 
 in which the address was published. I then laid aside the letter 
 1 had written, and wrote one of considerable length to Mr. John- 
 son, on the conduct of the French government, in order to justify 
 our own ; and in it inserted the anecdote of the private dinner at 
 Talleyrand's, when the money propositions were renewed. I 
 also mentioned Talleyrand's demand of the names of the intriguers, 
 and that Mr. Gerry complied with the insulting request. Having 
 caused my letter to Mr. Johnson to be printed, 1 enclosed a copy 
 of it to Mr. Adams, who was pleased to notice it as in the fol- 
 lowing letter. The reader will see that it is marked private; 
 which distinguislies it from his official correspondence with me. 
 As it has been his steady aim, in his letters to Cunningham, to 
 vilifij me, so, in order to counteract his design, Mr. Adams is here 
 exhibited against himself. Not that 1 consider approbation or 
 praise, from a man so notoriously governed by his passions, by his 
 ambition, vanity and family interest, of any intrinsic value ; but his 
 eulogies and censures, when brought together, like two different 
 substances in chemical operations, may neutralize each other. 
 
 "Private." " Quincy, Oct. 15, 1798. 
 
 " Dear Sir — I received your answer to the address from Virginia, concin- 
 nate and consummate. My secretary gave a hint of it to Mrs. Adams and she 
 insisted upon his bringing it to her Bedside and reading it to her. She desires 
 me to tell you, that weak and low as she is she has spirit enougli left to be de- 
 lighted with it. She says it is the best answer to an address that ever was writ- 
 ten, and worth all that ever were written. You may well suppose that I, who 
 am so severely reflected on by these compliments, am disposed enough to think 
 them extravagant. I however think the answer excellent, and wish you had 
 to answer all the saucy addresses I have received. I don't intend to answer 
 any more of the disrespectful ones. 
 
 " I am with great esteem, 
 
 « Mr. Pickering. JOHN ADAMS." 
 
 But my letter to P. Johnson, though so acceptable to the presi- 
 dent and Mrs. Adams, gave offence to Mr. Gerry, who wrote a 
 
100 
 
 letter of complaint concerning it to Mr. Adams; and he transmitted 
 the same to me for publication. I refused to publish it, and assign- 
 ed this reason — that it would then require from me animadver- 
 sions more wounding to Mr. Gerry's feelings than any of the re- 
 marks in my letter to Mr. Johnson. Mr. Geri-y's letter was re- 
 turned to the president to be restored to the writer. It was a long 
 letter, and trifling as long. He intended it as a justification of the 
 parts of his conduct in Paris wliich I had noticed in my letter to 
 Mr. Johnson. Its publication would only have exposed him, even 
 ■without comments, to additional reproach. 
 
 The foregoing details of the conduct of Mr. Gerry in Paris, and 
 of his intercourse with the French rulers, will, I presume, induce 
 every reader to assent to the justness of the following summary of 
 his character, in relation to that intercourse : — " He was charmed 
 " with their woi-ds, and duped by their professions; he had neither 
 " spirit nor penetration sufficient to negotiate with men so bold, so 
 " cunning and so false." — I am well persuaded, notwithstanding the 
 astonishing partiality of Mr. Adams, that towards the close of the 
 year 1798, when the above sentiment was communicated to him, 
 he thought it correct. It was the sentiment of a man,* of whose 
 discernment and judgment he has always entertained the highest 
 opinion. 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 LIEUT. COL. WILLIAM STEPHENS SMITH. 
 
 Mr. Adams, in his correspondence with Cunningham, letting slip 
 no opportunity to revile and calumniate me, introduced the name 
 of his son-in-iaw', col. Smith, as a theme in relation to w'hich he 
 could vent his reproaches. But for this, his name would, on my 
 part, have been consigned to oblivion. Compelled, in my own 
 justification, to notice him, the facts stated will present a further 
 elucidation of Mr. Adams's own character. 
 
 Col. Smith, an inhabitant of New- York, was serving in the revo- 
 lutionary war, when an inspectorship was established, in 1778. 
 Baron Steuben (a German officer, bred to ai-ms) was appointed 
 inspector general, and Smith became one of his deputies. The 
 war ended in 1783. In February 1785, congress determined on a 
 diplomatic mission to Great Britain, and John Adams was elected 
 minister plenipotentiary, to represent the United States at that 
 court. In Maj-ch, Smith was elected secretary of legation for this 
 mission; having been nominated by Mr. M'Henry, a delegate from 
 Maryland, who had also served in the army, and, in the latter 
 period of the war, as one of the aids do camp to general Washing- 
 
 * I think it proper to say, it was not general Marshall. 
 
101 
 
 ton, by whom, in 1795, he had been appointed secretary of Avar, 
 and from which office, Mr. Adams, after addressing him in oppro- 
 brious language, ejected him, a few days prior to my own removal 
 from the department of state. This diplomatic connexion led to a 
 family one. Colonel Smith became the son-in-law to Mr. Adams, 
 marrying his only daughter. The mission was limited by con- 
 gress to three years, after which Smith returned to New-York. 
 
 About this time, the government of the United States was form- 
 ed, under the constitution ; and when the funding system and the 
 national bank had been established, Smith again went to England, 
 with information of the advantages which capitalists might derive 
 from the application of their moneys in those establishments, and 
 in the purchase of new lands. Smith succeeded in this scheme, 
 and large sums were placed in his hands to carry it into execution. 
 These funds enabled him to commence a very expensive style of 
 living, on his return to New- York. He also engaged in dashing 
 speculations, incurred debts, and soon failed ; injuring, of course, 
 many creditors, and ruining his friend Burrows, as will presently 
 be related. Smith was thus reduced to a state of dependence on 
 his father-in-law ; and /te, willing to relieve himself, eagerly em- 
 braced every opportunity of providing Smith with some public 
 office. 
 
 In July, 1798, congress passed a law for raising twelve regi- 
 ments of infantry, in addition to the existing military establishment. 
 General ^Yashington being appointed commander in chief, he was 
 desired to name the persons whom he would recommend to the 
 higher offices, and particularly for the general staff. Besides the 
 three major generals, Hamilton, Pinckney and Knox, Henry Lee, 
 John Brooks, Wm. S. Smith or J. E. Howard, were proposed for 
 brigadiers ; Edward Hand, or Jonathan Dayton, or William S. 
 Smith, for adjutant general ; and Edward Carrington for quarter 
 master general. Col. Carrington had served in that office with 
 the southern army, under the command of general Greene; and 
 general Hand in the office of adjutant general, in the last years of 
 the war. 
 
 The secretary of war, M'Henry, having been sent to Mount Ver- 
 non with general Washington's commission, I was charged with the 
 duties, of his office during his absence, and was with Mr. Adams 
 when he was making a list of nominations to the senate, from that 
 which Mr. M'Henry had transmitted from Mount Vernon by the 
 mail. The president proposed to give rank to colonel Smith, as a 
 brigadier, before Dayton, who had also served in the revolutionary 
 war, and to name the latter for adjutant general; but, pausing;, he 
 said, " I have a good mind to put Dayton before Smith, as a briga- 
 " dier, and to nominate Smith for adjutant general ;" and added, 
 " When I was in England, several British ol-icers, who had con- 
 " versed with colonel Smith, told me that he would make a distin- 
 " guished military character." And then, to crown the eulogy, he 
 
102 
 
 said, " Why, sir, he has seen the grand reviews of the Great Fred- 
 " erick, at Potsdam!" This last idea appeared, in the president's 
 view, decisive of Smith's great military pretensions. 
 
 Leaving the president, I went to congress hall, and sent the door- 
 keeper lo ask some of the senators of my acquaintance to step out. 
 I informed them of the nomination of colonel Smith to be adjutant 
 general, presently to be laid before them, and told them why I 
 thought he ought not to be approved. The nomination was made; 
 and the senate were inclined, at once, to give it tlicir negative ; but 
 some of Mr. Adams's particular friends, wishing to save the feelings 
 of himself and his family, desired the senate to postpone their deci- 
 sion till the next day; and they would, in the mean time, wait on the 
 president, and endeavour to prevail on him to withdraw the nomi- 
 nation. They did wait on him — but in vain ; finally telling him, 
 however, that if the nomination were not withdrawn, it would be 
 negatived. " I will not withdraw the nomination," was his answer. 
 The next morning the nomination was taken up, and negatived by 
 all the senators, except two. Every circumstance here stated was 
 related to me immediately, by one or more of the senators who 
 were present. 1 certoinly had expressed my opinion to not more 
 than half a dozen senators, all federalists; and not to one who was 
 in the " Opposition." The prcsum})tion is therefore conclusive, 
 that many voted from their information concerning colonel Smith, 
 independently of any communication from me. When I come to 
 another transaction, after the new army was disbanded, it will ap- 
 pear that I had not made an erroneous estimate of his character. 
 
 In letter, No. XXXVIII, of the "Correspondence," Mr. Adams 
 says, " It is true that Pickering, at the instigation of Hamilton, as I 
 " suppose, who was jealous of Smilh as a favourite of JVashinglon^ and 
 " a belter officer than himself excited a faction against him, and to 
 '■'■my knowledcre propagated many scandalous falsehoods concerning 
 " him, and got him n':>gatived, though Washington had recommend- 
 " ed him to mc." Every reader must smile at Mr. Adams's fond 
 conceit, that Alexander Hamilton was jealous of colonel Smith, as 
 a favourite of Washington, and a better officer than himself! If there 
 were the semblance of truth in this ridiculous assertion, it would be 
 obvious to ask, Why then did not Washington name Smith to be in- 
 spector and major general, instead of Hamilton ; and put the latter 
 with the other two gentlemen, who were proposed as candidates for 
 the office of adjutant general ; especially as Smith had served under 
 Steuben, in the inspector's department? But as to Hamilton's " in- 
 " stigation" in the case, the fact is, that about noon, on the daj' of 
 the nomination of Smith, I expressed my opinion of him to some of 
 the senators, and the next morning it was negatived ; and Hamil- 
 ton, utterly ignorant of the matter, was in New-York. Mr. Adams 
 refrains from charging me wkh fabricating " scandalous falsehoods" 
 concerning Smith ; but says I propagated them. All that I said of 
 him (excepting in regard to his talents, of which I did not think 
 
103 
 
 very highly, and I expressed what I thought) I had derived from a 
 very credible source, several years before ; and on that intormation 
 gave my opinion to some senators. It related to a private trust ot 
 magnitude, in which colonel Smith was so unfaithful, that it appear- 
 ed to me unsafe to commit the confidential office of adjutant general 
 to his liands. I was not unaware of the hazard 1 ran in speaking 
 to senators, in this case ; and perfectly remember remarking to 
 some one of them, that what I had said to him and others, would 
 probably, by some means, come to the president's ears, and cause 
 my removal from office ; but adding — " I have done only what I 
 " thought to be my duty, and am willing to abide the consequences." 
 Near the close of the year 1798, general Washington came to 
 Philadelphia, to meet generals Hamilton and Finckncy (Knox had 
 refused to serve, because he was not appointed the first major gen- 
 eral) to consult on the organization of the army. Colonel Smith 
 was a candidate for the command of the regiment to be raised in 
 the state of New-York ; but Washington and the major generals 
 received information so unfavourable to Smith's character, in point 
 of integrity, that they did not recommend him. Unwilling however 
 to reject him peremptorily, general Washington addressed a letter 
 to the secretary of war, in which is the following passage : " As 
 " well myself as the two generals whose aid I have had in the 
 " nomination, have been altlicted with the information, well or ill- 
 " founded, that he stands charged, in the opinion of his fellow-citi- 
 " zens, with very serious instances of private misconduct, [instances 
 " which aftect directly his integrity as a man. The instances al- 
 " leged are various, but there is one which has come forward in a 
 "shape which did not permit us to refuse it our attention. It re- 
 " spects an attempt "knowingly to pledge property to major Bur- 
 " rows, by way of security, which was before conveyed to Mr. 
 "William Constable, without giving notice of the circumstances, 
 " and with the aggravation that major Burrovvs had become the 
 " creditor of colonel Smith, through friendship, to an amount which 
 " has proved entirely ruinous to him.] While the impossibility of 
 " disregarding this information forbad the selection of colonel Smith 
 " absolutely ; yet, the possibility, that it might admit of some fair 
 " explanation, dissuaded from a conclusion against him. As it will 
 ■ " be in your power to obtain further light on this subject, it has ap- 
 " pearcd advisable to leave this matter in the undetermined form in 
 " which it is presented, and to assign the reason for it. You are at 
 " perfect liberty to communicate this letter to the president. Can- 
 " dour is particularly due to him in such case. It is my wish to 
 " give him every proof of frankness, respect and esteem." This 
 letter is dated at Philadelphia, December 13, 1798. On the 17th, 
 Mr. M'Henry, the secretary of war, wrote a very kind letter to 
 colonel Smith, and enclosed a copy of general Washington's, for the 
 purpose of obtaining the explanation of the transaction referred to. 
 Smith, on the 20th, answered in a very long explanatory letter ; 
 
104 
 
 which, no doubt, was perfectly satisfactory to his father-in-law, 
 president Adams, who was never disposed to believe any thing ad- 
 verse to the character and interest of any of his family. Colonel 
 Smith was nominated to the senate, and the nomination received 
 their assent. Colonel Smith's explanation, however, differed wide- 
 ly from that of major Burrows, whom, profiting of his generous 
 friendship, he had reduced from a genteel competency to absolute 
 beggary; — to a condition still worse; for, after selling his whole 
 estate, to fulfil his pecuniary engagements for Smith, he was yet left 
 involved, on the same account, and at the mercy of his creditors, 
 whose forbearance, only, saved him from a jail. 
 
 The mission to France in 1799, sudderily instituted by "president 
 Adams, striking the public mind like a shock of electricity, soon 
 paralyzed the increased and increasing energies of the nation, ani- 
 mated with the brilliant actions of our infant navy ; and there being 
 a prospect that a treaty of peace would be the result, the new lit- 
 tle army was disbanded, in the summer of 1800. Col. Smith being 
 again without employment, the president appointed him surveyor 
 of the district of New York, and inspector of the revenue for the 
 ports within the same. But this appointment being made in the 
 recess of the senate, it was necessary to nominate him to that body, 
 on their assembling in November 1800, at the city of Washington. 
 This nomination (as usual when objections or doubts concerning 
 the candidate exist) was referred to a committee, of which the late 
 Gouverneur Morris was chairman.* This nomination of an oificer 
 of the customs pertaining to the treasury department, the commit- 
 tee, of course, applied there for information. The secretary an- 
 swered, that he possessed no information respecting this nomination 
 of col. Smith. The committee, however, received recommenda- 
 tions, under respectable names, in favour of col. Smith ; besides 
 letters from the collector and naval oflicer, certifying col. Smith's 
 diligence in his new office. It should be remembered^ that Smith zvas 
 then standing 071 his good behaviour: his continuance in office de- 
 pended on the approbation of the senate, upon a nomination to be 
 made to that body. Other papers were delivered to the commit- 
 tee by the secretary of the senate, which, as he informed them, 
 had been entrusted to him for that purpose by the president of the 
 United States. One of the latter purported to be a copy of a let- 
 ter of December 13, 1798, from general Washington to the secre- 
 tary of war, of v/hich I have just given an extract. But all that 
 part of the extract which I have included between brackets was 
 omitted ; that is, all that related to major Burrows. 
 
 Col. Smith's name being thus again brought before the senate, 
 when nominated to be surveyor of the customs for the district of 
 
 * It is proper for me to remind the reader, that I had been removed by Mr. 
 Adams in the preceding- month of May ; but the facts I am going to state, rest on 
 authentic documents, copies of -which are no-w before me. 
 
105 
 
 New York ; and gentlemen recollecting objections made two years 
 before, which prevented Washington, with his two generals, decid- 
 edly recommending Smith for n military commission ; the nonriina- 
 lion was committed, as already mentioned. The committee received 
 and collected, in the course of two months, a mass of information, 
 which, some time in February 1801 (when the session of congress 
 and Mr. Adams's presidency were near expiring) they reported in 
 gross to the senate. The whole, in my copy, occupies eighty-six 
 pages of large letter paper. The impression left on my mind, from 
 the information 1 received of the transaction, from one or more of 
 the senators, is, thai the papers icerc not read in the senate ; unless, 
 perhaps, by some individuals, who would toil through them in the 
 few remaining busy days of the session ; and, under these circum- 
 stances, the nomination was approved, with only eight negatives, 
 among whom was Gouverneur Morris, chairman of the committee, 
 and perfectly possessed of all the evidence in the case; and no 
 one will question his discernment or impartiality in judging. There 
 are other distinguished names, among the negatives, of gentlemen 
 still living. 
 
 But I have not done with these documents. The copy of gen- 
 eral Washington's letter, relative to Smith, and which was commu- 
 nicated by president Adams, by the hands of secretary Otis, to the 
 senate, was, as above remarked, essentially mutilated, and on the 
 specific point which required explanation^ the case of major Burrozus. 
 
 Together with the mutilated copy of General Washington's let- 
 ter, president Adams sent to the senate what purported to be a copy 
 of col. Smith's explanatory letter, before mentioned ; but so muti- 
 lated as to be reduced from eight pages to less than four, according 
 to the copies of both in my hands ; every part respecting Burrows 
 being omitted. But, besides the mutilations in both of these sijigu- 
 lar copies, there were a few interpolations ; some to amend the style, 
 and others to give a fairer aspect to Smith's explanations. By 
 whom these alterations and amendments were made, does not ap- 
 pear. Col. Smith could not have been so indiscreet ; for he had 
 transmitted genuine copies, with other papers (ten in all) to the 
 president of the senate, Mr. Jefferson, to be laid before that body ; 
 but which Mr. Jefferson sent to Mr. Morris, chairman of the com- 
 mittee, as appears by his letter of December 15, ISOO. 
 
 Such instances of reprehensible management, as these documents 
 exhibited, it was obviously supposed, would not be suffered to re- 
 main on the files of the senate. President Adams did withdraw 
 them, and (as the information rests on my memory) the very next 
 day. Apprehensive of this, some of the senators, by diligent ap- 
 plication, and sitting up at night, took copies of them. These 
 copies have been fifteen or twenty years in my possession, unseen 
 till now ; and no part of them might ever have seen the light, but 
 for Mr. Adams's malicious calumnies, respecting my conduct in re- 
 lation to Smith, in his letters to Cunningham ; intended, with his 
 
 13 
 
106 
 
 other calumnies, eventually to he published ; to the mortification of my 
 children and children's children — of many affectionate relatives — 
 and of numerous respectable friends, so long as my name should 
 be remembered. 
 
 I leave the reader to his own reflections on this management of 
 president Adams to obtain the senate's approbation of his son-in- 
 law, col. Smith, to be surveyor of the customs at New York ; only 
 remarking, that the nomination appears to have taken place without 
 the privity of the secretary of the treasury, to whose department 
 the matter belonged. To the application of the committee for in- 
 formation, the secretary (in his letter of Dec. 26, 1800) answered, 
 " I possess no information respecting the nomination which the pre- 
 *' sident of the United States has been pleased to make of William 
 " S. Smith, Esq. to be surveyor for the district of New York, and 
 " inspector of the revenue for the ports in that district." 
 
 The very serious instances of private misconduct, affecting di- 
 rectly col. Smith's integrity as a man, referred to in general Wash- 
 ington's letter, and the specific case respecting major Burrows, to 
 •which Smith ascribes the negative to his nomination as adjutant 
 general, were unknown to me when I expressed to some senators 
 my opinion that it v.'as not expedient to confer on Smith that confi- 
 dential office ; although, by the documents before me, I find those 
 " serious instances" were known in New York two years before ; 
 and hence, doubtless, the negative votes of many of the senators 
 may be accounted for; although Mr. Adams has been pleased, for 
 the purpose of reproach, to ascribe to me importance and influence 
 enough to determine the votc$ of the senate : he says, that I " got 
 " Smith negatived." That opinion of mine rested wholly on the 
 information already intimated, accidentally given me, three or four 
 years before, by a gentleman of fair character, with whom I was 
 acquainted. This was, col. Smith's unfaithfulness in a trust of mag- 
 nitude committed to him by sir William Pulteney, a wealthy Eng- 
 lishman. 
 
 Having introduced the serious charge against Smith, in general 
 "Washington's letter, but which he said might possibly admit of a 
 fair explanation, candour requires that I should notice what Smith 
 said. He roundly denies, but with too much bluster, that he had 
 " knowingly" pledged property to Burrows which was before 
 conveyed to Mr. Constable ; and says it was by a mere mistake, 
 an inadvertence, that his titles to some real estate, already conve}'- 
 ed to Constable, were produced to Burrows's counsel, as of property 
 still his own ; and which, by that means, was included with other 
 real estate then conveyed to Burrows ; to whom, however, it made 
 a difference of ten thousand dollars loss ; and Smith had no other 
 property to give as a substitute. It is not a little remarkable, that 
 Smith should have forgotten the conveyance (not of long standing — 
 perhaps a year or two) of city lots in New York, to Constable, of 
 the value of ten thousand dollars ; though the thing is possible* 
 
107 
 
 But this explanatory letter of Smith's — if it deserve the name — is 
 marked with ingratitude, and replete with misrepresentations, 
 respecting major Burrows ; as any one would perceive on the pe- 
 rusal of the candid statement of the latter to the senate's committee, 
 furnished at their request. Its great length necessarily excludes it 
 from this Review. 
 
 After all that Burrows could obtain of Smith, towards the large 
 sums he had been obliged to pay for him. Smith remained deeply 
 his debtor. Burrows then commenced a suit against him, with a 
 view to get hold of any property of his which might be discovered. 
 Smith found bail ; but the bail being alarmed, they insisted on 
 Smith's relieving them, by surrendering himself to the sheriff; who 
 must have committed him to jail. In this forlorn situation, Smith 
 wrote to Burrows, praying to be relieved ; for he was then going 
 from camp to New-York, to save his bail. That generous-hearted 
 man, totally ruined as he had been by Smith, instantly relieved 
 him ; saying, he would rather burn his bond than disgrace or injure 
 him. General Hamilton wrote to Burrows for the same purpose; 
 and, as the letter is not a long one, and has, besides its kindness, 
 some pleasantry in it, I give it entire ; the rather, because Mr. 
 Adams represents Hamilton (ridiculous as is the idea) to have beea 
 jealous of Smith's superior military talents, and his enemy. 
 
 GENEEAL HAMILTON'S LETTER TO MAJOR BURROWS. 
 
 " Dear Sir, " ^'ew-York, March 10, 1800. 
 
 " The anxiety of col. Smith's bail to your suit had like to have shut him up 
 yesterday in our prison. The good nature of col. Troup* interposed to save 
 him from the disgrace. You would have been sorry if it had happened — be- 
 cause you are not vindictive, and because it would utterly have ruined him, 
 without doing you the least good. Many considerations induce me to second 
 the advice you will receive front col. Troup — namely, to accept John Doe and 
 Richard Roe, characters of ancient renown in the law, for your bail, and to 
 proceed to judgment on that basis. If Smith has any real estate, that will se- 
 cure it ; and as to his body, it had better continue fat and jolly, to present a 
 g'ood front to his country's enemies, than to be sent to pine and grow meagre 
 in a nasty jail. Adieu. 
 
 Your's truly, A. HAMlLTOi\." 
 
 I have but slighdy adverted to col. Smith's unfaithfulness in the 
 trust he accepted from Sir William Pulteney. I am now possessed 
 of particular and authentic details of his gross mismanagement (to 
 use a gentle term) of the property of that gentleman, and of governor 
 Hornby; together, amounting to sixty thousand pounds sterling 
 (equal to 2GG,400 dollars) committed to Smith, to be applied (on 
 very liberal commissions) to their use, in the United States ; where 
 advantageous speculations presented, in the purchase of funded 
 debt, bank stock, and new lands ; but of which Smith made no re- 
 
 • Col. Troup was major Burrowa's counsel. 
 
108 
 
 turns. The whole was so soon dissipated, that in 1796 he began 
 to borrow money ; and before the close of that year he ruined his 
 friend Burrows. The agents of Pulteney and Hornby gathered 
 something from the wrecks of the property acquired by Smith with 
 their funds. 
 
 I forbear to say more on this subject ; what I have stated being 
 sufficient to show the substantial correctness of the information on 
 which I thought myself bound to interfere, to prevent his obtaining 
 the office of adjutant general. 
 
 The statement I have here made suggests the following questions. 
 Can it be supposed that Mr. Adams was ignorant of col. Smith's 
 conduct in relation to the funds of Pulteney and Hornby ? If not 
 uninformed, what can be offi;red to justify his nominating him to an 
 office in the Revenue department of the United States ? And why 
 was the nomination made (as it seems to have been, without the 
 privity of the secretary of the treasury ? 
 
 Col. Smith lost his office in the revenue department in the fol- 
 lowing manner : 
 
 The name of general Miranda was familiar in the United Slates, 
 at one period of Mr. Jefferson's presidency. He was a Spaniard, 
 born (as I understood) in one of the Spanish American provinces. 
 He had been in France, at one period of her revolution ; and, serv- 
 ing in her armies, in the rank of major general, barely escaped the 
 guillotine, when it was so common to cut off the heads of their mili- 
 tary commanders. After this, Miranda came to America, and 
 visited the city of Washington, where he spent some time. From 
 thence he repaired to New-York, and there engaged practically in 
 a project of revolutionizing one of the Spanish provinces. A band 
 of Americans, encouraged perhaps by visions of wealth to be ac- 
 quired in the country of silver and gold, were induced to embark 
 with him in the expedition. Col. Smith, then surveyor of the cus- 
 toms for the New-York district, aided Miranda, in forwarding (he en- 
 terprise ; and, if 1 do not mistake, permitted one of his sons to go 
 with him. This wild, because so premature a project, and so deficient 
 in means, necessarily failed, and the Americans were made prisoners. 
 The Spanish minister complained of this outrage against the territo- 
 ry of a nation with whom the United States were at peace. The 
 thing was notorious. To appease the Spaniard, president Jefferson 
 deprived Smith of his office ; and the expedition having been set 
 on foot, and the means for it prepared, within the United States, in 
 violation of an express law of the union. Smith was prosecuted for 
 a breach of it. Flis apology for engaging in it was, that Miranda 
 informed him, that Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison approved 
 of his plan. This was stated by Smith, soon after he had been 
 deprived of his office, in a long letter to his brother-in-law, J. 
 Q. Adams, then in the senate of the United Slates. Smith, thinking 
 that in Miranda's information gentlemen would find an excuse 
 for his engaging in the expedition, desired the letter might be 
 shown ; and Mr. Adams put it into my hands to read. 
 
SECTION VI. 
 
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 In Mr. Hamilton's " Letter on the Public Conduct and Character 
 "of John Adams, president of the United States," published in 
 1800, prior to the election of president and vice-president, to take 
 place in December of that year, Mr. Adams is censured for his va- 
 rious measures which resulted in the institution (in February, 1799) 
 of a mission to France, to negotiate a treaty with her government. 
 This last measure, suddenly taken, without the previous knowledge 
 of a single federalist, in or out of the government, occasioned univer- 
 sal surprise. A decided majority of the nation had been roused to a 
 just resistance of French aggressions. Success attended the vigorous 
 measures of the United States ; French armed vessels were captur- 
 ed ; and our commerce received protection. A continuance of the 
 same spirited measures would naturally increase the public ardour. 
 
 In this state of things, Mr. Hamilton expressed his belief, that 
 there was a real alteration in public opinion; and, hence, that a 
 negotiation to restore peace and a friendly intercourse with France, 
 might be more safely and advantageously conducted at Philadel- 
 phia than at Paris ; without hazard of dangerous intrigues by any 
 French minister who should be sent to the United States. Mr. 
 Adams takes this occasion to say not only that Hamilton's concep- 
 tions of public opinion were erroneous, but intimates that he was in- 
 capable of judging correctly in the case ; for which he assigns these 
 reasons — " That he was born and bred in the West Indies, till he 
 " went to Scotland for education, where he spent his time in a semi- 
 " nary of learning till seventeen years of age ; after which, no man 
 " ever acquired a national character ; then entered a college at New- 
 " York, from whence he issued into the army an aid de camp. In 
 " these situations he could scarcely acc|uire the opinions, feelings 
 •' or principles of the American people."* This Cjuotation presents 
 a statement marked with Mr. Adams's usual incorrectness ; and his 
 inference from his assumed facts is on a par with his statement. 
 To exhibit his errors, and at the same time gratify the reader, I 
 will subjoin a sketch of Mr. Hamilton's early life. 
 
 This eminent man, the son of a Scotch merchant, was born in the 
 island of Nevis, in the West Indies ; and. as soon as he was old 
 enough to be so employed, became a clerk in the counting house of 
 Nicholas Cruger, a merchant from New-York, who was settled in 
 the island of St. Croix. Boy as he was, the consciousness of a su- 
 perior intellect satisfied him that a merchant's store was not the 
 proper place for the exertion of his talents. When past the age of 
 thirteen years, he was sent to New-York for his education. After 
 the preparatory school instruction, he entered the college in that 
 
 * Letter XII, May 26, 1809, published in the Boston Patriot. 
 
no 
 
 city. The controversy between the British Colonies and the Mo- 
 ther Country employed, at that period, the tongues and the pens of 
 the most eminent men in America. Hamilton, though engaged in 
 his collegiate exercises, was not an unobserving spectator of the 
 passing scenes. 
 
 '' In this contest with Great Britain (says Dr. Mason) which called 
 " forth every talent and every passion, Hamilton's juvenile pen as- 
 " sertod the claims of the Colonies, against writers from whom it 
 " would derogate to say that they were merely respectable. An 
 " unknown antagonist, whose thrust was neither to be repelled nor 
 " parried, excited inquiry ; and when he began to be discovered, 
 " the effect was so apparently disproportioncd to the cause, that his 
 " papers were ascribed to a statesman who then held a happy sway in 
 *' the councils of his country, who has since rendered her most essen- 
 *' tial services, and who still lives to adorn her name.* But the truth 
 " could not long be concealed. The powers of Hamilton created 
 "their own evidence; and America saw, with astonishment, a lad 
 " of seventeen! in the rank of her advocates, at a time when her 
 " advocates were patriots and sages."]: 
 
 In the year 1773, after the commencement of hostilities, " Hamil- 
 " ton attached himself to one of the uniform companies of militia 
 " then forming in the city for the defence of the country, and de- 
 " voted much time and attention to their exercises. In the early 
 " part of 1776, he received, from the provincial congress of New- 
 " York, the appointment of captain of one of the independent com- 
 " panics of artillery ."§ " It was while he was training this com- 
 " pany, that, for the first time, he was seen by general Greene ; to 
 ^' v.'hose discerning eye something more appeared in the conduct of 
 " the young captain than was ordinarily exhibited in the parade 
 " exercises of that office."'!! Near the close of the campaign of 1 776, 
 Hamilton was introduced into general Washington's family, as an 
 aid de camp. In this situation he continued until the winter of 
 1780-1. In 1782-3, he was a delegate from the state of New-York 
 in the congress of the United States. It was while a member of 
 that body that he saw the letters and communications from our mi- 
 nisters at European courts, and among them those of John Adams, 
 then minister plenipotentiary to the States of Holland, and one of 
 the commissioners for negotiating a peace with Great Britain. These 
 negotiations were carried on at Paris, to which city Mr. Adams 
 came from the Hague. Mr. Jay, already there, had taken certain 
 decisive preliminary steps, without the concurrence of Dr. Frank- 
 lin, our resident minister in France, and another of the peace com- 
 
 * John Jay. 
 
 t Col. Nicholas Fish, a felloAV student of Hamilton's, informs me that he was 
 about eighteen ; and that he saw some of Hamilton's essays before they W9nt to 
 the press. ♦ 
 
 I Doctor Mason's oration on the death of Hamilton. 
 
 i Letter of December 26, 1823, from colonel Fish. 
 
 )) Judg-e Johnson's Life of Greene. 
 
Ill 
 
 missioners. Franklin, caressed by the French, was disposed im- 
 plicitly to obey an instruction from congress, wholly dilFerent in 
 spirit from former acts of that body, and unworthy of its well-earn- 
 ed public reputation. The object of that instruction was, to submit 
 the terms of the treaty of peace with Great Britain absolutely to 
 the French court, excepting in the single article of our independ- 
 ence. This instruction w^as obtained, undoubtedly, through the in- 
 fluence of the French minister to the United Slates, the count de la 
 Luzerne, and of the able secretary of legation, Mr. Marbois. Had 
 this instruction been implicitly obeyed, and had the British govern- 
 ment concurred with the plans of the French court, the fisheries, 
 the territory west of the Allegany mountain, and the navigation of 
 the Mississippi, would have been lost to the United States. Mr. 
 Jay, with the foresight, wisdom, firmness and patriotism which have 
 always distinguished him, resisted : he laid aside his instructions, 
 and alone commenced the negotiation, in a manner to do honour to 
 an able, upright and independent American citizen. Mr. Adams 
 came to Paris : his views coincided with Mr. Jay's 5 and, eventual- 
 ly. Dr. Franklin co-operated with them. Peace was made on terms 
 advantageous beyond the most sanguine expectations ; notwithstand- 
 ing which, an attempt was made by the members under French in- 
 fluence — for there was then, as there has been since, a French 
 pai-ty in congi'ess — to censure the commissioners; but it failed; and 
 praise instead of censure was bestowed on them. Hamilton, 
 " dreading the preponderance of foreign influence, as the natural 
 " disease of a popular government, was struck at the appearance, 
 " in the very cradle of our republic, of a party actuated by an un- 
 " due complaisance to foreign power ; and resolved at once to re- 
 " sist this bias in our affairs;" " a resolution (says Hamilton) which 
 *' has been the chief cause of the persecution I have endured in the 
 " subsequent stages of my political life."* 
 
 The agency of Mr. Adams in the peace negotiation made a fav- 
 ourable impression on the mind of Hamilton, but not without alloy. 
 A scrutiny of Mr. Adams's several communications to Congress 
 produced in the mind of Hamilton the following result : He says, 
 " I then adopted an opinion, which all my subsequent experience 
 '" has confirmed, that he is of an imagination sublimated and eccen- 
 '• trie; propitious neither to the regular display of sound judgment, 
 "nor to steady perseverance in a systematic plan of conduct ; and 
 " I began to perceive, what has been since too manifest, that to this 
 " defect are added the unfortunate foibles of a vanity without 
 " bounds, and a jealousy capable of discolouring every object."! 
 I greatly mistake if the reader has not found, in this Review, abund- 
 ant confirmation of the correctness of Hamilton's opinion. 
 
 It was in the year 1777, that I first saw Hamilton, and perceived 
 
 * Hamilton's Letter on the Public Conduct and Character of John Adams, Pre- 
 sident of the United States, 
 t The same Letter. 
 
112 
 
 his importance in the military family of general Washington. The 
 subsequent acts of his public life, and the eminent and disinterested 
 services he rendered to the United States, inspired me with the 
 highest ideas of his talents and worth. As an aid de camp to the 
 commander in chief, he saw the principal operations of the main 
 army during four years ; but had no command of troops, except of 
 a detachment at the siege of YorktoAvn, with which he stormed and 
 took a redoubt. A man of genius, however, will promptly grasp 
 any subject ; while a common mind is learning the rudiments, 
 which, by slow degrees, are to conduct him to the knowledge of it. 
 When, therefore, in 1798, a small army was lo be raised, in addi- 
 tion to our peace establishment, 1 had no hesitation as to the person 
 best qualified to command it. Of the citizens of the United States 
 tvho had seen service, I knew not one to place in competition with 
 him. It was while I was in this state of mind, that the following 
 dialogue took place between Mr. Adams and me. 
 
 J\lr. Adams. — " Whom shall v.'e appoint commander in chief?" — 
 " Colonel Hamilton." Mr. Adams made no reply. On another 
 day he repeated the same question, and I gave him the same an- 
 swer: he did not reply. On another day he for the third time 
 asked me, '• Whom shall we appoint commander in chief?" and the 
 third time I answered, " Colonel Hamilton." " O no !" replied 
 Mr. Adams, " it is not his turn by a great deal ; 1 would sooner 
 " appoint Gates, or Lincoln, or Morgan." Instantly I rejoined to 
 this cfiect : "General Morgan is here a member of congress, now 
 " very sick, apparently with one foot in the grave ; certainly a very 
 " brave and meritorious officer, in our revolutionary war ; and per- 
 " haps his present sickness may be the consequence of the hard- 
 " ships and sufferings to which he was then subjected ; but, if he 
 " were in full health, the command of a brigade would be deemed 
 " commensurate with his talents. As for Gates, he is now an old 
 "woman; and Lincoln is always asleep."* Mr. Adams made no 
 reply. 
 
 * My remark on the military characters of the gentlemen named by Mr. Adams,, 
 whom he would prefer to Hamilton for the command of the army, may perhaps be 
 thoiig-ht not quite so respectful to the president of the United States as became the 
 dig-nity of his station. But if it was frankness in excess, it will at least show that 
 I was not inclined to " mask" my opinions. My remark was instantaneous, but 
 calm. Mr. Adams has totally misrepresented my character. All my life long I 
 have been so accustomed freely to express my opinions, that some of my friends 
 have occasionally regretted that I was so little reserved; that I did not conceal my 
 sentiments, when, though correct, they might give offence ; in a word, that I did 
 not sometimes wear a " mask." — 1 meant no reproach to Lincoln. His lethargic 
 habit was a constitutional infirmity. When I made the winter campaign, in 
 1776-7, with the Massachusetts militia under his command, he told me, that prior 
 to the war, when he represented the town of Hingham in the legislature, he used 
 id ride home (a distance, then, of 16 to 20 miles) every Saturday night, on horse- 
 back, and commonly slept half the way. It was easy for him to fall asleep at any 
 time, when in a sitiing posture. In other respects he was a vigilant officer. But 
 at this time he was a cripple from a wound received in the revolutionary war,, and. 
 of an advanced age. 
 
113 
 
 Washington being, on this occasion, appointed commander in 
 chief, the secretary of war (M'Henry) was directed to cany his 
 commission to Mount Vernon. Knowing Mr. Adams's aversion to 
 Hamilton, and apprehensive that he would either not be called into 
 service, or if nominated to any office, that it would be in a rank so 
 much below his merit that he would not and ought not to accept it, 
 1 took the liberty of writing to general Washington the following 
 letter.* 
 
 ^^Philadelphia, July 6, 1798, 11 o''clock at night. 
 
 "Sir — My attachment to my country, and my desire to promote its best in- 
 terests, I trust, have never been equivocal ; and at this time 1 feel extreme 
 anxiety that our army should be organized in the most efficient manner. The 
 enemy whom we are preparing to encounter, veterans in arms, led by able and 
 active officers, and accustomed to victory, must be met by the best blood, talents, 
 energ-y and experience that our country can produce. Great military abilities 
 are the portion but of few men, in any nation, even the most populous and war- 
 like, flow very few, then, may we expect to find in the United States ! In 
 them the arrangements should be so made that not one might be lost. 
 
 " There is one man who will gladly be your second, hut who will not, I pro* 
 sume, because 1 think he ought not to be the second to any other military 
 commander in the United States. You too well know colonel Hamilton's dis- 
 tinguished ability, energy and fidelity to apply my remark to any other man- 
 But to ensure his appointment, I apprehend the weight of your opinion may bo 
 necessary. From the conversation that I and others have had with the presi- 
 dent, there appears to be a disinclination to place colonel Hamilton in what 
 we think is his proper station, and that alone in which we suppose he will 
 serve — the Second to you, and the Chief in your absence. In any war, and 
 especially in such a war as now impends, a commander in chief ought to know 
 and have a confidence in the officers most essential to ensure success to his 
 measures. In a late conversation with the president, I took the liberty to ob- 
 serve, that the army in question not being yet raised, the only material object 
 to be contemplated in the early appointment of the commander in chief would 
 be, that he might be consulted, because he ought to be satisfied, in the choice 
 of the principal officers who should serve under him. 
 
 "If any considerations should prevent your taking the command of the ar- 
 my, I deceive myself extremely if j'ou will not think that it should be confer- 
 red on colonel Hamilton. And in this case it may be equally necessary, as in 
 the former, that you should intimate your opinion to the president. Evea 
 colonel Hamilton's political enemies, I believe, would repose more confidence 
 in him than in any other military character that can be placed in competition 
 with him. 
 
 "This letter is in its nature confidential, and therefore can procure me the 
 displeasure of no one : but the appointment of colonel Hamilton, in the man- 
 ner suggested, appears to me of such vast importance to the welfare of the 
 country, that I am willing to risk any consequences of my frank and honest 
 endeavours to secure it. On this ground I assure myself you will pardon the 
 freedom of this address. I am, with perfect respect, 
 
 Sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 TIMOTHY PICKERING. 
 
 " P. S. Mr. M'Henry is to set off to-morrow, or on Monday, bearing your 
 commission. 
 
 " General Washington." 
 
 * I desire it may be noticed, that when I wrote this letter, I had had no sort of 
 communication with Hamilton on the subject : it was a spontaneous act on my 
 part to secure his services to the country. 
 
 16 
 
114 
 
 To this letter, I was favoured with a long and confidential answer, 
 dated July 1 1, in which the general went into a consideration of the 
 kindof warfare to be expected, in case of an invasion by the French, 
 and to which the military arrangements should have relation. The 
 follovVing paragraph is the only one 1 feel at liberty to introduce ; 
 and this, because important in justification of my conduct on the 
 occasion. 
 
 " Of the abilities and fitness of the g'entleman yon have named for a high 
 command in the provisional army, I think as you do, and that his services ong'ht 
 to be secured at almost any price. What the difficulties are that present them- 
 selves to the mind of the president, in opposition to this measure, I am entirely- 
 ignorant ; but in confidence, and with the frankness you have disclosed your 
 own sentiments on this occasion, I will unfold mine, under the view I have 
 taken of the prospect before us ; and shall do it concisely." 
 
 I was also happy in finding my ideas on this subject coincident 
 with those of Mr. Jay, who was then governor of New- York. In 
 his letter to me, dated July 18, 1798, he said, " Being of the num- 
 " ber of those who expect a severe war with France the moment she 
 " makes peace with Britain, I feel great anxiety that nothing may be 
 " omitted to prepare for it ;" — and then, glancing at the kind of 
 generals we should have to contend with, Mr. Jay proceeded — 
 " I cannot conceal from you my solicitude that the late secretary 
 " of the treasury" [Hamilton] " may be brought forward in a raan- 
 " ner corresponding with his talents and services. It appears to 
 " me that his former military station and character, taken in con- 
 " nexion with his late important place in the administration, would 
 "justify measuring his rank by his merit and value." 
 
 The unexampled insults and injuries inflicted by France on the 
 government and people of the United States, as herein before de- 
 scribed, were sufficient, an impartial observer would suppose, to 
 rouse the spirit of every American citizen to a determined resist- 
 ance, and to repel force by force. But this unhappily was not the 
 case : many of our citizens appeared more inclined to criminate 
 their own government than that of France. There was, however, 
 a decided majority well disposed to provide the means of protect- 
 ing our commerce, and defending our country. Our treaties with 
 France, grossly violated on her part, ceased to be obligatory on 
 the United States : and congress declared them to be void. Naval 
 hostilities were authorized by an act of congress, for the purpose of 
 capturing all French armed vessels. Several of these were taken ; 
 and our commerce received protection. 
 
 In this state of things, apprehensions were entertained that a 
 formal war with France might ensue. A peace between her and 
 England, for which the party (with the celebrated Mr. Fox at its 
 head) in opposition to the government, were zealously contending, 
 would remove the only obstruction to an invasion of our country 
 by a French fleet and army. Under these circumstances, a pru- 
 dent foresight justified and required the raising of a small army, as 
 
115 
 
 a suitable preparatory measure of defence. It would be a nucleus^ 
 around which, should it become necessary, additional forces might 
 be collected, to whom the previous training of the former would 
 facilitate the speedy acquisition of the knowledge of discipline, to 
 qualify them for actual service. Accordingly, congress authorized 
 the raising of twelve regiments of infantry and six troops of caval- 
 ry, in addition to the small peace establishment. But the same 
 party in our country, which had before steadily opposed the feder- 
 al administration, resisted the present measure. Indeed, no incon- 
 siderable portion of our citizens appeared willing to make any 
 sacrifice to France, although at the expense of the honour as well 
 as the interests of their own country. For this reason, especially, 
 it was deemed expedient to place in the command of the army its 
 most popular military citizen ; and on Washington it was accord- 
 ingly conferred. This policy was doubtless correct. But, for 
 myself, 1 thought only of that man of eminent talents who had been 
 in service during nearly the whole of our revolutionary war, and 
 the greater part of the time in general Washington's military fami- 
 ly r this was colonel Hamilton. I knew Washington's advanced 
 age, and his strong predilection for a retired and rural life. He 
 had himself avowed it. I knew that so long before as 1783, when 
 he resigned to congress his military commission, he manifested" a 
 determination never again to appear in office on the national thea- 
 tre.* And after he retired from the presidency, I had not contem- 
 plated any future crisis in the afiairs of our country, which would 
 render it proper to interrupt his repose, and call him from that re- 
 tirement to the field.! 
 
 The secretary of war, when charged with Washington's commis- 
 sion, was instructed by the president to consult the general as to 
 the principal officers to be appointed to the army ; and he trans- 
 mitted, from Mount Vernon, by the mail, the general's list, contain- 
 ing the names of gentlemen who had served in the revolutionary 
 army, and designated the stations in which they should be placed. 
 At the head of this list, and in the following order, were the names of 
 
 Alexander Hamilton, inspector general and major general; 
 
 Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, major general ; 
 
 Henry Knox, major general. 
 And in this order they were nominated to the senate. When the 
 nominations were taken up for consideration, some of the senators 
 who knew Mr. Adams's antipathy to Hamilton, jiroposed (as I was 
 
 * " I here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of 
 •' public life," were his words. Congress Journal, Dec. 23, 17C3. 
 
 t HoAV distressing- it was to him to be called forth at the period here referred to 
 cannot be more forcibly expressed than in his own words : " If a crisis should ar- 
 " rive, when a sense of duty, or a call from my country, should become so imperi- 
 " ous as to leave me no choice, I should prcptire for relinquishment, and ^o with as 
 " much reluctance from my present peaceful abode, as 1 should go to the tombs of 
 " my ancestors." — Letter from the general in answer to col. Hamilton's of May 19 
 1798, in Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. v. p. 748. * 
 
116 
 
 at the time informed) that they should act on the nomination of 
 Hamilton, and postpone their decision on the other two till the next 
 day ; lest, if all were approved on the same day, in which case all 
 their commissions would bear the same date, Mr. Adams should 
 deranoe that order, and raise Pinckney and Knox above Hamilton. 
 But it was answered, that it was the constant usage,* that persons 
 nominated and approved, on the same day, to the same grade of 
 office, should take the rank in the order in which they were nomi- 
 nated and approved ; and that surely Mr. Adams would not violate 
 that established rule. So the senate approved of all the three 
 nominations on the same day.j 
 
 For some cause or other — I supposed under the impulse of the 
 irritalion occasioned by the negative put by the senate on his son- 
 in-law, Col. Smith, as before related — Mr. Adams very suddenly, 
 and without apprising the heads of departments of his intention, 
 pushed off for Quincy, the place of his residence near Boston ; 
 leaving his " incompetent secretaries''^ at the seat of government, 
 to perform, besides the ordinary executive duties, those arising from 
 the acts of the very important session of congress just ended. 
 There was at that time no navy department ; and the issuing of 
 commissions of letters of marque 'had been assigned to the depart- 
 ment of state. These being prepared, I .went to the president's 
 house, by nine in the morning (the day I do not recollect) to obtain 
 his signature ; when, to my astonishment, his steward informed me 
 that he had already set off for Quincy. I hastened back to my office, 
 made up a packet of blank commissions, and forwarded them by 
 mail to New York, to the care of one of his sons then living in that 
 city. There the packet came to the president's hands. He signed 
 the commissions and returned them to me. But this caused a delay 
 of two or three days, when a number of merchant vessels, in dif- 
 ferent ports, armed and manned for letters of marque, and ready 
 for sea, were v/aiting for their commissions. 
 
 The secretary of war made out the commissions for Hamilton 
 first, Pinckney second, and Knox third,' major general, and sent 
 them to Quincy, for the president's signature. He wrote to the 
 secretary, that in his opinion Knox Avas entitled to rank as first 
 mnjor general, Pinckney as the second, and Hamilton as the third ; 
 and directed, that if general Washington 'should concur in that 
 opinion, he should conibrra the commissions to that order. Pos- 
 sessed of this information, and having already interested myself to 
 secure to Hamilton the first place after the commander in chief, I 
 addressed, on -the first of September, a second letter to Washing- 
 
 * Grounded on a resolve of tlie old congress, January 4, 1776. 
 
 + Congress had already atljourned, and the senators, impatient to depart, re- 
 mained in session only to pass on the military nominations. It was then tha mid- 
 dle of July. 
 
 ^ Such, I remember to have been informed, was the term by which he aometi.T;i:s 
 designated the heads of departments. 
 
117 
 
 ton ; in which I examined at large the alleged reasons for giving 
 Knox the precedence, and demonstrated (as 1 thought) their inva- 
 lidity. The general honoured me with his answer, dated the 9th. 
 It was a long letter, in relation to the new army. The following 
 extracts, pointing most directly to the present subject, are all that I 
 lieed introduce. 
 
 " Your private letter of the first instant came duly to hand, and I beg- you 
 to be persuaded tliat no apology Avill ever be necessary for any confidential 
 communications yon ma)' be disposed to entrust me with. 
 
 " In every public transaction of my life, my aim has been to do that which 
 appeared to me to be most conducive to its weal. Keeping- this object always 
 in view, no local considerations, or private gratifications, incompatible there- 
 with, can ever render information displeasing to me from those in wiiom I 
 have confidence, and avIio, I know, have the best opportunities of acquiring a 
 knowledge of facts in matters which may be interesting to our country, and 
 essential for myself as its servant. 
 
 " Having troubled you with this exordium and egotism, I do not only thank 
 you for the full and judicious observations relative to the discontents of gen- 
 eral Knox, a* being appointed junior major general in the augmented corps, 
 b>it I shall do tlie same for your further occasional remarks on this, or any 
 other subject which may be interesting and proper for me to know ; that I 
 may thereby regulate my own conduct in such a manner -as to render it bene- 
 ficial and acceptable to the community, in matters which depend on correct 
 information not in my power to obtain in the ordinary course, without aid." 
 
 The general then mentions his early writing to general Knox, 
 stating the principle upon which the arrangement of the major gen- 
 erals had been made ; and that he v\^as not a little surprised to find 
 in his answer an expression of great dissatisfaction at the measure. 
 General Washington replied, in order to conciliate Knox ; but in 
 vain. 
 
 Before the secretary of war could have written to and received 
 an answer irom general Washington, respecting the order in which 
 the three major generals should take rank, another letter was re- 
 ceived from the president, peremptorily requiring him to make out 
 their commissions in the order of Knox, Pincknej', Hamilton. 
 Upon which I again wrote to general Washington. The subse- 
 quent decisive proceeding on his part finally induced the president 
 (certainly to his extreme mortification) to recur to the old rule, 
 from which he ought. never to have departed ; and the commissions 
 were made out according to the general's arrangement. The presi- 
 dent's departure from it was a violation of the general condition on 
 which Washington accepted the chief command. 
 
 Several, motives for this incorrect conduct of president Adams 
 may be assigned. Primarily, his unrelenting, hatred of Hamilton ; 
 whom, utterly regardless of the public interest in his services, he 
 would have driven from the army, by degrading him from the 
 rank to which his merit and actual appointment entitled him. In 
 the next place, he would have expected from Knox a degree of 
 subserviency to his views which was not to be expected from Ham- 
 
118 
 
 ikon. Lastlj^ he had received from Knox a flattering letter, ex- 
 pressing his unqualified admiration of the president's measures. 
 And to a man of Mr. Adams's unbounded vanity, nothing could be 
 so grateful, nothing so influential, as flattery. In this letter, Knox 
 suggested a variety of measures, and on a liberal scale, which he 
 thought should be taken, effectually to resist and defeat an inva- 
 sion by the French ; and he concluded with a tender of his humble 
 ahililies for any sort of service to which they should be thought equal.* 
 
 After such an expression of the humble sense of his own abili- 
 ties, and of his readiness to serve in any station to" which they 
 should be deemed adequate, it must surprise every one to find that 
 his humility was offended because he was not placed above all other 
 officers, Washington only excepted : but such was the fact ; and 
 for that reason he refused to serve at all. In a letter to me, general 
 Knox said, " The present view of the subject is, that Mr. Hamilf 
 " ton's talents have been estimated upon a scale of comparison so 
 " transcendent, that all his seniors in rank and years. of the late 
 " army have been degraded by his elevation. Whether this esti- 
 "■ mate has been perfectly correct, or whether the consequences 
 " will be for the happiness of the country, time will discover." 
 
 It is the more remarkable that Knox should insist on the first 
 rank as a major general, seeing the arrangement had been made 
 by general Washington, for whom he always manifested the most 
 profound respect ; and the general always appeared to me to en^ 
 tertain towards Knox a peculiar and very strong attachment. In, 
 a letter to Hamilton, in reference to the arrangement of him and 
 Pinckney, Washington said, " W^ith respect to my friend general 
 " Knox, whom I love and esteem, I have ranked him below you 
 " both." If there was in the revolutionary army but one officer 
 whom he loved, Knox was that one. In this case we see exempli- 
 fied the sentiment expressed to me by the general in his letter of 
 Sept. 9, before quoted — That in every public transaction of his life^ 
 the public weal, a)id not private gratifications, governed him. No per- 
 son acquainted with Hamilton and Knox could hesitate a moment 
 in deciding to whom the preference was due. 
 
 Mr. Adams has been unwearied in his attempts to degrade Hamil- 
 ton in the eyes of his fellow-citizens : he has been so indiscreet as 
 to deny him, what all the world besides allow him, very eminent 
 talents. According to Mr. Adams, his son-in-law col. Smith, in the 
 military line, was much superior to Hamilton : and having, in many 
 letters published in the Boston Patriot in 1809, labouring to vindi- 
 cate the mission to France instituted in 1799, commented on various 
 passages of Hamilton's letter of 1800, when Adams was a second 
 time a candidate for the presidency, he concludes his 16th letter 
 with these words : " I have no more to say on this great subject. 
 
 * I have a copy of this letter, taken from the original, which, by Mr. Adams's 
 direction, I deposited in the war-office. 
 
119 
 
 " Indeed I am weary of exposing puerilities that would disgrace 
 " the avvkwardest boy at college." After this shot, the following 
 comparison of Mr. Gerry and Hamilton, as financiers, will occa- 
 sion no surprise. 
 
 In his 13th letter, dated May 29, 1809, published in the Boston 
 Patriot, Mr. Adams, speaking of his favourite, Gerry, as one of the 
 ministers to negotiate with the French republic, against whom he 
 supposes prejudices had been entertained, says, " No man had a 
 " greater share in propagating and diffusing these prejudices against 
 " Mr. Gerry than Hamilton ; whether he had formerly conceived jea- 
 " lousies against him as a rival candidate for the secretaryship of the 
 " treasury : for Mr. Gerry was a financier, and had been employed 
 " for years on the treasury in the old congress, and a most inde- 
 " fatigable member too :" — " that committee had laid the founda- 
 " tion for the present system of the treasury, and had organized it 
 " almost as well :" — '' I knew that the officers of ihe treasury, in 
 " Hamilton's time, dreaded to see him rise in the house upon any 
 " question of finance, because they said he was a man of so much 
 " influence, that they always feared he would discover some error, 
 " or carry some point against them : — or whether he [Hamilton] 
 " feared that Mr. Gerry would be president of the United States 
 " before him, I know not." ! ! ! 
 
 It appears by Cunningham's letters to Mr. Adams, that the latter 
 had written two concerning Hamilton, filled with matters of such a 
 character that he would not leave them in Cunningham's hands ; he 
 insisted on their being returned to him, and they were returned : 
 but their contents are intimated in Cunningham's answers. The 
 accusations are of atrocious vices. One, that Hamilton was totally 
 destitute of integrity. The whole of the world where Hamilton was 
 known will acquit him of this charge, and with scorn repel the foul 
 calumny. And every reader of this Review will have seen the 
 licentiousness of Mr. Adams's pen, and how little credit is due to 
 any of his statements concerning those who are the subjects of his 
 envy, hatred or revenge. 
 
 In Cunningham's letter XXXVII, to Mr. Adams, dated May 6, 
 1809, he states, that Mr. Adams informed him, that the testimony 
 of general Washington in Hamilton's favour was given under a 
 threatening of a public exposure of his mistakes. " You, sir, know," 
 says Cunningham, " what authority I have for the declaration — 
 " general Washington was overawed with a menace." In a note 
 Cunningham adds, " Mr. Adams is my authority for all this, and 
 more." Every man who knew Washington will pronounce this, 
 whoever might be the author, an atrocious falsehood. In the con- 
 scious purity of intention in all his actions, while he entertained a 
 modest opinion of himself, he would not have endured such an in- 
 sult from any human being ; and all who knew Hamilton will pro- 
 nounce him utterly incapable of offering it. 
 
120 
 
 Here I conclude all that I think proper for me to say respecting 
 Mr. Hamilton, in regard to Mr. Adams's reproaches, in his corres- 
 pondence with Cunningham. His animadversions on Hamilton, in 
 his letters published in the same year (1809) in the Boston Patriot, 
 which occupy nearly fifty pages in octavo, so far as the same may 
 merit any noiice, will have the attention of Hamilton's biographer. 
 That the work is not yet commenced, or in progress, is a subject of 
 deep regret. 
 
 But as Hamilton has formerly been accused of cherishing highly 
 aristocratic views of government, and, as a member of the general 
 convention which formed the constitution of the United States, would 
 have infused that spirit into it, I subjoin his letter to me on that 
 subject. It is an answer to one I wrote to him, stating that it had 
 been asserted, " that in the general convention he had proposed, 
 *' that the president of the United Slates., and the senators., should be 
 *' chosen for life; and that his accusers alleged that this was intend- 
 " ed as an introduction to monarchy." On this accusation I made 
 the following remark : " If the proposition was offered in the con- 
 " vention, your friends will know to what motives to ascribe it ; 
 " and that, whatever form of government you may have suggested 
 " for consideration., the public welfare, and the permanent liberty of 
 " your country, were not the less objects of pursuit with you, than 
 " Avith the other members of the convention." On this subject I 
 requested information. 
 
 Hamilton's answer is too valuable to be lost. By introducing it 
 into this Review, it may be preserved long enough to be used by 
 his biographer, while in the mean time it will gratify surviving 
 friends who deeply respect his memory. I give it here, verbatim, 
 from the original now before me. 
 
 " JVezo-For/c, September \&, 1803. 
 
 " My Dear Sir, — I will make no apology for my delay in answering' your in- 
 quiry some time since made, because I could offer none which would satisfy 
 myself. I pray you only to believe that it proceeded from any thing rather 
 than want of respect or regard. I shall now comply with your request. 
 
 " The highest toned propositions, which I made in the convention, were for 
 a president, senate and judges during good behaviour — a house of representa- 
 tives for three years. Though I would have enlarged the legislative power of 
 the general government, jet I never contemplated the abolition of the state 
 governments; but, on the contrary, they were, in some particulars, constituent 
 parts of my plan. 
 
 " This plan was in my conception conformable with the strict theory of a 
 government purely republican ; the essential criteria of which arc, that the 
 principal organs of the executive and legislative departments be elected by 
 the people, and hold their oflaces by a responsible and temporary or deftasible 
 tenure. 
 
 " A vote was taken on the proposition respecting the executive. Five 
 states were in favour of it; among these Virginia; and though from the man- 
 ner of voting, by delegations, individuals were not distinguished, it was moral- 
 ly certain, from the known situation of the Virginia members (six in number, 
 two of them, J\Iason and Randolph, professing popular doctrines) tliat Madison 
 must have concurred in the vote of Virginia. Thus, if I sinned against repub- 
 licanism, Mr. Madison was not less guilty. 
 
121 
 
 " I may truly then say, that I never proposed either a president, or senate, 
 for life ; and that I neither recommended nor meditated the annihilation of the 
 state governments. 
 
 " And I may add, that in the course of the discussions in the convention, 
 neither the propositions thrown out for debate, nor even those voted in the 
 earlier stages of deliberation, were considered as evidences of a definitive 
 opinion in the proposer or voter. It appeared to me to be in some sort under- 
 stood, that with a view to free investigation, experimental propositions might 
 be made, which were to be received merely as suggestions for consideration. 
 
 " Accordingly it is a fact, that my final opinion was against an executive 
 during good behaviour, on account of tlie increased danger to the public tran- 
 quillity incident to the election of a magistrate of this degree of permanency. 
 In the plan of a constitution, which 1 drew up while the convention was sitting, 
 and which I communicated to Mr. Madison about the close of it, perhaps a day 
 or two after, the office of President has no greater duration than for three 
 years. 
 
 " This plan was predicated upon these bases. 1. That the political princi- 
 ples of the people of this country would endure nothing but republican govern- 
 ments. 2. That, in the actual situation of the country, it was in itself right 
 and proper that the republican theory should have a fair and full trial. 3. That 
 to such a trial it was essential that the government should be so constructed as 
 to give it all the energy and stability reconcileable with the principles of that 
 theory. These were the genuine sentiments of my heart, and upon them I 
 acted. 
 
 " I sincerely hope, that it may not hereafter be discovered, that through 
 want of sufficient attention to the last idea, the experiment of republican gov- 
 ernment, even in this country, has not been as complete, as satisfactory and 
 as decisive as could be wished. 
 
 " Very truly, dear sir, your friend and servant, ; 
 
 " TiMoTHT Pickering, Esa." A. HAMILTON." 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 WASHINGTON. 
 
 In this review of Mr. Adams's Correspondence with Cunning- 
 ham — passing by many things of minor consequence — 1 have notic- 
 ed nearly all of his principal i-eproaches ; and shown, I trust satis- 
 factorily, that they are calumnies, and calumnies of the most dis- 
 graceful kind ; that, in his laboured attempts to justify some im- 
 portant acts of his administration, he has manifested as little regard 
 lo truth as to consistency ; and that those acts, which he solemnly 
 avers were dictated solely by a sincere and virtuous regard to the 
 public welfare, originated in his unrestrained ambition. — There re- 
 main to be noticed two accusations in his letter, No. XVII, Novem- 
 ber 25, 1808, to Cunningham, where, referring to me, he says, " No 
 " man I ever knew had so deep a contempt for Washington. I 
 " have had numerous proofs of it from his own lips; yet he appears 
 " to the world a devout adorer of him." — This charge, in every part, 
 I deny. From Mr. Adams's character, as portrayed in this Review, 
 every impartial reader will see that his accusations can derive no 
 credit from his assertions ; that he is capable of making the gross- 
 
 17 
 
122 
 
 est misrepresentations ; and from detached facts, and often from 
 bare suspicions, of drawing unwarrantable inferences, if suited to 
 his purposes at the moment. Some such facts, relating to Washing- 
 ton, he may have heard me mention, though 1 have no recollection 
 of it ; for those, to which I here refer, were such as entered into 
 occasional conversations between myself and my friends. But 
 whatever they were, the inference of " contempt" is all his own ; 
 and perfectly natural, because corresponding with his own feelings ; 
 as in the instance of which his friend Cunningham reminds him, in 
 his letter. No. LX, January 15, 1810, saying, " In the letter, from 
 " which 1 have extracted, you observed, that the portrait of fVash- 
 " ington ought not to shove aside the portraits of John Hancock and 
 " Samuel Adams, in Fanueil Hall. Now, to say nothing of Samuel 
 " Adams, what was John Hancock ? I will tell you what you your- 
 " self once said of him. In the afternoon of a day in the summer 
 " of 1791, some conversation respecting him led Mrs. Adams to re- 
 " mark, that he was born near your residence — you turned yourself 
 " towards your front door, and pointing to a spot in view, you laugh- 
 " ingly exclaimed, 'Yes! there's the place where the great gover- 
 " nor Hancock was born.' Then, composing your countenance, and 
 " rolling your eye^ you went on with these exclamations — ' John 
 "Hancock! a man without head and without heart — the mere 
 " shadow of a man, and yet a governor of old Massachusetts !' " — 
 In his answer to this letter, the next day, without questioning the 
 truth of Cunningham's statement, Mr. Adams says, "The corres- 
 " pondence and conversations which have passed between us have 
 " been under the confidential seal of secrecy and friendship. Any 
 " violation of it will be a breach of honour and of plighted faith." 
 Other like instances of Mr. Adams''s expressed opinion of Wash- 
 ington have come to my knowledge. Yet in official acts, speeches, 
 messages and letters, he was willing to derive to himself some credit 
 as his eulogist. 
 
 The " facts" to which I have alluded were military occurrences 
 in the revolutionary war, which fell under my own observation, and 
 which produced an opinion, on some points of his character, in coin- 
 cidence with what I know, from their own observations to me, were 
 the opinions of general Greene and baron Steuben; with what I 
 have indubitable reason to know was the opinion of Hamilton ; and 
 also of colonel Reed, adjutant general in 1776, and afterwards 
 president of Pennsylvania. To some of these facts and opinions 
 1 have occasionally adverted, when I have heard every military 
 enterprise of moment, during the revolutionary war, ascribed ex- 
 clusively to Washington ; and when the salvation of our country 
 and the establishment of its independence have been attributed 
 to him alone» In these unlimited views concerning Washington I 
 have not concurred. I never believed that the effectual defence of 
 our country, and the final achievement of its independence, rested 
 on any one man. Had this been the case, resistance to the raothei- 
 
123 
 
 country would have been madness. Yet I have always thought, 
 and said, that, as the chief command of our armies should be en- 
 trusted only to a native citizen, Washington, above all others, was 
 entitled to the preference. 
 
 There had been no military school in the colonies, where natives 
 might learn the art of war; nor any occasion or opportunity for 
 colonists to acquire a practical knowledge of it, excepting in the 
 French or seven years' war, which was declared in 1756, and ended 
 in 1 763. In that war, numerous provincial forces were employed 
 in conjunction with British regular troops; but only for single cam- 
 paigns, and as militia, engaged to serve from spring to autumn. 
 And all these transient services ended with the conquest of Canada, 
 in 1759 and 60, which gave peace to our frontiers. The frontiers 
 of Virginia, harassed by Indian incursions from 1754, when Wash- 
 ington commanded the levies of that province, were quieted in 
 1758 ; in which year, British troops and colonial militia drove the 
 French from the Ohio. And, at the close of that year, Washingtoa 
 resigned his commission. By his services in that war, he had ac- 
 quired much military reputation : and his whole life, marked Vv'ith 
 eminent qualities, left him without a competitor for the chief com- 
 mand, at the commencement of our revolutionary war. Through 
 the whole course of it, he served with a pure and disinterested zeal, 
 fortitude and magnanimity^ that jvere never surpassed in any cause ; 
 and amidst difficulties and discouragements that perhaps roer-e never 
 equalled. Such a character no one could view with " contempt." 
 In what, then, have I differed from any others, in regard to Wash- 
 ington ? I frankly answer — that I did not ascribe to him transcen- 
 dent talents as well as transcendent virtues. These, combined, 
 would constitute a character that has rarely if ever existed. 
 Washington, far from assuming, uniformly disclaimed it ; both when 
 he accepted the command of the army in 1775, and when he re- 
 ceived the presidency of the United States in 1789. In these two 
 great acts, deliberately contemplated, and performed with the deep- 
 est anxiety, it was manifested, that the highest public employments 
 not being with him objects of ambition, he relinquished the pursuits 
 and endearments of private life, purely in obedience to the voice 
 of his country, to whose service all his faculties were ever devoted. 
 With such feelings, and a painful apprehension of the great res- 
 ponsibility attached to those offices, to accept of them raised still 
 higher his character of exalted patriotism. He consented to hazard 
 his reputation, at momentous crises, when his numerous judicious 
 friends, on whose fidelity and correct opinions he had just reason to 
 rely, assured him that the public voice, as well as the public Avel- 
 fare, demanded the sacrifice of all private considerations. 
 
 My general views of Washington's character coincide with those 
 of some who had frequent and intimate opportunities of knowing 
 it, and of some of our most judicious public writers. Among all 
 the cotemporaries of Washington, no man had more or better (I 
 
124 
 
 may say no one had equal) opportunities of knowing Wasiiington, 
 than Alexander Hamilton ; and I presume it will be admitted, that 
 no man was more competent to form a correct judgment of his char- 
 acter. For more than four years, Hamilton was an important 
 member of general Washington's military family, in the revolution- 
 ary war; and six years secretary of the treasury, when Washing- 
 ton was president of the United States ; and his constant corres- 
 pondent during the rest of his life. Hamilton was loo just to 
 detract, and too sincere to flatter. In his well known Letter on the 
 Public Conduct and Character of John Adams, he mentions " the 
 " incomparably superior weight and transcendent popularity of 
 " general Washington" — " the venerated Washington" — " the mod- 
 " est and sage Washington" — '' the virtuous and circumspect 
 " Washington" — " the dead patriot and hero, the admired and be- 
 " loved Washington." In the same letter, contrasting the precipi- 
 tation of president Adams with the deliberate judgment of Wash- 
 ington, he says of the latter, " He consulted much, pondered much, 
 "resolved slowly, resolved surely." And in his letter, consequent 
 on his resignation of the treasury department, in answer to a " very 
 " kind" one from Washington, Hamilton says, " I entreat you to be 
 " persuaded (not the less for my having been sparing of professions) 
 *' that I shall never cease to render a just tribute to those eminent 
 "and excellent qualities which have been already productive of so 
 " many blessings to your country."* 
 
 I will close my observations respecting Washington with the 
 opinion of that well informed and judicious historian, the late Dr. 
 David Ramsay. In his history of the American Revolution, he 
 writes thus of Washington: " Possessed of a large proportion of 
 " common sense directed by a sound judgment, he was better fitted 
 " for the exalted station to which he was called, than many others 
 " who to greater brilliancy of parts frequently add the eccentricity 
 " of original genius." — " His soul, superiour to party spirit, to pre- 
 "judice and illiberal views, moved according to the impulses it re- 
 " ceived from an honest heart, a good understanding, common 
 *' sense, and a sound judgment."! 
 
 To the correctness of these views of Washington's character, by 
 Hamilton and Ramsay, I give my cordial assent; while I deny the 
 other part of Mr. Adams's assertion, that "I appeared to the world 
 " a devout adorer of him." In truth, I never adored any man ; I 
 never flattered any man ; and I never attempted to appear what I was 
 not; choosing rather to hazard giving offence, than to practise any 
 sort of prevarication. 
 
 In the same letter. No. XVII, and immediately following the 
 preceding charge, Mr. Adams says of me, " No man was a more 
 " animated advocate for the French ; yet now he is as zealous for 
 
 • Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. v. appendix, p. 28. 
 t Vol. i. p. 217. 
 
125 
 
 *' the English." As to the former, at the commencement of their 
 revolution, my sentiments corresponded with those of my fellow- 
 citizens generally; rejoicing in the prospect of their establishing a 
 free governm.ent, in the place of an unlimited monarchy. To this 
 sentiment there were very few exceptions in the United States. But, 
 in the progress of the revolution, the unexampled atrocities commit- 
 ted at Paris and in other parts of France excited my abhorrence. 
 When at length order was restored, and a republican government 
 was formed, with "checks and balances" which authorized a hope 
 of its permanent establishment, I again rejoiced. But when this 
 new government swerved from republican principles; when its acts 
 were a continued and extensive exhibition of tyranny, injustice and 
 corruption ; and especially when these evil dispositions were mani- 
 fested in unexampled injuries and insults towards the United States 
 and their government, the French rulers, and those who executed 
 their commands, were to me objects of horror and detestation. 
 The honour, under these circumstances, of having continued to 
 cherish French attachments, I cheerfully leave to those who were 
 ambitious of it, and to their new adherents. 
 
 With regard to the English, my opposition to their claims, during 
 our controversies with their government, and in the war which suc- 
 ceeded, was constant and uniform. When our independence was 
 established, and peace proclaimed, my enmity ceased. To indulge 
 the sentiment in the declaration of independence, " to hold them, 
 " as we should hold the rest of mankind. Enemies in War — in Peace, 
 '•'• FriencW — accorded as well with my inclination as my duty. 
 Without such a temper among the people of any country, and es- 
 pecially in its rulers, permanent peace cannot be expected. Mr. 
 Adams, in his public letters, takes credit to himself as a friend to 
 peace ; and, with some ostentation, repeats, as if it were a maxim 
 peculiar to himself, or at least not common, that he always held a 
 state of neutrality to be the true policy and the great interest of the 
 United States ; yet in various places he utters sentiments tending 
 to engender hostilities with England. Such, no doubt, appeared to 
 him to be the prevalent feeling of his old opponents, the adherents 
 of Mr. Jefferson, with whom he and his son had coalesced. In his 
 letter No. XXVI, February 11, 1809, to Cunningham, he pronoun- 
 ces " Great Britain to be the natural enemy of the United States." 
 Yet our commercial intercourse with that country is of greater in- 
 terest to the United States than that with any other country on the 
 globe. It w^as that intercourse which rapidly enriched our southern 
 and western states, the growers of cotton ; and it will continue to 
 add to their wealth and comforts, if not interrupted or embarrassed 
 by our own impolitic restraints. But its benefits are not confined 
 to the cotton-growing states ; they extend to every state in the 
 union. A new reason now urges the United States to maintain a 
 friendly connexion with Great Britain : Hers is the only free and 
 independent country in Europe ; and Ours the only other country 
 
125 
 
 in the World in a condition to co-operate with Britain in sustaining 
 the cause of liberty on the Earth. 
 
 If for entertaining such sentiments as these I shall be visited 
 with reproaches, let them corue — 1 am willing to bear them. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Many have exxlaimed with horror at the breach of faith which 
 has brought to light the Correspondence between Mr. Adams and 
 his friend Cunningham ; and they concentrate their reproaches on 
 the head of the son who has given it to the public. But what is 
 the real cause of all this horror? Suppose anotlier person had 
 communicated to Cunningham, ingenious dissertations in philoso- 
 phy, in morals, or in religion, or the animated effusions of a heart 
 warmed with benevolence, but which the modest and retiring au- 
 thor would venture to impart onl}"- to a bosom friend, and especial- 
 ly not to be made public during the Avriter's life; and suppose this 
 friend struck with the beauties and excellencies of the composi- 
 tions, and convinced of their utility, if made known ; would the dis- 
 closure of them, by the anticipation of a few years, be thought an 
 unpardonable crime ? On the contrary, would it not be deemed a 
 very venial fault? Who would have regretted the opportunity, 
 thus afforded, to bestow on the modest author present instead o^ post- 
 humous praise, which all would pronounce his due, and Avhich 
 even he, now entirely satisfied of the merit of his work, could him- 
 self enjoy ? 
 
 But what is the character of the " Correspondence ?" — An exhi- 
 bition of the worst passions of the human heart. To the horror- 
 struck censors of the publisher I would say, You think only of the 
 once high standing of Mr. Adams ; you see him venerable in years ; 
 you read his name associated with some of the most interesting 
 periods of our history, and at length honoured with the highest 
 office our national institutions will admit. All these recollections 
 rush upon the mind, and you are unwilling to loosen the hold they 
 have on your heart. If it were possible, you w^ould shut your 
 eyes against the atrocious calumnies flowing through his pen, and 
 so deeply derogating from the character you have been accustomed 
 to contemplate with delight, and to which you have rendered the 
 grateful homage of 3''our hearts. You arc shocked with this new- 
 view of his chai-acter ; but, at the same time, mortified and vexed 
 at the discovery, you pass by the real offender, and pour all your 
 resentment, and expressions of accumulated horror, on the head of 
 the person who has published, a little prematurely^ the monstrous 
 calumnies which the venerable author had himself prepared for 
 the press. It will be seen, by the note hereto subjoined, that these 
 letters were in truth intended as the posthumous work of president 
 
127 
 
 Adams ; and the publisher has done no more than to anticipate, by 
 perhaps a year or two, its publication ; thereby giving me, what 
 the writer intended to prevent, the opportunity of defending myself 
 during the joint lives of us both.* 
 
 1 have now brought to a close my Review of the Correspon- 
 dence between Mr. Adams and his relative and friend William 
 Cunningham. In my own defence I have been constrained to ex- 
 amine freely his communications. If faults of a deep die appear, 
 let it be considered, that I only write their history ; and, upon the 
 strictest scrutiny of what 1 have written, I have discerned no er- 
 rors. Should any be discovered, I shall readily acknowledge and 
 retract them. Some persons may regret this exhibition of the 
 character of Mr. Adams. Such kind hearts should rather wish 
 that he had not himself created the occasion, and rendered it an 
 imperious duty to myself and children, to my friends and to truth, 
 to vindicate my reputation so wantonly assailed. In performing 
 this just act of self-defence, it was impossible to avoid the exhibi- 
 tion I have made of the character of the accuser. If I thus expose 
 his faults to the tvorld, 1 at the same time expose them to himseJf; 
 in which view, it may be a work of real usefulness. It may excite 
 just reflections ; he may become sensible that he has too long given 
 the reins to his unhallowed passions. With such a temper, and so 
 indulged, will he, on this exposure, have no compunctious feelings ? 
 Whatever censure may rest on the publisher of the Correspon- 
 dence, a heavier censure must fall on him who furnished the matter 
 for the publication. It is, as I have remarked, this mailer^ black 
 tcith every evil passion^ which has excited horror. It is the author., 
 rioting on the characters of the men whom he sacrificed to those 
 passions, that ought to be the real source of horror. Should he be 
 shocked, by this exhibition of his own work, it may produce hu- 
 mility and contrilion — Christian virtues, and (he indispensable con- 
 ditions of forgiveness at that Tribunal where the specious but empty 
 pardon of any fellow mortal will be of no avail. For myself, 
 wronged as I have been by Mr. Adams, I ask nothing at his hands. 
 I am now alike indifferent to his praise and his reproach. To me, 
 he is an object, not of resentment, but of pity. 
 
 * Mr. Adams commenced his reproaches against me in his letter of Oct. 15, 1808, 
 but enjoined secrecy, in these words : " What T have said is to remain in your own 
 " breast. I have no disposition to enter into newspaper contrcrersies with Picker- 
 *' ing, or his friends or editors." In his next letter, Nov. 7, he qualifies his injunc- 
 tion : " I shall insist that whatever I write to you upon the subject shall be confi- 
 ^^ dent'iRl as long as I live.'''' Mr. Adams then proceeds to g-ive full scope to his 
 
 malevolence, and continues to vent his calumnies until the 7th of June, 1809 a 
 
 period of seven months ; certainly with the expectation and design,, that after hit 
 death they should be made public — to illustrate his own character — and to doom mine 
 to perpetual infamy. 
 
APPENDIX- 
 
 NOTE A. — Extracts from the pamphlet called "• The Prospect before Us,''^ 
 
 exhibiting some of the calumnies against Presidents Washington and 
 
 Adams, by James Thompson Callender ; referred to in page 10. 
 
 " I NOW return to the tremor of 1787, by which the ' government of 
 your o-wn choice,'' the federal constitution, was crammed down the gullet 
 of America."* 
 
 " By his own account, therefore, Mr. Washington has been twice a 
 traitor. He first renounced the king of England, and thereafter the 
 old confederation." 
 
 " The extravagant popularity possessed by this citizen,! reflects the 
 utmost ridicule on the discernment of America. He approved of the 
 funding system, the assumption, the national bank ; and, in contradic- 
 tion to his own solemn promise, he authorized the robbery and ruin of 
 the remnants of his own army." 
 
 " Under the old confederation, matters never were, nor could have 
 been, conducted so wretchedly as they actually are and have been 
 under the successive monarchs of Braintree and Mount Vernon. "J 
 
 " Mr. Washington was president of this federal convention : of course 
 he could not plead ignorance of its intention against the erection of a 
 national bank. He swore to support the constitution. Directly after, 
 he ratified the bank law, which drove the ploughshare of paper job- 
 bing through the very midst of his double oath, as a federal citizen, 
 and as president," 
 
 " For all this confusion and iniquit}'^, we must thank Mr. Washington." 
 
 " If Mr. Washington wanted to corrupt the American judges, he could 
 not have taken a more decisive step, than by the appointment of Mr. Jay. 
 
 " The proclamation of neutrality does not, therefore, deserve that 
 title. It was a proclamation of ignorance and pusillanimity." 
 
 " Adams and Washington have since been shaping a series of these 
 paper-jobbers into judges and ambassadors. As their whole courage 
 lies in want of shame, these poltroons, without risking a manly and 
 intelligible defence of their own measures, raise an affected yelp against 
 the corruption of the French directory ; as if any corruption could be 
 mor,e venal, more notorious, more execrated, than their own. For 
 years together, the United States resounded with curses against 
 them, while the grand lama of federal adoration, the immaculate divini- 
 ty of Mount Vernon, approved of and subscribed every one of their 
 blackest measures." 
 
 " This speech has a charm that completely unmasks the scandalous 
 hypocrisy of Washington." 
 
 " Mr. Adams has only completed the scene of ignominy which Mr. 
 Washington began." 
 
 " Foremost in whatever is detestable, Mr. Adams feels anxiety to 
 curb the frontier population." 
 
 " This last presidential felony will be buried by Congress in the same 
 criminal silence as its predecessors." 
 
 " In the two first years of his presidency, he has contrived pretences 
 to double the annual expense of government, by useless fleets, armies, 
 sinecures, and jobs of every possible description." 
 
 * If the reader will turn back to pages 23 and 24, he will see Mr. Jefferson's 
 reproachful censures of the constitution, and of the eminent patriots who formed it. 
 
 t Washing-ton. 
 
 + Meaning Adams and Washington. The township of Qiiincy, the place of 
 Mr, Adams's residence, ^ras formerly a part of the township of Braintree^ 
 
129 
 
 " By sending these ambassadors to Paris, Mr. Adams and his British 
 faction designed to do nothing but mischief." 
 
 " It is happy for Mr. Adams himself, as well as for his country, that 
 he asserted an untruth." 
 
 "In the midst of such a scene of profligacy and of usury, the Presi- 
 dent has persisted, as long as he durst, in making his utmost efforts for 
 provoking a French war." 
 
 " When a chief magistrate is, both in his speeches and in his news- 
 papers, constantly reviling France, he can neither expect nor desire to 
 live long in peace with her. Take your choice, then, between Adams, 
 war and beggary, and Jefferson, peace and competency." 
 
 Such are some of the calumnies (the " Prospect before Us" contains 
 many more) written and published by James Thompson Callender, in 
 1800, when the election of a president was pending, Adams and Jeffer- 
 son being the rival candidates ; and such the character of the " book 
 Callender was about to publish," which Mr. Jefferson said, would " in- 
 form the thinking part of the nation," and enable these " to set the 
 people to rights." ____^ 
 
 Note B. Page 12. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Jefferson to Lieutenant Governor Barry ^ of Kentucky^ on 
 
 the Judiciary. 
 
 MoNTicELLo, July 2, 1822. 
 "Sir — Your favour of the 15th June is received, and I am very 
 thankful for the kindness of its expressions respecting myself; but it 
 ascribes to me merits which I do not claim. I was one only of a band 
 devoted to the cause of indepemlence, ail of whom exerted equally 
 their best endeavours for its success, and have a common right to the 
 merits of its acquisition. So also in the civil revolution of 1801, very 
 many and very meritorious were the worthy patriots who assisted in 
 bringing back our government to its republican track. To preserve it 
 in that, will require unremitting vigilance. Whether the surrender of 
 our opponents, their reception into our camp, their assumption of our 
 name, and apparent accession to our objects, may strengthen or weaken 
 the genuine principles of republicanism, may be a good or an evil, is 
 yet to be seen. I consider the party division of whig and tory the most 
 wholesome which can exist in any government, and well worthy of be- 
 ing nourished, to keep out those of a more dangerous character. We 
 already see the power, installed for life, responsible to no authority 
 (for impeachment is not even a scare-crow) advancing with a noiseless 
 and steady pace to the great object of consolidation ; the foundations 
 are deeply laid, by their decisions, for the annihilation of constitutional 
 state rights, and the removal of every check, every counterpoise, to 
 the ingulphing power of which themselves are to make a sovereio-n 
 part. If ever this vast country is brought under a single government 
 it will be one of the most extensive corruption, indifferent to, and inca- 
 pable of a wholesome care over so wide a spread of surface. This 
 will not be borne, and you will have to choose between reformation 
 and revolution. If I know the spirit of this country', the one or the 
 other is inevitable. Before the canker is become inveterate, before 
 its venom has reached so much of the body politic as to get beyond 
 controul, remedy should be applied. Let the future appointmeats of 
 
 18 
 
130 
 
 judges be for four or six years, and renewable by the President and 
 Senate. This will bring their conduct, at regular periods, under revi- 
 sion and probation, and may keep them in equipoise between the gene- 
 ral and special governments. We have erred in this point by copying 
 England, where certainly it is a good thing to have the judges inde- 
 pendent of the king ; but we have omitted to copy their caution also, 
 which makes a judge removable on the address of both legislative 
 houses. That there should be public functionaries independent of the 
 nation, whatever may be their merit, is a solecism in a republic, of the 
 first order of absurdity and inconsistence. Th. Jefferson." 
 
 Note B. Page 18. 
 
 It is forty years since Mr. Jefferson wrote his " Notes on Virginia." 
 In that small volume, (I believe his only work, unless his manual of 
 parliamentary usages he viewed as another) besides answering various 
 questions of a foreigner of distinction, about facts concerning that State, 
 and which Mr. Jefferson's local knowledge and public employments in 
 the district of country which gave him birth, enabled him to answer, 
 he exhibited other facts, to detect the gross errors of some European 
 philosophers, who, for want of due inquiry, had stated, that the various 
 races of animals, and man himself, in the New World, compared with 
 those of the Old World, were greatly inferior in size ; and man also in 
 intellect ; or, to use Mr. Jefferson's own word, were '■^ belittled." To 
 overthrow this unfounded opinion, and triumphantly, was surely not a 
 difficult task. The various tribes of untutored Indians, with whom the 
 English colonists had frequent intercourse, had given decisive proofs 
 of eminent intellectual powers, and of a natural eloquence which as- 
 tonished their hearers. Governor Golden, of New-York, in his history 
 of the Iroquois, or Five Nations, pubUshed in London in 1747, gave 
 many specimens of the abilities and eloquence of their chiefs. Mr. 
 Jefferson, in his " Notes," furnished the hke evidence in the speech 
 of Logan. The late Colonel John Gibson, who served in the war of 
 our revolution, and whose last office, if I mistake not, was that of Sec- 
 retary of the Territory (now State) of Indiana, informed me, that he 
 was the interpreter of Logan's eloquent speech, above mentioned. 
 
 After the decease of Mr. Rittenhouse, President of the American 
 Philosophical Society, established at Philadelphia, Mr. Jeflferson was 
 elected to that office. But no communications, literary or philosophic- 
 al from him, appear among their subsequent transactions. 
 
 Note C. Page 1 8. 
 Correspondence with Mr. Adams. 
 
 Extracts from a letter, dated August 2, 1822, from T. Pickering to John 
 Adams, formerly President of the United States. 
 " As no act of the Congress of the Thirteen United American Colo- 
 nies was so distinguished as that by which their Independence of Great 
 Britain was declared, the most particular history of that transaction 
 
131 
 
 will probably be sought for, not merely as an interesting curiosity, but 
 to do substantial justice to the abilities and energy of the leaders in that 
 great measure." 
 
 " By the public journals, it appears, that on the 7th of June, 1776, 
 ' certain resolutions respecting independency were moved and second- 
 ed ;' and that on the 10th, the first resolution, ' that the United Colo- 
 nies are and of right ought to be free and Independent States,' was 
 adopted ; and the next day the committee for preparing the declaration 
 to that effect was chosen, consisting of ' Mr. Jefferson, Mr. J. Adams, 
 Mr. Franklin, Mr. Sherman, and Mr. R. R. Livingston.' Mr. Jefferson, 
 being first on the list, became the chairman." 
 
 " It was in the natural order of proceeding for the committee to meet 
 and discuss the subject ; and, after mature deliberation, to decide on the 
 principles or propositions which should constitute the basis of the de- 
 claration ; and to refer the making of the draught to the chairman, or 
 to a sub-committee." 
 
 " Some years ago, a copy of the declaration, as reported to Congress, 
 was put into my hands, by some one of the Lee family. It was in Mr. 
 Jefferson's hand-writing, and enclosed in a short letter from him to R. 
 H. Lee, together with a copy of the declaration as amended in Con- 
 gress. The amendments consisted chiefly in striking out ; and about 
 one-fourth part of the whole was struck out." " To me, the altera- 
 tions made in Congress seemed important and substantial amendments." 
 
 " After all, the declaration does not contain many new ideas. It is 
 
 rather a compilation of facts and sentiments stated and expressed, dur- 
 ing the preceding eleven years, by those who wrote and vindicated the 
 rights of the Colonies, including the proceedings of the Congress of 
 1774 ; that is, from the year of the stamp act to the commencement of 
 the war. The great merit of any compilation consists in the lucid and 
 forcible arrangement of the matter. The reported declaration was 
 evidently enfeebled by its redundancies." " I have thought it desir- 
 able that the facts in this case should be ascertained. You alone caa 
 give a full statement of them, to be communicated to whom you think 
 proper. To arrive at truth, and to assure to every one his just portion 
 of applause, are the sole objects of these remai-ks." 
 
 On the 6th of August Mr. Adams favoured me with an answer ; and 
 was pleased to communicate to me his short history of the Declara- 
 tion of Independence, as it appears in the following extract from his 
 letter of that date. 
 
 " Mr. Jefferson came into Congress in June 1775, and brought with 
 him a reputation for literature, science, and a happy talent at compo- 
 sition. Writings of his were handed about remarkable, for the peculiar 
 felicity of expression. Though a silent member in Congress, he was 
 so prompt, frank, explicit and decisive upon committees, not even 
 Samuel Adams was more so, that he soon seized upon my heart ; and 
 upon this occasion I gave him my vote, and did all in my power to 
 procure the votes of others, i think he had one more vote than any 
 other, and that placed him at the head of the committee. I had the 
 next highest number, and that placed me the second. The committee 
 met, discussed the subject, and then appointed Mr. Jefferson and me to 
 make the draught ; I suppose, because we were the two highest on 
 the list. The sub-committee met. Jefferson proposed to me to make 
 the draught I said, I will not, you shall do it." [Then follows an 
 
132 
 
 amicable altercation on this point ; but Mr. Adams persisting in his 
 refusal to make the draught,] " Weil," said Jefferson, " if you are 
 deciled, I will do as well as I can." Very well; when you have 
 drawn it up we will have a meeting. A meeting we accordingly had, 
 and conned the paper over. I was delighted with its high tone, and 
 the flights of oratory with which it abounded, especially that concern- 
 ing Negro Slavery, which, though I knew his Southern Brethren 
 would never suffer to pass in Congress, I certainly never would oppose. 
 There were other expressions which I would not have inserted if I 
 had drawn it up ; particularly that which called the King a Tyrant. 
 I thought this too personal ; for I never believed George to be a ty- 
 rant in disposition and in nature : I always believed him to be deceived 
 by his courtiers on both sides the Atlantic, and in his official capacity 
 only cruel." 
 
 " I thought the expression too passionate and too much like scolding 
 for so grave and solemn a document ; but as Franklin and Sherman 
 were to inspect it afterwards, I thought it would not become me to 
 strike it out. 1 consented to report it ; and do not now remember that 
 I made or suggested a single alteration. We reported it to the Com- 
 mittee of Five. It was read ; and I do not remember that Franklin 
 or Sherman criticised any thing. We were all in haste ; Congress was 
 impatient ; and the instrument was reported, as I believe, in Jefferson's 
 hand-writing, as he first drew it. Congress cut off about a quarter part 
 of it, as I expected they would ; but they obliterated some of the best 
 of it, and left all that was exceptionable, if any thing in it was. I 
 have long wondered that the original draught has not been published. 
 I suppose the reason is, the vehement Philippic against Negro Slavery. 
 As you justly observe, there is not an idea in it but what had been 
 hackneyed in Congress for two years before. The substance of it is 
 contained in the declaration of rights and the violation of those rights, 
 in the Journals of Congress in 1774. Indeed the essence of it is con- 
 tained in a pamphlet voted and printed by the town of Boston before 
 the first Congress met ; composed by James Otis, as I suppose, in one 
 of his lucid intervals, and pruned and polished by Samuel Adams." 
 
 Note D. Page 18. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson^s Draught of the Declaration of independence. This is 
 placed in the left-hand column ; and the Declaration., as amended and 
 adopted by Congress^ in the right-hand column.^ of each page, for the 
 convenience of comparing them. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's Draught, as reported by The Declaration^ as amended and adopt- 
 the Committee to Congress. ed by Congress. 
 
 A Declaration by the Represen- A Declaration by the Represen- 
 tatives of the United States of tatives of the United States or 
 America in General Congress America, in Congress assem- 
 assembled. bled. 
 
 When in the course of human 
 evcQts it becomes necessary for 
 
133 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's Draught, 
 one people to dissolve the politi- 
 cal bands which have connected 
 them with another, and to assume 
 among the powers of the earth 
 the separate and equal station to 
 which the laws of nature and of 
 nature's god entitle them, a de- 
 cent respect to the opinions of 
 mankind requires that they should 
 declare the causes which impel 
 them to the separation. 
 
 We hold these truths to be self 
 evident ; that all men are created 
 equal ; that they are endowed by 
 their Creator with inherent and 
 • inalienable rights ; that among 
 these are life, liberty and the pur- 
 suit of happiness ; that to secure 
 these rights, governments are in- 
 stituted among men, deriving their 
 just powers from the consent of 
 the governed ; that whenever any 
 form of government becomes de- 
 structive of these ends, it is the 
 right of the people to alter or to 
 abolish it, and to institute new 
 government, laying it's foundation 
 on such principles, and organizing 
 it's powers in such form, as to 
 them shall seem most likely to 
 effect their safety and happi- 
 ness, prudence indeed will dictate 
 that governments long established 
 should not be changed for light 
 and transient causes, and accord- 
 ingly all experience hath shewn 
 that mankind are more disposed to 
 suffer, while evils are sufferable, 
 than to right themselves by abolish- 
 ing the forms to which they are 
 accustomed. but when a long 
 train of abuses and usurpations, 
 begun at a distinguished period, 
 and pursuing invariably the same 
 object, evinces a design to reduce 
 them under absolute despotism, it 
 is their right, it is their duty, to 
 throw off such government, and to 
 provide new guards for their future 
 security, such has been the pa- 
 tient sufferance of these colonies ; 
 and such is now th« necessity 
 
 Declaration as adopted. 
 
 This paragraph of the draught 
 remained unaltered. 
 
 We hold these truths to be self 
 evident ; that all men are created 
 equal ; that they are endowed, by 
 their Creator, with certain unalien- 
 able rights ; that among these are 
 life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
 happiness. That, to secure these 
 rights, governments are instituted 
 among men, deriving their just 
 powers from the consent of the 
 governed ; that, whenever any 
 form of government becomes de- 
 structive of these ends, it is the 
 right of the people to alter or to 
 abolish it, and to institute new 
 government, laying its foundation 
 on such principles, and organizing 
 its powers in such form, as to them 
 shall seem most likely to effect 
 their safety and happiness. Pru- 
 dence, indeed will dictate, that gov- 
 ernments long established should 
 not be changed for light and tran- 
 sient causes ; and, accordinglj^, all 
 experience hath shewn, that man- 
 kind are more disposed to suffer, 
 while evils are sufferable, than to 
 right themselves by abolishing the 
 forms to which they are accus- 
 tomed. But when a long train of 
 abuses and usurpations, pursuing 
 invariably the same object, evinces 
 a design to reduce them under ab- 
 solute despotism, it is their right, 
 is their duty, to throw off such gov- 
 ernment, and to provide new guards 
 for their future security. Such 
 has been the patient sufferance 
 of these colonies ; and such is now 
 the necessity which constrains 
 them to alter their i'ormer systems 
 
134 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's Draught. 
 which constrains them to expunge 
 their former systems of govern- 
 ment, the history of the present 
 king of Great Britain, is a history 
 of unremitting injuries and usurpa- 
 tions, among which appears no 
 solitary fact to contradict the uni- 
 form tenor of the rest ; but all 
 have in direct object the establish- 
 ment of an absolute tyranny over 
 these states, to prove this let 
 facts be submitted to a candid 
 world, for the truth of which we 
 pledge a faith yet unsullied by 
 falsehood. 
 
 He has refused his assent to laws 
 the most wholesome and neces- 
 sary for the public good, 
 he has forbidden his governors to 
 pass laws of immediate and 
 pressing importance, unless sus- 
 pended in their operation till 
 • his assent should be obtained ; 
 and when so suspended, he has 
 neglected utterly to attend to 
 them, 
 he has refused to pass other laws 
 for the accommodation of large 
 districts of people, unless those 
 people would relinquish the 
 right of representation in the 
 legislature ; a right inestimable 
 to them, and formidable to ty- 
 rants only, 
 he has called together legislative 
 bodies at places unusual, un- 
 comfortable, and distant from 
 the depository of their public 
 records, for the sole pur|)ose of 
 fatiguing them into compliance 
 with his measures. 
 he has dissolved Representative 
 houses repeatedly and continual- 
 ly, for opposing with manly 
 firmness his invasions on the 
 rights of the people, 
 he has refused for a long time af- 
 ter such dissolutions to cause 
 others to be elected, whereby 
 the ' legislative powers, incapa- 
 ble of annihilation, have return- 
 ed to the people at large for 
 
 Declaration as adopted, 
 of government. The history of the 
 present king of Great Britain is a 
 history of repeated injuries and 
 usurpations, all having, in direct 
 object, the establishment of an ab- 
 solute tyranny over these states. 
 To prove this, let facts be submit- 
 ted to a candid world. 
 
 A^ot altered. 
 
 He has forbidden his governors 
 to pass laws of immediate and pres- 
 sing importance, unless suspended 
 in their operation till his assent 
 should be obtained ; and, when 
 so suspended, he has utterly neg- 
 lected to attend to them. 
 
 JS'ot altarad. 
 
 Kot altered. 
 
 He has dissolved representative 
 houses repeatedly, for opposing^ 
 with manly firmness his invasioM 
 on the rights of the people. 
 
 A'ot altered. 
 
135 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's Draught. 
 their exercise, the state remain- 
 ing- in the mean time exposed to 
 all the dangers of invasion from 
 without and convulsions within. 
 
 he has endeavoured to prevent the 
 population of thesft states ; for 
 that purpose obstructing the 
 lans for naturalization of for- 
 eigners ; refusing to pass others 
 to encourage their migration 
 hither ; and raising the condi- 
 tions of new appropriations of 
 lands. 
 
 he has suffered the administration 
 of justice totally to cease in some 
 of these states, refusing his as- 
 sent to laws for establishing ju- 
 diciary powers. 
 
 he has made our judges dependent 
 on his will alone, for the tenure 
 of their offices and the amount 
 and paiment of their salaries. 
 
 he has erected a multitude of new 
 offices by a self-assumed power, 
 and sent hither swarms of offi- 
 cers to harrass our people, and 
 to eat out their substance. 
 
 he has kept among us, in times of 
 peace, standing armies and ships 
 of war, without the consent of 
 our legislatures. 
 
 he has affected to render the mili- 
 tary independent of, and superi- 
 or to the civil power. 
 
 he has combined with others to 
 subject us to a jurisdiction for- 
 eign to our constitutions and un- 
 acknoleged by our laws ; giving 
 his assent to their acts of pre- 
 tended legislation, 
 
 for quartering large bodies of arm- ") 
 ed troops among us ; I 
 
 for protecting them by a mock trial 
 from punishment for any mur- 
 ders which they should commit | 
 on the inhabitants of these states; 
 for cutting off our trade with all 
 parts of the world ; 
 
 for imposing taxes on us without 
 
 our consent; 
 for depriving us of the benefits of 
 trial by jury ; 
 
 Declaration as adopted. 
 
 J\'ot aU^red. 
 
 He has obstructed the adminis- 
 tration of justice, by refusing his 
 assent to laws for establishing ju- 
 diciary powers. 
 
 He has made judges dependent 
 on his will alone, for the tenure of 
 their offices, and the amount and 
 payment of their salaries. 
 
 He has erected a multitude of 
 new offices, and sent hither swarms 
 of oflicers to harass our people, 
 and eat out their substance. 
 
 He has kept among us, in times 
 of peace, standing armies, without 
 the consent of our legislatures. 
 
 J\'oi altered. 
 
 He has combined with others, to 
 subject us to a jurisdiction foreign 
 to our constitution, and unacknow- 
 ledged b}' our laws ; giving his as- 
 sent to their acts of pretended le- 
 gislation, 
 
 .Yot altered. 
 
 for depriving us, in many cases, 
 of the benefits of trial by jury ; 
 
136 
 
 Mr. Jefferson ''s Draught. 
 for transporting: us beyond seas to 
 be tried for pretended offences ; 
 for abolishing the free system of 
 English laws in a neighbouring 
 province, establishing therein an 
 arbitrary government, and en- 
 larging it's boundaries so as to 
 render it at once an example 
 and tit instrument for introduc- 
 ing the same absolute rule into 
 these states ; 
 for taking away our charters, abol- 
 ishing our most valuable laws, 
 and altering fundamentally the 
 forms of our governments ; 
 for suspending our own legisla- 
 tures, and declaring themselves 
 invested with power to legislate 
 for us in all cases whatsoever; 
 he has abdicated government here, 
 withdrawing his governors, and 
 declaring us out of his allegi- 
 ance and protection, 
 he has plundered our seas, ravag- 
 ed our coasts, burnt our towns, 
 and destroyed the lives of our 
 people, he is at this time trans- 
 porting large armies of foreign 
 mercenaries, to compleat the 
 works of death, desolation and 
 tyranny, already begim with cir- 
 cumstances of cruelty and per- 
 fidy unworthy the head of a ci- 
 vilized nation. 
 he has endeavoured to bring on 
 the inhabitants of our frontiers 
 the merciless Indian savages, 
 whose known rule of warfare is 
 an undistinguished destruction of 
 all ages, sexes, and conditions of 
 existence. 
 he has incited treasonable insurrec- 
 tions of our fellow citizens, with 
 the allurements of forfeiture and 
 confiscation of our property, 
 he has constrained others, taken 
 captives on the high seas, to bear 
 arms against their country, to 
 become the executioners of their 
 friends and brethren, or to fall 
 themselves by their hands. 
 
 Declaration as adopted, 
 
 JVot altered. 
 
 for abolishing the free system of 
 EngHsh laws in a neighbouring pro- 
 vince, establishing therein an arbi- 
 trary government, and enlarging 
 its boundaries, so as to render it, 
 at once, an example and fit instru- 
 ment for introducing the same ab- 
 solute rule into these colonies ; 
 
 JVot altered. 
 
 JVot altered. 
 
 He has abdicated government 
 here, by declaring us out of his 
 protection, and waging war against 
 us. 
 
 He has plundered our seas, ra- 
 vaged our coasts, burnt our towns, 
 and destroyed the lives of our 
 people. 
 
 He is at this time, transporting 
 large armies of foreign mercena- 
 ries to complete the works of death, 
 desolation and tyranny, already be- 
 gun with circumstances of cruelty 
 and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in 
 the most barbarous ages, and total- 
 ly unworthy the head of a civiliz- 
 ed nation. 
 
 He has constrained our fellow 
 citizens, taken captive on the high 
 seas, to bear arms against their 
 country, to become the execution- 
 ers of their friends and brethren, 
 or to fall themselves by their hands. 
 He has excited domestic insur- 
 rections amongst us, and has en- 
 deavoured to bring on the inhabit- 
 ants of our frontiers, the merciless 
 Indian savages, whose known rule 
 of warfare is an undistinguished 
 destruction, of all ages, sexes, and 
 conditions. 
 
137 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's Draught. 
 
 he has waged cruel war against 
 human nature itself, violating 
 it's most sacred rights of life 
 and liberty in the persons of a 
 distant people, who never offend- 
 ed him, captivating and car yin^' 
 them into slavery n an ther 
 hemisphere, or to incur misera- 
 ble death in their transportation 
 thither, this piratical warfare, 
 the opprobrium of infidel powers, 
 is the warfare of a Christian 
 king of Great Britain, deter- 
 mined to keep open a market 
 where MEN should be bought 
 and sold, he has prostituted his 
 negative for suppressing every 
 legislative attempt to prohibit or 
 to restrain this execrable com- 
 merce, and that this assemblage 
 of horrors might want no fact of 
 distinguished die, he is now ex- 
 citing those very people to rise 
 in arms among us, and to pur- 
 chase that liberty of which he 
 has deprived them, by murder- 
 ing the people upon whom he 
 also obtruded them : thus pay- 
 ing off foimer crimes committed 
 against the liberties of one peo- 
 ple, with crimes which he urges 
 them to commit against the lives 
 of another. 
 
 In every stage of these oppres- 
 sions, we have petitioned for re- 
 dress in the most humble terms ; 
 our repeated petitions have been 
 answered only by repeated in- 
 jury, a prince whose character 
 is thus marked by every act 
 which may define a tyrant, is un- 
 lit to be the ruler of a people who 
 mean to be free, future ages 
 will scarce believe that the har- 
 diness of one man adventured, 
 within the short compass of 
 twelve years only, to build a 
 foundation so broad and undis- 
 guised, for tyranny over a peo- 
 ple fostered and fixed in prin- 
 ciples of freedom. 
 
 Declaration as adopted. 
 
 Struck out. 
 
 In every stage of these oppres- 
 sions, we have petitioned for re- 
 dress, in the most humble terms : 
 our repeated petitions have been 
 answered only by repeated injury. 
 A prince whose character is thus 
 marked by every act which may 
 define a tyrant, is unfit to be the 
 ruler of a free people. 
 
 19 
 
13S 
 
 Mr. Jefferson''s Draught. 
 Nor have we been wanting in 
 attentions to our British brethren, 
 we have warned them from time 
 to time of attempts bj their legisla- 
 ture to extend a jurisdiction over 
 these our states, we have remind- 
 ed them of the circumstances of 
 our emigration and settlement here, 
 no one of which could warrant so 
 strange a pretension : that these 
 were effected at the expence of 
 our own blood and treasure, unas- 
 sisted by the wealth or the strength 
 of Great Britain : that in constitut- 
 ing indeed our several forms of 
 government, we had adopted one 
 common king, thereby lajing a 
 foundation for perpetual league 
 and amity with them : but that 
 submission to their parliament was 
 no part of our constitution, nor 
 even in idea, if history may be 
 credited : and we appealed to their 
 native justice and magnanimity, as 
 well as to the tyes of our common 
 kindred, to disavow these usurpa- 
 tions, which were likely to inter- 
 rupt our connection and corres- 
 pondence, they too have been 
 deaf to the voice of justice and of 
 consanguity ; and when occasions 
 have been given them by the re- 
 gular course of their laws, of re- 
 moving from their councils the dis- 
 turbers of our harmony ,^ they have 
 by their free election re-established 
 them in power, at this very time 
 too, they are permitting their chief 
 magistrate to send over not only 
 soldiers of our common blood, but 
 Scotch and foreign mercenaries to 
 invade and destroy us. these facts 
 have given the last stab to agoni- 
 zing affection ; and manly spirit 
 bids us to renounce forever these 
 unfeeling brethren, we must en- 
 deavour to foi^et our former love 
 for them, and to hold them as we. 
 hold the rest of mankind, enemies 
 in war, in peace friends, we might 
 have been a free and a great peo- 
 ple together; but a communicatioD 
 
 Declaration as adopted. 
 Nor have we been wanting in 
 attentions to our British brethren. 
 We have warned them, from time 
 to time, of attempts by their legis- 
 lature, to extend an unwarrantable 
 jurisdiction over us. We have re- 
 minded them of the circumstances 
 of our emigration and settlement 
 here. We have appealed to their 
 native justice and magnanimity, 
 and we have conjured them, by the 
 ties of our common kindred, to 
 disavow these usurpations, which 
 would inevitably interrupt our con- 
 nexions and correspondence. They 
 too, have been deaf to the voice 
 of justice and of consanguinity. 
 We must, therefore, acquiesce in 
 the necessity, which denounces our 
 separation, and hold them, as we 
 hold the rest of mankind, enemies 
 in wai", in peace friends. 
 
139 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's Draught, 
 of grandeur and of freedom, it 
 seems is below their dignity, be it 
 so, since they will have it. the 
 road to happiness and to glory is 
 open to us too ; we will climb it 
 apart from them, and acquiesce in 
 the necessity which denounces our 
 eternal separation ! 
 
 *We therefore the Representa- 
 tives of the United States of Ame- 
 rica, in General Congress assem- 
 bled, do, in the name, and by au- 
 thority of the good people of these 
 states, reject and renounce all alle- 
 giance and subjection to the kings 
 of Great Britain, and all others who 
 may hereafter claim by, through, 
 or under them ; we utterly dissolve 
 all political connection which may 
 heretofore have subsisted between 
 us and the parliament or people of 
 Great Britain ; and finally we do 
 assert these colonies to be free 
 and independent states, and that as 
 free and independent states, thej'^ 
 have full power to levy war, con- 
 cjude peace, contract alliances, 
 establish commerce, and to do all 
 other acts and things which inde- 
 pendent states may of right do. and 
 for the support of this declaration, 
 we mutually pledge to each other 
 our lives, our fortunes, and our 
 sacred honor. 
 
 Declaration as adopted. 
 
 *We, therefore, the Representa- 
 tives of the United Sates of Ame- 
 rica, in General Congress assem- 
 bled, appealing to the supreme 
 Judge of the world for the recti- 
 tude of our intentions, do, in the 
 name, and by the authority of the 
 good people of these colonies, 
 solemnly publish and declare. That 
 these United Colonies are, and of 
 right ought to be. Free and Inde- 
 pendent States ; that they are ab- 
 solved from all allegiance to the 
 British Crown, and that all political 
 connexion between them and the 
 state of Great Britain is, and ought 
 to be, totally dissolved ; and that, 
 as FREE and independent states, 
 they have full power to levy war, 
 conclude peace, contract alliances, 
 establish commerce, and to do all 
 other acts and things which inde- 
 pendent states may of right do. 
 And, for the support of this decla- 
 ration, with a firm reliance on the 
 protection of divine providence, 
 we mutually pledge to each other, 
 our lives, our fortunes, and cur 
 sacred honour. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson was manifestly displeased with the alterations made in 
 Congress, in his Draught of the Declaration. In his letter of July 8, 
 1776, to Richard Henry Lee, he says, " I enclose you a copy of the 
 " Declaration of Independence as agreed to by the house, and also as 
 " originall}' framed, you will judge whether it is the better or worse 
 " for the critics." — Far from being " worse," I think unprejudiced 
 readers will pronounce the alterations and amendments, made by the 
 " critics" in Congress, substantial improvements ; and that to those 
 " critics" Mr. Jelferson is indebted for much of the applause which has 
 been bestowed upon him as the author of the Declaration. 
 
 Note E. Page 29. 
 
 Fifteen millions of dollars were the stipulated price for Louisiana; 
 not an immoderate sum for so extensive a territory. But under the eir^ 
 cumstances I have stated, it will not be deemed a wild conjecture, that 
 
140 
 
 for the round sum of ten millions, the same object might have been 
 accomplished. 
 
 Supplies of provisions and of other articles had been furnished by 
 American merchants to the French Government, through the Agents 
 of France and her Colonies, for which payments had not been made 
 Those merchants had also sustained great damages by a wanton or 
 heedless embargo of their vessels in the ports of France. For these 
 supplies and damages, our merchants were entitled to payments and 
 indemnities. For these purposes, and for certain captures, three mil- 
 lions and three quarters of a million of the fifteen millions of dollars 
 were appropriated. The captures, or prizes, were those only which 
 on the 30th of September, 1800, had not been definitively condemned. 
 This is the date of the treaty negotiated by President Adams's minis- 
 ters, Ellsworth, Davie and Murray. The claims for other prizes, to 
 the estimated amount of twenty millions of dollars, prior to that date, 
 were by the same treaty abandoned. 
 
 In arranging the Louisiana business, three instruments in writing 
 were employed. One was denominated a treaty, by which Bonaparte 
 then First Consul of France, ceded to the United States the Province 
 of Louisiana. By the second, called a convention, the United States 
 stipulated to create six per cent stock, to the amount of eleven mil- 
 lions and two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, to be delivered to the 
 French Government, or its agent. By the third instrument, also called 
 a convention, the examination and ascertainment of the aforementioned 
 debts and claims of American citizens, were provided for; and an Ameri- 
 can Board was constituted for that purpose. As France had no inter- 
 est therein, — all the liquidated claims being to be paid out of the trea- 
 sury of the United States, from the appropriated fund of three millions, 
 seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars, — the esamination and adjust- 
 ment of the claims ought to have been made by American authority 
 exclusively, without the contaminating interference of a French Bureau. 
 But instead of this, express provision was made for such interference. 
 The consequence was, the further plunder of American merchants ; 
 who, to obtain three fourths of their honest dues, were obliged respec- 
 tively to sacrifice the other fourth in gratifications to the French Bu- 
 reau. Such was the information I received in the midst of these tran- 
 sactions.* It might have been expected, from the high reputation of 
 the late Chancellor Robert R. Livingston, as a statesman and a lawyer, 
 that he would have taken care to guard the American merchants 
 against the mischief here stated. He, undoubtedly, was the Principal 
 in negotiating the Louisiana treat}^ and conventions. As the resident 
 minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, he could not 
 have been unacquainted with the general character of the persons ad- 
 ministering the French Government, and their train of under othcers, 
 against Avhose impositions the clearest and strongest guards were ne- 
 cessary. 
 
 * It is probable that divers honest claims were rejected by the French Bureau. 
 A Boston merchant (an old friend of mine) informed me, that he had two claims 
 — one for five thousand dollars, and another for fifty thousand dollars, both equally 
 well founded. 'J'he small claim v/as allowed, and the large one rejected. His 
 agent had not been authorized to give the twenty five per cent, gratification to the 
 French Bur^-au. The rejection of such claims made room for others unfounded, 
 for which higher gratifications may have been given. 
 
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