§3? 
 
 -^ 
 
THE 
 
 UNIFICATION QUESTION. 
 
 Address of Gen, G, T. Beauregard to the PeopU 
 of Louisiana, 
 
 Fellow Citizens -I have been made the subject of ungracious 
 and illiberal observatioa here aud elsewhere because of my sup- 
 port of resolutions reoommendiug a closer union of all the mem- 
 ?*^!?/. *}i<^. permanent population of the State, to promote 
 laithtui administration and wise aud provident le 'islatiou. The 
 ends proposed are not only unobjectionable, but" patriotic aud 
 praiseworthy. 
 
 The complaint is of the means. Those means consist in a 
 candid aud frank acknowledo-meut of constitutional and legal 
 tacts which none can deny, aud the conforming of our conduct to 
 those provisions of the existing Constitution of the State of 
 Louisiana, which are as follows : 
 
 "Art. 13. All persons shall enjoy equal rights and privileges upoa any 
 conveyance of a public character : and all places of business or of public re- 
 sort or tor which « license is required by either State, parish, or muuicipal 
 authority, shall be deemed places of a public character, and shall be opened to 
 tliea,cconiinodationandpatrona<,'eofall persons, without distiuction or dis- 
 crimination on account of color." 
 
 "Art. 135. All children of this State, between the ages of six and twenty- 
 one shall be admitted to the public schools or other institutions of learninc 
 - ustamed or established by the State, in commou, without distinction of race 
 
 'pr, or previous condition." 
 
 ?se articles have been enforcenl by legislation, which gives 
 
 ^party whose rights thereunder have been denied, "a right 
 
 ^to recover any damages, exemplary as well as actual, 
 
 :nay sustain, before any court of competent jurisdiction." 
 
 \ 
 
 

 It cannot tlien be denied that all the citizens of the State have 
 been placed upon terms of equality in their civil and political re- 
 lations. No preference is given on accoant of complexion, 
 capacity, employment, pursuits or the holding of i)roperty to any 
 individual or class. The superiority that the possession of these 
 may attain depends upon the voluntary recognition by persons 
 differing in complexion and capacity, and of different employ- 
 ments and degrees of education. The suffrage of every man ot 
 lawful age is to be counted at every election as of the same value. 
 
 My proposition is, if possible, to unite these various conditions 
 «of ]nen into a common effort to improve the condition of the 
 State ; to remove, if it can be done, all cpiestions that are special 
 to any of these conditions from the contest, and to fix the hearts 
 of all upon higher and more important ai?ns. The strife, hostility, 
 distrust and estrangement that hav0follo%vod fi'om such questions 
 have placed our State under the control of the depraved, dis- 
 honest, overreaching and corrupt. The reputation of the State 
 has suffered, its credit blasted, its finances disordered, its honor 
 stained, and public and private prosperity retarded under the 
 influence of the strife and the use made of it by the artful and 
 selfish adventurers, who have employed power to accomplish 
 these disastrous results. In our distracted condition, after the 
 general elections of last November, we appealed in vain to Con: 
 gress for relief; the Administration has, moreover, thrown its 
 powerful influence on the side of our corrupt, usurping State gov- 
 ernment, and we can evidently hope for no assistance from our 
 sister States. We must therefore look only to ourselves for sal- 
 vation, which can only be secured by making a firm alliance 
 with all classes of our population to rid us of those vampires who 
 are sucking the very life-blood of our people, whites and blacks. 
 
 ~' It is manifest that nothing but the forbearance of the colored 
 people prevents them fi^oni subjecting common carriers, and all 
 keei)ers of places of public resort, to such losses and annoyances 
 as would speedily compel the practical acknowledgment of 
 their rights or the abandonment of business. A multiplicity of 
 suits, the result of which (so far as our State courts are concerned) 
 could not be doubtful, would soon exhaust the endurance of the 
 most violent prejudice. Meanwhile during a series of years, the, 
 obstinate denial of these claims ot our colored fellow-citizens by 
 the whites has been the means of arraying whites and blacks,. 
 almost solidly, in bitter political hostility against each ©•ther. 
 
 It has driven the blacks into an unnatural coalition wW' 
 horde of unscrnpulous adventtirers, who have thus secure' 
 political power of the commonwealth. How have they n*' 
 To what a sad (condition have they not reduced the St'' 
 is an oft told talc, >\cbich I, a son of Lonisiana, holdin^'^ 
 

 dearer than " the ruddy drops wliicli visit this sad heart," have 
 no disposition to repeat. 
 
 I may be niistak ji in siipposinq- that a frank and cordial con- 
 cession of absohite and practical <'ivil, as well as political equality 
 between all citizens, witliout discrimination on account of race 
 or color, as ])roposed in this nioveuient, would remove the last 
 barrier which ojjposes the political co-operation of good men, 
 of whatever color, for the regeneration of the State; but I am 
 earnest in my conviction that 1 am not mistaken. 
 
 Exi>erience seems, at all events, to have demonstrated two 
 proi)ositions quite conclusively, viz: 1st, that without such co- 
 operation the redemption of the State is im[)raetical)le; 2d, that 
 such co-operation cannot be- secured on any other terms. 
 
 Besides, T am profoundly convinced that no sound and lasting- 
 system of political [>hilosopl)y can be constructed under existing 
 facts in Louisiana, at least, which does not recognize such 
 equality. Every such system must square itself so as to consist 
 in all its expressions and implications with the fundamental fact 
 of impartial suft'iage. When we are asked whij we refuse to 
 admit colored j)eoplc to the enjoyment of public privileges on a 
 footing of e(]nality with other citizens, it is not sufticient to say 
 that in so doing we merely exercise a right for which we are not 
 (compelled to give a reason. There must be some reason or 
 motive at the foundation of all buman conduct. And if at the 
 basis of this course of conduct partici[)ated in by the mass 
 the white people of the State, there docs lie a reason so 
 poweri'ul as to defy the provisions of the constitutions and laws 
 and the decrees of courts, it certainly concerns the colored man 
 to inquire whether, carried to its logical consccpiences, it does not 
 threaten other rights, of which he already has the full enjoyment 
 Yet I would ask any one to state why a colored man should not 
 participate in these public i)rivileges, which would not be a 
 better reason why he should not serve on a jury, why lie should 
 not hold responsible offices, nay, why he should not possess the 
 right of suffrage itself! 
 
 We arc bound to give this great experiment of Republican 
 
 se!f-governme]it, ov. the basis of impartial suffrage, a fair trial ; 
 
 and as long as we assume a position antagonistic in principle to 
 
 his rights, and thereby drive the colored man into opposition to 
 
 \ us, if harm results we must. lay the blame upon ourselves, rather 
 
 \than on tlie system. ' 
 
 \I am persuaded that the natural relation between the white and 
 
 ^eiX people is that of friendsliip. I am persuaded that their 
 \'Sts are identical ; that their destinies, in this State where 
 
 \ races are equally divided, are Hidanl together; and that 
 \^o i)rosi)erity for Louisiana which must not be the result 
 ^operation. 
 
I-XDKHKT Kjr K,K/nKjKt.^i> 
 
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 I am equally convinced that tlie evils anticipated by some from 
 the practical enforcement of equal rights, are mostly imaginary, 
 and that the relations of the races ia the exercise of these rights 
 will speedily adjust themselves to the satisfaction of all. 
 
 I take it that nothing but malice or stupidity could find aoy- 
 thing either in the letter or spirit of the unification resolutions 
 which contemplates any interference or dictation in the private 
 social relations of the people. These lie entirely outside the do- 
 main of legislation and politics. It would not be denied that, in 
 traveling, and at places of public resort, we often share these 
 l)rivileges in common with thieves, prostitutes, gamblers, and 
 others who have worse sins to answer for than the accident of 
 color ; but no one ever supposed that w^e thereby assented to the 
 social equality of these people with ourselves. I therefore say 
 that participation in these public privileges involves no question 
 of social equality. By the enjoyment in common of such pri- 
 vileges, neither whites nor blacks assert, or assent to, social 
 equality, either with each other or even between individuals of 
 the same race. 
 
 I have not proposed to myself any advantages from the resolu 
 tions referred to. I do not seek or desire office or emoluments. 
 I have in view but the restoration of Louisiana to the place of 
 honor from which she has fallen. 
 
 I surrender no principle, nor do I separate from any friends. I 
 unite with those who, upon a candid consideration of the circum- 
 stances they do not control, have to extract from them the greatest 
 amount of good that they allow of 
 
 If there be any who can propose other and better means, I 
 shall not be backward in adopting them. But it is very clear to 
 my mind that the strength of a State consists in the harmonious, 
 cordial, contented union of all the good men of the community 
 in honest efforts for the improvement and i)rogress of the whole. 
 It is equally clear that strife, discord, disunion and distracted 
 efforts and pursuits will produce nothing but weakness and dis- 
 appointment. The base, selfish, unscrupulous and mercenary 
 always profit from confusion, disorder and the disintegration of 
 society. 
 
 This is a full, candid, and to my mind, accurate view of the 
 situation, and I shall regulate my conduct accordingly, so as to 
 free ourselves from " carpet-bag" rule, and the improper inter- 
 ference of the Federal Government in our State aftairs. 
 
 G. T. Beauregarp 
 
 New Orleans, July 1, 187o. 
 
 Note — By " carpot-bajjgers" I refer to those corrupt and unscrup* 
 viduals who conio here only to occujiy office and despoil our peoF 
 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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