F 29 .P39 W7 Copy 1 Pemaquid and Monhegan. ADDRESS OF HON. CHARLES lA-.Vl WOODBURY OF BOSTON BEFORE THE HYDE PARK HISTORICAL SOCIETY, February 26, 1891. Ladies and Gentlemen of this Historical Society: I remember when I first saw Pemaquid. I was cruising eastward in the yacht of the Hon. Benjamin Dean of Boston, and, owing to the fog, we ran in by Pemaquid Point until we reached the outer harbor. Here we caught mackerel and waited for the fog to lift. On the shore an abandoned porgy factory, perfumed as unlike a bank of violets as possible, occupied one chop of the harbor ; on the other stood a large, square house, more pretentious than a farm-house, and in front could be traced some slight ridges and a few bunches of bushes. We sailed the next morning, bound east, and on our starboard hand, as we neared the point, a lofty island some four leagues away attracted our attention, — it was Monhegan. When we returned from our explorations of the islands of the Penobscot and Mount Desert, we sighted the island, the morning sun play- ing on its top, bathed it in light ; amid a peaceful ocean it rose like an island of the blessed ; anon the lighthouse and then as with flowing sail we neared it, houses and then windows could be made out. The wind was fair, but on my suggestion that this was the hallowed ground, the germ of New England, we hauled up a little closer to the wind and dashed up to the head of the harbor, tacked and stood off on our course, westward, ho! We had seen the cradle of New England. My theme to-night is specially the history of the Forts of Pemaquid. F^. Pemaquid and Monbegan. DISCOVERY. Before entering on this recital of the conflict of races and of nations, of civilization and savage life, to control the destinies of this continent, I should refer briefly to the discover}- of this coast. After Columbus had astonished Europe, and rivalled the Port- ugese explorations of the East, the Pop-i divided the new-found territories, giving the west to the Spaniards and the east to the Portugese. France and England, being left unsatisfied and dis- satisfied, went for their shares in several wavs. Thev captured the Spanish treasure ships and confiscated their cargo. — that is. private gentlemen did it in an unofficial way. When thev got captured, the Spaniards hung them promptly at the vard-arm, and when the Spaniards were taken after a resistance, an old Nor- wegian or Viking method of sending captives "home bv sea" was resorted to, and they were made to walk the plank ! In the north, the fisheries of Newfoundland and Cape Breton were pursued by French, Portugese and Spaniards, to whom were added, in the last third of the si.xteenth centur\-, the English, — all well armed, holding their fares of fish not merelv bv the hook but by the sword, as the national law of the fisheries. The coast between Nova Scotia and the ubiquitous Florida was little frequented, and ver}- dangerous, except to heavilv armed vessels. The sight of a sail was signal for a fight or a flight. The few armed traders or piratical explorers who touched its shores brought to Europe the rumor that somewhere on what we now know as the coast of Maine there was a great, rich native city called Norumbega, a myth like the Island of the Seven Cities that Cabot pursued. South of 40*^ north latitude the French had been beaten off from forming a settlement, and Sir Walter Raleigh had been defeated by vicissitudes and perils in a like purpose. We need not consider Cortoreal, Gomez and Verezano, nor Cartier. Roberval or Gilbert and the like adventurers. Practically, our knowledge of the coast of New England begins with 1600. and we may leave the si.xteenth centurv* out of consid- eration, and begin here. In 1600, Sir Walter Raleigh and his relative, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, had stirred up the English, and the French had equally awoke to the determination to have some part of the North American coast south of 45-, whether the Spaniards liked it or not. Patents were readily granted by Mira P't^ i jri Woodward 3«pt 11 1950 Penuiqiiid tiiiJ Monhegan. 3 princes for territory "in remote heatlien and barbarous lands," but it was as difficult for the patentee to take possession as it would have been for the Royal Grantor to show any color of title in himself. At this date the trade of fishing at Newfoundland and Cape Breton and adjacent shores had been thoroughly exploited during the preceding century by French and English (Parkhurst, in 1578, estimates 530 sail fishing on these coasts); and it was almost side by side that these two nations now explored the riches of the New England coast, and grasped for its exclusive control. • In 1602, Gosnold made a voyage on this coast and touched the coast of Maine at York Nubble. His ^historiographer writes that as they neared the shore a Biscayan shallop under sail dashed out from the other side of the great rock and ran down to them, having: on board some half dozen Indians with about two suits of European clothes divided between them. They held a very pleasant interview, the Indians making them quite a chart of the coast with chalk on a board, and Gosnold, finding himself at Lat. 43", further north than his object, the Vineyard Sound and Island, bore away southward, leaving two isles (Boon and Isle of Shoals) on his port hand. This fixes the location ; it also fixes the fact that French or Basque traders had been there before him, and that the natives had learned to handle the sloop. In 1603 Marty n Pryng was on the coast, and in 1604 Weymouth was at Monhegan, and at Damarel's Cove Islands. In the same year, De Monts and Champlain were also at these points. The issue was shaping between the French and the English. The French king, in 1603, had granted a charter to De Monts for all the region from latitude 40" to 48" or 49", which we now call New York and New England. The English king (James I.), in 1606, had granted the Virginia charter, divided into two sections, one, North Virginia, having nearly the same boundaries as the New France granted by the French. The Indians were in actual possession ; the Spaniards claimed the coast. Here were two new titles. Who would get the actual possession of the land they all wanted .' De Monts and that skilful navigator, Champlain, came over in 1604, skirted the Coast of Nova Scotia, round into Port Royal, crossed to the other side of the Bay of Fundy and settled at the mouth of the St. Croix River. In 1605 they explored the coast as 4 Pemaquid and Monhegan. far south as the Nantucket Shoals; sighting the island Mon- hegan, "La Nef," they called it, and entering Boothbay Harbor explored the Sheepscot and the Kennebec. Here on their return they learned of Weymouth's gross outrage. In the followino- year, after movnig their residence to Port Royal, they acrain explored these coasts. ^ Shall it become New England or New France } It required an hundred and fifty years to settle this question. The English Company, of whom Chief Justice Popham was the head, and whose members were West of England people, sent out two vessels under Raleigh Gilbert and George Popham, with settlers who made their first landfall at the island of Monhegan where they celebrated religious services according to the Church of England, and then came over to the mouth of the Kennebec, and settled on an island which is now Fort Popham. From Mon- hegan they paid their first visit to Pemaquid. The Indians of the country were of the Abnaki tribes, whose tributaries extended westward, and south through Maine, New Hampshu-e and part of Massachusetts. Th.^ir chief head was the Bashaba, who lived at Pemaquid, a few miles up the river. Here let me interject! Weymouth had kidnapped and carried off some Indians to England, where Sir Fernando Gorges got two of them, and, when they knew enough English, drew from them a knowledge of the country, the tribes and their power, etc which was of great benefit in the future. One of these, Skitwares' found his way back to the Bashaba; another had come with the expedition as interpreter, and their intercourse was easy, and became very friendly ; another, Saggamore Nahandu, had also been in England. It was clear the beaver trade was good and profitable. The Indians east of the Penobscot were called Tarrantines, were enemies of the Bashaba, and held rather to the French. In the autumn of 1608, the settlement at the Kennebec broke up and the most of the settlers returned to England, but that did not close business operations. Sir Francis Popham, Gorges and others continued in the trade, and running the .remarkably fine fishing, which the waters from Cape Newwagen to Pemaquid and to Monhegan afforded. Hither also the South Virginia Company soon sent vessels every year to fish for their own supply. In 1609, Zuringu notes one ship and a tender sailing for North I^eniiiqiiiJ iinJ Monhegan. 5 Virj^inia, probably Sir I^'rancis Popham's. The coast and trade were thoroughly explored on each side. Champlain's journals and maps were published in France in 1611, Lescarbot's history in 1609, and Martyn Pryng's admirable researches of 1606, and maps, were fully known to the North Virginia Company adventurers. In 1610, Captain Argal, from Virginia, fished on the coast, in latitude 43° 40'. Another ship, his companion, was also on this coast. In 161 1, two captains, Harlie and Hobson, sailed for this coast from England. In this year the French visited the abandoned settlement of Popham at Fort St. George twice, under M. de Biancourt from Port Royal. Father Biard states they found some English sloops fishing, but did not attack them. The first collision took place this year, when a French vessel under Captain Platrier was captured by two English vessels, near Emmetonic, an island about eight leagues from the Kennebec. These vessels were probably those of Mr. Williams, Popham's agent, and may have been those of Captains Hobson and Harlie. 1612. Williams is stated to have been on the coast this year also. 161 3. The French had made a settlement at Mount Desert. Captain Argal, who was fishing from Virginia about Monhegan, heard of it and ran down, captured their vessels and many of the settlers, including Father Biard, broke up the plantation and took his prizes to Virginia.' 1614. Argal also attacked the French settlement at Port Royal. There was a resolute spirit astir under each flag. Perhaps its sole inducement was glory, but the value of the fishery and of the fur trade was practically held out to those who came the best armed and the best manned to partake in its profits. Neither side was disposed to invite the public into their confidence ; it was too good a thing to be thrown open. In 1 614, John Smith came out with two vessels for trade, fish and whaling; also Captain Hobson was here with an interpreter; and in the fall Sir Richard Hawkins and two vessels came out to try the winter fishing and trade. They all came to Monhegan, and Captain Smith says that at Pemaquid, opposite him, was a ship of Sir Francis Popham that had traded there for several years. Smith states that he learned two French ships were trading about the Merrimack and that he did not go in sight of them, — judicious navigator! 6 Peiimqitiif an J Moubegan. Smith had the weakness of literature. He wrote well, and when he returned he wrote and published. Thus, what with him and Champlain, the trade secrets and profits of this coast were opened to the public, and a new era soon set in. There was another effective cause also, which was the most important stimulus to the making of permanent settlemLnits. THE WINTER FISHERY. The course of the English fishermen had been to leave home in January and reach Monhegan, or Damrel's Cove, in March, set up their stages and begin fishing. By June their fish were caught and by August or September dried, so that they could sail for Spain and obtain an early market. They brought out double crews, forty to sixty msn, thus speeding their fishing. It transpired that the winter fishing was the best in quantity and quality. As the adventurers were business people with an eye to profit, good grounds were opened to them for permanent establishments about these charmed fishing-grounds, from Cape Newwagen and Damrel's Cove Islands to Pemaquid, and off shore to Monhegan, — where all the English fishing then was carried on. Sir Richard Hawkins was president of the North Virginia Council, and with his two ships wintered here, but in which harbor is now unknown, caught cargo for both ships, and sailed the following spring, — one ship for Spain, the other for Virginia. It was a success. It is difificult to say how many vessels were yearly here before this, but Smith states he had six or seven maps given him before he sailed, which shows they were more numerous than have been recorded. The vessels anchored in harbors, built stages, fish- houses and flakes on shore, and sent out their crews in small boats daily to fish. Their fares were then brought to the stages, cleaned, salted and dried there, and shipped when ready for market. With the winter fishery the stages and small boats could be occupied all the year round, and the half crew left there be earning instead of lying idle. Pemaquid was the best place for the fur trade, because of its proximity to the Bashaba; also it could in a great degree command the fur trade of the Kennebec. There is every reason to suppose that Sir Francis Popham's people built some block- Priihh]iiiif iinJ Moiihegnn. 7 liousc or trade station there, as he had traded there for several years, but no statement of the fact has come down to us. In 1615, Smith states that four or five ships from London, — one sent by Sir Francis Gorges from Plymouth, and two under his command — sailed for Monhegan. Smith was captured in one of them by the French. How many came fishing from Virginia we do not learn. Smith wrote his book this year, and it was published in 1616. He was reproached bitterly for disclosing the secrets of the country. This publication gave impetus to the voluntary Jzshcnnefi, not connected with the great companies, to come here and try their fortunes. In this year the Dutch sloop Restless, built at New York in 161 1 by Adrian Block, came as far as the Penobscot on a trading voyage. Her captain, Hendrickson, made a map of the coast. The first vessel built in the country was the Virginia, built 1607-08, at the Kennebec settlement; the Restless was the next. Of course pinnaces had been taken out by fishermen and set up after arriving here, but these two were actually built here. SETTLEMENT. The contingencies of trade and the fishery were now devel- oi)ing the original purpose of the North Virginia Company. Sir h^-ancis Popham's trading headquarters had been all this time at Pemaquid, as both Smith and Gorges state. Sir Fernando Gorges now took up the matter of wintering there. Let me cite his own language, " I bought a ship for fishing and trade. I sent Vines and others, my own servants, with their provision, for trade and discovery, appointing them to leave the ship and ship's company for to follow their business in the usual place. By these, and by the help of the natives formerly sent over, I came to be truly informed of so much as gave me the assurance that in time I should want no undertakers, though, as yet, I was forced to hire men to stay there the winter quarter at extreme rates, and not without danger; for that the war had consumed the Ba.shaba," (and the plague, etc.), " notwithstanding Vines and the rest with him that lay in the cabins with the people that died, some more or less mightily, not one of them ever felt tlieir heads to ache, and this course I held some years together." This appears to make it clear that Pemaquid was occupied for trade purposes from the departure of the Popham Gilbert 8 Pemaqiiid iisnf Monheonn. Colony from the Kennebec in 1608, and at an early date per- manently, with a view of establishing English settlements on the main land of the grant. Some writers say that it was at Saco that Vines with his men lay, during the winter of 1617-18. This plague raged about three years, killing nine-tenths of the Indians living between the Penobscot and Cape Cod. In 1619, Captain Rowcroft left three men at Saco, who made their way eastward and crossed to Monhegan, where they were found in the spring. They must have had a boat, and probably the reason why they crossed from Pemaquid or Cape Newwagen was to join winter fishermen remaining there. In 1 616, Smith states four ships of London and two of Plymouth and Sir Richard Hawkins were again in these waters. He does not give the vessels from South Virginia. Vines also came in command of a ship. In 161 7, eight tall ships came there from England. In 161 8, six or seven volunteer ships came from the west of England, and those of the two companies. Captain Rowcroft also seized a French barque. Smith also states that in 1614, 1616 and 1617 he was prepared with ten or fifteen men to stay in the country, but his purposes were defeated. In 1619, he says one went from the West, those of London not stated. In 1620, six or seven sail went from the west country, those of London not stated. The prospect of establishing settlements was so flattering that early in this year the company applied, for a new charter, obtained a warrant therefor, and the charter passed the Great Seal, November, 1620, creating them the Great Council of Plymouth, with boundaries from north latitude 40" to 48", and powers of government, title to the lands, and also giving them a monopoly of the trade and the fishery. Before I pass to this charter I will continue the preceding subject. In 1619, Gorges sent out Captain Dermer, who was to have met Captain Rowcroft, but found he was gone. Dermer took his pinnace and, with an interpreter, coasted as far as Virginia. In 1620, he visited the harbor where the Pilgrims arrived in the following December. Captain Pryng had called it, in 1603, Mount Aldworth, Champlain, in 1605, had named it Bay St. Louis, but the Pilgrim settlers called it New Plymouth. Dermer went from here with his interpreter and squaw to a distance into Pemaquid and Honhegan. 9 the interior, and rescued from the savages two Frenchmen who had been shipwrecked in a French barque some time before. "Mourt's Relation" states that the Pilgrims, when on Cape Cod, found one or two plank houses. Possibly these were of the South Virginia attempts to establish their cod fishery. This new monopoly, the Great Council of Plymouth, caused a great row. The South Virginia Company fought it in par- liament, claimed they, too, spent ;^5000 in establishing their fishery on the east coast, and were now cut off by this grant. The voluntary fishermen fought it, both in parliament and on the coast, as a monopoly. Gorges defended the charter bravely. The House of Commons was against him, but the king and the House of Lords were for him, and the charter stood. The Pilgrims had a charter from Virginia, but their settlement was in the New England jurisdiction. Gorges obtained a charter for them here and helped them. But this branch of history is not within the scope of this discourse. ♦The French ambassador also objected to the King against this charter, as an infringement on the territory of the French. The question whether it should be New England or New France was pressed with renewed vigor. Pemaquid became now the forefront of our array. A force of 1 500 to 3000 armed fishermen, hanging on its flanks half the year, was more than ever impenetrable and imposing. The great ])rofits of the fishing for all the round season drew settlements at convenient points. The Isles of Shoals, the Piscataqua, Saco, Casco, Monhegan and the Damrel's Cove Islands, even also Cape Ann, felt the balmy influence of profit and protection, and rallied settlers behind the overshadowing eyes of Pemaquid and Mon- hegan. Plymouth was not a good fishing place, nor was the Massachusetts, but on the eastern coast the fishermen rallied. The younger Gorges came out governor for New England in 1623, and visited Pemaquid, but the council at home gave up the fishing monopoly and the voluntary fishermen thrived. I must not cumber you with details. The ships came to Monhegan or the Isles of Shoals and sent up to the bay in their pinnaces the passengers and freight due there. Those who wished to go to England generally sailed "down East" and took shipping there. For trade goods and fishing prior to 1630 Pemaquid was without an equal on the coast. The petition of the inhabitants there in lo Pemaquid and Monbegan. 1684, to the Duke of York, concludes: "and that Pemaquid may still remain metropolis of these parts, because it ever have been so before Boston was settled." Grants were made at Pemaquid and Monhegan as early as 1623 surely ; the Earl Arundel had this section assigned as his di\-idend in 1622, and Abram Jennings of PhTnouth, who was then a member of the council, we recognize in 1626 as selling out his great trading establishment at Monhegan, and a flock of goats, which the PUgrims and ^Ir. Thompson of Piscataqua came down and bought between them, also some ^800 of goods. We find Pierce with a par em of strange origin at Pemaquid* also Brown earlier than 1625. the latter rejoicing in a title deed from Captain John Somerset, the chief of that ilk, him whom the Pilgrims called " Samoset," who welcomed them in English and introduced them to one of Gorges' Indians, Tisquantum or Squanto, who was afterwards their interpreter and diplomat for years among their neighbor tribes. There is no need to dwell on the land titles of Aldworth, Elbridge and Shurtz. There wa^ a mechanic and farming population here, workers of iron, makers of clay pipes, tanners, shipwrights, adjunct to the fur traders and ''ye fishermen," but the place being free had no archives. Mr. Shurtz, the Justice of Peace, appears to have been the total of government, unless they had also a town meeting. The Pilgrims, when star\-ed near to death in 1622, saw a shallop come into the harbor which they feared was a French man of war. She proved to be from Damrel's Cove Islands. They followed her back in their own boat and got pro\"isions from the generous fishermen to supply their needs. They had, states Bradford, the further benefit of finding their wa}" there for future use. They came again in 1623, and when their boat was stove and sunk at Damrel's Cove Islands in 1624, the jolly fishermen joined in raising and repairing her for them. We infer that these voluntar)' fishermen were neither Brownists nor Puritans, as Phineas Pratt in his narrative states he arrived at these islands in 1622, and found that " the fishermen had set up a Ma\-pole and were ver)- meny." The PhTnouth people soon set up a trade there and at the Kennebec, and supported their colon}- by its profits. The}- owed something to the merr)- fi.shermen as well as to Sir Fernando Gorsres. Pemaqitid and Moiiheivau. u PEMAOUID AND MONHEGAN. BY CHARLES LEVI WOODBURY. [continued.] WiNTHROP, in 1630, writes in his journal that, on the day the Arbella got into Nahumkeik Harbor, Mr. Atherton, in his sloop bound to Pemaquid, dropped in and called on them. Mr. Shurtz of Pemaquid, in the next year, sent to the bay an Indian woman who had been taken by the Tarantines at Agawam. In 1635, Winthrop states only thirty ploughs were running in the bay. In 1640, he writes in his journal that one Graften, in a sloop, had sailed to Pemaquid and brought back to the bay twenty cows and oxen with hay and water for them. In 1635, he states that the ship, the Angel Gabriel, was lost at Pemaquid in a great storm. She was intended for the bay, and her consort, the James, was nearly lost at the Isles of Shoals. Thus one can see that, though the bay settlements had much direct trade with Great Britain, they had not displaced the ancient leadership of Pemaquid in the fish and fur trades. Its exports and casual passenger trade long flourished. France, under the strong hands of Richelieu, had organized her settlements in North America and, not renouncing her claim to New England, was active in reducing all she could into actual possession. Consequently, Pemaquid became a frontier station of the utmost importance to the future of the English possessions westward on the coast. Undoubtedly, some stockades and a few guns had long been maintained at Pemaquid to oppose the onslaughts of French, Indians and pirates, but this was individual work, rather than public preparation. I may add here that the New Plymouth people made two efforts to establish trading ports on the Penobscot, and that the French captured each and broke up their trade, in 163 1 and 1635. THE FORTS OF PEMAQUID. It is not my purpose to trace the long history of the French and Indian wars, but reverting to the subject I began with, the ruins of Pemaquid, I will trace the succession of the forts and the vicissitudes they endured, briefly, because my limits are narrow, and because numerous general histories of New Eno-land fill out the surrounding events which I must omit. 12 Pemaquid and Monhegan. In 1630, we learn that a more pretentious fort was built at Pemaquid, where the farmers and resident fishermen had largely increased. In 1632, one Dixey Bull, a dissatisfied Englishman, turned pirate, and with fifteen others surprised and plundered the settlement at Pemaquid and raised great disturbance on the coast. Bull lost one of his principal men in the attack. Captain Neale of Piscataqua went with forty men to the relief of Pemaquid. After this Pemaquid seems to have had better protection, as we hear no more of such attacks. In 1664, this country east of the Kennebec came under the patent of the Duke of York, who paid small attention to it, for in 1675 one hundred discontented citizens petitioned to Massachusetts for, " wherein some times past we have had some kind of government settled amongst us, but for these several years we have not had any at all," etc., and therefore ask to be taken under the protection of Massachusetts. Eleven of the signers are of Pemaquid, fifteen are of Damrel's Cove Islands, sixteen of Cape Newwagen (Bonawagon in the petition), eighteen are of Monhegan, twenty-one of Kennebec and fifteen of the Sheepscot. How many were of the opposite opinion does not appear : probably it was the more numerous imrty. In 1675, the Indian War, known as King Phillip's War, began. In 1676, the settlers at Pemaquid and on the adjacent islands were surprised by an organized, extensive Indian attack. Pem- aquid was deserted, as was the country and coast, by all who could escape the merciless tomahawk. The survivors, about three hundred in number, took refuge at Damrel's Cove Islands, where they held out about a fortnight, when, realizing the impractica- bility of defence, they sailed in various vessels west to Piscataqua, or Boston, and all east of the Sagadahoc was desolate. Major Waldron with a strong force was sent down to redeem captives and to retaliate. He had a sharp brush with the Indians at Pemaquid, — a F'ort Gardner is spoken of as being then in their control, probably a block-house. They had burnt Pemaquid directly on its being abandoned. An affidavit in my possession of one John Cock, born east of the Kennebec and driven off in 1676 by the Indians, speaks of a Mr. Padishal having been killed at Pemaquid by the Indians. The Duke of York's government at New York now awoke from their, apathy and Pemaqiiid and Monhegan. 13 prepared a formidable force to retake his possessions, and in 1677 took possession of the country and established a govern- ment. A new fort, on the site of the old one, was erected, — a wooden redoubt with two guns aloft, an outwork with two bastions, each carrying two guns, and one gun at the gate. Fifty soldiers were stationed as a garrison, and the fort was named FORT CHARLES. Under this protection, Pemaquid was made the capital of the duke's territory ; a custom-house, licenses for fishing, and a Justice of Peace established. The Indians were awed, and a kind of treaty made with them. The smacks that had been captured were restored, captives released and a delusive hope of peace indulged. 1.684 found "they of Pemaquid" much delighted with the glories, military and civil, of their capital, as well as their returning trade, petitioning the duke for more favors, "and that Pemaquid may still remain the metropolis of these parts because it ever have been so, before Boston was settled." Alas for this dream of the revival of the traditional capital, Norumbega, politics in 1686 enforced the jurisdiction of these parts to be ceded to the new royal Massachusetts charter, and the love-lorn Pemaquid was divorced from New York. 1687 brought a solace for their woe. The thirsty Bay Puritans under the orders of the judge of Pemaquid made a raid on the French settlement at Bagaduce, on the Penobscot, where the Baron Castine lived, and carried off to Pemaquid a ship and cargo of wines, etc., imported by him. This spoliation caused serious complaints from the French ambassador at London. I will not say that free rum flowed at Pemaquid. The perfumed and stim- ulating red wines of Gascony and Burgundy shed their nectar on the parched gullets of the judge, collectors, tide waiters and bailiffs, — the official aristocracy, — in biblical phrase, "without money and without price." Even the soldiers of the garrison, or at least the officers, got more than a sniff at the aromatic fluid. On Darwin's doctrine of heredity one might well claim that the Maine officials thus early were imbued with, and transmitted to their successors, the habit of seizing other people's wines and liquors and drinking them without paying for them. In 1689, P'ort Charles was surprised by the Indians, who cut 14 Pcumqtihl ninf Moiihf