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 CENTRAL NORTH AMERICA —'■ FROM THE LATEST DISCOVERIES. 
 
 IIS WAS THE SCHOOL MAP FOR YEARS AFTER 1806. 
 
COSTUMES OF 1799 — A MARRIAGE. 
 
 FROM KAMMERER'S PAINTING. 
 
JAMES WATT'S FIRST LESSON IN STEAM. 
 
 PAINTED BY DAViD NEAL. 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 UNITED STATES 
 
 EUROPE 
 
 ^ COPVR; 
 ILLUSTRATED ""'^/^^^ ^' 
 
 Period I 
 During the Triumphs of Napoleon's Empire 
 
 By henry BOYNTON 
 
 Author of " Thb World's Greatest Conflict ' 
 
 PRESS CO., PUBLISHERS 
 AUGUSTA, ME. 
 
Copyright 1891 
 By Hexky Boyntox 
 
 ELECTROTYPED AND PRINTED BY 
 BROWN THURSTON COMPANY 
 PORTLAND, MAINE 
 
 .5- 
 
INDEX OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 . I Napoleon's Empire at its Height in iSio. 
 ; 2 Central North America in 1806. 
 
 3 Costumes in 1799; A Marriage. From Kammerer's 
 
 Painting. 
 
 4 James Watt's First Lesson in Steam. Painted by 
 
 David Neal. 
 10 Relative Populations of Countries. 
 
 ^ 16 Alpenmarchen. Painted by K. Dielitz. 
 
 •J 24 Governor W. H. Harrison treating with Indians. 
 
 . 64 William Pitt. By Hoppner. Charles J. Fox. By 
 Opie. 
 
 . 80 Kremlin, Moscow Royal Palace, Madrid. 
 
 104 Napoleon and his Son and War. By Steuben and 
 Sartain. 
 
 109 Relative Forces in the Ulm Campaign. 
 
 112 Battle of Trafalgar. 
 
 120 Lord Nelson and Wreck of the Indomptable. 
 
 151 'Napoleon's System of Line of Battle. 
 
 160 Palace of Fontainbleau. 
 
 184 One-Sixth of Jefferson's Effective Navy, 1806-9. 
 
 192 Jefferson Opposing Washington in the First Cabinet. 
 
 224 The Cavalry Charge. From Detaille's Painting. 
 
 240 Battle of Eylau in a Fierce Snow Storm. 
 
 256 Empress Josephine. The Beautiful Luise of Prus- 
 sia and her Sister, Honoring Soldier's Graves. 
 
 296 Napoleon's Palaces and Prisons. Tuileries and 
 Louvre and a Jail. 
 
 328 Duke of Wellington. Painted by Lawrence, the 
 Figure by Evans. 
 
 400 Made a Blind Beggar by Walcheren. 
 
PUBLISHER'S NOTICE. 
 
 This is a new, independent history, written from 
 the American standpoint, teeming with important 
 facts, some of which are new to most American and 
 British readers, all of which are tersely written, 
 and it strongly presents the great story of the real 
 people and their rulers. 
 
 The author has given profound study to this period 
 of history. He has twice visited Europe to obtain 
 material from records, State papers, and other origi- 
 nal documents not accessible in America. 
 
 Differing from all those writers who palliate the 
 offenses of their favorites, he describes the greatest 
 scenes of one of the most eventful periods of all 
 history, without excusing the crimes of any one 
 because of high rank or dazzling deeds. Only from 
 books thus written without favoritism may we 
 learn the true lessons which real history teaches, and 
 avoid admiring false heroes. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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10 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 RULERS IN 1804. 
 
 Great Britain and Ireland, George III, king; limited; 
 William Pitt, premier. 
 
 France, Napoleon Bonaparte, emperor ; almost absolute . 
 Talleyrand, premier. 
 
 Austria, Francis I, emperor; absolute; Stadion, premier. 
 
 Prussia, Frederick William, king; absolute; Haugwitz. 
 premier. 
 
 Russia, Alexander I, czar ; absolute. 
 
 Spain, Charles IV, king ; absolute ; Godoy, premier. 
 
 Sweden, Gustavus IV, king ; absolute. 
 
 Denmark, Christian VII, king (insane); Bernsdorff, pre- 
 mier ; Prince Frederick was regent. It held Norway. 
 
 Portugal, Marie, queen (insane") ; Prince Joam was regent. 
 
 Holland, "the Batavian Republic,'' controlled by Napo- 
 leon. 
 
 Belgium was a part of France. 
 
 Brunswick-Mecklinberg, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Saxony 
 Baden, Hesse-Cassel, Oldenberg, were under absolute 
 electors. 
 
 Hanover, George III of England was its "elector," " 
 
 Switzerland, called "The Helvetian Republic," was con- 
 trolled by Napoleon as " protector." 
 
 Kingdom of Italy (north). Napoleon Bonaparte, king; 
 almost absolute ; Eugene Beauharnais, viceroy. 
 
 Rome, Pius VII, pope. Held by Napoleon ; absolute. 
 
 Naples and Sicily, Ferdinand, king ; absolute. 
 
 Turkey, Selim III, sultan; almost absolute. 
 
 Poland, divided between Russia, Prussia and Austria. 
 
 United States of America, Thomas Jefferson was presi- 
 dent from March 4, 1801, to March 4, 1809. James 
 Madison was Secretary of State. 
 
 Brazil was held by Portugal. 
 
 Except Guiana all the rest of South America and all Mex- 
 ico, Central America and Cuba, were held by Spain. 
 
 Great Britain had great possessions in India and America 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. H 
 
 SOME OF THE WORKS AND AUTHORS CON- 
 SULTED. 
 Abrantes, Duchess d', Memoirs de. 
 Adams, John, Works of. 
 Adams, John Q., Works of. 
 Alison's History of Europe. 
 Americana Cyclopedia. 
 Annual Register. 
 Appleton's Cyclopedia. 
 Badeker's Maps. 
 Bain's France. 
 Baldwin's Party Leaders. 
 Bancroft's History of the U. S. 
 Belsheon's Geo. IH. 
 Bignon's Memoirs of Napoleon. 
 Blaine's Twenty Years in Congress, 
 Blair's Annals of America. 
 Botta's Italy. 
 Bourrienne, Memoirs de. 
 Boytelin. 
 
 Bradbury, James W., Speech on French Claims. 
 Britannica Encyclopedia. 
 British Museum Historical Papers. 
 British State Papers. 
 Burt, Paul. 
 
 Butler's Settlers of Kentucky. 
 Calhoun, John C., Life of, by Jenkins. 
 Canning, George, State Papers. 
 Caulaincourt, " " 
 
 Census Reports of Several Nations. 
 Chambers' Cyclopedia. 
 Christie's History of Canada. 
 Clark, Edson C, Races of Turkey. 
 Clay, Henry, Speeches and State Papers. 
 Cobb, T. R., Slavery. 
 
12 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Cobbett, William. 
 
 Collingwood, Life of, by his Nephew. 
 
 Congress, Acts of. 
 
 " Debates of. 
 Cooper's Naval History. 
 Coote's Modern Europe. 
 Crowe's History of France. 
 Denmark, History of. 
 Diplomacy, " 
 
 " American. 
 
 Duffy, Gavan, Young Ireland. 
 Edinburgh Review, 1802-16. 
 Engineers, The Great, by Smiles. 
 Fouche, Memoirs de. 
 Fox, Charles J., Speeches. 
 Garneau's History of Canada. 
 Gay-Bryant History of U. S. 
 Giddings' Florida Exiles. 
 Goodrich's History of U. S. 
 Grattan, Irish Speeches. 
 Green, J. R., History of England. 
 Greeley, Horace, Life of Clay. 
 Guizot's History of France. 
 Hale, Salma, History of U. S. 
 Hardenberg, State Papers. 
 Harrison, William H., Life of, by Montgomery 
 Hildreth's History of U. S. 
 Hugo Victor. 
 
 Indian Empire, History of the. 
 Irving's Life of Columbus. 
 James' Naval History. 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, State Papers and Works. 
 Johnston's Cyclopedia. 
 Johnston's Maps. 
 
 Kendall's Notes of Travel 1807 — Wni. P. Lapham. 
 Knight, Charles, History of England. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 13 
 
 Koch-Schoell, Revolution in Europe. 
 
 Lalor's Political Science. 
 
 Lanfrey's Napoleon. 
 
 Las Casas. 
 
 Law Reports. 
 
 Lossing's U. S. 
 
 Macaulay, T. B., Life of Pitt. 
 
 Mackenzie's 19th Century. 
 
 Maister, Stephen d', on Russia. 
 
 Madison, James, State Papers. 
 
 Malthus. 
 
 Martineau's England. 
 
 Martin's History of France. 
 
 McCarty, Justin PL 
 
 McMasters' History of U. S. 
 
 Metternicb, Memoirs de. 
 
 Moniteur. 
 
 Monroe, James, Correspondence. 
 
 Montholon & Gourgaud, Memoirs de. 
 
 Moore's, Sir John, Journal and Dispatches. 
 
 Morse's Geography. 
 
 Napier, Gen., Peninsular War. 
 
 Napoleon, State Papers. 
 
 '' Memoirs de St. Helena. 
 
 Narrative and Critical Hist, of U. S. — Windsor. 
 Naval Glory of England. — Russell tS: Jacques. 
 Navarette. 
 Nelson's Correspondence. 
 
 " Life of, by Southey. 
 Niles' Register. 
 North American Review. 
 Parliament, Acts of. 
 
 " Reports of. 
 
 Pitt, William, State Papers. 
 
 Life of. 
 Quincy, Josiah, Speeches. 
 
14 UNITED STATES AXD EUBOPE. 
 
 Rambaud's History cf Russia. 
 Randall's Life of Jefferson. 
 Randolph, John, Speeches. 
 Recamier, Madame, Memoirs of. 
 Remusat " " " 
 
 Romilly, Sir Samuel, Diar}'. 
 Rotteck's Histor)^ of Europe. 
 Schlosser's [F. C], Geschichte des 18 Jahrh. 
 Scott, Sir Walter, Life of Napoleon Buonaparte. 
 Segur, Memoirs d' Count. 
 Seward's Life of J. Q. Adams. 
 Slater, Samuel, Memoirs of. 
 Spanish Acts and Decrees. 
 Sparks' American Biography. 
 Spalding's Italy. 
 
 State Papers of Various Nations. 
 Sweden, History of. 
 Tactics, Systems of. 
 Talleyrand's Correspondence. 
 Teft's Webster. 
 Thackeray's Four Georges. 
 Thiers, Adolphe, Consulate et 1' Empire. 
 Treaties of Several Nations. 
 Tucker's Jefferson. 
 Ukases of Russia. 
 War Bulletins. 
 War Office Papers. 
 Watt, James, Life of. 
 Webster, Daniel, Speeches of. 
 Wellington (Duke of >, Dispatches. 
 
 Wilson, Henry, Rise and Fall of the Slave Power. And 
 numerous others. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 15 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 History for American or British readers must recog- 
 nize the fact that all persons are naturally entitled to com- 
 mon rights, fairness and humanity ; that rulers have no 
 just right to deprive any people or any innocent person 
 of comfort, by making needless war, or by useless or per- 
 nicious acts ; that a ruler may not seek merely his <own 
 will or pleasure, but is bound to act only for the best 
 good of his people ; that every person is accountable to 
 the same moral principles of action, and an act or a 
 motive that would be crime in a pauper is also a crime 
 in a prince, and that any admiration we may indulge for 
 an eminent man must yield to any adverse verdict that 
 may be given by our own conscience. 
 
 The times to which this history relates, although recent, 
 were very different from ours of today. We are not ac- 
 countable for the errors of our ancestors in that hating, 
 warring period, unless we approve of those errors. Our 
 century began in a wicked, a cruel period ; the Euro- 
 pean race was then war-mad ; it was an era of distrust, of 
 enmity, of active malignity ; benign religion was not 
 active ; generous sentiments were suppressed ; grand hu- 
 manities, such as asylums and hospitals were almost non- 
 existent ; newspapers, now public educators, were few, and 
 under strict censorship everywhere except in America and 
 Great Britain ; outside of Nev; England and Scotland 
 few public free schools existed ; neither the British, 
 French nor German law systems had yet been reformed 
 by such men as the great Romilly, Tronchet and Savigny; 
 international courtesy was almost unknown. 
 
 We have German, Swiss, Dutch, Italian, Portuguese 
 and Turkish history mainly from writers unfriendly to 
 those peoples ; Swedish, Danish and Spanish from their 
 rivals ; British, from their bitter enemies or their ardent 
 apologists. Instead of these let us have honest, actual 
 
16 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 history — the real facts. Too many writers conceal or 
 palliate errors. The despotism of the murderer of Palm, 
 the bookseller, and censorship suppressed so many facts, 
 that history has not usually done justice to the grand 
 German people, who have stood in the dense shadow of 
 incapable Frederick William III. 
 
 If the person is greatest who most influences and ben- 
 efit^ mankind, then James Watt is greater than all the 
 Caesars ; educators are greater than politicians ; a free 
 and well-directed press is a nobler instrument than can- 
 non ; editors are greater than generals. 
 
 The history of our country or of any country, to be 
 understood, must be read and studied in close connection 
 with that of those with which it has considerable inter- 
 course. To judge of our own progress, we must also study 
 our neighbor nations. To admit the idea that all errors 
 are foreign and all wisdom exclusively our own would de- 
 stroy the lessons of history. It is not well to be dazzled 
 by any brilliant man or splendid career. Let us estimate 
 every person, a powerful emperor, an American president, 
 or the most lowly laborer, by the same just principles of 
 honor, conscience, fairness and humanity ; if his deeds be 
 right let us honor him ; if his acts be wrong let him be 
 unto us as a wrong-doer ; only such study of history can 
 be profitable. 
 
 To prepare this history I have examined a great num- 
 ber and amount of evidences, with care and labor. I 
 have investigated with honest candor. I now report the 
 facts as the evidences show them, which are, in numerous 
 instances, different from what I expected and desired. 
 
 Augusta, Me. H. B. 
 
ALPENMARCHEN ; DREAM OF SWISS LIBERTY. 
 
 PAINTED BY K. DIELITZ. 
 
History of the United States 
 AND Europe. 
 
 I 
 
 THIS Century began in exciting times. On its 
 first day, January i, 1801, Great Britain and 
 Ireland united as one nation. King George III was 
 apprehensive that Bonaparte would possess himself 
 of Denmark's navy, so Admirals Nelson and Parker 
 demanded its surrender to England ; and on refusal 
 they bombarded Copenhagen and destroyed most of 
 Denmark's fleet. The bad Russian Czar, Paul, was 
 strangled by some of his officers, because he was 
 cruel. These two events broke up a great coalition 
 of north Europe and Russia, and Austria made the 
 peace of Luneville of February 9, 1801, with Bona- 
 parte, who ruled France. Only Britain and France 
 remained at war. 
 
 William Pitt, head of the British ministry, wished 
 to give common political rights to Irish Catholics. 
 George III refused and Pitt resigned. George formed 
 a new tory ministry. 
 
 The French in Egypt, beaten in battle by the Brit- 
 ish, March 21, surrendered on condition of being 
 carried home to France. 
 
 Bonaparte compelled Holland to receive a French 
 constitution. Of 416,419 Dutch voters, 52,219 voted 
 against it, the rest, dissatisfied, refused to vote, but 
 Bonaparte insisted that all who had not voted against 
 it had tacitly consented to it, and he put it in force. 
 But he soon set it aside to give power to a few per- 
 
18 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 sons whom he could control, and Holland remained 
 in his power till 1814. 
 
 The foolish king of Spain, Charles IV, gave to Bon- 
 aparte five Spanish war ships, a large sum of money, 
 all Louisiana, and promised to force Portugal to close 
 its trade with England, for all of which Bonaparte 
 gave the king's boy son-in-law, Ferdinand, duke of 
 Parma, the title of king of Etruria (Tuscany), then a 
 republic ; but Bonaparte held his own power over 
 this new king and his domains, and seized Parma, too, 
 as soon as this boy died, in 1803. 
 
 In January, 1802, Bonaparte assembled 452 Italians 
 at Lyons, and, when many of them were absent, 
 obtained from the remaining fraction a vote that he 
 be president of the Italian Republic. This was all 
 the election that took place; on this he took the 
 great office. His constitution ordained that no law 
 could be made unless offered by him ; only 700 Ital- 
 ians were allowed to be voters, and a French army 
 was kept there at Italy's expense. Then Genoa came 
 into his power. 
 
 In France Bonaparte suppressed liberty, organized 
 a spy police, made summary courts to punish with 
 promptness, and held a court like a king. He built 
 roads, canals and public buildings and infused energy. 
 Churches were already re-opened all over France. 
 He made a Concordat with the Pope, July 15, i8oi, 
 which regulated the church and allowed him to select 
 the bishops, and he hoped to compel the church to 
 promote his own ambition, and for the same object 
 he allowed banished monarchists to return. 
 
 Britain and France agreed, October i, 1801, to 
 make peace, and it was made March 27, 1802. After 
 all the immense damage done by the long war it left 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 19 
 
 all as it was when the war began, in 1793, except that 
 Britain kept Spanish Trinidad, and Surinam, and 
 Dutch Ceylon. 
 
 Able lawyers formed a law code which was gradu- 
 ally adopted in France. But Bonaparte's power was 
 nearly absolute. Against opposition he originated the 
 Legion of Honor, but it soon became popular. 
 
 In May, 1802, the Senate voted him consul for ten 
 years longer. This did not satisfy him, so the pro- 
 posal that he be consul for life was voted on by the 
 people. It was dangerous to vote " no." The Sen- 
 ate announced the vote as 3,577,379 yeas and 8,494 
 noes. Bonaparte had appointed the senators and the 
 councilors, and they were servile to him ; they 
 changed the constitution for him, reduced the coun- 
 cil from 500 to 258, and the tribunate from 150 to 80, 
 and gave him power to add 40 senators. His servile 
 Senate was to control all laws and courts and appoint 
 the Legislative Body and Tribunate, but all the Sen- 
 ate's acts were first to emanate from him. 
 
 Rulers were held to be, owners of their peoples, and 
 Bonaparte, with concurrence of Alexander, Czar of 
 Russia, partitioned, traded, and gave away several of 
 the provinces, cities and peoples of Germany. Of 45 
 free towns only six, Frankfort, Augsburg, Lubec, 
 Bremen, Hamburg, and Nuremberg, were left free. 
 It was a dividing of prey among princes. 
 
 The colored race of St. Domingo had revolted, freed 
 themselves from slavery and liberated their country. 
 
 In 1802, Bonaparte's government made a law to re- 
 establish slavery, and to restore the frightful slave- 
 trade, and to put St. Domingo for ten years under 
 his own exclusive control.-^ He sent about 40,000 
 
 ^ Act relative to colonies, 1802. 
 
20 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 French troops, under Gen. Leclerc, to re-conquer and 
 re-enslave the San Domingans. The natives made 
 gallant resistence ; the war was terribly fierce, bloody^ 
 destructive; that lovely island was devastated ; many 
 French fell victims to war and climate. The colored 
 chief, Toussaint L'Ouverture, capitulated May 8, 
 1802. Then the French ill-treated the conquered 
 men. By order of Bonaparte, they, by treachery, 
 seized Toussaint and sent him to France, where Bon- 
 aparte placed him in the cold mountain prison of Joux, 
 where he soon died. This treachery so enraged the 
 colored men that they rose again in arms, and ter- 
 rible scenes followed. In a few weeks many thousands 
 of both parties were destroyed by war and fevers. 
 Gen. Leclerc died. Reinforcements came from 
 France, but this only increased the already frightful 
 losses. In 1803 the remnant surrendered to Tous- 
 saint's successor, Dessalines, and British ships carried 
 them away. A massacre of whites followed. In 
 1804 Dessalines proclaimed himself emperor, but he 
 was killed in 1805 and Christophe and Petion's wars 
 made of the island two states, the kingdom of St. 
 Domingo, and the republic, Hayti, and bloody wars 
 raged between them. 
 
 In September, 1802, Bonaparte annexed Piedmont 
 to France ; he compelled Naples and Sardinia to give 
 him Elba ; he ruled Holland and compelled it to sup- 
 port a French army ; he invaded and occupied Switz- 
 erland. Not one of these acts was just. The Eng- 
 lish press severely condemned them. Bonaparte's 
 official Moniteur bitterly replied. He could not tol- 
 erate a free press, even in England ; he entered on a 
 newspaper war with it. He became very much en- 
 raged and wanted the British government to suppress 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 21 
 
 his newspaper opponents. It was said that he sent mili- 
 tary men accredited as commercial agents, but really 
 spies, to report plans of best ways to enter British 
 ports. England dismissed them, and Bonaparte was 
 still more furious. The French anti-Bonapartist ref- 
 ugees in England taunted him. The contest of words 
 aroused Britain for war again. Its ministry replied 
 to Bonaparte that it did not control the British Press, 
 yet the Moniteiir, which abused England, was Bona- 
 parte's official organ ; suit for libel could be had in 
 British courts. But Bonaparte demanded that Eng- 
 land stop the press from injuring his character and 
 measures ; and cease to give asylum to his enemies. 
 England always offers asylum to refugees. But a 
 libel suit was brought against one Peltier. He was 
 convicted, but his lawyer, James Mackintosh, made 
 for a free press, and against Bonaparte's abuse of 
 the rights of mankind, a speech that rang throughout 
 Europe. Then Bonaparte seized some British vessels 
 driven to France by a storm ; he also demanded that 
 the English leave Egypt and Malta, as agreed in the 
 terms of peace. England complained of Bonaparte's 
 annexation of Piedmont and Genoa and aggressions 
 in Holland and Switzerland, and demanded that 
 Europe be as when the peace was signed March 27, 
 1802, she said this increase of France had impaired 
 the treaty ; France might occupy Egypt to injure the 
 British in India. 
 
 Then the Monitetir published a report of Col. Se- 
 bastian!, who had been sent to examine eastern places ; 
 he said that 6000 French could take Egypt. Then a 
 vain account of French power was officially published 
 February 23, 1803. It summed up that " England, 
 single-handed, is unable to cope with France." 
 
22 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 George and his Addington ministry took this as a 
 defiance, and wanted satisfaction for this " singular 
 aggression." 
 
 George announced French " considerable military 
 preparations " and " differences " and new British 
 measures of precaution. On news of this message 
 Bonaparte violently upbraided the British ambassador 
 in presence of the European ambassadors. He had 
 done this once before, February i8, and said, " sooner 
 or later Egypt will belong to France." In this re- 
 mark George fancied a threat. England gave its 
 ultimatum, — England to retain Malta for ten years, 
 then it to be independent ; Naples to cede Lampe- 
 dusa to England ; the French to quit Holland and 
 Switzerland; the king of Sardinia to be indemnified; 
 England to recognize the Italian Republic and King- 
 dom of Etruria. 
 
 France replied with offer of transfer of Malta to 
 Russia, Prussia, or Austria, and to treat on all new 
 points. George refused ; he wanted to keep Malta, 
 which he was pledged to surrender to France. On 
 May 20, 1803, his licensed privateers seized two 
 French vessels without declaration of war, and the 
 war was thus begun which was to last for eleven 
 long, bloody years, to the distress of all mankind. 
 Bonaparte retaliated by seizing, as prisoners, all 
 English travelers in France, and he kept them for 
 eleven years. 
 
 The king of England was also elector of Hanover. 
 Bonaparte sent a French army and seized Hanover 
 and the free cities of Hamburg and Bremen. He com- 
 pelled them and Holland to give him large sums of 
 money, — a plain robbery. England blockaded the 
 Elbe and the Weser. Prussia, Russia, Austria, and 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 23 
 
 Denmark, were displeased. Bonaparte offered Han- 
 over to Prussia in exchange for an alliance offensive 
 and defensive. Prussia refused it. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson became president March 4, 1801. 
 Louisiana was all the country west of the Mississippi 
 to the Rocky Mountains, and a broad strip of coast 
 from New Orleans east to the Perdido River, where 
 it joined Spain's Florida. So the United States had 
 not a foot of the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. It 
 could reach it only through foreign ground. In 1803 
 the officials at New Orleans denied to Americans a 
 treaty right to deposit goods for shipment at New 
 Orleans. Kentucky was indignant ; it called for war. 
 Congress authorized President Jefferson to prepare 
 80,000 volunteers, and appropriated $2,000,000. 
 Then came news that Spain had sold Louisiana to 
 Bonaparte. Jefferson did not propose to buy Louis- 
 iana, but he instructed our envoys, Robert R. Liv- 
 ingston, and James Monroe, and Van Murray, to buy 
 New Orleans and the mere strip east along the Gulf. 
 This was all ; it would give us an outlet. But Bona- 
 parte refused. This ended the commission from 
 Jefferson. 
 
 But Bonaparte offered to sell the whole of Louisi- 
 ana. Our envoys had neither instructions, authority 
 or money to buy it ; they lacked time to hear from 
 America ; but they were equal to the great occasion ; 
 they bought it all. Bonaparte signed the treaty just 
 on the eve of opening his war with England, April 
 13, 1803. The price was $15,440,000, of which $11,- 
 580,000 was to be paid to Bonaparte, the rest to 
 Americans, whose ships and cargoes France had 
 confiscated. Our envoys found a market for Amer- 
 
24 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 ican 6% bonds in Holland, and thus obtained the 
 money to pay France. Jefferson believed our consti- 
 tution did not authorize this purchase. But he ac- 
 cepted the great act of statesmanship of Livingston, 
 Monroe and Van Murray, and intended to have an 
 amendment to legalize it, but it was never done. 
 Congress passed an act to issue the bonds. The 
 Federalist party opposed the purchase. Louisiana 
 was made an organized territory. Spain disputed its 
 boundaries. 
 
 The other notable events of Jefferson's first three 
 years were the admission of Ohio as a state, in 1802 ; 
 payment of ^1,250,000 to Georgia for its claim to 
 Indian lands ; the killing, in 1804, of Alexander Ham- 
 ilton, the Federalist leader, by Aaron Burr in a duel ; 
 Lewis and Clarke's explorations in Oregon ; a threat- 
 ened war with Spain, about Florida ; and Gov. W. H. 
 Harrison's purchase from Indians for trifling sums, of 
 vast northwest lands. 
 
 Spain objected to aiding Bonaparte in his British 
 war. But Bonaparte assembled an army on her 
 border. Spain ordered a levy for 100,000 soldiers ; 
 war seemed imminent. Bonaparte threatened and 
 Charles IV yielded ; he agreed to pay Bonaparte 
 nearly ^14,000,000 a year, and to compel peaceful 
 Portugal to give him 1,000,000 francs a month. Thus 
 by robbery of Holland, Hamburg, Hanover, Spain, and 
 Portugal, and also Italy and Naples, and sale of Louisi- 
 ana, Bonaparte obtained money for his British war. In 
 June, 1803, Bonaparte proposed that Russians garri- 
 son Malta ; that Lampedusa be given to England ; 
 that the French troops quit Holland and Switzerland ; 
 
GOVERNOR W. H. HARRISON TREATING WITH INDIANS. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 25 
 
 that French acquisitions in Italy be acknowledged by- 
 England. Britain offered to refer it to arbitration of 
 Alexander, the French to first leave Hanover and 
 north Germany. But Russia was a party to the 
 quarrel, so Bonaparte refused. England made great 
 conquests in India, but the results of her war against 
 France were meager. 
 
 MODERN SLAVERY. 
 
 THE slave trade is older than history. Bancroft ^ 
 says it would have ceased before America was 
 discovered, but for the bigoted hostility between 
 Christians and Moslems who enslaved each other. 
 Rome, Madrid, Bristol Hamburg, and Lyons had 
 their markets for white Moslem slaves. 
 
 Negroes enslaved negroes. From a.d. 990 this 
 trade is known. Spaniards and Portuguese traded 
 in negroes in 1443, a half-century before Cabot found 
 our continent.2 Bigots and brigands agreed in steal- 
 ing unbelieving Africans and heathen Indians to be 
 slaves in Spain. Columbus^ made slaves of five 
 hundred Indians to be sold in Seville in 1494. Fer- 
 dinand and Isabella claimed one-fourth of the Indian 
 slaves.* But Indian slav»s died rapidly. Spanish 
 and Portuguese brought negro slaves into the West 
 Indies a full century before the first British settle- 
 ments at Pemaquid and Jamestown of 1605 and 1607. 
 In 1 501 a royal edict permitted, and in 151 1 ordered, 
 Guinea slave trade.^ Las Casas, a bishop in Mexico, 
 
 1 Bancroft, i, 163-64. »Galvano, Haklnyt iv, 413. 
 
 'Irving's Columbus, viii, chap. v. ^Navarette ii, 245. 
 
 ' Herrera. 
 
 25 
 
26 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 wanted to spare the Indians from slavery, so he urged 
 the use of negroes [1503]. Charles V consented; 
 the year that began Luther's reformation Charles 
 sanctioned the import of four thousand negroes a 
 year into the West Indies, a monopoly sold to Gen- 
 oese, who bought negroes of Portuguese to whom the 
 pope had given monopoly of commerce with West 
 Africa. 1 
 
 Sir John Hawkins first led the English into the 
 odious trade. He made so profitable a voyage [1562] 
 that the avarice of Queen Elizabeth was aroused ; she 
 took share in and protected the stealing of slaves 
 and smuggling them into the American islands, 
 against the laws of Spain. Hawkins said he set 
 fire to a town of eight thousand inhabitants and 
 seized two hundred and fifty for slaves.^ The slave 
 trade was thrown wide open in 1620, and then, in 
 August, Virginia received its first negro slaves in a 
 Dutch vessel. It already had a trade in white ser- 
 vants from England, who soon became free. 
 
 In 1645 Massachusetts forbade buying and selling 
 of any but captives and convicts, and in 1646 Boston 
 denounced man-stealing and sent back to their own 
 country a cargo of negroes just arrived.^ In 1650 
 Connecticut made kidnapping a capital crime. Prov- 
 idence enacted in 1662 that all bondmen be free after 
 ten years' service or when twenty-five years old.^ 
 This is the earliest emancipation law that I have 
 found, but it was not obeyed. Swedes in Delaware 
 had still earlier forbade slavery. But in 1650 in 
 Boston a debtor might be sold to service to pay his 
 debt, and Indians might be sold or shipped out and 
 
 Bancroft, i. ' Moor's Notes on Slavery. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 27 
 
 exchanged for negroes, if they did not give satisfac- 
 tion for injuries. 
 
 In 1702 Queen Anne ordered some of the colonial 
 governors to aid the disgusting trade of her " Royal 
 African Company." Massachusetts opposed it with 
 a tax on the import of slaves. Virginia had laid such 
 duties in 1699, but royalty cancelled them. 
 
 Bancroft estimates those imported into our country 
 before 1776 at above three hundred thousand, and, 
 including the West Indies, at three millions, and that 
 two hundred and fifty thousand more died on the sea 
 passage and were thrown into the ocean ; and reckons 
 the trade profits at four hundred million dollars ! ^ 
 But Raynal estimates the numbers taken by Euro- 
 peans from Africa before 1776 at nine millions ! 
 
 Petitions against slavery appeared in Boston in 
 1 701, and in Pennsylvania in 171 2. Many persons 
 thought it wicked to hold converted slaves ; heathens 
 might be deprived of every human right, but a bap- 
 tized slave ought to be freed ; but Gibson, bishop ot 
 London, combatted the idea ; so did the Assemblies 
 of three Southern colonies. 
 
 In 1727 South Carolina complained of the vast 
 imports of slaves. Most of its rice and Virginia's 
 tobacco were raised by slaves ; negroes were bought 
 on credit, but their produce fell in price ; debts 
 became heavy, white laborers were preferred, so col- 
 onies tried to lessen the imports of blacks. But 
 Queen Anne and the four Georges were always in 
 favor of slavery ; Anne insisted on pushing the trade 
 with vigor ; she delighted in its profit to herself. 
 From 1680 to 1700, under the Stuarts and William 
 
 » Bancroft iii, 407-411. 
 
28 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 and Mary, the English took about three hundred 
 thousand slaves from Africa.^ 
 
 No general European opinion spoke out against it ; ^ 
 no general feeling of humanity rebuked the stealing 
 of millions of human beings ; no general national 
 sentiment was indignant at the horrible sufferings by 
 which numbers so enormous perished in the frightful 
 sea passage ; men cared for creeds, made war for 
 them, fought desperately against belief different from 
 their own, but to be as great Jesus preached on the 
 mount, "meek," "pure in heart," "merciful," "peace- 
 makers," was not the forte of those whose avarice 
 sought profit in the inhuman slave trade. 
 
 One great man rose who was somewhat of the ser- 
 mon on the mount pattern, the merciful hero, soldier, 
 scholar, statesman, James Oglethorpe. 
 
 The English code hanged men for petty offenses ; 
 kept men in prison for life for debt if the creditor 
 insisted. Oglethorpe planned a colony for an asylum 
 for poverty and devotion. June, 1732, George II 
 granted to trustees a charter to all the land between 
 the Savannah and Altamaha and west to the Pacific, — 
 regardless of the fact that much of this country did 
 not belong to England, — "in trust for the poor" for 
 twenty-one years. 
 
 Charities furnished money, and in 1733 Oglethorpe 
 arrived and began to build Savannah. A few Indians 
 made treaties with him. Moravians, given free pas- 
 sage, food for the season, land, freedom of worship, 
 came singing through Germany, and holding wide- 
 awake worship on the vessels on the ocean, and set- 
 tled Ebenezer. 
 
 1 Raynal, quoted by Bancroft, iii, 411, ' Bancroft iii, 412. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 29 
 
 From this " Georgia " slavery and ardent spirits 
 were forever to be excluded. No Maine law could 
 be more stringent. " Slavery is a;jainst the gospel," 
 said this gallant Christian, this man whose career is 
 a remarkable romance, an epic poem, a hero's tale. 
 He called slavery a " horrid crime." Then came 
 Scots and settled New Inverness. 
 
 But in about two years some of his Savannah jail 
 colonists, disliking to work, began to petition for 
 slavery. They might buy negroes on credit. Ogle- 
 thorpe refused. 
 
 More religionists, anti-slavery men, devout Moravi- 
 ans came. And, too, came John and Charles Wesley, 
 "not yet settled in heart," but enthusiastic "to live 
 wholly to the glory of God ; " as Bancroft says, " to 
 enjoy the exquisite delights of religious sensibility." 
 John preached at Savannah, but he and his charge 
 disagreed and he went home. 
 
 More settlers came and prospered, but the Savan- 
 nah lot still asked for rum and slavery ; the honest 
 settlements seem to have supported Oglethorpe in 
 refusing these evils. But when in ten years, in 1743, 
 Oglethorpe left Georgia the idlers gained their points, 
 rum was smuggled and they hired slaves from South 
 Carolina, at first for short time, then longer, and then 
 for a hundred years, and soon slaves were brought 
 direct from Africa to Savannah. 
 
 Whitefield^ believed that God would make slavery 
 a help to the Africans ; he pleaded before the trus- 
 tees for it as needed in Georgia. The Moravians 
 regretted, then hesitated, then became reluctant con- 
 verts to slavery " in a Christian spirit," " with intent 
 
 1 Bancroft iii. 
 
30 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 to bring them to Christ" [1751]. In 1749 slavery- 
 was established on condition that masters must teach 
 slaves the Christian religion. A slave must be 
 worked but fifteen hours a day in summer and four- 
 teen in winter. 
 
 Judge Holt of the King's Bench declared in 1697 
 that "as soon as a negro comes into England ha is 
 free,"^ but public sentiment did not sustain Holt's 
 doctrine, and in 1735 Judge York reversed it. 
 
 Till our independence in 1776, England allowed no 
 manufacturing in America. English manufacturers 
 wanted our whole market ; to enlarge the sales of 
 their goods they insisted on slavery and the slave 
 trade. Anne and George H gave land to settlers in 
 the British West Indies on condition that they keep 
 four slaves to every one hundred acres. 
 
 Virginia, dismayed at the increase of negroes, tried 
 in 1761 to check their import by tax, but the king 
 disallowed the act. Whites might wish to make 
 goods, tools, cloth ; slaves would never do so ; slaves 
 would raise crops, — indigo, rice, tobacco, corn, — 
 crops different from those of England, so there could 
 be no competition with English farmers ; slavery 
 added wealth to English trade, made markets for 
 English goods ; both slave-trade and slavery increased 
 English profits. English ministries did not allow the 
 Americans to make a hoe or a web, all goods must 
 come from England, so George III insisted with all 
 the stubbornness of his ill nature to give force and 
 vigor to the horrible cruelty. 
 
 Treaties of commerce first appear just before 1700. 
 That of Utrecht, in 171 3, gave England monopoly of 
 
 1 Smith vs. Brown and Cooper. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 31 
 
 the African slave trade. England engaged to fur- 
 nish the Spaniards with one hundred and forty-four 
 thousand negroes within thirty-three years. A great 
 slave-trading company was formed in England ; Queen 
 Anne took one-fourth of the stock, the King of Spain 
 another fourth. Thus these two sovereigns became 
 the greatest slave traders. They extended slavery 
 in America. Anne gave all her influence for slavery, 
 and Georges I, II and III followed her bad example. 
 
 In the peace of Westphalia, in 1748, England 
 secured monopoly oi slave trade for four years more. 
 In 1750 Spain gave ;^ 100,00 to be allowed to share 
 
 in it.i 
 
 Negroes bought in Africa with rum, sham goods, 
 and old muskets were, with extreme cruelty, brought 
 across seas in small, crowded vessels, packed below 
 decks too close to turn over, stifled with heat and 
 lack of air, ironed, whipped if they made trouble,— a 
 system more revolting than the barbarities of savage 
 Africa. Of some cargoes one-half died, one-third 
 was not unusual loss.^ 
 
 England, Spain, Portugal, and France claimed all 
 America, all but France used vigorous exertion to fill 
 it with slaves. The negroes were from the youth of 
 Africa between fourteen and thirty years old, and 
 were born slaves in Africa or were captives, kid- 
 napped or convicts.^ 
 
 In most of the colonies were Indian slaves. They 
 were poorly protected. In North Carolina in 1750 a 
 person found guilty of manslaughter of a slave was 
 " to incur no forfeiture or punishment." ^ 
 
 In some countries they fared better. In Boston in 
 
 » Koch ii, 82. ^ Bancroft. ^ Hildreth ii, 424. 
 
32 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 1773 a slave won a suit against his master for wages. 
 In 1772 Sumerset, a negro brought from Virginia to 
 England, was freed by decision of full court of King's 
 Bench on the ground that a slave could not be held 
 in England under American laws.^ 
 
 In July, 1774, the Virginia Assembly, on Jeffer- 
 son's suggestion, resolved that: — 
 
 "After November i, next, we will neither ourselves import nor 
 purchase any slave imported." 
 
 October 20, 1774, the Continental Congress, ex- 
 cept three South Carolina members, signed articles 
 of association containing: — 
 
 " We will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the 
 first day of December next, after which we will wholly discontinue 
 the slave trade." 
 
 April 6, 1776, Congress resolved that " No slave be 
 imported." Jefferson wrote in July, 1774, "The abo- 
 lition of domestic slavery is the great object of desire 
 in these colonies." This was not then true of the 
 Carolinas and Georgia, and slavery had many sup- 
 porters in both North and South. 
 
 The clause of the Declaration of Independence of 
 July 4, 1776, that all men are born free and equal 
 with natural rights, led many persons in Delaware 
 and Virginia to expect early abolition of slavery. 
 
 But in forming the Articles of Confederation in 
 1777, a vote in Congress to exempt property in slaves 
 from tax was carried agains t northern opposition, and 
 Congress received no power to stop the slave-trade ; 
 each state was to decide what it would import. No 
 doubt a majority desired that the trade should cease, 
 but slavery was a vested property, it held its ground ; 
 
 1 Mansfield was chief-justice. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 33 
 
 three hundred thousand blacks remained slaves. Vir- 
 ginia's efforts were not against slavery but against 
 import of slaves, a very different matter. 
 
 Free negroes were in the Revolutionary army. 
 Rutiedge of South Carolina moved their discharge, 
 but his motion was voted down. In October, 1776, a 
 C3nference at Washington's camp proposed to reject 
 them from the service. Washington reversed the 
 decision. Congress allowed those who had been in 
 the battle of Bunker Hill to re-enlist. In 1774 the 
 Royal governor, Dunmore, tried to raise black troops 
 against Virginia, but he had little success. 
 
 The suppressed article of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence written by Jefferson, calls the slave-trade 
 "war against human nature," "piratical," "this 
 assemblage of horrors," and charges George III with 
 "this execrable commerce" and veto of attempts of 
 the colonics to restrain it. "To please some south- 
 ern gentleman," says Jefferson, this clause was 
 "yielded" though all the thirteen colonies then 
 respected the prohibition of Congress of April 6, 1776. 
 
 South Carolina returned the Articles of Confeder- 
 ation for the right of inter-citizenship to be confined 
 to whites, but Congress, eight states against South 
 Carolina and Georgia, refused it, although in every 
 state were slaves. Free blacks were citizens. Ban- 
 croft says they were in every regiment of Gates' 
 army against Burgoyne in 1777. In 1778 Rhode 
 Island, by sanction of Washington, gave freedom to 
 every slave who enlisted. 
 
 In 1777 a prize brought into Massachusetts several 
 slaves. They were to be sold, but the state liberated 
 them. 
 2 
 
34 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Hildreth estimates the number of slaves carried 
 off from Virginia during the war at above thirty 
 thousand.^ The British treated them as property 
 and plunder, I find that James Madison (after- 
 ward president) wrote^ in 1780 advice "to liberate 
 and make soldiers at once of the slaves." 
 
 Pennsylvania in 1780 and Connecticut and Rhode 
 Island in 1784 forbade import of slaves, and gradually 
 freed those already held. Virginia, in 1788, prohib- 
 ited their importation. 
 
 In 1789 Parker of Virginia, supported by James 
 Madison, moved for a tax of ten dollars each on 
 import of slaves. A lively debate resulted in noth- 
 ing.^ Georgia and South Carolina were the cham- 
 pions for the odious trade. 
 
 Before 1743 the Friends began to actively oppose 
 slavery. In 1780 the Pennsylvania Abolition Society 
 became active to relieve free negroes illegally held as 
 slaves. The great Franklin was then its president. 
 It labored against slavery for about fifty years. 
 
 In England an anti-slavery society was formed in 
 1787 in London. William Wilberforce was the anti- 
 slavery parliamentary leader. In 1791 parliament 
 voted down his bill to end this trade, which was a 
 horror as frightful as the French "Reign of Terror" 
 of the next year. A law was made intended to 
 lessen its enormities but with meager results. 
 
 All territory west of the thirteen colonies was 
 conjointly won and belonged to all the states. But 
 southern states made claim to all of it. Virginia, in 
 March, 1784, released its bad claim to all north of 
 the Ohio river, and it was expected that the other 
 
 ' Hildreth iii, 354. ' Madison to J. Jones, November 28, 1780. 
 
 » Hildreth iii, 392. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 35 
 
 southern states would relinquish their bad claims to 
 all west of the Alleghanies. A committee of Jeffer- 
 son of Virginia, Chase of Maryland, and Howell of 
 Rhode Island reported a plan in Congress to forbid 
 slavery after 1800 in all this immense territory from 
 which seventeen states were expected to be made. 
 
 New England, New York, and Pennsylvania voted 
 for the plan ; Maryland, Virginia, and South Carolina 
 against it ; North Carolina was divided ; Delaware 
 and Georgia not present ; New Jersey gave one vote 
 for it, but its other vote was absent ; sixteen members 
 for it, only seven against it. But to carry it required 
 nine states ; so it was lost and slavery won Kentucky, 
 Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi and its power 
 of further extension to still newer territory later* 
 which, finally, spread it over Missouri, Arkansas, and 
 Texas after 1803. 
 
 In March, 1785, Rufus King of Maine moved to 
 forbid slavery extension. His motion failed. In 1787, 
 Nathan Dane of Maine reported an ordinance to for- 
 bid slavery in all country northwest of the Ohio. It 
 was passed by the vote of all the thirteen states, 
 Yates of New York alone voted agaiiust it. 
 
 In the Constitutional Convention of 1788 South 
 Carolina and Georgia demanded that there be no 
 export duties, and no tax on import of slaves ; and 
 that to pass any navigation law should require a two- 
 thirds vote. This would let a state control its 
 imports and exports unless two-thirds decided other- 
 wise. The North, too, owned the vessels ; this would 
 let the South control navigation, and the South hated 
 the commercial interests. After an exciting debate, 
 in which South Carolina used threats, its standard 
 
36 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 argument, the matter was referred to a committee of 
 one from each state for compromise. The committee 
 reported to have no export duties ; Congress to have 
 power to tax imports of slaves ; and navigation laws 
 to require only a majority like other bills ; and slaves 
 might be imported until 1800. Maryland, Delaware, 
 and Virginia had slaves enough and did not favor 
 import of more. C. C. Pinckney of South Carolina 
 moved to extend the time for slave imports from 1800 
 to 1808. This was done by the votes of New Hamp- 
 shire ; Massachusetts and Connecticut joining with 
 South Carolina and Georgia against the votes of New 
 Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Virginia. Thus 
 New England gave eight years' extension to that 
 wicked trade. South Carolina insisted on and 
 obtained the clause for the return of fugitive slaves, 
 which caused immense damage for many years to the 
 friendly feeling between states, and, finally, in 1857 
 set the North into a blaze of furious indignation by 
 tlie Dred Scot decision which remanded to slavery a 
 man and his family after they had once been taken 
 by the owner to a free state and had resided there. 
 
 February 11, 1790, Friends, ever on the side of 
 mercy, petitioned Congress against slavery as they 
 had done in 1783. South Carolina and Georgia 
 members violently assailed the petition and the pe- 
 titioners. Madison and Parker of Virginia, Elbridge 
 Gerry of Massachusetts and Hartley of Pennsylvania, 
 insisted on receiving the petition, but it was laid with 
 contempt on the table. The next day came in a 
 memorial from the Pennsylvania Society, written by 
 Franklin, the greatest American of his times except 
 Washington. It is almost the last of the many wise 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 37 
 
 counsels of that illustrious sage ; he died soon after- 
 ward. Tucker of South Carolina bitterly attacked 
 it; he said the southern clergy did not condemn 
 slavery or the slave-trade, a case too true. Scott of 
 Pennsylvania, from humanity, opposed the slave-trade; 
 Jackson of Georgia replied that religion is not against 
 slave-trade, that Scott "will see from Genesis to Rev- 
 elation the current setting strong the other way." 
 After a sharp debate, bitter on the pro-slavery side, 
 the petition was referred to a select committee who, 
 later, reported that Congress has no power to stop the 
 slave-trade until 1808 ; that it could not free slaves in 
 states, but could tax each slave imported ten dollars ; 
 that it could interdict the trade to foreign ports, and 
 might regulate the trade at home, or prohibit the fitting 
 out of vessels by foreigners in our ports. South Car- 
 olina and Georgia members discussed it witli hard 
 words, threats, coarse invective; they demanded an end 
 to freedom of discussion of the subject ; they declaimed, 
 as they had done in the Convention, of disunion, the 
 same cries which those states kept up for seventy years 
 longer, till 1861. Varnum of Delaware replying to 
 their rancerous tirades spoke for human rights. This 
 great debate closed March 23, 1790, with the adoption 
 of a substitute declaring that Congress could not pro- 
 hibit import of slaves until 1808, nor interfere with 
 slavery in states, but could restrain Americans from 
 supplying foreigners with slaves, and regulate their 
 treatment in the sea passage. It was observed that 
 members from Virginia, Pennsylvania and Delaware, 
 spoke in grave, dignified and courteous manner. Anti- 
 slavery societies in Virginia, Pennsylvania and other 
 states, petitioned Congress to exercise these declared 
 
38 UNITED bTATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 powers, but nothing came of it. In November, 1792, 
 Mr. Ames of Massachusetts, presented a petition from 
 a Delaware Friend against slavery. Again Smith of 
 South Carolina rang the familiar cry of " disunion," 
 " rant," " fanaticism," and the alarmed House voted to 
 return the petition to the good Friend. 
 
 In February, 1793, Congress passed the act to give 
 masters power to seize and return to slavery their 
 escaped slaves ; the House gave seven votes against 
 it, the Senate none. Under it many free negroes 
 were kidnapped and carried off into slavery. So far 
 did this evil go that in 1795 the Delaware Legislature 
 asked of Congress protection against this man-steal- 
 ing. Smith, South Carolina's champion, opposed this 
 relief; he demanded that the matter be dropped, and 
 it was (Irojiped. 
 
 But the Friends and other humane persons fre- 
 quently protected negroes. In this humanity Isaac 
 T. Hopper of Philadelphia was distinguished. " Col- 
 onel " Ridgly's own mulatto son escaped from south 
 Virginia to Philadelphia. After several years he sent 
 an offer to buy himself from his white father. Ridgly 
 asked two hundred dollars. But he came to Philadel- 
 phia, seized the man and refused the money. Friend 
 Hopper reproached him for trading his own flesh. 
 The slave-master replied : — 
 
 " What if he is my son ? I have as good a right to sell my own flesh 
 and blood as that of any other person. It is none of your business." 
 
 By aid of Friend Hopper the son escaped. 
 
 In January, 1794, a convention of delegates from 
 societies in ten states was held in Philadelphia. It 
 asked Congress to stop the slave-traffic by Americans 
 10 supply foreign nations with slaves, and to bar for- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. . 39 
 
 eigners from outfitting slavers in our ports. The 
 Friends at yearly meeting also petitioned. Congress 
 then prohibited the trade between foreign ports. This 
 act was made more effective in 1800. But Brown of 
 Rhode Island wanted free trade in slaves. Newport 
 was engaged in the trade. He spoke of its large 
 revenue. Bayard of Delaware replied that " a more 
 dishonorable item of revenue could not be imagined." 
 
 In January, 1797, some free negroes who had been 
 sold into slavery under a law of North Carolina, 
 petitioned Congress for rescue. Some of them 
 appear to have attempted to escape. Swanbach of 
 Pennsylvania denounced as atrocious the offer of ten 
 dollars reward for one of them if taken alive, or fifty 
 dollars if found dead, "and no questions asked." 
 Madison wanted to table the petition. The House 
 refused to receive it thirty-three to fifty votes. Since 
 the invention of Crompton's spinning jenny [1775], 
 Watt's steam engine [17S3], cylinder printing of cot- 
 tons [1785], slave produce had raised in price, and the 
 invention of Whitney's cotton gin [1793] made the 
 cotton crop very valuable, so the value of slaves and 
 popularity of slavery had greatl)^ increased. 
 
 On a new petition the North Carolina affair was 
 again bitterly discussed in November, 1797, and it 
 was voted to be a judicial question to be let alone by 
 Congress. 
 
 In December, 1799, colored men in Philadelphia 
 petitioned for revision of the Fugitive and Slave 
 Trade Acts, and for steps towards liberty. South 
 Carolina members opposed receiving the memorial ; 
 so did H. G. Otis of Massachusetts and Henry Lee of 
 Virginia (father of Gen. Robert E. Lee) ; John Brown 
 
40 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 of Rhode Island said he thought " slaves as much 
 property as a farm ; " John Randolph wanted action 
 so decisive as to stop such petitioning; Christie of 
 Maryland hoped the petition would go " under the 
 table ;" Jones of Georgia echoed Christie's remark; 
 and Goode of Virginia proposed to "give it the 
 pointed disapprobation of the House." Thacher of 
 Massachusetts alone defended the petition. Rut- 
 ledge of South Carolina, as usual, made threats. 
 Then a vote of eighty-five against brave George 
 Thacher alone, denounced the petition. 
 
 In 1798 Georgia prohibited the foreign slave-trade. 
 
 The arrival of negroes who had fought for liberty 
 in St. Domingo and been expelled excited South 
 Carolina imaginations with fears of a servile revolt. 
 It called on Congress for protection. In 1803 South 
 Carolina was really alarmed. Slaves were being 
 imported from the incendiary French West Indies. 
 They might spread free ideas. Excited South Car- 
 olina called sharply for help. Soinething must be 
 done to quiet her fears. So Congress passed an act 
 laying one thousand dollars fine and forfeiture of ves- 
 sel for importing a slave contrary to state laws. 
 Since 1798 each state had laws against imports of 
 slaves. 
 
 But in 1804 South Carolina, lately so afraid of 
 imported negroes, passed an act reviving the slave- 
 trade. This act caused a struggle with Congress 
 where it was resented. But an act to tax each 
 import of a slave ten dollars failed to pass, and this 
 fearful trade went on with vigor. 
 
 New Jersey gradually freed its slaves by act of 
 February 15, 1804. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 41 
 
 The ordinance of 1787 barred out slaver)- north of 
 the Ohio river. But in 1803 settlers in Indiana peti- 
 tioned Congress for suspension of that oidinance ; 
 they wanted slaves. It was referred to a committee 
 of which John Randolph of Virginia was chairman. 
 He reported against the petition, but in 1804 ^ Jef- 
 ferson democrat committee reported in favor of allow- 
 ing slavery in Indiana for ten years. This would 
 have made Indiana a slave state in the end. It does 
 not appear that Jefferson (then president) opposed 
 this attempt to extend slavery over free territory, 
 Jefferson himself owned about two hundred slaves.^ 
 It is error to suppose that the South did not value 
 slavery in those times. It was then popular in all 
 the South but not popular in the North except in 
 Indiana. Vermont prohibited slavery in 1777, Mas- 
 sachusetts in 1780, New York, finally, in 1827. 
 
 Fiery debates on prohibition of the slave-trade 
 occurred in Congress early in 1807. A majority 
 wanted the traffic ended. But how } By what pen- 
 alties .■* What should be done with negroes imported 
 in defiance of the proposed act .'' 
 
 The death penalty for violation of the act was struck 
 out of the bill by vote of sixty-three to fifty-two. To 
 forfeit such negroes, to give them to the state where 
 imported, were discussed with acrimony ; to not sell 
 them was lost by majority of one ; the proposal to 
 make apprentices of them outside of the slave states 
 caused angry debate for a whole day ; it was settled 
 that the importer should hold no legal title to them ; 
 the Senate accepted the House bill, all but the clause 
 allowing domestic slave-trade ; the House insisted on 
 
 1 Tucker's Life of Jefferson, p. 298. 
 
42 UNITED STATES AND EURO I' E. 
 
 the clause ; a committee amended it to forbid " trans- 
 portation of slaves coastwise in vessels under forty 
 tons with a view to sale." John Randolph extrava- 
 gantly denounced the bill. Williams of South Caro- 
 lina — violent as usual — expressed crazy visions of 
 massacres, but the Bill was passed, March 2, 1807. 
 South Carolina was hurrying the imports in order to 
 get as many as possible before the prohibition could 
 take effect, January i, 1808. It got nearly forty 
 thousand in those last four years of legal import ; 
 about half of them brought in by British, the rest by 
 Rhode Island vessels.^ But the slave-trade, both 
 foreign and domestic, went on after it became illegal. 
 
 In Canada, after several attempts in the Assembly 
 at Quebec to abolish slavery and the slave-trade, it 
 was summarily done by decision of Chief-justice 
 Osgood at Montreal in 1802, on the grand principle 
 that such barbarism is repugnant to the genius of 
 Canadian liberty; a decision broad and sound and 
 highly honorable, both to its author and to Canada. 
 Yet in 1801 England had nearly eight hundred thou- 
 sand slaves in its other colonies. This fact makes 
 Judge Osgood's act still more conspicuously cred- 
 itable.^ In our thirteen colonies slavery had rested 
 rather on custom than on law. In i8or Spain and 
 Portugal had six hundred thousand slaves, and Brazil 
 had two million.^ 
 
 In 1802 France had two hundred and fifty thousand 
 slaves in its colonies, and in May of that year Bona- 
 parte restored slavery and the slave-trade in the pos- 
 sessions he had recovered by the peace of Amiens of 
 
 iHildreth. 
 
 ^Lalor's Cyclopaedia of Political Scieuce " Slavery." 'Lalor, ibid. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 43 
 
 March 20, 1802. The American slaveholders held 
 Bonaparte in high admiration. 
 
 The colored people of St. Domingo had won their 
 freedom. Bonaparte sent there forty thousand French 
 troops to destroy their new free government and 
 reduce them to slavery. They resisted, and a fright- 
 ful war devastated the country; the suffering was 
 extreme, but these former slaves maintained their 
 liberty. This is a dark chapter of history.^ 
 
 For twenty years the British parliament had refused 
 to pass the bill which William Wilberforce introduced 
 at every session. In 1805 an " Order in Council " for- 
 bade the slave-trade in conquered colonies. 
 
 January 2, 1807, the Whig minister, Grenville, 
 brought in the Bill. George Ill's sons opposed it. 
 Says Miss Martineau (English), "A miserable exhi- 
 bition it was .... the best men perceived the least 
 to hope from the royal family." But many of the 
 British people were for the measure, and it was passed 
 against the opposition of many British ship owners. 
 It was enacted March 25, 1807, twenty days after the 
 American act and six months after the death of 
 Charles J. Fox, who had labored for years for such a 
 law. Both acts took effect the same day, January i, 
 1808. The Whig ministry went out on the very day 
 of its enactment. One day later the Tories were in 
 power and the Bill might have failed. 
 
 British subjects continued the trade under the 
 Spanish and Portuguese flags. The slave ships were 
 terribly crowded, and to avoid capture blacks were 
 thrown overboard on pursuit by war vessels. For 
 many years longer the sickening horrors of this trade 
 shocks' 1 the world ; it died hard. 
 
 •For its history see " The World's Greatest Conflict." 
 
44 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 In i8i I Brougham's act made it a high felony. In 
 1824 the trade was still active, and England made it 
 piracy, a capital crime. But now, as this century is 
 closing, it is not piracy by international law, though 
 made piracy by several nations. 
 
 By treaty of February 9, 1820, England obtained 
 the pledge of Portugal to co-operate against the trade, 
 the first treaty stipulation of the kind. 
 
 The slaves were from negro-land, only a part of 
 Africa, mainly from the country back of the Gulf of 
 Guinea, a district of two hundred languages.^ 
 
 Russia had no negro slaves but had a vast number 
 of white serfs attached to the soil and saleable with 
 it. They might hold land, transact business and 
 acquire property. 
 
 When this century began, slavery existed in some 
 form in almost every land. It was in all North and 
 South America, except Canada, Vermont, Massachu- 
 setts, Maine, and Ohio. New York then had 20,613, 
 New Jersey 12,422, Pennsylvania 1,706, Rhode Island 
 380. Southern states and West Indies had great 
 numbers. In the United States more than one- 
 sixth of the people, or 869,749 were colored slaves. ^ 
 India, Burmah, Siam, Arabia, Barbary, Egypt, and 
 all Africa, had either black or white slaves. In 
 Germany was limited serfdom. English law bound 
 English colliers and salters to perpetual service and 
 transfer with sale of the mine till ten years after the 
 French Revolution began. 
 
 ^Kocb ii, 235. ^United States census. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 45 
 
 WHEN THIS CENTURY BEGAN, 
 
 Laborers in some parts of England got forty 
 cents a day, in Ireland but half that pay, and in 
 Poland still less, and from this they must live and 
 support their families,^ but an Irishman paid in pota- 
 toes had nutriment for more persons than an English- 
 man paid in wheat, and both could buy clothing 
 cheaper than could an American on his sixty-five 
 dollars a year and board. Those were hard times for 
 the poor. From 1735 to 1755 an English day's labor 
 would buy a peck of wheat, but not so much from 
 1790 to 18 15. In Norway laborers fared better than 
 in England. They had no white bread, but had more 
 fish, meat and milk. 
 
 In the best parts of America wages though better 
 than in Europe were very low and furnished little 
 more than bare subsistence ; common houses were 
 rudely made and poorly furnished ; with huge chim- 
 neys and big fires it was difficult to make them 
 comfortable in winter ; in summer, mosquitoes and 
 other insects entered through the many cracks. 
 Rooms were few, walls were not papered, floors were 
 not carpeted, the furniture was rude and strong, 
 musical instruments for homes hardly existed, 
 except here and there, a fiddle. Clothes were made 
 at home, and the village shoemaker went around 
 staying long enough in each family to make up the 
 shoes for the season. Clothing was in most part 
 made of the home product of flax and coarse wool ; 
 
 1 Matthias. 
 
46 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 the first merino sheep sent to America from Spain at 
 large expense were used for mutton by a man who 
 did not know their value. 
 
 Invention was not brisk ; the patent office had but 
 one clerk ; goods must be foreign ; the buyer asked 
 eagerly, " Are you sure it is not American ? " before 
 purchasing, for nobody wanted American make of 
 any goods except rum and whisky. Rum, cocoa, 
 and hides made up one-half the cargoes brought from 
 the West Indies ; in exchange we sent out lumber 
 and fish. Under the embargo of 1807 business was 
 ruined, but, but when our lumber could not be sold 
 for decent goods it could always be exchanged for 
 portly barrels of rum,^ — then regarded like molasses 
 as a necessity of life, — even when it added to the 
 hunger and utter poverty of the people in whose 
 windows old hats and bundles of rags served in 
 place of glass. 
 
 Postage was from six to twenty-five cents, accord- 
 ing to distance, for each sheet ; envelopes were not 
 in use. Jefferson complained in 1792 that the post- 
 riders carry the mail but fifty miles a day ; it was 
 carried on horseback.^ 
 
 Sunday-schools in England and America taught 
 reading, writing, and ciphering ; the teachers were 
 sometimes hired. These schools were still strongly 
 opposed as Sabbath breaking, but Methodists, Uni- 
 versalists, Dunkers, and others aided them. Song 
 books were few ; libraries came in later. 
 
 As late as 181 1 Jefferson placed " spindles " and 
 rude looms on his farms, and exulted in them as won- 
 derful innovations.^ In 1809 Madison became pres- 
 
 » Kendall's Travels, 1807. » Jefferson's Works. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 47 
 
 ident in a complete suit of American make, a fact 
 that attracted great attention. 
 
 All inventions and the growth of civilization are 
 largely indebted to paper. It was not until about 
 1776 that writing paper was made at all in America. 
 The first German paper mill was at Nuremberg in 
 1490, but English paper manuscripts are found that 
 date in 1340. The first recorded English paper mill 
 is in 1496, the next in 1588; one in Philadelphia in 
 1732 made only coarse paper for tailors' press-boards. 
 Not paper, but cloth was used by the luxurious to 
 drape walls in palaces. 
 
 Down to one hundred years ago, Europe received 
 its small cotton supply mainly from the East and 
 West Indies and the Levant. India has raised and 
 used cotton from ancient times. The 
 first known shipments from English Cotton. 
 
 America were a few pounds in 1754 
 and two thousand pounds in 1770. It was not known 
 as a valuable article of export till after our Revolu- 
 tion, hence slaves were of low value. In 1791 but 
 189,316 pounds of our whole crop of two million were 
 exported. England's first import of East India cotton 
 was not till 1783, and its average till 1792 was but 
 65,550 pounds. 
 
 Clothing was made of wool, linen and silk. The 
 present system of using cotton to wear has grown up 
 in Europe and America since 1760. The inventions 
 that brought cotton into use are Hargreave's spin- 
 ning jenny [1767-70], Arkwright's spinning by rollers 
 [1769], the American card-making machine later, 
 Crompton's mule jenny, first in full use about 1780; 
 color printing [1785] — improved by Perkins' steel 
 
48 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Stamps; Cartwright's power loom [1785 J, and espec- 
 ially Whitney's cotton gin of 1793, and Watt's steam 
 engine, and the use of water power, and the dressing 
 machine of 1802. 
 
 Spinning and weaving were domestic industries; 
 the spinning was done with the distaff and the then 
 more recently invented spinning wheel of one thread. 
 
 The first mule jenny had but thirty spindles and 
 was worked by hand ; now mules may have two thou- 
 sand spindles. From 1793 Whitney's gin added 
 enormous value to the cotton crop. Before 1791 it 
 could hardly be called an article of export, its amount 
 was so small. In i8or the average price in Liver- 
 pool was fifty cents a pound. In 1786 a pound of 
 cotton yarn (one hundred hanks) was worth thirty- 
 eight shillings, — more than nine dollars. In 1807 it 
 was ninety-one cents. Calico, as good as now retails 
 at eight cents a yard, brought one dollar and forty- 
 six cents in 1789. France used 3,330 tons of Levant 
 cotton in 1750, twice the amount the British used. 
 The Swiss first used a spinning machine in the year 
 of Eylau [1807]. 
 
 Arkwright's first mill with water-power, which gave 
 the name "water-frames," was in 1771. Samuel 
 Slater built his spinning mill at Pawtucket in 1790. 
 He used all the patents of his teacher, Arkwright. 
 Cotton was so little raised in America that his supply 
 came from Barbadoes. 
 
 In 1812 Lowell and Jackson, barred by the war 
 from getting a power loom from England, or even a 
 pattern from which to make one, invented their loom 
 and built their mill at Waltham. It was, probably, 
 the first in the world completely prepared to convert 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 49 
 
 raw cotton into cloth, Slater's and others were 
 spinning mills only. English weavers bought their 
 yarn of spinners. 
 
 James Watt so much improved the steam engine 
 that he may almost be said to have invented it. He 
 led all its improvers. 
 
 In 1443 Blasco de Garey [Spanish] showed his 
 paddle-wheel boat at Barcelona. In 1736 J. Hull 
 took English patent for paddle-wheel tow-boat. 
 Auxiron in 1774, and Perier in 1775, 
 experimented on the Seine, and in steam Travel. 
 1782 de Jeffroy built a steamboat that 
 went on the Saone, but it was deficient in power. 
 
 The double boat with paddle-wheel in the inter- 
 space, made by Taylor, William Symington and Pat- 
 rick N. Miller in Scotland, tried in 1788, was a suc- 
 cess. In 1789 Miller's steam vessel moved seven 
 miles an hour on the Clyde canal. 
 
 In 1784 Janrjs Rumsey propelled a boat by machin- 
 ery on the Potomac. In 1786 his steam pump, driving 
 a stream of water from the stern, propelled his boat. 
 Later he exhibited it in England, Holland and France. 
 
 In 1786 John Fitch's steamboat appeared on the 
 Delaware. In 1787 he made the first American con- 
 densing engine. Watt patented his in England in 
 1786. In 1788 Fitch's steamer moved four miles an 
 hour, but its boiler burst, which disgraced it in the 
 public estimation. Some of the first steamers were 
 worked by paddles as an Indian uses them. In 1790 
 Fitch built a boat with paddles at the stern, to carry 
 passengers on the Delaware, but his company failed. 
 In 1793 he tried to introduce it in France, but he 
 failed and came home discouraged. 
 4 
 
50 ' UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 In 1802 Symington built the steam tow-boat, " Char- 
 lotte Dundas." It did the work, but as its wash injured 
 the Clyde canal banks, it was discarded, 
 
 Richard Trevithick, a Cornwall engineer, improved 
 steam engines, invented the extremely valuable high- 
 pressure engine, — Watt's engines were too heavy for 
 roads, — and in 1804 his engine, which I have lately 
 seen preserved at South Kensington, drew ten tons 
 at the rate of five miles an hour. But it exploded 
 and no practical use was made of it. The idea was 
 generally prevalent that for an engine ever to draw 
 carriages the track rail and wheels must be cogged. 
 Trevithick was a great inventor ; one of those rare 
 men whose works help all mankind. 
 
 In 1804 John C. Stevens, a great American engi- 
 neer, drove his steam screw propeller on the Hudson; 
 and anotlier great man, Oliver Evans, drove his steam 
 dredge a mile and a half on land, and then on the 
 Delaware and the Schuylkill, by his high-pressure 
 engine. He had made the first high-pressure engine 
 in America. 
 
 Robert Fulton, the illustrious American, built a 
 steamboat and tried it on the Seine, in Paris, in 1803. 
 He tried to interest Bonaparte, but the Consul 
 thought him a visionary. Fulton saw the " Charlotte 
 Dundas," took drawings, and in 1806, with Robert R. 
 Livingstone of New York, built the " Clermont " with 
 side wheels, with Watt and Boulton's engine. In 
 1807, jeered by a crowd, he started on his famous trip 
 from New York to Albany, against wind and tide, and 
 astonishing the people on the shores of the Hudson, 
 and at night frightening those who saw the belching 
 fire and smoke, he went to Albany, one hundred and 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 51 
 
 ten miles, in between twenty-four and thirty hours. 
 From September 2, 1 807, the " Clermont " was a regu 
 lar passenger boat, pioneer of the floating palaces of 
 today. His patent for exclusive steam navigation of 
 New York waters required twenty tons burden and 
 four miles an hour speed. The " Clermont " was one 
 hundred and sixty tons. 
 
 By 18 1 2 Fulton and Livingstone had six steam- 
 ers on the Hudson. When their " Richmond " went 
 nine miles an hour Fulton called it " the perfection 
 of steamboating." 
 
 Soon after the " Clermont's " success, John C. Stev- 
 ens' " Phoenix" went from New York to the Delaware, 
 the first steamer ever on the ocean. 
 
 In 181 1 Henry Bell started his steamer the "Comet," 
 on the Clyde. It was James Watt's invention of his 
 engine that made a steamboat possible. 
 
 James Watt, born in 1736, died 18 ig, was the 
 great inventor, the great man of that generation. 
 His was a broad, capacious intellect, and he was a 
 manly man. He was the great improver of the steam 
 engine to make it of general use. He possessed 
 greater mental capacity, a more magnificent executive 
 ability, more good-conferring qualities, and was far 
 more the arbiter of human destinies than any English 
 statesman of his time. Pitt, Fox, Burke, Grattan, or 
 Sheridan were far inferior to him in grasp of mind> 
 sound judgment, widely acquired attainments, practical 
 knowledge, and in good character. It is too much 
 the custom to regard him as only an engineer. 
 Nature placed him on earth as one of her best spec- 
 imens of a noble, grand man. His learning was 
 extensive, varied ; he knew several languages, Viras a 
 
52 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 great mathematician, and had a remarkable store of 
 well-considered information, and was a kind, gentle, 
 good, Christian gentleman of refined culture and 
 pure, gentle sentiments, humane and honorable. 
 
 Watt found the steam engine crude, clumsy, and 
 of but limited uses. He took up the great battle of 
 man against natural obstacles, — far more honorable 
 than war of man against man, — and, greater than 
 Napoleon, he is still winning it and will continue to 
 win it for unnumbered ages to come. He made 
 steam capable of the heaviest work and of the most 
 minutely delicate adorning ; it dashes ships across 
 the ocean in six days, and it weaves gossamer laces ; 
 it enriches all branches of private enjoyment, adds 
 immensely to the sum of public comfort ; it is in 
 business what good government is in politics, what 
 pure religion is in theology, what love is in human 
 nature, the central, warm, healthy heart of its life; 
 its blessings are to be universal ; it is the greatest, 
 best gift to man since he received the love of God 
 and of woman. 
 
 Except only Washington, Watt was the greatest 
 man of modern ages, perhaps of any age. In varied 
 and exact learning he was almost peerless, — his mind 
 was quick, his memory jarodigious, his method com- 
 plete. He knew, where other men merely surmised ; 
 his information on many subjects was almost 
 exhaustive ; even in ancient medicine, Gorman 
 philosophy, poetry, architecture, music, law, modern 
 language, recent literature, he was a marvel. He 
 was a cyclopedia of all that is rich and desirable in 
 intellectual companionship, was social, unassuming, 
 quietly humorous, gently bantering ; this kind, lov- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 53 
 
 ing man of genial eye and face of " finer expression 
 of reposing strength," and of mild, friendly pleas- 
 antry ; who, though of deep, strong voice, commonly 
 spoke in low and welcome tones. Heaven loved the 
 good, great man and blessed him with length of days, 
 and when old he invented machinery to copy fine 
 sculpture and used it and called himself " a young 
 artist just entering his eighty-third year." 
 
 Of all men who ever lived he did most to make 
 the world more inhabitable, he was the most creator- 
 like, Godlike. Compared with the conquests of 
 nature made by aid of this glorious man, all the mar- 
 velous conquests of Napoleon dwindle to brilliant 
 inutility. Man is creation's noblest work; Watt is 
 one of its masterpieces. He was nature's and cul- 
 ture's kingly man, and his iron rule is mild as was his 
 own great, tender, womanlike heart ; his glory did 
 not, like that of Napoleon, red blaze in continuous 
 gleam of scintillating war bulletins and then relapse 
 into immortal uselessness, but steady, and warm, and 
 calm as the great sun, it daily shines on and on and 
 will still shine and bless mankind until nature's great 
 subterranean, central boilers shall explode in liquid 
 flame and hurl all earth, seas, land, mountains, in 
 fiery fragmentary missiles into dread abyss. 
 
 It was the invention of Watt that made other 
 machinery far more effective and productive of 
 wealth. In the long wars from 1793 to 1815 it was 
 his steam engine that enabled Britain to stand the 
 tremendous expenses, the heavy outlays, and the 
 taxes ; that made it possible to carry on so great a 
 struggle ; this it was that added to Britain's resources 
 to finally overthrow the less great man, Napoleon. 
 
54 UNITED STATE.'i AND EUROPE. 
 
 II 
 
 FRANCE. 
 
 FEBRUARY 4, 1804, the French Consul's gov- 
 ernment discovered a plot. It made a wild 
 excitement in Paris, and rang through all France. It 
 was said that Pichegru, the exiled 
 Plot against French general, and Georges Cadou- 
 Bouaparte. ^^|^ |^^^ ^^^^ ^ack from England; 
 
 had suddenly appeared and were to 
 destroy Bonaparte the First Consul, and the Bourbon 
 Prince D'Artois was to rally the royalists and pro- 
 claim Louis XVIII. 
 
 What if Pichegru had been for months in Paris ; had 
 been seen on the streets a hundred times ; had met 
 several opportunities to shoot Bonaparte, it he so 
 intended ? France itself did not know these facts. 
 France heard the flying report that it was England — 
 hated, long abhorred English — who had sent these 
 men to destroy the French military leader, the great 
 general of Marengo and Areola. The public spirit of 
 France was aroused. Men spoke to each other in 
 tones of indignation, doubt, half-dismay. What if the 
 P^irst Consul had fallen ? The odious Bourbons, a 
 new revolution, a fresh reign of terror ? Should Eng- 
 land, who harbored the banished class of French ; 
 England, their hereditary enemy, force a Bourbon 
 king on Frenchmen } And that, too, by foul con- 
 spiracy and murder ? Such was popular French talk. 
 
 Troops blockaded Paris ; police searched every- 
 where for the strangely escaped conspirators. Amid 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 55 
 
 the uproar, the suspension of business, the everywhere 
 buzz of gossip, the tramp of armed men through the 
 streets, the poHce visits, it was twenty noisy days till 
 Cadoudal was seen in a carriage. The officers made 
 sure it really was the riglit man ; they made a rush 
 for him ; he shot dead the leading ofificer but he was 
 arrested. Pichegru had been caught in ten days. 
 
 Bonaparte's soldiers made a raid into the grand 
 duchy of Baden ; there kidnapped the Bourbon 
 Due d'Enghien, and hurried him to Vincennes castle, 
 near Paris. Bonaparte ordered his trial by a court 
 martial of French colonels. Bonaparte selected these 
 colonels. They knew that he expected, intended that 
 they should condemn the helpless prisoner. They 
 were there not to fairly try but to pronounce judg- 
 ment on him ; but some of them were under a delu- 
 sion that Bonaparte wanted him condemned only 
 that he might make an exhibition of lenity by pardon- 
 ing him, that he might make a gift of life to a Bour- 
 bon. Savary, who was there, knew better ; he was to 
 execute, to practically murder the captive in the dark- 
 ness of that very night. He did it, and the civilized 
 world was shocked by this assassination. But France 
 did not know the real facts. Bonaparte controlled 
 the muzzled French press. 
 
 The life of d'Enghien was not specially precious 
 because of his being a royal duke. He had justly 
 incurred Bonaparte's hostility ; he had watched for a 
 chance to aid to transform old Stanislaus Xavier into 
 Louis XVHI on a French throne. But this kidnap- 
 ping by French, in a neutral country, was an outrage 
 on the laws and customs of mankind ; a crime against 
 all nations, a blunder against reason. The Russian 
 
56 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 court, indignant, went into mourning, and the Czar 
 urged the grand duke of Baden to demand redress. 
 Baden was too small for that. 
 
 Next to Bonaparte the most eminent general of 
 France was Moreau, hero of Hohenlinden. Paris was 
 startled, France was astonished, when Bonaparte 
 caused his arrest. The alarm was almost panic when 
 Pichegru was found dead in his prison cell. Parisians 
 shook their heads ; they congregated in knots ; they 
 asked, excitedly, "Who killed him?" Officials said 
 he committed suicide. Paris shrugged its shoulders 
 and doubted ; many persons still doubt. 
 
 Bonaparte sent Moreau, the great republican, to 
 trial, if inquisition can be called trial ; he was not 
 proven guilty ; it appeared entirely probable that he 
 was innocent; he almost proved a negative of guilt ; 
 it availed him nothing, he was too great a man to be 
 allowed so near to power ; the arbitrary inquisition, 
 overawed by the First Consul, condemned him. But 
 Bonaparte could hardly dare to execute Moreau ; he 
 banished him.- 
 
 Bonaparte saw his opportunity. He made adroit 
 use of this affair. In this excited state of France, in 
 the tumult of passion against England and assassins, 
 which he associated in the official mind dependent 
 on him, he obtained numerous addresses from all sorts 
 of officials. France was in just the right temper to 
 readily catch his ideas that his government must be 
 made hereditary so that his assassination could not 
 disrupt it. He controlled the servile senate, and the 
 tribunate ; they were ready to serve his ambition and 
 their own ; neither body was representative. So all 
 was in his power. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 57 
 
 The Senate voted to declare him Hereditary Em- 
 peror. He gave a gracious answer. The Tribunate 
 approved and added the delusive words that " Equality, 
 liberty and the rights of the people be preserved in 
 their integrity." Liberty had already ceased. The 
 Senate formulated its "Consultum." Bonaparte 
 arbitrarily altered it and accepted it. France was 
 bound anew. 
 
 All that France was allowed to vote on was whether 
 or not his crown be hereditary. He became Emperor 
 without France's votes. 
 
 Bonaparte, Sieyes, and a few others directly made 
 a " Constitution," often afterward violated by him ; 
 the Senate decreed it the next day, with no authority 
 from the people. France itself was entirely silent in 
 the matter of this May 4, 1804 constitution. 
 
 He made as heirs to the throne: i. Any son or 
 adopted son of his own. 2. His brother Joseph, and 
 then Louis, or their sons. 3. He excluded his broth- 
 ers Lucien, who had saved him when he lost his wits 
 at his first seizing power in December, 1799, and 
 Jerome, because they had married women without 
 rank. 
 
 The Tribunate was reduced from one hundred 
 members to fifty. It lost influence, got increased 
 salary, and was a shadowy state council till 1807 
 when he abolished it. 
 
 The Corps Legislative was silenced, was allowed 
 to debate only in secret committee. 
 
 To render the servile Senate still more abject. 
 Napoleon took to himself the appointment of sen- 
 ators. He made his brothers princes and senators. 
 He named to dark age titles, Joseph, Grand Elector; 
 
58 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Louis, Grand Constable ; ex-Consul Cambacer^s, 
 Arch Chancellor ; ex-Consul Lebrun, Arch Treas- 
 urer ; Duroc, Grand Marshal of the Palace ; and 
 Berthier, Grand Master of the Hounds ! 
 
 A senate committee was to guard the liberty of 
 person and of the press ; but it only made Napoleon's 
 suppression of all liberty of person and press the 
 more thorough. France was silenced. It had liberty 
 only to applaud and support Napoleon. During his 
 reign prisons received many persons who were never 
 allowed trial. 
 
 May 4, 1804, the Senate declared Napoleon Bona- 
 parte Emperor. He was to have twenty -five million 
 francs a year and use of all crown lands and castles, 
 and each of his brothers and sisters received a million 
 francs yearly with which, at the expense of France, 
 they set bad examples of luxury and extravagance. 
 The great bribe which senators received were rich 
 estates and splendid residences in the departments. 
 Those who had made him Emperor received pay for 
 delivering France into his power more completely. 
 
 In place of former republican simplicity Napoleon 
 restored old dark age court etiquette ; the stale 
 absurdities, the old nonsense, all the old trammels 
 to good society. Men in ridiculous dresses mingled 
 all styles of manners, and women in finical robes 
 c.nd tinsel trickeries aped old court ceremonies and 
 absurd styles at this court of the most unmannerly 
 and uncouth monarch in Europe.-^ 
 
 At great expense to France, court clergy appeared 
 with Napoleon's uncle, Cardinal Fesch, as grand 
 almoner. More than this, the Jesuits, expelled by 
 
 ''Kemuset; Talleyrand; d'Abrantes. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 59 
 
 good Catholics from many Catholic countries, ob- 
 tained special favor from some of the ladies of his 
 new court, when France was barely Catholic and 
 certainly not Jesuitical. Metternich, the best of 
 authority as a witness, says it would be difficult to 
 give any idea of the prodigious expense of the court 
 and the ministers. The only country of Europe 
 that still preserved any freedom was Great Britain, 
 and there it was very limited. 
 
 The vote of France on the question whether or not 
 the empire be hereditary was nearly all in favor. 
 The omnipotence of thinkers ; the glory of the divine 
 sentiments of equity ; the sacred liberty of person 
 to abstain from bloodshed, were not yet for France. 
 
 A popular craze once hurled a good part of Europe 
 into Asian crusades ; a popular craze crucified Jesus ; 
 a craze for equal justice once rushed France into the 
 bloodiest injustice of the "Reign of Terror ;" now 
 a craze for security hurled her into imminent insecu- 
 rity, resulting in war with all Europe ; France want- 
 ing peace, confirmed its destinies to him who was a 
 very Mars of war. 
 
 Prussia secretly joined with Russia in a treaty, 
 May 24, 1804, to declare war on France, at its first 
 further encroachment on north Europe.^ 
 
 The French conspiracy trials lasted from May 28 
 to June 10, 1804. Twenty prisoners were condemned 
 to die. Cadoudal and eleven others were executed ; 
 others were imprisoned. Yet three nobles, Reviere 
 and the two Polignacs, who were condemned to death, 
 were pardoned at request of noblesse friends who had 
 become Bonapartist courtiers ; a marked favor to the 
 
 ' state papers. 
 
60 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 old nobility, whose aid Napoleon was seeking ; but 
 these men were afterward sent to prison.^ 
 
 February 15, 1804, the French Admiral, Linois 
 with a ship of the line and three frigates, attacked a 
 British trade fleet from China with rich cargo. The 
 British were armed. In a severe fight in the Indian 
 ocean they defeated the French war vessels. This 
 caused great joy in England. It was highly cred- 
 itable to British seamen. 
 
 WILLIAM PITT AGAIN PREMIER. 
 
 In spring of 1804, to the excitement and hope with 
 which the war began in 1803 had followed disappoint- 
 ment and discontent. England had gained little, for 
 little was in its reach. So the Fox 
 May 4, 1804. party had foretold. Britain's power 
 was on sea, not on the continent. 
 England blamed its Addington ministry. 
 
 George III was to blame for this useless war. 
 Now he became again insane. England was almost 
 despondent. It ought to have retired George from 
 the throne as incompetent to reign, as Sweden, later, 
 retired Gustavus IV ; as Spain barred out Prince 
 Philip. But even the corrupt tories dared not trust 
 his son George, the bad prince royal, to act as regent. 
 The plan to put kingly powers into a commission of 
 able men, separate from the two incapable Georges, 
 
 iSchlosser vii, 346. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 61 
 
 was favored by some statesmen, but was too wise a 
 course for Pitt and Addington and the tory majority. 
 So dull George III, now a maniac, remained the head 
 of a very great nation. 
 
 A crisis in public opinion came ; something must 
 be done, some change must be made. Pitt, the min- 
 istry's adviser, wanted to be again premier. He 
 attacked his own proteg^, the Addington ministry, 
 March 15, 1804. Fox and Sheridan again protested 
 against the war and its ruinous mismanagement. 
 
 After several weeks of insanity, George mustered 
 what little wits he ever had and required the ministry 
 to resign. With strange infatuation the tory majority 
 imagined that Pitt, the misadviser of the late minis- 
 try and of George, could remedy the bad condition 
 of affairs ; this opinion seemed to accuse Pitt of not 
 having given honest advice. 
 
 Never did country more need an able ministry. It 
 needed to unite all parties in its support. It was a 
 triumph of all enemies of powerful Britain that fool- 
 ish George III, with his usual stubbornness, utterly 
 refused to receive into the new ministry the great 
 Whig, Charles J. Fox. 
 
 Mr. Fox opposed useless war, advocated humane 
 non-interventions, such as find more favor today, and 
 he was a champion opposer of African slave-trade. 
 
 George ruined the best prospect ; he prevented 
 forming an able ministry, and Britain, "A power 
 which has dotted the surface of the globe with her 
 possessions and military posts, whose morning drum- 
 beat, following the sun in his course, and keeping 
 pace with the hours, circles the earth with one con- 
 tinuous and unbroken strain of the martial airs of 
 
62 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 England,"^ was committed to Pitt, a proud, cold ora- 
 tor,2 little but a debater. He was a very bad war 
 manager ; he was a hero of brave words and wine ; 
 of foreign briberies and blunders ; of able speeches 
 and bad campaigns ; of winning words and unwin- 
 ning wars ; the very genius of inefficiency ; hero in 
 speech, vanquished in wars. His speeches elated 
 Tories as much as Napoleon's victories cheered the 
 French. 
 
 Macaulay, a British Whig, wrote: — 
 
 *' For assuredly one-tenth part of his errors and disasters would have 
 been fatal to the power and influence of any minister, who had not 
 possessed in the highest degree the talents of a parliamentary leader. 
 While his schemes were confounded, while his predictions were fal- 
 sified, while the coalitions he had labored to form were falling to 
 pieces, while the expeditions he had sent forth at enormous cost were 
 ending in rout and disgrace, while the enemy against whom he was 
 feebly contending was subjugating Flanders and Brabant, the electo- 
 rate of Mainz, and the electorate of Treves, Holland, Piedmont, Ligu- 
 ria, Lombardy, his authority over the House of Commons was becom- 
 ing more and more absolute. There was his empire. There were his 
 victories, his Lodi, his .\rcola, his Rivoli, his Marengo. 
 
 "If some great misfortune, a pitched battle lost by the allies, the 
 annexation of a new department to the French republic, a sanguinary 
 insurrection in Ireland, a mutiny in the fleet, a panic in the city, a 
 run on the bank had spread dismay through the ranks of his majority, 
 that dismay lasted only till he rose from the Treasury Bench, drew up 
 his haughty head, stretched his arm with commanding gesture, and 
 poured forth, in deep and sonorous tones, the lofty language of inex- 
 tinguishable hope and inflexible resolution. Thus through a long and 
 calamitous period, every disaster that happened without the walls of 
 parliament was regularly followed by a triumph within them." 
 
 This eloquent marplot, this persuasive deviser of 
 disaster, who had so discredited the honorable Eng- 
 lish name, was now again made the head of George 
 Ill's ministry, where he had once been so prolific of 
 
 » Daniel Webster. 2 Alison, ii, 294. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 63 
 
 damage to Britian, so fertile of bloody reverses to 
 British arms, so fruitful of calamity to British policy, 
 where he was again to run a career of expensive 
 defeat. He became again Prime Minister on the very 
 day, — May i8, 1S04, — when Napoleon, who had so 
 greatly baffled and beaten him, became Emperor of 
 the French : these men were head contestants in the 
 gigantic struggle ; the one a great orator, an active 
 schemer, an incompetent war minister, a bad finan- 
 cier, a bad strategist, and handicapped by a meddling, 
 stupid king : the other, without conscience, faith, or 
 honesty, with not a moral scruple ; but avaricious, 
 grasping, eager, and ambitious ; and yet the ablest 
 soldier of all the ages. 
 
 King George III would not receive the able Whig, 
 Charles J. Fox, into the ministry. Charles Knight, 
 the English historian, says : — ^ 
 
 "The King would risk something far higher than his crown . . . the 
 lives of his people, the independence of his country .... for a mis- 
 erable personal pique, which he was compelled to lay aside two years 
 afterwards." 
 
 And English Thackeray said : — ^ 
 
 " His mother's bigotry and hatred he inherited with the obstinacy of 
 his own race. Like other dull men, the king was, all his life, suspi- 
 cious of superior people." 
 
 The Other able Whigs woul I not enter this inad- 
 man's ministry without their great leader, Mr. Fox. 
 So the ministry was made up of men whose heavy 
 weight is still felt in all Brician in the heavy taxes 
 required by the great debt. 
 
 George III required of Pitt assurance that he would 
 never agitate for or support removal of the legal 
 
 ■History of England. •* Four G-eorges. 
 
64 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 restrictions upon British Catholics. Pitt dishonored 
 himself by stifling his own convictions, and accepted 
 the terms. Yet he had left the ministry in 1801 on 
 that very issue. Now he backed down. He liked 
 office well enough to subdue his own conscience. 
 
 George and Pitt went on wasting British blood and 
 treasure for a very un-British cause, — that of the old 
 continental monarchs. The British had not a single 
 interest in common with the pretended "king of Sar- 
 dinia," who was really not a king, yet the British 
 government stuck to his shadowy fortunes through 
 the whole bloody struggles from 1803 to 181 5, and 
 then made him a tyrant over unwilling Piedmont, 
 which he ruled badly on un-British principles, by 
 measures hostile to British doctrines. 
 
 French arms had won Italy from Austrian tyranny. 
 But Pitt used British money to bribe Austria to war 
 to win back Italy to be again her victim. A bargain 
 was made. Pitt drew up the terms of Europe's sub- 
 jugation ; tyrant's terms ; a great wrong to the peo- 
 ple of Europe. The terms suited despotism so well 
 that they were put in force in Europe when Napoleon 
 was overthrown. They set back the world's progress. 
 Pitt and George III meant that the war should con- 
 tinue till arbitrary monarchs and nobles, instead of 
 Frenchmen, should rule against the rights of men and 
 of labor. 
 
 In 1754 the Russian subjects were about twenty 
 million, and in 1804 thirty-six million. The revenue 
 in 1754 was fifteen million dollars, and 
 Russia. in 1804 sixty-six million dollars; 
 
 raised mostly by poll tax of five rou- 
 bles for each freeman and two for each serf. The 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 65 
 
 spirit tax added about fifteen million dollars in paper 
 in 1804. Russia was gaining in property. 
 
 The Czar, Alexander I, was young, romantic, 
 dreamy. He aspired to ascendency over Turkey and 
 Persia and influence in Europe. He was subject to 
 great changes of opinion. The sagacious Metternich 
 who knew him intimately, says : — 
 
 " This prince, vehement and full of energy, impulsive, always in 
 danger of acting rashly and viewing things from the standpoint of his 
 own ideas, had, on coming to the throne, surrounded himself with a 
 council formed of persons of his own age, whom he honored with the 
 name of friends. " 
 
 The Russian army, — all conscripts, — nominally 
 three hundred thousand men, had so vast territory to 
 protect that it could concentrate in 1805-7, against 
 Napoleon, less than one-fourth that number at any 
 spot. Its army on paper and the force it can use in 
 battle or campaign, is always quite different. Its 
 supply and its hospitals were wretched. The pay of 
 an infantryman was less than three dollars a year ; 
 that of a Cossack still less. Government fed and 
 clothed them. They were hardy, could bivouac in 
 snow and subsist on scanty fare. They believed that 
 Russia was to conquer the world. 
 
 The Czar was alarmed lest Napoleon should disturb 
 his relations who held Oldenburg and Mechlinburg. 
 But the British blockade disturbed his commerce. 
 
 Markoff, Russian ambassador at Paris, intrigued 
 against Napoleon. The French seized his secretary, 
 Christin, in Switzerland, on charge of aiding banished 
 French royalists. The Czar gave money to the 
 Bourbon Princes. The French arrested Vernegas, 
 a member of the Russian embassy at Rome, and 
 
 5 
 
66 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 carried him to France, an insult to the Czar. In an 
 audience, September 21, 1804, Napoleon went up to 
 Markoff and said before the assembled envoys, that it 
 is very strange that a Russian ambassador has a 
 dependent, a Swiss, whose business seems to be 
 simply to aid all sorts of conspiracies. " In future I 
 shall cause arrest of all persons who shall act against 
 the interests of France." The Czar recalled Markoff, 
 but assured him of his esteem. 
 
 England, Russia, and Sweden, tried to draw Aus- 
 tria and Prussia into coalition with them against 
 France. The Czar and Gustavus IV king of Sweden 
 urged the German Diet at Ratisbon to demand satis- 
 faction for the French seizure of the Due d'Enghien 
 on German soil of Baden. But Baden expressed its 
 satisfaction and the German emperor, Francis of 
 Austria, feared Napoleon too much to protest. 
 Napoleon recalled his ambassador from Russia. The 
 prospect was warlike. 
 
 The Czar sent his final terms by D'Oubril, whom 
 Napoleon hated, — That Russia have part in arrang- 
 ing Italian affairs ; that the promised " compensa- 
 tion" be given to the "king of Sardinia ; " that the 
 French troops leave Naples and north Germany ; 
 that small states may be neutral. Of these four 
 items only the last could be of much importance to 
 Russia. France hardly noticed these absurd terms, 
 but Talleyrand replied that Russians correspond with 
 enemies of France ; that Markoff in Paris gave 
 asylum to hired agents of England ; that the Russian 
 court wore mourning for d'Enghien ; that Russia 
 had broken its agreement that Ionia should be left 
 free of foreign troops, but had changed Ionia's gov- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. (J7 
 
 ernment : four points that were true. He proposed 
 that Russia avoid partiality for England and unite 
 with France to consolidate general peace, equilib- 
 rium, and liberty of the seas.' This correspondence 
 was based mainly on the treaty of Luneville. Dip- 
 lomatic relations ceased ; Russia and France stood 
 at point of war. 
 
 Prussia aspired to be protector of northern Ger- 
 many. Frenchmen arrested Rumbold, British min- 
 ister, at Hamburg, October 5, 1804, and sent him to 
 Paris. This made great sensation at Berlin. The 
 anti-French party declaimed that Prussia's honor was 
 wounded ; redress must be had or influence lost in 
 north Germany ; that Napoleon's ambition was un- 
 bounded. The king wrote to Napoleon, his envoy 
 protested, and Napoleon released the prisoner. But 
 the insult rankled in Prussia. 
 
 On condition of no increase of the French army 
 in Hanover, and no burden of war on north Ger- 
 many, King Frederic William agreed to be neutral 
 and not permit Russians or others to march across 
 Prussia, and Napoleon said he would augment Prus- 
 sia. Then the ministry changed. Count Haugwitz, 
 friendly to France, was retired ; Baron Hardenburg, 
 an enemy to French influence, friendly to Russia 
 and England, took power. 
 
 To gain the alliance of Prussia in order to awe the 
 continent, was Napoleon's aim. This gained, he 
 could restrain Russia and Austria. The king wanted 
 to be bribed to this alliance ; Napoleon meant that 
 George Hi's Hanover should be the bribe ; but 
 Frederic William, fearing Russia and England, 
 hesitated to accept Hanover. 
 
 1 state Papers. 
 
68 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Foolish GustavLis IV broke relations between Swe- 
 den and France in a letter addressed to " Monsieur 
 Napoleon Bonaparte." He forbade French journals 
 in Sweden [Sept. 7, 1804]. This was 
 Sweden. not the wish of the Swedes. He 
 
 might have kept Sweden in peace, 
 but December 3, 1804, he engaged with England to 
 form a depot in Swedish Pomerania for Hanover 
 troops to enter British pay, and for a station for sale 
 of British goods, thus antagonizing Sweden to Napo- 
 leon's vast power. His bribe was eighty thousand 
 pounds from Pitt. 
 
 The Legion of Honor was opposed by many French. 
 But Napoleon forced its adoption. July 14, 1804, 
 this new order was grandly inaugurated at the splen- 
 did church of the Invalides, Paris, and its crosses 
 given out by generals in all French camps. The 
 people soon approved, it became permanent and an 
 object of aspiration. By thus celebrating the date of 
 the taking of the Bastile, Napoleon adroitly blended 
 in the public mind the republican triumph and his 
 imperial splendor. But the next day he struck a 
 new blow at liberty by restoring Fouche's spy police. 
 
 At Boulogne, August 1 5, called his birthday, around 
 his high throne were grouped the high dignitaries, 
 the marshals, the ministers ; and before him, radiating 
 from his throne like the spokes of an immense living 
 wheel, was displayed a mighty army, — eighty thou- 
 sand men, ^ — destined to fight and perish in every 
 part of Europe from Moscow to Cadiz, from Denmark 
 to Dalmatia. The great spectacle was very magnif- 
 icent. The thrilling martial music, the gay uniforms, 
 
 'Bourrienne, ii, 202. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 69 
 
 the inspiring spirit of military glory, the memory of 
 many victories, the hopes of coming distinction, the 
 presence of so many great military leaders, all ani- 
 mated the grand occasion. With splendid ceremony 
 the Emperor gave the crosses of the Legion of 
 Honor. 
 
 Cavalry and artillery formed the brilliant border 
 of this gorgeous array, while beyond, a countless 
 multitude covered the slope to its summit. On each 
 side of Napoleon the bands came and excited the 
 vast concourse with stirring music. 
 
 The Emperor ascended the throne amid the thunder 
 of cannon and flourish of trumpets. Around were 
 seen many standards ; some new, many stained by the 
 blood and blackened by the smoke of many battles. 
 
 The Emperor took the oath. Raising his voice 
 he said : — 
 
 "And you, soldiers, swear to defend, at the hazard of your life, the 
 honor of the French name, your country, and your Emperor." 
 
 Many voices responded. 
 
 The Polytechnic school at Paris held a republican 
 spirit, so Napoleon changed it into a military 
 academy.^ 
 
 Napoleon had the German princes in his power. 
 Filled with hopes and fears they hastened to meet 
 him at Mainz. He formed a Confederation of the 
 Rhine of the German princes, under his " protec- 
 tion," which put south and central Germany for 
 years helpless in his power and forced it to furnish 
 troops and money for his wars, a vast damage to 
 Germany. 
 
 Genoa gave itself to Napoleon, October 20, 1804. 
 
 * Bourrienne, ii, 206. 
 
70 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 He got six thousand seamen, its arsenals, and its 
 grand harbor, worth more than Malta, and made it a 
 great naval station, a mutual advantage to Genoa and 
 France. He was to let Genoa's goods into Piedmont 
 and Parma, and compel the Barbary states to respect 
 its flag. He would build there ten ships of the line. 
 This made business lively at Genoa. 
 
 Lord Nelson tried, October 2, 1804, to burn the 
 French flotilla at Boulogne. He sent at night float- 
 ing torpedoes into the harbor. The failure made 
 much ridicule in England and France. 
 
 Napoleon tried to connect his glory with Char- 
 lemagne. Ten centuries before, in a.d. 800, Pope 
 Leo HI crowned that great monarch, who went sub. 
 missivcly to Rome. Napoleon, more powerful than 
 Charlemagne, required Pope Pius VH to render 
 homage by coming to Paris to crown him. No more 
 of empire bowing to the pope ; the pope must bow 
 to empire. 
 
 Pius VH objected. Five cardinal advisers objected. 
 Fifteen demanded conditions. They all prayed for 
 light. But necessity decided. The question might 
 divide the church. It was dividing it. Pius hoped 
 for great gifts from Napoleon. Napoleon's uncle, 
 Cardinal Fesch, at Rome gave presents and made 
 threats.^ Pius objected, hesitated, hoped Napoleon 
 would give him the two Legations regardless of the 
 will of the Legation people, then he yielded.^ 
 
 Most Frenchmen then disliked the Church of 
 Rome. Napoleon's Concordat of 1801 gave his rule 
 a ruder shock ^ than his abrogation of the liberties 
 won by the Revolution. The army hated it. Many 
 
 MJiii/.otvii, 101. ^Rerauset. ■'s Bourrienne ii, 213. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 71 
 
 civilians hated it. Many Royalists hated it. It did 
 not please the Republicans. But it conciliated some 
 of the Catholics of which there were still many. He 
 wanted the prestige which church and religion could 
 add. Some persons regarded his anointing and 
 crowning by the pope as essential to sacred author- 
 ity. ^ He always grasped every means of power. 
 No scruple deterred him. He knew that the Roman 
 church, like the Greek, had ever been a bulwark of 
 strength to monarchs good or bad. 
 
 France had above 27,000,000 people. Napoleon 
 controlled the election officers. No means exists to 
 verify their returns of votes. December i, 1804, the 
 Senate, whose members he had appointed, reported 
 the popular vote as 3,572,329 in favor and 2,569 
 against making the empire hereditary in his fam- 
 ily.2 This was claimed as a sacred ratification.^ 
 It was no more sacred than the votes which ratified 
 several preceding governments. These had been 
 recalled ; the people had always a right to recall this 
 or any form of rule. A people have a natural right 
 to change their government at their pleasure pro- 
 vided it is done without oppressing opposers. No 
 act is final by which a people lose their liberties. 
 Plots had stimulated the French to vote heredity lest 
 death of Napoleon should leave it to anarchy or to 
 return of the Bourbons. With gay fetes the French 
 rejoiced at this death of liberty. The cost of the 
 gayeties were said to be 85,000,000 francs.* The 
 pope came and was received with pomp.^ Metter- 
 
 1 Bourrienne ii, 213. 
 
 * Bourrienne : Remuset. ' Lanf rey. 
 
 * Schlosser viii, 356. MJourriemie ii. 
 
72 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 nich says that only the evening before the day fixed 
 for the coronation : — 
 
 "The holy father perceived with surprise that it was intended to 
 crown the empress at the same time with Napoleon. The pope 
 
 was undecided as to the part he ought to take He had no 
 
 proofs of the validity of the Emperor's marriage " 
 
 which was made when marriage was only a civil 
 contract as it is in Protestant countries. He : — 
 
 "Declared that he would not appear at the august ceremony . . , 
 if he did not receive direct proofs of the validity of their marriage. 
 .... The bishops reassured him and gave him details of the mar- 
 riage of Napoleon and Josephine and the sacramental bond .... 
 The Holy Father crowned them the next day, and it was not till sev- 
 eral days after the ceremony that he learned that his credulity had 
 been abused .... and that he had, so to speak, sanctioned a con- 
 cubinage, .... a wrong for which the pope has never forgiven 
 him."i 
 
 Madame Remuset says Josephine states that : — 
 
 "Two days before the coronation Cardinal Fesch married them in 
 presence of two of his aides-de-camp, and gave her a written certificate 
 of the wedding." 
 
 And Remuset adds : — 
 
 " It is since said that religious marriage not witnessed by the cure 
 of the parish where it is celebrated, is a nullity, and by that expedient 
 the means of breaking the marriage in the future was purposely 
 reserved."^ 
 
 Napoleon had already contemplated divorce, but it 
 did not come until December i6, 1809.^ 
 
 At Notre Dame, December 2, 1804, amid great 
 pomp, the pope anointed Napoleon's head with oil, 
 and Napoleon placed a crown on his own head and 
 crowned Josephine. He solemnly declared he was 
 satisfied with his grandeur and would make no more 
 additions to his empire, a pledge quickly broken. 
 
 iMetternich Mem. ii, 184-85. " Remuset ii, ohap. z. 
 
 *Ibid ii, chap. ix. 
 
UNITED STATES AND ELTROPE. 73 
 
 This remarkable man, incapable of friendship, with 
 few personal friends, admired by many, loved by no 
 man, had raised himself to be a power dreaded by all 
 Europe. 
 
 Next day at a great martial display in Champ de 
 Mars, Napoleon gave to the colonels the eagles to be 
 the army standards. On a throne he addressed the 
 troops. 
 
 The Bowrbon Stanislaus Xavier, who called himself 
 Louis XVIII, was brother of Louis XVI, issued a 
 bombastic protest. It was so silly that Napoleon had 
 it printed in the " Moniteur." 
 
 Pius VII had given the church's approval of Napo- 
 leon. Now he wanted his price. But with lack of 
 sharpness he waited until Napoleon had no further 
 present need of him. Then he coolly asked Napoleon 
 to give him Avignon, Bologna, and part of Italy, once 
 papal ; he ought to have known better ; Napoleon 
 was not that sort of a man ; he never let go anything 
 that he could hold ; this time his language was dig- 
 nified. He replied : — 
 
 " France has dearly purchased the power which she enjoys. We 
 cannot sever anything from the empire which has been the fruit of 
 ten years of bloody combat. Still less can we diminish the territory 
 of a foreign state which by confiding to us the powers of its govern- 
 ment has imposed on us the duty of its protection, and never con- 
 ferred on us the power of alienating any part of its territory." 
 
 This refusal cooled Pius VII toward Napoleon. 
 Still worse, Pius VII had, by this demand, asserted 
 the wickjJ principle that states and peoples may be 
 traded, given away, squandered from one power to 
 another without asking the people's consent. The 
 pope soon had ample cause to repent the sanction of 
 so monstrous a doctrine. Many good Catholics dis- 
 
74 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 approved this affair as well as several of his other 
 acts. 
 
 The United States and the European governments, 
 except England, Russia, Sweden, and Turkey, soon 
 recognized Napoleon as Emperor. 
 
 Forming the Confederation of the Rhine had 
 destroyed the old German empire ; its power had 
 gone to its "Protector," Napoleon ; he ruled it. So 
 its Emperor, Francis II, was crowned by the arch- 
 bishop of Vienna in the year 1804, as Francis I, 
 Emperor of Austria, and dropped the title " Emperor 
 of Germany," which his family had borne for nearly 
 five hundred years. He united his states in one 
 empire. The present title, "Emperor of Germany," 
 is a new creation, made in 1871. 
 
 By treaties of 1796, 1801 and 1803, Spain and 
 France were bound to mutual offensive and 
 defensive aid. This fact excited British jealousy 
 because it helped Napoleon to cash from Spain to use 
 to injure Britain in the war. It was well known that 
 Napoleon compelled unwilling Spain to give him this 
 money. The amount was concealed. The British 
 ministry intimated that it would not regard a small 
 forced sum as cause for war on Spain. But rumors 
 that the sum was large got abroad. Mr. Frere, 
 British ambassador to Spain, remonstrated against 
 the payment and against the passage of French 
 troops through Spain to Portugal. In February, 
 1804, Mr. Frere protested against sale of French 
 prizes in Spain, and called for "cessation of every 
 naval armament within " Spain. In September, 1804, 
 the British learned that fifteen hundred French troops 
 had gone in small parties to Ferrol, in Spain, where 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 75 
 
 were four large French war ships, and that Spain had 
 ordered the arming without loss of time of three 
 ships of the line and other vessels at that port ; that 
 three line ships should go from Cadiz to Ferrol, and 
 that packets should arm as in war. This was start- 
 ling news. It received the alarming addition that 
 within a month eleven Spanish ships of the line 
 would be ready for sea at Ferrol, and though said to 
 be bound for America, victualled for but three 
 months. Then came reports that French soldiers 
 were daily arriving at Ferrol. Then followed tidings 
 that they only awaited arrival of the Spanish treasure 
 ships from America, to throw off the mask and be 
 hostile to England. 
 
 Mr. Frere warmly remonstrated. Manuel Godoy, 
 Prince of Peace, governing Spain for the incapable, 
 worthless Charles IV, replied : — 
 
 "The king of Spain has never thought of being wanting to the 
 agreement entered into with the British government. The cessation 
 of all naval armaments against Great Britain shall be observed as 
 heretofore, and whatever information to the contrary may have been 
 received, is wholly unfounded." ^ 
 
 Here was a chance for Pitt and George III to again 
 blunder. They did blunder, as usual. They decided 
 to seize the Spanish treasure at sea, and so managed 
 it that only four British frigates met these four 
 Spanish frigates [October 5, 1804]. Captain Moore 
 informed the Spanish Admiral that he had orders to 
 detain the Spanish ships ; that he hoped to do it 
 without bloodshed. The Spaniard, of course, declined 
 to submit to an equal force. A battle took place ; 
 one of the Spanish frigates blew up ; the British took 
 the others with above $10,000,000 on board. The 
 
 1 Parliament Delmtes, ii, 95—98. 
 
76 UNITED STATES AND EUBOPE. 
 
 Spanish lost about one hundred killed and wounded, 
 besides two hundred and forty on the exploded ship. 
 Had it been right to seize these ships, then com- 
 mon sense should have dictated to George and Pitt to 
 send a force so large as to compel the Spanish com- 
 mander to surrender without battle, and to justify 
 him to do so without loss of his honor. England had 
 a vast navy; it could send a strong force. This 
 senseless catastrophe made a great shock in Eng- 
 land ; it angered the British sense of justice and 
 honor. The Whig leaders, Fox and Grenville, 
 urged : — 
 
 " That there appeared nothing but inattention, negligence and mys- 
 tery on the part of the British government on this occasion." 
 
 Some Tories, blinded by partizianship, did not 
 denounce the deed. But the extreme Tory historian, 
 Alison, wrote : — 
 
 " A large and conscientious body of the ministry's usual supporters 
 beheld with pain what they deemed an unwarrantable invasion of the 
 rights of nations, and loudly condemned an act derogatory to the 
 British name .... no defense can be maintained for the conduct of 
 England." i 
 
 The eminent Englishman, Charles Knight, says : — 
 
 " It was a complicated question, and one in which the British gov- 
 ernment was, upon the face of it, open to very serious blame." ^ 
 
 Dr. Coote (British), remarks: — 
 
 " It cannot be justified by any arguments drawn from reason or 
 equity." ^ 
 
 Crowe (British), says : — 
 
 *' It was a flagrant act of injustice, in the very style of Bonaparte's 
 own conduct, and proceeded from the same imbecility which threw 
 upon us the blame of the renewal of the war ; an irresolute, wavering 
 system, which was but weakness, and which looked like treachery." * 
 
 1 Hi.story Europe il, 305. ^ History Englan<l vii, 199, 
 
 » Modern Furopo vi, 71. * Crowe's France iii, 189. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 77 
 
 As the king of Spain was a fool, and Godoy held 
 power only by the king's will, — -an uncertain tenure, 
 — and the real manhood of Spain was out of power, 
 so that appeal to the manly conscience of the brave 
 Spanish nation was impossible, I can hardly join with 
 the great British authors whom I have quoted, in so 
 strongly condemning the arrest of that great treasure 
 on board those frigates from going into the hands of 
 the enemy of Britain, Napoleon ; but the manner of 
 arresting used by George and Pitt, merits the severest 
 condemnation as opposed to every sense of honor and 
 decency ; it was great folly not to send force sufficient 
 to overawe the Spanish admiral and so prevent the 
 battle. 
 
 Debate in Parliament on this outrage was vigorous, 
 but the Tories sustained the ministry by a large 
 majority. 
 
 Hoping for peaceful adjustment, Spain delayed to 
 declare war until sixty-eight days later, December 12, 
 1804. 
 
 In January, 1805, Napoleon compelled unwilling 
 Spain to make a new treaty of alliance with him, 
 offensive and defensive, by which Charles IV must 
 furnish him thirty-two ships of the line and five 
 thousand soldiers. Spain had practically nothing in 
 return. 
 
 Napoleon calculated that he had 193,000 men on 
 the coast, ready to invade England. He had sixty- 
 nine ships of the line and many smaller vessels. 
 France was then a great naval power ; at sea it 
 rivalled the British. 
 
 Napoleon wrote to George III proposing peace. 
 British kings do not negotiate : the minister. 
 
78 I'NITtn STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Hawkesbury, replied for him, refusing full answer 
 "to the overture" till he had "time 
 Napoleon pro..oses to communicate with the powers on 
 Peace, the Continent with whom he is en- 
 
 .lan., i80j. gaged in most confidential connec- 
 tions and relations and particularly 
 with the emperor of Russia." 
 
 Few rulers ever sent such stupidity. Had George 
 and Pitt tried to end the war, success was then pos- 
 sible. Some day they must negotiate. It is treaties 
 that end wars. Common sense, honor, and religion 
 command to "agree with thine adversary quickly." 
 George and Pitt wantonly repulsed overture. They 
 did more ; they stupidly betrayed their own country 
 and plans. Their words, " most confidential con- 
 nections," revealed just what was of extreme impor- 
 tance to conceal ; just what Napoleon most wanted 
 to know ; a new coalition ; that he must fight 
 Europe ; that he must attack and cripple Austria 
 before Russia could aid her. Thus stupid George 
 and Pitt helped France to victory at Ulm and Aus- 
 terlitz, and, in consequence, to later Aerstadt and 
 Friedland. " It was but weakness which looked like 
 treachery." 
 
 These two letters did still more damage ; they 
 made Napoleon appear nobly forbearing, humane, 
 and England disreputably quarrelsome. The French 
 press, controlled by Napoleon, blazoned this aspect 
 to all Europe ; the French and many others thereon, 
 credited him with love of peace. 
 
 The emperors of Russia and Austria hoped to 
 drive Napoleon from Germany, Netherlands, and 
 Italy and place there a tyranny even greater than 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE 79 
 
 his. It was war between oppressors. Neither 
 would allow liberty or rights to Germans or Italians. 
 Either would trample common rights, that nobles 
 might have plunder and oppressive power. The peo- 
 ple had not even choice of masters ; they must fight 
 for the one who then held them. Napoleon was 
 false, unjust, selfish, grasping ; so were Alexander 
 and Francis. Under him common men might rise to 
 high station ; not so under them. There all was 
 heredity, and it had given to Russia the mystic 
 dreamer, Alexander I ; to Austria the dull, despotic 
 Francis I ; to England the dark-minded George III ; 
 to Sweden the crack-brained Gustavus IV ; to Por- 
 tugal the insane Maria ; to Spain the moral idiot, 
 Charles IV ; to Naples Charles' worthless brother, 
 Ferdinand ; to Denmark the dissipation-crazed Chris- 
 tian VII ; to Prussia the inefficient marplot, Frederic 
 William III : hardly one with morals that would have 
 been decent in a peasant. 
 
 January 19, 1805, Pitt showed to the Russian 
 ambassabor a basis of principles which he desired 
 should actuate the coalition. Reduced to plain 
 language it was in substance : — 
 
 1. To rescue from France its conquests made since 1789. 
 
 2. To divide this plunder among sovereigns, and to make these 
 countries barriers against France. 
 
 3. To protect each other in holding fast our robberies. 
 
 Such was Pitt's monstrous basis. It was used in 
 1 814-15 to give Italy, Germany, and the Rhine prov- 
 inces to grasping despotism, to bar the people from 
 their natural rights and liberties. George III wanted 
 this bad plan "established in its fullest extent." 
 
80 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE 
 
 Said Pitt : 
 
 " If the arms of the allies should be crowned with such success as 
 to despoil France of all its conquests made since the revolution, it 
 would certainly be their first object to re-establish the United Provin- 
 ces (Holland) and Switzerland, and the territories of the kings of 
 Sardinia and Naples, as well as the dukes of Modena and Tuscany 
 .... As to the Italian provinces that have been mentioned, experi- 
 ence has demonstrated that they have neither disposition nor resour- 
 ces to resist the aggressions of France. The last measures of Genoa 
 and some of the other Italian states, give them no title to appeal 
 either to the justice or the generosity of the allies .... It is cer- 
 tainly a matter of highest importance, if not of absolute necessity, to 
 procure the efficacious and vigorous co-operation of Austria and 
 Prussia, but there is little reason to hope that either of these powers 
 will embark in the common cause unless they have a prospect of 
 advantage to indemnify them for their exertions." 
 
 This proposed restoration of Switzerland and Hol- 
 land is right. But the rest of this basis is evil. Thus 
 after admitting that Italy had no " disposition to 
 resist " France, he practically admits that only pro- 
 spective plunder of the liberties and substance of 
 Germany and Italy and the Rhine can bribe Prussia 
 and Austria to re-enter the war on France. Such 
 was Pitt's real meaning. Pitt described what large 
 spoils Prussia and Austria should have. 
 
 Russia, Prussia, and Austria still held back from 
 the awful crime, that of the Devil on the mountain, 
 of trading countries not owned by the seller. But 
 George and Pitt actually bribed them to re-enter on 
 the wicked career of crime against the rights of man- 
 kind. So depraved was Pitt's plan that these hard- 
 ened plunderers of Poland, these veteran gamblers in 
 German and Italian countries so much hesitated that 
 only Pitt's British cash set their armies in motion. 
 
 Pitt wanted to join with the despotic monarchs to 
 guarantee security of each other's plunder, to sup- 
 
KREMLIN AT MOSCOW. 
 
 ROYAL PALACE, MADRID. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 81 
 
 press any attempt of downcast manhood to right 
 itself. 
 
 In stating these facts of Pitt and the monarchs I 
 do not arraign their countries ; many British, Prus- 
 sians, Austrians, Russians deplored the great trans- 
 gression. All but Britain were absolute monarchies ; 
 their people had no rule. England had limited mon- 
 archy, with a hard, stupid king : the whole British 
 people did not then, as they do now, elect the mem- 
 bers of the House of Commons. The English had 
 little control of the king and ministry. England was 
 not under the enlightened policy that governs it 
 today. 
 
 Within a few years each of these great powers had 
 much increased its domain. To the advantage of 
 civilization the British had conquered large empire 
 in India. It was trying to conquer more in India. It 
 was wisely extending its dominion in many parts of 
 the world. Russia, Prussia, and Austria had divided 
 Poland. Russia had conquered parts of Turkey, 
 Sweden, and Persia. Austria had got Venice. Much 
 of Russia, Prussia, and Austria was made up of con- 
 quests. Their policy was aggressive. Such were the 
 governments that Pitt hired to try to take from 
 France its conquests. 
 
 To preserve the "equilibrium of power" was a 
 pretense. Pitt would preserve the "equilibrium " by 
 reducing France alone below the new equilibrium 
 made by increase of the others' powers, an odd way 
 to make powers balance ! 
 
 It is true, though it seems incredible, that to bring 
 Russians of that day to attempt conquest of enlight- 
 ened Germany, and to divide it as other bandits 
 6 
 
82 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 divide spoil, Pitt gave great bribes of borrowed cash, 
 for which Englishmen are still taxed to pay the 
 interest. 
 
 Lord Melville was in the ministry. He was 
 detected in making his own private use of public 
 money instead of giving it away as Pitt did to Bour- 
 bon intriguers and absolute monarchs. This shocked 
 Pitt, the great misapplyer. Public opinion, for once 
 too strong for Pitt and George, drove Melville from 
 the ministry. 
 
 By great wrong in former times, royal and other 
 
 adventurers took a large part of the land of Ireland 
 
 from the people (who owned it collectively as tribes 
 
 before Irish landlords existed), and 
 
 Ireland and gavc it to noblcs and favoritcs. Most 
 
 Religion. Irish laborcrs were Catholics, and 
 
 these laborers created the value of 
 
 Irish land. In 1805, in some parts, Presbyterians, 
 
 Methodists and other disfranchised were a majority. 
 
 Prosperity required that all outside the established 
 
 English church should have their natural rights and 
 
 privileges, subject only to wholesome laws that 
 
 should bear on all alike. 
 
 Yet to this great Catholic majority was denied 
 common rights. They might not sit on juries ; they 
 might not be tried by juries of their own kind ; they 
 might not hold commissions in the army outside of 
 Ireland ; they had no part in making the laws which 
 they were to live under; they could not choose one of 
 themselves as their legal representative in making 
 laws ; they had no part in executing Irish laws. In 
 their own land, the land of their forefathers, they 
 were practically outlawed. They were compelled to 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. S3 
 
 pay the taxes for the salaries and expenses of the 
 
 English church in which not one of them communed. 
 
 Habeus corpus writ was suspended ; an Irishman 
 
 could be arbitrarily imprisoned indefinitely without 
 
 trial. 
 
 For years had been efforts to remove religious 
 
 disabilities. Grattan and the British whigs, Fox 
 
 and Grenville ably advocated this relief. Lords 
 
 Havvksbury, Sidmouth, Eldon, and others opposed 
 
 this justice and argued : — 
 
 "Can there be any doubt of the complete dependence in which the 
 ])ope is placed to Bonaparte ? Would it not be the height of mad- 
 ness in us, knowing of his [Bonaparte's] inveterate hostility to this 
 country, to weaken our means of resistance by the admission to polit- 
 ical power of those who are necessarily subject to a power over 
 which he has such control ? The priesthood interfere in a great part 
 of the civil and domestic concerns of life. It is submission to a for- 
 eign power that renders them dangerous." 
 
 George III aided French Chouan and Vendean 
 Catholics to revolt and war against their French gov- 
 ernment ; he used his utmost efforts to destroy in 
 Italy the new governments that allowed freedom of 
 religious opinion ; he tried hard to force on Italy the 
 "king of Sardinia," the pope, the bad king of Naples, 
 the dukes of Tuscany and Modena, and rule of Aus- 
 tria in Italy ; all of these were Catholics ; all of these 
 would refuse freedom of Protestant worship of 
 George Ill's own church in Italy. Yet stubborn old 
 George said his conscience and his oificial oath 
 restrained him from consenting to allowing civil 
 rights to Catholics in Ireland. Pitt wanted to give 
 their rights to Catholics ; he had promised it to them 
 in 1801. But Pitt, hard, unmerciful toward the hap- 
 piness of many millions of Germans and Italians, was 
 
84 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 so in fear of hurting the feelings of hard George, that 
 he debased his manhood by yielding his own con- 
 science, his sense of right and wrong in the religious 
 question ; he deserted his principles and no longer 
 supported Catholic emancipation, and the Commons 
 voted it down, three hundred and thirty-six to one 
 hundred and twenty-four. It was not adopted till 
 1829. Irish Catholics, Methodists and other dis- 
 senters were compelled to pay taxes to support the 
 English church in Ireland until relieved by Mr. Glad- 
 stone's Irish church disfranchisement act in 1869. 
 
 North Italy followed all the changes in France, — 
 Directory, Consulate, Monarchy. Napoleon con- 
 vened the "estates of the Italian Republic" in Paris. 
 There it proclaimed him king of Italy, March 18, 
 1805. These "estates" of Italy had no authority 
 from the Italian people ; nobody in Italy elected them ; 
 the whole thing was assumption of authority. It was 
 added that his sons, natural or adopted, should suc- 
 ceed him on that throne, but the crowns of France 
 and Italy should never be united after him. 
 
 Napoleon said to Bourrienne : — 
 
 '• The union of Italy with France can only be temporary, but it is 
 necessary in order to accustom the nations of Italy to live under com- 
 mon laws. The Genoese, the Pledmontese, the Venetians, the Mil- 
 anese, the Tuscans, the Romans, and the Neapolitans hate each 
 other .... When manners shall be assimilated and enmities 
 quenched, there will be an Italy, and I will give her independence. 
 But for that I must have twenty years." 
 
 The iron crown of Charlemagne had reposed for a 
 thousand years in the cathedral of Monza. It was 
 brought forth, and with it, in the presence of the 
 bishop of Milan, the pope having refused, Napoleon 
 crowned himself king of Italy. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 85 
 
 The occasion was one of great splendor. He 
 appointed as viceroy, Eugene Beauharnais, son of 
 Josephine. As in France, Napoleon revived the regal 
 customs of the old Byzantine court. He appointed 
 grand dignitaries ; he compelled a concordat with the 
 pope ; he enacted the same civil code as in France, 
 except trial by jury ; he made a new order, — that of 
 the iron crown. 
 
 Napoleon had made Eugene a French prince. He 
 did not expect him to govern ; he selected Mejean, a 
 Frenchman, to conduct business ; he did not perceive 
 that an Italian might know better what was best for 
 Italy ; this offended Italians ; Mejean was surrounded 
 by Frenchmen. Napoleon bestowed honors on a few 
 Italians ; he put a large French military force in 
 Italian pay, and thus saved their subsistence to 
 France. But he kept them at his own disposal. He 
 ordered many improvements which now adorn Milan. 
 His rule was good and popular for Milan. 
 
 At Marengo he held a splendid pageant to imitate 
 the victory there in 1800, though he had there been 
 badly defeated by Melas, before Dessaux came up to 
 turn it into decisive victory. 
 
 As secretly arranged by intrigue, a deputation from 
 Genoa asked him to unite Genoa with his empire. 
 They said : — " We are the naval power of Piedmont, 
 we must be united with Piedmont." Piedmont was 
 already annexed to France. Although he had sol- 
 emnly declared five months before that he would not 
 extend his empire, he annexed Genoa in June, 1805. 
 
 Thus sank the old republic that for fourteen hundred 
 years had kept a separate existence. He wanted Genoa 
 for its naval resources. Said he : — "I had but one 
 
SQ UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 object in view, viz.: 15,000 seamen." He wrote to 
 Lebrun, his governor of Genoa: — "Govern but to 
 collect seamen." Union with France seemed to give 
 Genoa great added importance and business, and to 
 France a great harbor, many vessels and trade advan- 
 tages. But in Genoa these were already had. Genoa 
 had placed its arsenals and harbor at his disposal, had 
 engaged to furnish him with six thousand seamen and 
 ten line ships, at Genoa's expense. The annexation 
 was needless ; it was almost a wanton act ; he well 
 knew it would offend Russia and Austria ; it was a 
 blunder ; it was more, it was defiance to Europe. 
 
 Russia and Sweden made a friendly treaty January 
 12, 1805. England, Russia, and Sweden made alli- 
 ance April 5, 1805 ; England and Russia drew still 
 closer by treaty April 11, 1805. They 
 War Coming. couutcd on 300,000 Austriaus to 
 make up 500,000 men against France. 
 Britain and Russia were to form a great league to 
 exclude the French from north Germany, make Hol- 
 land and Switzerland independent, destroy the new 
 kingdom of Italy, re-establish the old kingdom of 
 Piedmont, and aid the bad king of Naples. They 
 were to intimidate Prussia into joining the league. 
 
 England refused to leave Malta to the Czar. Then 
 Alexander would first try to make peace, he would 
 mediate. He started an envoy, Novasilzoff, with 
 French passports for Paris obtained by Frederic Wil- 
 liam, who wanted peace. 
 
 Napoleon wrote to Frederic William : — 
 
 " I expect nothing from this mediation. Alexander is too fickle and 
 too feeble. Russia is too far, too foreign to colonial and maritime 
 interests .... I owe Russia no more as to Italian affairs than she 
 owes me with reference to Turkish and Persian affairs. All peace with 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUBOPE. 87 
 
 England, to be solid, ought to contain a clause stipulating that she 
 cease to give asylum to Bourbons and emigrants, and that she re- 
 strict her miserable writers." 
 
 To the glory of England she did not refuse asylum 
 to exiles. 
 
 The Russian i^eace envoy reached Berlin. Russia 
 had been offended by the d'Enghien affair ; by the 
 seizure of Rumbold in Hamburg; by the occupation 
 of Hanover, whose offense was its great misfortune 
 that George HI of England was its Elector; by the 
 erection of the kingdom of Italy, with Napoleon as 
 its head ; by the giving of Lucca by Napoleon to his 
 sister Eliza, and by the aggressive and rude temper 
 of Napoleon ; but Alexander wanted peace. Then 
 came this useless annexation of Genoa, and Napo- 
 leon's threat that he would not leave the bad queen of 
 Naples land enough in her kingdom for her tomb. 
 Alexander recalled his peace envoy. 
 
 War was resolved on ; Austria was arming rapidly 
 and with attempted secrecy; Alexander ratified his 
 treaty of British alliance. Thus Napoleon had driven 
 these two powers, Russia and Austria, to take part 
 against him in the great coming war. 
 
 By treaty of Luneville, February 9, 1801, Napoleon 
 had agreed to allow Switzerland, Genoa, and Lom- 
 bardy republics to choose their own constitutions. 
 He had violated his faith in each case. 
 
 The fatal coalition proceeded. Pitt and George 
 engaged to give a bribe of ^1,250,000 ($6,082,500) 
 for every 100,000 regular troops brought into the 
 field.i Parliament voted ^^3, 500,000 ($17,031,000). 
 It might be used at discretion by Pitt to bribe gov- 
 ernments or officers.^ 
 
 1 Treaty of April 11, 1805. = Parliament Reports. 
 
88 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 War was to begin as soon as 400,000 troops could 
 be ready. Of these Austria was to furnish 250,000, 
 Russia 115,000, Hanover, Sardinia, and Naples 35,- 
 000. Russia engaged to march 60,000 men forthwith 
 to the Austrian frontier and 80,000 to the Prussian 
 border, to keep a reserve on the frontier, and to 
 bring 180,000 men into the field if needed. 
 
 But Austria held back. It desired the war, but its 
 finances were crippled. It required a Pitt bribe of 
 ^3,000,000 ($14,598,000), one-half down, the rest by- 
 monthly installments ; so Pitt and George bought 
 Austria's aid with that sum. 
 
 George and Pitt had much wronged Sweden's sea- 
 men and ships. Sweden's commerce needed that 
 freedom of the seas which George and Pitt denied 
 and abused. France bad shown some 
 Gustavus IV. favor to neutral commerce, which was 
 of great importance to Swedes, and 
 Sweden had received no injury from France. But 
 vain Gustavus, a grief to the allies and a derision to 
 the French, a marplot that heredity had thrust upon 
 the brave and honorable Sweden, hastened to sell the 
 lives of his subjects. He wanted a better bargain 
 with Pitt than Russia and Austria had made. Pitt 
 knew that Sweden's interest was against the foolish 
 king's policy, that the Swedes disapproved it, so he 
 accepted the king's terms. He promised $8.75 per 
 man, each month : later, in October, the Swedish 
 army to be used in Pomerania was fixed at 12,000 
 and Pitt was to pay the same as to Austria, $60.81 
 per annum for each man, beside five months in 
 advance, and 50,000 pounds sterling to fortify Stral- 
 sund 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 89 
 
 Green, the English historian, says : — 
 
 " Pitt's offer of subsidies removed the last obstacle in the way of a 
 league, and Russia, Austria, and Sweden joined in an alliance to 
 wrest Italy and the low countries from the grasp of the French 
 emperor." 
 
 But the people of Italy and the low countries 
 showed no desire for rescue. Alison, whose opin- 
 ions seldom favor progress or freedom, admits that 
 the Italians liked the rule of the kingdom of Italy, that 
 they were gratified by its honors, that they " look back 
 with fond regret to the Regno d'ltalia as the 
 brightest period of their modern existence," that 
 '* Lombardy felt the foreign yoke only in the quick- 
 ened circulation of wealth, the increased vent for 
 industry," and that " hardly a magistrate or civil 
 functionary was of foreign birth. Everywhere great 
 and useful undertakings were set on foot, splendid 
 edifices ornamented the towns, useful canals irrigated 
 the fields." 
 
 Such were the situation and feelings of Italians 
 when Pitt hired Europe to plunder them of their 
 admired government. And Pitt was trying to force 
 them back under a very bad form of absolute tyranny. 
 
 Mr. Fox, a real statesman, who disliked the war, 
 warned Pitt of the dangers of a league without Prus- 
 sia ; that it might result in Napoleon's triumph and 
 increased power. But Pitt ridiculed this wise caution 
 and went on in his perverse errors. 
 
 Sir Walter Scott wrote : — • 
 
 "Great Britain and Russia were the animating sources of this 
 new coalition against France; but it was impossible, considering the 
 insular situation of the first of these powers, and the great distance 
 of the second from the scene of action, that they alone, without the 
 concurrence of the emperor of Austria and the king of Prussia, 
 
90 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 should be able to assail France with any prospect of making a suc- 
 cessful impression. Every effort therefore was used to awaken those 
 states to a sense of the daily increasing encroachments of Bonaparte, 
 and the extreme danger to which they were respectively exposed by 
 the rapidly increasing extent of his empire.'' 
 
 All Spanish fleets were controlled by Napoleon. 
 April 4, 1805, the British admiral, Lord Horatio Nel- 
 son, learned the French admiral, Villeneuve, with 
 a French fleet, had put to sea and been joined by the 
 Spanish fleet off Cadiz with 4,500 soldiers on board, 
 the whole amounting to eighteen line ships and ten 
 frigates, which was a very powerful fleet. With but 
 ten line ships and three frigates Nelson had the 
 audacious courage to pursue Villeneuve. 
 
 Napoleon's grand plan was to get Nelson away at 
 a distance from Europe while his own great fleet 
 should circle the West Indies, put Nelson on the 
 wrong track, return quickly and surprise the British 
 on his coast and overpower them before Nelson could 
 return. 
 
 But the French fleet at Brest was so well block- 
 aded by the British that it could not get out. So in 
 May Napoleon sent orders to Villeneuve at Marti- 
 nique to return with his fleet, raise the British block- 
 ade of Ferrol and Rochfort, unite all the fleets, 
 appear before Brest and break its blockade, and then 
 suddenly appear, with the immense combined fleets 
 of France and Spain in the English channel before 
 Boulogne, overmatching the British fleet, ready to 
 assist Napoleon's great army to cross the channel 
 and invade England. 
 
 Nelson was deceived. He lost time in searching the 
 West Indian seas for Villeneuve. " London was in 
 the greatest alarm for the West Indies." 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE 91 
 
 So far luck had favored Napoleon ; Nelson was 
 decoyed away ; Villeneuve was returning; the enor- 
 mous combined fleet was expected. 
 
 Napoleon was at Boulogne, August 3, ready to 
 invade England. His great fleet had not arrived. 
 Irritated at the delay, impatient, he drilled his troops 
 every day in maneuvers of embarkation. Eagerly 
 he scanned the western liorizon for a sight of the 
 great squadrons. 
 
 Days sped by; more and more impatient grew the 
 French emperor. In the depths of his soul he saw 
 himself baffled, defeated in his darling design by this 
 delay. He hurried off ship after ship to sail with 
 speed with the most urgent orders to Villeneuve to 
 hasten to appear. His anger was violent. Still the 
 west showed a clear horizon ; where was the tremen- 
 dous fleet } 
 
 Napoleon held a great review of 80,000 men. The 
 line occupied from right to left, nine miles. He in- 
 spected his great flotilla ; it was an immense fleet of 
 1,800 small craft. 
 
 A mighty army — 120,000 men — with 10,000 
 horses, were ready to embark. Enormous as was 
 this powerful army, another was ready on the Texel, 
 and still another at Brest ; in all, 155,000 disciplined 
 men. ^ 
 
 All was ready ; every man knew his exact place ; so 
 complete was the drill that in seventy-five minutes 
 each 26,000 men could embark. 
 
 All was ready but the grand fleet. Where was it ? 
 It should have arrived ; it should be before Boulogne, 
 covering the waters with its naval grandeur. It had 
 
 ^Napoleon to TrtviUe, July 2, 1805. 
 
92 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 been prepared at enormous expense ; it should have 
 come, a force so great as to defeat any fleet that Eng- 
 land could possibly assemble in the channel ; it should 
 be occupying and holding open the channel for the 
 passage of the grand army, led by the man who pro- 
 posed to suppress free British speech and the British 
 free press ; for him who hoped to conquer the world 
 at London ; for him who would suppress independence 
 on sea and land. So thought Napoleon, who hoped 
 to rule the world despotically for the benefit of Bona- 
 partes and Bonapartists. 
 
 Two years and a half of vast preparation had cul- 
 minated. All along the coast signals were arranged 
 and waiting to announce the coming of the eagerly 
 expected navy. It was estimated that in two hours 
 after orders given the great army could be out of the 
 harbor. 
 
 Napoleon wrote to Decres : — 
 
 *' If we are masters twelve hours of the passage, England has 
 lived."! 
 
 He wrote exhortations to Villeneuve : — 
 
 " Set out. Lose not a moment. Unite with my squadrons : come 
 into the channel. England is ours. We are ready. All is em- 
 barked. Appear within twenty four hours and all is finished." 
 
 Still the army waited for the navy. 
 
 Napoleon had great genius for war and for gov- 
 erning, but he had no genius for naval affairs. On 
 sea Nelson was much his superior. 
 
 French and Spanish ships were less well built, and 
 more poorly fitted, were harder to manage than the 
 British ships. Their crews were less trained for sea 
 service. Too many of them were raw hands. Ships, 
 
 *"<Si noussommes maitres dous heures de la traversee, V Angleterre avlcu," 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 93 
 
 masts, rigging, all were defective. French and 
 Spanish seamen did all that was possible ; no men 
 could do more. 
 
 When Nelson found that Villeneuve had left the 
 West Indies he sent a fast sailer to warn England, 
 and sailed for Gibraltar. This news arrived in Eng- 
 land July 9. Instantly Sir Robert Calder was sent 
 with fifteen line ships to intercept Villeneuve. He 
 met Villeneuve's fleet of twenty line ships and eight 
 frigates July 22, 1805. A battle ensued. It was 
 British victory. Calder captured two Spanish line 
 ships, but the British court-martialed and reprimanded 
 him for not inflicting harder defeat. Villeneuve 
 knowing that it was more important to raise the 
 blockades than to fight Calder, sailed away. He 
 reached Ferrol August 2, one day before Napoleon 
 arrived at Boulogne, to expect him there ready to aid 
 the invasion of England. Villeneuve believed that 
 Nelson had joined Calder, so he lingered at Corunna 
 lest the British united fleet should destroy him. 
 
 Had Napoleon landed in England with his 155,000 
 men, victory was far from certain, was doubtful, even 
 improbable. With the available British force, if such 
 a soldier as Moore or Wellington could have been in 
 command and free of the ministry and war office 
 incompetents, and considering the stubborn defensive 
 qualities of British soldiers and the aid of the militia, 
 it is hardly to be believed that even with 200,000 
 men Napoleon could ever have arrived at London. 
 
 In his wars against Austria, in Italy and Bavaria 
 the people were not against him ; the soldiers had 
 little personal interest in fighting him ; those were 
 not the people's wars. But invasion of England 
 
94 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 would have aroused all the British people ; he would 
 have found himself in such a war as he never saw 
 until 1813 when aroused German people so gallantly 
 aided to hurl him and his veteran hosts across the 
 Rhine in terrible defeat. England's great danger 
 lay in the unfitness, incapacity of king, ministers, 
 and high officials, not in its soldiers or its people. 
 
 Once in England, the return of a French army 
 must have been well-nigh impossible. All Britain's 
 enormous navy would be called around it. It was 
 strong enough to defeat and disperse Napoleon's 
 combined navy. Then while Napoleon's veterans 
 would be blockaded in England, the armies of united 
 Russia, Austria, Sweden, Naples, and perhaps Prus- 
 sia, already preparing, might have marched on his 
 empire and anticipated 1814. 
 
 Napoleon's victories had been over troops com- 
 pelled to fight for rulers, not for themselves. With 
 British, defending their own England, protecting 
 their rights, their liberties, their homes, it seems 
 improbable that Napoleon could have conquered even 
 had he safely landed. 
 
 The original claim of the house of Austria (Loraine- 
 Hapsburg) to the Netherlands was founded, not on 
 right, but on a shadow, the mere accident of a royal 
 marriage, a terrible accident for the 
 Netherlands. people. Misgovemmcnt, cruelty and 
 suffering marked periods of the Span- 
 ish rule. Oppression drove the Belgians to resistance. 
 They defeated the Austrians, took possession of 
 Brussels, and, in 1790, declared their independence. 
 But Austria forcibly re-occupied Belgium. The 
 French, under Pichegru, obtained it in 1794 by driving 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 95 
 
 out the Austrians ; later it was annexed to France. 
 Through Napoleon's reign Belgium was French; 
 even at Waterloo the Belgians did not wish to fight 
 against Napoleon. 
 
 By treaty of Campo Formio, October 17, 1797, Aus- 
 tria ceded to France all its claim to the Netherlands, 
 Milan, and Mantua, and received in full compensa- 
 tion, Istria, Dalmatia, Venice and its ground east of 
 the Adige, previously independent, but made the 
 spoil of France and Austria ; this contract was 
 renewed at Luneville in 1801. These gains proved 
 more valuable than the Netherlands to Austria. Thus 
 Austria had already first lost by conquest the Nether- 
 lands and Milan, and then had sold them to their 
 conqueror. Napoleon, in 1797, and again in 1801, and 
 had been more than paid in full for them in spoil, and 
 now she sold herself to George and Pitt, to try by 
 bloody combat and waste of human life to wrest them 
 back. This hardly looks like fairness and honor ; in 
 common life such a deed would be disgrace ; but 
 Francis I was only an emperor, and George was only 
 a king, and both were bad monarchs. 
 
 In 1 80 1 Austria's income was about $50,000,000 
 net, equal to a much larger sum now. Like most of 
 Europe it was forced to use paper money not convert- 
 ible into gold, but a forced legal ten- 
 der. There was little silver and gold. Austria. 
 Brass coin was issued at double its 
 intrinsic value. The state debt was large. The 
 interest was paid in paper or by forced loans. The 
 population was 27,600,000, almost exactly that of 
 France. The army was 300,000 men, including 50,- 
 000 cavalry. 
 
96 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 The emperor, Francis I, dispensed all army and 
 civil appointments. He could crush freedom any- 
 where in Austria. 
 
 Archduke Charles was war minister. He was an 
 able soldier. But the powers of the ministry were 
 mainly held by Count Cobenzl, the vice-chancellor, 
 and Count Colloredo, the emperor's intimate. 
 
 The political robbery of Germany in 1802 had 
 given to Bavaria the " Equestrian Order," knights 
 who held various possessions, long subject only to 
 the emperor. After 1802, till 1806, the German 
 empire had hardly more than nominal existence. 
 The Elector of Bavaria held that these useless 
 knights had become his subjects. He summoned 
 them to meet him at Bamberg. They refused. They 
 appealed to Francis I. He supported their claims. 
 Thus he violated the German settlement of 1802. 
 The Elector appealed in 1804 to Napoleon. Bona- 
 parte then wished to please Francis, so the Elector 
 had to submit. This left the knights under Francis. 
 Francis pretended great amity toward Napoleon, but 
 quietly he was preparing for war against him. Aus- 
 tria complained of the annexation of Genoa, but 
 expressed a wish for the amicable settlement of all the 
 disputes. Austria was playing a double game. 
 
 Talleyrand replied with a complaint of the coalition 
 of Russia with England, and, later, of Austria's dis- 
 trust, and he urged a reduction of its army. 
 
 Francis again insisted on the faith of the Lune- 
 ville treaty ; he referred to French preparations in 
 Italy ; he said he must arm to maintain that treaty 
 and his own security, that he was ready to treat in 
 concert with Russia, that he wanted peace, that 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 97 
 
 France had instigated the princes of the frontier 
 circle [German] to take arms against him. 
 
 The Archduke Charles said Austria lacked means 
 and generals for a war. It was true. 
 
 Before Russia was ready, against the able advice 
 of Charles, who for his common-sense views of mil- 
 itary affairs was driven by Pitt's friends from the 
 head of the Austrian war department, Pitt hurried 
 Austria to the great blunder. Little use for the coun- 
 sel of the able Russian veterans, Kutusoff and Bagra- 
 tion, the marplot Pitt was ahead of even Mack himself 
 to ruin the great campaign in advance of battles. 
 Cobenzl, long head of the peace party, resigned ; 
 Count Ballet-Latour and Prince Schwarzenberg came 
 into power. The change was decisive, the war party 
 had triumphed, Pitt's advice was taken. 
 
 Austria tried to compel Bavaria to join the coalition. 
 The menaced Elector replied: — "On my knees I 
 implore you for permission to remain neutral." 
 
 Austria refused this prayer. It dictated that his 
 troops must be taken into the Austrian army, not 
 even to be a separate army in the coalition. The 
 Elector sought escape from these 
 odious terms which denied the nation- Bavaria, 
 
 ality of the Bavarians. Between dan- 
 gers on both sides the Elector agreed, August 24, to 
 the substance of alliance with France, but fearing the 
 results he delayed to sign it. Austria demanded of 
 him to join his forces with hers September 6 ; but he 
 hastened to Wurtzburg and sent his army into Fran- 
 conia, nearer France where it could join Napoleon 
 easily. 
 
 7 
 
98 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Ill 
 WAR. THE ULM CAMPAIGN. 
 
 THIS war of 1805 was never declared at all. 
 Without waiting for the Russians to arrive, 
 Francis ordered his army to invade Bavaria. Mack, 
 with 80,000 Austrians, crossed the Inn into Bavaria 
 September 8 ; 30,000 more under Archduke John 
 were already in the Tyrol; 55,000 more, to be 
 greatly increased, were under Archduke Charles to 
 attack Massena's 35,000 French in upper Italy. So 
 165,000 Austrians were already in the field, and 116,- 
 000 Russians were advancing by forced marches to join 
 the Austrians in Bavaria ! Where were the French ? 
 But the Russians were still distant; they might not 
 join Austrian Mack in a month. 
 
 What if the French were to confront Mack before 
 the Russians could arrive."* But a week ago the 
 French were in Boulogne, ready to cross the British 
 Channel into England. 
 
 Mack marched right on to Munich ; he arrived two 
 days too late ; the Bavarian army was gone ; it could 
 not be seized and mixed into the Austrian army ; 
 another blunder of Pitt's in treating Bavaria so 
 haughtily. 
 
 Pitt chose Mack to this command. Mack had not 
 been efficient at Naples. Pitt blundered, as usual, 
 for Mack lacked quick perception, ready decision and 
 firm will. Should the great Russian soldier, Kutusoff, 
 arrive in time he could now act but as a second to 
 Mack. But Mack's soul was at the feet of hereditary 
 nothingness which Pitt loved, and for whose benefit 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 99 
 
 Pitt had made this war. A young archduke nothing, 
 Ferdinand, was placed as figure-head above Mack, but 
 Mack was the responsible chief. The emperor Fran- 
 cis joined his army, but quickly retired when he saw 
 how great was the lack of ardor and discipline. Aus- 
 trian soldiers had nothing at stake ; as honest men 
 they did not wish to fight for no good purpose. 
 
 A great statesman would have taken into account 
 the marvelous skill, celerity and secrecy of Napoleon. 
 Pitt omitted all this. Accustomed to the champion 
 dullness of his own king, Pitt could not credit the 
 wonderful military abilities and resources of the 
 French emperor. 
 
 At Boulogne Napoleon had organized his army into 
 corps, divisions and brigades. It was in admirable 
 discipline. This army, the army in Holland, that in 
 Hanover, Bavaria's 24,000, and others from Germany, 
 gave Napoleon about 225,000 available men^ to open 
 the campaign. Yet Pitt, head of the coalition, allowed 
 his chosen Mack to advance with 80,000 Austrians, 
 clear across Bavaria, unsupported, to Ulm, to meet 
 the ablest soldier of all times ! 
 
 Napoleon ordered his armies of Boulogne, of Hol- 
 land, and of Germany, to concentrate in Bavaria. 
 September 23, 1805, he violated^ his new constitu- 
 tion by requiring the subservient Senate to illegally 
 decree levy^ at once of 80,000 conscripts not legally 
 due till 1806. He reorganized the militia (National 
 Guard). 
 
 The four corps from Boulogne crossed the Rhine 
 at and below Strasburg, September 25. Bernadotte 
 with the French armies in Holland and Hanover, and 
 
 1 Lanf rey iii, 30-33. 2 Schlosser vii , 418. ^ Lanf rey iii , 37. 
 
100 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 troops of Darmstadt and Baden, was ordered to push 
 on through Prussia's Ansbach by Eichstadt to Ingold- 
 stadt and Munich, to cut off Mack from Austria. 
 Had he gone by Nuremberg he would have been 
 delayed only from twenty-four to thirty-six hours, and 
 would not have thus insulted the neutrality of Prussia.^ 
 
 A strong point of Napoleon's tactics was to always 
 have superior numbers and force at the assailed part 
 so as to overwhelm the foe at that vital spot. To 
 be strongest at the point of attack, he drew troops 
 freely from other parts, where was less danger of dis- 
 aster. His was the genius of concentrating force ; 
 where most needed there were his ready regiments, 
 his concentrated strength, his best combinations. 
 Whether inferior or superior in numbers to his enemy, 
 he did not expect to defeat them mainly by the attack 
 "all along the line." He did it by finding the vital 
 point and throwing just there sufficient force to win 
 the battle at that point; just there he made his 
 supreme effort; just there his superior celerity 
 brought numbers and bravery so great as to confuse 
 and overwhelm his most powerful adversary; such 
 was his system. Neglect of it at Waterloo, and its 
 use there by Wellington, aided to the defeat of that 
 terrible day. 
 
 He now formed a strong reserve ; every able-bodied 
 man from twenty to sixty years was called ; only 
 those between Geneva and Calais were put into active 
 service; four corps, — 20,000 men, — under Marshal 
 Brune, remained at Boulogne. 
 
 France was uneasy, dissatisfied. Financial panic 
 was coming on. Paris murmured aloud. Dangers 
 
 1 Sohlosaer vii, 417. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 101 
 
 were everywhere. France itself dreaded Napoleon. 
 The army admired him ; there was his strength. But 
 the army was hastening to a foreign war. 
 
 September 26 Napoleon arrived at Strasburg. 
 Mack at Ulm looked direct toward Strasburg for the 
 French. With little more of ability than Pitt, Mack 
 expected the great soldier to march direct on Ulm 
 through the intricacies of the German Black Forest. 
 Murat in the Black Forest confirmed Mack in his 
 opinion. He would fight and defeat the French at 
 the edge of the Forest. Many of the Austrian lower 
 officers knew better than to expect such good for- 
 tune. Charles was right when he said that Austria 
 lacked generals. It did not lack good subalterns or 
 good soldiers. 
 
 From the fourth to sixth of October 180,000 French 
 crossed the Danube. The troops of Baden and Wur- 
 temberg and Bavaria's 24,000 joined the French. Bet- 
 ter that Pitt had granted Bavaria's prayer to be 
 allowed to be neutral. Better that Austria had per- 
 mitted it. Says Sir Walter Scott : — 
 
 "And thus Austria had arranged against her those very German 
 princes whom a moderate conduct toward Bavaria might perhaps 
 have rendered neutral .... France at the outset of the contest 
 scarce having the power to compel them to join her standard." 
 
 From this time [1805] Napoleon made war nour- 
 ish war. His soldiers foraged, robbed, and plundered. 
 Friends did not escape their ravages.^ 
 
 Napoleon intended to overwhelm Mack's army 
 before the Russians could arrive, but he did not 
 expect that Pitt's general would advance away from 
 support, clear across Bavaria. Still Mack was at 
 Ulm. Did he not see his grand error.? Why did he 
 
 1 Napoleon to Eugene, Sept, 22, 1805; Napoleon to Bernadotte, Oct. 2, 1805. 
 
102 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 not retire to Bohemia or to the Inn, to unite with 
 Russian Kutusoff ? Or to John in the Tyrol which 
 is easy to defend? Either course now had its dan- 
 gers. But either was better than to remain at Ulm. 
 The prime object of his advance had ceased with the 
 escape of the Bavarian army. He should hasten to 
 retire to keep connection with Austria, to receive the 
 Russians. 
 
 Bernadotte was marching on Ingoldstadt. He 
 took it. He marched on Munich. He occupied it. 
 Mack Wds thus cut off from Austria and the Rus- 
 sians ; the investment of Uhn was beguM. Poor 
 Mack and Pitt were really astonished at this vigorous 
 strategy. The situation was already very alarming. 
 The Archduke Charles weakened his Austrian army 
 in Italy to send in haste thirty battalions to Mack. 
 This took from Charles the overbalance by which he 
 was to crush the French Marshal Massena in Italy. 
 Why did not Mack then march in haste to meet John 
 and these battalions in the Tyrol ? The i with above 
 1 15,000 men in those mountains, on the flank of the 
 French route down the Danube to Austria, he could 
 have paralyzed Napoleon's mirch on Vienna. Thus 
 could Napoleon have been detained until Mack, John, 
 and Kutusoff had united above Vienna. 
 
 The corps of Marshals Ney, Soult, Lannes, and 
 Murat's cavalry crossed the Danube at Dillingen and 
 Donaworth and penned Mack closer. Still the way 
 to the Tyrol was open. But Mack began to retire 
 into Ulm where food for so great an army was 
 deficient. 
 
 Soult marched on Augsburg. Murat and Lannes 
 advanced to Wertingen where in an action an Aus- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 103 
 
 trian corps lost its cannon and four thousand men. 
 Ney advanced from Stuttgart, attacked the Danube 
 bridges at Gunzberg still nearer to Ulm. Here in a 
 battle Prince Ferdinand lost three thousand Austri- 
 ans and many guns. Almost the entire French army 
 were now between Ulm and Austria. Bavaria and 
 Suabia, so lately seized by Mack, were now held by 
 the French and Bavarians. 
 
 Fugitives bore to Mack the news that Napoleon 
 was at Donaworth, that overwhelming numbers men- 
 aced the Austrians. Gunzburg defeat induced him 
 to draw close around Ulm. The German Schlosser 
 says : — 
 
 •' The issue of these battles was such as to entirely destroy the 
 confidence of the brave Austrian soldiers, driven into Ulm, and their 
 officers of middle rank, in the aristocratic generals by whom they 
 were commanded."^ 
 
 Incapable, high-place men had done it. 
 
 Napoleon's army was officered by men who had 
 won their commands by their own skill and bravery ; 
 it was led by men whose merit had elevated them 
 from the ranks, so it was invincible to an army whose 
 officers gain commands by mere aristocratic birth. 
 
 Ferdinand attacked Dupont's French division north 
 of the Danube at Haslach, not far from Ulm. The 
 Austrians were above 20,000. The battle was fiercely 
 contested. Dupont saw his retreat impossible ; he 
 knew that he wai fighting superior numbers ; his 
 defeat was imminent. He must act decisively. He 
 intrepidly attacked ; and held on till at last aid 
 arrived. The fierce battle continued. The bloody 
 conflict was incessant. Six times the village of Jun- 
 
 » Geschichte, des 18 Jahrh. vii, 420. 
 
104 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 gingen was taken ; six times it was retaken. Finally 
 the Austrians held the bloody ground. They took 
 cannon and baggage, but the defeated French carried 
 off fifteen hundred prisoners. 
 
 Soult advanced from Augsburg, cut to pieces an 
 Austrian regiment, and invested Memingen. This 
 important garrison about five thousand Austrians, ill- 
 fed, not interested in royalty's war, surrendered. 
 Next day Soult hastened with three divisions to 
 Biberich to bar the open road to upper Suabia. His 
 fourth division took post before Ulm to the south- 
 east with Lannes' and Marmont's corps. 
 
 With the Imperial Guard Napoleon advanced from 
 Augsburg to Burgau, while Ney on the north com- 
 pleted the circle. The Austrians fighting for their 
 masters, were surrounded by the French fighting for 
 the new tyranny. Neither Austrians nor French 
 could expect good from it. The Bavarians fought for 
 their own invaded country. 
 
 The autumn weather was severe ; snow was falling 
 in large flakes. The French soldiers, loaded with 
 their arms and several days' provisions, toiled over 
 rough, muddy roads. Napoleon formed a mass of 
 private soldiers around him and described to them the 
 situation and prospects of the campaign. He thanked 
 them for their endurance ; he described Mack's situ- 
 ation, cut off from Austria, surrounded, obliged to 
 fight for a chance of escape ; he promised them victory 
 if they continued to act with resolution and constancy. 
 This speech, then characteristic of French armies, 
 was loudly applauded by the soldiers. 
 
 In Ulm opinion was divided. The best plan was 
 to try in force to break through the French and join 
 

 NAPOLEON AND HIS SON: 1814. 
 
 
 HIS SOLDIERS FORAGED, ROBBED AND PLUNDERED." 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 105 
 
 the Russians in Bohemia, or John in the Tyrol. 
 Again patriotism was sacrificed to a noble. Arch- 
 duke Ferninand was of little value as a soldier. Bet- 
 ter for Austria could it have retired his whole class 
 and filled their places with men from lower social 
 position. The silly idea that he must be saved pre- 
 vailed. The army was divided. Ferdinand with 
 three divisions, followed by Warneck with two divis- 
 ions, marched away, passed the French blockade and 
 Warneck got a start of the French. This fact shows 
 that Mack, with his whole army, could still have 
 broken away. 
 
 Early on October 14, Napoleon on a height was 
 watching the advancing line of outpost fire. Sud- 
 denly a violent cannonade thundered away on his 
 right. It was Ney with 16,000 men attacking Elchin- 
 gen ; 15,000 Austrians under Lander were in that 
 elevated, strong position. The village of stone houses 
 rises like an ampitheater from the Danube to a vast 
 convent that crowns the summit. 
 
 At every point cannon flashed and thundered down 
 upon the French. The windows blazed with Aus- 
 tria musketry. 
 
 Ney attacked with tremendous energy and intrep- 
 idity. The French hurled the Austrian outposts on 
 the north bank pell-mell across the bridge ; hotly pur- 
 sued them up the steep streets where the plungmg 
 fire from the top of battlements, and a blaze of 
 enfilading fire from an abbey tore through the French 
 ranks and threatened to sweep down every man. 
 Fresh assailants arrived ; a desperate conflict went on 
 in front of a wood held with terrible firmness by the 
 Austrians ; fragments of regiments held their ground 
 
106 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 desperately after three out of every four had fallen. 
 French cavalry crossed the bridge ; they were making 
 their way around the Austrian rear to isolate them ; 
 more French infantry were arriving and i)lunging into 
 the terrible fight. At last the terriffic combat ended ; 
 the Austrians retired ; the French had won the 
 bloody hill. The losses of both were heavy. From this 
 frightful action came Ney's title, " Duke of Elchingen." 
 
 One division of Austrians made a feint of advanc- 
 ing toward Biberach, while Werneck with another 
 moved on Albeck and Herdenheim and fell with supe- 
 rior force on Dupont's division, already so severely 
 weakened at Haslach. Murat arrived in force with 
 cavalry, and the Austrians were driven toward Her- 
 denheim. Next day Murat assailed them again and 
 took eighteen hundred prisoners. Ferdinand returned 
 from his feint toward Biberach; he joined Werneck 
 and tried to force his way through the French. But 
 this archduke, whose only chance was in celerity, 
 incumbered his light troops with five hundred heavily 
 laden wagons ; a corporal could have advised him 
 better ; these wagons, with their escort, were quickly 
 captured by French cavalry; then this stupid hered- 
 ity abandoned his infantry and ran away with the 
 light horsemen in the night. With good soldiers, led 
 by such generals, Pitt and George III expected to 
 crush the best troops in Europe led by the greatest 
 soldier of history ! Yet men existed who called Pitt 
 a statesman ! 
 
 The French pursued with vigor and celerity over 
 very bad roads in bad weather, and surmounted every 
 obstacle. The archduke saved his worthless person 
 at the expense of loss of his troops. It was only 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 107 
 
 with a few hundred^ out of his great divisions that he 
 escaped ; 10,000 of his soldiers,^ fatigued, hungry 
 and deserted by this hereditary unworthy, surrendered 
 October 18. 
 
 Ulm lies in a valley, overhung by the heights of 
 Michelsberg and La Tuileries, which, on the other 
 side of the Danube, command every part of it. Ney 
 took Michelsberg. Sachet took La Tuileries. The 
 French guns began October 19, 1805, to throw shells 
 from these heights, carrying terror to every part of 
 Ulm. 
 
 Napoleon summoned Mack to surrender. Mack 
 refused and expressed great indignation at the sum- 
 mons. He insisted that the Russians were within 
 five days' march. Finally he proposed to capitulate 
 if in eight days he was not relieved. Napoleon 
 accepted with the condition that the eight days com- 
 mence from October 17. This would reduce the 
 time to six days. " Eight days or death," replied 
 Mack. But on further information Mack agreed to 
 surrender on October 25, if not sooner relieved. 
 
 Every day to Napoleon was precious. He felt the 
 burden of maintaining his army without magazines 
 and at a single point. He sent for Mack. He com- 
 pletely bewildered Mack by a recital of his great dis- 
 asters, the impossibility of escape to the Tyrol, or the 
 arrival of the Russian army ; he urged that it would 
 be cruel and useless to expose the Austrians and the 
 citizens of Ulm to the want and the sufferings of war 
 for the eight days. Mack's higher officers seemed to 
 expect a surrender ; a large park of artillery and bag- 
 gage at Bopfingen was taken ; Mack was confused ; 
 
 1 Alison 11, 315. « Bourrienne ii, 297. 
 
108 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 he consented to cut short this time already agreed 
 on ; and October 20, 33,000 Austrians and eighteen 
 generals marched out past Napoleon, laid down their 
 arms and forty stands of colors, and delivered up 
 sixty cannon. 
 
 Napoleon, surrounded by a numerous and brilliant 
 staff, stood before a bivouac fire on a rocky eminence 
 north of the city, and for five hours this immense 
 array defiled before him. 
 
 Napoleon addressed their leaders : — 
 
 " War has its chances. Often victorious, you must expect some- 
 times to be vanquished. Your master wages against me an unjust 
 war. I say it candidly, I know not for what I am fighting : I know 
 not what he desires of me. He has wished to remind me that I was 
 once a soldier ; I trust he will find that I have not forgotten my orig- 
 inal avocation. I will, however, give one piece of advice to my 
 brother, the Emperor of Germany, that he hasten to make peace : 
 it is the moment to remember that all empires have their limit. The 
 idea that the end of the house of Lorraine may arrive should alarm 
 him. 
 
 "I want nothing on the continent ; it is ships, colonies, commerce 
 that I desire, and they to you would be advantageous as well as to 
 us." 
 
 Thus spoke Napoleon, October 20, 1805. The 
 very next day the empire of the seas was decided by 
 the tremendous battle of Trafalgar. On that day, 
 eight years later, Napoleon was himself flying from 
 the great disaster to his arms inflicted at Leipsic. 
 
 Napoleon released the Austrian officers on parole. 
 The private soldiers were marched to France and dis- 
 tributed among farms to replace conscripts withdrawn 
 from labor.^ This experiment was successful. 
 
 Mack's surrender freed Napoleon's army so that it 
 could advance against Austria. 
 
 ' Scott's Bonaparte, 74. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
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no UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 An Austria court-martial afterward sentenced Mack 
 to lose all honors, dignities, and positions. He was 
 
 not pardoned till 1815. 
 
 IV 
 
 THE GREATEST OF NAVAL BATTLES. 
 
 I HAVE carefully examined among the treasured 
 manuscripts preserved by the British govern- 
 ment the original rude drawing that Nelson made of 
 his mode of attack at the battle of the 
 Trafalgar. Nile, by which he explained to his 
 commanders how to attack at Trafal- 
 gar. It was to sail in two columns into Villeneuve's 
 line so as to cut off both from his right and left six or 
 seven ships, and thus give use for every British cannon 
 in both broadsides at once, while the twelve or fourteen 
 ships cut off could bring but one broadside to bear. 
 
 Russell finds, according to James, the vessels at 
 Trafalgar rated in cannon, British, 2,336; French, 
 1,636; Spanish, 1,270; the enormous aggregate of 
 5,242 ! But they carried, British, 2,542 ; French, 
 1,736; Spanish, 1,306, a total of 5,584! Nearly 
 twelve times the 466 which Napoleon, Wellington 
 and Bliicher used in all at Waterloo ! 
 
 Since Chaos the world has seen but one Trafalgar ; 
 most massive of all great battles ; but one grand 
 aggregate of gigantic battling ships so vastly colos- 
 sal ; of forests of great masts and spars, and rigging 
 so immense ; of clouds of broad sweeping sails so 
 extensive. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. IH 
 
 Trafalgar thundered more stupendous, more fright- 
 ful crashes of heavy cannon fire than earth had ever 
 heard ; larger volumes of blazing sulphur smoke 
 infernal than had ever rolled over battle. 
 
 It had a spectacular sublimity, a luxuriant magnif- 
 icence of horror, a splendor satanic, far exceeding 
 anything man may expect again to behold. 
 
 Vice-admiral Villeneuve commanded the two enor- 
 mous, terrible fleets of France and Spain, thirty-three 
 monster ships of the line, beside several frigates. 
 The Spanish " Santa Trinidad," four decker, alone 
 carried a hundred and thirty heavy cannon, and 
 alone threw a heavier weight of shot at every dis- 
 charge than all of Wellington's one hundred and 
 eighty field cannon at famous Waterloo. 
 
 Admiral Horatio Nelson, greatest of sea warriors, 
 nothing but a seaman and sea fighter, commanded 
 the truly Titanic British fleet, twenty-seven ships of 
 the line and four frigates. 
 
 A single one of these mighty ships of the line 
 under peaceful sail was alone a grand spectacle. 
 They carried each from seventy-four to one hundred 
 and twenty of the largest cannon of the time, much 
 larger than army field cannon. They were wonderful 
 ocean fortresses, now forever gone, that in stately 
 majesty far exceeded all other ships the world had 
 seen. Two hostile war fleets each so prodigious had 
 never met and fought. Sixty four sailing mountains ; 
 above five thousand more cannon than at Waterloo. 
 No wonder its collision shook the world. It was one 
 of the greatest wonders of that wonderful, warring age, 
 a spectacle indescribably majestic. It was terrible. 
 
112 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Waterloo's cannonade was tremendous, terriffic, 
 but far inferior to Trafalgar's massive explosions. 
 Thirty rounds for every one of Napoleon's and Wel- 
 lington's four hundred and twenty-six cannon and the 
 forty used by Bliicher at Waterloo would hardly load 
 Trafalgar's cannon once. 
 
 Nelson, but a fragment of a man, with but one arm, 
 a Cyclops with but one eye, so small that the blue, 
 four-starred coat in which he was killed — which I 
 have examined at Greenwich — looks too small for a 
 large boy, was a more powerful, a more effective war- 
 rior than all the mighty Achilles and great Hectors 
 of old Homer. 
 
 At daybreak, October 21, 1805, Nelson saw Napo- 
 leon's whole allied fleet about twelve miles off, in a 
 vast semicircle, ready for the great conflict for ocean 
 supremacy of the world. Villeneuve's order of bat- 
 tle was strong. Plainly he was a great commander. 
 But Napoleon, never great in naval affairs, had, 
 against the advice of his minister of marine, Decres, 
 and remonstrances of his admirals, and against Vil- 
 leneuve's better judgment, by threat of removal and 
 disgrace goaded him into this great battle. 
 
 Villeneuve's enormous first line was twenty-one 
 ships, alone a stronger force than man had ever yet 
 attacked at sea. Twelve more ships were the second 
 line to fire double and triple broadsides through 
 openings in the front line. In all he had 3,042 
 cannon. 
 
 Napoleon's highest tactical skill was displayed at 
 Ulm and at Austerlitz. Studying those famous plans, 
 I fail to see how in either he exceeded the skill with 
 which Villeneuve planned Trafalgar. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 113 
 
 Abler sea warriors than Nelson and Villeneuve 
 never crossed cannon shot. Now came the grand 
 contest of the greatest masters of naval war for 
 supermastery. 
 
 Intrepid Nelson ordered the most superb assault, 
 the onset at once of his entire fleet in two grand col- 
 umns. It is the grandest charge of all history. 
 Compared with it the great charge of the Old Guard 
 at Wagram loses in importance and in spectacle, 
 Valmy becomes a skirmish, and Lodi almost a trifle. 
 It was extreme intrepidity ; but only audacious daring 
 could hope for victory over an enemy more formidable 
 than man had ever fought on the ocean. 
 
 Nelson's plan was to break Villeneuve's line in two 
 places at once and quickly bring every British ship 
 and every one of his 2,542 cannon ^ into close action. 
 
 Collingwood on the right in the " Royal Sover- 
 eign " led the first column, fourteen ships against 
 Villeneuve's left. 
 
 Nelson in the " Victory " led all the rest against 
 the allied right. At his masthead Nelson showed the 
 famous signal : — 
 
 " England expects that every man will do his duty.'' 
 
 The silence of expectation which precedes the first 
 crash of battle is thrilling ; I have seen the bravest 
 men then turn pale who never paled in the midst of 
 fierce conflict itself. The uncertainty, the deep sense 
 of death's coming havoc, the wide opening of eterni- 
 ty's doors to receive your comrades and friends, these 
 stern realities press dread upon the soul. All was 
 this awful stillness as the two great columns came 
 forward, so superb, so terrible. 
 
 1 Russell & Jacques' Xelson. 
 
114 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Collingwood's ship was a fast sailer. Far ahead of 
 his own grand column that daring man, with only his 
 own ship sailed into the tremendous conflict with all 
 sails set. It was a gallant sight. " See how that 
 brave fellow takes his ship into action," exclaimed 
 Nelson. 
 
 Instantly the enemy broke the awful silence with 
 the explosion of a thousand cannon, and the unearthly 
 shrieks and screams and crash of many tons of flying 
 missiles. Yet the intrepid hero sailed his ship 
 grandly alone right into the hostile embrace of the 
 enemy's cannon-blazing line. 
 
 He attacked thirty-three times his own number! 
 Where, even in fable of Trojan classic story, is the 
 equal of this intrepidity of real life .-* 
 
 Probably this superb daring was dictated by his 
 cool judgment, for this brave man "never permitted 
 his ardent courage to outrun his cool judgment ;" he 
 was "at once firm and mild in command."^ He 
 knew that ocean's great empire was at stake ; he 
 meant to win. 
 
 Eagerly Nelson crowded all sail. At long range 
 single shots were fired at his ship, the enemy were 
 getting the range. As he came nearer a single shot 
 went through his sail ; they had got the range. 
 
 Then a moment of awful suspense ; the foe were 
 taking aim. Then flashed from their right wing, tre- 
 mendous volumes of fire and battle smoke ; two thou- 
 sand cannon thundered ; frightful tornadoes of deadly 
 missiles howled and shrieked in the air like wild 
 screams of frantic demons. 
 
 Both British columns sailed into closest action, 
 
 1 Chamber's Cyclopedia. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 115 
 
 War in its wildest, grandest act was played by 
 Cyclopean ships on Titanic stage. 
 
 Then the terrific battle was superbly appalling, 
 magnificently awful. Five thousand cannon were at 
 once blazing with red death fire. The tremendous 
 crash of two thousand heavy guns on one side was 
 instantly answered by the roar and flame of more 
 than two thousand on the other, while still a thousand 
 more swelled that stupendous concussion as if worlds 
 had come into crashing collision of universal destruc- 
 tion. Then flamed the heaviest masses of continuous 
 cannon fire, from double the whole number of guns 
 carried by the famous Spanish Armada of 1588, from 
 more than forty times those of Lake Erie of 18 13. 
 
 Any one of these sixty-four ships could have 
 defeated all the fleets of both Greeks and Persians at 
 Salamis the famous, whose fighting glory has rung 
 down to us through almost twenty-four centuries. 
 The bombardment of Port Royal in 1861, witnessed 
 by the writer, was of grandeur indescribable, yet at 
 Trafalgar blazed and thundered fifteen times the 
 number of Port Royal's heavy guns. 
 
 At Trafalgar, incomparable in the infernal, great 
 broadsides, forty to sixty cannon almost touched 
 muzzles as each sent its smashing cyclone of shot full 
 into the other's bosom. One broadside from Colling- 
 wood's ship struck down four hundred Spaniards on 
 the " Santa Anna." 
 
 Many men were destroyed, blown to atoms ; masts 
 were shivered ; ships were shattered ; volcanoes of pro- 
 jectiles crashed through vessels ; more than Plutonian 
 volumes of battle smoke filled all space and nearly 
 suffocated Nelson's men on his own ship. I have 
 
116 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 witnessed in battle a frigate before it had fired two 
 minutes, completely hide herself from sight by her own 
 dense battle smoke, through which I could still see 
 the streaming of her long flashes of cannon fire ; 
 imagine then the somber effect of a hundred times 
 her number of constantly flaming cannon. 
 
 On the French ship " Redoutable " six hundred 
 men were shot. Every instant ships were torn and 
 retorn. 
 
 In this jubilee of devastation the great Spanish 
 ship, "Achilles," took fire and was quickly wrapped in 
 flames ; her men were burning alive. Then she blew 
 up with tremendous crash and concussion, flinging 
 her very guns, her masts and timbers at her foes. 
 The waves quickly closed over the fatal spot where 
 the now vanished ship a moment before existed. 
 
 Ship after ship of Napoleon's great fleet struck her 
 flag. The battle was dying away with his fleet which 
 was terribly shattered. 
 
 The spectacle was frightful. Nineteen of the 
 largest ships in the world, carrying over fifteen 
 hundred cannon, lay helpless, ragged, and crippled 
 wrecks in mingled confusion with their British 
 conquerors. 
 
 Ruin was everywhere. Everything was battered, 
 smashed, splintered, blackened. Everywhere lay or 
 crawled mutilated, crippled, powder-stained creatures, 
 lately strong men, now bleeding, suffering, wishing 
 themselves dead. Everywhere lay torn bodies, frag- 
 ments of men. 
 
 Nelson was dying ; Magon, French vice-admiral, 
 was dead ; Spanish Admiral Alava was mortally 
 wounded. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 117 
 
 Villeneuve was a prisoner and longed for death. 
 He afterward killed himself for chagrin at Napoleon's 
 injustice to him. He died for Napoleon's fault. 
 
 Spanish Vice-admiral Gravina. with nine Spanish 
 ships, sailed off for Cadiz. French Vice-admiral 
 Dumanoir, with but four French ships, crowded sail, 
 pouring in broadsides as he past. In the confusion 
 of friend and foe he fired into Spanish surrendered 
 ships as well as into British ; this was remembered 
 with bitterness by Spa,in. 
 
 The next day nature, too, was furious. A wild 
 storm raged. The damaged British could not keep 
 in tow their battered prizes nor repair them to stand 
 the fearful gale. Many sank or were driven on the 
 coast or were scuttled by the victors. Only four 
 were brought into port at Gibraltar. One retaken 
 by prisoners reached Cadiz. French frigates retook 
 two others. 
 
 Tall ships, shivered, staggering from the avenging 
 thunders of man's cannon to the vengeance of God, 
 went to their doom in the wild tornado, sank to quiet 
 rest forever in the deep sea. 
 
 The British ship " Indomptable " made terrible 
 wreck in which a thousand British and their prisoners 
 perished. 
 
 The British ship " Swiftsure," captured by the 
 French, was sunk by British cannonade. 
 
 Fourteen colossal ships had gone under the waves. 
 
 This, the greatest of naval victories, gave the 
 British 20,000 prisoners, including soldiers on the 
 ships. Less in number, they were of far greater 
 value in the war than the 33,000 Austrians that 
 Napoleon took but one day earlier at Ulm, for Napo- 
 
118 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 leon could not easily replace his lost seamen, his 
 trained sailors. 
 
 Dumanoir hoped to escape into Rochfort or Brest. 
 But he met Strachan's fresh British fleet which 
 chased him two days and forced him to fight in his 
 crippled condition. His four battered ships made 
 four hours of battle against eight fresh British ships, 
 lost 750 men killed and wounded, and then were 
 taken. 
 
 In both battles Napoleon lost twenty first-class 
 ships, nearly two thousand cannon, and vast stores. 
 Several of his thirteen ships that escaped were dis- 
 abled from service. His number of killed and 
 wounded is large. 
 
 Spanish and French admirals said their ships were 
 badly equipped and some of their men untrained at 
 sea, that they were not prepared to fight. It is 
 Napoleon himself who is responsible for his great 
 disaster. 
 
 Because England refused to yield him Malta as 
 agreed in 1803 was Napoleon's main pretext for the 
 war. Now that Trafalgar gave England control of 
 the route to Malta, its recovery by France was hope- 
 less, and the war might well have ended. Napoleon 
 could conquer stupid hereditary leaders but not Nel- 
 son, the village clergyman's son, nor Collingwood, a 
 sailor from his tenth year of age. 
 
 Trafalgar was a blow from which Napoleon's navy 
 never recovered ; Great Britain ruled the seas ; his 
 invasion of England was made impossible. England 
 passed from great alarm to confidence. America 
 was made safe from Napoleon. 
 
 Trafalgar seems to be the great decisive battle of 
 
UNITED STATES ANU EUROPE. 119 
 
 modern times. On what battle since Hastings in 
 1066, or Tours in 732, have hung interests so wide 
 'and momentous? Not on Waterloo, for had Napo- 
 leon won Waterloo, the great Russian, Austrian, and 
 German on-coming armies must have overthrown him 
 a few weeks later. Not alone Britain, France, and 
 Spain, but all the world had something of our des- 
 tiny at stake in dread Trafalgar. Its victor was to 
 rule the seas for a generation. 
 
 Had Trafalgar's great decision been completely 
 reversed, the French and Spanish fleet intact, and 
 the British navy as crippled as was that of France 
 and Spain, then Napoleon would have controlled the 
 naval resources of France, Spain, Portugal, Holland, 
 Denmark, Prussia, all Germany, Italy, Naples, and 
 Genoa, and, probably, those of Russia, Sweden, and 
 his ally, Turkey, — every war vessel of the entire con- 
 tinent. And that man who, during the brief, only 
 time the Atlantic was ever open to him, sent in 1802 
 40,000 French veterans to not only suppress liberty, 
 but to actually restore slavery itself in St. Domingo, 
 could, with far greater incentive, send a vastly larger 
 force to attempt the conquest of the United States. 
 
 Let him who doubts that, hoping to be emperor of 
 two hemispheres, Napoleon would have attempted it, 
 point out a single instance where he ever missed a 
 chance to conquer and possess, right or wrong ? 
 
 Napoleon had just said at Ulm, only one day before 
 Trafalgar, " It is ships, colonies, commerce that I 
 want." Conquest of America could give him these. 
 But Trafalgar denied them to him, barred him from 
 world-wide power. 
 
 Forty-two days after Trafalgar Napoleon humbled 
 
120 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Austria and Russia at Austerlitz ; less thaa a year 
 later he overran Prussia. The Peace of Tilsit, July 
 7, 1807, saw him ruling or allied with every country 
 of the continent except Sweden, Austria, and Portu- 
 gal, and with these he was at peace or semi-alliance. 
 Only Great Britain, the sea power, withstood him. 
 Had he conquered the British navy, then many 
 Spanish and Portuguese colonies of both Americas 
 and the West Indies must have fallen with Spain 
 and Portugal to Napoleon ia 1808, and the British 
 Peninsula war could never have been. 
 
 Napoleon did not like republics ; he destroyed sev- 
 eral ; he never omitted to oppress liberty. France 
 asked "tribute" of America in 17^^, Napoleon freely 
 robbed our commerce, seized our vessels. He said 
 to our minister in 18 10 that small pretext would 
 "make me seize all the American marine if I could." 
 In 18 10 he ordered his brother Louis, king of Hol- 
 land, to rob American ships and cargoes, and quar- 
 relled with him because Louis did not do the robbery 
 more effectually, and then did the foul deed himself 
 in Holland. Napoleon expressly uses the word 
 "American" in that wicked correspondence. His 
 minister, Fouche, then only second to Napoleon in 
 French power, had, in 1810, an elaborate plan for the 
 conquest of the United States to be attempted on 
 making peace with England. But England was 
 unwilling. How far Napoleon instigated that plan 
 is, of course, unknown, the blunders of both himself 
 and Fouche exposed the plan. His sending Fouch^ 
 to Dalmatia does not prove that it was not Napo- 
 leon's own plan, that his anger was for anything 
 but its miscarriage by England's ill-reception of it 
 
WRECK OF THE INDOMPTABLE ON SPANISH COAST. 
 
 HORATIO, VISCOUNT NELSON. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 121 
 
 and its exposure to the world ; he never published 
 his plans in advance of their action, but he executed 
 them before the victim country could learn of their 
 existence and prepare against them. 
 
 Friendship could not restrain Napoleon, he hardly 
 knew the sentiment ; he had no capacity to be a 
 friend for friendship's sake. Charles IV of Spain 
 was his devoted, slavish friend, yet in 1808 he de- 
 throned Cliarles and seized Spain ; the Czar, Alex- 
 ander, was his fervent friend, but Nipoleon wasted 
 400,000 human lives to invade Russia in 18 12. 
 Turkey was his friend and ally, yet at Tilsit in 
 1807 he sold to Russia the privilege of conquering 
 Turkey's Roumania. 
 
 It was with troops drawn from sixteen countries 
 that he invaded Russia in 18 12. With Trafalgar 
 reversed he could after Austerlitz of 1805, or Tilsit 
 of 1807, have invaded America with vast armies 
 from many lands. He could have landed in America 
 many times the effective veteran troops that England 
 ever sent against us in any war. 
 
 While Napoleon was emperor America had little 
 money, few manufactures ; our own embargo and the 
 war in Europe had caused our ocean carrying trade 
 to be mainly between foreign lands ; our vessels staid 
 abroad for years; we had m^re vestige of an army ; a 
 very small navy; not a single first-class war ship. 
 Had America resisted with the greatest desperation, 
 as did Spain, yet such a war would have been ruinous. 
 
 England insulted our commerce, but she employed 
 it profitably to our ship owners ; she barbarously 
 impressed our seamen, but she barred Napoleon from 
 access to our country. 
 
122 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Great Britain was tiien far from being the British 
 semi-republic of today ; but her semi-free speech and 
 half-free press, even under Pitt's gag laws, her guar- 
 antee to citizens of rights which British laws and 
 British juries would maintain enraged Napoleon ; he 
 hated England for her liberties, which the French 
 might wish to imitate again ; he wished to destroy 
 this menace to his absolutism. 
 
 How much less then would he have tolerated our 
 larger American liberty and our elective republic, if 
 access to it had been open ? 
 
 Conquest offered also the American-European 
 trade which in 1801 and since 18 15 has been and 
 is the richest trade in the world. 
 
 Southey says : — 
 
 " The death of Nelson was felt in England as something more than 
 a public calamity; men started at the intelligence, and turned pale, 
 as if they had heard of the loss of a dear friend. An object of 
 our admiration and affection, of our pride and our hopes, was sud- 
 denly taken from us, and it seemed as if we had never till then known 
 how deeply we loved and reverenced him." ^ 
 
 V 
 
 PRUSSIA then small, began to rise in power under 
 Frederic William of Brandenburg, the great 
 Elector. He found it in 1640, in social and financial 
 misery. He freed it from depen- 
 prussia. dence on Poland, regulated the fi- 
 
 ances, raised an army of 25,000 men, 
 and, despite of disastrous war, more than tripled its 
 area. He received 20,000 Protestant French exiles, 
 
 'Life of Nelson. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 123 
 
 aided industrial arts, and constructed canals. He 
 left a full treasury, a fine army of 38,000 men, a 
 population of about 1,500,000, and an area of 42,000 
 square miles. 
 
 His successor, Frederic HI, was greedy for aggran- 
 dizement, admired Louis XIV of France whose pomp 
 he imitated to the distress of his then poor country. 
 He lent 6,000 soldiers, under the famous Schomberg, 
 to William of Orange for his expedition to England 
 in 1668. He traded the services of his troops to the 
 emperor of Germany for the title of king, as Fred- 
 eric I of Prussia [January 18, I/O/]. Next Frederic 
 William reigned from 1713 to 1740. That eccentric, 
 brutal, and partly insane king liked tall soldiers ; he 
 used flagrant outrages to kidnap tall men and force 
 them into his service. He was despotic, fond of 
 military drilling, averse to mental cultivation, and he 
 liked illiterate and low society. He held the utmost 
 ideas of his own arbitrary power and divine author- 
 ity and made his people suffer. He left a well- 
 drilled army, a treasury of 9,030,000 thalers, a people 
 more than 2,240,000, and an area of 45,000 square 
 miles. Frederic H (the Great) ruled from 1740 to 
 1786, raised Prussia to rank as a great power, and 
 favored agriculture, trade, and commerce, but his 
 wars scourged all central Europe. The " Seven 
 Years' War," begun in 1756, crippled all the powers 
 engaged in it, and caused widespread suffering. He 
 left a powerful, strongly organized kingdom, one-half 
 larger in area than he found it, an army of 200,000 
 men, and a full treasury. Religion was free ; so was 
 the press : order and property were secure. His 
 reliance was his army and his money. 
 
124 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 His nephew and successor, Frederic William II, in 
 his reign of eleven years, from 1786 to 1797, ex- 
 hausted the surplus of 70,000,000 thalers left by- 
 Frederic II, and left the state 22,000,000 thalers in 
 debt. His fondness for improper favorites, his strict 
 censorship of the press, and his stringent church laws 
 offended his people. By the second partition of 
 Poland in 1793, and by other means, Prussia was 
 increased by more than 46,000 square miles and 
 2,500,000 people. 
 
 Frederic William III came to the throne in 1797 
 at the age of twenty-seven years. I call attention to 
 him here as he reigned till 1840. He dismissed his 
 father's bad favorites. He lacked ability and fairness, 
 was greedy, unscrupulous, and unworthy of that brave 
 and honorable nation. He usually had able minis- 
 ters, but his meddling with the public business caused 
 great disaster. Had he let politics alone, like Queen 
 Victoria, it would have been far better for Prussia. 
 
 Since the war against France in 1792, Prussia had 
 wisely preserved a wary neutrality and had prospered 
 by it. It was then good statesmanship. All Europe 
 took offense at Prussia's efforts to avoid giving 
 offense. It has been the fashion to decry it. Against 
 this verdict I protest that injustice has been done to 
 the Prussians. The king deserves all censure, but 
 his people, the real Prussians, until 1804, set a better 
 example than their enemies were ready to follow. 
 After 1804, Prussia's policy was bad because its king 
 made it bad. The Haugwitz ministry, which the 
 great Von Stein, the leader in the later awakening of 
 Germany, entered in 1804, was the ablest in Europe 
 outside of France. Had its counsels been acted on 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 125 
 
 the great coalition war of 1805 would not have 
 occurred. Prussia's mistake during that war was 
 very great, but less than Pitt's and Russia's and Aus- 
 tria's mistake of beginning that war without Prussia. 
 She became simply the victim of Pitt's great blunder. 
 Had Europe taken Maugwitz advice then the tremen- 
 dous disasters of Ulm and Austerlitz would never 
 have been. Haugwitz used prudence — a high qual- 
 ity not less valuable than bravery, far better than 
 Pitt's temerity — and for this wisdom in avoiding 
 war, Prussia has been censured by many writers. 
 Austria had repeatedly fought the French and had 
 lost Italy; Prussia had kept the peace and had gained 
 in extent and in prosperity. Prussia saw this situa- 
 tion with secret pleasure, for Austria was her old 
 rival. Till 1805 peace was wisdom, it served Prus- 
 sia and served her well, but in the war of the autumn 
 of 1805 the situation had changed, peace had become 
 fatal, and the king had not the wisdom and resolu- 
 tion to change his policy to suit the new conditions. 
 
 The people had good motive in desiring peace, the 
 king's motives were less good. He wanted more 
 dominion. He was ready to allow Napoleon to seize 
 German states or German dominions in the south, 
 provided Napoleon would permit him to snatch 
 domains from north German states. He desired to 
 be the co-despoiler of weaker states. To gain Napo- 
 leon's aid in such plundering, he had flattered and 
 aided him ; he had persuaded William of Orange, the 
 Dutch Stadtholder, to recognize the Batavian republic 
 (Holland), which allowed it to remain under Napo- 
 leon's control ; he recognized the Italian republics 
 and the kingdom of Etruria (Tuscany) ; he omitted to 
 
126 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 protest against union of Piedmont with France. In 
 1802 Napoleon rewarded his subserviency by allowing 
 him to seize Hildesheim, Paderborn, Munster, and 
 other territory, nearly four thousand square miles 
 and half a million people, and to imagine himself pro- 
 tector of neutral north Germany. 
 
 While the ministry kept peace with France and 
 the king stole his neighbor's territory, the good Prus- 
 sians were prospering antl increasing in numbers ; 
 the ruinous war expenses of other nations increased 
 the sale and profits of Prussian products ; German 
 trade came to them ; their neutral navigation was 
 profitable ; the people were on the high road to 
 wealth ; the population of 7,000,000 in 1786 had 
 become 9,500,000 in 1804; order, economy, and wis- 
 dom pervaded the state ; in few countries were the 
 expenses of State so moderate. The Prussians had 
 much yet to do to improve their condition, and they 
 were doing it with manly energy. 
 
 The Prussian army was nearly 200,000 men, a good 
 army made up of good men, but as there was no pro- 
 motion from the ranks for military merit, the leaders 
 were hereditary incapables, a great weakness should 
 it ever meet the French, to whom the Republic had 
 given the chance for good soldiers to rise from the 
 lowest to the highest places. 
 
 Strict suppression of freedom of the press left 
 little chance for a pronounced type of the people's 
 opinion on public affairs. 
 
 Apprehensive of a coalition against him in 1802-4, 
 Bonaparte tried to draw closer the ties between 
 France and Prussia. But as co-operation with that 
 willful man would be simply to surrender Prussia to 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 127 
 
 his dictation, the ministry could not consent. It did 
 not wish to provoke war with him, so it temporized. 
 What else could it do ? Alliance with France would 
 be but peaceful conquest by France as had occurred 
 with Holland, Switzerland, Naples, Piedmont, Genoa, 
 and Tuscany; to oppose France would bring war with 
 Napoleon who could brook no opposition, as it 
 brought war to Russia and Austria. No power of 
 Europe could be simply Napoleon's peaceful friend, 
 he would compel all to take part in his wars either 
 for or against him. 
 
 Several attempts of Napoleon to overreach Prussia 
 in German affairs, the division of so much German 
 territory in 1802-3, his aggrandizement there of the 
 rulers of Bavaria, Baden, and Wurtemberg, the giving 
 a German duchy to Murat with the addition of terri- 
 tory claimed by Prussia, and many other annoyances 
 by Napoleon ^ had shaken Prussian friendship and 
 strengthened the anti-French Hardenberg party 
 against the Haugwitz French sympathizers. A sen- 
 timental interview in 1802 between the king and Czar 
 Alexander had resulted in their swearing a mutual 
 personal friendship. 
 
 When in 1805 Napoleon foresaw the third coalition 
 war he tried to secure the alliance or at least the 
 neutrality of Prussia. 
 
 He wanted to make of Prussia a barrier against the 
 march of Russian troops against the French in north 
 Germany, the very region where he had most wounded 
 the pride and the hopes of the king. After much 
 negotiation the king promised for himself and for 
 Russia that no such Russian march should occur. 
 
 ^Tfapoieon ruled the "Confederation of the Rhine." 
 
128 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 But Russia's consent had not been obtained, the Czar 
 was preparing to advance against Napoleon. 
 
 At the Prussian court party feehng ran very high 
 between the Haugwitz and the Hardenberg parties. 
 All was excitement. The dull king, dazed, unde- 
 cided, knew not what to do next. The Hardenberg 
 party was gaining ; the king favored both sides and 
 neither side. Ncpoleon threw in a bait by declaring 
 his intention to augment Prussia. This would suit 
 the king. But for a time the court's patriotism tri- 
 umphed over the king's greed for acquisition. What 
 would it avail for Prussia to be augmented if all 
 Prussia were to be dominated by Napoleon ? The 
 other party drove Haugwitz from the ministry and 
 from Berlin ; Hardenberg came into power. 
 
 Hardenberg was a man of pleasure, a voluptuary,^ 
 a disbeliever in the rights of the people, was on the 
 side of old abuses, saw no visions of a regenerated 
 Prussia, no improving of the army, no training of 
 Prussia's forces into an irresistible power : all those 
 great ideas that have made Germany and Prussia the 
 great Germany and Prussia of today, except the con- 
 centration of power, he left to the far greater men, 
 Von Stein, Scharnhorst, and the gay, lively, enthusi- 
 astic patriot,^ Bliicher, whom the king hated. Har- 
 denberg favored alliance with England and Russia. 
 
 When, in 1805, the French had taken Hanover 
 because George HI of England was its Elector, Prus- 
 sia offered to occupy it with Prussian soldiers and in 
 due time to return it to George if he would remove 
 the British blockade of the Weser and the Elbe 
 which seriously injured Prussia and all north Ger- 
 
 1 Schlosser vii, 405. * Bourrienne 'i, 352. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 129 
 
 many, including George Ill's patrimony, Hanover. 
 By it Pitt was punisliin;^ England's friends. This 
 British blockade was at great distance from France, 
 did Napoleon little harm, but was at the commercial 
 gateway of Prussia and Hanover. George's ministry 
 refused this justice, lost this great opportunity of 
 conciliating Prussia, and then wondered why Prussia 
 did not attack Napoleon ! Of course this foolish Pitt 
 policy produced its natural results, Haugwitz, un- 
 friendly to England, friendly to France, soon returned 
 to Berlin from his enforced absence. Pitt and George 
 had scored another point against England ! 
 
 The weak Prussian king consulted both Haugwitz 
 and Hardenberg, the leaders of opposing policies ; he 
 mixed their advice. Extremely jealous of his own 
 royal power, he knew neither how to use it, nor was 
 willing to delegate it to able men. He became 
 alternately angry with Napoleon and then pacified. 
 Had either Haugwitz or Hardenberg been unham- 
 pered by him, then Prussia might have been saved. 
 But the king obstructed the policy of both, he 
 received the derision of Europe, but angered Europe 
 had not comprehended that it was the king and not 
 his worthy people that was to blame. 
 
 Pitt and Alexander and Austria still tried to bring 
 Prussia into the coalition of 1805 against France. 
 Haugwitz still made energetic efforts to avert that 
 terrible collision. In the summer and early autumn 
 of 1805, before the Ulm campaign, Haugwitz was 
 the great minister ; he used more of wisdom than 
 any other minister in Europe ; he advised such a 
 peace as would have so united the strength of central 
 and eastern Europe as would, by well-placed and 
 9 
 
130 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 well-provided armies, have made the Elbe, the Boh- 
 merwald, and the Inn a line forever impassible by- 
 Napoleon, and, still more, would have kept Prussia, 
 Russia, Austria, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway free 
 from his trade restrictions, but open to ocean trade, 
 and thus have added to their own wealth to strengthen 
 in war and bless in peace. Yet admirers of Pitt and 
 apologists for Napoleon have censured Haugwitz. 
 
 Prussia wanted trade. Pitt blockaded it. She 
 wanted to move only so fast as she could move 
 safely. Pitt tried to precipitate her. The Prussian 
 king coveted Hanover, so Napoleon removed 12,000 
 French troops from Hanover. Napoleon cheated, 
 wheedled, but he persuaded ; Pitt's cruisers threat- 
 ened, harassed Prussian vessels, and impaired Prussian 
 thrift. The Prussians did not want war ; they wanted 
 peace. They desired prosperity. They wanted to 
 exercise their manly industry. They wished to com- 
 pete with the French and the British only in the 
 products of skill and labor. In that summer of 1805, 
 whose autumn and winter were made so frightful by 
 war, Prussia, the much maligned, was the nation of 
 Europe most in the right, but its king was the least 
 reliable. 
 
 The fickle king at last intimated a willingness to 
 make alliance with France, offensive and defensive. 
 Napoleon sent to Berlin his able, silent Duroc, 
 almost the only man in Europe that really loved 
 Napoleon. But the intimation proved only a slight 
 to France. Duroc came, but the king was not ready 
 to sign, the treaty remained unsigned. The unsafe 
 king wished to keep himself out of all the risks of 
 the contest, but wanted to share in all the spoils of 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 131 
 
 war. But neither Napoleon nor his antagonists were 
 willing to let the king alone ; whoever should win 
 would be likely to turn upon the king. 
 
 September 21, 1805, ^ month before Ulm and Tra- 
 falgar, the Russian envoy presented to the king the 
 Czar's request, very like a threat, for an interview at 
 their frontier and for permission to march Russians 
 through Prussia en route to Bavaria against Napo- 
 leon. The king accepted the interview, but he 
 refused the passage, and he assembled an army in 
 Prussian Poland to prevent the passage of Russian 
 troops over Prussian soil.' 
 
 Says Metternich : — 
 
 " The Prussian king was full of hesitation. The Czar Alexander, 
 wearied by the evasions of Prussia, made dangerous move by attempt- 
 ing to coerce him to decide, by marching a Russian army to the east 
 Prussian frontier. This act only increased opposition. The vacil- 
 lating king was resolute against Russia, but more irresolute toward 
 France. The Austrians were on the eve of their catastrophe at Ulm. 
 Alexander threatened to march through Prussia. But the king said 
 he offered neutrality, if either party violates this by entering Prus- 
 sian territory it makes war. . . . The violent measures of Napoleon 
 and Alexander, similar in character and coincident in time, left the 
 king only the choice of which of two insults he should resent." 
 
 Great was the surprise and anger at Berlin when 
 news came that Napoleon had violated Prussian soil 
 by marching Bernadotte's corps through Anspach to 
 get in rear of Mack at Ulm. Prussia demanded sat- 
 isfaction for the great insult. Indignant, the king- 
 gave permission for Alexander to march through 
 Prussia. Three powerful Prussian armies of obser- 
 vation were directly ordered, one of 60,000 men into 
 Franconia toward Napoleon's position and on the 
 flank of the route from Ulm to Vienna, another of 
 
 ^ Metteruich's Mem. i, 30-32. 
 
132 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 50,000 in lower Saxony, and one of 20,000 in West- 
 phalia toward P'rance. Had Bernadotte not saved 
 twenty-four to thirty-six hours by insulting Prussia 
 he could still have arrived at his objective point in 
 time. So Napoleon's insult to Prussia was almost 
 wanton audacity. 
 
 On the news of Mack's surrender the king opened 
 negotiations with both belligerents. Among the 
 many givers of advice he could not decide what to 
 do. He could find plenty of good soldiers, but 
 generals cannot always be furnished to order. Sud- 
 denly and wholly unexpected the Czar arrived at 
 Berlin. This still further embarassed the king. He 
 received Alexander pleasantly. Together they went 
 to Potsdam. There occurred the sentimental night 
 scene at the tomb of the great soldier, Frederic H, 
 by torchlight ; the Czar and the king threw them- 
 selves down before it ; the Czar kissed the tomb ; he 
 gave his hand to the king over it ; they pledged 
 themselves to eternal friendship ; the Czar, the king, 
 and the beautiful young queen then tenderly em- 
 braced each other.^ 
 
 While at Potsdam the news of Mack's capitulation 
 reached them. Then the king joined with Russia 
 and Austria in a treaty of prospective alliance, 
 November 5. It was a half-way measure. The 
 Prussian army advanced toward the distant French. 
 Haugwitz was to present to Napoleon the king's 
 ultimatum : if Napoleon did not halt in his career 
 before December 15, the king would feel bound to 
 join the coalition.-' 
 
 Prussian public feeling was aroused ; Prussia was 
 
 1 Metternich's Mem. i, 34-35. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. I33 
 
 angry, indignant. A Berlin crowd broke Haugvvitz* 
 windows because he favored peace and they believed 
 him the friend of France ; they gave a noisy popular 
 congratulation to Hardenberg because he disliked 
 the French and favored war.^ 
 
 The Potsdam agreement was to remain at jaresent 
 a secret, but it was published by the Austrians, prob- 
 ably to intimidate Napoleon. He was deeply of- 
 fended at this agreement of the king whom he had 
 goaded to it by his own arrogance. 
 
 October 26, six days after Ulm, Prussian troops 
 entered Hanover. They did not disturb the French 
 still there, Russians and Swedes also came, with 
 them Gustavus IV, the half -lunatic, — in those days 
 royalty seems almost synonymous with incapacity. 
 He increased the Elbe tolls and purloined them. 
 The Hanoverians were oppressed with civil and 
 military exactions — such was the "protection" of 
 the allies — the people were at once the victims of 
 Russians, Swedes, Prussians, British, and French, 
 all consequent on their greater misfortune that 
 George IH of England was their Elector. 
 
 In November and December the allies in Hanover 
 were reinforced to an army thought sufficient to 
 conquer Hanover and coerce Prussia into joining 
 the alliance and then moving on the almost unde- 
 fended Holland and Flanders. This augmented 
 force amounted to 15,000 Russians, 8,000 Swedes, 
 and 12,000 British, in all 35,000 men ^ to do the 
 work that needed 150,000! This was Pitt's states- 
 manship ! 
 
 In December misery prevailed in ravaged Ger- 
 
 ■ Schlosser vii, 433. ^ Bourrieniie ii, 303. 
 
134 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 many ; hatred of the French enabled the British to 
 recruit rapidly in Hanover.^ 
 
 Advantageous as Napoleon's rule had been to Ital- 
 ians and Belgians, it was disastrous to Holland ; had 
 ruined its rich commerce, lost its valuable colonies, 
 depressed its prosperity, taken away its liberty, com- 
 pelled Great Britain to prey on its foreign posses- 
 sions, and placed Holland and Great Britain unwil- 
 lingly at war. Holland needed liberation. 
 
 The autumn of 1805 was England's opportunity. 
 She had a regular army of 300,000 men and 379,000 
 volunteers (militia). Only 22,000 were required in 
 India. Had the home duty been 
 assigned to the volunteers, and a Pitt's opportunity. 
 British army of 180,000 men been 
 assembled and sent to north Germany in September, 
 it would quickly have decided Prussia to join the coali- 
 tion with her ready 130,000 men; it was the safest 
 side that Prussia's king was waiting to join ; it would 
 have kept from Napoleon's army at least 45,000 
 Germans, two-thirds of whom would have been mus- 
 tered against him, and, leaving the 165,000 Austrians 
 already in the field to take care of south Germany and 
 Italy; it would have prevented the whole Ulm cam- 
 paign, and presented an army in north Germany 
 against Napoleon of above 450,000 men, as soon as 
 Kutusoff's 116,000 Russians could arrive. 
 
 Buxhoven with more Russians was also coming. 
 Additions would have come from Hungary, Austria, 
 Prussia and Germany. 
 
 It was 45,000 Germans that raised Napoleon's 
 180,000 men to 225,000 at Ulm. Their absence 
 
 ^ Bjurrieune ii, 303. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 135 
 
 would seriously weaken him. Had these 45,000 
 been against him it is hardly probable that he could 
 then march out of France with above 230,000 good 
 soldiers ; if more they must be recruits. 
 
 Such is the great strategy that might have been 
 used had able, practical men, a class in which Britain 
 is prolific, been at the head of the government. 
 
 Such was the September opportunity. 
 
 The October opportunity was still better. Napo- 
 leon was in distant Bavaria, nearly a month's march 
 from Antwerp. The French were weak in Holland 
 and north Germany. Of Napoleon's 20,000 veteran 
 reserves in France, at Boulogne, one-half were seamen; 
 his other reserves were newly levied conscripts not 
 yet ready, and not yet as well drilled as the British 
 volunteers, and less than one-fourth their number : 
 and 1 50,000 British, led by an able commander, of 
 which Britain had several, could have taken Antwerp. 
 Napoleon rated Antwerp as the first port of his 
 empire. It is now a fortress of the first class ; the 
 British could have made it as strong then. Counting 
 on the stupidity of George and his ministry. Napo- 
 leon had left it exposed to capture. Its conquest 
 would have released Holland and its navy from 
 France ; from it an army could have marched by way 
 of Waterloo on France ; Napoleon at Ulm could 
 muster less than 170,000 French, had he marched to 
 Antwerp's relief he would have had the whole avail- 
 able forces of Austria, Prussia and Russia on his 
 flank ; it was impossible without great French disas- 
 ter. Instead of marching to Vienna and Austerlitz, 
 he must have hastened to cross the Rhine followed by 
 greatly outnumbering foes. Even were it possible 
 
136 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 that he could have marched safely against the British 
 at Antwerp, they had the barriers of the Rhine and 
 the Maas against him ; detention there would have 
 brought the combined armies of the allies upon him, 
 a stronger combined force than that which overthrew 
 him in 1813. 
 
 Had one-third of Britain's 300,000 regulars been 
 united in Belgium with the 23,000 Swedes and Rus- 
 sians that were in Hanover, and the available Dutch, 
 Danes and north Germans, without a single Prussian, 
 when in November Napoleon was on his distant 
 march to Vienna, they could have marched into 
 France with 60,000 more soldiers than the 90,000 
 that Wellington had in Belgium in the famous cam- 
 paign of Waterloo. Napoleon could not then have 
 retired from Austria pursued as he would have been 
 by the Austrians and Russians, and attended with 
 the desertion of his Germans, without losing a large 
 part of his Ulm army. Neither could he have 
 raised a new army of French in the north in time to 
 bar the way to France. While on the upper Rhine 
 he might have tried to defend France against the 
 Russians and Austrians, France would be open 
 toward Belgium ; if he marched his army in sufficient 
 force to the north to stay this British invasion, that 
 very movement would open France by way of the 
 upper or middle Rhine to the armies of Austria and 
 Russia with additions of many German troops.i All 
 this, even if Prussia remained neutral, an entirely 
 improbable event. 
 
 Instead of such effective strategy Pitt had sent a 
 paltry 12,000 British to Hanover. 
 
 1 Consult map of Central Europe. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 137 
 
 VI 
 
 WHILE Mack was in Bavaria the Austrian 
 Archduke Charles was between Verona and 
 Vicenza in Italy with 90,000 Austrians. 
 
 The French Marshal, Massena, with 50,000 men 
 tried to drive Charles from his position. It was an 
 indecisive battle of three days. The loss of Mack's 
 army caused Charles to hasten north to defend Aus- 
 tria. He hoped to be able to unite with the Russians. 
 This hope failed. Archduke John escaped from the 
 Tyrol into Styria with the remains of one of his 
 three divisions. Of the other two, one surrendered 
 to Marshal Augereau at Feldkirch, the other tried in 
 vain to reach Venice, and capitulated to the French 
 at Castel Franco. Massena followed Charles' retreat 
 until compelled to halt by the danger of getting too 
 far from his base in Italy. 
 
 The British and Russians landed a little army in 
 Naples, encouraged by Queen Marie Carolina, daugh- 
 ter of Marie Therese of Austria, who, ruling for her 
 worthless husband. King Ferdinand, had thus broken 
 the truce with Napoleon. She united her troops 
 with the Russians under a Russian general. 
 
 Napoleon vigorously followed up his success. 
 Four days after Mack's surrender he reached Munich 
 where the Bavarians received him with expressions 
 of delight. The French eagles were quickly borne 
 in triumph across Bavaria. 
 
 The first Russian army under Kutusoff was advanc- 
 ing by forced marches. Suddenly it found it neces- 
 sary to turn back to join with the second Russian 
 army under Buxhoven in Moravia. 
 
138 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 During Napoleon's whole march from Ulm to 
 Vienna only one French reverse occurred. Marshal 
 Mortier crossed to the left [north] bank of the Dan- 
 ube at Linz with orders to keep near the main body, 
 which was marching down the right bank. Mortier's 
 three French divisions were separated, when, in a 
 narrow way, the Russians attacked in force, and 
 severely defeated Mortier with great French loss 
 [November 21, 1805]. 
 
 Murat entered Vienna November 11. Napoleon 
 established his headquarters at the imperial palace of 
 Schonbrun. Everything was quiet. 
 
 " The Austrian officials were so completely separated from all ideas 
 of the people, and every one so completely dependent on his next 
 immediate superior alone, that the whole machine went regularly on, 
 and Vienna continued to be quietly governed," says the German 
 Schlosser. 
 
 Practically it mattered little whether it was Francis 
 or Napoleon at the head. 
 
 It was of extreme importance to the French to get 
 possession of the bridge across the Danube near 
 Vienna. It was the only Danube bridge within a 
 long distance. The Austrians still held this very 
 important passage. They had every thing ready to 
 blow it up ; 14,000 Austrian troops were there on the 
 north bank to guard or to destroy it, their cannon 
 covered the bridge, they were ready, artillerymen 
 stood with lighted torches ready to fire the bridge 
 which was strewn with explosives.^ The loss of this 
 bridge would shut Napoleon from the north side of 
 the Danube for an indefinite time, until temporary 
 bridges could be built, not an easy matter in presence 
 of an active and vigilant foe. 
 
 iBourrieniie ii, 300. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 13y 
 
 Fortunately for Napoleon, unluckily for Austria, a 
 hereditary prince was in command there ; with 
 princely stupidity this prince of Auersberg allowed 
 the French, by a ruse, to capture the bridge. Here 
 is Marshal Lannes' story of the affair : — ^ 
 
 "Murat, Lannes and some others advanced unconcernedly and 
 entered into conversation with the commander of the post in the 
 middle of the bridge. We spoke to him about an armistice which 
 was about to be concluded. While conversing with the Austrian 
 officers, we contrived to make them turn their eyes toward the left 
 (Austrian) bank, and then, agreeably to orders 1 had given, my corps 
 of grenadiers advanced on the bridge. The Austrian cannoneers on 
 the left bank, seeing their officers in the midst of us, did not dare to 
 fire, and my column advanced at quick step, Murat and I at the head 
 of it, gained the left bank. All the combustibles prepared for blow- 
 ing up the bridge we threw into the river, and my men took pos- 
 session of the batteries erected for the defense of the bridge head." 
 
 This audacious act barred a junction of the Arch- 
 duke Charles with the Russians. 
 
 At Vienna the French took the great Austrian 
 arsenal with 2,000 cannon and 100,000 stand of arms,^ 
 almost as many cannon as Nelson had taken or 
 destroyed at Trafalgar. On November 15, the 
 French dragoons captured 190 cannon and an im- 
 mense amount of equipments from the retreating 
 army. 
 
 THE AUSTERLITZ CAMPAIGN. 
 
 The retreating Russians under Prince Bagration 
 inflicted severe losses on the French in a battle near 
 Iglau. After severe struggles and several battles, 
 the retreating Russians and Austri- 
 ans joined the second Russian army Nov. and Dec, 1805. 
 .at Wischau in Moravia. This junc- 
 
 1 Bourrienne ii, 299. ' Alison ii, 362. 
 
140 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 tion was dangerous to Napoleon. The necessity of 
 guarding so many points and keeping open a line of 
 communications from Moravia to Vienna and Vienna 
 to France absorbed many French and greatly reduced 
 Napoleon's available field army. 
 
 Archduke Charles was approaching with a great 
 Austrian army via Hungary. Archduke John would 
 bring up the Hungarian levies with all speed. Prus- 
 sia was preparing to descend on the French with 
 80,000 Prussians. It was extremely important for 
 the allies to avoid battle till all their great strength 
 should be available.^ 
 
 To Napoleon delay threatened ruin. He must 
 have not a battle only, but a decisive battle. An 
 ordinary victory might ruin him. It would deplete 
 his army, not easily to be recruited, while with all 
 the probable reinforcements, his defeated enemy 
 might renew the contest with increased prospects 
 of success. Napoleon had ventured so far, had so 
 diminished his field forces that it seemed that only a 
 genius for blundering by his enemies could save him 
 from decisive, ruinous defeat. He collected his 
 available forces at Brunn. 
 
 What the allies needed, all they needed, was delay ;i 
 delay until all their supports could come up. Then 
 they would overwhelm Napoleon by weight of num- 
 bers. Napoleon must fight before Charles and John 
 and the 10,000 men under Ferdinand at Iglau, and 
 the 12,000 more Russians now near at hand could 
 arrive. He must win decisive victory before Prussia 
 could hurl her ready 80,000 troops on his rear by way 
 of Franconia, and, with the allies co-operating, repeat 
 
 > Metternich Mem. i , 35. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 141 
 
 against him the very same strategy by which he had 
 so recently destroyed Mack's army. 
 
 Everything was helping the allies. Even nature 
 itself was aiding them, for the season was advancing 
 to render the country less physically practicable and 
 so increase the natural advantages of greater num- 
 bers and decrease the value of military art and tac- 
 tics and Napoleon's peculiar faculty for that celerity 
 of movement which, next to his marvelous power of 
 concentrating strength on the desired point, was one 
 of the most powerful reasons of his wonderful mil- 
 itary successes. Winter and its obstructions to a 
 country were against Napoleonic tactics. Napoleon 
 was already a long way beyond Vienna, and even 
 Vienna was in the heart of the enemies' country ; his 
 base of supplies was far off. 
 
 Although Prussia meant to play a safe game, yet 
 the moment that he should weaken, down upon him 
 would come Prussia's 80,000, now only a few days' 
 march away. The 10,000 Austrians at Iglau had 
 dangerous facilities for descending on his supply 
 trains. 
 
 Now was again England's time. Had Pitt been 
 a Marlborough, England would have had another 
 Blenheim. Had even its little 12,000 men frittered 
 away in Hanover been at hand, under the Slewart 
 that seven months later won brilliant but useless 
 victory at Maida, or under Beresford, Picton, Moore, 
 Graham, then might have been another Detingen, 
 and a dethroned Bonaparte. But George and Pitt 
 at that moment had these great British soldiers 
 elsewhere uselessly occupied. 
 
 Pitt was about to send a force somewhere under 
 
142 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 the Duke of York with the Dukes of Cumberland 
 and Cambridge as staff officers ! These hereditary 
 incapables, sons of George III, against Napoleon ! 
 It was like setting green goslings to war against the 
 most robust of eagles ! These royal ducks of dukes 
 to be commanders of the best of troops when they 
 had hardly been learners ! ^ Such was the folly of 
 Pitt and George III. 
 
 *' News from Paris of the internal condition of France was dis- 
 quieting. ... A great financial panic and bankruptcy was hovering 
 over Paris. . . . The French treasury was mixed up with Ouvrard's 
 specuh)tions, the matter hung like a cloud over Napoleon during the 
 Austerlitz campaign." - 
 
 About 68,000 Russians and 14,000 Austrians were 
 at Olmutz under the two emperors, Alexander and 
 Francis. The junction of Ferdinand's 10,000 from 
 Iglau and the approaching Russians would raise it 
 easily to above 100,000. Olmutz is near to Hun- 
 gary ; Charles and John might arrive. Charles' army 
 was large ; delay would immediately augment the 
 allied army ; delay would ruin Napoleon ; Alexander 
 would not delay. 
 
 Probably Napoleon could not make available at 
 Brunn more than 70,000 combatants, a force less in 
 numbers than that under the two emperors on his 
 front already ; less than Charles was expected to 
 bring ; less than the Prussians already so near and 
 so threatening. Inclosed, in a few weeks, by these 
 great combined armies, as he had inclosed Mack, 
 how could he expect to escape the same fate that he 
 had given to Mack.-* His chance of escape lay in the 
 fact that leaders by birth, instead of generals by 
 merit commanded his enemies. 
 
 • Martineau's Ens. '■ 138. ^gourrieane ii, 311-320. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. I43 
 
 The Emperor Alexander was the real commander 
 of the allies at Olmutz. So far was this birth folly 
 carried that this born leader of this great, superior 
 force, about to engage in a very terrible death strug- 
 gle against the greatest soldier the world ever saw, 
 had never in his life seen a battle ! Such stupendous 
 folly could only occur in a hereditary system. 
 
 Had Russia and Austria been blessed with repre- 
 sentative governments, like the Americas, Great 
 Britain, France, and Switzerland of today, an able, 
 experienced soldier like Kutusoff or Bagration would 
 have been in unfettered command. 
 
 Kutusoff and Bagration were great soldiers. But 
 what could these generals do when burdened with 
 the presence and predominance of the two incapable 
 emperors and their numerous princely staffs of boast- 
 ing inpracticables, like Prince Dolgorouki, chief-of- 
 staff ? 
 
 When by waiting all was to be gained, nothing 
 hazarded, the two hereditary emperors threw away 
 this great advantage : just as Napoleon's necessities 
 demanded, so decided Alexander and Francis. They 
 resolved to give battle at once. Bagration exclaimed, 
 "the battle is lost." The able Kutusoff they es- 
 teemed as too slow. Had the marplot emperors 
 and their vaunting staff absented themselves and left 
 all to the ranking general, Kutusoff, perhaps this 
 fighter of Turks might have anticipated Waterloo 
 by nearly ten years. But the men born to compel 
 abler and better men to obey, were not satisfied to 
 await an attack in their strong position as Welling- 
 ton and Picton did at Waterloo, but also threw away 
 this decided advantage by moving forward to attack 
 
144 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Napoleon in his chosen position. Common sense 
 almost reels at such audacity. Battle has little 
 respect for birth's privilege ; cannon shot have no 
 knees to bow before royalty ; Kutusoff and Bagration, 
 the able, must simply try to execute the plans of 
 inexperienced Alexander ! 
 
 Napoleon sent the astute Savary to the Russian 
 camp with a letter complimentary to Alexander, but 
 really as a spy. Alexander received him. Savary 
 returned, having discovered that Alexander was sur- 
 rounded by inexperienced nobles, whose presumption 
 might mislead him into some fatal act of rashness. 
 Napoleon acted on his knowledge of the propensity 
 of hereditary sovereigns to be misguided. As he 
 had arranp'ed, when he saw the first movement of the 
 Austro-Russian advance, he retired. 
 
 Alexander sent Prince Dolgorouki to return Napo- 
 leon's compliments. Napoleon, as if the interior of 
 his camp, displayed scenes that he did not wish 
 Dolgorouki to see, met him at the outpost, where 
 the Russian saw soldiers hastily erecting fieldworks. 
 Dolgorouki made excessive demands. Napoleon 
 firmly refused. Ignorant of Napoleon's great mili- 
 tary principle, "divide to subsist, concentrate to 
 fight," Dolgorouki thought he saw preparations to 
 retreat. He withdrew with the firm conviction, which 
 he did not fail to communicate to Alexander, that 
 Napoleon had lost all confidence and was trying to 
 extricate himself from his really great peril. 
 
 Then Haugwitz came to Napoleon with Prussia's 
 
 ultimatum of November 5. For four weeks had 
 
 Prussian measures shown decidedly 
 
 The Prussians, hostile intent. Not only were its 
 
 80,000 troops marching on Franconia 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 145 
 
 in dangerous proximity to the line that connected 
 Napoleon with any hope from France, but a powerful 
 Prussian army was collecting in Silesia just beyond 
 the allies. Prussia was aroused to warlike enthusi- 
 asm ; even the Berlin garrison had orders to march. 
 Napoleon's dangerous situation had become more 
 perilous. He must act quickly ; only complete vic- 
 tory could avoid destruction ; defeat would crush his 
 army and throne ; even a check would turn all against 
 him ; delay was check, check was defeat, defeat was 
 overthrow. He saw it all. To delay Prussia for a 
 few days he recommended Haugwitz to defer offering 
 to him Frederic William's ultimatum and to open 
 conferences with Talleyrand at Vienna, instead of 
 remaining in the discomforts of bivouacs. Haug- 
 witz, the wily Prussian diplomatist, one of the ablest 
 in Europe, not sorry of an opportunity to await 
 events before finally committhig Prussia in this great 
 contest which he had so long labored to prevent, 
 readily obeyed. Now Frederic William could see 
 which is victor before taking side. 
 
 The allies knew the inferiority in numbers of Na- 
 poleon's army at Brunn, that there were but about 
 50,000 of them, but they did not know of the other 
 corps, admirably placed in echelon to 
 the rear. Austeriitz, 
 
 The Austrian General Weirother, 
 a favorite of Alexander's, explained from a map the 
 plan of battle to the allied generals while Kutusoff, 
 the able, slept. Weirother believed the French were 
 either retreating or changing position. " He has 
 extinguished his fires ; a good deal of noise comes 
 from his camp." 
 10 
 
146 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 The plan was to pass the right of the French, thus 
 severing communication with Vienna and all hope 
 of aid from Massena, and establishing more direct 
 their own connection with Charles' large army in 
 H ungary. 
 
 The emperors began their movement at daybreak, 
 November 27, but instead of pushing it with all vigor 
 and celerity and continuity, they spent the time till 
 December i in desultory fighting and movements. 
 This gave Napoleon time to concentrate ; time for 
 Bernadotte, D.ivoust and Mortier to come. On No- 
 vember 29 the allies had advanced two leagues 
 toward the French right ; the next day they retraced 
 this movement. 
 
 When Napoleon examined the highest ground, the 
 heights of Pratzen, he said : — 
 
 "If I wished to prevent the enemy from passing, it is here that I 
 should station myself; but that would only lead to an ordinary battle, 
 and I desire decisive success. If on the other hand, I draw back 
 my right toward Brunn, and the Russians pass the heights, they are 
 irretrievably ruined." 
 
 On the first advance of the allies Murat, Lannes, 
 and Soult had fallen back behind Brunn. 
 
 Napoleon carefully chose his battle ground. Now 
 he abandoned the heights of Pratzen and drew back 
 his right as if afraid to encounter the allies. He 
 evacuated the little village of Austerlitz, and con- 
 centrated around Brunn, waiting for the allies to 
 make a mistake. 
 
 The French right rested on little lake Moenitz ; 
 their left on the high hill, Bossnitzberg, intrenched 
 and crowned with artillery. On their front marshes 
 bordered the stream, which were intersected at right 
 angles by the great road from Brunn to Olmutz and 
 
UNITED STATES AXD EUROPE. 147 
 
 by smiller country roads. Directly in their front, 
 and beyond the rivulet, were the uneven heights 
 gradually rising to the high point of Pratzen with its 
 masses of Russians, thus conspicuously placed with 
 intent to draw Napoleon's attention from the general 
 movement behind that height, to turn the French 
 right. 
 
 The French left, under Lannes, was at the foot of 
 the hills, having a strong advance of cavalry in front 
 of their cannon-crowned hill ; next toward the center 
 was Bernadotte's corps, and then Oudinot's gren- 
 adiers and Murat's cavalry. The Imperial Guards 
 were behind them in the third line. In the center 
 was Soult's corps, then unusually strong; it occupied 
 the villages opposite the heights of Pratzen. 
 
 The French right wing under Marshal Davoust 
 was thrown back in a semi-circle reaching the lake 
 Moenitz, its reserves concealed behind the abbey Ray- 
 gern. From a hill Napoleon could send his eagle 
 glance over the general extent, but many parts were 
 obscured by rising ground, copse woods and villages. 
 On the evening before the battle the Russians still 
 believed that the French would retreat, and Prince 
 Dolgorouki directed his soldiers to "watch which way 
 the French retired." 
 
 The night passed in preparation and anxious expec- 
 tancy. Napoleon slept little, but went around among 
 the soldiers explaining the plan of battle and animat- 
 ing them, and he issued an address. 
 
 At last the fateful morning of December 2 began 
 to dawn ; the eager combatants were ready. Napo- 
 leon perceived with delight that heavy columns were 
 passing across his front, at short distance, toward his 
 
148 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 right. The great general battle that was to decide 
 the fate of huiiself and his empire was at hand. He 
 carefully avoided interrupting the Russian movement, 
 but watched it with intense interest. The first allied 
 column, under Doctorof, advanced beyond the French 
 right ; the second, under Langeron, occupied the 
 heights of Pratzen, directly before the French right ; 
 the third, led by Prybszeweki, crowned the eminence 
 behind that vital, most elevated point ; then the 
 fourth, under Miloradowitch ; the fifth, under Prince 
 Lichtenstein, followed, showing its column flank to 
 the French, and stretching along the whole French 
 front. The allied reserve, under the Grand Duke 
 Constantine, were on the heights in front of Auster- 
 litz. Thus about 80,000^ men, of whom 15,000 were 
 cavalry, arrayed in 114 battalions and 172 squadrons, 
 were taking position for the terrible combat to decide 
 the fate of half of Europe. 
 
 The valley, as seen from Napoleon's position, was 
 wrapped in fog. From the wavelike surface emerged, 
 as from a milky sea, the heights, and above these fog 
 clouds soon rose "the Sun of Austerlitz." 
 
 The Russians had been in motion for some hours. 
 At midnight they had received their orders. Long 
 before the earliest beam of morning they had been 
 drawing near to the fatal spot where the silence was 
 to be broken by the wild crash of battle. 
 
 Napoleon had been eager, alert. He had ordered 
 Soult to bring up his force to the very furthest front 
 position that would still afford concealment. They 
 now lay well advanced, but covered and concealed by 
 the fog. 
 
 1 Danilewski, Berthier, Alison, Lanfrey. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. I49 
 
 By the bright "Sun of Aiisterlitz " Napoleon dis- 
 tinctly saw the Russian columns descending the 
 heights of Pratzen and disappearing into the sea of 
 fog. They were still going toward his right. Away 
 to his right he heard their artillery carriages. 
 
 The heights of Pratzen, the key to the allies' posi- 
 tion, yesterday covered with a great multitude, was 
 now seen partially denuded of its living covering. 
 Intent on outflanking the French, the two emperors 
 had materially weakened their force at this vital 
 point. The marshals who surrounded Napoleon saw 
 the advantage ; they eagerly besought him to give 
 the signal for action ; he restrained their ardor ; he 
 asked Soult : — 
 
 *" How long would it take you from hence to reach the heights of 
 Pratzen .'' ' 
 
 " ' Less than twenty minutes,' replied the marshal. 
 
 " ' In that case let us wait twenty minutes; when the enemy is mak- 
 ing a false movement we must take good care not to interrupt him,' 
 said Napoleon." 
 
 A crash of cannon thundered toward the right. 
 " Now is the time!" said Napoleon. The marshals 
 galloped to their corps. The vigorous Russian as- 
 sault carried Pilnitz, the most advanced village in the 
 French right; on they came and took another village; 
 the French right really appeared to be turned. Then 
 Davoust's concealed reserve appeared and assaulted 
 them ; drove them back ; took six cannon ; was driven 
 back in turn ; the battle had opened furiously ; 
 there the conflict raged. Soult's heavy masses were 
 quickly in motion; they scaled the height of Pratzen ; 
 they entered the open space between the Russian 
 corps, completely severing the Russian left from 
 their center. 
 
150 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 The fourth Russian corps was just beginning to 
 ascend the slope of Pratzen when they saw the dark 
 masses of Soult's infantry emerging up from the 
 sea of fog, while the Russians were at disadvantage 
 in open marching columns. The Russians quickly 
 formed in two lines. Soult's attack was impetuous ; 
 it broke the Russian front line, drove it back on the 
 second, and took several cannon. 
 
 Another Russian corps came up the slope. There 
 the terrific combat went on for two hours. The 
 French carried everything ; they took Pratzen ; the 
 allied army was cut in two ! 
 
 The hereditary leader, the Czar Alexander, for 
 whom the Russians were being crippled, mutilated, 
 killed, instead of animating his troops at the points of 
 danger like a brave man, set a bad example: — 
 
 " He found himself under fire, his men dispersed, and he himself 
 was obliged to retire at a gallop attended only by his doctor, a single 
 orderly, and two cossacks." ^ 
 
 In Other words, the man who ruled by claim of birth 
 actually ran away. He deserted his victims who 
 were fighting for him. This is the man whom some 
 writers praise as the model sovereign ; he was the 
 best monarch then in Europe ; only the best of a 
 bad, unmanly lot. 
 
 The French left also surprised the allied right. 
 Lannes advanced according to Napoleon's system of 
 tactics. (See next page.) 
 
 iRambaudii, 282. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUBOPE. 151 
 
 *4-U U U U ++ UU 
 
 □ □ El en □ E3 
 
 a 
 « 
 
 NAPOLEON'S SYSTEM OF LINE OF 
 BATTLE. 
 
 Section of his left at Austerlitz, where occurred the tremendous collision 
 of Imperial Cavalry. 
 
 I Enemy. ' Line of Infantry. ' Cannon. « Light Cavalry. 
 
 » (squares) Infantry. « Heavy Cavalry, concealed. 
 
 Napoleon's tactics were : First a line; second a line of squares of battalions 
 (the artillery and light horse in front); tlien the heavy cavalry in several lines 
 in rear of the squares. Then if a charge of horse broke the first line, as it 
 did at Austcrlitz, it met the second line with its front and side oblique fire; 
 and if the enemy then dahed between the squares, it received in pas ing the 
 side fire of the squares on both its flanks, and then was suddenly assailed, 
 when blown and dispersed, by tlie heavy cavalry of the rear. If this drove 
 them back through the spaces between the squares, flanking fires of the 
 squares again assailed them. Such was the frightful experience of the Lich- 
 tenstein cuirassiers at Ausierlitz. 
 
152 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 The Russians were thunderstruck by the sudden 
 attack by a host emerging from the fog of the low 
 ground. So completely were the Russians caught 
 unready, that their reserves were among the first on 
 whom the French blow fell. They maneuvered 
 quickly into line and brought their artillery into 
 action. 
 
 The French infantry gained ground. Kellerman's 
 cavalry were assailing even the Russian Imperial 
 Guards themselves. Then Austrian cuirassiers 
 charged Kellerman's, broke the French cavalry ; 
 the allied horse broke through the first French line, 
 swept through the openings of the second line, be- 
 tween the squares, interposed itself between the 
 corps of Lannes and Bernadotte, were there charged 
 by Murat's cavalry, driven back through both broken 
 French lines, whose flanking fire on their now disor- 
 dered squadrons half annihilated them. 
 
 All the multiplied murder was still indecisive; but 
 it so long prevented aid from the Russian right to its 
 hard-pressed center. Kutusoff was compelled to call 
 most of the remains of this same half-destroyed 
 Lichtenstein cavalry to Pratzen heights to connect 
 communication between the allied center and left. 
 
 Alarmed at the progress that Lannes and Berna- 
 dotte were now making, the grand Russian Imperial 
 Guard itself [infantry] were sent down the slope into 
 the low ground where Vandamme's infantry gave 
 them furious combat until the Russian cuirassiers 
 charged Vandamme's flank. The tremendous shock 
 was irresistible ; the French column was broken ; 
 three French battalions were trampled down ; the 
 French Fourth lost its eade. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. I53 
 
 Then came a spectacle such as the world has 
 seldom seen, frightful, terrific. 
 
 The Russians, after this great success, had scant 
 time to reform their squadrons when 
 the French horsemen were upon ° clvriries^^'^* 
 them; a veritable avalanche of men 
 and horses, it struck with tremendous impetus ; the 
 Russian horsemen were driven back over the dead 
 bodies of the French square which they had just 
 destroyed ; they lost their four cannon, they rallied, 
 returned, they charged again; the French, too, charged 
 to meet them ; the finest cavalry in the world, the 
 very select of PVance and Russia, the two splendid 
 Imperial Guards, both renowned through the world; 
 each a wild, thundering tornado of men and horses 
 at full speed, met, collided in their frightfully terrific 
 career. 
 
 The shock was tremendous, horrible, appalling ; 
 men and horses were crushed in masses, went down 
 in squadrons ; the massacre with sabers was inde- 
 scribable, revolting, hideous ; it continued above five 
 minutes, it was the struggle of bloody desperation, 
 both sides wild with frantic rage, covered with blood, 
 cutting, slashing, stabbing at each other ; a loathsome 
 carnage ; men turned to sanguinary furies ; not a 
 glorious spectacle as youth sometimes mistakenly 
 pictures war, but a scene too bloody, too frightful, 
 too furious even for the better class of devils : — 
 
 " It was downright butchery," afterward said Rapp, who com- 
 manded those French furies; "we were opposed man to man, and 
 were so mingled together that the infantry of neither the one nor the 
 other could venture to fire for fear of killing its own men."^ 
 
 Infantry advanced on both sides to aid their coun- 
 
 1 Bourrienne ii, 307-8. 
 
154 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 trymen, but still the cavalry, squadron to squadron, 
 company to company, man to man, killed each other. 
 At last the desperate bravery of the remnants of the 
 Russians yielded to the fiery valor of the remnants 
 of the French ; the Russians had lost their artillery, 
 they lost their standards, they were driven in confu- 
 sion ; many of the very flower of the armies of Russia 
 and Austria were dead, trampled, mutilated, on 
 Alexander's first battlefield, from which he had 
 hoped so much. 
 
 This desperate encounter was decisive. Pierced 
 through the center, the allies still fought, not for 
 victory, but for escape, for existence as an army. 
 Their center had been driven back a mile; this, still 
 worse, exposed their ill-fated left. 
 
 Napoleon threw his reserves and Soult's corps 
 again on the rear of the allied left ; Davoust pressed 
 its front, both its flanks were assailed at once by 
 impetuous cavalry and vigorous infantry flushed with 
 success. This wing was now defeated and half its 
 numbers soon made prisoners. 
 
 Buxhoven's shattered corps was hard pressed near a 
 frozen lake; it resisted bravely; it was overwhelmed, 
 7,000 were taken or killed. A large body of Rus- 
 sians tried to escape by crossing the ice, the French 
 broke the ice with their artillery and the Russians 
 sank through it.^ 
 
 Still on the Russian right, the sharp, hammering 
 sounds of musketry were interrupted by the thunder- 
 ing crashes of artillery; heights, plateau, villages, 
 were successively taken by the French. 
 
 At last the Russians and Austrians retreated. 
 
 »The French at fir-it reported the nuinbar ilro\iriieil at 20,000, but it was 
 afterward said to be 2,0j0. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 155 
 
 Suchet and Murat with infantry and cavalry pursued. 
 They dislodged the allies from the road of Olmutz 
 and there captured most of their baggage. The two 
 emperors, looking out for their own comfort, left 
 Bagration to conduct the retreat. Had they at first 
 put him in sole command, it is probable that it would 
 not have been a retreat. Bagration halted at Auster- 
 litz village, encumbered w^'i many wounded. 
 
 Thus ended Austerlitz, the greatest of Napoleon's 
 victories, thrust on him by the folly of the emperors 
 in not waiting till their forces could be so concen- 
 trated as to render their defeat impracticable ; by the 
 folly of Alexander in trying to command in a cam- 
 paign and in a great battle before he had ever seen a 
 battle. How well Kutusoff knew how to command 
 successfully is seen in the masterly strategy with 
 which he fairly outgeneraled Napoleon in the second 
 battle of Smolensk in 1812 when Kutusoff was- sev- 
 enty-four years old. 
 
 Austria was prostrate ; Russia was defeated ; Prus- 
 sia was thunderstruck; George Hi's policy was beaten. 
 Pitt, the inveterate, was ended ; the shock of this 
 great defeat killed him, the only man in Europe who, 
 himself not a soldier, as instigator of the shedding of 
 blood could almost rival in badness Napoleon himself, 
 and in Pitt George HI lost his pet minister. But 
 George still remained. As evils in Europe, George 
 and Pitt on one hand and Napoleon on the other 
 were pre-eminent ; Napoleon for his quarrelsome and 
 very aggressive disposition and total lack of con- 
 science, and as a destroyer of the liberty that he 
 should have protected : Pitt and George for their 
 gigantic efforts to everywhere restore old abusers and 
 
156 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 abuses, the tyrannies, fooleries, and stupidities of old 
 royalties which anywhere remained vigorous only in 
 licentiousness and rapacity. Napoleon would have 
 made a new privileged class ; Pitt and George would 
 degrade men and manhood that decayed old nobility 
 might rule. 
 
 Napoleon was the greatest soldier of modern times, 
 Pitt was the greatest conspirator ; Napoleon was a 
 great success, Pitt was a great failure ; Napoleon 
 robbed many foreign nations of money to make war 
 for France, Pitt robbed England to make war for 
 foreign nations ; Napoleon disbursed foreign wealth 
 in France to benefit the French, Pitt and George 
 disbursed British wealth abroad to benefit foreign 
 kings, foreign nobles, foreign customs, manners, reli- 
 gions, arms, oppressions. 
 
 Napoleon was so far triumphant ; to Pitt, " almost 
 every month brought some new disaster or disgrace." ^ 
 Both were unscrupulous ; both trampled on human 
 rights ; neither was worthy of the great nation in 
 whose name he did his wicked deeds. 
 
 Napoleon was still master of a great empire ; all 
 that Pitt had conspired for was lost, and Great Britain 
 loaded with a great debt for ages. The highest com- 
 pliment that can be paid to Great Britain is that she 
 endured Pitt, George and Napoleon, and still survived, 
 a vigorous, powerful nation. 
 
 The loss of the allies at Austerlitz was enormous, 
 from 27,000 to 30,000 men killed, wounded and pris- 
 oners, many cannon, 400 caissons, 45 standards, while 
 the French killed and wounded are reckoned at about 
 12,000 men. The allies were cut off from retreat to 
 
 ' Macaulay. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. I57 
 
 Olmutz; if they were to take the road to Hungary it 
 would expose their flank; a victorious army thundered 
 in their front. Stunned, astounded at their great 
 defeat, a midnight council decided that the war was 
 hopeless. At four in the morning Prince Lichten- 
 stein was sent to Napoleon to propose an armistice. 
 Napoleon refused it. 
 
 But he gladly accepted an interview with the Aus- 
 trian emperor the next day. Great dangers still 
 surrounded Napoleon. He was ready to make peace. 
 The terms were verbally agreed upon at this inter- 
 view, the formal treaty would be made at Presburg. 
 Alexander consented, but he would not be a party to 
 the treaty. 
 
 Alexander was glad to extricate his army from the 
 perilous situation. The Russians were to evacuate 
 Moravia in fifteen days, and Galicia in a month. 
 Their Army of Reserve had arrived at Breslau, only a 
 few days march from Austerlitz. 
 
 Now that Russia was defeated and Austria humili- 
 ated, Napoleon threatened Haugwitz that he would 
 turn his army against Prussia, wrest from it Silesia 
 whose fortresses were not prepared 
 for defense, and excite insurrection Fmsaia, Dec, 1805. 
 in Prussian Poland, but that reasons 
 of state restrained him ; he would condone Prussia's 
 conduct only on condition that it enter heart and 
 hand into the French alliance. Haugwitz changed 
 the whole Prussian plan. Instead of presenting a 
 formidable war ultimatum, he signed a new treaty 
 with Napoleon by which Prussia was to receive 
 Hanover in exchange for Anspach, which it was to 
 cede to Bavaria, and Neufchatel to France. 
 
158 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Thus the coalition that cost so much British money 
 wasted by Pitt, was beaten in the field and dissolved 
 in diplomacy. 
 
 Great was the indignation at Berlin when the treaty 
 was made known. Instead of being delighted as 
 Napoleon hoped, the honorable Prussian conscience 
 was shocked, Prussians felt insulted. Its ratification 
 was long and anxiously debated in council. It seemed 
 now to be only a choice of ratification or war single 
 handed with Napoleon. After striking out the words 
 "alliance offensive and defensive," it was ratified 
 with the illusory proviso that it was provisional till a 
 general peace, and that Napoleon should procure a 
 formal cession of Hanover to Prussia. By this 
 treaty Napoleon hoped to produce war between Prus- 
 sia and England. Frederic William tried to acquire 
 Napoleon's consent for him to seize the free towns of 
 Hamburg, Bremen and Lubec. 
 
 When Gustavus IV of Sweden came with his 8,000 
 troops to Hanover in 1805, he brought along a print- 
 ing press, that he might, in imitation of Napoleon, 
 issue pompous bulletins from the 
 
 Sweden in 1805. ^^j^ He began with a flaming one 
 
 A royal crank. . 7 . . 
 
 announcing his arrival. To his folly 
 of engaging in a war to which Sweden had not 
 been provoked, he added personal absurdities that 
 rendered him odious to friend and foe, and especially 
 to his own highly respectable nation. Not content 
 with drawing, uselessly, the powerful enmity of Na- 
 poleon, the foolish fellow sent back to the king of 
 Prussia, a Prussian order because it had also been 
 conferred upon Napoleon. With his little army he 
 threatened Prussia that he would hold Hanover 
 
UNITED STATES ANIJ EUROPE. 159 
 
 against Prussia and Napoleon and for the king of 
 England. When the Prussian advance into Hanover 
 almost collided with four hundred Swedes at Seer- 
 field, they, wiser than their master, retired and 
 avoided a rupture. He laid an embargo on Prussian 
 vessels in Swedish ports, and actually had the audac- 
 ity to blockade Prussian ports. Only the wisdom of 
 the Prussian government spared retaliation. 
 
 The combined British, Russian, and Swedish occu- 
 pation of Hanover came to an untimely end on 
 receipt of news of Austerlitz and Presburg. Gusta- 
 vus returned to Sweden where his unlucky subjects 
 received him with regret. He tyrannically abrogated 
 the constitution which he had guaranteed to Swedish 
 Pomerania. Neither fully insane, nor possessed of 
 good common sense, he was still permitted to reign 
 and prepare great calamities for his too patient coun- 
 try, although schemes were laid to remove him to 
 avert the threatened evils. 
 
 By the treaty of Presburg Austria ceded its old 
 dominion, the Tyrol, and also the Vorarlberg to Bava- 
 ria, and that part of Venice of which it had despoiled 
 the Venetian Republic in the treaty 
 of Campo Formio, of 1797, to the ^'""f/ "*,f 7,^"^- 
 
 ^ I ■'I ' Dec. 2/, I8O0. 
 
 kingdom of Italy. It recognized all 
 the changes south of the Alps ; Napoleon's two allies, 
 the Electors of Bavaria and Wurtemberg, were made 
 kings and each had considerable additions of territory. 
 The Emperor Francis was required to engage not to 
 obstruct any act of the new kings, a clause which left 
 little of the already depleted powers of the German 
 emperor. 
 
 The counter stipulations were illusory ; Napoleon 
 
160 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 guaranteed, jointly with Austria, the independence 
 of the Helvetic Confederacy (Switzerland), which 
 country he still held with a firm grip, and of the 
 Batavian Republic (Holland), of which he soon after 
 made his brother Louis king. 
 
 Austria was to pay to France 40,000,000 francs in 
 addition to the sums already levied by the French 
 commanders; it submitted to the loss of the vast 
 military stores and magazines which the French 
 had taken, which were soon sent off to France or 
 repurchased by the Austrians.-^ Its fine altogether 
 amounted to about 1^25,000,000.^ 
 
 Austria is said to have lost by this treaty 1,331 
 square miles and 2,700,000 subjects.^ Austria 
 appears to have paid a part of her great fine to Napo- 
 leon by giving him a Hamburg bill for 7,000,000^ of 
 the very money that George and Pitt were sending 
 as subsidy to Austria. George and Pitt had as usual 
 blundered, and thus Napoleon got the very money 
 they had taken from the British for use against him.^ 
 
 September 21, 1805, Ferdinand, king of Naples, 
 engaged to remain neutral, and the French troops 
 were withdrawn. Napoleon sent them to Massena. 
 As soon as they were gone Ferdi- 
 Napies, 1805. nand's army was raised to a war foot- 
 ing. In November the queen, Car- 
 oline, broke the treaty with Napoleon, and received 
 12,000 Russian and 8,000 British troops. Ferdinand 
 proclaimed his neutrality and inability to resist this 
 force. Caroline did everything in her power to en- 
 gage Naples in the war against France. She gave 
 
 ' Alison ii. ^ Ibid, ii, 375. = Bourrienne ii, 331. 
 
 Note. After Preslnirg, Austria had about 25,000,000 people, and an 
 army of 230,000 men ; Bavaria had of peonle 3,250.000, and of army 60,000; 
 Wurtemberg had of people 1,154,000, and an army of 20,000. Alison ii, 375. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. Ifil 
 
 command of Ferdinand's army to a Russian. The 
 French ambassador left Naples. 
 
 December 26, 1805, after Austerlitz, Napoleon 
 announced from Vienna that "the dynasty of Naples 
 has ceased to reign." ^ Massena and St. Cyr marched 
 to execute this sentence, and, says Miss Martineau, 
 " in a trice the Russians were sailing away from one 
 coast and the British from the other," before the 
 French arrived. 
 
 Ferdinand fled with the queen to Sicily. Their 
 son, in whose favor they abdicated, surrendered 
 Gaeta, Pescara, and Naples itself to the French, who 
 soon after lost the fortress of Gaeta to the British 
 and Sicilians. 
 
 Napoleon made his oldest brother, Joseph Bon- 
 aparte, king of Naples. 
 
 Splendid fetes welcomed Napoleon back to Mu- 
 nich, during which his step-son, Eugene Beauharnais, 
 son of Josephine, was married to Amelie Augusta, 
 daughter of the newly made king of 
 Bavaria, and the grandson of the marHages"*^ 
 Elector of Baden was married to 
 Stephanie Beauharnais, adopted daughter of Napo- 
 leon. The next April [1806], Napoleon formally 
 adopted Eugene Beauharnais to the succession of the 
 throne of Italy in default of his own lawful issue. 
 
 A hundred days after Napoleon had crossed the 
 Rhine he recrossed it, returning to Paris a victor. 
 He now met triumphal arches and applauding mul- 
 titudes. A hundred days full of mo- 
 mentous events — Ulm, — Trafalgar, 
 — Vienna, — Austerlitz, — Presburg ! 
 
 'Napoleon, December 26, 1805. 
 11 
 
 Napoleon's rapid 
 
162 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 On September 24, Napoleon had been still at Paris; 
 on the 30th, he was at Strasburg ; it was but sixty- 
 four days later until he had achieved the final victory 
 of December 2, at Austerlitz. It was October 4 when 
 Napoleon's troops began to cross the Danube to get 
 into the rear of Ulm ; it was just sixty days later that 
 Napoleon and the Emperor Francis agreed to terms 
 of peace after Austerlitz. There had been but sixty 
 days of actual collision. 
 
 The Peace of Presburg gave great impulse to Na- 
 poleon's plans of a dominant empire, as it enabled 
 him to surround France with a great system of 
 dependent sovereigns who should do his will. 
 
 Napoleon well knew the extrem.e peril from which 
 Austerlitz and Presburg had liberated him financially, 
 but he resolved to dazzle the world by a splendid 
 declamation of the glories of French prosperity. 
 Champigny made the oration. He recounted the 
 grandeur of the victories; the magnitude of the 
 undertakings ; the navigation of rivers improved ; the 
 fortifications erected ; Genoa acquired to furnish its 
 many sailors to increase French naval resources ; 
 Italy delivered ; science and art encouraged ; Paris 
 adorned ; the Alps and the Apennines conquered ; the 
 roads of Mt. Cenis and the Simplon rising ; harbors 
 and docks being improved ; Antwerp and Cherburg 
 to rival the greatest naval establishments of England. 
 The first coalition [1792] ended in the treaty of 
 Campo Formio [1797] and gave France the frontier 
 of the Rhine and the kingdom of Italy ; the second 
 [1799] yielded Piedmont; the third [1805] Venice 
 and Naples. Russia owes the escape of its army 
 solely to our generosity; Italy forms part of the great 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 163 
 
 empire ; the emperor, as the chief supreme, has guar- 
 anteed the sovereigns and the constitutions of its 
 several parts. 
 
 Of his tremendous defeat at Trafalgar, the conflict 
 in which was lost more heavy cannon than taken in 
 any victory of Napoleon ; the greatest of all naval 
 victories, so decisive of the sovereignty of the seas ; 
 a British victory far more important and resultant 
 than his Austerlitz — a result that placed everything 
 beyond sea out of his reach ; that protected England, 
 America, the West Indies ; that dispelled all his 
 hopes and fond dreams of eastern conquest, Napoleon 
 merely said to his Senate : — 
 
 " The tempests have made us lose some vessels after a combat 
 imprudently engaged in," — 
 
 yet he was the party who pressed his gallant, but 
 unfortunate admiral, to engage in it. 
 
 During 1805, after Trafalgar, several other naval 
 collisions had occurred between French and British, 
 always to British advantage. Great Britain could 
 defy him in sight of his own ports. A long line of 
 brave and capable men had built up the renown of 
 the British navy, during a series of generations ; a 
 masterly power, so complete, so skillful, so daring, so 
 heroic, that it was beyond the power of Napoleon to 
 overthrow, or even of Pitt and George's bad manage- 
 ment to ruin it. Nelson and Collingwood are but the 
 continuation of great naval commanders, illustrious in 
 every generation of British naval history ; not ex- 
 ceeded in numbers ; not excelled in dauntless dexter- 
 ity ; not surpassed in enterprising success, 
 
 November and December, 1805, a financial panic 
 broke out at Paris ; the Bank of France had granted 
 
1^4 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 discounts to excessive amounts ; extensive specula- 
 tions were afloat. Then came the 
 
 Financial panic. Austrian Campaign, metal money that 
 would pass anywhere was wanted 
 Napoleon crippled the bank by taking 5,000,000 
 francs from it for public use ; the public must have 
 money, so the minister of finance advanced to con- 
 tractors 102,000,000 francs in exchange for 150,000,- 
 000 francs in long bills, but this did not stop the run 
 on the bank and on the treasury. Paper money 
 ceased to pass, credit stopped, the government became 
 without means of replenishing the public service. 
 Such was the disastrous aspect before Austerlitz. 
 The loss of that battle would have ruined the empire. 
 
 But Austerlitz and Presburg dispelled the panic. 
 With the close of that war the demand for the pre- 
 cious metals ceased, the crisis was over. Nothing 
 but the immediate end of the war could have averted 
 the great peril. Had Alexander and Francis refused 
 battle, as d'Tolly did in 18 12, and prolonged the war, 
 it would have thrown Napoleon's government into 
 bankruptcy. 
 
 The actual receipts of the French treasury had for 
 five years been less than the expenditures, which 
 were lavish ; extravagant expenditure by Napoleon 
 made the panic ; the treasury reports had made the 
 situation look better than fact. 
 
 Says Napoleon's trusted Savary : — 
 
 "Beaten in the depths of Moravia, deprived by inconceivable 
 imprudence of all the resources on which he was wont to calculate, 
 he would have been wholly unable to repair his losses, and his ruin, 
 from that moment, was inevitable." 
 
 Not his own ability alone, but the blunders of Pitt, 
 Alexander and Francis, had saved him. Instead of 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 165 
 
 Pitt, had an able man been at the head of the British 
 government, and an able soldier, untrammelled, com- 
 manded the allied army, then had Napoleon ceased 
 to reign in 1805. 
 
 Napoleon sent Molitor to take possession of Dal- 
 matia, which Austria had just ceded to the kingdom 
 of Italy. But he found that the Russians occupied 
 Cattaro. Molitor charged the Aus- 
 trians with having sold artillery from The treaty broken, 
 the Dalmatian fortresses. Napoleon 
 wishing to march troops through Austrian territory 
 from Venice to Dalmatia, seized the charge as a pre- 
 text to hold the Austrian fortress, Branau ; and he 
 strengthened it as a barrier against Austria itself, 
 and he declined to withdraw his armies across the 
 Rhine within the time stipulated [before April, 1806]. 
 
 The condition of Austrian affairs was deplorable. 
 Confusion and disorder prevailed in civil and mili- 
 tary. The emperor was compelled to find some one 
 more competent than himself to 
 conduct affairs. He appointed his Austria, 
 
 brother, the Archduke Charles, to 
 restore order in the government itself. Charles made 
 reforms. A great number of oi^cials were dismissed, 
 but the incapable emperor, who had permitted such a 
 state of things to exist, and who was responsible for 
 the great disasters, was kept in place. 
 
 Napoleon made his minister, Talleyrand, Prince of 
 Benevento, Italy; Marshal Bernadotte, Prince of 
 
 Note. In 1805 London docks were opened; the French and Spanish fleet 
 failed in an attack on Dominica; Holkar was deteated by the British in India; 
 Catholic petitions wei-e rejected by both Houses of Parliament; Jefferson was 
 re-elected President, and Paley died, ast. 62, and Schiller, aet. 46; Disraeli and 
 Bxilwer were born; Madame d'Stael wrote Corrinne. 
 
16(5 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Ponte Corvo, Italy ; Marshal Berthier, his adjutant, 
 Prince of Neufchatel, lately Swiss territory, and set- 
 tled on each one-fifteenth of the revenue of his prin- 
 cipality. Napoleon reserved large domains in con- 
 quered countries to use to bind officers and soldiers 
 to himself. Every conquest added means for these 
 great bribes. He created fifteen foreign duchies for 
 his generals and ministers. These foreign titles car- 
 ried foreign income to their holders. 
 
 Napoleon made his brother Joseph king of Naples. 
 Joseph entered Naples March 30, 1806, with French 
 troops. Insurrections followed. The reign of Joseph 
 was disturbed. A British fleet captured Capri island. 
 Generals Fox and Sir John Moore won honor for 
 Britain by their humanity in refusing to attempt the 
 capture of Naples when they could not hold it. This 
 magnanimity was the more conspicuous as Massena 
 was cruel. 
 
 Napoleon changed the "Batavian Republic" into 
 the Kingdom of Holland. He required a few prom- 
 inent Hollanders to come to Paris and sign a new 
 treaty. Natives of Holland were to 
 Holland. hold the state offices, Napoleon's 
 
 brother Louis was to be king, the 
 national debt was recognized, legislation was assigned 
 to the king and thirty-eight deputies; to raise the 
 present number to thirty-eight the king was to select 
 one from each four candidates nominated by deputies 
 and department assemblies; each member was to serve 
 five years ; all laws to originate with the king, he 
 held the executive power, the deputies were but a 
 council. It was a form of government to delight a 
 despot; the deputies, not the people, ratified it. It 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 1(J7 
 
 was not submitted for popular vote. Very few Hol- 
 landers had any part in the transaction. It was a 
 fraud of the most glaring kind. 
 
 Says the German, F. C. Schlosser, "a keen, critical 
 and powerful writer, who judges men and events by 
 a stern, ethical standard" : — 
 
 " The miserable, old courts, and poor souls who belong to them in 
 Germany and Italy, but especially in Spain and Portugal, would have 
 served the object of a universal monarchy, if Napoleon entertained 
 such a project, far better than the new dynasties." ' 
 
 " A Bonaparte was also forced upon the Germans, but the Germans 
 were never consulted on the subject as the Dutch had been, because 
 for centuries they had been accustomed to cabinet decrees disposing 
 of their lives, properties and rights without asking them any ques- 
 tions." 2 
 
 By treaties with Prussia,'^ Napoleon expected to 
 obtain Cleves and Wesel, and he got Berg from 
 Bavaria. He gave these countries to Marshal Joachin 
 Murat, husband of Napoleon's sister Caroline. He 
 further bound this new Grand Duke to him by retain- 
 ing him as Grand Admiral of France. Murat insti- 
 tuted reforms that benefitted his German subjects. 
 
 Whenever Napoleon conferred a favor he required 
 personal service. He was never gracious, never 
 really generous in manner in giving benefits. 
 
 "The king of Wurtemberg, one of the worst despots, in a country 
 whose dukes, with very few, and therefore more honorable excep- 
 tions, have been notorious as oppressors of their subjects, immedi- 
 ately used his sovereign power for the destruction of his people; he 
 abolished the Estates (the legislature), which were very burdensome 
 to him, and yet far from being models for imitation; he rioted in 
 luxury, hunted, and in the midst of the greatest suffering and misery 
 employed himself in collecting menageries and other costly vanities, 
 solely for his own pleasure."* 
 
 1 Schlosser's Geschichte des 18 Jahrh, vii, 4.'53. ' Ibid. 459. ' Ibid. 
 *Ibid, vii, 468. 
 
168 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Pitt died January 23, 1806, just three days before 
 Napoleon, his great enemy, victor of Austerlitz, re- 
 entered Paris. As a statesman, a manager of cam- 
 paigns, a promoter of coalition wars, a rival of Napo- 
 leon, Pitt, the orator only, was a gigantic failure. 
 Only as a marplot, a misleader, a servile panderer to 
 the follies of a half-witted king, was Pitt a success 
 for the last twelve years of his life. Though he was 
 but forty-seven years old, yet he had outlived his 
 better self for thirteen years. His private debts to 
 the amount of ;^40,ooo, parliament saddled upon the 
 nation to pay. 
 
 In the efforts of George III and William Pitt to 
 replace Europe under its old despots, they taxed 
 Britain heavily, increased her great debt, wasted her 
 money, risked making general bankruptcy. This fact 
 is proof of Britain's marvelous vitality. It raises 
 the question to what marvelous greatness might Great 
 Britain not have reached if a real statesman, of which 
 it had plenty, had then been at its head with a sov- 
 ereign discreet enough to let the ministers and parlia- 
 ment control public affairs. Miss Martineau says of 
 Pitt : — 
 
 "There was no part of his life when he was so unpopular as in the 
 closing period, for his peculiar policy was in course of wretched fail- 
 ure Friends found it difficult to press a resolution that he 
 
 was a great statesman He proved that a war administration 
 
 was no field for him." ^ 
 
 Complaints against the abuses of government, dur- 
 ing so long and so costly a war had greatly multi- 
 plied ; opposition journals increased in number and 
 vehemence. A general wish was felt for a govern- 
 ment that should unite "all the talents," without 
 
 1 Martineau's Eng. i, 142. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 169 
 
 regard to party. At last George III was fairly con- 
 strained to admit into the cabinet, the ultra Whig, 
 Charles J. Fox- 
 Fox was a man of tender, genial feelings, a grand 
 orator, a very able man, but his private moral charac- 
 ter was bad ; a fierce gambler, dissolute, he had not 
 the confidence of the British, yet in politics Fox had 
 often been right and his rival, Pitt, wrong. Fox had 
 opposed war with France ; he supported the policy of 
 non-intervention ; he loved peace ; he sought to abolish 
 the slave-trade ; he desired to benefit the British peo- 
 ple ; he opposed old abuses and new evils ; he was 
 a practical statesman of liberal, generous views, of 
 magnanimity, of humanity, but he was an intimate 
 associate of the rowdy Prince of Wales, afterward 
 George IV, and to this he added a too ardent admir- 
 ation of the French Revolution with its bloody, 
 tyrannical atrocities, when the British saw that des- 
 potic cruelty of Jaques is no better than despotism 
 of Louis. 
 
 It was bad for Great Britain that, while George 
 and Pitt were blindly, stupidly against all French 
 revolutionary government, the Opposition leader 
 Fox was too blindly for it. The happy medium 
 course was lacking. 
 
 The Russian army had gone home. Napoleon had 
 nothing to fear on the continent. Austria was pros- 
 trated, Prussia had yielded, Spain, Holland, Italy, 
 Switzerland and Germany were his mere vassals. 
 
 The Irish Catholics were discontented, were hardly 
 loyal ; Pitt and George had emptied the British treas- 
 ury, the spirits of the aggrieved nation were depressed; 
 it was difficult to get money ; Lord Melville at the 
 
170 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 head of the navy had stolen navy funds and been ac- 
 quitted on trial by the lords. People feared that the 
 high army affairs were little better under the king's pet 
 son, the Duke of York. The king and his son George, 
 the heir to the throne, were enemies and political 
 rivals, each knew and detested the well known bad- 
 ness of the other ; the king was become more nearly 
 imbecile than usual, but still stubborn, self-willed ; 
 but he was compelled to yield to public sentiment, 
 the Whigs would not come to his aid without Fox, 
 so he had to take Fox whom he hated. But George 
 maliciously consoled himself that the situation to 
 which he and Pitt had brought the country was so 
 deplorable that the Whigs could not extricate it, but 
 were coming in just in time to receive from the coun- 
 try condemnation for its disappointment of hopes of 
 relief In this hope George's malice was too well 
 gratified ; no cabinet could undo the gigantic misdo- 
 ings of George and Pitt. From Fox the people 
 expected the impossible, expected him to redress 
 irrevocable wrongs that he would gladly have pre- 
 vented. The great orator Sheridan, being a drunk- 
 ard, could not be trusted in the cabinet, so they made 
 him treasurer of the navy ! ^ 
 
 There were three parties : i. The Whigs, who 
 adhered to democratic principles and free institutions, 
 led by Fox and Lord Erskine, who desired reform of 
 parliament, so that the people should be represented, 
 there being till 1832 only high-class representation, 
 seats bought, sold, given away and held by a few as 
 their private property, — there was extreme need of 
 this 1832 reform, — they wished to repeal the acts 
 
 ' Mftitineau i, 176. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 171 
 
 which barred from civil and miUtary offices persons 
 not members of the state Church ; they wanted to 
 abolish the slave trade and slavery, and this alone 
 brought against them great rancor of feeling ; they 
 loved the great blessings of peace. 
 
 2. A faction of the Whigs led by Lord Grenville, 
 Earl Spencer and Mr. Windham, and composed of 
 old families, with less hold on the popular feeling. 
 They were hostile to France and to free principles, 
 and were very aristocratic. 
 
 3. The old Tory party, conspicuous for the long 
 term of power and the injuries it had done England. 
 It was still powerful. 
 
 Mr. Fox, far the ablest man in the cabinet, did not 
 take the first place ; Grenville was at the head. Fox 
 was minister of Foreign Affairs. But when persons 
 spoke of the cabinet it was of Fox that they were 
 thinking. 
 
 George Canning, the leading "Pittite" in parlia- 
 ment, bitterly opposed this new ministry. 
 
 The miserable king now insisted on right to con- 
 trol of the army as his prerogative, through his pet 
 son, the duke of York, the commander-in-chief. 
 Grenville held this claim to be illegal ; they disa- 
 greed, Grenville considered himself dismissed. So 
 the new government was obstructed at the very start 
 by the same old marplot. George's brain, the smallest 
 of any English king, except James 11,^ was now 
 almost completely muddled, yet he could still stop 
 the government. Changes in many offices were nec- 
 essary, but he wished to control all these places. 
 
 Two days passed. George must have a ministry. 
 
 ' Green. 
 
172 USITED STATES AND EUBOPE. 
 
 He pretended to yield, but he required that all army 
 changes be with his knowledge and consent. Then 
 really Grenville yielded. 
 
 The new ministry violated English custom and law 
 by placing a judge (Ellenborough, the Lord Chief 
 Justice), in the cabinet. Judiciary and politics should 
 always be separate. 
 
 Though George and Pitt were so long in power, 
 not a single improvement in the government is due 
 to them. Of Pitt, one of his most ardent ultra tory 
 admirers ^ admits : — 
 
 '"Napoleon observed that he (Pitt) had no turn for military com- 
 binations, and a retrospect of the campaigns which he had a share in 
 directing, must, with every impartial mind, confirm the justice of the 
 opinion. He prolonged the war for an indefinite period, and ulti- 
 mately brought upon the country losses and expenses much greater 
 than would have resulted from a more vigorous policy,' .... 'and 
 saddled the nation with the ultimate payment of one-third more than 
 it received' in the debt." 
 
 Pitt's funding law was his own invention. In this 
 he fairly outrivalled his king in masterly stupidity. 
 He was pre-eminently the worst financier in Europe. 
 
 The principles of his famous funding scheme, a 
 fraud that deceived British tories and, strange as it 
 may seem, convinced even sane i)ersons that Pitt was 
 a great financier, was about as follows : Pitt borrowed 
 enormous sums of money for the government, where 
 for each $60 borrowed he gave the nation's bond for 
 ^100 at interest. He paid the interest partly in 
 taxes and partly by borrowing more money on the 
 same ruinous terms. He borrowed vastly and often. 
 
 Then came in that strangely foolish scheme, his 
 great claim to be considered a financier. Periodically 
 the borrower lent to himself, at compound interest, 
 
 1 Alison. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 173 
 
 small sums (say i / 500 of the great debt), and gravely 
 expected those small sums at compound interest, 
 himself against himself, to pay his whole enormous 
 debt into which he had plunged the nation ! This 
 was Pitt's famous Sinking Fund Law of 1786, which 
 stood till 181 3. 
 
 That this folly, so incredible, could possibly be 
 excelled in all the annals of foolishness, the ministry 
 found a way to go to still deeper depths of absurdity, 
 and actually sometimes borrowed the money to put 
 into the small sinking fund — borrowed money at 
 high rates of interest and high premium to put at 
 interest to pay their debt ! 
 
 The new Grenville government, with a head hostile 
 to France and containing several peace members, pre- 
 pared to carry on the war. Income tax was raised 
 from 6^ to 10 per cent, and sugar tax increased. 
 Still a loan of ^18,000,000 (nearly $90,000,000) was 
 borrowed for that year. This increase of income tax 
 was loudly complained of as a grievous burden, and 
 departure by the ministers from their professions 
 before they took office. The whole expenditure that 
 year was ;!^72,ooo,ooo (about -f! 3 5 5,800,000), of which 
 ^23,000,000 were debt charges that came from for- 
 mer ministries. England was indignant at the higher 
 taxes, while the king's great income was exempted 
 from taxes. That the king, the very man who should 
 have been the first to make great sacrifice should be 
 excused from any tax was unlike Fox, but very like 
 the selfish George. 
 
 The ministry secured change in enlistment laws, 
 making the term seven years with three years more 
 in time of war, instead of for life. It was not easy 
 
174 UJSITEI) STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 to get recruits. The new plan increased enlistment 
 less than it would if barbarous punishments had been 
 abolished. Still might soldiers be flt)gged even six 
 hundred stripes, — such was the still cruel law of 
 1806 of Windham, a minister who also defended the 
 slave trade. 
 
 In a few weeks Fox was ill. He was but a few 
 months in the ministry. George III had hated him 
 ever since his opposition in the American Revolution. 
 His hatred had been often refreshed ; it had been 
 especially aroused in the late session when Fox and 
 Grenville had again brought forward Catholic eman- 
 cipation, to which George was bitterly opposed, even 
 while George was aiding the most intolerant Catholic 
 despotisms abroad against the interests of their peo- 
 ple, as he once aided French Catholics against their 
 own French government de facto. 
 
 Fox was a comprehensive statesman. Many meas- 
 ures for which he struggled against the narrow preju- 
 dices of George and his supporters, have, since his 
 death, been enacted and are now among the vital 
 principles of British policy and glory and renown. 
 
 PRUSSIA, 1806. 
 
 The Prussian military were arranged as if all 
 trouble was over, while Napoleon still kept an army 
 on the Main. Haugwitz was sent to Paris ; Napoleon 
 used to him severe language ; he threatened the 
 downfall of Prussia. After a stormy interview with 
 Napoleon, Haugwitz received from Talleyrand notice 
 that, as the Haugwitz treaty of December 15, 1805, 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 175 
 
 was not ratified by Prussia within the specified time, 
 it was not concluded. Another draft was laid before 
 him still worse for Prussia. Bayreuth was added to 
 Prussia's sacrifice to robbery. Prussia was now 
 required to assume an attitude decidedly hostile to 
 Great Britain ; to shut the Weser, the Elbe, the Ems 
 against English trade. England desired to hold the 
 world's carrying trade as far as possible, but Napo- 
 leon was fast taking the position of hostility to the 
 world's trade itself 
 
 Until 1806 Napoleon had warred against individual 
 nations ; he was now rapidly becoming the enemy of 
 all the world that lay outside of his own empire, as 
 he was the despot of that within. 
 
 Haugwitz was told that if he did not sign this 
 offered treaty the French troops would be put in 
 motion immediately against Prussia. Haugwitz well 
 knew that this meant not only the troops of France 
 proper but other large forces. He saw no escape 
 for Prussia; her armaments were on a peace footing ; 
 she was already embroiled with Britain and with 
 Sweden ; there can be little doubt that Napoleon had 
 already used large sums of money to buy advocates 
 in the Prussian court ; what could Prussia do if 
 Napoleon's great army of combined forces of twelve ^ 
 countries, with the possible help of three others,^ 
 were suddenly let loose upon her .-* 
 
 Haugwitz, under this strong compulsion, signed the 
 offered treaty, February 13, 1806. Six days later, 
 before Prussia ratified the treaty, as soon as an order 
 could reach them from Paris, Bernadotte took posses- 
 Trance, Italy, Naples, Switzerland, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Baden, Holland, 
 Hanover, Bel<?ium, Uerg, and Spain. 
 * Hesse, Saxony, and Portugal. 
 
176 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 sion of Anspach for Bavaria, and Murat took Wesel 
 and Cleves for himself. Nothing was left in exchange 
 to Prussia but the much-disputed Hanover. The king 
 of Prussia again offended Napoleon by showing spe- 
 cial honor to the Russians, and reviewing the Russian 
 army at Stettin, March 3. On March 9, he ratified 
 the Haugwitz treaty, committing Prussia to unfriendly 
 attitude toward the British and Russians. This was 
 the incapable conduct of the man placed by heredity 
 in a place that nature never intended him to fill. 
 
 On news that Prussia occupied Hanover and closed 
 the Elbe and Weser against English trade, the Brit- 
 ish embargoed all Prussian ships in British ports. 
 
 Thus Napoleon's cruel policy enriched his enemy, 
 England, with the prizes of about four hundred Prus- 
 sian and German vessels, and annihilation of Prussia's 
 trading fleet, the very thing that benefited England 
 most, by removing the Prussian and German compe- 
 tition to British trade. 
 
 April I, 1806, Prussia took formal possession of 
 Hanover, received from the French. Mr. Fox, in 
 parliament, denounced " that worst emanation of the 
 disorders and calamities of Europe," the transferring 
 of people from one power to another like so many 
 cattle. This sale of a country, so in harmony with 
 the atrocious practice of those wicked tin:es, so in 
 defiance of every principle of justice or morality, was 
 in this instance met by the Whig ministry with a 
 declaration of war, June 11, 1806, against the rapa- 
 cious king of Prussia, Napoleon's victim. 
 
 Napoleon had criminally traded what was not his 
 own, and not even in his possession, for he held but 
 a single town of Hanover when he sold the whole 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 177 
 
 state to Frederick William who bought it and then did 
 the actual robbery himself. Napoleon was gigantic 
 in this species of crime. It is not certain that Na- 
 poleon would ever have made conquest of Hanover, 
 yet he feloniously sold it to Prussia in exchange for 
 Anspach and Bayreuth, given to Bavaria in exchange 
 Berg and Cleves (and Wesel), which Napoleon gave 
 to Murat, whom he made Grand Duke of Berg and 
 Cleves. 
 
 The punishment of the purloiner of a country soon 
 overtook Frederick William ; it was deplorable that it 
 also punished guiltless Prussians and Germans, a race 
 whose noble qualities deserved a better king and a 
 fairer fate. 
 
 VII 
 UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 WAR against wholesome trade is war against 
 mankind. The enemy of innocent com- 
 merce is the whole world's enemy. 
 
 But the right of a belligerent to station before a 
 hostile port a force to prevent entrance and egress of 
 neutral vessels, is founded in recognized principles, 
 but the blockade must be actual and sufficient. 
 
 George Ill's ministry "pretended that if a port 
 was declared to be under blockade it must be regarded 
 as actually blockaded." Other nations generally 
 resisted this principle. 
 
 May i6, 1806, the Grenville Whig ministry declared 
 all French ports from the Elbe to Brest, about eight 
 12 
 
178 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 hundred miles, under blockade. This illegal order 
 caused great uneasiness in America. Next to Great 
 Britain the United Statf^s had the richest commerce 
 of any nation. As America was neutral in European 
 wars, French, Dutch and British and Russian mer- 
 chants shipped great amounts of their goods in Amer- 
 ican vessels, because the vessels of a neutral are, 
 by international law, exempt from capture by parties 
 at war, while their own vessels are liable to be taken 
 by the privateers and war ships of the other side. 
 This carrying trade had become very profitable to 
 Americans. Any interference with it was keenly 
 felt by the commercial districts from Baltimore to 
 Eastport, where most of our ships were owned. 
 
 The United States and Britain had long been at 
 controversy because British navy officers stopped 
 American ships, searched their crews and seized and 
 took away native British sailors, and sometimes 
 American seamen, whom they compelled to serve in 
 the British navy. 
 
 America often remonstrated. The power was on 
 the British side and Britain used it. America had 
 very little navy ; Britain was the greatest naval power 
 of all history. 
 
 British and French restrictions on American com- 
 merce excited different feelings in the two great 
 American political parties. The southern slave- 
 holders who dominated the democrat-republican party 
 were then in power. They loved France ; they hated 
 England, Napoleon warred on England, he was a 
 great soldier, they were dazzled by his military 
 "glory," so they admired Napoleon. 
 
 During the ninth Congress, in 1805, Jefferson's 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 179 
 
 party accepted the name, till then refused by them, 
 of Democrats, flung at them by Federalists in reproach 
 as a charge of favoring mob rule. It did not sup- 
 plant the name, Republicans, and it s5,nk out of sight 
 when all parties became Republicans in 1815. But 
 it was revived on the disruption of that general party 
 into Whigs and Democrats in Jackson's time, and the 
 name Republican disappeared until 1856, when it was 
 taken by a new party. 
 
 The Federalist party, out of power, was strongest 
 in the North. It did not like Napoleon, nor despotism 
 under any name. It could not admire George III, 
 any more than England of today admires him. It 
 wanted peace with England, open commerce, pros- 
 perity ; it wanted a navy to protect America and our 
 commerce. Beyond the odious George it saw the 
 kindred British people to whom they were friendly. 
 
 While the Jefferson party saw all France in Napo- 
 leon, commercial America saw in George III only an 
 incumbrance, a handicap on his honorable people, 
 saw the great distinction between a nation itself and 
 its rulers, saw that England was not George, that 
 France was not Napoleon, that England and France 
 were the victims of their rulers. Federalists detested 
 Napoleon's aspirations to empire of the world ; Jef- 
 ferson's party admired his overthrow of thrones, 
 though he raised new thrones as despotic. 
 
 We are not to study history to excuse our faults, 
 so with candor we must admit that Britain had just 
 cause of complaint that American captains shipped 
 British seamen knowingly when Britain was in great 
 need of their services ; it was as if English vessels 
 had employed great numbers of our men of military 
 
180 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 age during the late secession war and so kept them 
 out of the way of our conscription when General 
 Grant was before Richmond. Had the British ar- 
 rested only British subjects on American ships in 
 British ports it might have been tolerated rather than 
 risk war with the mistress of the seas, but they 
 searched our ships at sea and took away part 
 of the crews. England asserted its right to take 
 its subjects thus, and offered to give up Americans 
 on their ships on demand, with proof. America re- 
 garded naturalized men as fully Americans ; Britain 
 denied that its subjects can cease allegiance to Brit- 
 ain, and it urged its great emergency as reason for 
 insisting. 
 
 The eccentric John Randolph, till then a follower 
 of Jefferson, declaimed in Congress : — 
 
 " What is the quesiion .'.... It is the carrying trade which cov- 
 ers enemy's property, and carries, under a neutral flag, coffee, sugar, 
 
 and other colonial products, the property of belligerents It is 
 
 not for the honest trade of America, a trade that European peace 
 will dispel I am averse to a naval war with any nation.'' 
 
 Such were the Jeffersonian sentiments of 1806. 
 News came of Trafalgar. Jefferson's party saw that 
 Great Britain no longer had a naval rival on the seas. 
 Randolph justly remarked : — 
 
 " Take away the British navy, and France is tomorrow the tyrant 
 of the ocean." 
 
 It was true. But in this remark he had expressed 
 Federalist opinion. Randolph was accused of desert- 
 ing the Jefferson party. That was also true. Trafal- 
 gar had opened his eyes. 
 
 James Madison had what he called a pacific policy. 
 Refuse British imports ; nobody must buy, nobody 
 must sell English goods. The Jefferson party seized 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 181 
 
 the idea. In March [1806] Congress passed an act 
 which forbade any import of leather, silk, hemp, flax, 
 tin, brass, high-priced woolens, glass, hats, clothing, 
 millinery, beer, pictures, prints, card and silver plate 
 from England. Several of these articles were not 
 produced in America. We had no silk, tin, brass, 
 glass, and plate factories. 
 
 A singular feature of this "pacific " policy was it 
 included an act authorizing the president, if he de- 
 sired, to call into military service 100,000 militia or 
 volunteers! His party had always bitterly opposed 
 having a standing army. Now they were apparently 
 preparing for war ! 
 
 In April, 1806, Pierce, an American, was killed in 
 American waters, near New York by a shot from a 
 British war vessel. Excited New Yorkers called on 
 the president for ships of war to protect their great 
 harbor. Jefferson, always against an American navy, 
 sent them a copy of his favorite law against increas- 
 ing our feeble, miniature navy, and a proclamation 
 ordering the offending vessel to depart, an order 
 which he had not force to make effective. Jefferson 
 was the leader in opposition to an American navy, 
 yet Jefferson wrote to Monroe the great assumption, 
 "We consider the whole Gulf Stream as our waters." ^ 
 
 Congress gave ^250,000 to build fifty more of Jef- 
 ferson's small, useless guncraft, but Congress refused 
 money to build or even to repair frigates, so hostile 
 was the South to a navy. For years war had been 
 threatened, yet the only addition to our navy in six 
 years had been two sloops ! 
 
 Frames laid years before for six ships of the line, 
 
 * Jefferson to Monroe, May 4, 1806. 
 
182 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 were actually cut up for these useless guncraft that 
 nobody heard of when real war came. Timber 
 bought for frigates when Adams was president was 
 thus wasted. Most of our very few small war vessels 
 were laid up at a time when our rich commerce was 
 greatly exposed to pillage by England, France, and 
 Spain — when even little Denmark seized American 
 vessels. 
 
 All America was enraged by the British impress- 
 ment of many Americans, yet America was totally 
 unable to enforce its just claim against impressments. 
 The great British navy contained more than 100,000 
 men; our navy 925 men! Their naval force was 
 more than a hundred to our one. There was nothing 
 for us to do but negotiate. Yet our population was 
 one-half that of England, Scotland, and Wales. We 
 could raise Madison's 100,000 militia, but as Eng- 
 land had neither disposition to invade our country 
 nor army to spare to do it, and as 100,000 militia 
 could not meet the British navy at sea, it is hardly 
 apparent what was to be done with them if Jefferson 
 should call them out as Madison's law provided. 
 (Better perhaps in all wars that each party be unable 
 to get at the other ; it would save bloodshed). 
 
 Americans had warmly sympathized with republi- 
 can France. But France was no longer a republic. 
 It was a much more arbitrary monarchy than Great 
 Britain. It was strongly centralized ; liberal views 
 were entirely suppressed ; it was not the France of 
 liberal Lafayette. Napoleon, never a friend to any- 
 thing but himself, France, and Italy, was in almost 
 absolute power. Yet still in Jefferson and his party 
 remained strong; French sentiment. In our war of 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 1^3 
 
 liberation the French people had won our love. All 
 Americans remembered that ; but all Americans did 
 not give to the great oppressor of France the love 
 and gratitude that was owed to only the French peo- 
 ple themselves. That was a difference between 
 the Jefferson party and the other Americans. 
 
 After 1783, the American republic was never in 
 danger of being overthrown by any power but Napo- 
 leon, and Napoleon overturned everything within his 
 reach. There is no reason to believe that this most 
 arbitrary of conquerors would have spared the Amer- 
 ican republic, whose very existence was a constant 
 menace to his throne by its facilitating the spread of 
 free principles. Spain gave him no provocation, yet 
 he gave her a most terribly devastating war of six 
 years; Portugal gave him neither insult nor injury, 
 yet he almost annihilated her, his armies utterly 
 destroyed even the crops of her fields and the huts 
 of her lowest peasantry; Denmark never harmed 
 him, yet it was a bitter lot that he dealt out to her. 
 The Prussian king was his friend, his accomplice in 
 despoiUng Germany, yet he turned upon Prussia a 
 vengeance too horrible for one's worst enemy. The 
 Czar of Russia was his bosom confidant, yet he 
 wasted 250,000 human lives on his own side and a 
 countless number of Russians, trying to destroy the 
 Czar's empire in 18 12. He was always a bitter friend, 
 a destroying enemy to all nations that lay accessible. 
 
 It was the British navy alone that barred him from 
 access to America. If once Napoleon had controlled 
 the ocean, he could have sent here armies of many 
 times the numbers of the larf2:est that England had 
 been able to send in our British war. As late as 
 
184 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 1 8 10, in his ministry, appeared a plan for the con- 
 quest of America. It is hardly likely that Fouch^ 
 originated that plan without former discussion and 
 inspiration from Napoleon, 
 
 The situation of England was critical. The admir- 
 alty dared not announce cessation of seizure of British 
 seamen on neutral ships, lest American vessels be 
 asylums to British deserters and wholesale desertions 
 should denude, not only its merchant vessels, but 
 also that navy on which England's safety from inva- 
 sion by the French depended. They showed a dis- 
 position to be willing to let impressment quietly cease 
 without public notice and gradually, bui Jefferson 
 was unwilling to wait. From time immemorial Britain 
 had obtained men for its navy by the outrageously 
 wicked system of impressment. Now that it was in 
 a stupendous struggle for very existence, it must 
 husband all its resources of recruitment. With peace 
 the practice of invading American vessels would 
 cease of itself. The war depended on the one life of 
 Napoleon, which he freely hazarded in war. All 
 human life must end, a successor was impossible, 
 then probably nobody could hold together his empire, 
 not the ablest French marshal, the most influential 
 statesman, certainly no other Bonaparte. Then 
 England's great trial would end. 
 
 Fox was sick. Lords Auckland and Howick (Grey) 
 acted for him. They proposed to the American 
 envoys at London, Monroe and Pinckney, that Eng- 
 land make it penal to impress Americans, and Amer- 
 ica to refuse certificates of citizenship to British. 
 The Americans declined. This project would inter- 
 fere with the American doctrine that any man has a 
 
ONE SIXTH OF JEFFERSON'S EFFECTIVE NAVY. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 185 
 
 right to expatriate himself, that America will always 
 allow foreign born persons to become American citi- 
 zens, and will then protect them. 
 
 The British proposed that Britain would stringently 
 instruct British officers not to molest Americans, and 
 would promptly redress any cases of molestation. 
 Monroe and Pincknev understood them to intend a 
 quiet abandonment of seizure of men from neutral 
 ships, without risking the dangers and damage of its 
 announcement on their own army and navy ; an 
 expressed willingness to do anything but to renounce 
 it might cause wholesale exodus of British seamen 
 from their own to our flag for shelter from naval 
 service. Should they neglect this opportunity ? 
 Monroe said " no," Pinckney said "no." They made 
 a treaty, somewhat like Washington's Jay treaty of 
 1795 ; trade between the United States and Britain 
 on entire reciprocity ; American vessels in the East 
 India trade limited to direct voyage to India and 
 back ; no British concession in British West Indies ; 
 Britain's blockade recognized as in the then existing 
 Jay treaty, but no American vessel to be visited or 
 seized within five miles of the American coast. 
 Britain made the concession, extremely important to 
 Americans, that our vessels might, during the present 
 hostilities, carry to any port not blockaded by force, 
 any European goods, or colonial produce, not contra- 
 band, if it was American property, previously landed 
 in the United States, and had paid an American duty 
 of at least one per cent above drawback. 
 
 This treaty did not mention impressments. News 
 came of Napoleon's famous Berlin Decree, and then 
 the British negotiators asked assurance that America 
 
186 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 would resent any interferences with our trade by 
 France. Our envoys refused to give this assurance ; 
 they would not quarrel with France to benefit British 
 trade. The treaty was then signed, the British de- 
 claring in a separate paper their right to retaliate the 
 Berhn Decree. 
 
 This treaty seemed all that could be had. England 
 would yield no more till peace with France. It is all 
 that the war of 1812 obtained. The power at sea was 
 so strongly British that she could withhold what she 
 pleased. 
 
 The Franco-Prussian campaign of October, 1806, 
 came and ended, and Napoleon made a wicked retal- 
 iation for England's blockade order of May, 1806. 
 
 By his infamous Decree of Berlin of 
 Berlin Decree. November, 1806, he declared the 
 
 whole British islands under blockade. 
 To call such a declaration a blockade of Great Britain 
 was absurd. He sent not a single ship, not a gun, not 
 a man to enforce it before any British port. It could 
 therefore claim none of the sanction that international 
 law gives to blockade. It was an arbitrary act, outside 
 of law of civilized nations. Therefore no one had 
 moral duty to respect it. By this illegal Berlin De- 
 cree all communication between the French empire 
 and England was forbidden ; no letters in English 
 nor parcels addressed to England or to an English- 
 man were to be sent from post-offices ; every British 
 subject found in any country occupied by the French 
 was to be prisoner of war. All property of any 
 Englishman was to be made prize, one-half to go to 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE 187 
 
 French merchants whose vessels were taken at sea 
 by the British. All vessels coming from England or 
 its colonies, or having been there after date of this 
 decree, were refused admission to any French port. 
 Says the Frenchman, Bourrienne : — 
 
 "This is what was called the 'Continental System,' which in 
 plain terms was nothing but a system of fraud and pillage .... 
 extorted exhorbitant prices for articles which the habits of three 
 centuries had rendered indispensable to poor and rich. It was in 
 revenge for the English very extended system of blockades which 
 after Trafalgar put it out of his power to keep the seas. 
 
 The hurling of twenty kings from their thrones would have excited 
 less hatred than this contempt for the wants of nations." ^ 
 
 Napoleon caused Denmark to adopt it October 31, 
 and Russia, November 7 ; only Turkey and the 
 islands of Sicily and Sardinia rejected it, though Spain 
 and Portugal opposed it. All other ports of Europe 
 were thus closed against British vessels. Says Rot- 
 teck (German): — 
 
 "These measures were mainly the result of the general discontent 
 which the British government had caused by its illiberal views and 
 its acts of violence." '^ 
 
 The arbitrary Napoleon issued his Berlin Decree 
 like an order of the day, and his servile Senate rati- 
 fied it. France itself had no hand in it. It was 
 simply the arbitrary act of absolutism, entirely regard- 
 less of what might be the opinion or the wishes of 
 France. 
 
 " Its execution did most harm to France, and to 
 band all Europe against it." '^ By it he practically 
 blockaded his own empire. It was savage hostility 
 toward all mankind, but it seems to have caused 
 
 1 Bourrienne ii, 361-65 
 
 -C. Von Rotteck's Allgemeine Weltgeschichte, iv 176. 
 
 ' Bourrienne ii, 366. 
 
188 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 most suffering to his own subjects, from whom it 
 barred articles of prime necessity. That was an epoch 
 of bitterness, of lack of mercy, of want of equity, of 
 public injustice. So dull was the public conscience 
 that some persons even defended as justifiable 
 Napoleon's conquest and plunder of Prussia, and 
 George's piratical raid on Copenhagen. There were 
 even men who regarded those two unworthy rulers of 
 honorable nations as good monarchs ! 
 
 January, 1807, British "Orders in Council" de- 
 clared that no vessel shall be permitted to trade from 
 one port to another of France or her allies, or posses- 
 sions, or ports so far under her control that British 
 vessels may not trade thereat, " on pain of capture 
 and condemnation." ^ This order applied in its terms 
 to France, Spain, Holland, Italy, Naples, Belgium, 
 Denmark, Prussia, Germany, and Russia, and the 
 French colonies. 
 
 As Napoleon's Berlin Decree injured Americans, 
 George's ministry hoped by adding the British injury 
 contained in their " Order in Council," to arouse the 
 Americans to resent the French injury alone ! This 
 was reasoning worthy of George himself. 
 
 Napoleon was no champion of human rights ; he 
 was champion only of his own power and his avarice. 
 His Berlin Decree was war on all commerce. For a 
 time he pretended to exempt Americans from its 
 effect, but American vessels in the West Indies were 
 seized by French on pretense, perhaps true, of having 
 British goods on board, and English manufactures 
 in Europe, owned by Americans, were " seques- 
 trated " to await Napoleon's decision. 
 
 ' Official Document. 
 
UNITED STATES AND E if ROPE. 189 
 
 Jefferson and Secretary of State Madison rejected 
 this treaty. Congress was in session. The president 
 did not submit it to the Senate. Not even a cabinet 
 consultation was had. 
 
 They objected that it did not end impressments of 
 Americans ; that it appeared to leave to England the 
 power to ignore our neutral rights if France were 
 permitted to ignore them ; that this might leave 
 Britain unbound and America bound for ten years to 
 pass no embargo or " take any other measures to 
 restrain the unjust pretensions and practices of the 
 British." ^ 
 
 But Congress might have approved it with the 
 proviso that any violation of its terms by England 
 should release America. 
 
 Monroe at London responded that impressments 
 were left open for future discussion. Jefferson in- 
 structed Monroe and Pinckney to negotiate further 
 and not conclude without abolition of impressing 
 from our ships, and not to allow England to treat 
 neutrals as France might treat them. Jefferson in- 
 dicated willingness that practice should conform to 
 the basis of this treaty. To manifest his wish for 
 conciliation he proclaimed suspension of the non- 
 importation act till the next November. But Fox 
 died. It was Perceval's Tory ministry that received 
 Jefferson's own refusal. Perceval was not concilia- 
 tory. The great opportunity had passed. Jefferson 
 had failed to follow the example set him by Wash- 
 ington in accepting the Jay treaty in 1795. The 
 Chesapeake affair followed. 
 
 Had Jefferson accepted the treaty, taken the easily 
 
 »^ Jefferson to Monroe, March 21, 1807. 
 
190 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 paid duties on our imports to build frigates, and al- 
 lowed merchant ships to arm and defend themselves, 
 he could have commanded foreign respect and spared 
 his embargo and the American distress it caused. 
 But while we were without means to resent or re- 
 dress English insults and injuries, England would 
 hold to its advantages of deriving strength to its 
 navy by taking its deserters and subjects to impress- 
 ment from our vessels ; she must have seamen ; she 
 could not afford to let hers escape in our ships. 
 
 With similar grievances, Washington, in April, 
 1794, nominated John Jay as special envoy to Brit- 
 ain. Washington stated that he 
 
 What Washington did 1 1^1 i i 
 
 in a similar case, ^opcd to honorably prevent war. 
 But in 1794 he was opposed by the 
 large Jefferson party in Congress who wanted to 
 stop all trade and intercourse with Britain, to attempt 
 to coerce its Pitt ministry to deal more gently 
 with us. Madison, prompted by Jefferson, who had 
 retired from Washington's cabinet, introduced reso- 
 lutions with that object. It was thought that embargo 
 would so distress the English common people and 
 laborers that its ministry would yield to relieve them ; 
 they little realized the hard hearts of George and 
 Pitt. Jefferson's party vigorously opposed Wash- 
 ington's wise measure. In the House the matter 
 was violently discussed ; it was contended that em- 
 bargo was better than conciliation, and the foolish 
 idea was held that conciliation is sign of weakness. 
 The friends of Washington, with better knowledge of 
 human nature and of British nature, represented that 
 an embargo is almost war without war's compensa- 
 tions ; that it would only irritate rather than coerce 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 191 
 
 the ministry ; that Britain's vast resources could sus- 
 tain her without our trade ; that our own commerce 
 and prosperity would receive a severe blow, and our 
 revenue fail to pay our debt ; that negotiation might 
 succeed and war be averted ; it was not best to throw 
 away the chance. All this in the House which had 
 no vote to confirm or to reject the nomination of Mr. 
 Jay. In the Senate, after a hard struggle, the Jef- 
 ferson party failed to get a majority to vote against 
 Washington's measure, and Jay's nomination was 
 confirmed. In the House was still a small Jefferson 
 majority against Washington's policy; they refused 
 to sanction Jay's mission ; they held it to be humili- 
 ating. Peace between Portugal and Algiers had left 
 the Algerine vessels free to depredate on American 
 commerce ; they took several of our vessels, held the 
 crews as prisoners and confiscated the cargo. The 
 jealous idea was started that George's ministry had 
 procured this peace for that very object, to annoy our 
 commerce. The ministry disavowed it. 
 
 Mr. Jay made a treaty. It contained all that the 
 British cabinet would yield ; it did not end impress- 
 ments, and, to the Jefferson men's special aversion, 
 it required honest debts due to British or to royalists 
 who had left the country, to be paid, and it restricted 
 entry of our vessels to British West India ports, to 
 those under one hundred tons burden and with car- 
 goes from the United States. This restriction to 
 vessels too small to trade across the ocean was aimed 
 at France and Spain ; England had defeated their 
 trade with their colonies ; it would be throwing away 
 the reward of victory if she allowed them to recover 
 this trade by using American vessels. 
 
192 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Tranquility was rudely broken by the boisterous 
 conflict for and against this Jay treaty. Public meet- 
 ings were held in towns to protest against it. The 
 fight was very earnest, animated, bitter. William 
 Corbett has described the scene when Washington 
 came to make his annual speech to Congress, Decem- 
 ber, 1795.^ The Congress was in grave silence, the 
 gallery was crowded with spectators. The tall form 
 of Washington entered the hall. His manly figure 
 was well set off by the old style of dress, his pow- 
 dered wig, his long blue coat with buff facings, his 
 silk hose and buff waistcoat and breeches ; and then 
 his bright, florid face and his mild blue eyes evinced 
 trouble today ; he was not assured of welcome ; he 
 saw before him numbers of men who wished to 
 thwart his measures. It was the first time Washing- 
 ton had ever met a Congress that was opposed to 
 him; he felt the changed situation ; he "spoke in a 
 timid manner ; " when he spoke of the British treaty 
 he cast those mild blue eyes " with a look of injured 
 innocence toward the gallery " where sat sympathiz- 
 ers with his policy. Not a murmur of dissent was 
 heard ; all was silence — cool, calculating silence. 
 When he had retired the House refused to adopt its 
 answer to his address because its draft contained an 
 expression of "undiminished confidence" in Wash- 
 ington.^ The Senate ratified the treaty, but it was 
 conditionally and without a single vote to spare. 
 Only one more vote against it and Washington 
 would have been defeated in his measure. Then, 
 with a strong memorial against the British order to 
 its naval oflicers to seize all food in American cargoes 
 
 *Peter Porcupine's Coug. Gallery, 21. 
 

 JEFFERSON OPPOSING WASHINGTON IN THE FIRST CABINET. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. I93 
 
 destined for French ports, Washington sent his ap- 
 proval, the British ministry soon revoked their odious 
 order, and there was peace. 
 
 But the Jefferson party in the House still tried 
 to defeat the Jay treaty by refusal to appropriate 
 money to execute it. It was only after long and 
 angry discussions and unjust reproaches of Washing- 
 ton, the bitterness of which he was made acutely to 
 feel, that some few of the opposition, knowing that a 
 ratified treaty is law, and that its violation would dis- 
 grace our nation and dishonor our good faith, voted 
 with Washington's supporters and made the appro- 
 priation needed. I explain this here in order that 
 the different courses of Washington and Jefferson 
 under similar circumstances may be compared. The 
 first resulted in peace, the second, we are to trace to 
 its culmination in war after causing terrible distress 
 to both countries. 
 
 The horror excited by the Sedition law passed in 
 John Adams' term, with its only six trials, powerfully 
 aided in 1801 to place Jefferson's party in power. 
 But under Jefferson in 1806 several libel suits were 
 brought. Such suits were in violation of the princi- 
 ples professed by Jefferson before his election. They 
 were notably Doane's case in Pennsylvania, Reeve's, 
 and the Courant newspaper cases in Connecticut. 
 They failed, and the press had less to fear. The 
 Courant case brought the important decision by the 
 United States Supreme Court that Federal courts 
 have no criminal jurisdiction not expressly given by 
 statute. 
 
 13 
 
194 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 VIII 
 
 NEGOTIATIONS for peace between Fox and 
 Napoleon dragged heavily. Napoleon, as 
 usual, protested that he desired peace, but he was 
 not willing to be just or honorable. 
 Negotiations. 1806. The basis for these negotiations was 
 for each party to hold its conquests. 
 After much difficulty, Napoleon was brought to offer 
 to restore Hanover to George, although he had 
 already sold it to Frederick William. The retention 
 of Sicily by its king, Ferdinand, was the grand sine 
 qua noil of Fox. And Fox was right ; Napoleon con- 
 sented, but he fell away from his promise ; he de- 
 manded Sicily ; he had never conquered it ; Sicily 
 was out of reach of his conquest ; it, like England, 
 was protected by the surrounding sea. Yet on this 
 point Napoleon, the unjust, made a stand. The 
 secret of his falling away from his own terms was 
 soon apparent. News came to England that he had 
 deluded the Russian ambassador, d'Oubril, into mak- 
 ing a separate peace with him. The almost dying 
 Fox learned this fact July 25. 
 
 There were great obstacles in England to peace. 
 Nobody could trust Napoleon ; he was ready to 
 break a treaty whenever he saw chance of conquest 
 and spoils ; he had broken many treaties ; who could 
 confide in his pledged word .'' England believed that 
 a peace would be only a truce until it suited Napo- 
 leon's grasping rapacity to renew war by some new, 
 sudden advantage. England did not believe that he 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 195 
 
 would relinquish his desire for universal dominion. 
 He could not tolerate freedom ; he hated the voice 
 of the people. 
 
 It was believed that he had formed the design to 
 invade England, less to destroy its power, than to 
 extinguish the liberty of the British press, as he had 
 silenced the French press and French speech. A 
 free people within six leagues of France was a seduc- 
 tive example to the French.^ 
 
 January, 1806, the British completed conquest of 
 Dutch Good Hope. Talleyrand urged that the pos- 
 session of Good Hope for commerce, the restitution 
 of Hanover for the honor of the British crown, the 
 retention of Malta for the honor of the navy, ought 
 to satisfy the British. 
 
 Napoleon's desire to obtain Sicily was in itself a 
 threat to England. He hoped to sometime gain 
 control of the Mediterranean, clear the way to Egypt, 
 and thus on to India, there to disturb British posses- 
 session. 
 
 For the King of Naples in exchange for Sicily, the 
 greedy Napoleon offered the Hanse towns, never his, 
 but which were free, independent cities, each with its 
 own government. 
 
 Of course Fox refused this dishonesty. Then the 
 dishonest Napoleon offered Dalmatia, a province of 
 Turkey, but held by Italy ; the Balearic Isles, which 
 belonged to Spain ; Ragusa, which was an independ- 
 ent republic ; not one of these belonged to France ; 
 but that made no difference to the man devoid of 
 conscience ; he made no scruple of taking, using, 
 trading, or trampling the property or possessions of 
 
 1 Bourrienne ii, 326-27. 
 
196 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Others ; he was constantly doing deeds that, done on 
 a small scale by a private person would, in any civ- 
 ilized or half-civilized country, have quickly brought 
 the doer to a felon's fate richly deserved. 
 ' Mr. Fox was not a villain, so he did not, like Fred, 
 erick William, trade for others' possessions and then 
 commit high felony to get them. With honorable 
 British manliness Fox refused these offers so like 
 that made by the devil on the mount. Fox insisted 
 on uti-possidetis. 
 
 September 3 came news that the Czar refused to 
 ratify the D'Oubril treaty, and therefore France and 
 Russia were not yet at peace. Then Napoleon was 
 willing that George should recover Hanover ; that 
 the British retain Malta and Holland's Good Hope 
 and Spain's Tobago and Indian Pondicherry ; and 
 that Spain should give to Ferdinand her own Balearic 
 Isles, and ihat Ferdinand should give his o\vn Sicily 
 to Napoleon ! Still a trade in other peoples ! It 
 would not have been at all singular in this trader in 
 human beings and countries that he did not possess, 
 if he had offered the American states to England as 
 his minister, Fouche, did in 18 10. There can be no 
 doubt that he would readily have done it, if he had 
 seen any chance for his own personal advantage in it. 
 He wanted Cattaro, a spot on the Turkish border that 
 might be made a base for aggressions against Turkey. 
 Fox insisted on a guarantee of Turkey's security 
 from his attack. British honor was safe in Fox's 
 hands ; he refused to give British sanction to the 
 monstrous trade in peoples and countries. Great as 
 were Napoleon's frauds they never gave him Sicily. 
 
 June 6, on Fox's motion, the House of Commons 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 197 
 
 voted to act with expedition to abolish the African 
 slave trade. This was the last motion that Fox ever 
 made. He was stricken with dropsy 
 and marked for death as long before a great statesman's 
 
 *= last motion. 
 
 as March, early in his ministry. ^^^ ^,^^^ ,^^j^_ j,,g_ 
 
 It is hard to realize how great and 
 virulent was the opposition for many years to the 
 abolition of this odious trade. Many supported 
 slavery and the slave-trade as having the sanction of 
 the Bible.^ The royal family were for slavery and 
 against abolition. Many defended slavery as prop- 
 erty not to be ruined. For many years Fox, Wilber- 
 force, and others had struggled almost hopelessly for 
 the prohibition. The Lords passed the bill to pro- 
 hibit export of slaves from British colonies after Jan- 
 uary I, 1807. It was not then generally known that 
 the only way to abolish the slave-trade was to abolish 
 slavery ; that the demands for slaves would continue 
 the trade illicitly, but enormously, for many years 
 longer. 
 
 The Calabrians rebelled against their new king of 
 Naples, Joseph Bonaparte. Sir John Stuart, with 
 about 5,000 British and foreigners, crossed from 
 Sicily into Calabria. 
 
 July 4, the French General, Regnier, with about 
 6,300 men, left his strong position at Maida and 
 attacked Stuart in the plain. The French believed 
 that no troops could stand their bayonet charge- 
 They tried it. The British sus- 
 tained the charge and completely j^j ^g^g 
 routed the French, who retreated 
 beyond the Apennines. 
 
 Stuart's force, like George Ill's usual expeditions, 
 
 , 1 Martineau i, 181-84. 
 
198 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 was too small to hold the country or drive out the 
 French. Reduced by fevers, its remains went back 
 to Sicily. 
 
 The expedition was almost useless, ^ but it showed 
 what British troops could do if given a chance. What 
 they might have done at Eylau to have rendered 
 Napoleon's defeat there a complete overthrow. 
 
 Admiral Popham captured Buenos Ayres and made 
 prize of ^1,200,000, which he sent home to the Brit- 
 ish government. He also took quicksilver to double 
 that value. Of course this property 
 British attack Buenos was pirated from private individuals. 
 
 Ayres June, 1806. This piratical success produced a 
 wild delirium of mercantile ideas in 
 England ; endless markets, boundless fields of wealth 
 were in the English visions; great preparations were 
 made to realize those visions ; but in two months the 
 South Americans expelled the British intruders after 
 a bloody contest. 
 
 IX 
 
 "CATECHISM OF THE EMPIRE." 
 
 In 1806 Napoleon procured the signature of the 
 pope's legate, Caprara, to the " Catechism of the 
 Empire," which contained these blasphemous 
 answers : — 
 
 " Because God, by loading our emperor with gifts, both in peace 
 and war, has established him our sovereign and his own image upon 
 the earth, .... In honoring and serving our emperor thus we are 
 honoring and serving God himself . . . . he has become the anointed 
 of the Lord by the consecration which he received from the sovereign 
 1 Martiueau i, 189-90. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROFE. 199 
 
 pontiff .... those who fail in their duties towards our emperor will 
 render themselves worthy of eternal damnation." 
 
 Thus Napoleon conscripted religion, and the 
 Catholic Church into his own service ! 
 Another answer acknowledged that : — 
 
 " We owe him (Napoleon) especially love, respect, obedience, 
 
 fidelity and military service We ought to pay the taxes 
 
 ordained." 
 
 NAPOLEON, the dishonest, still kept his army 
 in Germany and compelled the Germans to 
 feed and clothe it. He also continued to hold as 
 prisoners 30,000 Austrians that he 
 had pledged his word to liberate long Germauy, 18O6. 
 ago. He was trying to compel Aus- 
 tria to submit to some new robbery on account of 
 alleged popular insult to the French consul at Cattaro. 
 On July 12 a new "Confederation of the Rhine " 
 was formed. It comprised Bavaria, Wurtemberg, 
 Baden, Darmstadt, Berg, and several small states. 
 The Archduke Ferdinand, formerly 
 of Tuscany, who had escaped from confederation of the 
 Mack's army at Ulm, and had received ^''■'"'- -'"'y' ^^o^- 
 the present of Wurzberg, was ad- 
 mitted. It declared its states separated forever from 
 the German empire, and placed under the " protec- 
 tion " of the emperor of the French. Any hostility 
 against any of them was to be considered as war 
 against the whole. The military contingents were 
 fixed, for France 200,000 men ; for German members, 
 58,000 men. 
 
200 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 The Emperor Francis, no longer head of the Ger- 
 man empire, nor German ruler, saw 
 Exit German empire, that the German empire had ceased; 
 
 Augusts, 1806. \^Q renounced the Imperial crown and 
 absolved Germans from duties to it. 
 
 Thus passed away the crown of Charlemagne which 
 had endured for a thousand years and had accom- 
 plished an incredible amount of harm to human 
 rights, happiness, and liberty. It is to Napoleon's 
 credit, though he did it from the most selfish motive, 
 that he destroyed that despotic, illiberal crown that 
 for centuries had held so many millions of people in 
 bondage and darkness. The Germans possess great 
 merits, and had been greatly wronged by their rulers 
 and their noblesse. 
 
 The Rhine Confederation was a vast increase of 
 Napoleon's power, so it greatly offended the other 
 great powers, especially Prussia, from which it was 
 concealed until accomplished. Napoleon practically 
 ruled the Confederation. Great was the consterna- 
 tion of Prussians when they saw this formidable, solid 
 power appear at their door. 
 
 To conciliate Prussia, Napoleon intimated that if 
 Frederick William wished to form a league of the 
 north German states favorable to Prussia, he would 
 not object. But he did object to including the Hanse 
 towns in a Prussian league, or Saxony without its 
 consent, and he tried to bring Hesse into his own 
 Confederation. What was there left for Prussia's 
 league } Prussia was thus again offended. Germany 
 received some relief by abolition of several petty 
 rulers. German rulers were hard masters. Now 
 there was much union of public service with private 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 201 
 
 servitude. The reign of Napoleon in Germany, as in 
 many lands, was the period of plunder, of exaction 
 rivalling and sometimes even surpassing that of their 
 hereditary princes. 
 
 It was a generation fruitful of immorality, injustice 
 and cruel exaction, misery, devastation, want, death. 
 Acts of the enlightened nations were fertile in dis- 
 honor to the Christian name ; of discredit to pure, 
 noble, and generous Christian principles. 
 
 The Confederation being in complete vassalage to 
 Napoleon, he afterward drew from it many more than 
 the stipulated 58,000 soldiers. 
 
 Thus far, in Germany, Italy, and Austria, Napo- 
 leon had contended with rulers, often bad ones, not 
 with the people themselves. Each of those coun- 
 tries was several states loosely held together, or 
 actually disunited. The day was coming when he 
 would meet the people in arms. 
 
 Carl von Dalberg, archbishop of Ratisbon, was an 
 admirer of Napoleon ; he adopted Napoleon's uncle, 
 Cardinal Fesch, as his co-adjutor, thus making him 
 primate of the German Catholic clergy. 
 
 Not content with the cheat and insults that he had 
 put on Prussia, Napoleon took possession of the 
 abbacies of Werden, Essen, and Elten, claimed by 
 Prussia. German bitterness against him was fast 
 increasing. People wondered what high robbery 
 Napoleon would next commit. He did not long leave 
 them in doubt. He demanded from the Hanse, — 
 free cities, — the sum of 6,000,000 francs for his 
 "protection;" what they needed "protection" from 
 except his own rapacity, is what his own ambassador, 
 Bourrienne, who made the demand and collected the 
 
202 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 robbery, confesses that he could not perceive. Ho 
 really wished to destroy the long enjoyed freedom of 
 those three towns, reduce them to all the evils of his 
 arbitrary despotism, and take their cash from pre- 
 cisely the same motive that any other burglar takes 
 property, to gratify himself. He compelled them to 
 pay him roundly in money for the damage that he 
 would do them. " I really had no advantage to offer 
 in return to the Hanse towns," says Bourrienne (vol. 
 ii, 328). These Hanse towns, Hamburg, Bremen, and 
 Lubec, had then a population of 200,000 ; they carried 
 on an extensive commerce on many seas and to many 
 lands. As Napoleon was an enemy to trade and 
 commerce, and really made war on it, he was the last 
 ruler in Europe that could be likely to favor their 
 prosperity, and the one that least deserved to rule or 
 dictate them. 
 
 The brave, honorable, Prussian people were very 
 angry ; they saw with rage the insults by Napoleon, 
 and with shame the unworthy character of their own 
 king. Publications full of indignant 
 Prussia. 1806. eloqucncc issued from the press ; the 
 people became inflamed with patriotic 
 passion. Had the king possessed the wisdom and 
 ability of the average Prussian, affairs would never 
 have reached this stage of insult. Already grossly in- 
 sulted before Austerlitz, Prussia should have thrown 
 its forces upon Napoleon in the heart of Austria, and 
 exacted ample security for the future from the man 
 who disregarded human rights, nation's honor, com- 
 mon custom and comfort, and freely broke his own 
 treaties and violated his own honor, and indulged the 
 most testy, restless, quarrelsome temper in all 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 203 
 
 Europe; the man whom many admired as a marvel- 
 ous soldier, but whom none loved ; the most eminent 
 man in the world, but without personal friends. 
 
 November, 1805, was Prussia's opportunity, a mo- 
 ment which an able man like Stein, Bliicher, or 
 Scharnhorst would have used to hurl Napoleon from 
 his throne, to have secured safety and liberty to Ger- 
 many and Prussia, to have left France to govern 
 itself in its own way ; and the old tyrannies of Europe 
 would not, as they did in 18 14-15, have re-enslaved 
 the people of central Europe. Had Prussia had its 
 own choice then, the ardent patriots. Stein and the 
 gay, warm-hearted Bliicher, would have led them. 
 Prussia had the power in November, 1805, to soon 
 place herself at the head of a confederated free 
 Germany, and Stein and Bliicher knew how then 
 to do it and were ready. But the king in politics 
 was too great an incumbrance. A republic, or a mon- 
 archial republic like England today, with the king 
 excluded from polities, in the then existing state of 
 Prussian public sentiment, would have had the 
 great Stein at its head, supported by Bliicher and 
 Scharnhorst. 
 
 Prussians themselves, in spite of the king's restric- 
 tions of the press, saw all this ; they had long seen 
 the deplorable situation ; they foresaw war as inevit- 
 able ; they clamored for it in the right time for it, the 
 autumn of 1805, yet then the king was weakly trying 
 to be a friend to Napoleon, and expected a friend's 
 reward from the man who bound men to him only by 
 interest and did not deal in sentiment or ideal friend- 
 ship. In 1805 the king held back his people when 
 he ought to have obeyed their wishes ; in 1806, when 
 
204 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Napoleon had goaded the Prussians into an enthusi- 
 astic madness for war, and the king ought to have 
 held them in check until the Russian army, still a 
 long way off, could come up to aid Prussia ; the king, 
 at this worst possible moment, decided for war. 
 
 When the king of Prussia learned that Napoleon 
 was negotiating to give back Hanover to George III ; 
 that while urging Prussia to look to robbing" Sweden 
 of Pomerania for indemnity ; that Napoleon had signed 
 the D'Oubril treaty with Russia which would guar- 
 antee Sweden's possession of that same Pomerania ; 
 that while professing friendship for the king, Napo- 
 leon had offered not to oppose Russia's seizing Po- 
 land, including Prussian Poland, and establishing it 
 under the Russian Grand Duke Constantine ; that 
 Napoleon was, as usual, still doing acts so criminal 
 in their nature that such in commercial life would 
 not only be disgraceful, but would soon consign the 
 doer to a felon's fate, then Frederick William's small 
 brain was utterly confounded. 
 
 The Confederation of the Rhine not only vastly 
 increased Napoleon's power, but was a direct blow at 
 Prussia. The foolish king had hoped to elevate his 
 mcompetent self to the head of the German Empire. 
 It was now in Napoleon's power. One petty prince 
 who was brother-in-law to the king, was now become 
 tributary to Napoleon. This family matter, of no 
 moment to Prussia, irritated the king more than 
 a great insult to Prussia itself. 
 
 A writer has carelessly asserted that Napoleon was 
 not immoral,^ and Theirs says that the only cruel act 
 
 » Crowe i, 187. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 205 
 
 of his career was the murder of his 4,000 helpless 
 prisoners at Acre. 
 
 Napoleon's tendencies were all im- Real character of 
 moral, wicked. He was filled with ^apoieon. 
 pride, envy, cupidity, avarice, anger, 
 revenge, greed, lust of power ; he was faithless, rude 
 and uncivil in manners ; he lacked both honor and 
 honesty ; was very ungentlemanly in deportment ; 
 was very arbitrary ; he wanted only servile instru- 
 ments, who would not mind being frequently insulted; 
 he was the champion liar of Europe ; gigantic, cylo- 
 pedian in intellect ; he was in morality a very dwarf, 
 a moral idiot ; he was false to French liberty ; he 
 promised it but suppressed it ; false to his marriage 
 vows (his Polish lady of 1806-14 was not his only 
 mistress); false to his most sacredly pledged word, 
 for the treaties that he broke or evaded are many ; 
 utterly false to those who tried to be his friends, for 
 never did man try harder to be a friend than did poor 
 Charles IV of Spain, yet Napoleon dethroned him 
 and detained him many years in France ; than Fred- 
 erick William did, yet we are now to see that the 
 cold-hearted, ingrate Napoleon, treated him far worse 
 than he treated his enemies. As to cruelty, his 
 whole career is full of it. Not only his murder of 
 the three hundred Russian police at Moscow, of 
 which Napoleon boasts in his own letter of October 
 28, 1 8 12, to the Czar Alexander ; and the inhuman 
 seige of Saragossa; but his whole Spanish war, his 
 whole Russian war, his reckless exposure of his 
 troops in the Eylau campaign to the terrible effects 
 of northern winter, the fiendish campaign of murder 
 and torture by Ruffo ^/j-^Ruvo, under his auspices at 
 
206 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Naples in 1798-99, and his brutal sacrifice of men's 
 lives and limbs and health by compelling them to 
 fight his aggressive, and frequently unprovoked, and 
 sometimes entirely useless wars, all were cruel. He 
 caused the loss of many hundreds of thousands of 
 lives ; he filled every land of Europe with cripples 
 and invalids ; scarcely a home in many lands but he 
 deprived of some loved one ; individuals he impover- 
 ished ; countries he devastated ; hearts he blighted ; 
 prosperity he blasted ; yet lie was all, all self. 
 
 In crime he was so gigantic that he has dazzled 
 many good men into admiring him. To such I 
 merely say, please analyze his real character coolly, 
 impartially as you would weigh the evidence in a case 
 if you were a member of a jury in a court of justice. 
 I am not writing this history for the purpose of 
 decrying any man or any country, nor for the object 
 of lauding them, but only to represent facts as they 
 exist. I do not propose to either spare or to excuse 
 either Europe or America, or their prominent actors ; 
 that would not be real history. 
 
 Napoleon signalized his accession to German power 
 by a cruel murder. Palm, a bookseller of Nurem- 
 berg, sold, as did other booksellers, a pamphlet in 
 which resistance to French aggression was inculcated. 
 Napoleon caused him to be seized, carried to the 
 Austrian military post, Branau, which Napoleon had 
 not restored to Austria as he had pledged his word to 
 do, and there, at a long distance from the scene of 
 the book sale, with the least possible chance of pre- 
 senting evidence, among strangers and men foreign 
 to him, Palm was put through the hasty forms of a 
 military court that had been convened to condemn 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 207 
 
 him; on Austrian soil, Palm, a German, of a free 
 city, was, by French officers, sentenced and shot. 
 This atrocious violation of the laws of God, of man, 
 of nations, and of decency made profound sensation 
 in all Germany, one of horror. Germans saw that 
 no hope remained for public or private liberty or 
 security, but in resistance to the grand murderer. 
 The honorable, humane, and peace-loving Prussians 
 became terribly in earnest for war. The war enthu- 
 siasm was everywhere. 
 
 When Pitt began the war in 1793 it was against 
 the French republic, against what was called democ- 
 racy ; now all that was changed ; it was now tyrant 
 against tyrant, with small chance for the people. It 
 was not till 18 13-14 that the people of Germany 
 came to the front for a little while, and Napoleon 
 went down. 
 
 In August, 1806, the miserable Prussian king began 
 to arm. His bad care had left the army unready and 
 unfit for war. Some of the best troops in the world 
 had only old favorites in command. As many a 
 Prussian peasant had more natural ability than his 
 king, so Prussia possessed many sub-officers far more 
 capable of commanding her armies than her noblesse 
 generals. Bliicher and men of his sort were unpop- 
 ular with the king. 
 
 The beautiful queen of Prussia was patriotic ; but 
 what could woman do when incumbered with so 
 incompetent a husband and king } 
 
 The absurd king wanted the British to subsidize 
 him while he tried to hold on to George Ill's 
 Hanover ! ^ 
 
 1 Scott i, 107. 
 
208 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 The British withdrew their blockade of Prussian 
 ports. Had the Prussian king been a respectable 
 business man he could, no doubt, have procured val- 
 uable aid from the British. 
 
 "The idea of peace was hateful to Prussia. Her measures, till 
 now sufficiently moderate, suddenly assumed a menacing aspect on 
 learning that the king of England had declared in Parliament that 
 France had consented to restitution of Hanover. The French min- 
 istry intimated to the Prussian government that this was a preliminary 
 step toward general peace, and that large indemnity would be granted 
 in return. But the king of Prussia was well informed .... con- 
 sidered himself trifled with, and decided on war."i 
 
 October i, 1806. The Prussian king's ultimatum 
 was presented at Paris. It was : — 
 
 I. That the French troops forthwith evacuate 
 Germany, 
 uitimatuiii. 2. That France cease opposing a 
 
 counter league of all the German 
 states not in the Confederation of the Rhine. 
 
 3. That negotiations open for detaching the for- 
 tress of Wesel from France, and for the restoration 
 of the abbacies which Murat had seized as a part of 
 Berg. 
 
 With these terms was a long letter severely criti- 
 cising Napoleon's encroachments ; very just, perhaps, 
 but very much out of place in that document. Sir 
 Walter Scott remarks that the first two articles in 
 that singular ultimatum : — 
 
 " Were subjects rather of negotiation than grounds of an absolute 
 declaration of war, and that Wesel and the three abbeys were scarce 
 of importance enough to plunge the whole empire into blood. 
 Prussia, indeed, was less actually aggrieved than she was mortified 
 and offended. She saw that she had been outwitted by Buonaparte 
 in the negotiation of Vienna; that he was juggling with her in the 
 matter of Hanover; that she was in danger of beholding Saxony and 
 • Bourrienne ii, chap. xxx. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE 209 
 
 Hesse withdrawn from her protection to be placed under that of 
 France; and, under a general sense of these injuries, though rather 
 apprehended than really sustained, she hurried to the field. If nego- 
 tiations could have been protracted till the advance of the Russian 
 armies, it might have given a different face to the war; but in the 
 warlike ardor which possessed the Prussians, they were desirous to 
 secure the advantages which, in military affairs, belong to the assail- 
 ants, without weighing the circumstances which, in their situation, 
 rendered such precipitation fatal. Besides, such advantages were not 
 easy to be obtained over Buonaparte." 
 
 The king should have known that to obtain any 
 advantage as an assailant, v^^ould require that he 
 quickly invade south Germany with an efficient and 
 large army, and with superior celerity attack the 
 greatest master of military celerity, in detail, before 
 he could concentrate, which, had it not been abso- 
 lutely impossible, would certainly have roused the 
 princes of the Confederation of the Rhine, as well as 
 the French troops coming direct from France, to fall 
 upon the Prussian long line of base which was nec- 
 essary to the existence of the Prussian army so far 
 from Prussia. So advantage was impracticable. 
 
 Napoleon put in motion a 100,000 disciplined vet- 
 erans from Branau, the Inn, the Neckar, against 
 Prussia. 
 
 September 13, 1806, Charles J. Fo.x, the illustrious 
 leader of liberal principles in Europe, 
 passed from life into history. Death of Fox. 
 
 Says Gibbon : — 
 
 " I admired the powers of a superior man as they were blended in 
 his attractive character with the simplicity of a child. No human 
 being was ever more free from any taint of malignity, vanity or false- 
 hood." 
 
 He was a great leader of the friends of the human 
 
 race. The oppressed and the destitute saw in him 
 
 their great champion. Says Chateaubriand : — 
 14 
 
210 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 "Ever on the side of suffering, his eloquence acquired additional 
 power from its gratuitous exertion in behalf of the unfortunate." 
 
 But his habits were too desultory, his indolence 
 too great, his love of pleasure too powerful. He was 
 peerless in debate ; powerful in defending right ; fas- 
 cinating in winning affection. His great objects 
 triumphed after he was dead ; the abolition of the 
 slave-trade and of slavery ; emancipation of Great 
 Britain from intolerance ; reform of representation ; 
 a free republic in France ; these were among his 
 great hopes. 
 
 Charles Grey (Lord Howick) took Fox's place as 
 Foreign Secretrry. 
 
 In George's war department, under his pet son, 
 the Duke of York : — 
 
 " Abuses which might match those of the navy were brought to 
 light .... gross frauds of various kinds were exposed .... men 
 of family and of fashion who did not know how to take care of them- 
 selves, and to maintain their station otherwise than by holding offices 
 which they turned over to deputies, were placed in positions of trust 
 which should have been filled by men of business .... millions of 
 the public money for intervals of time without interest had been lent; 
 there had been cheat in coal and in blankets, while soldiers shivered 
 for want of them." ' 
 
 Spain, unwillingly, had been drawn into the war by 
 Napoleon solely for his purposes, not for hers. Now 
 with her navy crippled, her harbors blockaded by his 
 enemy. Great Britain ; her intercourse 
 Spain. 1806. with her many valuable colonies cut 
 off ; war made on her because she 
 was domineered by him ; she saw him exclude her 
 from taking part in the common negotiations for 
 peace, and learned with surprise that he had pro- 
 posed to trade away her Balearic Islands for his own 
 benefit ; that he was assembling an army at Bayonne 
 
 * Martineau's Eug. i, 199. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 211 
 
 on her border, ostensibly against the independence 
 of Portugal, but really where it might threaten Spain. 
 
 Godoy, indignant at these outrages, no sooner 
 heard that peace had failed and Prussia was in arms, 
 than he raised more troops and watched for a chance 
 to free Spain from Napoleon's alliance. 
 
 Britain and Prussia easily resumed friendship. 
 The madcap king of Sweden was pacified by allowing 
 him the childish privilege of holding Lauenburg for 
 George III. The Czar promised to aid Prussia with 
 70,000 men. Prussia strongly urged Austria to take 
 part with her, but as no reliance could be placed in 
 the vacillating king of Prussia, and Austria was not 
 prepared financially or otherwise, she declined. Prus- 
 sia was in 1806, strangely enough, repeating the great 
 mistake of Austria of 1805. The Elector of Hesse 
 Cassel armed 20,000 men for neutrality. 
 
 Though Napoleon soon had more than 180,000 
 men rapidly approaching Prussia, supported by strong 
 reserves, the Prussians were in excess of war enthu- 
 siasm. But their important fortresses 
 were uprepared, almost unprovisioned, Prussia not ready, 
 hardly were the guns mounted. The 
 strong places likely to be the first scenes of combat 
 were in deplorable state ; depots were not formed ; 
 no central rallying point was prepared for chance of 
 disaster or defeat, although the great fortresses of 
 Magdeburg, Wittenberg, and Torgau lay at the right 
 spots just in the rear of the probable theater of the 
 war. 
 
 Frederick William and his brother kings were com- 
 batting common rights everywhere. He would not 
 give command, as Napoleon did, to men who had mil- 
 
212 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 itary merit alone. None but nobles could command 
 his troops. This was a source of frightful calamity 
 to his people. At this great crisis, when about to 
 risk the fate of Prussia against the ablest commander 
 of Europe, the king foolishly gave the command to 
 the Duke of Brunswick, the very man who lost the 
 decisive Cannonade of Valmy in 1792, a noble weak 
 in mind, infirm, obstinate, and generally disliked. 
 The king took to the field as his own mentor, old 
 Mollendorf, who bore the weight of eighty-two years. 
 It was Prussia, unprepared, with her 9,500,000 peo- 
 ple against Napoleon, prepared, with his 40,000,000 
 subjects. 
 
 These incapables took as their plan the very same 
 system which they had seen prove so disastrous to 
 Austria the previous year. Prussia 
 The war plan. had uot cvcu the advantage of num- 
 bers. 
 
 Prussia's policy should have been delay till a Rus- 
 sian army and British aid were at hand. 
 
 But sagacious policy was beyond the capacity of 
 Frederick William. Men like Von Stein and Haug- 
 witz were then kept in background. 
 
 Extreme prudence ^was needed ; but the Prussian 
 army was rashly thrust forward in a long, scattered, 
 ill-connected, badly supported line, in a place not 
 well situated to support a great army. To crown 
 these follies, their magazines and depots of provisions 
 were wrongly located at Naumberg, on their extreme 
 left, exposed to risk of being cut off by the French. 
 
 Saxony, in i8o5, like Bavaria in 1805, desired only 
 to be neutral. But Frederick William resolved to 
 force that peaceful people to fight on his side. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 213 
 
 He succeeded. The Prussian army entered Sax- 
 ony uninvited. They treated the Saxons more like 
 tributaries than like allies. The united Prussian and 
 Saxon army was a very large one, probably about 
 150,000 men. Saxony had suffered too severely from 
 Prussia in the eighteenth century to be very friendly. 
 
 The Prussian army threatened Franconia. But 
 Marshal Bernadotte quickly seized all the mountain 
 passes of that route. 
 
 October 9, Napoleon's army moved from Bamberg. 
 On the right Soult and Ney marched from Bayreuth 
 via Hof on Plauen ; on the center moved Murat's 
 cavalry, with Bernadotte's and Da- 
 voust's corps from Bamberg, via Cro- Napoieo., begins tue 
 
 }, T^i -n • Prussian War. Oct. 9, 
 
 nach on Saalbourg. Ihe Prussian jgog. 
 
 commander, Brunswick, neglected 
 
 even to guard the passes through the forest. 
 
 The French caught the Prussians at disadvantage, 
 and easily turned their badly exposed left wing, and 
 moved on their left rear to cut them off from their 
 stores at Naumberg. 
 
 The Prussian general and king had managed so 
 badly that, in presence of Napoleon, who was remark- 
 ably quick to take advantage, they were thrown into 
 a change of position and complicated cross move- 
 ments, with their flank exposed to the French, an 
 extremely perilous position. 
 
 The men performed their evolutions with remark- 
 able skill and precision, but they had already been 
 marched and countermarched till they had lost confi- 
 dence in their incapable leaders, who in a council of 
 war so late as October 6, had been unable to settle on 
 a plan of campaign ! 
 
214 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 The king and Brunswick saw that they must con- 
 centrate. It was their left that was turned. Instead 
 of concentrating in that direction, they made the 
 astonishing blunder of concentrating toward their 
 center, precisely the certain way to allow Soult and 
 Ney to pass through their left and get between the 
 Prussians and their supplies. 
 
 The Prussians lost at the very outset, the moral 
 advantage of advance, and, on the very first day the 
 French captured important stores that the Prussians 
 much needed. 
 
 October 9 the Prussians at Schleitz were defeated 
 and driven with loss. October 10 Murat captured 
 five hundred wagons and a pontoon train. On the 
 same day, Louis, who, because he was a prince, held 
 himself above orders, disobeyed and caused the seri- 
 ous defeat of the column that he commanded in the 
 Prussian front. The French took from him 1,200 
 prisoners and thirty cannon. This serious defeat 
 greatly dispirited the badly led Prussian soldiers and 
 their excellent line and regimental officers. 
 
 Then Prussian headquarters fell back from Erfurt 
 to Wiemar. Jena being evacuated the French seized 
 it. The Prussians might have taken position at 
 Domberg, the highest ground near Jena, but the king 
 neglected it. The bad management caused food and 
 ammunition to become scarce among the troops. 
 Royal incapacity destroyed alacrity. 
 
 Their line was broken in several places; concentra- 
 tion interrupted ; their supplies in part lost ; their 
 march intercepted; dejected columns without fixed 
 rallying point were wandering about ; while the 
 French, led by officers who had risen to command 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 215 
 
 by soldierly qualities were taking the badly led Prus- 
 sians at great disadvantage. Tiie Prussians became 
 despondent. They saw the helplessness of bad com- 
 mand. In deep dejection, they were assembled with 
 difficulty in two bodies, one near Wiemar under the 
 king, the other near Jena under Prince Hohenlohe, 
 who was placed in command not because he was a 
 good soldier but because he was a prince. 
 
 The advance of the French on Naumberg cut off 
 the Prussians from retreat to Leipsic ; the French 
 had gone beyond the Prussians, turned around, and 
 now faced toward France ; the Prussians had faced 
 about toward Prussia, just as sixty-four years later 
 their two armies were again placed at the defeat of 
 the French at Gravelotte. 
 
 On the night of October 12 Prince Hohenlohe's 
 command of perhaps 55,000 men was formed on the 
 heights; his advanced post was a steep hill (Land- 
 graffenberg) from which his whole line could be seen. 
 Over this hill lay the only road by which to attack 
 him. 
 
 The king and Brunswick had concentrated about 
 65,000 men above a league in the rear. 
 
 Bonaparte sent proposals of peace, which tlie king 
 did not receive until after the great battle. 
 
 These two great bodies of Prussians of whom 
 18,000 were superb cavalry, with 300 cannon, urged 
 by lively patriotism, supported by ardent hatred of 
 Napoleon, animated by the warm prayers of Prus- 
 sians, charged with the dearest national hopes of 
 Prussia, men who had come with warmest blessings 
 from loved homes of fatherland to protect their own 
 nation from foreign conquest, these 120,000 choice 
 
216 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 young patriots of Prussia were to measure strength 
 with the French grand army, already veteran victors 
 over some of the best armies that Europe had yet 
 ever seen. It was a day momentous for Europe, 
 thrice doubly momentous for Prussia. Not a man in 
 Prussia, not the highest noble, not the humblest 
 peasant but had a tremendous stake in that day's 
 doings. Not a person in all Germany but had great 
 interests in the result of that day's great battles. 
 Prussia's independence or fate, Germany's liberation 
 or vassalage were to be decided. Germany was to be 
 freed from Napoleon's oppressive grasp, or Prussia, 
 too, was to fall. 
 
 No better people existed. She was threatened 
 with terrible disaster ; her people were generously 
 brave ; her great need now was a general. Incapac- 
 ity in the government had brought her to this fright- 
 ful danger. Her soldiers were ready to die saving 
 her. Oh, for one day of her great soldier, Frederick 
 II ! Had her own BlUcher organized that campaign 
 and commanded that patriot army, then subsequent 
 history of central Europe might have been different. 
 
 Each army having passed its opponent cut off the 
 other's communications. But the French still had a 
 line of retreat to the Main via Hof; the Prussians, 
 separated from their supplies of food and amunition, 
 had no resource but victory. 
 
 At this moment of tremendous interest, when fate 
 of Prussia was to be quickly decided, the Prussian 
 king made a hazardous flank march of ten leagues and 
 arrived at night at Aerstadt. Surprising folly ! 
 Instead of fighting Napoleon with all his force, the 
 king left less than half to receive the shock of Napo- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 217 
 
 Icon's terrible legions. Napoleon, unaware of this 
 strange move, prepared to fight the whole Prussian 
 army. 
 
 The French light troops dislodged the Prussian 
 advance guard from a steep hill directly in front of 
 the Prussians. Napoleon went there. He saw the 
 Prussians quiet in their strong po- 
 sition on the opposite ridge. Not oct'\Ti806 
 doubting that their whole army were 
 there awaiting attack, he stationed Lannes' infantry 
 to hold this important hill. The Prussian prince 
 now saw his great mistake in not holding that hill. 
 He prepared to retake it, but desisted. Its posses- 
 sion enabled Napoleon to see the Prussian move- 
 ments, while the hill masked his own. The French 
 made a road up their side of this steep hill and 
 brought up artillery and cavalry. 
 
 Napoleon ordered Soult and Ney to march all 
 night by the right in order to turn the left of the 
 Prussian position ; he ordered Davoust toward 
 Naumburg to threaten the Prussian rear ; he sent 
 Bernadotte to Domberg to cut off retreat. 
 
 The two hostile armies were near each other ; 
 each could see the night gleam of the other's bivouac 
 fires. The firelight of the Prussians illuminated the 
 night over a broad space, and threw a great glow into 
 the heavens ; tliose of the French were more con- 
 trated. Thus passed this eternity's eve of many 
 thousands of brave men. 
 
 At early dawn, Napoleon, on horseback, rode among 
 his advance troops. He addressed them : — 
 
 " Soldiers: The Prussian army is turned as the Austrian was a 
 year ago at Uhn: it no longer combats but to find the means of 
 
218 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 retreat. The corps which should permit itself to be broken would be 
 dishonored. Fear not its renowned cavalry; oppose their charges in 
 squares with bayonets." 
 
 Loud cheers responded. 
 
 Hohenlohe was not expecting an attack. He in- 
 tended to give his weary men a day of rest. The 
 Prussian position was strong; its flanks were secured; 
 in front were steep, narrow defiles, bad for French 
 maneuvering. 
 
 The early morning came, dim, misty, a fog covered 
 everything. The French descended into the front 
 low ground. On their right a sharp fight began. 
 
 Low down the morning mist began to rise. The 
 Prussian advance guard were astonished when they 
 saw the grand army in force advancing right on 
 them. Yet these surprised Prussians made a gallant 
 resistance, so vigorous as to indicate what Prussians 
 might have done with a good general. They were 
 driven back on the main body with the loss of twenty 
 cannon. The French emerging from the defiles, 
 extended their line from right to left. Still Hohen- 
 lohe, the prince, not at the front, believed this affair 
 to be only a skirmish. He said "his troops should 
 remain quiet in camp till the fog had risen." The 
 incessant discharges of musketry and the breathless 
 messengers demanding aid, soon convinced him that 
 it was attack in force. 
 
 On the heights the mist was still so thick, so 
 almost impenetrable, so favorable to such attack, that 
 the combatants could see each other only at a very 
 short distance. The prince had failed to secure the 
 defiles; he lost the precious momeats when he should 
 have held the great advantage of keeping his enemy 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 219 
 
 in the gorges. A commander like Wellington or 
 Sherman or Bagration would have made those defiles 
 a scene of frightful loss to the French. 
 
 At last the sun dispelled the fog. The Prussians 
 were startled at sight of their deadly peril. The 
 French grand army no longer struggling through 
 steep, narrow, and dangerous gorges where they 
 might have been terribly repulsed, now stood before 
 them, magnificently deployed, with their cavalry and 
 artillery upon the broad expanse to which the gorges 
 led them. In front a large French force had taken 
 the villages at the foot of the Prussian position. 
 They were preparing to ascend to close conflict. To 
 right and left were other great bodies of French in 
 battle order. Another mass was pressing forward to 
 turn the Prussian right. Murat's splendid cavalry 
 stood on the slopes in reserve. 135,000 men were 
 about to join in tremendous battle. 80,000 healthy, 
 vigorous young men led by Napoleon were about to 
 make deadly attack on 55,000 of the physically best 
 young men of Prussia. 
 
 There will be bitter tears of mourning shed in 
 Europe for the bloody deaths of this fearful day. 
 135,000 men, each one of whom other persons love, 
 the active, most choice young manhood of many 
 nations. The gay-spirited men from far off Catalona, 
 and from the soft climes of farther Andalusia ; the 
 grave men from the mountains beyond the Pyrenees, 
 lent out by the foolish king Charles IV of Spain ; dark- 
 faced men from Rome and Genoa ; sons of the sunny 
 south of Naples ; liberty-loving Piedmontese ; bright, 
 active Milanese ; men from all shores of the distant 
 Adriatic ; men from the high Alps ; steady Dutch. 
 
220 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 from flat Holland; sprightly, vivacious, Walloons 
 from the Meuse, and sober men from Flanders ; men 
 from almost every state of Germany ; men of several 
 languages and races, of diverse civilizations, religions, 
 manners ; men from all the lands from the North 
 Sea to the far south Taranto ; men from the Elbe to 
 Gibraltar ; such was the strange medley combined 
 with the French to form the grand army. 
 
 To defend their country against this variegated 
 horde of sudden invaders were only the Prussians 
 aided on compulsion by Saxons. 
 
 Men of every nation of the continent west of Rus- 
 sia and Austria and south of Denmark, were killed, 
 torn, mutilated, or crippled for life, that day at Jena 
 and Aerstadt. 
 
 Those were all men of Christian lands, and so- 
 called Christians mutilate, cripple and kill each other 
 on far grander scale than do benighted savages. 
 Christians on both sides were imploring a merciful 
 God to fight on their side ; calling on the highest 
 Holy to take part in devil's carnage, to bless Satan's 
 work. 
 
 What was all this war for .-' 
 
 Their imperial and royal masters had disagreed — 
 well, what was it all about .'' I have, in previous 
 pages, described the "causes" of this un-Christian 
 Christian war ; but really what it was all about was 
 to decide just which of two sets of oppressors should 
 tyrannize over and wrong these very prime young 
 men, and the very families, fathers mothers, wives, 
 children, relations and countrymen of these gallant 
 youths who now stood ready each to do all that a 
 devil's malice could do, "to welcome with bloody 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 221 
 
 hands to hospitable graves " the opposing gallant 
 youths. 
 
 These young men had no quarrel with each other ; 
 they were there to fight and die merely for masters 
 who practically owned and disposed of their lives and 
 limbs as personal property; living, loving, hating, 
 armed men, but still, to every practical intent and 
 purpose, held as property, fought as property, dying 
 as property of their rulers. 
 
 Many battles have been glowingly described ; yet 
 nobody sees a battle in detail ; the volumes of rolling 
 smoke hide it; frequently the nature of tlie ground 
 is such that it is masked from view. 
 
 My own observation in battles is that by a rattling 
 fire where a moment ago you heard great rolling vol- 
 lies ; by the confused noises where you just now 
 heard the steady tramp of regularly moving columns ; 
 by the sudden cessation of field artillery here and its 
 prompt reappearance farther advanced or more re- 
 tired ; by the changing position whence come to you 
 through the thick driving smoke, the sounds of cheer- 
 ing over points won ; by the rising and eddying, the 
 storming and receding of sounds ; although you can 
 see but little at once, still you know how the battle 
 is going. 
 
 The Jena battle-ground disappeared under smoke ; 
 the terrible conflict raged in this semi darkness ; at 
 length the sounds told Napoleon on the hill in the 
 rear, that the Prussians were yielding. 
 
 Then advanced Murat's splendid cavalry; 12,000 
 horsemen, fresh and in fine array, rode into the 
 smoke, the blazing of the great combat ; they gal- 
 loped upon the wearied, yielding Prussians. 
 
222 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 The Prussian cavalry, that morning, brilliant, effec- 
 tive, dashing, now wearied by eight hours of fighting, 
 once again made gallant resistence, were broken now 
 at last ; horse, foot, cannon pressed in wild tumult 
 together, hurried to the rear, followed by the French 
 bloody sabers ; all Prussian order was lost ; in confu- 
 sion blended men, horses, cannon, caissons ; no 
 longer is it a battle, it is bloody, fierce, horrible 
 massacre. 
 
 A little later all gave way ; the Prussian army, 
 reserve and all, a broken army ; a defeated, rushing 
 torrent of fugitives, poured from the battle-ground, 
 pursued by the victors as far as Wiemar, six leagues 
 away. Why had not the other 65,000 Prussians been 
 there to save Prussia? Because the king had marched 
 them away ! 
 
 But Jena was not the main battle of that day. 
 
 The decisive contest was fought by Marshal Davoust 
 
 at Aerstadt with about 30,000 men 
 
 ott^\Tim against the king with all that he 
 
 could bring up of his 65,000. 
 
 The Prussians were in open column and straggling 
 as all troops will straggle when not well commanded. 
 They were advancmg toward the Elbe, when sud- 
 denly they were met by the vanguard of Davoust on 
 the summit of Aerstadt. So dense was the fog that 
 neither saw the other till very near. Each mistook 
 its enemy for only a detachment. Each fell back to 
 collect force to clear the way ; the Prussians to drive 
 the French down the defile which they had just 
 ascended. 
 
 Speedily reinforced, each side attacked ; neither 
 yielded ; both were obstinate. Davoust threw for- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 223 
 
 ward Gudin's division; the king ordered Bliicher with 
 2,500 cavalry to clear the plateau of the French. A 
 body of French cavalry were overthrown by the 
 suberb Prussian horsemen ; they in turn were shat- 
 tered against the French infantry. 
 
 Then the fog disappeared ; the sun shone out ; it 
 revealed to each side that an army was facing it. 
 There were the splendid regiments and regular lines 
 of the Prussians, and there the French squares, and 
 behind hedges and garden walls of a village stood 
 their lines. 
 
 The Prussian infantry and dragoons came on in a 
 dashing charge. The French fired continuously and 
 murderously. 
 
 The king's general, the Duke of Brunswick, fell 
 mortally wounded ; the second in command, Schmet- 
 tau, was shot ; the king's mentor, old Mollendorf, 
 was killed. 
 
 The Prussian attack, not in column, but in line, 
 began to waver ; the terrible musketry fire blazed 
 continuously ; the artillery fire swept through both 
 sides. 
 
 Gudin's French division was terribly depleted ; 
 nearly one of every two had fallen ; they could hold 
 out alone but little longer ; it would be ruin to yield 
 the ground. Under that awful devastation they held 
 together till two more French divisions arrived. 
 
 The narrow defile of Aerstadt would not admit of 
 bringing up the overwhelming Prussian force at once. 
 The opposite defile of Koessen would not permit the 
 French to arrive more rapidly. 
 
 A powerful body of Prussian cavalry surmounted a 
 height and struck the French left. In squares the 
 
224 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 French received its repeated impetuous charges. 
 These intrepid horsemen dashed up to the very bay- 
 onets of the French ; they rode around the steady 
 squares, trying to break them ; the fast flashing fire, 
 streaming from these flaming human walls, over an 
 impenetrable hedge of gleaming bayonets which the 
 kneeling front rank presented, compelled even this 
 desperately brave Prussian cavalry to recoil ; in dis- 
 order it fell back ; the cavalry charge had failed ; 
 infantry had beaten this celebrated cavalry; this was 
 a notable event in military science. 
 
 Now on their right the French assumed the attack ; 
 they were pressing for the heights of Sonnenberg, 
 whence their guns could command the area of battle, 
 and make untenable the position of the Prussian 
 reserves. The Prussians saw that French possession 
 of that height would decide the battle; to prevent it 
 they made a tremendous charge ; the French met 
 them ; for minutes the balance trembled ; then the 
 French began to gain ; still the contest raged ; then 
 the French artillery, which they had dragged up to 
 the summit of the height of Eckartsberg, opened its 
 destructive fire into the Prussian ranks ; that decided 
 it ; the French had won that part of the bloody field. 
 
 These heights of Eckartsberg commanded the line 
 of Prussian retreat. The engaged Prussians were 
 forced back on 15,000 Prussians that had not been 
 engaged, crowding and embarassing them with a 
 crush of men, guns and horses. Taking advantage 
 of this jammed condition of the Prussians, a great 
 attack of the French in force defeated and drove this 
 reserve. Aerstadt was lost; Prussia was lost; all 
 was lost. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 225 
 
 That day at Jena, Napoleon, with 80,000 men, had, 
 with difficulty, defeated 55,000 Prussians and Saxons. 
 Davoust, at Aerstadt, with 30,000, had crushed the 
 king of Prussia with 65,000. Yet common fame 
 gives Napoleon the military credit, and incorrectly 
 calls the great victory that prostrated Prussia — Jena. 
 It was Aerstadt. Napoleon ^ gave Davoust but little 
 credit, and meanly represented that he had fought 
 80,000 Prussians at Jena, and Davoust but 50,000 at 
 Aerstadt ! 
 
 The extent of mismanagement of the high-born Prus- 
 sian commanders is astonishing. They had ruined 
 Prussia. The number of the Prussians killed and 
 wounded is believed to be about 20,000. They lost 
 nearly as many taken prisoners ^ and 200 cannon and 
 many standards. The amount of the loss of the 
 French is uncertain as Napoleon's report is entirely 
 unreliable. It was large, Alison estimates it at 
 14,000. 
 
 A general panic ensued. The cross tide of fugi- 
 tives from Aerstadt and Jena intersected each other 
 in the retreat. Infantry, cavalry, ar- 
 tillery dispersed, leaving horses, guns. The retreat, 
 carriages, ruin in the roads, and fled 
 across the fields without appointed rallying point and 
 in any direction. 
 
 In one day these two battles prostrated the Prus- 
 sian monarchy that had withstood the power of Aus- 
 tria, Russia, and France in the "Seven Years' War." 
 The next day Napoleon assessed Prussia 134,000,000 
 francs, Saxony 25,000,000.^ 
 
 Erfurth contained the Prussian grand park of artil- 
 
 • Laiifrey iii, IfiT. = Koch-Schell ii, 218. ■' Nearly $30,000,000 iu all. 
 
 15 
 
226 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 lery, stores, and camp equipage. Two days after 
 these battles it surrendered with 14,000 men, 120 
 cannon, and immense war stores. More than 7,000 
 of these prisoners were wounded men. 
 
 "The carelessness, the unskillfulness, or the treachery of their 
 commanders, and the want of means of defense, were the causes why 
 several fortresses and whole bodies of troops surrendered after slight 
 resistance."! 
 
 October 27, tlie Prussian reserve, also commanded 
 by a prince, Eugene of Wurtemberg, was beaten near 
 Halle by Bernadotte, who took about 4,000 prisoners.^ 
 
 The French crossed the Elbe, marched into Pots- 
 dam, took the strong fortress Spandau, and they 
 entered Berlin, October 25 [1806.] 
 
 Prince Hohenlohe surrendered near Prentzlau, Oc- 
 tober 28, with 17,000 men and 6,000 cavalry capitulated 
 at Passewalk, October 29. The great fortress of Stet- 
 tin yielded, October 28 ; Kuestrin, October 31. 
 
 To the astonishment of the world, the almost im- 
 pregnable fortress of Magdeburg, a main fortress, the 
 great bulwark of Prussia, capitulated with 22,000 
 men.^ Hamelin followed with 6,000 and Nieuberg 
 with 4,000.^ Near Lubec, Bliicher's 21,000 men laid 
 down their arms.^ In six weeks from Aerstadt and 
 Jena, nearly all Prussia to the Oder had fallen into 
 the power of Napoleon. He ruthlessly seized neutral 
 Fulda with which he had no quarrel. He regarded 
 whatever he could seize as good prize. He declared 
 the neutral Elector of Hesse an enemy and seized 
 his territories in alliance. He occupied the unof- 
 fending free Hanse towns, for nothing was sacred 
 from his rapacity. Later he took possession of 
 
 1 Koch-Schell ii, 218. - Schlosser vii, 512 : Coote, 131-133 
 
 »Anl. Reg.: Koch ii, 48: Scott, 115: Rosteck, 171. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 227 
 
 Mecklenburg, Brunswick, and of the Czar's uncle's 
 duchy of Oldenburg. But he dismissed the Saxon 
 prisoners with only their promise not to serv^e against 
 France. The Saxon Elector recalled his troops from 
 Prussia, accepted first neutrality, and then alliance 
 with Napoleon. 
 
 But Napoleon delayed definite peace with Saxony 
 till December, while he plundered it. 
 
 Says the German, Schlosser : — 
 
 "The officials, accustomed to serve those from whom they had 
 their living, served the French as they did in Hanover and other 
 occupied countries, and afterward in Prussia: official life and tax- 
 gathering remained precisely as it was except that Frenchmen or 
 half Frenchmen, were placed at the head of the extorting machine." ' 
 
 Napoleon robbed Leipsic and Wittemberg of 6,000- 
 000 francs each. Elsewhere he laid heavy robberies. 
 
 His treaty of December 12, 1806, with Saxony, 
 conferred the title " king " on the Elector, which was 
 useless and increased Saxon expenses. 
 
 The newly made king was required to join Napo- 
 leon's "Confederation of the Rhine," a vassal, that 
 the blood and property of his unlucky subjects might 
 swell the strength of Napoleon. He gave the French 
 a military road through Saxony. Napoleon forced 
 him into the war against Prussia, to furnish at first 
 5,800 soldiers, and then more than 20,000. 
 
 Negotiations began October 21. Napoleon pro- 
 posed : — 
 
 1. That Prussia cede all her possessions between 
 the Elbe and the Weser. 
 
 2. That Prussia shall pay 100,000,000 francs. 
 
 3. That she refrain from interfering in German 
 affairs. 
 
 ' Schlosser vii, 511. 
 
228 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 4. That she unconditionally approve all the 
 changes made or to be made. 
 
 The Prussian answer was delayed nine days ; events 
 had progressed ; then Napoleon gave no reply to the 
 Prussian note signifying that the king would accept 
 these terms. 
 
 Napoleon visited the tomb of Frederick the Great 
 at Potsdam. With his own hands he robbed the 
 tomb of the cordon of the Black Eagle, and the sword 
 and scarf of the great Prussian soldier. Shameless in 
 this sacrilege he sent them to Paris. 
 
 A brilliant, triumphal procession, headed by Da- 
 voust, was made into the Prussian capital. 
 
 " Under Clark's government, at Berlin, the inhabitants were sub- 
 jected to all kinds of oppression and exaction. "^ 
 
 October 21, 1806, Napoleon issued his famous 
 " Berlin Decree," which will be explained elsewhere. 
 
 Attempts to make a treaty failed ; Napoleon asked 
 too much.2 
 
 Napoleon advanced toward the Vistula with fresh 
 forces following in the rear. He awed the Prussian 
 states. 
 
 He required a fresh conscription of 80,000 from 
 the boys who would reach the military age the next 
 year [1807]. He pressed the troops of Hesse into 
 his service. 
 
 His offer of armistice on very severe terms by 
 which the strong places, Breslau, Glogau, Colberg, 
 Graudenz, and Dantzic should surrender to him was 
 refused by the king. 
 
 A Russian army of 90,000 men arrived in Poland 
 in November. The Prussians collected 40,000 troops. 
 It was with difiTiculty that artillery could be moved. 
 
 ' Boiirrieniie ii, 358. - Bourrienne ii, 371. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 229 
 
 Both sides suffered severely from bad roads, bad 
 weather, and all sorts of privations.^ 
 
 After repelling the Russian advance guard, Murat 
 reached Warsaw. The French found the passage of 
 the river Bug sharply contested, but they succeeded 
 in passing it. 
 
 The Czar had been active in repairing his losses 
 of the previous year in the Austrian war. New reg- 
 iments were formed and old ones filled. A great 
 conscription was made. He called for 600,000 mili- 
 tia to aid to defend Russia, their homes, and their 
 religion. He summoned students and young nobles 
 with promise that they should be officers after si.x: 
 months' service. The priests were ordered to pro- 
 claim that Napoleon is a relentless foe to Christian- 
 ity ; they were called to defend their faith. Alexan- 
 der's effort to excite a religious fervor for the war, 
 was generally ridiculs^d in Europe, but it greatly 
 aided to arouse peasants to become soldiers. 
 
 Forty days after the French crushed the power of 
 Prussia at Aerstadt-Jena, Alexander sent a Russian 
 army, unwisely, aggressively, into Moldavia. Indeed 
 to invade Turkey at that moment was an act of ex- 
 treme folly. He had time to have recalled his orders 
 to again attempt to rob the Turks of two provinces. 
 It was an ill-chosen time for such greed. An able 
 government would have concentrated all the Russian 
 available forces for protection against the terrible foe 
 that was approaching and threatening Russia, and 
 left the Turks to enjoy their own in peace. 
 
 As Prussia had made the same blunder at the 
 beginning of her campaign of 1806 that Austria had 
 
 > Bourriemie ii, 379. 
 
230 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 made in 1805, so "during the Prussian campaign 
 Austria played the same waiting game which Prussia 
 had played during the campaign in Austria." ^ She 
 assembled 40,000 men in Bohemia as near the scene 
 of war as was prudent. If Napoleon should meet 
 with disaster she could fall upon him at the right 
 moment ; if he should be successful she could keep 
 aloof and quiet. 
 
 Napoleon, acting as a great bandit, made enormous 
 demands. Hamburg, the free city, had never been 
 at war on either side ; it had given Napoleon neither 
 insult nor injury; all it asked was to be let alone; 
 yet of Hamburg Napoleon demanded 50,000,000 
 francs. It escaped that time by the immediate pay- 
 ment of 16,000,000 francs and 50,000 overcoats.^ 
 Lubec, Leipsic, and other neutral towns he also 
 robbed of large sums.^ Thus by robbery he obtained 
 clothing, magazines, and stores. By December he 
 had eight corps on the Vistula ready for service. 
 After guarding his strong points, he had 100,000 men 
 for the field, and more were coming. 
 
 Napoleon arrived at Warsaw December 2. With 
 patriotic ardor the Poles hailed him as their prospec- 
 tive deliverer. A provisional government of Warsaw 
 was formed " until its fate should be settled by a gen- 
 eral peace." The Poles were animated with hope; 
 the national dress was resumed ; national music was 
 again heard ; several regiments of horsemen were 
 quickly enrolled ; before the campaign ended 30,000 
 Poles were enrolled in Prussian Poland. Napoleon 
 encouraged it in Prussian, but not in Austrian or 
 Russian Poland. 
 
 ' Boarrienne ii, 379. ' Bourrienne. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 231 
 
 Europe had not been accustomed to war in winter. 
 This Napoleon had done at Austerlitz, as Pichegru 
 had successfully done in Holland in 1795. Now 
 Kamenskoi, the Russian commander eighty-one years 
 old, made the active advance. 
 
 With severe fighting the French succeeded in 
 crossing the Ukra, and separated the Russian forces 
 into two parts ; one part moved for Golymin, the 
 other toward Pultusk. 
 
 The continuous forest, the deep mud, the roads 
 cut and ruined by the many wheels, offered difficult 
 obstacles. 
 
 Old Kamenskoi ordered a retreat with great sacri- 
 fice of artillery stuck in the mud. 
 
 Benningsen, with his corps, disobeyed the absurd 
 orders of the old chief and resolved to hold Pultusk 
 to gain time for the artillery and equipage to pass on 
 to the rear. With about 40,000 men and 120 cannon 
 he made a stand. Three other Russian divisions 
 were too far to the rear to assist. 
 
 The French plan was similar to that of Ulm. Its 
 right was to cut the Russian retreat ; its left to inter- 
 pose between them and the Prussians, under Lestoc. 
 
 The vigor of the Russian retreat, 
 its celerity aided by Kamenskoi's sac- Bauie of i-uitusk. 
 rifice of seventy cannon ; the heavy Dec. 26, isoe. 
 rains ; the very short days and long, 
 dark nights ; the obstructed nature of the country, 
 that so impeded the French advance, enabled the 
 Russians to reach both Pultusk and Golymin a few 
 hours before the French, instead of being, as Napo- 
 leon intended, cut off from those points. 
 
 A terrible conflict ensued at Pultusk. The fight 
 
232 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 was in the midst of nature's horrors. Winter, dis- 
 turbed by these ardent warriors, was angry. A wild 
 storm was sweeping over the gloomy north. In the 
 midst of the thunders of cannon and the crashes of 
 musketry, heavy snowfalls filled the air and obscured 
 everything ; men fought without seeing each other ; 
 the mud was, in many places, knee-deep ; the maneu- 
 vers were difficult ; men fell to be trampled deeper in 
 mud, while still alive ; wounded, crippled men were 
 crawling in snow and mud ; the battle-ground was a 
 pandemonium of human suffering, a very carnival of 
 misery. The darkness of night came and added to 
 the frightful horrors. Still, carnage, frightful death, 
 human tortures, most dreadful, everywhere. Nature's 
 wild, wintry storm, quite late, renewed its fury. As 
 if angry, indignant at man's horrible doings, its blasts 
 at last separated the fierce combatants. 
 
 In the intense darkness of this northern winter's 
 night, on that terribly storm-swept, war-mangled and 
 battle-torn spot, more dismal than Plutonian shore, in 
 the deep snow-covered mud, lay nearly 5,000 Rus- 
 sians, and between 6,000 and 8,000 of Napoleon's 
 conscripts of many nations, — called French, — the 
 wounded, the mutilated, the dead, all together. 
 
 And for all this neither side was decisively victo- 
 rious. The Russians had the advantage. The French 
 plodded their weary way a few miles in retreat. 
 
 The Russians held the battle-ground till midnight ; 
 then, in the deep darkness of a sixteen-hours night, 
 they resumed their retreat to Russia, " leaving in the 
 mud of Poland eighty field pieces and nearly 10,000 
 men,"^ including the loss at Pultusk.^ 
 
 1 Eambaud ii, 287 ; Lanf rey iii, 214. " Napoleon's 47th BuUetin says 12,000. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 233 
 
 Another battle on the same day at Golymin was 
 not decisive. The French took twenty-six cannon 
 and a large train of army wagons, but they suffered 
 severe loss. Here again the Russians 
 held their ground till midnight, and Battle of Goiymin. 
 then retired. The French extreme Dec. 26,i806. 
 left, under Ney and Bernadotte, drove 
 the remains of the Prussian army, under Lestoc, into 
 Konigsberg. 
 
 Could Soult, according to Napoleon's plan, have 
 reached the rear of the Russian army that had fought 
 and retired from Pultusk and Golymin, and so barred 
 their retreat, they must have been compelled to sur- 
 render ; but the depth of mud, the fierceness of the 
 weather which deluged the troops with drenching 
 rains, pelting sleet, and driving and melting snow, 
 and the activity of the Russians, completely defeated 
 his plans. " Men fell in great nnmbers without a 
 battle." 
 
 It was a very cruel war, made, as the eminent 
 Frenchman, Guizot, says : — 
 
 " In the service of a senseless ambition, as fatal to the sovereign 
 as to the people, both foolishly dragged along by a vision of glory 
 toward injustices and crimes.^ 
 
 The war had no necessity ; peace was long ago at 
 Napoleon's call ; his useless, awful continuation of 
 needless war was excess of cruelty. 
 
 Rest was necessary. The aggressor ceased to ad- 
 vance. Both armies went into winter quarters. 
 
 Sickness swept over devastated Prussia. It was a 
 winter of misery, of general robbery, of moral dis- 
 honor to Napoleon and his troops of many nations. 
 
 1 History of France vii, chap. ix. 
 
234 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Both parties claimed the victory ; the Invalides 
 cannon roared triumph at Paris ; with better reason 
 7> Deuin was chanted at St. Petersburg. But Napo- 
 leon was in a struggle unlike anything he had before 
 experienced. His winter campaign had failed. The 
 Russians were not defeated. To the folly of Alex- 
 ander in sending an aggresive army against Turkey 
 when he ought to have concentrated all his strength 
 against Napoleon's hordes with a vigorous com- 
 mander instead of old Kamenskoi, it was that Napo- 
 leon owed his escape from crushing defeat. 
 
 Napoleon tried to stimulate the Poles to rise in 
 great numbers. Says Guizot : — 
 
 " In their turn the Poles, long crushed down by harsh servitude, 
 asked for guarantees from the conqueror, who had only delivered 
 them in order to subjugate them afresh. 
 
 They knew too well his character for falsity. They 
 dared not trust him. A spurious address with the 
 unauthorized name of Kosciusco was circulated to 
 arouse them. Kosciusco declared it false. 
 
 The Prussian fortresses in Silesia yielded one after 
 another to the invading French. The surrender of 
 Kustrin furnished abundant war material for the re- 
 duction of Glogau, which, in its turn, furnished from 
 its vast stores the needed armament for the reduction 
 of Breslau, which yielded 6,000 prisoners, 300 can- 
 non, and immense stores. Brieg and Kosel fell. 
 Jerome Bonaparte was made governor of Silesia. 
 
 The Czar now saw what all the world had seen, his 
 great blunder in making the war with Turkey. He 
 ordered 25,000 men from there to the Neimen. 
 Napoleon took measures to stimulate the Turks 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 235 
 
 against Russia. Ever vindictive, he tried to rouse 
 Persia to attack tiie Russians. 
 
 Old Kimeaskoi was far in the rear of his army, 
 and if not actually insane was mentally unfit to com- 
 mand. So Buxhowden and Benningsen each com- 
 manded his own corps, and each was jealous of the 
 other whom he would not obey. 
 
 At last Alexander saw the folly of this situation 
 and gave the chief command to Benningsen. But the 
 armies did not long stay in winter quarters. Ben- 
 ningsen opened the campaign again in February. 
 Bernadotte with 55,000 men was away off to the left 
 of the other French. Ney was next. Benningsen 
 came on with 75,000 Russians and 500 cannon, hop- 
 ing to get between Bernadotte and Ney and attack 
 Ney's scattered forces. But winter's frozen ground 
 did not enable him to arrive soon enough, and he was 
 too hesitating. The move caused several severe con- 
 tests, with varying fortunes. 
 
 Napoleon put the grand army in motion. He sent 
 an order to Bernadotte to deco}^ the Russians as far as 
 possible, that he might fall upon their flank while in 
 march. This order fell into Benningsen's hands ; it 
 warned him of Napoleon's plan. 
 
 Benningsen fell back. After serious fighting he 
 concentrated from 55,000 to 65,000 men at Preuss- 
 Eylau. He must have lost already 10,000 men in 
 this movement since January 4. 
 
 February 8 came the bloodiest uattie of Eyiau. 
 battle that Napoleon had yet seen. Feb.s, 1807. 
 Eylau was a town in a hollow between 
 the two armies. Mistaking their orders, the Russians 
 who were to have defended it, fell back; the French 
 
236 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 seized it ; the Russians soon retook it by a fierce 
 attack. It is said that the Russians had 400 cannon 
 on their front. 
 
 The forces of Napoleon were about 85,000 men. 
 Stronger in cavalry, they were weaker in artillery 
 than Benningsen. 
 
 At the first the Russians gained advantage ; but 
 they did not press it with sufficient rapidity, and so 
 gave time for French corps to come up and greatly 
 outnumber them. 
 
 Napoleon made a violent attack on their right and 
 center ; Marshal Augereau advanced in heavy force ; 
 Soult, with 150 cannon on his front, marched against 
 their center ; 40 more guns thundered against the 
 Russian central battery. 
 
 The Russian cannon shot ploughed fearful gaps 
 through the mass of advancing French ; 200 guns 
 were there working with frightful rapidity ; Napoleon 
 was meeting heavy losses. 
 
 Then heavy snowfall darkened the heavens and 
 filled the air so thick as to shut out the combatants 
 from each other's sight. 
 
 But the deadly storm of bullets and cannon shot 
 continued to destroy those devoted men in the wintry 
 gloom. 
 
 When shaken, terribly torn and shattered, Aug- 
 ereau's division, on his left, suddenly saw, at only a 
 few yards' distance, the long lances of the Cossack 
 horsemen emerging from the thick falling snow 
 screen. Almost at the same instant Russian cavalry 
 dashed and crashed against his right almost unseen. 
 
 Here in torrents of blood ended the career of Aug- 
 ereau's corps. The fight was terrific. It was brief; 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 237 
 
 it was quick; the slaughter was appalling; the French 
 were broken ; they gave way ; in shattered fragments 
 they fled in confusion. 
 
 The Russian sabers and Cossack lances were quick 
 after them ; the great corps of more than 16,000 
 French, so intrepid a few minutes before, Napoleon's 
 own warriors, were sabered and trampled in great 
 numbers ; the great corps was annihilated ; it never 
 again appeared as a corps. 
 
 The Russians pursued the fugitives so closely that 
 they were near taking Napoleon himself a prisoner. 
 The Russian pursuers were disordered by success, 
 and before they could reform their ranks the French 
 were upon them on both flanks, and almost a whole 
 division were slaughtered. 
 
 Soult's attack on the Russian center was repulsed. 
 The French were beaten. Had the army which 
 Alexander had so foolishly sent against Turkey now 
 been at Eylau, it was the moment to crush Napoleon. 
 Or had the erring British ministry but sent there 
 only 30,000 men in time for Eylau ! As neither of 
 these rulers were wise, neither worthy of its country, 
 so Benningsen was fighting greatly superior numbers 
 at Eylau. Often in his career Napoleon owed his escape 
 from ruin to the faults of his enemies' sovereigns. 
 
 Then came Napoleon's grand attack. An enor- 
 mous array of cavalry, — 14,000 horsemen, the pride 
 of his army, and a great throng of 25,000 infantry 
 advanced. 
 
 It was snowing so thick and fast that the Russians 
 could not see this great multitude, this army of 
 39,000 men, as, with 200 cannon at its head, it came 
 thundering up the slope. 
 
238 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 The fierce onset of this enormous mass of men and 
 horses was terrific ; the shock was almost irresistible ; 
 the Russian front line yielded ground, but though 
 broken it did not fly ; it still maintained the awful 
 conflict with tenacity in such bodies and knots as 
 could hold together. Men died rather than retreat. 
 Prodigious numbers on both sides were destroyed. 
 It was a marvel of desperate fighting. 
 
 Then came forward the Russian reserve. Regard- 
 less of the storm of sliot from many French batteries 
 that rapidly thinned their ranks, they united with the 
 remains of their first line, and with loud shouts, they 
 charged the charging French, 
 
 It was one of those most awful scenes of war, a 
 great charge meeting a great charge in full career. 
 
 Essen's Russian division was crushed. A French 
 regiment of cuirassiers swept through the gap and 
 were all killed but eighteen. 
 
 With bloody bayonets the Russians drove back the 
 French and captured several eagles and cannon ; the 
 battle seemed gained; the French center and left 
 were defeated with extraordinary loss. 
 
 Still the Russians were unaided; the Prussians had 
 not arrived ; they had been constantly expected ; now 
 they were needed to complete the Russian victory. 
 
 But the French right had succeeded ; there Da- 
 voust's corps made a terrible attack; the Russian 
 extreme left gave way before the fierce onset ; the 
 Russians lost the village on which their left rested. 
 Thick masses of smoke which the wind drove rolling 
 down the Russian line showed that the village was 
 burning. Friant's French division had got in the 
 rear of the Russian left and was pressing hard toward 
 its center. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 239 
 
 With great loss the Russian left was driven back. 
 Still it did not fly, but re-formed at right angles with 
 the center toward the rear. The battle now bore the 
 singular aspect, the Russians victorious on their right 
 and center and badly defeated on their left, and still 
 both armies in position, each partly victor and partly 
 vanquished ! 
 
 At this critical moment the Prussians appeared on 
 the extreme Russian right ; they moved quickly across 
 the position in rear of the Russians, refraining to fire 
 till they arrived close to the French; then they 
 charged bayonets with energy and effect. Davoust's 
 French were there in force, but in a vigorous contest 
 they were driven back, losing about 3,000 of their 
 numbers on the hotly disputed ground. 
 
 Night came; those still living paused. The blood- 
 iest battle that Napoleon had ever seen seemed ended. 
 The groans of the snow-clad wounded were heard in 
 place of the roar of cannon and the crash of musketry. 
 Almost as many men as the entire Russian army 
 engaged, lay mangled and bleeding in the winter 
 darkness. It was a night pre-eminently memorable 
 for human suffering. 
 
 Checked and beaten. Napoleon, the cause of all 
 this needless suffering, ended the destruction of men 
 for a moment by ceasing to attack. 
 
 Now innumerable bivouac fires were lighted ; the 
 living needed rest ; the wounded wanted aid ; it was 
 time for humanity to begin its work. 
 
 But even at that terrible moment both armies were 
 suddenly startled by sharp vollies and loud shouting 
 that broke out on the victorious Russian right. 
 
 Napoleon saw himself poorly prepared to meet a 
 
240 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 new attack. He gave orders to prepare for retreat. 
 He ordered his heavy artillery and baggage to retire 
 toward Landsberg. He directed Davoust to retreat 
 to the position that he had occupied in the morning. 
 
 Napoleon saw that his great army was defeated, 
 and he, evidently, feared a great disaster was upon 
 him. Neither his skill nor his greatly superior num- 
 bers had saved him. 
 
 But the firing was made by Ney's corps which had 
 just arrived and taken a village to interrupt the Rus- 
 sian communication with Konigsberg. 
 
 Benningsen saw this danger and sent a Russian 
 division to storm that village and drive back Ney's 
 corps, which they very gallantly did late at night, 
 with loud cheers. Then the very sanguinary battle 
 of Eylau had at last closed. 
 
 A Russian retreat was expedient. Ney had brought 
 a strong re-enforcement to the defeated Napoleon; 
 Bernadotte with his large corps of fresh troops was 
 expected ; Benningsen already knew that not less 
 than 20,000 Russians had fallen ; he knew not how 
 much was Napoleon's loss. The Russians were short 
 of ammunition, in need of food, and must maintain 
 communication with a source of supply. So at mid- 
 night the Russians began to move to a new position. 
 They halted three leagues toward Konigsberg and 
 food. Their last division did not leave Eylau till 
 morning, but Napoleon was too badly beaten to 
 molest it. 
 
 Eylau was a battle of unmitigated horror; fought 
 amid cold and storm, in a bleak, northern climate, at 
 dead of winter ; it was extremely bloody and obsti- 
 nately contested; a disaster to Napoleon; a cruel 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 241 
 
 sacrifice of men for no decisive result. Had the 
 Russians been in numbers equal with the French, it 
 is very possible that Napoleon's power might have 
 been overthrown, his throne destroyed, and the period 
 of the greatest conflicts of modern times ended. 
 
 The sight of the battle-field the next morning 
 shocked even the strife-hardened Napoleon. The 
 snow was filled with an immense multitude of the 
 dead and the wounded, men and horses, with broken 
 guns and all the debris of battle. 
 
 About 55,000 men lay there weltering in blood in 
 the cold, frost and snow ; 25,000 Russians and more 
 than 30,000 followers of Napoleon ; 10,000 more had 
 scattered, and they struggled for days. 
 
 Few prisoners had been taken ; the fight was too 
 fierce for that. The wounds were very severe ; the 
 deadly cannon shot at close range had terribly 
 mangled Napoleon's bloody victims on both sides. 
 
 The piteous cries of the great host of mutilated and 
 torn men, still alive and suffering, on that cold, winter 
 morning, everywhere exposed without shelter and 
 without help in the snow, were heart-rending. 
 
 Everywhere were cries for help, cries of dying men 
 to be put out of their misery. Men were still breath- 
 ing and conscious, under heaps of dead men and 
 horses, and their smothering groans of agony still 
 failed to turn the relentless Napoleon from his cruel 
 love of war. 
 
 Tamed by suffering, exhausted by the loss of blood 
 and by lack of nourishment, the many thousands of 
 foemen lay side by side among 6,000 fallen horses. 
 
 Great numbers perished by cold, want and exces- 
 sive exertions. It was an immense aggregate of the 
 16 
 
242 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 most acute and terrible suffering. Many of the 
 wounded, less fortunate than the dead, must through 
 life continue to endure the most agonizing suffering, 
 undeserved tortures, hapless victims of Napoleon's 
 callous ambition. 
 
 "What a massacre!" exclaimed Marshal Ncy, 
 "and without result ! " He might have added, " and 
 without cause except Napoleon's depraved war mad- 
 ness." 
 
 Eylau was indecisive. After all this cruel murder, 
 this devastation, this mutilation of men, the war was 
 still to be fought as before. What for ? Nothing 
 but further aggression by Napoleon. 
 
 The Russians had taken twelve eagles, the French 
 fourteen standards and6,ooo Russian wounded and i6 
 guns were left at Eylau. Napoleon announced his 
 terrible check as a victory, and, with characteristic 
 meanness, he gave the credit for it to his own brother- 
 in-law, Murat, although many others had fought as 
 well as he. 
 
 Benningsen marched away ; Napoleon remained, 
 his army crippled, hardly able to march away. He 
 ordered up all his available strength, but when these 
 great re-enforcements came up by forced marches, so 
 great had been the havoc in his army that he did not 
 venture to attack the Russians though they were still 
 waiting within striking distance. He sent his heavy 
 cavalry forward, but they were soon beaten with 
 severe loss. The Cossack horsemen scoured the 
 country and brought in great numbers of Napoleon's 
 men as prisoners, especially cavalry. 
 
 Napoleon had expected to beat the Russians, cap- 
 ture Konigsberg, and there with its great stores, 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 243 
 
 make his army comfortable at Prussia's expense. 
 But defeated in his designs, he was left out in the 
 severe northern cold. 
 
 Napoleon hoped that Russia would offer terms. 
 Four days went by and no terms came. Then see- 
 ing his own dubious situation, he wrote to the king 
 of Prussia, in tone almost entreating : — 
 
 "I desire to put a period to the misfortune of your family, and 
 organize as speedily as possible the Prussian monarchy, whose inter- 
 mediate power is necessary for the tranquility of Europe. I desire 
 peace with Russia, and, provided the cabinet of Russia has no de- 
 signs on the Turkish empire, I see no difficulty in obtaining it. Peace 
 with England is no less essential to all nations, and I shall have no 
 hesitation in sending a minister to Memel, to take part in a congress 
 of France, Sweden, England, Russia, Prussia, and Turkey. But as 
 such congress may last many years, which would not suit the present 
 condition of Prussia, your majesty will, I am persuaded, be of opinion 
 that I have taken the simplest method, and that most likely to secure 
 the prosperity of your subjects." 
 
 The king refused unless with the concurrence of 
 Russia. 
 
 Nine days after the great battle Napoleon retreated 
 from Eylau. The Russians re-occupied it. Both 
 armies again went into winter quarters, both claimed 
 the victory ; 30,000 human lives had been wasted ; 
 almost every country of the continent had a great 
 quota of cripples. 
 
 The battle of Eylau made a great sensation in 
 Europe. Martineau says : — 
 
 •' Fifty thousand men could at any time be furnished for a great 
 continental expedition." 1 
 
 Yet the feeble ministry, not worthy of that ener- 
 getic nation, let the Eylau opportunity escape. 
 
 Had England instantly reinforced the Russians 
 
 iMartineau's History of Englaud i, 199. 
 
244 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 with 60,000 British soldiers, such as won Salamanca, 
 and with needed supplies, it might have also decided 
 Austria to throw her force into the scale, and Napo- 
 leon must have been quickly overwhelmed. Ger- 
 many, already indignant at his pitiless exactions, 
 wished to join against him, and might have risen as 
 she did in 1813. 
 
 The public sentiment of Great Britain demanded 
 vigorous action ; the nation was ready ; but, unfort- 
 unately the present British system of exclusion of 
 the sovereign from active public policy did not prevail, 
 and George III was at the head of British affairs. 
 Nothing was done till the favorable time had passed, 
 and then, by 80,000 sterling advanced to Russia; and 
 with 100,000 more of Great Britain's money, and a 
 large amount of stores, the embezzling George bought 
 of Prussia a solemn renunciation of all rights to 
 Hanover, of which George was hereditary Elector, 
 but which was not England's at all ! 
 
 Eylau excited great consternation at Paris. The 
 public funds fell ; a great mourning gloom was spread 
 over France. Strange, and even exagerated stories 
 of Eylau floated about. A report spread that Napo- 
 leon was killed. The sad gloom was deepened when 
 Napoleon's message arrived, demanding of the servile 
 senate, a fresh conscription of 80,000 men in March, 
 1807, that were not due till a year and a half later, in 
 September, 1808. This was the third levy of boys 
 for the Prussian war ; 240,000 young men in seven 
 months ! What terribly frightful havoc war had 
 made ! So powerfully was France shocked that 
 Napoleon equivocated that he wanted this new levy 
 only for army of reserve. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 245 
 
 So badly had Eylau defeated Napoleon that he sus- 
 pended field operations for about four months. 
 
 Napoleon wanted army clothing ; he caused it to 
 be imported from England. Says his Bourrienne : — 
 
 " Thus I procured these articles in a sure and cheap way 
 
 otherwise French troops might have perished with cold .... my 
 cloths and my leather arrived; cloaks, coats, boots, were promptly 
 made." ^ 
 
 This when Napoleon's Berlin Decree had forbidden 
 imports from En.i^land. Thus he broke his own 
 decree while he enforced it against his subjects and 
 subject nations. 
 
 Baron Hardenberg, on behalf of Prussia, laid the 
 basis for a new coalition between Russia and Prussia, 
 in which Austria, Sweden, Great Britain, and Den- 
 mark, were invited to join. This absurd treaty, made 
 when Prussia was prostrate, read as if the allies were 
 at Paris as conquerors, viz. : — 
 
 Re-establishment of Prussia as in 1805 ; the Con- 
 federation of the Rhine to be dissolved ; Tyrol and 
 Venice restored to Austria ; Hanover aggrandized ; 
 the House of Orantre restored in Holland ; absurd 
 "indemnity" to the kings of "Sardinia" and Naples. 
 
 Prussia agreed with Sweden to send troops into 
 Swedish Pomerania. Francis H of Austria did not 
 know his own mind ; the Archduke Charles was 
 arranging Austrian affairs ; he said that the state of 
 Austria's finances and her army advised him against 
 intervention. 
 
 The immediate pretext for the war of Russia against 
 Turkey was that the Sultan had dismissed the hos- 
 
 1 Hourrienne at Hamburg furnished 50,000 cloaks, 16,000 coats, 37,000 
 waistcoats, and 40,000 pairs of boots. So England clothed the grand army. 
 Bourrienne ii, 385. 
 
246 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 podars of Roumania, friends to Russia, and appointed 
 in their places men friendly to French 
 Russia, Turkey and alliance. The British ambassador 
 February, 1807. was indignant and threatened Turkey. 
 The Russians, 40,000 strong, had in- 
 vaded those countries with military success. 
 
 The British ambassador demanded that Turkey 
 withdraw from French alliance, and ally herself with 
 Britain. Turkey refused. The British threatened 
 to bombard Constantinople. Turkey declared war 
 against Britain. 
 
 A British fleet forced the passage of the Darda- 
 nelles and appeared at Constantinople. The Turks 
 were unprepared. Guided by the French ambassa- 
 dor, Sebastiani, they prolonged the exchange of notes 
 till the aroused masses of Turks, aided by French 
 engineers, mounted guns and made ready the de- 
 fenses. Then a heavy cannonade compelled the 
 British to retire through the battery-lined passes. 
 Turkey adhered to France. The Russians beat the 
 Turks in a naval fight in the Black Sea. 
 
 When England ought to have sent troops to aid 
 the Russians and Prussians near Konigsberg, a use- 
 less and hopeless British expedition went to Egypt. 
 It met disaster, and soon retired from 
 Great Britaiu, 1807. Egypt after loss of onc-third of its 
 numbers. 
 British Admiral Popham had wantonly attacked 
 Montevideo and robbed it of a great sum : instead 
 of punishing his piracy, the Grenville ministry sent 
 another expedition to Buenos Ayres, commanded by 
 George Ill's favorite, Whitelock. It resulted in an- 
 other serious and shameful disaster. All was lost. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 247 
 
 A court-martial, when too late, found George's favorite 
 "totally unfit and unworthy." The great naval force 
 and the 15,000 soldiers of these two ill-starred expe- 
 ditions would have been sufficient to have saved 
 Dantzic with its great fortress which unaided, capit- 
 ulated [May 24], and thus released for the field the 
 40,000 of Napoleon's troops that besieged it. 
 
 What George's government was doing at the crisis 
 when vigorous wisdom would have destroyed their 
 great enemy, Napoleon, was this : — 
 
 By Irish act of 1793 a Catholic in Ireland could 
 rise as high as lieutenant-colonel ; out of Ireland, 
 to no rank in Great Britain. 
 
 In Parliament, the minister. Lord Howick (Charles 
 Grey) moved for leave to bring in a bill to enable 
 persons of every religious creed to serve as officers 
 in the army or navy without condition except an oath 
 not repugnant to any religious belief. In England a 
 Catholic could not be even a subaltern, because barred 
 by a test oath. Many men fighting Britain's battles 
 were not members of the English established church. 
 It was even open to suspicion that they were not 
 every one pious men. 
 
 Why should not Catholics, or even sinners, hold 
 commissions to fight ? Is fighting a trade that re- 
 quires sanctification, the thirty-nine articles, con- 
 firmation .'' The witty Sidney Smith compared 
 George's wretched folly to a ship attacked, and being 
 shattered while its captain, instead of uniting all for 
 defense, at that critical moment claps into irons his 
 thirty prime Catholic sailors, under guard of thirty 
 Episcopalians ; tells the Episcopal gunner not to 
 trust the Presbyterian steersman ; examines his men 
 
248 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 in the catechism and the thirty-nine articles, and 
 forbids to sponge or ram, any who have not taken the 
 sacrament in George's own church. 
 
 The king objected to the measure. On explana- 
 tion he gave way ; the bill was prepared ; Grey 
 brought it in ; then ultra Tories alarmed the king ; 
 he betrayed his word ; he opposed the bill ; he re- 
 quired that it be withdrawn and that the ministers 
 sign away their right to ever again propose conces- 
 sion to Catholics or give him advice on that subject. 
 The ministry, more manly than Pitt in 1803, refused 
 to sign the humiliating paper, so George dismissed the 
 Whig ministry. For the next twenty-five years Great 
 Britain had Tory ministers. For this Irish affair 
 George had lost sight of great Eylau, of England's 
 great opportunity. 
 
 The Duke of Portland was infirm, diseased, ex- 
 hausted ; " kept up in busy times only by lau- 
 danum and cordials, and apt to fall 
 
 George's New Ministi-y , , , . , ^ 
 
 March 25, isoT. aslccp ovcr the most important let- 
 ters." 1 
 
 It was this half-dead man that George called to 
 form a ministry. Perceval was the real chief. 
 
 The Ministry that came in 1807 were : — 
 
 Duke of Portland, Premier Perceval, Chancellor 
 Exchequer ; George Canning, Foreign Secretary ; 
 Lord Hawksbury, Home Secretary ; Lord Castle- 
 reagli, War and Colonial Secretary ; Lord Eldon, 
 Chancellor ; Lord Mulgrave, Admiralty ; Duke of 
 Richmond, Viceroy of Ireland. 
 
 A debate in Parliament on the extraordinary de- 
 mand of the king resulted in sustaining the new min- 
 
 < Martiuean i, 209. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 249 
 
 istry, by a vote of 258 to 226, a small majority for 
 momentous times. No sound lawyer would, in our 
 day, defend the demand for such a pledge. It is 
 abhorrent to the British constitution. Ministers 
 must be free to advise. Perceval was leading minister. 
 He was : — 
 
 " An enemy to all relaxation of religious tests. From this time [1806] 
 his rigid, narrow mind, honest and unphilosophical, his temper, amiable 
 toward friends and bitter and arrogant toward opponents; his man- 
 ners simple and affectionate to his connections and ludicrously pre- 
 sumptuous and offensive to all persons whom he considered hetero- 
 dox .... one of those apparent mistakes of fate which make states- 
 men of very small personages." 1 
 
 George caused parliament to be dissolved. The 
 Eylau crisis was passing. Napoleon would soon 
 recover from his great check ; such an opportunity to 
 assail his power might never recur ; but foolish 
 George, instead of doing the patriotic duty that every 
 British interest demanded of him, took this very time 
 to plunge into an exciting parliamentary election. 
 
 The new ministry raised again the old cry, " No 
 popery." 
 
 " At the most critical period of the century we had a king with an 
 infirm brain, and a prime minister dying of torturing disease and 
 opiates." 2 
 
 Six thousand pounds each were paid for seats in 
 parliament. The new ministry bought all there were 
 to be had;^ it is supposed that the king furnished 
 money. 
 
 " The people did not look to parliament to reflect the mind of the 
 nation.'* Now was Cobbett read in a hundred thousand homes; now 
 was Burdett worshiped in the streets." ^ 
 
 The new parliament, selected by the corrupt sys- 
 tem abolished in 1832, a system in which seats were 
 
 1 Martineau i, 107. 2 Martineau i, 216. ^ Martineau i, 219. 
 
 < Martineau i, 220. « Ibid. 
 
250 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 sold so freely as to have a regular quotable price, and 
 when few British had the great privilege of voting, 
 sustained the new ministry by about 200 majority. 
 But the new ministry avowed that the king had acted 
 without their advice. So the election can hardly be 
 said to have indorsed George's illegal demand. The 
 hereditary House of Lords was, of course, with the 
 king. 
 
 Those were dark times. The spirit of justice, 
 equity and humanity, did not rule in Europe. 
 
 But the progress of improvement in England since 
 then has been greater than has usually occurred in 
 whole ages. 
 
 The new ministry agreed with Sweden to send 
 20,000 British troops to unite with 18,000 Swedes in 
 Pomerania. Britain had about 80,000 men on home 
 stations. George's ministry ought to have done 
 at once one of two acts : either made peace or else 
 sent a British force to Dantzic to save it from falling 
 and so rendering available for the field the 40,000 
 French engaged in its seige, and they should have 
 strengthened the Russian army before Konigsberg ; 
 they omitted to do either. 
 
 After Eylau Napoleon used the greatest activity. 
 He drew re-inforcements from every available source. 
 Massena brought him 36,000 men from Italy. He 
 demanded and received 16,000 fresh 
 Battle of Heiisberg, troops from the king of Spain who 
 juneio, 1S07. darcd not refuse. He had a large 
 force of Poles. He directed the Po- 
 lish provisional government to set apart 20,000,000 
 francs to recompense Poles who should distinguish 
 themselves in his service. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 251 
 
 Austria offered mediation but it came to nothing. 
 
 The Russian army was re-inforced to more than 
 110,000 men. Napoleon had now a much larger 
 army. 
 
 Benningsen made an advance hoping to destroy 
 Ney's exposed corps. But Ney fought two bloody 
 contests at Gutstadt and Aukendorff. In danger of 
 being surrounded by Napoleon's superior numbers, 
 Benningsen retired to his intrenched camp at Heils- 
 berg. Here, on the night of June 10, occurred a 
 hard-fought, bloody battle. It began with French 
 success but ended in French defeat, " not dangerous 
 but sanguinary." 
 
 The useless slaughter continued far into the night. 
 The French lost from 8,000 to 10,000 men, the Rus- 
 sians scarcely half that number. The next day, in- 
 stead of again attacking these intrenchments. Napo- 
 leon attempted to turn them. He marched on Eylau, 
 hoping to cut off Benningsen from his source of sup- 
 plies at Konigsberg, The Russians fell back and 
 took position at Friedland. 
 
 Benningsen was on the east side of the river Alle. 
 The French corps of Lannes and Oudinot appeared 
 on the west side, Benningsen sent a Russian divi- 
 sion across against them ; that not 
 succeeding he sent more troops to its Kattie of Friediaud, 
 aid, across the long bridge and the J"»« i-*' ^^ot. 
 three pontoons. Napoleon coming 
 up with the grand army caught the Russians in the 
 bad position of having a river at their back. The 
 Russians had crossed to the west side in force. 
 There was danger that the French would seize a 
 bridge some miles below and cross and get between 
 
252 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 the Russians and Konigsberg. Benningscn sent 
 6,000 men to hold it, so much weakeinng his main 
 force. 
 
 The battle raged long and hard. Then Napoleon 
 made a tremendous attack in heavy force. The Rus- 
 sians weakened relatively by their heavy loss, began 
 to retire. The French reached the bridge and the 
 pontoons and set fire to them. The Russians seemed 
 lost, their retreat cut off, but they retreated by two 
 fords, with loss of several cannon. They rallied their 
 scattered corps without further molestation from the 
 shattered French army. 
 
 Benningsen retired to Tilsit and soon crossed the 
 Niemen into Russia, and the French took the impor- 
 tant fortress of Konigsberg together with 100,000 
 muskets sent there by the British government. 
 
 Napoleon arrived at Tilsit. 
 
 The Emperor Alexander asked for armistice. It 
 was agreed to June 21. George's treaty of London 
 of June 17, giving to Prussia a million sterling of 
 British money, came too late. 
 
 Napoleon and Alexander met on a raft moored in 
 the middle of the river Niemen. 
 
 The raft on the Their interview lasted two hours. It 
 
 Nieman. ^ 
 
 jvine 27, 1807. began with Alexanders remark, "I 
 hate the English as much as you do." 
 Alexander was a mystic, a visionary. He rever- 
 enced his favorite men and women for a time and 
 then turned to others. He had held a sentimental 
 friendship with the king of Prussia. Now the king 
 was not admitted to the conference. 
 
 Prince Metternich, for many years intimate with 
 Alexander, thus describes his character : — 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 253 
 
 " He certainly possessed mind, but his mind, refined and keen as it 
 •was, had no depth ; he was easily led astray (by distrust or) by erro- 
 neous theories. His judgment was always influenced by fanciful ideas 
 .... these systems did nut assimilate, they followed one another in 
 rapid succession. Devoted to the system whose term it was, he ar- 
 rived at the exact opposite .... this policy followed in measures 
 of about five years: two years an idea grew : the third he was faithful 
 to it; the fourth his fervor calmed ; the fifth saw it nearly extinct. 
 In 1805 he was broadly a liberal, a bitter enemy of Napoleon; in 
 1807 changed in his mode of thinking ; in 1808 an admirer of Napo- 
 leon; in 1812 again changed; in 18 14 his old philanthrophy and free- 
 thinking took fire from the spirit of the times; in 1815 he had given 
 way to religious mysticism; in 1817 he took a new turn; in iSiS I 
 found him a zealous champion of monarchial conservative principles, 
 a declared enemy of every revolutionary tendency." ^ 
 
 Napoleon and Alexander made the terms. The 
 town of Tilsit was made neutral ground, and there 
 the two emperors often met. They 
 were very intimate. They passed "in peace of Tiisit. 
 a moment from open war to the most JuiyT, 1807. 
 friendly relations," said Napoleon. 
 
 The king of Prussia, with kingly lack of common 
 sense, appointed the aged Count Kalreuth to conduct 
 this most momentous negotiation for Prussia. Har- 
 denburg said : — 
 
 " The choice is made, and our dearest interests are committed to 
 an old, frivolous talker, altogether destitute of vigor or ability." 
 
 So the French negotiator dictated the Prussian terms 
 to poor old Kalreuth and to Goltz. And fearfully 
 Prussia suffered for the next seven years for the 
 king's stupidity in trusting Prussia's case to feeble 
 Kalreuth. 
 
 The treaty between France and Russia was signed 
 July 7 ; that between France and Prussia on July 9, 
 1807. 
 
 ' Metternich's Memoirs. 
 
254 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Alexander was willing to take the spoils of his ally, 
 Prussia, and to wrest Finland from his own brother- 
 in-law, King Gustavus of Sweden. 
 
 Napoleon pretended that it was from " respect for 
 the emperor of all the Russias, and desire to unite 
 the two nations in the bonds of eternal friendship," 
 that he consented to restore to Frederick William old 
 Prussia, Pomerania, Brandenberg, and Silesia. 
 
 Napoleon took all of Prussia's late possessions 
 west of the Elbe, with Magdeburg and its great for- 
 tress. 
 
 From the Elbe to the Rhine he made the kingdom 
 of Westphalia, including Brunswick and Plesse-Cassel. 
 
 He restored the dukes of Oldenberg and Meck- 
 lenberg, who were relations to the Czar, but he con- 
 tinued to occupy their territory to enforce the Con- 
 tinental System against import of British goods. 
 
 He compelled all the German rulers to join the 
 Confederation of the Rhine, of which he was practi- 
 cally dictator. Thus they were all vassals of his 
 great empire, and obliged to furnish him with troops. 
 
 Of Prussian Poland he made the Duchy of Warsaw, 
 with the king of Saxony as its Grand Duke. He 
 reserved a military road through Prussia from Saxony 
 to Poland.! He donated several valuable Polish 
 properties to some of his own officers.^ 
 
 Russia had incurred great expense of blood and 
 treasure, and of exertion for Prussia ; in compensation 
 Alexander took from Prussia Bialystock,^ with about 
 350,000 inhabitants, for which he ceded Jever to 
 Holland, which also got East Friesland from Prussia, 
 but Holland had to cede to Napoleon Flushing and 
 Bergen. 
 
 » Bourrienne ii, 390-91. ^ Lanfrey iii, 278. s Rosteck iv, 174. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 255 
 
 Russia and Prussia acknowledged Joseph Bona- 
 parte as king of Naples ; Louis as king of Holland ; 
 Jerome as king of Westphalia, and the Confederation 
 of the Rhine, and thus the dominion of Napoleon 
 over Germany ; and all states organized by Napoleon 
 and the treaty mutually guaranteed the possessions of 
 France and Russia. 
 
 The king of Prussia was not to receive back his 
 remaining part of Prussia till after full payment of a 
 war indemnity, amounting, with that already paid, to 
 over 600,000,000 francs. 1 French account, 604,227,- 
 920 ; Prussian estimate, 739,800,000 francs. 
 
 Prussia lost nearly one-third^ of her territory, with 
 4,236,040 inhabitants, while her remaining territory 
 held only 5,034,504 persons.^ Dantzic was declared 
 a free city, but it had a French governor till 18 14. 
 
 A second treaty between France and Russia, with 
 secret articles, gave Cattaro and the Ionian Isles to 
 France, and stipulated that if Ferdinand were de- 
 prived of Sicily, he should have no compensation but 
 the Balearic Isles, or Cyprus, or Candia, and then 
 Joseph Bonaparte should be acknowledged king of 
 the two Sicilies ; that amnesty be granted Montene- 
 grins and other Turkish people lately revolted at the 
 call of Russia ; that if Hanover be united to West- 
 phalia, Prussia should receive in exchange territory 
 west of the Elbe with 300,000 to 400,000 people.^ 
 
 A third treaty, offensive and defensive, provided 
 that an ultimatum should be addressed to England, 
 and if it had no results, war should be declared by 
 Russia in December ; that unless Turkey should 
 make peace with Russia within three months, the 
 
 1 Alison ii, 544, = Schlosser vii, 552. sRambaud ii, 294. 
 
256 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 two emperors should arrange to withdraw all the 
 Ottoman provinces in Europe from Turkey except 
 Constantinople and Roumelia ; that Sweden be sum- 
 moned to break off with England, and if it refused, 
 Denmark was to be invited to take part in a war 
 against her, and Finland to be annexed to Russia; 
 that Austria, Sweden, Denmark, and Portugal be 
 invited to join the Continental System.^ 
 
 Napoleon justified his articles concerning Turkey 
 because a revolt of the Janizaries had slain his friend, 
 the Sultan Selim III, on account of his European 
 innovations, and the new Sultan, Mahmoud, was not 
 bound to France. 
 
 Mediation of Russia between France and England, 
 and mediation of France between Russia and Turkey 
 were to be attempted ; the Russian troops to be first 
 withdrawn from Turkey. 
 
 Napoleon gave a constitution to Warsaw similar to 
 that of France. It abolished Polish slavery, 1807. 
 
 XI 
 
 AS long ago as 1780, to prevent France and 
 Spain from obtaining ship timber and naval 
 stores from northern Europe, England seized neutral 
 vessels. To protect all but actual war material, 
 Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Prussia, Portugal, and the 
 two Sicilies, formed an " Armed Neutrality." France 
 and Spain applauded. England made war on the 
 Dutch on this question. The unanimous voice of 
 Europe, except Britain, had opposed such search. ^ 
 
 iThiera vii, 627-33. - Cooper's Naval History, ii, 14. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 257 
 
 Five seamen deserted from the British ship, 
 Melampus. They enlisted on the American frigate, 
 Chesapeake, Captain Barron. Two of them again 
 deserted. The British consul at Nor- 
 folk requested the local naval officer '^^^ Chesapeake 
 
 ^ Affair. 
 
 to return them ; the officer refused. June 23, 1807. 
 The British agent applied to our gov- 
 ernment, which ordered inquiry and found that the 
 men were born in America. Two of them were im- 
 pressed colored men ; two had notarial certificates 
 that they were Americans ; their surrender was re- 
 fused. June 22, 1807, the Chesapeake sailed from 
 Norfolk for the Mediterranean, with her equipment 
 in great disorder, entirely unprepared for action and 
 expecting no hostility. She passed two British ves- 
 sels, and further out two more. 
 
 The British frigate, Leopard, hailed and asked 
 Captain Barron to take dispatches. An officer came 
 on board and demanded the deserters. Captain 
 Barron denied knowledge of any deserters on board 
 and forbade muster of his crew. The officer returned 
 to the Leopard. 
 
 Captain Barron saw hostile signs ; he quietly 
 ordered his decks cleared for action. Before this 
 could be done the Leopard began a close, destruc- 
 tive fire. Surprised, unprepared, much damaged, 
 three men killed, sixteen wounded including Captain 
 Barron, the Chesapeake surrendered. The British 
 Captain, Humphrey, refused the surrender, but he 
 took the three men and another, claimed as a run- 
 away from a British merchant vessel. The British 
 orders did not require Captain Humphrey to fire on 
 the Chesapeake. ^ 
 
 ' Cooper's Naval History ii, 14. 
 
 17 
 
258 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 This outrage excited tremendous indignation in 
 America. It united Americans in support of Jef- 
 ferson, who was unfriendly to England. The Presi- 
 dent issued a proclamation ordering all British armed 
 vessels to leave American waters, and forbidding 
 them to enter until satisfaction be made for the 
 Chesapeake indignity. But by Jay's treaty of 
 1795, between America and Britain, the war ships of 
 either nation had a right to be in the other's ports. 
 So Jefferson's proclamation was violation of that 
 treaty. He called Congress for a special session. 
 Captain Barron was court-martialed and punished for 
 negligence. 
 
 Our minister at London, Monroe, demanded satis- 
 faction and security. Only Britain among civilized 
 nations had, in recent times, claimed the right to take 
 its deserters from the war ships of a neutral. 
 
 Some British ship owners favored despoiling the 
 rival American commerce. George III and his min- 
 ister were resolute to steal British seamen at home in 
 England and to kidnap them on sea for the British 
 navy. Hard George III and immoral George IV dif- 
 fer from that best of British sovereigns, Queen Victo- 
 ria, as John Bright and Disraeli differ from Pitt and 
 Perceval.; as the old age of this century differs from its 
 cruel, bitter, vengeful early youth. Barbaric impress- 
 ments were the methods then used to fill the British 
 navy. In British ports armed parties waylaid and 
 kidnapped any British seamen they could find, and 
 sometimes landsmen ; they violently seized men, 
 forced them on board British war vessels, and held 
 them to forced service for unlimited terms, a service 
 then enforced by free and cruel use of the lash. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 259 
 
 They invaded British streets and went into British 
 vessels to kidnap their best men. 
 
 It was atrocious man stealing. British war vessels 
 sometimes actually gave exciting chase to British 
 privateers in order to steal their British sailors ! 
 
 This is the very odious system that George III 
 practiced against American sailors, of which America 
 so much complained. 
 
 Canning, Foreign Secretary, expressed to our en- 
 voy, Monroe, regrets for the Chesapeake affair. 
 He said : — 
 
 " If the British officers shall prove to have been culpable, the most 
 prompt and effectual reparation shall be afforded." 
 
 But he cavilled that the President had ordered away 
 British vessels, retaliatory, without awaiting explana- 
 tions ; that he would not consent to connect in nego- 
 tiations the Chesapeake affair and the general 
 subject of impressments, if Monroe's instructions so 
 insisted he would send an envoy to Washington to 
 arrange the Chesapeake affair. Admiral Berke- 
 ley, at Halifax, under whose orders Captain Hum- 
 phrey had made the outrage, was recalled, and 
 Humphrey was never again employed afloat.^ 
 
 Jefferson required an apology, restoration of the 
 men, and compensation for the families of the killed. 
 Canning was willing to comply with this, except that 
 one of the men was already hanged ; but America 
 insisted that visits to American vessels to search for 
 British subjects should be totally relinquished. Can- 
 ning refused. 
 
 In October, 1807, King George's proclamation 
 ordered navy officers : — 
 
 iLossing, 1812 war, 158. 
 
260 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 "To seize upon, take, and bring away all his native-born subjects 
 found serving in merchant vessels of any foreign state, and to report 
 all such serving on any foreign armed vessel, that reparation might 
 be demanded." 
 
 George Ill's Granville's ministry, by " Order in 
 Council" of January, 1807, interdicted passage of 
 neutral vessels between any ports not open to British 
 ships. Napoleon damaged neutral commerce ; then 
 by adding further British aggression to the French 
 aggression George's ministry hoped to arouse neutral 
 countries to resent French aggression only, a plan 
 worthy of stupid George himself. 
 
 As this strange plan produced effect contrary to 
 George's desire, his Portland ministry, hotly opposed 
 by the British Whigs with an effort for a more 
 enlightened policy, adopted a new aggression. 
 
 November 11, 1807, in retaliation of the Berlin De- 
 cree, a British "Order in Council " appeared, requiring 
 all neutral traders proceeding to France, or to a French 
 dependence, to stop at a British port and pay a duty 
 of twenty-five per cent on the cargo; and all ports 
 from which English vessels were excluded by France 
 were subjected to the same restrictions as if actually 
 blockaded, and neutrals with French certificates 
 showing that the cargo is not of British product, 
 should lose both vessel and cargo. 
 
 Regnier, French minister of justice, interpreted 
 the Berlin Decree as making liable to seizure all 
 British goods or products of colonies even on neutral 
 vessels, and the cargo of the American ship, Hori- 
 zon, stranded on the French coast, was confiscated, 
 and extensive seizures followed. Spain and Holland 
 made similar decrees because they dared not oppose 
 Napoleon's imperious will. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 261 
 
 This British order would exclude from our Ameri- 
 can trade all Europe, except Britain 
 and Sweden, for all the rest were Embargo, 
 allies of France. 
 
 The British bombardment of peaceful Copenhagen 
 and destruction of the fleet of Denmark, might well 
 awe our nation, which had hardly a vestige of a war 
 nav^y. But prompted by Jefferson, Congress passed 
 an embargo on all American commerce. All sailing 
 of our vessels was to cease ! The House vote was 82 
 to 44. Josiah Ouincy's reasonable motion to except our 
 fishing vessels on their giving bonds failed, 82 to 45. 
 
 Except foreign vessels already in our ports, this 
 suicidal act forbad any merchant vessels to sail with- 
 out the President's permission ; our vessels might 
 conduct a coast trade under high bonds to deliver 
 their cargoes only in our own ports. 
 
 This death sentence to American commerce was 
 passed in niirht session, almost without debate; Jef- 
 ferson's party majority would not permit it to be 
 debated, would not allow the public to know that 
 such a bill was proposed ; all was secrecy until it was 
 enacted. It struck the active business part of Amer- 
 ica with the most painful surprise ; it was a deadly 
 blow at industry and labor, at means of living. 
 Seldom or never had a nation dealt such a terrible 
 blow at itself Its dire effects were felt for half a 
 generation ; it was war upon ourselves by ourselves. 
 
 It would be great error to believe that Jefferson's 
 majority were held together by his foreign policy ; 
 far from it ; the famous Alien and Sedition laws, the 
 House Tax, the Stamp Tax and the Naturalization 
 law of the Adams term, and abhorrence of Hamil- 
 
262 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 ton's preference for aristocratic government, had 
 driven many honest men from adherence to hostility 
 to the Federal party ; so intensely did men hate 
 these ideas that they joined with the slave power to 
 support Jefferson, right or wrong. In politics, not 
 unfrequently it is not love of one party but hatred of 
 the opposite party that makes bitter partisans. The 
 price of common labor from 1793 to 1800, under 
 Washington and Adams, had averaged but $65 a 
 year, while sailors struck for $14 a. month. Many 
 land laborers envied these sea prices and hoped to 
 obtain wages under a new and strange policy that 
 should ruin the sailors. Producers in the South 
 regarded sailors' high wages and the prices at which 
 farm products were sold abroad more than was paid 
 to the farmer, as so much abstracted from the pro- 
 ducer. Amjng them this was a popular idea, almost 
 a party notion. 
 
 Jefferson's party were for close alliance with 
 France, for abrogating Jay's treaty with England ; 
 they were unfriendly to England : the Federalists 
 were for neutrality, for the treaty, and for braving 
 France ; they were meek toward England as the Jef- 
 ferson men were toward France. In 1807 Jefferson 
 wrote that he " rather have a war with Spain than 
 not." This was because he desired to seize Florida, 
 which belonged to Spain, and was an asylum for 
 runaway slaves. 
 
 Before embargo Americans had the richest, most 
 profitable, and extensive ocean shipping trade of the 
 world except that of the Brit'sh. As early as 1789 
 our China trade was opened. Business was good; 
 the people were busy ; labor had fair reward ; employ- 
 
UNITED UTATE.S AND EUROPE. 263 
 
 ment was ample ; the national revenue more than 
 ample. 
 
 Although buying yearly [1805-7] an average of 
 ^82,300,000 of imports, and selling but $44,866,000 
 of exports, we received also duties and profits on 
 ;^ 5 7, 70 1, 000 of foreign goods imported and re-shipped. 
 The treasury received in 1807 almost $16,000,000, 
 paid $4,000,000 of funded debt, and had $17,000,000 
 surplus. Jefferson hardly knew what to do with the 
 constantly increasing surplus. It was a bugbear, a 
 nightmare to him. 
 
 Only with France and its allies did any pretense 
 of blockade exist; All of the rest of this somewhat 
 large world was not closed by British orders or 
 French decrees. The British taxed our cargoes, 
 but they rather invited than repelled them, and they 
 gave profitable employment to many American ves- 
 sels, carrying British cargoes at the risk of British 
 merchants. 
 
 Around part of the French dominions the block- 
 ade was not strictly enforced. To Spain, Portugal, 
 Turkey, China, South America, Africa, Canada, trade 
 was open ; Russia and the north of Europe and the 
 Mediterranean and the Indies gave lucrative business 
 to fleets of American shipping. Much trade, gener- 
 ally belonging to Russian, Swedish, German, Dutch, 
 Spanish, French, Italian, and even British ships, was 
 now carried on by the neutral Americans. Our im- 
 port trade from the British Isles alone was almost 
 $50,000,000 a year. Americans were carrying vast 
 amounts for foreign merchants. Our shipping trade 
 was remarkably flourishing. It gave ready market 
 for American produce and goods; it made the whole 
 country prosperous. 
 
264 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Why not then let prosperity remain ? Why fling 
 contemptously away this immensely valuable trade ? 
 If the British king and ministry had insulted us, why 
 reward them by flinging this wealth of prosperity to 
 their subjects ? The withdrawal of all American 
 competition would of course enrich British revenue. 
 It was a singular means to use toward an enemy, to 
 give him that which makes you prosperous, and see 
 him enjoy it and laugh at the poverty which your 
 folly brings you. But so it was ; then came that 
 strange delusion, Jefferson's bad conflict with Amer- 
 ican commerce. 
 
 In supposed retaliation of the British Orders in 
 Council, laying burdens on our commerce, and for 
 the impressments and seizures of men from our ves- 
 sels, Congress passed this embargo to keep all our 
 ships in port ! 
 
 Jefferson's embargo was not constitutional. Con- 
 gress may "regulate commerce," but where is the 
 authority to prohibit it .'' His non-intercourse acts 
 were neither war nor peace ; they irritated, wasted, 
 crippled like war, but without war's privileges. 
 The country needed as president either an Andrew 
 Jackson or a William Penn ; Jefferson was like 
 neither. 
 
 Jefferson was a very able politician, a shrewd wire- 
 puller, a manufacturer of pubhc sentiment. He not 
 only threw on all his opponents the stigma of the 
 odious Alien and Sedition acts, but he impressed his 
 party with the false idea that those good maxims of 
 free governments, our liberty and equality, — common 
 sentiments of all Americans, — were his own peculiar 
 doctrines, opposed by all his opposers. His party 
 accepted that simple deception. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 265 
 
 In the Revolution he had been in favor of giving 
 all the power to the people, yet as president he was 
 the most arbitrary, he exercised more doubtful or 
 unconstitutional powers than any other president of 
 that generation. He had been the special champion 
 of strict construction, of limited powers of the presi- 
 dent and of Congress ; he was the Calhoun of that 
 period, the " States Rights " declaimer ; but as pres- 
 ident he excelled so far in using illegal authorities 
 that every prominent measure of his administration 
 was either unconstitutional or doubtful ; acquisition, 
 embargo, constraint of state governments in trade 
 matters, non-intercourse, the stopping of trade be- 
 tween states, and between home ports, all are un- 
 American, undemocratic, unrepublican, unconstitu- 
 tional. And these were the essence of his adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 The death of Hamilton and the disgrace of Burr, 
 in 1804, left the opposition without a leader. This 
 was extremely fortunate for Jefferson. The Federal- 
 ist party ought then to have dissolved itself, as the 
 Whig party did after its great defeat of 1852. That 
 it did not dissolve was another good fortune for Jef- 
 ferson. Had they dissolved then a new party might 
 have arisen, led by such men as DeWitt Clinton and 
 John Randolph, including a part of the best elements 
 of the Republican and all of the Federal party, and, 
 freed from the odium of the acts of the Adams Con- 
 gresses, Alien, Sedition, House Tax, Whisky Tax, and 
 increase of the Judges Acts, would have been sup- 
 ported by the patriotic good sense of the country, 
 and probably have gained the elections in 1809, on a 
 declaration of sound, practical principles, and by gov- 
 
266 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 erning less than Jefferson governed. His greatest 
 fault was too much government, too little of leaving 
 men to manage their own affairs. But the dishon- 
 ored Federal party remained alive and divided, dis- 
 cordant, and in helpless discredit. Thus Jefferson 
 had opportunity. 
 
 Jefferson's policy was not always the same ; he 
 governed too much : he opposed the United States 
 bank, yet he approved the bill for the branch at New 
 Orleans; he favored the ordinance of 1787 that ex- 
 cluded slavery from the Northwest, but he held to 
 slavery, and in his letter to Holmes he advocated its 
 extension in the Missouri question ; — Whitney's gin 
 had made it more valuable since 1787 ; — he believed 
 internal improvements were unconstitutional, but he 
 signed the Cumberland bill for a national road in his 
 own Virginia ; he appears on both sides of the tariff 
 protection system question ; he was chief executive, 
 yet he censured the co-ordinate branch, the Judiciary, 
 in the affair of Burr, his own late competitor for the 
 presidency, whose conviction he sought, a dangerous 
 kind of interference in free government whose 
 guarantee of liberty is, largely, the freedom of courts 
 of law from political influence ; he talked of liberty, 
 yet never was there so little American liberty ; he 
 talked of good government, yet he wished that judges 
 might be accountable to the president and subject to 
 removal by him, and thus exposed to all the dangers 
 and corruptions of party favor. The great security 
 of British liberties, from which we have inherited 
 ours, has been the free courts, their untrammeled 
 judges and juries. Jefferson declaimed about free 
 opinions, but he denounced newspapers thus : — 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 267 
 
 "The man who never looks into a newspaper is better informed 
 than he who reads them," and " Nothing can now be believed which 
 is seen in a newspaper." ' 
 
 Jefferson loved to rule and he did the thinking for 
 his party, and they followed him with canine docility. 
 Down to i860, it was somewhat fashionable for party 
 men to claim to be his disciples, but no party now 
 exists on basis of his principles or his practices. 
 The world has progressed ; he is as much one of the 
 by-gones of our politics as is stupid George III in 
 that of England ; his party policy is as dead as his 
 embargo. In 18 12- [5 and later, his party even 
 claimed the credit for the brilliant glory acquired by 
 our navy, to whose very existence they had given 
 deadly hostility ; it was as if Herod had claimed to 
 be the special protector of young, small boys. 
 
 This embargo was put in force December 22, 1807. 
 
 No civilized nation ever before tried embargo like 
 this. It was Jefferson's original invention ; none 
 other ever tried to starve itself in order to injure 
 another nation. Napoleon regarded Jefferson's em- 
 bargo as timely aid to himself in his barbarian war 
 against all commerce. 
 
 While Jefferson thus tried to smother all American 
 ocean trade, even that to the West Indies, and fet- 
 tered our coast domestic trade, England still kept a 
 great commerce with half the world ; so while embargo 
 was ruin to American ship-owners, seamen, and mer- 
 chants, it was only damage but not ruin to their Brit- 
 ish rivals, and it was expected to be harmless to 
 southern planters. It was the South and their north- 
 ern allies, willing to sacrifice, not their interests, but 
 those of Maryland, Delaware, and the North, m order 
 
 ' Jeliersoii's Works. 
 
268 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 to try to starve England to terms. Unfortunately it 
 was the poor and the common people of Britain, not 
 their rich rulers, who felt the starving attempt, with 
 what effect will be seen in i8 10-12, in the almost 
 civil war of the English starving in those years, to 
 whose distress the ministry, well fed themselves, did 
 not yield. Because Delaware wanted business, and 
 objected to the embargo folly, Jefferson, incensed, 
 mentioned Delaware as merely a county of England 
 conquered indeed and held by force. ^ 
 
 American opposition was violent, incessant ; men 
 resist their own ruin with vigor. Many men feared 
 that Jefferson would make alliance with Napoleon, 
 and they saw that Napoleon's allies soon became his 
 subjects. The excitement was intense; the indigna- 
 tion was animated. Wild talk was freely made by 
 both parties. Nothing could be further from the 
 states' rights principles of which Jefferson had been 
 the great leading advocate before his election to the 
 presidency than this embargo by the general govern- 
 ment; it was exercise of central, federal power, far 
 beyond the boldest ideas of the old Federalist party. 
 The epithets, "French party" and "British party," 
 were bitterly used. 
 
 Non-intercourse with French countries, and allow- 
 ing merchant vessels to arm and defend themselves, 
 would, probably, have secured every object aimed at 
 and lost by the embargo, and would have left open 
 to our trade all the non-warring nations. 
 
 England encouraged our vessels to evade the 
 embargo. On April 8, 1808, the ministry ordered 
 British naval officers not to molest our vessels sail- 
 
 1 Jefferson's Works iv, 56. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 269 
 
 ing with lumber and provisions to the British 
 West Indies or South America, even without regular 
 clearances. This aided our trade while Jefiferson 
 opposed it. 
 
 In Congress a motion to repeal embargo and per- 
 mit our vessels to arm and defend themselves was 
 voted down by a large Jefferson majority. Yet em- 
 bargo brought far greater harm to Americans than 
 to our rivals abroad. 
 
 Embargo was a far greater blow to American com- 
 merce and to our home business than all the outrages 
 of the British and French governments together. 
 Not only did it damage trade, but it threw away great 
 markets for the produce of American farms. It was 
 an astounding delusion, a strange mania that posses- 
 sed politicians, the idea that to stop all intercourse 
 with Europe would bring England to terms. It was 
 the mania of egotism that held frightful possession of 
 Jefferson and his party ; he influenced Virginia and 
 Virginia's influence ruled the nation. 
 
 The House, after a bitter debate, refused, 80 to 50, 
 to a third time suspend the act that forbid import of 
 certain English goods. So beside themselves as to 
 throw away a very rich commerce, so that British 
 vessels immensely profited, to the ruin of many 
 Americans ; these violent legislators forgot to attach 
 any penalty to breaking this strange law ! Coasters 
 took cargoes and ran for the West Indies, pretending 
 to be blown off this coast, and suffered no penalty. 
 The mortified Congress passed a new act with penal- 
 ties. It required, also, that coasters give bonds to 
 land their cargoes in America. 
 
 Merchants were to see their ships decay at the 
 
270 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 wharves or evade the law. Many thought that they 
 better lose some by French or English seizures 
 than lose all the rich commerce and let their 
 ships perish in idleness, with their crews out of em- 
 plo3'ment and suffermg from want, and American 
 trade destroyed, and universal business stagnation 
 where had been such lively prosperity; they sent 
 their vessels to sea. Then Jefferson, to support his 
 pet theory, set American armed vessels to preying 
 on American commerce by chase and captures at sea. 
 Like foreign enemies our own cruisers made prize off 
 American ports of our own merchant vessels that 
 persisted in business. 
 
 Asperity between the friends and the opponents of 
 this strange policy, grew more bitter. But the Fed- 
 eralists, greatly reduced by their " AHen and Sedi- 
 tion " laws, libel prosecutions, House taxes. Judiciary 
 Act, the odious bearing of some former Federalist 
 judges, the supposed aristocratic tendency of some 
 of their leaders (Adams and Hamilton), had given 
 their party its finishing blow by their dishonest effort 
 to obtain the choice by the electoral college of Burr 
 for president, when the people had expressed by 
 their votes that they wanted Jefferson. So honest 
 Republicans, however much they might regret the 
 embargo, found no opposition party with which their 
 abhorrence of these Federal measures would allow 
 them to rally; Jefferson's faction was solid; opposi- 
 tion was divided. 
 
 Three days after this strange embargo, a British 
 envoy, Mr. Rose, arrived in America to treat respect- 
 ing the Chesapeake affair. The embargo embar- 
 rassed him, so no treaty was attempted 
 
UNITED STATES AXD EUROPE. 271 
 
 Jefferson alleged that the embargo was intended to 
 preserve our ships and seamen. Then why also for- 
 bid export of our products in foreign ships ? Why 
 not allow American merchants each to take the risks 
 if he so desired, for the sake of the great profits of 
 the commerce ? The Embargo was to rob many 
 merchants of their business, many workingmen of 
 daily employment for their bread. While it damaged 
 England by stopping our trade, it rewarded England 
 with our great trade between foreign ports, made it a 
 donation of this vast source of wealth. 
 
 No doubt Jefferson disliked England, but giving it 
 a gratuity of our valuable trade with all the accessi- 
 ble world was a strange means to try to bring Eng- 
 land to terms. Trade with Turkey, Sweden, China, 
 Brazil, all Spanish America, Africa, the Eastern 
 Islands, Canada, everywhere, thrown contemptuously 
 at England in order to spite and damage her ! It 
 was like throwing down all your gold at your rival's 
 door in wish to distress his business. 
 
 The embargo that can stop commerce must also 
 stop the public revenue derived from trade. Then if 
 war should follow .-* How embarrassed must America 
 be without money! Loss of revenue meant loss of 
 public credit. Had such an embargo been put on 
 America by any foreign power, then all America 
 would have risen in arms against it. 
 
 Eight weeks after embargo came another oppres- 
 sion. Not to be outdone in severity, 
 Napoleon issued his Milan Decree, Napoleon's Milan De- 
 that any vessel which shall suffer a '''^^- ^^''- ^'' '^"^• 
 visit by an English vessel or submit 
 to a voyage to England, or pay a British tax, is by that 
 
272 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 denationalized, has lost the guarantee of its flag, and 
 is become English property, and good prize. The 
 British Isles are declared in state of blockade on sea 
 and on land.^ 
 
 If a neutral vessel took a French certificate, or 
 proceeded direct from America to France, Holland, 
 or Italy, British cruisers must capture it ; if to escape 
 British seizure it paid tribute to Britain as required, 
 confiscation awaited it at its continental port. 
 
 Jefferson said in his message October 4, 1807 • — 
 
 " Under this new law of the ocean, our trade on the Mediterranean 
 has been swept away by seizures and condemnations, and that in 
 other seas is threatened with the same fate." 
 
 But Lord Asbburton (English) said in 1807: — ■ 
 
 " American trade with the continent of Europe has, at the same 
 time, since November 2r, 1806, been doubled and even trebled." 
 
 Both these statements had a ba.sis, though they 
 appear to conflict. Jefferson saw only official reports ; 
 Ashburton took note also of the business of vessels 
 that run the embargo and those that staid abroad and 
 traded between foreign ports. 
 
 These Orders in Council were strongly condemned 
 by Lords Erskine, Grenville, and Auckland, and by 
 Mr. Whitbread and other able British statesmen. 
 They argued that the pretended submission of neu- 
 trals to the Berlin Decree had not been proved ; that 
 it was unjust to punish them as if they had grossly 
 
 1 Versions so various of this famous decree are given iu different histories, 
 that 1 here place a copy of iho original : — 
 
 Akt. 1. " Aucuu batimeiit de quelque nation qu' il soit, qui aura soulTert la 
 visits d' Tin vaisseau Anglais, est ou so sera souuiis a' uu voyage eu Augleterre, 
 ou aura pay6 une imposition an jronvernment Anglais, est par celaseul de- 
 clare denationalize, a perdu la garaiitie de son pavilion et est devenu propriete 
 Anglaise. 
 
 Art. 2. " Les dits batiments sont d^clar<5s de bonne et valable prise. Les 
 ilea Britaniques scut declares eu etit de blocus sur nier comme sur terre." 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 273 
 
 violated the law of nations ; that the effect would be 
 as injurious to Britain as to any other state. British 
 trade with the United States was very large.^ 
 
 Eight weeks after embargo came news of Bona- 
 parte's Milan Decree. 
 
 Three courses had appeared open : — 
 
 1. To side with France. 
 
 2. To side with England. 
 
 3. To be neutral. 
 
 In attempting to be neutral by means of embargo, 
 Jefferson had really joined in with Napoleon's bad 
 policy to try to stop England from trade and sale of 
 the products of her industry ; to war on the workers 
 of England. It was the slave owners who made the 
 embargo policy, that warred on British labor.^ The 
 many Southern planters regarded trade and com- 
 merce as fraud, and the difference between prices of 
 producer's sale and consumer's purchase as so much 
 abstracted from themselves. They expected the 
 merchants and sailors and ship owners to be almost 
 the only sufferers by the embargo, that it would not 
 harm planters, for they owned no ships. It was not 
 till their own crops had, unsaleable, accumulated on 
 their hands, and their much needed credit with those 
 same merchants was gone, that they found them- 
 selves suffering, that they saw that they had made a 
 mistake. But this was not till long afterward. 
 
 Foreign vessels were allowed in our coast trade; 
 later in 1808 they were excluded. American fisher- 
 men on coming home were required to state on oath 
 
 'The United States average export for 1805-7, was $102,500,000, of 
 which §44,863,517 were domestic produce. The average imports were $140,- 
 itoo.OOO, much of which was re-exported to the West Indies. 
 
 - llildreth iii. 
 
 18 
 
274 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 whether they had landed any fish abroad, which was a 
 penal offense.^ 
 
 Jefferson and his party had always opposed having 
 an army. They denounced our little army as a Fed- 
 eralist abuse. Williams of South Carolina said "he 
 would go a great deal further to see it (our little 
 navy), burned .... it was a curse : he thanked God 
 that he could vote against it."^ 
 
 Now Jefferson asked for 6,000 regular soldiers ; he 
 wanted gunboats ; his party Congressmen were puz- 
 zled by such federalist proposals from the great anti- 
 federalist. But against their own prejudices they 
 voted both by a large majority. They would have 
 opposed them with all their might had any Federalist 
 proposed them. 
 
 Jefferson made his war on American trade still 
 more active. He ordered customs ofificers to refuse 
 clearance to American flour or rice laden vessels. 
 Boston needed flour from Baltimore and elsewhere, 
 for its own food ; the governor of Massachusetts 
 made complaint ; authority was given him to issue 
 permits. He did it so freely that his permits were 
 bought and sold and used in Southern cities. 
 
 Then came a mandamus from Judge Johnson, him- 
 self a Jefferson Democrat, which compelled the 
 Charleston, South Carolina, collector to grant such 
 clearances, on the ground that the president had no 
 legal authority in the matter. This was an able 
 judicial rebuke to Jefferson's disregard to law. 
 
 A motion in Congress to repeal embargo and let 
 merchant ships arm and associate for convoy and 
 
 » Hildreth iii. 
 2 Ibid 61. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 275 
 
 defense, was voted down by a large majority of 
 devoted Democrat-Republicans. 
 
 In the British Parliament Alexander Baring, Henry 
 Brougham, and others, attacked the Orders in Coun- 
 cil. Petitions from London, Liverpool, and Man- 
 chester, asked their repeal. 
 
 But Parliament, led by the ministry, confirmed the 
 odious orders. American cotton must pay i8 cents 
 and tobacco 3 cents a pound duty to Great Britain, 
 before an American could be permitted to take it to 
 the continent, there to risk its confiscation under 
 Napoleon's decrees ; and cotton and tobacco came 
 from the South. Carolina and Virginia could easily 
 bear the loss of Boston and Baltimore's commerce, 
 but though embargo covered cotton and tobacco, they 
 could be shipped only by smuggling, yet a British tax 
 on such smuggled cotton and tobacco influenced Jef- 
 ferson's planter friends. 
 
 Napoleon was doing his utmost to destroy English 
 prosperity. It was Jefferson's aim to so injure it as 
 to compel England to terms. 
 
 How plainly Napoleon's keen in- 
 sight took in the extreme fallacy of Bayoune Decree. 
 
 Jefferson's embargo policy; that it ^P^nT.isos. 
 was producing precisely the opposite 
 effects from what Jefferson intended, is seen in his 
 response to the embargo, which came in his Bayonne 
 Decree of April 18, 1808, which ordered the confis- 
 cation of every American vessel in France, or to 
 arrive ! 
 
 The American envoy remonstrated. Napoleon 
 cynically answered that as the embargo forbad Amer- 
 ican vessels to come abroad, those in France must be 
 
276 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 English or denationalized, and the Bayonne Decree 
 would give friendly aid to America to enforce the 
 embargo. What could Jefferson reply ? 
 
 Many American vessels, driven by the embargo 
 either to decay at the wharves, or stay abroad, took 
 British licenses, under the Orders in Council, in haz- 
 ardous, but lucrative traffic. The French seized 
 many. The British helped American merchants to 
 extensively evade the embargo by omitting to notice 
 lack of American clearances. 
 
 Thus, while Napoleon warred on all trade, British 
 indulgence left open to Americans who evaded the 
 embargo, a very profitable commerce ; ^ merchants 
 who obeyed Jefferson's embargo were being ruined ; 
 the many who evaded it were reaping wealth. 
 
 But embargo withheld the American market and 
 some of its supplies from England. This was direct 
 aid to Napoleon to starve England to his terms. Next 
 to American war on England, embargo best suited 
 Napoleon. 
 
 He saw that he soon must lose the last French 
 colony ; that France must forego, or seek substitutes 
 for, colonial produce; the continent must use beet 
 sugar, chicory and Italian rice. 
 
 Spain had begun its great struggle for indepen- 
 dence of -Napoleon, but Jefferson refused to receive 
 a Spanish minister, though he admitted that : — 
 
 " If as is expected Buonaparte should be successful in Spain,- 
 however every virtuous and liberal sentiment revolts at it.''^ 
 
 Jefferson said we must exclude a foreign navy as 
 we do a foreign army, or keep an armed force in 
 every port to restrain it, the expense of which would 
 
 1 Hildreth iii, 85. * Hildreth ui, 85. 
 
 s Jefferson to Monroe, Jan. 28, 1809. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 277 
 
 be too great, — a well-taken ground had we possessed 
 any means of such exclusion. The British vessels 
 remained in our waters. Jefferson's illegal procla- 
 mation to ex'clude all British public vessels, instead of 
 the offending squadron only, till England should have 
 time to make reparation, was imprudent, and was 
 looked upon by both countries as unfriendly. In 
 Europe and America he was censured for not giving 
 orders against harboring British deserters or enlisting 
 British seamen ; this would have been fairness. 
 "France," was the cry, "has insulted and injured 
 our citizens and our nation ; he does not so retaliate 
 on France." The accusation of partiality was heard 
 alike in England and America, and the ministry felt 
 and expressed this charge. 
 
 The embargoes of the Revolution and of 1794, 
 were limited to thirty and sixty days ; this one was 
 unlimited ; a majority in Congress could not remove 
 it unless the president approved the repeal ; it gave 
 arbitrary war powers to the president, to that very 
 Jefferson who had once hardly liked the Union be- 
 cause it gave so much power, though far less than he 
 exercised, to the central government ! He was un- 
 willing that ship owners and sailors should be the 
 best judges of the dangers they would risk. England 
 and nearly half of America thought they saw in em- 
 bargo the influence of the French emperor. He had 
 expected the embargo. Jefferson meant it to coerce 
 England. 
 
 The enlisting of British deserters and sailors were 
 real offenses, the very pretext for the Chesapeake 
 crime ; England disavowed that crime ; she was 
 ready to do all that could be done to repair that par- 
 
278 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 ticular deed ; she sent a special envoy to make apol- 
 ogy and reparation ; a great public in both countries 
 wished it settled ; it was not statesmanlike to refuse 
 to adjust it, even separately from all other questions ; 
 it was wrong to keep it open. 
 
 Partiality for Napoleon did exist in Jefferson's party ; 
 it was there a strong influence. But reflection must 
 show us that if America wished that Europe should 
 be many independent nations instead of becoming 
 but one solid military power, then none of our people 
 should have wished his success. 
 
 Bitterly the opposition canvassed the charges 
 against Jefferson ; his early dislike to the constitu- 
 tion ; his undue attachment to France ; his fondness 
 for French ideas ; his former censure of Washington 
 and Adams and their policy and measures ; his re- 
 movals from oflfice of Revolutionary heroes appointed 
 by Washington ; his hostility to a navy ; his absurd 
 gunboats , regarded as caricatures on a navy ; his the- 
 ory that judiciary should not be independent of Con- 
 gress, president and party; his professing before his 
 election to believe that the Constitution gave too 
 strong powers, and then in office, stretching these 
 powers as they had never been stretched before, 
 as the liberal constructionists had never dared to 
 stretch them. His latitude in both respects fostered 
 the Calhoun party that "nullified" the laws of the 
 United States in 1832, and rebelled in i860. 
 
 War is made by governments, not often by peoples ; 
 often a majority or a very numerous minority oppose 
 it. All France, with little exception, — the French 
 marshals, the people, — were opposed to Napoleon's 
 Russian war in 181 2. His government made it all 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 279 
 
 the same. Those who make wars ought to be 
 required to do the fighting themselves. Embargo 
 is making war against the poor, but the poor were 
 intensely opposed to the embargo. Starvation is a 
 horrible weapon. It was not Jefferson nor George 
 III who were hungry because of embargo. Intense 
 suffering of the politically powerless poor of Britain 
 was no relief to the distress of the poor sea-faring 
 people of America. Embargo is a mean method 
 of hostility ; nothing brave or heroic is in it, but the 
 ignorance and semi-barbaric spirit of the times in 
 the slave states, and in part of the North, controlled 
 votes enough to sustain the party of slavery by a con- 
 tinued majority in Congress. 
 
 To be an editor now is one of the highest, most 
 honorable of callings. Newspaper men now almost 
 rule the nation ; they form and foster much of the 
 best sentiment ; maintain honor and sunny courtesy ; 
 instruct the great public, and march with the van of 
 advancing progress. But in Jefferson's time the 
 press was narrow, bitter, vindicitive ; editors, instead 
 of being suitable teachers were, themselves, sadly in 
 need of being enlightened. Peter Porcupine and his 
 class were rough fellows compared with fourth-class 
 editors of today. 
 
 Christianity, too, now full of humanity, good deeds, 
 amiable, blessed courtesy, and loveable charities, and 
 in noble, manly influence on all classes of society, 
 was then far behind the exalted position of that glo- 
 rious religion at this later day. Men might then be 
 church members in good standing and still carry on 
 trades that now extremely grieve all good Christians ; 
 might be rumsellers, distillers, slave -owners, raisers 
 
280 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 of slaves for market, privateers, duelists. So a rep- 
 resentative man of those times is hardly to be ex- 
 pected to be the representative man of the twentieth 
 century's more enlightened morality. Here Jefferson 
 may claim some lenity. 
 
 Where in the Constitution did he find embargo 
 authorized .'' Nowhere. It was not to " regulate 
 commerce," — that was constitutional, — but to pre- 
 vent it. Non-intervention irritated, wasted, crippled 
 like war, but it acquired nothing, there was nothing 
 for it to acquire. 
 
 Aaron Burr left the vice-presidency March, 1805, a 
 
 ruined man in fame and fortune, as he was already 
 
 bankrupt in morals. Indictments for murder of 
 
 Hamilton hung over him. He formed 
 
 Burr Conspiracy. ^ p'ot to separate the West from the 
 18OG-7. Atlantic states, an idea that, no doubt, 
 
 Hamilton, too, had entertained ; an- 
 other plot to invade Mexico, unite it with the West 
 and form a vast empire from the Alleganies to the 
 Pacific. He claimed to have contracted for a large 
 tract of land near Nachitoches, ceded by Spain to 
 Baron Bastrop, and pretended an intention of settling 
 it. In the autumn of 1806 he was joined by armed 
 men, formed a military camp on Blennerhasset's 
 island in the Ohio, collected stores, prepared to move 
 down the river in light boats to seize New Orleans. 
 Government tried to intercept his expedition. A 
 part of it — about one hundred men — eluded this 
 vigilance. Defensive operations were made at New 
 Orleans. Learning of this, Burr formed a camp just 
 above Natchez, MiUtia were called for, but Burr 
 seeing his plans failing surrendered himself. A 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 281 
 
 grand jury discharged him and censured the govern- 
 ment proceedings. Burr fled ; was soon taken, car- 
 ried to Richmond, tried and acquitted, because the 
 acts charged were out of that court's jurisdiction ; but 
 he was held to bail for acts in Ohio ; he fled to Eng- 
 land and forfeited his bail ; he lived a disgraced man. 
 Jefferson, in his next message to Congress, strongly 
 hinted censure of this court which tried Burr. It is 
 not for the executive to censure the judges ; they 
 must be free from political party influence. 
 
 XII 
 
 TH E navy of Denmark was 20 ships of the line, 
 16 frigates, 9 brigs and many gunboats. The 
 British ministry feared that Napoleon would invade 
 Denmark and seize its navy. Long 
 afterward it was pretended that the The Copenhagen aflfair. 
 regent of Portugal had notified the ^®p*- ^'^- ^^'^■ 
 prince of Wales that Napoleon would 
 use the Danish and Portuguese navies for an expedi- 
 tion to invade the northeast coast of England. Of 
 course this was a great absurdity ; Napoleon did not 
 confide his plans in advance to such men as the 
 regent of Portugal, and the regent could hardly have 
 communicated it to the ministry through the prince 
 of Wales, for the prince was then in bitter opposition 
 to his father's government. 
 
 Although Napoleon had written to Bernadotte 
 [Aug. 2, 1807]: — "Denmark must declare war on 
 England or I declare war on Denmark," yet the Brit- 
 ish ministry could not have known the existence of 
 
282 UNITED STATES AND EUROrK. 
 
 that letter. No doubt the ministry merely guessed 
 Napoleon's intentions. Knowing him to be always 
 ready to rob, they believed the situation of Denmark 
 would tempt him to spoliate her. 
 
 Profound peace existed between England and Den- 
 mark. Denmark was not cordial to England because 
 the British infringed her neutral rights, seized her 
 ships, took away men from her crews, and otherwise 
 insulted and injured Danish commerce. 
 
 Secretly the ministry prepared a powerful fleet of 
 warships and transports, with 27,000 soldiers. This 
 force suddenly appeared, surprised Copenhagen. The 
 peaceful Danes were unready for war. The British 
 envoy, Jackson, a coarse man, demanded that Den- 
 mark surrender all its navy and naval stores to the 
 British Admiral, to be kept " till the conclusion of a 
 general peace." The Danish government refused the 
 great humiliation. 
 
 The British army landed. For four days the Brit- 
 ish bombarded that populous, peaceful city. The 
 Danes made a vigorous resistance ; great damage 
 was done ; about 2,000 persons lost their lives — 2,000 
 murders ! 500 houses were burned — 500 cases of 
 arson ! For this was in time of peace ! It was a city 
 filled with homes that they bombarded. 
 
 This horrible affair aroused the indignation of the 
 civilized world : — 
 
 "It would be difficult to find in history a more infamous and re- 
 volting instance of the abuse of power against weakness," 
 
 said Bourrienne. The government that did not relieve 
 Dantzic, nor re-inforce the Russians after Eylau at 
 critical moments when as much force and energy as 
 was put into this affair might have been sufficient to 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 283 
 
 ruin Napoleon, and spare the whole careers of Moore 
 and Wellington in Spain and Portugal ; could send a 
 great expedition to despoil a peaceful capital, and 
 bombard women and children in their quiet homes; 
 merely because they expected that Napoleon would 
 invade Denmark and try to seize its navy, in which 
 he might not succeed George Can- 
 ning, would rob Denmark with bloody Copenhagen, 
 hands for fear another might rob her ! 
 Why not have proposed to assist to defend Denmark 
 and its navy instead ? 
 
 The British people were shocked, horror-stricken. 
 That honorable people deplored the dishonorable 
 affair. An Englishman says : — 
 
 " But this extraordinary spectacle was not hailed by any shouts of 
 gratulation. This was a victory which caused no exulting emotions. 
 The long glories of Britain disdained an association with such an 
 exploit and the question was pointedly asked. — What words would 
 have been strong enough to express the national abhorrence had this 
 been the act of the blood-stained tyrant of France ?" ^ 
 
 Sir Walter Scott said ; — 
 
 "The Czar complained with justice of the manner in which Britain 
 had conducted the vv.ir [1807] by petty expeditions conducive only to 
 her own selfish ends : and the attack on Denmark was treated as a 
 violation of the rights of nations. He therefore annulled every con- 
 vention entered into between Russia and Britain and especially that 
 of 1801."^ 
 
 The Briton, Dr. Coote, said that only imperious, 
 ruinous danger could excuse it, and such danger did 
 not exist. 
 
 George's ministry not only robbed the Danes of 
 their navy, but cotiimitted the further crime of treach- 
 erously seizing a great number of Danish private ves- 
 sels, which, in fancied security of peace, were in law- 
 
 > Belsheon's George III, ill, 2GI. 2 Scott's Napoleon. 
 
284 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 ful trade, surprised in English ports ; certainly a 
 villainous hospitality. It could not be pleaded that 
 the ministry took these to keep them from Napoleon. 
 George Canning and Lord Castlereagh seem to 
 have been the leaders in this great crime. Tiie 
 crime had its regular result. It drove Denmark to 
 aid Napoleon ; from that time Denmark gave full 
 effect to Napoleon's hostile decrees against English 
 trade, ships, property and persons.^ 
 
 In May, 1807, the British sent Sir John Moore with 
 10,000 troops to aid the half-crazy king, Gustavus IV 
 of Sweden ; but Moore found him so foolish that he 
 returned with his troops to England. 
 Sweden. After peace between France, Rus- 
 
 sia, and Prussia, Gustavus continued 
 hostilities against the colossal power of Napoleon. 
 He was advised to make peace, but he seems to have 
 been incapable of taking good advice. He refused 
 to prolong his armistice with the French beyond 
 July 13, though entreated by the Czar and by the 
 king of Prussia. Napoleon wished to win the favor 
 of the Swedes ; but he drove Gustavus into Stral- 
 sund. Then Gustavus asked suspension of fighting. 
 The French refused unless he would surrender that 
 place. He could not hold it and he would not sur- 
 render it, but allowed it to be bombarded. He took 
 care not to expose his own person to shot. He 
 exhibited neither ability nor courage. He escaped 
 from Stralsund with the most of his troops. The 
 French entered it ; then the miserable king bom- 
 barded his own city ! 
 
 Disdaining the wishes of the people of intelligent 
 
 *Schlos.-er vii, 572. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 285 
 
 and patriotic Sweden, Gustavus put his confidence in 
 something that he found in the Apocalypse. He 
 provoked Russia further by giving a great fete to the 
 actors in the crime against Denmark. The Czar 
 demanded that Sweden close her Baltic ports against 
 England. For once Gustavus was right ; he refused. 
 Russia prepared to seize Finland from Sweden simply 
 because the Czar wanted it. Denmark, affronted by 
 the fete, prepared to invade western Sweden. Gus- 
 tavus made a new alliance with George III, for loo,- 
 ooo sterling monthly. The Russians invaded Fin- 
 land in February, 1808. Denmark soon declared war 
 against Sweden. It was under pretense of aiding 
 Gustavus that the Danish expedition had been organ- 
 ized and sent. 
 
 Although for months it was publicly apparent that 
 war was coming and the Russians were assembling 
 on his frontier, the foolish Gustavus made no prepa- 
 rations for defense. Before Gustavus got ready the 
 Swedish army and navy, Finland, as far as Vasa, and 
 Aland, Gothland, and the Swedish fortresses, were 
 taken by the active Russians. 
 
 The Swedes made a gallant struggle ; but who 
 could prosper with such a ruler ? The British sent 
 him 12,000 British troops, but speedily recalled them 
 because the conduct of the haughty fool was intol- 
 erable, even to his allies. 
 
 That excellent nation had long been patient, endur- 
 ing; now they must save the nation. With the 
 unanimous willingness of Sweden, a popular move- 
 ment arrested the king in March, 1809, ^^^ he was 
 declared incapable of reigning. His uncle, Charles, 
 became regent March 14. On March 29 the king 
 
286 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 abdicated, and the regent became King Charles XIII. 
 Every Swede was rejoiced at Gustavus' downfall. 
 His reign cost Sweden deirly, and his incapacity to 
 reign ought to have been declared long before. 
 
 Sweden so changed its constitution that, while the 
 new king held the executive power, a Council of State 
 decided the important affairs. 
 
 March 25, 1809, the Czar declared Finland united 
 to Russia. Thus was a great province lost by trust- 
 ing power to foolish King Gustavus. 
 
 XIII 
 
 SERVIA lay in what appeared to be the heart of 
 Turkey. Its territory now, 1890, is 18,816 
 square miles, its population, nearly 1,700,000. 
 
 " The Servians present the first ex- 
 Servia and Turkey, ample of an ancicut Christian people 
 revolting successfully against Moham- 
 medan oppression."^ For eighty years with one brief 
 interval they have been independent. 
 
 They revolted fifteen years before the Greek revo- 
 lution. After their early conquest by the Turks, they 
 remained an unarmed, oppressed people, living by 
 themselves in retired villages, while the Moslems, who 
 were mostly not Turks but apostate Servians lived in 
 the towns. Many a Servian never entered the nearest 
 town in his life. 
 
 The Moslem oppressors were : — 
 
 1. High officials. 
 
 2. Janizaries, a powerful military caste. 
 
 3. Moslem landlords, mostly slaves. 
 
 > Clark's Races of Turkey, 279. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE, 287 
 
 After the conquest Servians had been obHged to 
 surrender their faith or their arms. Many had yielded 
 the faith and were now landlords. It was their extor- 
 tion that caused insurrection as late as 1875. The 
 common people were Christians. 
 
 In 1878 the German emperor Joseph attacked 
 Turkey. He armed a body of Servians. He defeated 
 the Turks and tore from them part of Servia. The 
 people awoke to hope. But the French wars came 
 on and Austria dropped Servia to oppose France. 
 The Moslems came back. 
 
 The enlightened Sultan Selim III of Turkey at- 
 tempted to supersede the Janizaries by regular troops 
 disciplined and armed like Europeans. But the Jani- 
 zaries were formidable tribes. In Barbary they had 
 already denied allegiance to the Sultan under their 
 own leaders. Now the 150,000 in Servia revolted 
 against Selim. 
 
 Osman Pasvan Oglu was their famous champion. 
 At Widden he had made himself independent from 
 1797. 
 
 This division of the Moslems gave hope to the 
 Christians. The Turkish commander took the before 
 unheard of step to call the Christians to arms against 
 the fierce Janizaries. They responded quickly. The 
 Janizaries found more than their match ; they were 
 repelled. 
 
 But all Moslemdom was shocked. Believers beaten 
 by Christians ! Intolerable ; it must not be. Selim 
 could not stand against th!s fiery prejudice. He was 
 compelled to order the return to Belgrade of these 
 expelled warriors. They did return, fierce, furious. 
 Mustapha was slain. Four Janizary leaders divided 
 the provinces. 
 
288 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Then followed so terrible a reign of terror and 
 blood as Servians had never seen. People fled to the 
 mountains and fastnesses ; everywhere there they 
 rose in arms. The Pasha of Bosnia came with aid. 
 The revolt spread like conflagration. Resistless, 
 swiftly the Christians swept down from the moun- 
 tains ; gallantly they drove the Janizaries from Ser- 
 via ; they were masters of the country. 
 
 Tzerni^ George was chosen Servian commander in 
 1804. 
 
 "This man," says Dr. Croly, "was one of the bold creations of 
 •wild countries, and troubled times — beings of impetuous courage, 
 iron strength, original talent and doubtful morality." 
 
 Although the Christian leader, his moral sense 
 was dull. 
 
 In 1806 he defeated a Turkish army, and in 1807 
 drove the Turks from Servia. 
 
 Servia was now free ; George was at its head. A 
 Senate of twelve members, one for each district, came 
 together without election. They used legislative and 
 executive power. Afterward George called them at 
 his pleasure. No regular legislative elections were held 
 till 1848. Each district had a military governor, each 
 village its head-men ; each chief town a court of jus- 
 tice. Public schools were founded. Old leaders 
 were refractory ; George banished all his rivals. From 
 i8ioto 1813 George was absolute ruler. The local 
 leaders had each his mounted followers, often lawless ; 
 but this singular George, always in peasant's dress, 
 could rule though he could not write ; he was eccen- 
 tric, untrained, rough but forcible. 
 
 Early in this century power in Turkey was mnch 
 
 * Black George. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 289 
 
 divided. Nominally subject to the Sultan; Djezzer 
 Pasha at Damascus ruled the two Syrias ; Ali Pasha 
 reigned in Albania; Pasvan Oglu in Widden ; and 
 British and then the Begs and Mehemit Ali in Egypt, 
 and paid tribute when they pleased. Thus Turkey 
 was weak. 
 
 The enlightened Selim III attempted reforms. The 
 Ulemas, who are theological lawyers and advisers of 
 the Divan (State Council) opposed, they conspired 
 against him, aided by Russia. Napoleon sent him 
 ofificers to instruct the Turkish army like modern 
 troops. Russia and Britain threatened war unless 
 Selim should break off his French alliance. 
 
 Selim became Sultan in 1789. His reforms were 
 greatly hindered by Russia and Napoleon. In 1791 
 Russia robbed him of his territory beyond the Dneis- 
 ter. Bonaparte's attack on Egypt brought him a war. 
 Sad examples of robbery for Christians to set to 
 Moslems. 
 
 His European army system roused up fanatic bigo- 
 try. After many dangers a fanatic revolt m 1807 
 overcome his new army and compelled him to resign. 
 Mustapha IV was put in his place. 
 
 Bairak-dar, his chief adviser, an energetic, able 
 soldier, marched on Constantinople to re-instate 
 Selim. On his approach bigots strangled Selim. 
 Enraged Bairak-dar destroyed the murderers. He 
 deposed Mustapha and proclaimed Mahmud II, 
 and became Grand Vizier. 
 
 He took energetic steps to destroy the power of 
 the Janizaries, but^ they attacked the Seraglio and 
 demanded restoration of Mustapha. 
 
 ' Metternich's Memoirs. 
 
 19 
 
290 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Bairak-dar made a brave defense. But when flames 
 were destroying the palace and he in danger of be- 
 coming a prisoner he strangled Mustapha, threw his 
 head to his beseigers, and blew himself up with the 
 place. 
 
 Murder and robbery reigned for days. The life of 
 Mahmud was spared. The Ulemas and Janizaries 
 compelled him to allow all the power to them. He 
 ruled only in his harem. 
 
 Turkey shrewdly accepted the Tilsit offer of French 
 mediation. But Russia would not withdraw from 
 Roumania as the Czar had pledged at Tilsit. So the 
 mediation fell. 
 
 Between 1805 and 1809 Napoleon repeatedly dis- 
 cussed with Alexander and with Metternich the pro- 
 posed conquest and division of Turkey by Russia, 
 France, and Austria. 
 
 XIV 
 
 OCTOBER 5, 1807, the great Von Stein re- 
 entered the Prussian ministry. He began 
 the Stein system of reforms. He issued a royal de- 
 cree that gave to burghers and peas- 
 The German Patriots, ants the right, hitherto confined to 
 nobles, to acquire and hold land, and 
 he permitted nobles to engage in commerce and in- 
 dustry ; lands might be sold in parcels, and he 
 abolished serfdom.^ Six weeks later another of his 
 decrees gave to burghers councilors of their own 
 election to regulate local affairs. 
 
 > Schlosser. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 291 
 
 The wise Stein found many difficulties. The host 
 of 7,000 civil employes of the ceded provinces called 
 for relief. The country, just conquered, and still 
 firmly held by the French army, which Prussia was 
 compelled to feed, clothe and pay, in addition to the 
 immense indemnity exacted by Napoleon ; the drain 
 of the metal money ; the evils of a piper credit, added 
 to the other distresses of the luckless war, rendered 
 Prussia really very poor. Napoleon's Continental 
 System and the blockade by England completed the 
 misery of Prussia and the Prussians. 
 
 Napoleon objected to Von Stein. It was not the 
 good of the Prussians or of any people that Napoleon 
 desired. The king must dismiss Von Stein. The 
 king, to please Napoleon, did dismiss the patriot. 
 But Stein had the friendship of the people of Prussia ; 
 he had many friends. His influence remained a 
 power in the Prussian cabinet, though himself an 
 exile. 
 
 Scharnhorst, a military patriot, became minister of 
 war. He, too, applied just reforms. He opened to 
 merit promotion to the higher grades, from which all 
 but nobles had been excluded. It was an army led 
 by nobles that had lost Prussia. He abolished mili- 
 tary flogging ; he removed class exemption from mil- 
 itary service. Henceforth all classes must be liable 
 to be called into the army. Noble birth must not 
 exempt from aiding to protect the country. 
 
 By the terms of the peace Napoleon had bound 
 Prussia not to keep an army of more than 42,000 men. 
 He meant to keep the Prussian army weak. But the 
 able Scharnhorst had his plan. No sooner were sol- 
 diers well-drilled than he sent them liome and rejilaceJ 
 
292 UNITED STATES AND EUEOPE. 
 
 them with recruits until Prussia had a great number 
 of drilled and disciplined men that could be called, 
 and the military spirit became strong. 
 
 Societies were formed secretly for deliverance ; 
 rich and poor joined this tugendbund. From beyond 
 the frontier Stein aided and stimulated this patriotic 
 association that was destined to play a great part in 
 all Germany. Napoleon complained, but Stein was 
 busy, and Russia and Austria did not oppose his 
 great scheme, that was to be so long in developing, 
 and which we saw in 1870 ripen into a United Ger- 
 many. 
 
 The treaty of Tilsit did not mention the exact 
 amount that I^russia must pay to Napoleon; the 
 stupid king had trusted this to old Kalreuth, who 
 was too weak minded to see to it. This fault of the 
 king was taken advantage of by Napoleon, who him- 
 self fixed the sum, 601,200,000 francs, so high that 
 Prussia could not pay it ; Tilsit allowed him to hold 
 Prussia till it should be paid ; so a French army held 
 it till after 18 12. Napoleon now claimed to own 
 Prussia's Silesia. Russia objected. Napoleon was 
 ready to give the Czar for his consent, Turkey's Rou- 
 mania. It was always somebody else's property that 
 Napoleon was ready to give. He frequently traded 
 away countries to which he had no more of right or 
 claim than to the North Pole. 
 
 The first few months after Napoleon and Alexan- 
 der had agreed at Tilsit, Napoleon sent armies to take 
 and hold Portugal,Rome and Etruria (Tuscany), neither 
 of which had provoked this conquest : his attack was 
 purely aggressive ; and he tried to trade away a part 
 of Turkey that was beyond the reach of his armies. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 293 
 
 Without justice he was secretly preparing two ag- 
 gressive expeditions to seize Sardinia Island and Sicily, 
 neither provoked except by his own avarice for wealth 
 and power, and justifiable only on the highwayman's 
 plea, — that he wanted them. Both failed. 
 
 "Peace" had come, but it was a Bonaparte peace — 
 everything was held only by force, everybody was 
 suppressed, robbed, all liberty was held down by the 
 throat. 
 
 Bonaparte always seized every country, every prov- 
 ince, every power, everything within his reach. 
 America escaped his invasion because he did not con- 
 trol the passage of the ocean. That was in Britain's 
 power. For this he would always hate England and 
 the English. For Trafalgar Americans should al- 
 ways be grateful. 
 
 August 1 8, 1807, Napoleon changed the French 
 constitution. It was not France that changed it. 
 France was powerless in his hands. 
 
 He entirely suppressed the Cham- 
 ber of Tribunes. He erased every French Liberty far- 
 trace of the Republic. His despotism ther sappressed. 
 was more consolidated than that of 
 Turkey, for even the Sultan was obliged to allow 
 ministers then to rule. Napoleon placed the already 
 fettered press under still closer restrictions of censor- 
 ship. Literary talent was compelled to take only such 
 direction as he desired. So enslaved was the press 
 that instead of being a bulwark of freedom it was a 
 powerful aid to despotism both in France and in Ger- 
 many.i It is only a press that is free that can protect 
 liberty or oppose wrong and outrage. In France was 
 no liberty. 
 
 > Bourrienne. 
 
294 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 By decree of the servile Senate, Oct. 12, 1807, 
 judges were not to receive their life commissions till 
 after five 3'ears of service, — a probation of their ad- 
 hesion to Napoleon and despotism. 
 
 Napoleon was extremely arbitrary; yet his power 
 was so great that all ranks, classes, and parties were 
 compelled to pay assiduous court to him, and sought 
 places under him. There was no other means for 
 any persons to advance their own interests, or to rise 
 in the State ; he was the center of favor, the only way 
 to success in France. A Frenchman must be a Bon- 
 apartist or be a blank. With few exceptions old nob- 
 lesse were slavish to him. Napoleon could easily 
 ruin an enemy ; he could reward an adherent. The 
 liberal Lafayette ; the heroic Carnot who in the gov- 
 ernment in 1800 stood alone against despotism, were 
 noble monuments of French democracy, but they 
 were out of power. Yet the French were better off 
 than under the Bourbons, for by their Revolution they 
 had won their own land and now owned and cultiva- 
 ted it free from the extortionate rent gatherers of Bour- 
 bon times. Thus the French people were immensely 
 more prosperous than under their late kings and nob- 
 lesse. But this prosperity came from themselves and 
 not from Napoleon. But Napoleon's system of rob- 
 bing other nations of immense sums of money, like 
 any bandit, and his compelling other nations to feed, 
 clothe and pay large parts of the French army, kept 
 the taxes down in France to a supportable rate. 
 
 Revolution had its benefits as well as its damages. 
 It brouglit Napoleon, but it banished hunger ; it 
 brought military despotism, but it abolished the far 
 more onerous noblesse tyranny ; it brought conscrip- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 295 
 
 tion, but it also brought the Code, framed by great 
 lawyers. Napoleon abused the Revolution's results 
 by his odious, hard disposition to quarrel with every 
 people, and invade every accessible country. It was 
 alone the quarrelsome, bitter, avaricious, domineering 
 and blood-hardened disposition of the individual. Na- 
 poleon himself, that detracted from the rich fruits of 
 the Revolution that France would have enjoyed 
 under a peaceful government. It was not the Revo- 
 lution's fault that wars were made with Prussia, with 
 Russia, with Spain, with Portugal ; all these were 
 purely aggressive wars on his part ; France did not de- 
 mand them ; some of them were grossly against the 
 will of France; that of 1812 with Russia was against 
 the almost unanimous wish of tlie French, including 
 ministers and marshals, army and citizens. 
 
 Though completely despotic. Napoleon's govern- 
 ment was regular and systematic. Taxes were heavy 
 but as government outlay was immense and made 
 business, they were paid. No forced loans or confis- 
 cations of property ; but he took what was of far 
 more inestimable value, more than half the peaple's 
 sons as conscripts, who died all over Europe by suf- 
 fering, of march or battle, each with a marshal's baton 
 in his mental vision. 
 
 The stoppage of external commerce stimulated 
 domestic industry ; the roads and canals built were 
 covered with transports of goods. Produce of farm 
 and workshop found a ready market. Beet root 
 sugar took the place of the West India product. 
 Chicory ursurped the place of coffee. The rice fields 
 of Italy must have been very profitable. Hard coin 
 became scarce in the rest of Europe and in the United 
 
296 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 States, but the French empire had coin. England 
 exported much of her coin after suspension of coin 
 payments, which lasted from 1798 to 1821, and 
 America's and Russia's coin was drawn away by lack 
 of sufficient tariff protection to cause manufacturers 
 at home to keep their coin at home. Austria had 
 little money except bad paper, and little export of 
 manufactures tc recruit its small supply, and Prussia 
 was robbed to poverty by Napoleon. The enormous 
 sums which Napoleon extorted from other peoples, 
 were largely expended in France ; many public works 
 erected, which gave expansion to business. 
 
 In August, 1807, the French minister published an 
 exceedingly glowing report of the splendor of French 
 enterprise. Immense length of roads had been built 
 or repaired ; great highways had climbed over the 
 Alps and Apennines ; rivers made more navigable; 
 new bridges spanned the rivers ; Antwerp had be- 
 come the maritime center ; first-class war ships were 
 on the Scheldt, which important river had been closed 
 to commerce till the French came; fourteen large 
 ships were there on the stocks ; many more were fin- 
 ished and had gone down the river to Fkishing, whose 
 harbor was deepened to receive them ; the harbors of 
 Cherbourg, Dunkirk, Calais, Rochfort, and Marsailles 
 were improved ; every French conquest was a help 
 to French enterprise. 
 
 But what could Napoleon do with these great ships ? 
 They were certain to be captured by the British if 
 they left safe harbor. Napoleon could conscript peas- 
 ants and soon make of them veteran soldiers. But 
 peasant boys could not be transformed into skillful 
 seamen without access to the sea. 
 
NAPOLEONS PALACE OF THE TUILERIES AND LOUVRE. 
 
 ONE OF NAPOLEON'S PRISONS. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 297 
 
 Many other objects were enumerated in that bril- 
 liant report. It is hardly surprising that its magnifi- 
 cence, close after the conquest of Prussia, the erection 
 by Napoleon of the duchy of Warsaw, and the king- 
 dom of Westphalia, and the monstrous cash robbery 
 of Prussia, dazzled the French, though the plundered 
 nations of Germany and Austria were not so content. 
 
 I do not here report the Napoleonic financial re- 
 ports because they are unreliable. 
 
 Military spectacles and wonderful adulation greeted 
 Napoleon on his return from Prussia. Yet he had, 
 in eight months, drawn 240,000 conscripts, or more 
 than the whole number of young Frenchmen who 
 reached the military age in twelve months ! 
 
 By magnificent reports and display. Napoleon was 
 gilding the fetters of French liberty. 
 
 It is surprising that, down to a considerable later 
 period, no French government had ever limited by 
 law the period of imprisonment before trial. Few- 
 laws are more important. So great 
 a safeguard to liberty had always imprisonment, 
 been omitted. The habeas corpus 
 writ is eminently British and American. Each 
 French faction, on reaching power, wished to consign 
 its opponents to prison. 
 
 Napoleon established eight state prisons. So des- 
 potic was he that an order signed by him or by his 
 Privy Council was sufficient to consign any person 
 to rigorous imprisonment for any length of time. 
 And this was not an idle power; it was used. It is 
 not strange, then, that the opponents of Napoleon 
 were silent. The inquisitions of his vigilant police 
 were sure to detect any opponent. His spies under 
 
298 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 the Minister of Police, another set under Duroc, and 
 a third system under himself, and each spying on the 
 other, were ubiquitous. 
 
 In eight and one-fourth years, from September 24, 
 1805, to November 11, 18 13, the number of conscripts 
 decreed was 2,113,000, beside the voluntary enlist- 
 ments, and beside the great army of 1804; amount- 
 ing altogether to about 2,750,000 men and boys ; de- 
 partmental guards and levy en masse of 1 8 14 not in- 
 cluded. Yet so thorough was his despotism that all 
 these levies were furnished. The slavish, fettered 
 press was largely devoted to glorifying him and pub- 
 lishing his decrees. Little other political news was 
 allowed to them. No Frenchman, once liable to the 
 conscription, could hold any public office, exercise 
 any public right, receive any legacy or inherit any 
 property, without certificate that he had obeyed and 
 was legally exempt — in actual service, discharged, or 
 not required. Those who failed to join the army 
 when drawn, were deprived of all civil rights, treated 
 as deserters, were dressed and fed as convicts, and 
 made to labor without pay on the public works. The 
 horrors of this punishment were afterward much 
 increased. Thus Napoleon procured the men who 
 perished in his aggressive campaigns. 
 
 Napoleon's school system, his " University," was a 
 
 measure to secure his own control of education, 
 
 which he made military. Voluntary schools were 
 
 not prohibited, and at one time about 
 
 French Schools. 400 existed, but he so oppressed them 
 
 that most of them were closed. The 
 
 most promising boys were put into special military 
 
 schools, but all schools were military. Mathematics 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 299 
 
 a;id common branches only were studied in the lower 
 schools. Everything was done to make of the boys 
 good soldiers and unquestioning subjects. Napo- 
 leon's schools were not for enlightenment, but to 
 make of the rising generation fit tools for despotism. 
 
 He had instituted a catechism in 1806, which 
 taught obedience and almost worship of himself. 
 Among its answers were: — "Because God, by load- 
 ing our Emperor with gifts both in 
 peace and war, has established him catechism, 
 our sovereign and His own image on 
 the earth," ^ and that "Those who fail in their duties 
 toward our Emperor will render themselves worthy 
 of eternal damnation." 
 
 Napoleon controlled his servile Senate ; the Legis- 
 lative body was submissive ; the Tribunate destroyed. 
 He had genius for despotism. He so securely bound 
 France, Germany, Prussia, Italy, 
 Naples, Switzerland, Holland, Bel- Despotism, 
 gium and the Tyrol and Venice that 
 submission was imperative. His reign threatened 
 return of the dark ages. Already like coming events 
 they "cast their shadows before" over all the Conti- 
 nent. Outside of the United States and the British 
 empire not a free press existed. Even enlightened 
 Germany, noble, freedom-loving Switzerland, enter- 
 prising Holland, or brave old Italy, could not publish 
 a book without censorship, and Napoleon's censorship 
 meant much. Napoleon admired Charlmagne, and it 
 was the civilization of Charlemagne's Ninth century 
 that he desired a thousand years later in the Nine- 
 teenth. 
 
 ' For this blasphemy see " Catechism of the Empire," 1806. 
 
300 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 This great catastrophe had come to the French be- 
 cause their Revolution had not recognized nor sought 
 equal liberty and equal justice and humanity to every 
 person alike before the law. 
 
 Theirs was not a republican democracy from 1789 
 to 1800; it was simply strife of parties and persons, 
 each of whom wished to wrong, to oppress the other. 
 Had they recognized the vital principle of all real re- 
 publican democracy, equal rights and equal protection 
 of every person by the law ; every one allowed and 
 protected in his own opinions, person, career, and 
 property, then there could have been no " Reign of 
 Terror," no destroying men for their opinions, no 
 Marat, no Dan ton, no Robespierre. It was violation 
 of the most vital principles of real republican democ- 
 racy that made the bloodshed of that frightful period 
 possible. The moment that a democracy begins to 
 tyrannize, that moment it ceases to be democracy. 
 A democratic government must protect against 
 license, it must not use license. 
 
 Real republican democracy cannot punish for 
 political opinion. If it attempts to do so it changes 
 its character. That the French Revolution did pun- 
 ish for political opinion is proof that it was not a re- 
 publican democracy. Sometimes it was mob ; some- 
 times oligarchy ; sometimes both ; Robespierre, the 
 Terror, w^as despotism ; to these, all real democrats 
 and republicans are utterly opposed. 
 
 Many writers have confounded these principles. 
 Let us see the truth. Mob rule is not real democracy; 
 it is the oligarchy of only the men who compose the 
 mob. Mob rule is not republicanism ; a real repub- 
 lic is guaranteed, protected liberty without license. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 301 
 
 ruled only by the people in strictly orderly manner, 
 and entirely respectful to every person's liberty and 
 prosperity. Republican democracy is liberty, but is 
 never license. 
 
 An oligarchy may be aristocratic or may be canaille, 
 it may be powdered and perfumed silk-clad gentry, or 
 it may be the dirtiest mob of savages, and yet if it be 
 rule of the few it is oligarchy. Mobs are always but 
 a few persons of the nation. If a mob rules it is 
 then oligarchy — one of the furthest removes from 
 real republican or real democratic rule. 
 
 Britain, now almost a republic, a democracy with 
 monarchial forms, was then a monarchial oligarchy. 
 The French Revolution was a rabble oligarchy. Both 
 countries are greatly changed. Both have since then 
 vastly advanced in civilized enlightment, in place of 
 the semi-dark enlightenment of that bloody period. 
 
 Napoleon's despotism had not come from real 
 democracy, but from oligarchy most marked. That he 
 could consolidate such despotism was owing to the 
 spirit of the times ; so many an oligarchial French- 
 man wished to compel everybody to his own opinion, 
 a very an ti- republican sentiment. Napoleon consoli- 
 dated this very spirit by the spectacle of France, the 
 aggregate French, ruling many states ; thousands of 
 Frenchmen personally ruling abroad ; while the peo- 
 ples who were down, were kept down by strong po- 
 lice, military and despotic practices. 
 
 All that France needed to make her Revolution a 
 republican-democratic success was republicans and 
 democrats. Lacking these she was never then a 
 democracy. 
 
 The authors of Napoleon's accession to power, of 
 
302 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 his despotism, were practically monarchists ; they 
 who favored the rule of the few or of one ; they were 
 not the few democratic-republicans, for these must 
 need favor equal rights, equal civil protection, equal 
 remedies in the law. 
 
 In March, 1808, by a Senalns co)isiiltiim, Napoleon 
 re-established nobility, hereditary and entailed. The 
 odious system by which accident of birth and not 
 ability or merit is rewarded, was again 
 Oppressive Nobility, fastened upon France, that had strug- 
 gled and suffered so much to rid her- 
 self of this burden. 
 
 Napoleon had long sought the favor of the nobod- 
 ies of the old noblesse. He had established a court of 
 strict etiquette, where various trifling and absurd 
 forms were practiced, and where even Cambaceres^ 
 had excited public derision by his ridiculous dress and 
 new manners. Old noblesse and parvenues were bow- 
 ing and grinning together in his ante-chambers, and 
 making silly speeches to each other and speaking and 
 acting adulation to the man who covered all Europe 
 with mourning and suffering. 
 
 Napoleon robbed the Germans and Italians to en- 
 dow these new, gold-plated receivers of stolen goods, 
 and so increased the hatred of the robbed to him and 
 to his bandit system. For these creatures about 
 ;^450,000 were yearly abstracted from little Hanover 
 alone, a single example of how royally Napoleon sup- 
 plied these creatures at honest men's expense. The 
 old noblesse thronged his court ; the oldest and per- 
 haps the most decayed from the parent stock, was 
 
 1" Senators" said Cambaceres, " You are no longer obscure plebeians or 
 simple citizens, I, myself, am no longer citizeu Cambaceres ... I am a 
 prince, your most serene highness, and my most serene person," &c. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 303 
 
 proud to become maid of honor and kneel to lace the 
 Empress' shoe, an office which a plebeian might have 
 deemed to be a degradation. 
 
 Napoleon tried to unite the two sets, but each 
 knowing what miserable shams were the other, were 
 at first disinclined to unite, though money caused 
 some marriages. Napoleon's court was certainly 
 tending to become like that of an Asiatic despot. 
 
 Every Frenchman was practically under guardian- 
 ship by Napoleon. Liberty did not exist. 
 
 In Bavaria some of the privileges of nobility dis- 
 appeared; nobles were required to help bear the 
 burdens of the state, and common people were allowed 
 to be eligible to public offices. The 
 old, aristocratic assembly gave place Bavaria, 
 
 to deputies of the country. Baden, 
 also, abolished the exclusive privileges of nobles to 
 hold office. 
 
 The pope was dissatisfied because the Code Napo- 
 leon, which permitted divorce, had been applied to 
 the kingdom of Italy where it took the place of the 
 Concordat which had made the Cath- 
 olic the religion of the state. Italy. 1807 8. 
 
 Napoleon was displeased with the 
 pope for his refusal to divorce Jerome Bonaparte from 
 his American wife, which Napoleon's imperial decree 
 soon after did, so that Jerome could marry a princess 
 of Wurtemberg. 
 
 The French troops going to Naples seized Ancona. 
 The pope was affionted. Napoleon pretended that 
 he occupied Ancona as protector of the Holy See. 
 He demanded that the pope close his ports to the 
 English and his state to refugees. 
 
304 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Though Joseph Bonaparte had been made king of 
 Naples by Napoleon, the pope claimed ancient "feu- 
 dal rights " over Naples. The pope wanted a hand 
 in politics and longed for its revenues. 
 
 Napoleon reminded him that it was only in times 
 of ignorance that popes assumed the right to dispose 
 of crowns. The quarrel was bitter. Napoleon took 
 possession of about one-third of the " States of the 
 Church " and united it to the kingdom of Italy, April, 
 1808. 
 
 "There is no necessity that the pope should be 
 sovereign of Rome ; the most holy popes were not 
 so," said Bonaparte. 
 
 Secret societies were formed in Italy against Napo- 
 leon [Carbonari]. These societies formed in the in- 
 terest of priestcraft and absolutism, afterward went to 
 the other extreme of liberalism and patriotic service, 
 to free Italy from French, Austrian, and domestic 
 despotism. 
 
 XV 
 
 SPAIN had lost Louisiana ; had lost Trinidad ; 
 had lost her six million francs a month ; had lost 
 her commerce and her colonies ; had thrown away her 
 navy at Trafalgar ; all for Napoleon ; 
 Spain. all for no reward whatever ; all be- 
 
 cause Napoleon was grasping ; all 
 because Spain's king, Charles IV, was too weak, too 
 degenerate, too foolish to resist. Never did country 
 more need good, wise rulers, and she had a semi-fool. 
 He saw Napoleon hawking Spain's Balearic Islands 
 in the market for his own exclusive benefit, and al- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 305 
 
 lowed the insult. Spanish Bourbons, the Inquisi- 
 tion, and ignorant, and intolerant churchmen had 
 smothered Spanish patriotism ; had kept its people 
 unenlightened. Good men were not gone ; they 
 were suppressed. They were without opportunity 
 under that frivolous king and court. 
 
 The alliance of St. Idlefonso, very foolishly made 
 by this foolish king in 1796, made worse in 1801, and 
 still worse by addition in 1803, was extremely disas- 
 trous to Spain. Still the nation adhered to the half- 
 imbecile king who had made that alliance, instead of 
 declaring him unfit to reign and setting him aside 
 as they had done with his wholly idiotic older brother, 
 whose place he occupied. 
 
 Spain's navy, a part of her army, and her treasure 
 had been freely used by Napoleon in his own wars, 
 with no compensation whatever to Spain. The fool- 
 ish king had been deluded into signing a treaty in 
 1796, offensive and defensive with France. This was 
 the whole origin of the long, sad, terrible involving 
 of Spain with Napoleon. He never missed a chance 
 to further entangle the worthless king^. 
 
 He had ruined the Spanish navy at Trafalgar. He 
 had required Charles to furnish him Spanish troops 
 to serve in the north of Europe against any and all 
 his own enemies. He required Charles to pay in 
 Spanish silver dollars 72,000,000 francs a year to aid 
 Napoleon's wars. This was a very large sum then, 
 equal to much more now. Yet Charles and ^Spain 
 had not a single real interest in common with Napo- 
 leon ; had great interests on the other side. So 
 Spain fought, and sacrificed against its own free com- 
 merce ; against access to its transatlantic colonies, 
 20 
 
306 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 against its own peace. Because Spain was united 
 with Napoleon, his enemy, Britain, with its great 
 navy, found itself reluctantly compelled to cut off 
 commerce and communication between Spain and its 
 great possessions, including all South America, (ex- 
 cept Brazil and Guiana), all Mexico, all Central Amer- 
 ica, Cuba, and other West Indies. All this because 
 the king was not a manly man and Napoleon was a 
 tyrant. 
 
 Still Spain adhered to the half-imbecile who ad- 
 hered to the great destroyer of Spanish interests and 
 humiliator of just Spanish pride. The king was 
 merely the figure-head of the government, the real 
 ruler was Manual Godoy, the queen's favorite, who 
 was morally of little better character than the bad 
 royal pair themselves. Singularly enough the king 
 was a warm friend of his wife's favorite. Godoy had 
 been taken from the Guards and made " Prince de la 
 Paix," by her special favor, and by sufferance of both 
 was allowed to manage state affairs. 
 
 It is wrong to charge God with intending Charles 
 for a king. He would hardly send so bad a man to 
 fill so great a place. He would hardly be likely to 
 place at the head of a great nation a person who 
 lacks manhood. Such examples as that of Charles 
 lay heredity open to the suspicion that God does not 
 favor it ; that he never instituted it at all. 
 
 Had Godoy ruled entirely unfettered by the un- 
 worthy royal pair, the government would at least have 
 had some little vigor and some patriotism. Bad as 
 was the favorite, he was better than the king and 
 queen. He regretted the vassalage of Spain to Na- 
 poleon ; he wished to break it. When, in 1806, Na. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 307 
 
 poleon moved his army against Prussia, Godoy hoped 
 that the time had come to act, while Prussia and 
 Russia should keep Napoleon and his troops busy at 
 long distance from Spain. Godoy called a large 
 Spanish force to arms. Napoleon, at Jena, heard this 
 news. He resolved to dethrone the worthless king: 
 
 o 
 
 and queen ; to rule Spain himself. To strengthen 
 himself in the north and to weaken Godoy, he called 
 for 16,000 of those Spanish troops. The crushing 
 defeat of the Prussians alarmed Godoy ; the cowardly 
 king of that brave nation had no courage to refuse. 
 So 16,000 of the best troops of Spain marched to Na- 
 poleon in Poland and fought the Russians and Prus- 
 sians. 
 
 After Napoleon had made peace with Russia and 
 Prussia at Tilsit, in 1807, he arrogantly demanded of 
 the regent of Portugal, with whom France had no 
 quarrel : — 
 
 1. To exclude British vessels from Portugal. 1807. 
 Portugal. 
 
 2. To arrest all British subjects in Portugal. 
 
 3. To plunder them of their property. 
 Napoleon meanly warred not only on unoffending 
 
 nations, but on private individuals, and plundered 
 private property of non-belligerents, a great depravity 
 even in war. 
 
 Little Portugal indignantly refused. It would ex- 
 clude British vessels, but would not violate its hospi- 
 tality to strangers in Portugal, nor degrade itself to 
 become the robber of private property of its guests. 
 This honorable reply of the regency did not abate 
 Napoleon's bandit avarice. He knew that it was in 
 
308 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 the power of the regency to obtain a large sum by 
 robbery of the British merchants in Portugal. 
 
 Napoleon assembled an army at Bayonne, near 
 Spain, ostensibly against Portugal By treaty of 
 March 19, 1804, Bonaparte had wrung from Portugal 
 16,000,000 francs, for which extortion he restored to 
 her the right to open her ports during the war be- 
 tween France and England, and recognized Portugal's 
 neutrality. Portugal had kept this treaty ; we see 
 now how he broke his faith pledged in that treaty.^ 
 
 "The emperor for all reply declared war on Portu- 
 gal," ^ and ordered General Junot at Bayonne, to 
 march immediately.^ 
 
 The Portuguese envoy, Lima, at Paris, asked 
 delay. Napoleon violently addressed him publicly 
 before the diplomats: — * 
 
 " If Portugal does not do what I wish the House of Braganza wil 
 not reign two months." " I will no longer tolerate an English am- 
 bassador in Europe : I will declare war on any power that receives 
 one after two months." " The English declare they will no longer 
 respect neutrals at sea; I will no longer recognize them on land."* 
 
 Had a real statesman ruled Spain, unfettered by 
 the imbecility and corruption of royalty, he might 
 probably have secured to Spain the greatest obtain- 
 able prosperity by uniting, in 1804, in full concert 
 with Great Britain, and before Trafalgar, placing a 
 strong allied army on the Pyrenees frontier. Then 
 instead of being driven from the seas by the British, 
 she would have kept open her own vast colonial trade 
 and preserved her American colonies and home treas- 
 ure for her own defense. Then Napoleon could not 
 
 1 Metternich Memoirs ii, 394. ^ Ibid. 
 
 2 Xapoleoa to Champigay; also to Clarke, October 12, 1807. 
 ♦October 15, 1807. » Metternich to Stadion, October 6, 1807. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 309 
 
 have taken the whole grand army against Austria in 
 1805 or against Prussia in 1S06, and Russia could 
 have had time to bring up its army before he reached 
 Austria and perhaps before Napoleon could have 
 raised sufficient forces to both protect France on the 
 Spanish frontier and attack Ulm in Bavaria at the 
 same time. 
 
 But the miserable Charles IV, instead of manly 
 resistance, made a new treaty with Napoleon, Octo- 
 ber 27, 1807, by which he conspired against his 
 neighbor state, Portugal, with which he was at peace, 
 that it was to be divided into three parts, and de- 
 spoiled. By the terms of this crime of bandit con- 
 spiracy, the southern one-third was to be donated to 
 Godoy as a principality. The northern third was to 
 be given to the baby king of " Etruria " (Tuscany) 
 in exchange for Tuscany for Napoleon. The remain- 
 ing part of this rich plunder was to remain in seques- 
 tration for future disposal. 
 
 Twenty-eight thousand French troops were to be 
 permitted to march through Spain to Portugal.^ 
 Spain was to furnish the same number.^ Natural 
 obstacles rendered Spanish co-operation necessary 
 for the French to reach Portugal at all. 
 
 Feeble Charles IV was to receive the tinsel title, 
 "Emperor of the Two Americas," and this too at a 
 time when the miserable fellow could not send a sin- 
 gle sail toward America without its probable capture 
 by British cruisers. 
 
 For one-third of still unconquered Portugal, this 
 degenerate creature^ traded to Napoleon, who did not 
 own a foot of Portugal, the kingdom of his infant 
 
 1 Napier i, 20. « Rotteck Algemeiue Weltgescbichte, 183. 
 
310 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 grandson, Tuscany.^ Charles' daughter Louise, un- 
 worthy child of unworthy sire, had reigned badly in 
 Etruria, in the name of her baby son. To make her 
 late boy husband, Louis, king of Etruria, Charles had 
 embezzled and traded to Napoleon Spain's extremely 
 valuable Louisiana, which was all of the present 
 United States between the Mississippi and the 
 Rocky Mountains, and south of Canada, except Texas. 
 And then Louis had been only a puppet of Napoleon 
 till his death, in 1804. French officers, directed by 
 Napoleon, had ruled Etruria, often without even con- 
 sulting Louis. Louise had proved as utterly incap- 
 able as her husband had been, and as bigoted, igno- 
 rant, and illiberal as Charles, her father. 
 
 The French took entire possession of Etruria, 
 December 10, 1807, and Louise went home to Spain, 
 wickedly hoping that Portugal would be conquered by 
 the blood of good, brave men, and despoiled by her 
 father and Napoleon, and one-third of it be fated to 
 her own misgovernment.^ 
 
 The French army entered Spain without waiting 
 
 for the Conspiracy treaty to be signed. The French 
 
 and Spanish army under Junot entered Portugal. 
 
 That country was not prepared for 
 
 Portugal. 1808. this suddcii, unprovokcd invasion. It 
 had confided in its own peaceful in- 
 tentions. It had not expected unprovoked attack. A 
 British naval officer proposed to the Prince Regent 
 the alternatives, to surrender the Portuguese fleet to 
 English keeping, or to use it to convey the regent 
 and his friends to Brazil. The latter was accepted. 
 Junot arrived and saw the fleet leaving the port of 
 
 ' Rotte«.k. ' Lanfrey. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 311 
 
 Lisbon. It carried mucli treasure tliat Napoleon liad 
 hoped to plunder. Napoleon levied on Portugal for 
 100,000,000 francs, beside 6,000,000 francs for Junot, 
 who also raised 5,000,000 francs for himself.^ 
 
 Junot disbanded part of the Portuguese army, took 
 5,000 to serve with himself and sent the rest as so 
 much plunder to France, to serve in the French army, 
 and Napoleon proclaimed that the royal House of 
 Portugal had ceased to reign. Portugal was con- 
 quered ; but Napoleon, who freely broke solemn 
 pledges, did not keep his word with the foolish 
 Charles of Spain. Instead of dividing the plunder as 
 they had agreed, he almost wholly excluded the 
 Spanish from Portugal. The incapable and dark- 
 minded Louise was not to further darken one-third of 
 Portugal. In his desire for absolute power Napoleon 
 paused at no treachery ; he committed any perfidy or 
 any violence ; he caused any amount of suffering ; 
 committed any outrage ; he wanted obedience and 
 obedience only everywhere. No government, no 
 system of government was sacred from his destroying 
 hands. He would have conquered America as will- 
 ingly as Portugal ; he would have plundered it as 
 readily as he robbed Prussia had he controlled the sea 
 passage. For six years no nation but Britain had 
 resisted his will, and not been crushed or beaten. 
 
 Had it been his fleets instead of those of Britain 
 that conquered at Trafalgar and elsewhere completely, 
 then all the world must have fallen under his power. 
 He would have swept every sail from the seas except 
 these of France and his allies ; would have crossed 
 the British Channel with an army ; would probably 
 
 ' Sclilosser viii, 43. 
 
312 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 have sent another across the Atlantic as he sent the 
 army of the Rhme to St. Domingo, in the short time 
 that the peace of 1802 allowed his armies to cross 
 the seas. 
 
 Had he destroyed the British navy or driven it from 
 the ocean as completely as it had beaten his navy, 
 then the Danish, the Swedish, and all other navies, 
 both war and commercial, would have been in his 
 colossal power. 
 
 The world today hardly realizes how much it owes 
 to Nelson and Collingwood's great victory of Trafal- 
 gar ; the most important victory of the century, in its 
 consequences to all the world. Trafalgar was the 
 world's defense. 
 
 Napoleon concentrated another army on the border 
 of Spain. He promised that it should not enter 
 Spain without the king's consent. As usual he vio- 
 lated his promise. 
 
 Prince Ferdinand, heir to the Spanish crown, was 
 weak, cunning, and ignorant. What else could be 
 expected from his parentage .-' He was controlled by 
 the priest, Canon Escoiquiz, who 
 Ferdinand of Spain, managed his affairs. Because Ferdi- 
 nand hated France, many Spaniards 
 liked him. Dissensions broke out at Madrid between 
 the weak son and the weak father. Both feared Na- 
 poleon. The Spanish learned with astonishment, by 
 royal proclamation, that the son had conspired against 
 the father's throne. Ferdinand was arrested. He 
 confessed in a humble but indefinite letter ; he im- 
 plored forgiveness. Charles pardoned him in public, 
 Nov. 5, 1807, but carried on a scandalous trial of 
 his accessories, as though accomplices must bear all 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 313 
 
 the punishment of their principals. Ferdinand had 
 secretly written to Napoleon, soliciting a marriage 
 alliance with the Bonaparte family. Napoleon thought 
 of Lucian's daughter ; but Lucian gave it no encour- 
 agement. Ferdinand received no answer. 
 
 Charles wrote to Napoleon asking him " to aid me 
 with your knowledge and advice." [Oct. 29, 1807.] 
 
 Napoleon took advantage of these dissensions. 
 Here was what he chose to regard as a call for assist- 
 ance ; just what he wanted. Fifty-three thousand 
 French troops entered Spain in December, 1807.1 
 Murat came in February, 1808 ; he took possession 
 of Spanish fortresses ; he approached Madrid ; Napo- 
 leon had ordered him to use kind words. 
 
 The Spanish people were aroused, alarmed, indig- 
 nant. Godoy saw that Napoleon had swindled him ; 
 he saw the great danger ; he advised the royal de- 
 pravities, Charles and his wife, Maria Louise, to fly 
 to the south and thence to America. This was pre- 
 cisely what Napoleon desired, as it would give him a 
 pretext to declare the throne vacated, and to seize 
 upon Spain, as he was seizing Portugal. 
 
 By a great mistake of policy Napo- 
 leon had resolved to make a Bona- Spain, isos. 
 parte kmg of Spain. He might have 
 continued to rule Spain as he had ruled it for a long 
 time, through its own feeble and base hereditary 
 Bourbon sovereign.^ When Spain was thus in his 
 power it was his fatal error to ask for more. The 
 populace grew daily more excited. They at least did 
 not wish for a Bonaparte ; they resolved to prevent 
 the great aggression Seeing that royalty apparently 
 
 > Napier. 2 Thiers Cons et Empire, iii, 19. 
 
314 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 intended to fly, they took measures to prevent it. 
 They watched the king's palace at Madrid ; they 
 guarded every avenue of royal running away. Every- 
 body blamed Godoy ; fury was excited against him. 
 The faults of his royal mistress and of her husband 
 were charged to him, the favorite. 
 
 An insurrection broke out March i8, 1808. The 
 mob stormed Godoy's palace. He secreted himself 
 in a loft. When, afterward, he attempted to escape, 
 the people seized him ; they wished to lynch him ; 
 but the queen did not sacrifice her favorite ; the royal 
 pair rescued him. But to keep him from the fury of 
 the people they were compelled to send him, bruised 
 and bleeding as he was, to the safety of a prison. As 
 soon as practicable, they had him removed from the 
 city and sent to Napoleon at Bayonne, on the French 
 border. Possession of this man who could rule the 
 Spanish king and queen, was a great prize to Napo- 
 leon. 
 
 The cowardly king was terribly frightened. When 
 Godoy was gone his fears were so great, his own mind 
 so small, his dependence on the absent favorite so 
 complete, his inability to rule so utter, that in a 
 frenzy he abdicated his crown to his son, March 10, as 
 Ferdinand VII. A few days later Charles gathered 
 his small wits, and sent to the approaching Murat a 
 protest that his abdication was forced. Ferdinand 
 maintained himself against his father and was pro- 
 claimed king, March 20, 1808. Murat, with French 
 troop, arrived March 23. The next day, Ferdinand 
 VII made solemn entry as king, into Madrid. Murat 
 did not recognize Ferdinand as king, but used his 
 means for discord. Ferdinand, all in the dark as to 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 315 
 
 Napoleon's intentions, and acting perversely against 
 good advice, left the government to a Junta, with his 
 uncle, Don Antonio, as president, and Murat as a 
 member, and went toward France as far as Vittoria, 
 whence he sent a letter to Napoleon complaining of 
 his treatment, and asking the emperor's intentions. 
 Napoleon's answer expressed a wish to be better 
 acquainted with the particulars of the abdication. "I 
 desire to talk with you on this point," he wrote. All 
 along Ferdinand's route the people manifested oppo- 
 sition to his journey toward France, for the peasants 
 were wiser than their prince. At Vittoria they cut 
 the traces of his horses to prevent his proceeding 
 further. They knew the treacherous character of 
 Napoleon. Despite all remonstrances, with head- 
 strong weakness, Ferdinand went to meet the great 
 deceiver at Bayonnc, in France. His fate was de- 
 cided ; he had lost the crown of Spain ; it was the old 
 story of the spider and the fly. 
 
 Charles and Maria Louise, invited, also came into 
 Napoleon's trap at Bayonne. 
 
 With them all in his power, Napoleon was ready 
 now to reveal his treachery. He declared his inten- 
 tions thus : — 
 
 " Your Bourbons have never served me except against their will. 
 They have always been ready to betray me. The regeneration of 
 Spain is impossible in their hands ; they will be always, in spite of 
 themselves, the support of ancient abuses. My part is decided. The 
 revolution must be accomplished. Spain will not lose a village." 
 
 He offered to Ferdinand that same Etruria, if he 
 would cede his claims on Spain to Napoleon. Ferdi- 
 nand refused. Had he accepted of Etruria in the 
 most solemn compact, it would have been liable to 
 be taken from him at any time by Napoleon, the 
 treaty breaker. 
 
310 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Charles and his queen were received at Bayonne 
 with royal flatteries. The French courtiers, and the 
 princes knelt and kissed their hands. Charles, the 
 foolish, still thought that he would have it all his 
 own way. He commanded Ferdinand to give him a 
 renunciation of the Spanish crown. Ferdinand per- 
 emptorily refused. The worthless ex-king rose, furi- 
 ous, blustering ; he brandished his cane over Ferdi- 
 nand's head ; he arrogantly cried : — 
 
 " I will have you treated like the rebel emigrants, as an unnatural 
 son, who wished to snatch away my life and my crown." 
 
 Ferdinand offered to obey his father if Charles 
 would govern Spain without the advice of ministers 
 whom his people detested. This of course meant 
 the removal of Godoy from all influence. 
 
 Instead of decent, reasonable language, the un- 
 worthy Charles answered by severe reproaches. 
 Reproaches seldom convince. Each day the quarrel 
 grew more bitter. Each day further from agreement. 
 
 Then Ferdinand proposed to submit the decision 
 to the Spanish Cortes. But this course the foolish- 
 ness of Charles had obstructed. He had already 
 committed the supreme folly and treason against 
 himself and his own kingdom of investing the French 
 marshal, Murat, Napoleon's own brother-in-law, with 
 supreme power in the Spanish government as pres- 
 ident of the governing Junta, and lieutenant-general 
 of Spain ! Idiocy could hardly have gone further. 
 
 Thus, in time of profound peace between France 
 and Spain, Napoleon had, by fraud, by the greatest 
 trickery, by gross treachery, got possession of sev- 
 eral Spanish fortresses, of the capital, of the king, 
 and now of the government de facto of Spain t 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 317 
 
 Without opportunity for Spaniards to defend, their 
 government had fallen into the power of a stranger. 
 
 Now came frightful news from Madrid. The spir- 
 ited Spanish people were not tame and treasonable 
 like their royalty. A bloody insurrection occurred at 
 the capital. The journey to Bayonne ; their royalty 
 in the hands of Napoleon in France, perhaps really 
 prisoners ; the advent of the French army ; Murat 
 at the head of Spain's Supreme Junta ; excited, 
 alarmed, angered, and then infuriated the proud 
 Spanish people. 
 
 The French army were boys, newly conscripted. 
 It was not the grand army. The Spaniards saw them 
 with contempt. They compared them unfavorably 
 with hardy Spaniards. The world was yet to learn 
 what boys could do at Wagram, Bautsen, Lutsen, and 
 Dresden. 
 
 May 2, a close carriage was supposed to be taking 
 away Don Antonio whom Ferdinand had charged 
 with the presidency of the Junta, where Charles had 
 appointed Murat. They feared he was being ab- 
 ducted by some trick of Napoleon. The crowd 
 objected. They used violent language. This not 
 availing they cut the traces ; a French officer was 
 assaulted. The revolt quickly spread through the 
 streets, the mob attacked the French hospital ; the 
 invalids defended. French troops hastened in from 
 their camp outside the city. The fighting was se- 
 vere. After dark peasants fired on the French 
 sentinels. The revolt was quelled, but 400 French 
 had fallen. The Spanish dead were less than 120.^ 
 
 Murat ordered a military commission to try the 
 Spanish taken prisoners during the melee. This 
 
 > Napier i, 25 
 
318 UNITED STATES AND EUROPi:. 
 
 commission condemned them to death. Spanish 
 officials remonstrated, and Mm-at forbade the execu- 
 tions.i Yet forty Spaniards were shot by the French. 
 It was charged that a French colonel put forty-five 
 more prisoners to death. ^ This bloody affair rang 
 through Spain. In eight days Spain was all in re- 
 volt.^ Murders, pillage, cruelties, occurred where 
 were French troops or French partisans.^ The 
 Madrid affair was the Spanish people's declaration of 
 war. It was a great war, and was destined to last 
 for seven years with varving fortunes. Napoleon had 
 never before fought a people : till now he had made 
 war on sovereigns, on governments, on systems. 
 Mark the difference. 
 
 Four days after this bloody revolt, persecuted by 
 Napoleon's threats, Ferdinand's courage gave way, and 
 he resigned royalty to Charles, May 6, and renounced 
 his further rights to Napoleon, May lo [1808].^ 
 
 But the miserable Charles had already [May 5] ceded 
 to Napoleon all his rights to the throne of Spain and 
 the Indies, with the single condition that the prince 
 whom Napoleon should place on the throne should 
 be independent, and the Roman Catholic should con- 
 tinue the only religion of Spain. Charles, his queen, 
 the royal family, and Godoy received from Napoleon 
 large estates and income in France, where they re- 
 mained unable to escape for several years. Ferdi- 
 nand was kept a prisoner in France. 
 
 Napoleon had got into Spain by fraud. His army 
 entered as friends ; he asked for strong places to 
 guard his line for the conquest, plunder, and division 
 of peaceful, unoffending Portugal. He was grace- 
 
 i Napier i, 25. ^Thiers lii, 19. * Schlosser, Napier, Thiers. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 319 
 
 fully given possession as a friend, by his co-conspir- 
 ators of the Portugal crime, Charles and Godoy. He 
 also pretended that he entered to keep out the for- 
 eign enemy, the British ; he was himself the foreign 
 enemy. His whole proceeding was deep, dark 
 treachery. We shall see whether his great treachery 
 prospered, whether it was any exception to the sound 
 maxim that " Honesty is the best policy," as well as 
 the best principle. 
 
 Said Napoleon, August 24, 180S : — 
 
 " Do you know why I made a change in Spain .-' Because I want 
 to secure complete tranquility ; because since the famous proclama- 
 tion at the time of the campaign in Prussia, the miserable Prince de 
 la Paix (Godoy) himself had, what no one would believe, increased 
 the army by 50,000 men; because Spain, instead of putting her capi- 
 tal in the navy which I required to force England to peace, — she be- 
 came daily more and more inpracticable, — spent it all in reinforcing 
 the army, which could be used against me. I cannot blame them; T 
 was too strong for them. And then the throne was occupied by 
 Bourbons; they are my personal enemies. They and I cannot occupy 
 thrones at the same time in Europe." ^ 
 
 Napoleon recalled his brother Joseph from Naples 
 and made him king of Spain. He made Murat king 
 of Naples, vice Joseph promoted. He gave Murat's 
 duchy of Cleves and Berg, in 1809, to Napoleon 
 Louis, reputed son of Louis Bonaparte, king of Hol- 
 land, and his compelled wife, Hortense, daughter of 
 Empress Josephine. It must be mentioned as part 
 of history that many persons believed that Napoleon 
 was father of this boy. 
 
 Treating with contempt the remonstrances of the 
 Council of Castile against the validity of extorted 
 concessions, he compelled from them forms of choice 
 of Joseph as king. The Junta and municipality of 
 
 ' Metternich Memoirs lii, 462. 
 
320 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Madrid concurred. The Cardinal Primate, a Bour- 
 bon, and first cousin to Charles IV, promoted it. 
 
 Napoleon summoned to meet him at Bayonne some 
 of the principal Spanish subjects, to be present at the 
 making of a constitution for Spain. Ninety-one 
 persons of distinction obeyed this arbitrary mandate. 
 At their first meeting they acknowledged Joseph as 
 king, June 15, 1808. 
 
 This constitution, given by Bonaparte, July 7, 
 1808, left great power to the king. The ministers 
 were to be responsible for execution of laws and of 
 the king's commands. From 30 to 60 persons of dis- 
 tinction were to be a Council of State. Twenty-four 
 selected from that body, and from official depart- 
 ments, were to be a Senate. The Cortes should be 
 150 members; one-third spiritual and temporal peers 
 named by the government, and two-thirds the repre- 
 sentatives of provinces, universities, principal towns 
 and merchants. 
 
 The assembly should be held once at least in three 
 years ; dissolved by the king at discretion. All de- 
 liberations to be private ; and no votes or opinions to 
 be published by any one. Inadequate means were 
 provided for removal of bad ministers. The civil 
 code was to be made uniform. Personal liberty was 
 to be respected, and no person to be confined without 
 a warrant stating the reason. These various parts 
 were to be promulgated within four years. 
 
 Napoleon cared little for the people; he believed 
 that Spain was subdued ; royalty was easily con- 
 quered ; but an earnest people are not easily subdued. 
 Spain was braver than its king 
 
 Probably the Spanish had no great love for the 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 321 
 
 Bourbons who had misruled and then betrayed them. 
 But they had national pride ; they did not like for- 
 eigners : they abhorred foreign rule. Napoleon nom. 
 inated Joseph as king, June 6. That very day the 
 Junta of Seville proclaimed Ferdinand VII, chose a 
 council, declared war, and assumed the lead in the 
 struggle. At many places the people rose in arms. 
 At Cadiz they took five French ships of the line. A 
 supply of arms and a multitude of Spanish prisoners 
 released by the British, arrived. The arms were a 
 present from England. 
 
 In July Joseph arrived at Madrid and was there 
 proclaimed king. His only claims rested on fraud 
 and force ; his only hope on the French army. The 
 millions of Spaniards had not consented. 
 
 Joseph required of the Council of Castile the oath 
 of allegiance. This body, till now servile, remon- 
 strated. The Spanish people were at war on the 
 great fraud. 
 
 General Solano, marching home to Cadiz, from the 
 Portugal invasion, was ordered by the " Supreme 
 Junta of Seville " to assume hostility against the 
 French. He refused and was murdered ; a mania of 
 assassination ran through Spain ; at many places 
 Spaniards and Frenchmen were murdered. The 
 bloody priest, Canon Calvo of Madrid, went to 
 Valencia, collected fanatics and massacred French 
 residents, and menaced the Spanish Junta till he was 
 seized and strangled with about 200 of his fanatics. 
 
 In each province Juntas were formed and war or- 
 ganized. Although Biscay and the Castiles were 
 menaced by the presence of 50,000 French soldiers, 
 the peasants began war. The French must keep to- 
 21 
 
322 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 gather in large bodies. Monks and priests persuaded 
 the ignorant that the church was in danger ; " they 
 fanaticized the mass of patriots ; " monks and friars 
 were leaders and instigators of tumult and barbarity.^ 
 The mildness of the religion of Jesus was wanting. 
 
 Smuggling "has always been carried on m Spain 
 to an incredible extent," says Napier, "in conse- 
 quence of monopolies and restrictions." ^ The French 
 system would end this ; so the smugglers became 
 insurgents. Even the most ignorant knew that Na- 
 poleon had insulted Spain ; they believed that Godoy 
 caused the troubles ; they believed that Ferdinand 
 would like to redress them. Little they knew Ferdi- 
 nand's mean disposition. He was like his degenerate 
 parents. 
 
 Sir Walter Scott says : — 
 
 ''The government of Spain, a worn out despotism, lodged in the 
 hands rf a family of the lowest degree of intellect, was one of the 
 worst in Europe : and the state of the nobility, speaking in general 
 (for there were noble exceptions), seemed scarce less degraded. The 
 education of the nobility was committed to the priests, who took care 
 to give them no light beyond Catholic bigotry. The customs of the 
 country introduced them to premature indulgences, and they ceased 
 to be children without arriving at the strength or the intellect of 
 youth. The middle classes, inhabitants of towns, and those who 
 followed the learned professions, had not been so generally subjected 
 to the same withering influence of superstition and luxury. In many 
 instances they had acquired good education, and were superior to 
 bigotry. The lower classes .... were little interested by the imper- 
 fections of the government, for the system, though execrable, did not 
 immediately affect their comforts. They lay too low for personal 
 oppression, and as the expenses of the state were supplied from the 
 American provinces, the Spanish peasants were strangers, in a meas- 
 ure, to the exactions of the tax gatherers. ^ 
 
 While the upper and the lower classes were gener- 
 ally ignorant, the middle class was intelligent, yet as 
 
 1 Napier Peuiusular War, i, 32. * Scott's Life of Napoleon. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 323 
 
 late as i860 three-fourths of the population were 
 unable to read.^ 
 
 WAR IN SPAIN, 1808. 
 
 Beside militia, the Spanish army was about 97,000 
 men : 15,000 of them were in Holstein, under Napo- 
 leon ; 20,000 were the army intended to aid to con- 
 quer and divide Portugal; 11,000 were Swiss; the 
 rest were distributed about Spain. 
 
 In August Spain was delighted by the arrival of 
 Romana, who, by a masterly strategy, had succeeded 
 in escaping from Napoleon's service in Holstein on 
 the North Sea, with about 10,000 Spanish troops, 
 and embarking in English vessels adroitly, had come 
 to fight against Napoleon in Spain. 
 
 The French attacked Valencia and were repulsed. 
 In the battle of Rio Seco the Spanish army under 
 Blake was terribly beaten with loss of between 5,000 
 and 6,000 killed and wounded, and the French cap- 
 tured great stores of muskets, clothing and ammu- 
 nition. 
 
 The French army in Spain were about 70,000 men 
 for duty, and 10,000 sick. It held good strategetical 
 points ; it was French, Swiss, Poles, and Portuguese, 
 most of them raw levy. Twenty-three thousand 
 more came in June, and 20,000 more were in reserve 
 on the border of France. 
 
 In February 12,000 French had advanced to Bar- 
 celona, while Charles was king. Barcelona, with its 
 wealth, its commerce, its strong fortress and its good 
 harbor, was of great importance. 
 
 1 Chambers' Cyclopedia. 
 
324 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 On the very day that the new king, Joseph, entered 
 his capital, — July 20, — the Spanish were victorious 
 at Baylen, over Dupont, one of the best French gen- 
 erals, whom they compelled to sur- 
 Bayien. July 20, 1808. render, with i/.ooo men, and to add, 
 also, Vedel's corps of 6,000, all on 
 the promised condition of being sent back to France.^ 
 The Spanish shamefully broke the terms of this sub 
 mission;^ they abused and murdered some; they 
 assassinated 80 French officers ; they showed them- 
 selves undeserving of such successes, and fortune 
 withdrew its favors. The surest way to make an 
 enemy fight desperately is to abuse his prisoners ; 
 besides being grossly inhumane, it is the sure means 
 to aid an enemy. Treat prisoners well and your 
 enemy will the more readily surrender to be prisoners. 
 
 This heavy blow so alarmed Joseph that he seized 
 the crown jewels, plundered the treasury and robbed 
 the palaces of valuable portables and fled to Burgos; 
 a disgraceful beginning to a reign. 
 
 The occupation of Madrid, however, does not have 
 the same effect on the nation as would that of Paris 
 on France, because Spain is made up of several prov- 
 inces, once separate, and Biscay, Galicia, Catalonia, 
 Andalusia, Valencia, and lesser districts have each 
 their capital and defensive center. 
 
 Joseph feared that the whole country was about 
 to fall upon him. Yet, says British Napier: — 
 
 "The French troops, instead of being sent to France, were mal- 
 treated, and numbers of them murdered in cold blood .... all who 
 survived the march to Cadiz .... were cast into the hulks .... 
 suffering so that few of them ever again saw France." * 
 
 The Spaniards certainly developed more cruelty 
 
 1 Napier i, App. 512. - Napier i, 33. * Peninsular War, 1, 73. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 325 
 
 than courage; more violence than intrepidity; more 
 personal hatred of the French than enthusiasm for 
 their own cause. ^ They were making but little of 
 really efficient preparations for defense. Yet Joseph 
 hardly felt safe when behind the Ebro with 57,000 
 French troops. Thus in August, 1808, Joseph had 
 lost all Spain except Barcelona and the little country 
 between Burgos and France. Thus was Napoleon's 
 army defeated by a loosely-arranged, ill-managed, 
 almost hap-hazard rising of turbid violence, fanatic 
 hate, and inflamed patriotism. The terrible seige of 
 Saragossa resulted in the defeat of the French after 
 they had once got possession of nearly half of the 
 city ; but it left the town of nearly 50,000 inhabi- 
 tants almost in ruins. [August 14, 1808.] 
 
 The character of Spain was unfavorable to the 
 operations of the French. The Spanish acted much 
 in small parties, cutting off supplies and foragers. 
 Napoleon's system of supporting his troops by rob- 
 bing the people was difficult in this country where 
 they could move only in large parties. 
 
 The victory of Bnylen cheered all Europe ; it en- 
 couraged the Spanish ; it gave them confidence ; it 
 damaged the prestige of French troops ; it nerved 
 England to send aid to Spain. Napoleon was mak- 
 ing war on a people till now his ally. From 1799 
 Spain had seconded his efforts against other nations ; 
 many Spaniards fought for him against Austria, 
 England, Russia, and Prussia. For him Spain had 
 lost its commerce ; its strong navy ; the lives of its 
 soldiers and sailors ; and its national pride had been 
 mortified. What bounds to his aggression would be 
 set by a man who could thus attack an always 
 
 iNapieri,33. 
 
326 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE 
 
 friendly power ? No nation, no country could be 
 safe from his rapacity. The conscience of Europe 
 was aroused against him. Bonaparte's war was a 
 great injustice ; it was a great blunder ; without it he 
 ruled Spain through the feeble king ; with it he lost 
 control of Spain. He had thrown away his advan- 
 tage ; he could not force his rule ; he had attacked 
 the principle of nationality which it is both patriotic 
 and natural to defend. 
 
 Spanish agents sent to England said, " Of men 
 Spain has more than enough. Arms, ammunition, 
 clothing it lacks." England sent them. The British 
 war with Spain was ended, Spanish prisoners freed, 
 clothed, regaled, and sent home to fight Napoleon's 
 army. On news of the Bayonne transactions of 
 Napoleon and Charles and Ferdinand, of its humilia- 
 tion of Spanish royalty, Mexico and Spanish South 
 America opened their ports to the British.^ 
 
 Napoleon's sham king, Joseph, wrote to him, Au- 
 gust 9, 1808, " I have not a single Spaniard left who 
 is attached to my cause." He added, " If you wish 
 it I will restore Ferdinand VII to them in your name, 
 but retaining part of their territory as far as the 
 Ebro," and he demanded back the throne of Naples 
 which Napoleon had given to Murat. 
 
 The three Spanish armies of 19,000, 16,000, and 
 1 1 ,000 men were far from formidable ; they were 
 widely separated ; councils were divided ; so were the 
 generals.^ 
 
 Napoleon's servile Senate ordered 80,000 con- 
 scripts, and preparation for 80,000 more, though the 
 last were called sixteen months before the legal time. 
 
 ' ThieM iii, 68. - Napier i, 152. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 327 
 
 Italy and Germany, too, must send their sons to suf- 
 fer and die in Spain, although they had not the 
 slightest quarrel with the Spanish. It was a cruel 
 war, to no good purpose. 
 
 PORTUGAL, IN 1808. 
 
 Lisbon, containing all the civil, military, naval, and 
 most of the commercial establishments of Portugal ; 
 the only fine harbor; one-quarter of the population ; 
 two-thirds of the wealth, was in the hands of France. 
 Nine Russian ships of the line and a frigate were in 
 the harbor, — a powerful aid to the French. Thus 
 Portugal, without a defeat, without a battle, was a 
 French capture, and Junot treated it as a prize, to be 
 made the most of. He laid a heavy contribution to 
 be collected in cash; he accepted British stolen or 
 plundered goods, or royal property or church plate in 
 payment. But it was found that runaway royalty had 
 been as expert a plunderer as he, for it had carried 
 off much of the church plate and bullion, and money 
 drawn from the people. 
 
 Junot's police was effective, and Napier says that : — 
 
 "No act gave the Portuguese more offense than having the streets 
 cleaned, and the wild dogs that infested them by thousands killed."^ 
 
 Junot put Frenchmen into the lucrative Portuguese 
 offices. 
 
 A Spanish army had invaded Portugal for conquest 
 and plunder, at the same time with the French. A 
 sudden revolt at Oporto expelled the French from 
 that city. It formed a provincial government ; many 
 
 1 Napier's Peninsular War, i, 84. 
 
328 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Other places followed. In both Portugal and Spain, 
 the cruel French military executions, instead of over- 
 awing the insurgents, only excited them to greater 
 vengeance. 
 
 At the revolt Junot disarmed the 6,600 Spanish 
 troops at Lisbon, except 1,100, who escaped. But 
 the revolt became general. The other 1 1,000 Spanish 
 troops in Portugal were lost to the French. Junot's 
 army effective was reduced below 30,000 men, of 
 which 2,500 were already in hospital. The French 
 made energetic marches, skirmishes and executions 
 of peasants, but the revolt increased. The Portu- 
 guese did not, as the Spanish did, object to the aid 
 of British troops. England sent 13,000. Sir Arthur 
 Wellesley landed with them at Mondago Bay, ad- 
 vanced with real British energy, and gained the bat- 
 tle of Rolica, over the French, August 17, 1808. 
 Re-inforced with British^ and Portuguese, he took 
 position near Vimeria, where August 21 he was 
 attacked by Junot with 14,000 French. Wellesley 
 defeated Junot. But as just then two other British 
 generals arrived, each in turn taking command-in- 
 chief, the pursuit of the defeated French was not 
 well conducted. From this battle resulted the Con- 
 vention of Cintra, August 30, 1808, by the terms of 
 which the French army, now much reduced, was con- 
 veyed to France in British vessels, with their arms 
 and baggage, and not forbidden to serve elsewhere. 
 This convention, — an act of great wisdom on the part 
 of both Wellesley and Junot, — was censured by the 
 governments of both those able officers. The English 
 ministry ordered inquiry, but kept the treaty. By it 
 
 > Wellesley's British are stated by W. Scott ii,213, at 16,000; and by Thiers 
 iiii 65, at 18,000, besides the Portuguese. 
 
ARTHUR W ELLESLEY 
 
 DUKE OF WELLINGTON. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 329 
 
 England cleared Portugal of the French ; by it Na- 
 poleon got back above 20,000 effective troops. 
 
 The Russian fleet in Lisbon harbor surrendered 
 "in trust " not to be given back to Russia till peace, 
 but the seamen and marines were sent to Russia at 
 once. 
 
 At Erfurt, September 28, 1808, two emperors met 
 to confederate in crime. Napoleon wished for closer 
 union with the Czar. Each had his great projects 
 for tyrannical conquest. Napoleon wanted dominion 
 to Gibraltar; Alexander coveted Finland and Turkey. 
 Their meeting was attended with great pomp : many 
 princes were there. But Europe looked on dis- 
 quieted. Great issues were believed to be at stake. 
 They remained there till October 14. 
 
 Austria was arming ; new levies were made and 
 greater energy infused into the army. Napoleon 
 protested. Austria kept up pleasant words and inter- 
 course. But it was evident that Austria meant war. 
 She was irritated by Napoleon's absorption of the 
 Roman states and by his Spanish outrages. Napo- 
 leon demanded as proof of Austria's pacific inten- 
 tions that she cease arming and recognize Joseph as 
 king of Spain. 
 
 Prussia was still held by the French armies. 
 Needing these troops in Spain, Napoleon agreed with 
 the king of Prussia to fix at 140,000,000 francs, to be 
 paid 6,000,000 a month, as the amount of robbery 
 that the Prussians were still to pay to the French 
 emperor. To please the Czar, Napoleon reduced this 
 sum to 120,000,000 to be paid within three years, but 
 he exacted the secret pledge of the Prussian king not 
 to keep more than 42,000 soldiers and no militia for 
 
330 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 ten years, and in case of a German war Prussia was 
 bound to furnish Napoleon with 16,000 Prussian men. 
 Napoleon pledged his word to evacuate all of Prus- 
 sia except the three fortresses, Glogau, Stettm, and 
 Custrin. It will be seen how badly he kept his 
 pledged word. Napoleon said soon after : — 
 
 " I have asked for Steia's dismissal from the cabinet: without that 
 the king of Prussia will not recover his states. I have sequestrated 
 his property in Westphalia." 
 
 This threat indicates that Napoleon premeditated 
 breaking his faith. The patriotic Von Stein resigned, 
 but he continued to have great influence in Germany. 
 Prussia having, on compulsion, signed the terms of 
 this stupendous robbery of the Prussians, September 
 8, 1808, Frederick William at last again took posses- 
 sion of his diminished states, which he had lost in 
 1806 by his folly in making war before the Russians 
 could come to his assistance. 
 
 In Germany Napoleon concentrated his available 
 troops toward Austria, left Denmark, and withdrew 
 100,000 soldiers from Prussia, increased his army in 
 Italy, and ordered Murat, king of Naples, to assemble 
 an army to threaten Sicily. 
 
 Speeches and reports of the French ministers dis- 
 played the vast resources of France very impressively; 
 the year's expenses below ;^ 150,000,000 all paid in 
 metallic money ; that France would feel no fresh bur- 
 dens; that public works were progressing; inland 
 commerce flourishing ; and nearly a million of men 
 in arms. 
 
 The Czar looked with secret satisfaction on the 
 situation in Spain. Haunted by his own unholy de- 
 sire to rob his neighbors, he saw that Spain might 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 331 
 
 absorb so much of the resources and attention of 
 Napoleon as to leave Russia free to annex Turkey's 
 Roumania ; he even hoped for Constantinople. But 
 this last Napoleon utterly refused to permit. " The 
 empire of the world is at Constantinople," he once 
 said. 
 
 For peace on terms not stated and not as most his- 
 torians state, on present possession, the two emperors 
 united in addressing a demand to the British king, 
 " preserving all powers which exist." Napoleon wrote 
 it.^ It was made in form both of threat and of ap- 
 peal, adroitly to throw odium of refusal on England. 
 
 Napoleon and Alexander had agreed that France 
 was to consent only to such a peace as should secure 
 Sweden's Finland, and Turkey's Roumania to Rus- 
 sia; and Russia to consent only to one that would 
 secure to France all her present po.ssessions, and the 
 crown of Spain to Joseph. If execution of this treaty 
 produced war with Austria, then France and Russia 
 were to join in mutual support.^ 
 
 The French minister, Talleyrand, mentioned Na- 
 poleon's intention to be divorced, and said : — "His 
 thoughts turn naturally toward the sisters of his ally 
 and dearest friend." Alexander blushed; He was 
 autocrat of all the Russias, but he was not all power- 
 ful with the females of his family ; his mother strongly 
 disliked Napoleon. Perhaps the Czar could not dis- 
 pose of either of his two sisters. There might be 
 difficulties. Napoleon and Alexander then discussed 
 it.'^ The Czar would do what he could to gain his 
 mother's and sister's consent. 
 
 The British ministry replied to the letter which 
 
 » Thiers ill, 95. 2 Ibid. » Ibid. 
 
332 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 the two emperors addressed to George III. They 
 said that all the allies of Britain ought to have been 
 admitted to the Erfurt negotiations, including the 
 kings of Sweden, Sicily and Portugal regency, and 
 the Spanish insurgents. The Czar answered that 
 allies of Britain he would admit, but not the Spanish 
 insurgents ; he had recognized Joseph Bonaparte as 
 king of Spain, and he was in alliance with Napoleon ; 
 he would treat on the basis of uti possidetis, or any 
 basis for an honorable, just, and equal peace. Thiers 
 says : — 
 
 Having documents in their hands which proved that France would 
 make no concessions to the Spanish insurgents, who were immensely 
 popular in England it (the ministry) had nothing to fear from parlia- 
 ment so it made a peremptory declaration, offensive both to Russia 
 and to France, to the effect that no peace was possible with two 
 courts, one of which dethroned and kept as prisoners, the most legit- 
 imate kings, and the other of which suffered them to be treated un- 
 worthily for interested motives; that, moreover, the pacific proposals 
 addressed to England were illusory, and devised for the purpose of 
 disheartening the generous nations that had shaken off the oppres- 
 sive yoke of France, and those who were yet preparing to do so ; that 
 the negotiations were therefore to be considered as finally broken off, 
 and that war should continue " ^ 
 
 The ministry feared that rumors of peace would chill 
 the ardor for war of the Austrians and Spanish. 
 
 To this uncivil note by Canning, France replied 
 with a proposal of the basis of present possession, 
 each side to hold its conquests. But Canning broke 
 off the correspondence ; all chance of peace vanished. 
 How can a war ever end if one side refuses to nego- 
 tiate .'' It is a fearful responsibility to take. It was 
 high crime in Canning and George. 
 
 Apparently Napoleon was, for once, sincere. The 
 menacing aspect of Austria ; the recent loss of Portu- 
 
 • state Papers. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE 333 
 
 gal ; the secret societies of Germany, which threatened 
 revolt at some unknown spot and moment ; the com 
 mercial distresses of all Europe ; the unexpected ex- 
 tent and obstinacy of the Spanish revolt, all indicate 
 that it would have been more in the line of common 
 sense and statesmanship if Canning had withheld his 
 utterly useless recrimination, and ascertained to just 
 what terms Napoleon would agree. France held in 
 Spain only the strip north of the Ebro and a small 
 part of Catalonia. The Spanish insurgents did not 
 represent Ferdinand, whom Canning held to be king 
 of Spain. True it would have been better to admit 
 them. But their absence while really represented in 
 part by their ally, England, ought not to have barred 
 Canning from using any and all opportunity to seek 
 peace. An attem[)t to negotiate at least was required 
 by every principle of honor, interest and religion. To 
 defy the vast power of the two emperors, the British 
 ministry ought, at the very least, to have had a strong, 
 thorough plan prepared for the Spanish war. But 
 not a trace of any such plan is found ! All British- 
 Spanish war schemes were yet mere vague knight- 
 errantry; visions without objective point! In this 
 affair Canning e.xhibited astonishing lack of states- 
 manship. When Canning childishly committed the 
 great political crime it is possible that Napoleon would 
 have abandoned all Spain beyond the Ebro in exchange 
 for peace ; already Trafalgar had decided Britain's 
 continued dominion on the seas ; this was all that 
 England could hope for from war, it is nearly all she 
 obtained from six years longer of a great war, with 
 all its risks, damage and vast expense ; and the Brit- 
 ish national debt, if peace had followed, would today 
 
334 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 be immensely less than it is. At least Canning 
 could have made this counter proposal : peace with 
 Portugal free, and Spain for the Spaniards to the Ebro 
 and the Aragon. 
 
 Napier says, at that time in Spain the many Juntas 
 disagreed ; the British provided much money, but 
 those Spaniards into whose hands it came for public 
 use, took it as donated to themselves ; ignorance and 
 pride, dissension and jealousy abounded among those 
 who assumed to rule.^ 
 
 " Only two months afier the first burst of insurrection, corruption, 
 intrigue and faction, even to the verge of civil war, were raging in the 
 northern parts." ^ 
 
 In the south the Junta of Seville 
 
 " wasted their time in vain and frivolous disputes," and they 
 " sacrificed the general welfare to views of private advantage and 
 interest . . . . bestowed on their own creatures places of emolu- 
 ment." " Against this flagitious Junta also, the public indignation 
 was rife." 
 
 They wanted to march the victorious army of 
 Baylen against the Granadians. Of the many Juntas 
 that of the Council of Castile had most influence. 
 After much caviling, each Junta, with acutejealousy, 
 intrigue and chicanery, named two deputies. These 
 deputies met at Arunjuez, feebly organized, pro- 
 claimed Ferdinand VII, and assumed authority as the 
 Supreme Junta. They called Spain to arms ; they 
 divided themselves into four sections for state depart- 
 ments and declared each section independent and all 
 four of equal authority ! So the ministry had no 
 head. The need of a single general-in-chief was im- 
 perative. There were many aspirants for that place, 
 but jealousies prevented filling it. 
 
 1 Napier's Peninsular War. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 335 
 
 October 6, 1808, came to Lisbon a new scheme; 
 30,000 British infantry and 5,000 cavalry, under com- 
 mand of Sir John Moore, were to try their fortunes 
 in north Spain, where 67,000 French veterans were 
 approaching ; the plan to be arranged later with the 
 Spanish generals. A campaign without a plan ! A 
 blunder of Castlereagh in the British ministry, sec- 
 ond in folly only to Canning's refusal to treat for 
 peace ! 
 
 Moore was expected to organize a new army in a 
 poor country ; to provide transports over bad roads 
 in the rainy season, and almost without money, while 
 British money was lavished on inferior Spanish 
 agents and intriguers ; and all this when Moore was 
 not informed of the number, location, situation, or 
 value of either Spanish army, or with whom he 
 was to act in concert ! The British ministry had 
 sent to the Spanish, $16,000,000,^ and great supplies 
 of ammunition and clothing, yet, says Napier: — 
 
 "Disunion, cupidity, incapacity in the high orders," and "the rulers 
 grasping, improvident, boasting; the enemy powerful ; the people 
 insubordinate ; the fighting men without arms or bread, when the 
 British had sent 200,000 muskets," and 
 " found that to trust Spaniards in war was to lean on a broken reed." ' 
 
 The Junta ordered a levy of 500,000 men. Only 
 about 100,000 responded.^ These were divided into 
 three armies ; the right under Palafox, the center 
 under Castanos, the left under Blake. 
 
 Napoleon arrived agam at Bayonne, November 3, 
 1808. Five days later he entered Spain with a great 
 army. November 9, Blake's center, the best army 
 of Spain, 12,000 troops and 7,000 armed peasants, 
 
 « Napier i, 166. 2 Ibid, 283. 
 
336 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 was smaslied at Gamoral, and all its ammunition and 
 stores at Burgos taken by the French under Marshal 
 Soult, who pitilessly sacked the town, destroyed 
 much property, and seized a great quantity of wool 
 owned by Spanish nobles. 
 Napoleon wrote : — 
 
 "The Infantado and Spanish great lords are sole proprietors of 
 half the kingdom of Naples, and in this kingdom they are worth no 
 less than 200.000,000 [francs]. They have beside possessions in 
 Belgium and Italy, which I intend to sequestrate. 
 
 The next day, November lo. Marshal Victor 
 knocked to pieces most of Blake's army at Espinosa, 
 leaving Blake, out of 25,000 men, little more than a 
 mob of 7,000, and many of these lost or threw 
 away their arms. Victor took many prisoners but dis- 
 persed many more. Blake again attacked, thrashed, 
 and reduced to 4,000 men he fled to the mountains. 
 The north of Spam was prostrated, fertile Castile 
 and Leon laid open to the enemy. 
 
 November 22, 40,000 Spaniards, commanded by 
 Castanos, were defeated at Tudela by Marshal Lannes, 
 who took several thousand prisoners, 30 cannon, and 
 all their ammunition and baggage, and dispersed many 
 more Spanish soldiers. Aragon, Navarre, and New 
 Castile, were opened to Napoleon's armies. 
 
 The Junta cashiered Blake and Castanos, and 
 made Romana chief commander. The Spaniards 
 seemed to throw down their arms and run away, only 
 to take arms again elsewhere. 
 
 Napoleon was advancing, November 30, 1808, on 
 Madrid. But he was north of the Guadarama moun- 
 tains, which formed a remarkable line of defense to 
 the Spanish capital province. Its passes are strong 
 places. He marched direct for the high Somo Pass. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 337 
 
 It was the last day of chilly November, 1808, when 
 the French reached its foot. They found it occupied 
 by San Juan, with about 12,000 Span- 
 iards. They were strongly posted, on Remarkable combat in 
 the right and left of the pass, pictur- ^'^^ clouds, 
 esquely rising in lines one behind an- 
 other, that the musket fire of all might cover the road 
 through the pass. From the French position below 
 the road ascended. Sixteen cannon in the mouth of 
 the pass frowned down upon the invaders, and threat- 
 ened death to the bold men who should dare to enter 
 that road. 
 
 That last autumn night hung solemn, heavy, over 
 the wild, lofty grandeur of the mountains. The 
 Spaniards were in the clouds. Under cover of the 
 night three French battalions crept up the awful steep 
 and got into the clouds toward the Spanish right ; 
 three more French battalions toward the Spanish left. 
 Up, higher and higher they climbed, and spread them- 
 selves over the mountain side. Daylight came and 
 dimly lighted the aim of their muskets. Their rapid 
 flashes were quickly answered by the fire of the 
 Spaniards. It was a veritable fight in the clouds of 
 heaven, as well as in the clouds of battle smoke. 
 The French made no further progress. They owed 
 it to the obscurity of the dense clouds that the Span- 
 iards had not hurled them headlong down the steep. 
 The place seemed impregnable. What could six 
 battalions of French do against 12,000 Spaniards who 
 hung upon the precipitous sides of the pass and held 
 it so strongly .'' The clouds mixed with the smoke of 
 exploding muskets hung more thick and lower down 
 the steep. Down there more French battalions, with 
 22 
 
338 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 six guns at their head, stood below the gap of the 
 pass. The sixteen Spanish cannon were loaded, 
 and ready to open fire on the head of the column as 
 soon as it should appear in view and in range. Na- 
 poleon's march to Madrid was there barred. He was 
 hastening to seize Madrid before General Castanos 
 could arrive to defend it. His object seemed foiled. 
 He listened to the cloud-wrapped musketry. Its 
 sound indicated no success. He rode forward and 
 attentively examined the strange scene ; he advanced 
 almost to the mouth of the pass ; he instantly decided. 
 Somebody must die. Who ? Some of those Polish 
 lancers, the front ranks of the Polish cavalry of his 
 guard. He ordered those bold, dark horsemen to 
 charge up the steep road, to seize the Spanish bat- 
 teries. Their ringing bugles sounded the charge. 
 Up, away dashed that gallant cavalry. A great flash, 
 a crash of thunders above them ; a wild, sharp rush- 
 ing of shot ; a sound as if an avalanche had started 
 down from its high place. Down leveled were riders 
 and horses ; the front ranks were crushed, gone ; all 
 the ranks were riddled ; the surviving horsemen were 
 in confusion. 
 
 Quickly they rallied. The cannon for a few mo- 
 ments were unloaded ; on them rushed the Poles, in 
 the smoke and vapor. As they passed, the Spanish 
 infantry on each side fired their muskets and fled 
 toward the summit ; the Poles cut down the gunners, 
 took the guns : the Spanish army were in flight, leav- 
 ing ammunition and baggage. "This surprising 
 exploit," says General Napier, "can hardly be paral- 
 leled in the annals of war." That the pass was not 
 intrenched, and the road so obstructed as to be im- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 339 
 
 passable by cavalry indicates incapacity in the Span- 
 ish general, San Juan. A few hours work of 1,000 
 men with pickaxes and shovels would have neutral- 
 ized the efforts of Napoleon's cavalry. It was 
 frequently his good fortune to meet incompetent 
 enemies. 
 
 Madrid was in anarchy ; multitudes of armed peas- 
 ants there imagined themselves soldiers : the streets 
 were barricaded, the houses pierced for musketry. 
 The populace were very violent ; murder was rife ; 
 popular violence had reached madness ; vengeance 
 had broken loose; bands of furies paraded the streets; 
 broke open the houses ; rang the bells incessantly ; 
 and made the city a very pandemonium. The re- 
 sources left to defend Madrid were too small. The 
 French cavalry appeared. Madrid was summoned to 
 surrender. It refused. But the Junta fled from 
 Aranjuez to Badajos. Madrid had never been forti- 
 fied ; now ramparts were improvised. 
 
 Napoleon himself arrived before Madrid, Decem- 
 ber 2. The attack soon began. The French took 
 the northern and the eastern gates in a few hours. 
 The resistance was most obstinate. Napoleon sum- 
 moned them to surrender and so spare their capital 
 the horrors of a general assault by a surrender. The 
 Spanish troops, under Castellar, withdrew in the night. 
 In the morning of December 4, Madrid surrendered. 
 The French disarmed the citizens and arrested sev- 
 eral great lords. Madrid was soon tranquil. Then 
 several Bonapartist decrees made wholesome reforms ; 
 abolished feudal rights, the Inquisition, and customs 
 duties between provinces, and reduced the number of 
 convents. But these much-needed improvements, 
 
340 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 being brought by force, were hateful to Spanish prej- 
 udices and even prepared the way for a reaction in 
 favor of the wicked Inquisition. 
 
 Marshal St. Cyr overran Catalonia which joins 
 France. The battle of Cardeden, December 15, gave 
 Barcelonia to the French. 
 
 The British ministry's instructions to Sir John 
 Moore were without a plan. He was merely directed 
 to form a plan vv^ith the Spanish authorities. The 
 Spanish defeat was not yet known in England. 
 They had lost the campaign, were scattered, almost 
 dispersed. What could a small British army of less 
 than 26,000 effective men do against Napoleon with 
 300,000 French.^ 
 
 The Spanish were unreliable for help to Spain or 
 even to give Moore reliable information ; they v^rere 
 selfish, inefficient.^ Before the British opened the 
 prospect of three hundred miles of winter march, to 
 gather up its scattered forces ; three hundred miles 
 more to reach the Ebro. There they hoped to con- 
 cert action with several independent generals, with 
 forces unconnected, their leaders jealous, quarrel 
 some ; their men different in many important partic- 
 ulars from the British, and especially hating all for- 
 eigners. What a prospect ! And this to fight 
 Napoleon, the most rapid and decided of men ; to 
 meet, under this renowned leader, the most famous 
 soldiers, the best disciplined army that had appeared 
 in modern ages ! And these too in overwhelming 
 numbers ! This was the task that George Ill's min- 
 istry had set to Moore's devoted little army. Stu- 
 pendous error ! No British ministry but George's 
 
 ' Xapier, Peninsula War. ^moore's Journal. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 341 
 
 ever committed the like. Any tradesman on the 
 Strand could have told them better. Even George's 
 pet son, the Duke of York, knew better ; he said the 
 widely divided Spanish armies were weak ; the con- 
 centrated French were strong ; that 60,000 men 
 ought and could be furnished ; that on arrival they 
 might find the Spanish beaten, and unaided have to 
 meet the French, just as happened. And this was 
 in Spain where the long repressed people knew not 
 how to control themselves now that the old govern- 
 ment was gone; where the common people were in 
 the hands of the priests and of very selfish incapa- 
 bles so dark-minded that they had recalled the Jes- 
 uits whom Catholic Charles III had expelled. 
 
 Moore wrote to Castlereagh, October 9, 1808 : 
 "The army is without equipment of any kind" to 
 convey artillery, ammunition or food ; and no maga- 
 zines, on the route. Yet he was required to march 
 against the French. 
 
 The Spanish, with singular inefficiency, did not 
 even inform him of the nature of the country, or 
 what their own armies were doing.^ They gave him 
 very little information, their reports made by country 
 people were frequently much exaggerated. 
 
 Sir David Baird landed a British army at Coruna 
 to co-operate with Moore. He, too, was left by the 
 British ministry without money.^ To him, too, the 
 Spanish did not fairly represent the condition of their 
 armies, and they gave him little correct information,^ 
 which was lacking because the country people " are 
 so slow, so talkative, and so credulous." * It was 
 Spanish assertion that Moore's army would be 8o,000 
 
 ' Sir D. Baird to Moore, December 9. - Moore to Hope, October 22. 
 3 Baird to Moore, November 23. * Boothby to Moore, January 1, 1809. 
 
342 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 men.^ They were really 23,500 British, and about 
 6,000 Spanish, a difference of 50,500. 
 
 Moore wrote to the ministry, November 24: — "i 
 am without a shilling of money." Yet Castlereagh 
 had just given $240,000 to Romana's Spanish army, 
 when Moore's British needed it to procure food and 
 supplies ! ^ Moore's journal and letters show that the 
 Spanish people gave him little aid, but led him into 
 peril by their mistaken statements and boasting- 
 But it was the incompetent ministry in England that 
 divided the British army into Moore's and Baird's 
 separate forces, to the great peril of both parts, and 
 left them without money or suitable means of trans- 
 port ; that had no plan of campaign, that thus fore- 
 ordained disaster.^ 
 
 The bold Moore was a grand soldier. He marched 
 across Portugal into Spain. He arrived at Salamanca 
 when the Spanish had received several defeats and 
 their little armies were scattered and demoralized, the 
 campaign already lost. 
 
 Napoleon, with 40,000 French, advanced from 
 Madrid to throw himself on the British rear. Moore 
 retreated north to Sahagun at almost a right angle 
 from Napoleon's approach. He had indifferent 
 Spanish support. Moore hoped to strike Soult a hard 
 blow in the nor'.h before he could be re-inforced. 
 Moore was irritated by the Spanish apathy. He be- 
 lieved that they would not make strenuous effort, 
 though the British were so active to aid them. 
 
 But the French were in such force that Moore 
 must retreat. The retreat was frightful. In their 
 destitution, in that strange country, pursued by the 
 
 ' Stuart to Moore, Xove.iaber 29. ' .Vloore to Fniy, Xovember 10. 
 
 »Napieri, 269-73. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 343 
 
 French, harrassed, wearied, on bad roads, lacking 
 proper information of the route, it was found impos- 
 sible to maintain strict discipline. Soldiers left the 
 road to depredate ; others became drunk and were 
 left behind;^ transportation was deficient. Many 
 men were lost from cold, fatigue and straggling. For 
 want of carriages the sick were left and baggage 
 abandoned. Soldiers pillaged houses and incensed 
 the people. Food was hard to get. Napoleon aban- 
 doned the pursuit to Soult and wrote to Joseph : — 
 "Your kingdom appears to me almost at peace." 
 
 British demoralization was severe when they halted 
 at Lago, January 9, 1809, exhausted by bad weather, 
 want of food, and excess of strong liquors. They 
 rested there three days and offered battle ; but the 
 French were not ready to fight. Then the long, 
 weary march was painfully resumed. The suffering 
 was severe. At last, January 11, 1809, Moore's 
 struggling, weary army came in sight of the sea. 
 The sight was disappointing. They had expected to 
 find British ships waiting there to receive them. 
 Not a sail was in sight in all that vast expanse. 
 They prepared to defend themselves. Five days 
 later the French attacked them. British ships were 
 just arriving. The battle of Coruna was fought to 
 gain embarkation. It was successful ; the army was 
 saved, but the heroic Moore, after his terrible strug- 
 gle against so many and so formidable obstacles was 
 about ending, was killed, and, 
 
 " V^Te left him alone in his glory." ^ 
 1 " Drunkenness here appeared in Irightfal colors." Alison iii, 105. 
 'The beautiful poem, " Burial of Sir John Moore," was published anony- 
 mously in 1817. It was by an, till then, unknown Irishman, Charles Wolfe, 
 who died in 1823, aged 32. 
 
344 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Yet the minister, Canning, tried to calumniate the 
 dead hero, because, with only part of an army which 
 the ministry had divided in two, without money, with- 
 out the necessary draft animals, without the needed 
 aid from the Spanish, Moore, with less than 24,000 
 effective British troops, and 6,000 Spanish, had not 
 been victorious over Napoleon with 300,000! Such 
 were the bad government influences that British 
 heroes had over them, for Moore and his officers 
 were heroes. A storm scattered the ships that bore 
 to England Moore's army. The troops landed at 
 various ports to startle the honest Britishers by their 
 ragged, worn appearance. 
 
 While the evacuation of Spain by the British was 
 actually happening. Canning, at London, signed a 
 convention with the Spanish rear-admiral, Apodaca, 
 binding Britain to close concert with Spain against 
 the French, and precluding any cession of Spanish 
 territory by the prisoner, Ferdinand VII ; to keep 
 Spanish ships, and the French ships at Cadiz, from 
 the French ; that a treaty of commerce should be 
 made. George III, at last, recommended increase of 
 the British force in Spain; but a few days later 
 brought the frightful news of suffering, toil, march- 
 ing, and retiring from Spain. The British parliament 
 voted money to Spain and Portugal. British officers 
 disciplined Portuguese troops, but Spanish pride long 
 repelled that kind of help. 
 
 Saragossa sustained a second terrible siege of sixty 
 days, December 24, 1808, to February 21, 1809. A 
 mass of human beings under Palafox were its defend- 
 ners ; behind its old convents, its high-walled houses, 
 everywhere without outside windows ; in its narrow, 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 345 
 
 crooked streets. The siege was energetic, the de- 
 fense desperate. The whole affair was extremely hor- 
 rible, sickening on both sides ; it far surpassed the 
 bounds of heroism ; it was revolting, more than 
 brutal ; too satanic for detailed description. The 
 French advanced only from one old building wall to 
 another. Many had miserably perished when, Janu- 
 ary 29, 1809, a general assault, long, fierce, terrific 
 and deadly, carried its outer walls. Then it ought 
 to have surrendered. Against an army of a civilized 
 country, no one has a right to prolong a hopeless de- 
 fense, especially when women, children and old men 
 are constantly exposed to the most frightful horrors 
 of worse than honorable war. Humanity can hardly 
 consider that siege ; infernal and of more than bar- 
 baric ferocity; as otherwise than dishonorable to both 
 parties. The wild, frenzied leaders compelled the 
 Spaniards to fight or perish on "a horrid array of 
 gibbets, on which crowds of wretches were suspended 
 because their courage sank."^ The defense was not 
 real, manly bravery, it was beastly, tiger-like, frenzied 
 ferocity. Said Lannes, the French commander : — 
 
 " Every house has to be taken by storm .... the siege of Sara- 
 gossa resembles in nothing, any war we have had .... in a word, 
 Sire, it is a horrible war." 
 
 It was war step by step, house to house, story to 
 story. Epidemic came and lent the French its re- 
 volting aid to diminish the numbers of the defenders. 
 At last the Spanish offered to surrender on terms 
 long before offered with the addition that they be 
 allowed to march away with certain covered carriages 
 and join the Spanish armies.^ These terms, designed 
 
 1 Napier. * Ibid. 
 
34:6 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 to cover plunder, were rejected by the French. The 
 French artillery then destroyed the church of Sara- 
 gossa's patron saint. This was a blow to the credu- 
 lous fanatics. Pestilence raged with direful celerity, 
 and swept off thousands of women, children, soldiers 
 and citizens. Several of the fanatic chiefs were 
 killed. Then the Spaniards offered to surrender the 
 place and march away if the peasants should not be 
 taken as prisoners, and, to add to the disgrace of 
 those miserably dishonorable fighting priests in the 
 town, if these bloody pretenders to the religion of the 
 peace-teaching Christ " could have their full revenues " 
 punctually ; and this shameful condition was proposed, 
 " at the particular request of the clergy." To stop 
 the most frightful siege of modern ages if the igno- 
 rant, bigoted priests would not lose money ! The 
 proposal was so disgraceful, so utterly unlike what 
 the respectable clergy of any nation would think of 
 demanding, that the unbeheving French rejected it 
 with indignation.! So the horrors went on. At 
 last, in dire extremity, the survivors surrendered. 
 The French gave honorable terms ; religion and 
 property were guaranteed. 
 
 Within Saragossa 54,000 human beings had per- 
 ished ; 6,000 corpses lay around in the streets and 
 under ruins ; 48,000 had fallen by disease ; 50,000 
 corpses were thrown into the Ebro ; ^ 16,000 sick 
 were ready to perish. 
 
 Engaged in the defense had been 50,000 armed 
 men. The French were about two-thirds that num- 
 ber, and in the heart of a hostile country. The 
 French did not lose above 4,000 men.^ With all the 
 
 * Napier. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 347 
 
 advantages of a strong city, 50,000 armed Spaniards 
 were besieged and beaten by 35,000 Frenchmen. 
 Was this heroism ? Why did not the 50,000 Span- 
 iards, at the first, meet and defeat the 35,000 French 
 in a battle and have no siege at all ? Yet the unsuc- 
 cessful, revolting, sickening defense has been greatly 
 extolled as heroism ! Saragossa is not creditable to 
 Spain nor to humanity. It w^as not the act of the bet- 
 ter Spanish, but of fanatic frenzy, of the infuriated, 
 ignorant. Spain has very many brighter pages than 
 this. It is not manly heroism that could think of 
 priests' revenues vs^hile thousands of their kindred, 
 women and helpless children w^ere frightfully perish- 
 ing before their eyes. Napier says that Palafox, their 
 nominal leader : — 
 
 " Can claim little credit for his conduct. For more than a month 
 preceding the surrender he never came forth from a vaulted building 
 which was impervious to shells .... where .... there is too 
 much reason to believe he, and others of both sexes, lived in a state 
 of sensuality." 
 
 XVI 
 AMERICA. 
 
 IT was navy that America needed, but Jefferson's 
 Congress of 1808 gave it army for which it had 
 no need, authorized 100,000 militia. For what could 
 militia be used .'' England insulted us only at sea 
 and abroad. Land soldiers against ships ! Raw 
 militia in America to protect vessels at sea ! How 
 could they ever meet to fight ^ The $5,000,000 thus 
 wasted would have doubled our navy. A hundred 
 
348 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 thousand militia and seven new regiments of regular 
 army and but 1,272 more seamen for our navy ! 
 Twenty-five insignificant little gun floats in our har- 
 bors to protect several thousands of miles of sea 
 coast. The new regiments brought in four new 
 brigadier-generals of poor material, two of whom 
 afterward dishonored our arms. These imbecile 
 ideas of Jefferson sent a laugh of derision through 
 America. They are still amusing. Navy officers 
 laughed, the people smiled broadly, and sailors 
 roared ; but Jefferson was really serious. Some of 
 his followers opposed a navy because, they said, it 
 made executive patronage. It was deplorable for the 
 President to appoint a navy captain, but laudable for 
 him to make brigadier-generals. But it was Jeffer 
 son's partisans who got the new army commissions ; 
 that was different. 
 
 In the elections of 1808 Madison, Monroe, and De 
 Witt Clinton wanted the presidency. Jefferson chose 
 the least capable, the most unsuitable, Madison ; and 
 his party, as usual, acquiesced. The Federalists sup- 
 ported for president, C. C. Pinckney of South Car- 
 olina, and for vice-president, Rufus King. 
 
 In 1808, merchants of Hull, Manchester, Liver- 
 pool, and London petitioned the British government 
 for repeal of the odious Orders in Council. Lord 
 Erskine, Henry Brougham, Mr. A. Baring, and 
 other Whigs vigorously advocated the repeal, called 
 the Orders unconstitutional and repugnant to law 
 of nations as they really were. It was in vain. 
 The Tory parliament passed an act afifirming them* 
 and fixed the tax on neutral vessels. 
 
 Jefferson's conciliatory words in his first term won 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 349 
 
 increase to his party, but embargo made great clamor in 
 the North, and new opposition from business quarters. 
 Congress gave ^1,000,000 to fortify harbors; 
 ;^852,ooo to build 188 more useless gun floats ; ^i,- 
 000,000 for the 100,000 militia, and ordered seven 
 regiments of 6,600 regular army. Small boats ver- 
 sus British ships of the line ! Militia versus British 
 frigates ! Such was Jefferson's defensive policy. 
 
 Business men, merchants, seamen, asked permis- 
 sion to arm their vessels and defend them. Jefferson 
 refused it. There was no heroism in his policy. 
 
 George Ill's folly provoked this embargo ; Jeffer- 
 son's greater folly laid it. Napoleon's Berlin Decree 
 insulted, injured America but Jefferson's embargo 
 aided Napoleon who wronged and opposed all com- 
 merce. The embargo pleased Napoleon, 
 
 Then came the patriotic uprising of Spain in 1808, 
 against Napoleon Britain ceased its war on Spain 
 and revoked its Orders in Council so far as the Span- 
 ish trade. Then opened again for trade, Spain, Port- 
 ugal, Mexico, Cuba, South America, Central America. 
 Brazil was already open. So were many other ports 
 of the world : Canada, and all the world that is 
 further south than France and Italy, — a vast field for 
 trade. All the great whaling seas were open. Then 
 Americans asked repeal of Jefferson's embargo, which 
 forbade to sail abroad a single American ship. Jef- 
 ferson refused ; England taxed our ships and cargoes 
 that were going to French dominions ; he said tax is 
 tribute, dependence; save our property and seamen 
 by keeping them at home; let Europe have time to 
 revise its conduct. This great trade, profitable and de- 
 sirable, offered to America, rejected by Jefferson, was 
 
350 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 mostly taken by the British. Jefferson disliked the 
 English ; his embargo was made on purpose to dam- 
 age England, to coerce her into relinquishing her 
 restrictions on our trade, and her search and seizures, 
 and Jefferson, by his short-sighted policy, rewarded 
 his favorite enemy by all this rich commerce of which 
 he deprived his own countrymen ! Immense coun- 
 tries desired our vessels and our products of industry, 
 but still Jefferson insisted that it remain unlawful for 
 an American ship to sail the great seas of the world. 
 
 Jefferson offered repeal of the embargo in exchange 
 for repeal of the Orders in Council, and the decrees 
 of Berlin, Milan, and that of Bayonne, which ordered 
 confiscation of every American ship in France or to 
 arrive. Canning replied ironically, he could afford 
 irony with Jefferson ; Napoleon did not answer at all. 
 Practically, Jefferson's offer to Napoleon amounted to 
 a proposal to make war on England if Napoleon 
 would repeal his decrees and England should not 
 revoke the Orders.^ 
 
 Our envoy to France, Armstrong, wrote to Jeffer- 
 son that the embargo was not felt in France, and was 
 forgotten in England. Armstrong wanted armed 
 commerce instead of embargo. Sensible Armstrong ! 
 It would be more respectable, more manly, more 
 likely to command respect abroad. He said: — "It 
 is believed that we cannot do much and will not do 
 what little we can." 
 
 At home, opposition to embargo became more in- 
 tense. Embargo hurt the North and Maryland, and 
 Delaware, far more than it did England or France. 
 It was war against American industry in favor of its 
 foreign rivals. 
 
 'Jefferson's instructions to our envoys, Pinckney and Armstrong. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 35I 
 
 But embargo was frequently evaded. Ships would 
 sail ; commerce is a part of civilization ; it would 
 assert itself. Jefferson tried force. He sent General 
 Wilkinson, — the officer who had acted dishonorably 
 in the Burr treason affair in the South, — with part of 
 the new army to Lake Champlain, to act against New 
 York and Vermont trade with our neighbor, Canada. 
 He sent his little gun floats against trade from our 
 eastern ports. Lest Britain should tax our ships 
 passing her to go to France, Jefferson's armed cruisers 
 chased, captured, and made prize of our vessels off 
 our own ports. 
 
 Canning's reply to Jefferson was that the embargo 
 was not impartial ; since France had been the first 
 aggressor it ought to be against France alone : nor 
 could Britain buy off an improper hostile measure by 
 the concession asked, if made really to benefit France, 
 against which the Orders were originally aimed. And 
 if embargo was merely municipal as said, what con- 
 nection had it with Britain's retaliation against her 
 enemies.'' The Berlin Decree attempted to over- 
 throw British power and commerce. Europe was 
 induced or compelled to join in it. American em- 
 bargo unintentionally, but unfortunately aided the 
 Continental System just when that aid was most 
 conducive to its success, now unlikely. The Orders 
 were to retaliate on that system. He denied British 
 hostility to the United States. Without deprecating 
 the embargo as hostility, he said he was anxious to 
 remove that inconvenience to the Americans. This 
 experiment might teach that Britain is not so depen- 
 dent on American trade as to court it. 
 
 Jefferson's efforts to stop by force the evasions of 
 
352 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 the embarf^o caused bloody encounters and then trea- 
 son indictments. But Judge Livingstone decided 
 that no rcsistence to law, however extensive or vio- 
 lent, is treason if overthrow of the government is not 
 its object. Juries, too, were averse to convicting, so 
 treason charges had little effect. Jefferson's power 
 was not equal to his intent. 
 
 A special British envoy, Mr. Rose, arrived January 
 13, 1808. He was authorized to settle the Chesa- 
 peake affair. He said he could not do that until the 
 President's proclamation which ordered British armed 
 vessels out of American waters should be withdrawn. 
 Our government was willing that this withdrawal and 
 the reparation should bear the same date : it also 
 insisted on including a settlement of the impress- 
 ment question. Mr. Rose declined all this and he 
 returned to England. Canning made a great error 
 by not making the Chesapeake reparation even with- 
 out a treaty, to remove the irritation made and con- 
 tinued by it. 
 
 The embargo act had offered the bribe that the 
 President could suspend its operations against either 
 belligerent that should withdraw its oppressive edicts 
 toward neutrals, but like most other leading measures 
 of Jefferson's presidency, it made miserable failure. 
 Jefferson's policy withheld idle sailors and idle ves- 
 sels from the Spanish trade to the great damage of 
 the liberal Spanish patriots when besieged in Cadiz, 
 certainly an un-American policy. 
 
 As we find much to admire in the career of Wil- 
 liam Pitt before 1793 and monstrous faults beginning 
 that year, so of Jefferson prior to and from 1807. 
 His oppressive embargo irritated the opposition to 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 353 
 
 use refractory language, and these rash words in turn 
 encouraged the British government to persist in its 
 injurious regulations. 
 
 Of the terrible effects of the embargo in America, 
 Jefferson's great biographer, warm admirer, antl 
 strong partisan, Mr. Randall, writing forty years 
 later, in cool effrontery says : — 
 
 " That measure (the embargo) unquestionably bore with severity on 
 the interests of every great class. The farmer lost his markets, and had 
 to pay enormously increased prices for such imported articles as he 
 used. The merchant lost his trade, the mariner his occupation .... 
 It was a period of financial embarrassments, — a time for economies, 
 — an occasion for those commercial stop-laws which constitutions do 
 not permit."' ' 
 
 And then of its still more direful effects on the 
 helpless poor of England, Randall adds in a spirit of 
 cruel exultation : — 
 
 ** Her (England's) annual exports to the United States had already 
 reached about $50,000,000. This money was paid for the labor of 
 innumerable artisans and it kept a multitude of manufacturing estab- 
 lishments in operation. Her exports and the imports received in re- 
 turn gave employment to an important branch of England's merchant 
 marine. These several interests did not merely depend on the occu- 
 pation thus given for profits or for surplus earnings, but to a consid- 
 erable extent for the actual materials for subsistance. If the artisans 
 of England were thrown out of employment they did not disappear 
 like a speck among a population overstocked with an unsalable sur- 
 plus of food. In thirty-six hours after the manufacturing establish- 
 ment stopped one-half of its hands began to feel the pangs of hunger. 
 A week or a fortnight brought the most provident of them to the 
 same pass. The English operative, bred all his life exclusively to 
 one kind of labor, could not, like an American, turn his hand readily 
 to another. If he could there was no unfilled place where he might 
 step in, as in America, and acquire a ready subsistence for his family. 
 From the United States the cessation of commerce called forth 
 grumblings on full stomachs, — from England it would soon draw out 
 a shriek of starvation from a class."' 
 
 1 Life of JetTerson. 
 
 23 
 
354 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 But it was not the British people but tlie govern- 
 ment of George III that committed the offenses 
 against us. The British people did not then as they 
 do now, choose the House of Commons which now 
 rules the government. It is a spirit far from being 
 above criticism that could thus cruelly destroy the 
 vast value of American commerce in order to hurt 
 the feelings of the obtuse George III, it could not 
 destroy his personal comfort nor that of his favorite 
 minister, Perceval, both already hardened by long 
 years of wide-spread human suffering caused, in jiart, 
 by them. For what else was the embargo ? It struck 
 at the real aggressors only through "the destruction 
 of that class," the common English, who were power- 
 less to prevent, and no more responsible for, the 
 Orders in Council and the impressments, than was 
 Jefferson himself, but were themselves defenseless 
 victims of press gangs. Jefferson's provocation was 
 from the British government ; his retaliation was on 
 the British people ; it was also on the Americans. 
 
 Widely different are war between governments and 
 war against a people. Napoleon's early wars in Italy 
 were conflicts between governments ; whoever won 
 the people acquiesced ; so were his wars of 1805 and 
 1809 with Austria ; his war of 18 12 was against both 
 Russia and its people. However the American and 
 British governments may differ, there ought never to 
 be a war between these kindred peoples. Wars be- 
 tween peoples are much the worst of wars. 
 
 But Jefferson overreached himself; his embargo 
 gave to English vessels much business and its profits 
 that, without embargo, Americans would have had. 
 British vessels even appeared in Napoleon's ports, 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 355 
 
 pretending to be Americans, fabricated ship papers 
 were extensively used. Customs officers in many 
 ports tried not to detect these practices. 
 
 For what must England depend on America .-' 
 For wheat .? Cattle .-' Hemp } No : Russia, Poland, 
 the Levant, India were glad to supply these things. 
 For Timber .'' Naval stores .'* No, for Norway, Swe- 
 den, Russia were eager to furnish these articles. 
 For sugar } Rice ? Fruits .'' Tobacco ? The British 
 colonies sent these. Coal .-* Iron } America did not 
 produce coal and iron : England had these at home 
 in abundance. Fish .? Oil .'' England had great fish- 
 cries while embargo almost destroyed ours. Embargo 
 flung away our privilege of carrying these articles 
 from other lands to England. Cotton .-* Yes, Eng- 
 land wanted our cotton. Three months after embargo 
 was laid, the British parliament passed an act, March 
 25, 1808, to require neutral vessels to take British 
 license and pay transit duties. This was requiring 
 tribute. It was unjustifiable. It would be ;^6,5oo on 
 a cargo of ^43,500 worth of cotton, beside other fees 
 of about ;^2,ooo; or about ^13,000 on an American 
 cargo of 400 hogsheads of tobacco. Many neutral 
 vessels, many that were American, took such British 
 licenses and British protection. With better reason 
 Britain opened its West India ports to our vessels, 
 that without clearances, illegally escaped the embargo 
 of our ports. 
 
 Jefferson wrote to General Dearborn, August 9, 
 1808, that insurrection was threatened in Boston if 
 importation of flour was stopped, and said he, " the 
 next post will stop it." The resistence was such that 
 he advised Governor Tompkins of New York to send 
 
356 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 militia where Jefferson had sent regulars, to the Cana- 
 dian frontier. " Military force became necessary to 
 support the authority of the revenue officers in sev- 
 eral of our eastern ports and gunboats were sent into 
 those ports for that purpose," ^ as against an enemy. 
 
 The embago appears to have been as strictly en- 
 forced against France as against England, though 
 France pretended to except Americans from the ef- 
 fects of the Decrees of Berlin and Milan until several 
 months after the embargo existed. Jefferson long 
 believed this fraudulent pretense of Napoleon was 
 true. He wrote to Eppes, September 20, li 
 
 " His (Bonaparte's) beginning now for the first time to condemn 
 our vessels augurs notliing friendly." 
 
 Strange, indeed, if France had remained " friendly " 
 when its trade with us was embargoed. But Napo- 
 leon had, all along, sequestrated our vessels and 
 cargoes ready for confiscation. It was only March, 
 1808, that he issued his Bayonne Decree to seize and 
 confiscate every American vessel in France and all 
 that should arrive. 
 
 Great Britain had the greatest commercial fleets the 
 world had ever seen. Its navy had almost swept 
 from the ocean its massive enemies and rivals by its 
 victories at Trafalgar and its many other conquests 
 upon and beyond the seas ; supply ports were open 
 to it in many parts of the world ; yet it was the con- 
 ceited opinion of Jefferson and his violent partisans, 
 particularly in Virginia, that England could not sub- 
 sist without American trade, while, in fact, England 
 could obtain elsewhere all she needed of supplies, 
 with the profits of the carrying trade beside. Jeffer- 
 
 1 RaudaU iii, 262. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 357 
 
 son's fatuitous flinging to her our carrying trade 
 abroad, from foreign countries to England and Europe 
 was making the British an ungracious present of 
 much of our rich business, to the injury of America 
 and the British poor working class. 
 
 Jefferson's majority in Congress felt warlike ; it 
 authorized him to equip our four frigates carrying but 
 144 guns in all. Great Britain had a navy more than 
 a hundred times greater than ours. 
 
 The opposition held that embargo is unconstitu- 
 tional. Talk of disunion was heard ; it seems to have 
 been mere talk. Jefferson and Madison had both 
 once held that a state may nullify the acts of the 
 General Government. Jefferson was the author^ of 
 the Kentucky nullifications resolutions of 1798, and 
 Madison those a little later by Virginia. This was 
 now bitterly retorted on them. Yet eight legisla- 
 tures, those of New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Ohio, 
 Kentucky, Virginia, and North and South Carolina, 
 resolved for the embargo. The whole country was 
 agitated, embittered ; everybody was angry ; incubus 
 was upon all business. Party spirit was oppressive, 
 rampant; its spite did not die out for many a year. 
 
 January, 1809, Congress threatened to make the 
 embargo more strict. Then appeared danger of civil 
 war; the country was aflame. Congress, still more 
 excited, passed an act calling together the new Con- 
 gress in May, to repeal embargo and accept war with 
 England. 
 
 When Jefferson's war on our commerce began, 
 many planters believed that injury to our vessels and 
 cargoes could harm only the commercial men and 
 trading parts of the country, not the soil cultivators ; 
 
 1 Jeffersou'3 Works. Jefferson to Nicholas. 
 
358 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 they looked with complacency on a seizure when the 
 sufferer was a Boston or Baltimore merchant, but 
 when their unsold cotton and tobacco crops lay on 
 their hands unsalable, their feelings, their pocket in- 
 terests were aroused ; and when England put a 25 
 per cent tax on cotton reshipped from England, the 
 South v>^as aroused. England's heavy license tax on 
 tobacco trade to Europe stirred the Southern pocket 
 to its depths. The Jefferson party were willing to 
 ruin all of New York and Philadelphia's rich trade 
 abroad in order to distress British workmen, because 
 the British king and ministry over whom British 
 workmen had little or no more control than had the 
 slaves on Jefferson's plantation, had taxed cotton and 
 tobacco, had prevented its free market in Europe. 
 These plantation men called for war. "Want of rev- 
 enue, want of ships, want of objects of attack, destruc- 
 tion of commerce, danger to our liberties from stand- 
 ing armies, are nothing but disguises for want of 
 patriotism and contemptible cowardice," was the 
 somewhat mixed declaration of Williams of South 
 Carolina, in Congress, while he blindly opposed hav- 
 ing an American navy, and declaimed that he would 
 like to burn our few war ships, but he wanted war in 
 America to free cotton from tax in England ! This is 
 a specimen of the logic of many partisans of those 
 times. 
 
 When Joseph Story, the great lawyer, a Democrat, 
 wanted fifty fast sailing frigates to swarm on many 
 seas and keep thrice that number of British war ships 
 busy to watch them, scarcely a member south of Del- 
 aware sustained his proposal, and Williams declaimed 
 that if the rights of Americans were only so to be 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 359 
 
 saved he was for abandoning them at once. Eager 
 for war for cotton he was against defense of vessels 
 or of manufactured goods, and he talked of "self- 
 sacrifice of the South and selfishness of the North." 
 
 The bill to more strictly enforce the embargo 
 passed the fatuitous Senate, December 21, i8oS, by the 
 decisive vote of twenty to seven. It aroused violent 
 excitement in the commercial states : several customs 
 collectors resigned ; newspapers appeared in mourn- 
 ing ; resistance, even disunion were advocated ; town 
 meetings protested ; they called upon state legisla- 
 tures for relief. On the question of the powers of 
 state and of the general governments both parties 
 had reversed position. Jefferson's once "States 
 Rights " party had now become the party of strong, 
 central national rule ; the Federalists had become the 
 States Right party. 
 
 The enforcing act passed finally, January 13, 1809. 
 Collectors must, under its provisions, take charge of 
 loading vessels, a really spy system, and allow no 
 infractions of embargo. The president's power over 
 trade was made despotic. Jefferson called on all 
 state governors to hold ready militia to aid collectors; 
 he was authorized to hire thirty more vessels to 
 cruise against American commerce, to capture Amer- 
 ican vessels if found at sea on their own risk. Jef- 
 ferson's policy was far more injurious to Americans 
 than were the British Orders. Not a boat, not a 
 baggage wagon, but might be seized on complaint of 
 any informer who might be tempted by the Act's offer 
 of half the goods and half of a fine of four times 
 their value ! Dwelling-houses might be searched for 
 evidence of contraband goods. Even trade between 
 
360 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 town and town in the same state was infringed. To 
 this astonishing extent had these Jefferson men, so 
 lately ultra advocates of local rule and against central 
 power, become extreme oppressors of States, and of 
 local business and trade. 
 
 The eastern states were now lost to Jefferson's 
 party. In February, 1809, Massachusetts' General 
 Court declared the enforcing act " unjust, oppressive, 
 unconstitutional, and not legally binding," and ad- 
 vised resort to state courts to prevent its execution. 
 Business men threatened the impeders of business 
 with counter suits in state courts. 
 
 Napoleon's Berlin Decree was but revival of a de- 
 cree of the French Directory of 1798 which Wash- 
 ington and John Adams had regarded as an act of 
 war against America. The Massachusetts' legisla- 
 ture spoke out February 3, 1809 : — 
 
 "Let Congress repeal the embargo, annul the convention with 
 France, forbid all commercial intercourse with French dominions, 
 arm our public and private ships, and unfurl the republican banner 
 against the imperial standard. This done, the English Orders would 
 cease to operate." 
 
 Petitions against embargo flooded that General Court. 
 A bill was passed to prohibit search of dwellings 
 without sworn warrants, but the Jefferson acting gov- 
 ernor, Lincoln, vetoed it. Another Lincoln, collector 
 of Boston, resigned rather than enforce the act. 
 Many collectors resigned. 
 
 The commandant of the Boston harbor fort re- 
 ceived government orders from Washington to allow 
 no vessel to pass. All the vessels had their flags at 
 half-mast. The excitement was very great. 
 
 In Congress were bitter debates. The able John 
 Randolph of Virginia saw clearer than Jefferson ; he 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 361 
 
 warned the president to beware of measures so 
 dangerous. 
 
 Governor Lincoln selected militia in Massachusetts 
 to aid to enforce embargo. This act was illegal ; to 
 military officers belonged the making of all details ; so 
 Lincoln had the mortification of failure. 
 
 The Henry excitement was a great stir made over 
 a rumor that the tough old soldier governor of Can- 
 ada, James Craig, whose rule was so singular that 
 England recalled him, had sent one John Henry to 
 Boston to arrange with and comfort the disaffected; 
 that neutrality of the eastern states in the embargo 
 struggle was to be rewarded by England with free 
 commerce. These rumors seem to have been ill- 
 founded, but they were paraded for effect, and, three 
 years later, in February, 1812, Mr, Madison gave 
 Henry ^50,000 of government's money for Henry's 
 papers, which proved nothing after all. Jefferson's 
 two accounts of the matter, one written in 1809, ^^^ 
 other in 1825, differ.^ 
 
 It was in 1809 that senator John Quincy Adams 
 got his great fright and hurried to Washington with 
 the story that Massachusetts would forcibly resist the 
 embargo and dissolve the Union, and call in British 
 aid, a charge re-produced twenty years later to obtain 
 Jefterson partisan support for his election as presi- 
 dent. But Jefferson was disinclined to believe this. 
 He wrote that this would be the last state to really 
 dissolve the Union, so dependent was it on the other 
 states. 
 
 Governor Trumbull of Connecticut declined to 
 detach state militia to aid embargo, as Jefferson's 
 
 1 Jefferson to Monroe, Jan. 27, 1809; Randall's Jefferson iii, 293. 
 
362 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 circular required. He believed it to be illegal to so 
 use the militia, and the legislature took the same 
 ground, and this attempt of a president to command 
 state militia failed, because it was an attempt to usurp 
 unlawful powers. 
 
 Russia, offended at Napoleon's assuming so much 
 northern sway ; at his hasty marriage with an Aus- 
 trian ; at his increase of Warsaw ; at his refusal to 
 ratify the Polish treaty ; and pressed by Napoleon's 
 many Russian enemies, was kept quiet, though res- 
 tive, by her own great effort to rob Turkey of Rou- 
 mania. How long could it last ? 
 
 Russia argued that all Americans were not smug- 
 glers ; some were lawful traders ; that Russia would 
 admit those that were lawful ; that deprived of British 
 trade she desired to retain that of the Americans ; 
 but here again Jefferson and Madison appeared as 
 enemies to American interests ; their embargoes and 
 non-intercourse acts forbade American vessels to be 
 abroad, in Russia or elsewhere ! It was Jefferson 
 theory vs. common sense. 
 
 For neutral trade it was true that the Americans 
 were constantly running the embargo in spite of Jef- 
 ferson ; and great numbers of American vessels staid 
 abroad to keep out of the ruinous grasp of Jefferson's 
 unfriendly acts. But the existence of the embargo 
 furnished Napoleon the argument that they could not 
 be lawful American traders in Russia when it was 
 unlawful for an American ship to be anywhere abroad. 
 So Jefferson's influence was against Russia, and 
 against American trade with Russia. Just so in case 
 of Sweden. 
 
 The English ministry would not allow an Ameri- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 3(J3 
 
 caa vessel to pass without paying British navigation 
 fees or taking a British cargo. Napoleon seized 
 American vessels or compelled them to give him 
 one-half their cargo ; thus between Jefferson, who 
 would keep American ships to rot at the wharves, 
 and King George, who made them pay high British 
 license, and Napoleon, who seized one-half their 
 cargo, and perhaps the whole, and the ship too, Am- 
 erican commerce had a hard trial for existence. Yet 
 with all these enemies the owners who kept their 
 vessels abroad were finding lucrative commerce in 
 many places. 
 
 In 1809 England wanted bread. It needed naval 
 stores. It then allowed all vessels, even of enemies, 
 to bring these essentials. They ran out of Boston, 
 New York, Charleston, and other American ports, 
 chased, perhaps, by Jefferson's small, inefficient war 
 vessels, eluded the embargo, and were welcomed by 
 hungry men in England to whom they brought Am- 
 erican food, for which they perhaps received British 
 goods, landed them at a second good profit in Rus- 
 sia, and brought back to England cargoes of Russian 
 naval stores, which the British so much needed that 
 they were ready to pay a good price. All these arti- 
 cles paid duty which fell really on the consumer in 
 Britain in the enhanced price. At that time vessels 
 entered the Thames from Russia, Holland, Belgium, 
 and Hanse Towns, nations at war with Enj,land. But 
 in 18 10 British vessels entered France, under those 
 licenses which Napoleon sold to enrich himself, with 
 indigo, cochineal, dyes, fish, leather, and other arti- 
 cles which Napolean invited them to bribe him to 
 allow. They were required to take away part cargo 
 
3(34 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 of silks or other French goods. But Manchester 
 goods and Birmingham iron ware, coffee, and sugar 
 he still forbade entry to the empire. French silks 
 were prohibited in England ; so these vessels, com- 
 pelled to carry them in part cargo to the British 
 coast, committed them to smugglers ; great inconve- 
 nience to little profit. 
 
 Georgians were selling their cotton regardless of 
 the embargo when a new British Order in Council, 
 December 21, 1808, prohibited re-export of cotton and 
 all American products from England, instead of the 
 British heavy duties on every pound. This act struck 
 directly at the American planters. No longer could 
 they reach the continent by way of English markets. 
 Now the lately harmonious Jefferson party were be- 
 coming divided. Then came a political panic. The 
 alarm spread to Congress ; a plan was started to re- 
 peal the embargo in June and then have war with 
 England ; but the excitement became wild. A mo- 
 tion to repeal it from March 15, against all but British 
 and French, passed the strongly Jeffersonian House, 
 February 3, although Congress had just passed an 
 act calling an extra session of Congress in June, "for 
 repealing the embargo in June and resuming and 
 maintaining by force our right of navigation." Jef- 
 ferson wrote : — 
 
 "I thought Congress had taken their ground firmly for continuing 
 the embargo till June and then war. But a sudden and unaccountable 
 revolution in opinion took place the last week, chiefly among the 
 New England and New York members, and in a kind of panic they 
 voted the repeal of the embargo, and by such a majority as gave all 
 reason to believe that they would not agree either to war or non- 
 intercourse." ^ 
 
 The embargo had broken down March 9, by its 
 
 1 Jefferson's Works. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 3G5 
 
 own weight. Jefferson was mortified. He accused 
 of producing the panic a member of his own party, 
 Judge Story of Salem, Massachusetts, who was a 
 member but a few days to fill a vacancy. In our 
 Congress few or none have accomplished so great 
 result from so short membership. Congress passed 
 acts that the new Congress should meet in May ; that 
 the act forbidding imports of certain English goods 
 is repealed ; that exports to France and Britain are 
 prohibited, and all imports after May 20; this act to 
 expire at the end of that session, but the president 
 might extend the time for the act to go into effect. 
 If either France or Britain enabled the president to 
 proclaim that it had ceased to violate our commerce, 
 then this act should cease toward that nation and its 
 trade be open, but remain closed against either that 
 should persist. It authorized the president to equip 
 vessels for defense. 
 
 Early in 1808, the legislatures of New England, 
 elected by the Jefferson party before the embargo 
 folly (except Connecticut), four of the Middle States, 
 and North and South Carolina, asked Jefferson to be 
 a candidate for a third term of four years, but he de- 
 clined. A congressional caucus, January 22, 1808, 
 nominated for president, James Madison of Virginia; 
 for vice-president, George Clinton of New York. 
 Monroe, a better statesman than Madison, was dis- 
 appointed that he was not selected for president. It 
 was a great mistake ; but Jefferson was able to name 
 the man for nomination by his party, and he pre- 
 ferred Madison. The Federalists' candidates were: 
 for president, Charles C. Pinckney of South Carolina ; 
 for vice-president, Rufus King. The election of 
 
366 TJMTEB STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 November, 1808, gave Madison 122 electoral votes to 
 47 for Pinckney. 
 
 Jefferson left the presidency March 4, 1809, after 
 eight years' rule. His administration had been in 
 several remarkable respects diametrically opposite to 
 the favorite theories on which he had been first 
 elected, and, still more remarkable, his devoted party 
 had followed his reversal of their cherished opinions. 
 He tried to govern too much ; he was unwilling to let 
 citizens rule their own affairs. His avowed senti- 
 ments pledged him to a strict construction of the 
 Constitution, and to local, reserved States Rights of 
 everything not specially granted to the general gov- 
 ernment in defined terms. When Monroe and Liv- 
 ingston, — wiser than he, — without law or instruc- 
 tions from him, bought Louisiana, he accepted the 
 wise act, although he believed it violated the Consti- 
 tution. But they, not he, are entitled to the credit 
 of this great act of statesmanship. His embargo acts 
 were not only extremely unwise, but his attempts to 
 override state laws and private rights in his principle 
 of embargo, and his mode of attempting to enforce it, 
 were arbitrary, despotic, in defiance of the interests 
 of citizens and the real legal power of the president, 
 and he was repeatedly doing what courts held as 
 illegal. Prior to 1 801, Jefferson decidedly professed 
 extreme regard for the right of men to exercise each 
 his own judgment in his own personal affairs ; but his 
 embargo was to the very extreme opposed to any such 
 just liberty. It was rushed through the House at 
 dead of night, in secret session, and never was Amer- 
 ican commercial act more worthy of darkness, mental, 
 moral and political darkness, and midnight secrecy. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 3fi7 
 
 The boldest Federalist would never have dared to 
 carry centralized power to so very alarming and really 
 dangerous extreme. He so far passed their ideas of 
 arbitrary central power that they fought him from the 
 ground that he had occupied till he became president, 
 a great lesson of how {he ins and outs of power 
 change a man's actions. Few persons really know 
 what they would do if intrusted with power. Old 
 "States Rights" Jefferson men now were advocating 
 implicit central obedience ; old central power Feder- 
 alists were now loudly declaiming state and local 
 rights. With Jefferson went out the panic-stricken 
 Congress. The surplus of $ 1 7,000,000, — a great sum 
 in those days, — with which Jefferson had entered on 
 embargo, was gone. Jefferson's second term had not 
 been honorable, creditable or advantageous to Amer- 
 icans. It was bad statesmanship badly executed. 
 Men who may claim to be his disciples should state 
 whether they mean of Jefferson before, orthe changed 
 Jefferson after he became president, or such claim is 
 unintelligible. 
 
 In a full suit of clothes of American make, Madison 
 took the official oath as president. 
 
 Embargo had helped to start home manufacture. 
 A well-adjusted tariff would have done it better. 
 
 Madison, an irresolute man, called to his cabinet 
 three weak men : Robert Smith became Secretary 
 of State ; Dr. Eustis, War ; Paul Hamilton, Navy ; 
 the outlook was not good. But the able Switz, Albert 
 Gallatin was Secretary of the Treasury. The cabinet 
 contained only these four places. 
 
3(38 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 In the United States, embargo made exit March 9, 
 1 809 ; Congress repealed it ; forbade our vessels 
 to sail or to engage in any foreign commerce, 
 and excluded British and French vessels from enter- 
 ing our ports after May 20, 1809, on penalty of con- 
 fiscation. Few French vessels could reach America 
 without capture by British cruisers, it was folly, only 
 an irritation to Napoleon to pass this act to forbid 
 them, it provoked him to heavy retaliation in the 
 next year. 
 
 Many American vessels, avoiding the unfriendly 
 embargo of Jefferson were already abroad where they 
 remained, took British cargoes of colonial products to 
 England, with British licenses, sometimes at their 
 own account, oftener on account of British, Dutch, 
 Russian, Danish, or Hanse merchants, put to sea, 
 under British convoy if it was necessary, entered 
 north Europe ports, sometimes French ports, as 
 neutrals, pretended they had not been to England, 
 obtained credence from local officers willing to be 
 deceived, and landed cargoes. 
 
 When Congress passed this absurd prohibition of 
 American commerce, Holland itself was not block- 
 aded ; it was not until seven weeks later, April 26, 
 1809, when the ministry had heard of the new act of 
 Congress, that they declared Holland in blockade.^ 
 In May they suspended this blockade for a time, to 
 suit the Erskine affair. 
 
 Official returns named above 4,000 men impressed 
 by the British since the French war began, of which 
 not a fifth were British subjects. 
 
 » Lyman's Diplomacy, 277. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUBOPE. 3(3y 
 
 "The American consul at London estimated the number of im- 
 pressments during the war at nearly three times the amount of names 
 returned." ^ 
 
 Randall ^ says : — 
 
 " Our minister in England believed that it was more to destroy our 
 rivalry in commerce and navigation than to directly affect France, 
 that the Orders in Council had been issued." 
 
 This is doubtful. But if so then Jefferson and Con- 
 gress gave most efficient aid to George Ill's hostile 
 design, for embargo hurt our commerce far more 
 than the British damaged it. 
 
 Mr. Erskine, a frank, honorable man, came as Brit- 
 ish envoy. British Whigs in parliament had attacked 
 so vehemently the Orders in Council, that in April, 
 1809, the ministry so modified them as to open to 
 Americans the Baltic, the German ocean, part of 
 Italy, and the Dutch colonies. This gave Americans 
 free access to Russian and Swedish ports, even 
 against Napoleon's bitter opposition. British ships 
 arriving in Russian waters had been seized by Rus- 
 sia, to gratify the vengeful Napoleon. Then British 
 merchants employed great numbers of American ves- 
 sels in their trade with Russia, because of the great 
 risk that the Czar would continue to confiscate British 
 ships. This trade was very profitable to Americans. 
 
 Southern planters' unsalable crops had accumu- 
 lated ; their money was gone, their credit lost, very 
 emphatic dullness had settled on their farms, even 
 Jefferson's own plantation was now suffering from 
 loss of tobacco market. Still they had not fully 
 learned that there are intimate relations between 
 farming and freighting, that successful farming re- 
 quires open transportation. 
 
 iKandaU's Life of Jelferson. *Ibid. 
 
370 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 The British basis given to Mr. Erskine was : — 
 
 1. The actual exclusion of British and French 
 war vessels from our waters to be equal. 
 
 2. England would renew the disavowal of the 
 Chesapeake affair, restore the three men. 
 
 3. She would reserve the right to claim seamen 
 deserters of British birth. 
 
 4. America to disavow Captain Barron's retention 
 of British deserters and his denial of it, and any con- 
 sequent outrages. 
 
 5. American agents not to encourage British army 
 or navy desertions. 
 
 6. As the subject of desertion would require act 
 of Congress, England would waive disavowals for the 
 past, if America would accept as reparation the return 
 of the three men ; and Britain would add, as "spon- 
 taneous generosity," provisions for the widows and 
 orphans. 
 
 Berkley, the cause of the Chesapeake affair, had 
 been promptly recalled, but lately he had received 
 another employment, so Canning would permit no 
 further mark of displeasure against him. 
 
 Canning offered to remove effect of the Orders in 
 Council of January and November, 1807, from Amer- 
 icans on these conditions : — 
 
 1. The repeal as to Britain but the maintaining as 
 to France and countries which adopted its decrees, 
 all existing non-intercourse acts, and exclusion of 
 their war ships. 
 
 2. America to renounce all trade with colonies of 
 belligerents not allowed in time of peace. 
 
 3. British war ships to be allowed to enforce by 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 371 
 
 captures American non-intercourse with France and 
 her allies. If accepted these terms might be practiced 
 before treaty. 
 
 Mr. Erskine offered the Chesapeake reparation 
 with "provisions for the unfortunate sufferers," thus 
 exceeding his "spontaneous generosity" instructions. 
 
 President Madison accepted, with a growl that pun- 
 ishment of Captain Berkley "would best comport with 
 what was due from his Britannic Majesty to his own 
 honor." Madison ought not to have sent, nor Er- 
 skine to have received, this useless remark. 
 
 Erskine announced the ministry's intention to send 
 an envoy to settle all disputes, and to withdraw the 
 original Orders in Council, persuaded that the presi- 
 dent would proclaim renewal of intercourse. The 
 subject of colonial trade was passed over as of little 
 consequence, no American commerce being allowed 
 with French colonies. The capture condition was 
 omitted because America could not so far renounce 
 rights of sovereignty over its vessels, and the Ameri- 
 cans in the unlawful French traffic would not be 
 likely to claim protection from our country lest their 
 embargo bonds be enforced. Mr. Erskine engaged 
 that the odious Orders in Council should be with- 
 drawn, June lo, 1809. This agreement was published. 
 President Madison suspended the non-intercourse act 
 of March, 1809, so far as Britain was concerned. 
 This news was received in our seaports with lively 
 joy. Federalists exulted that it exhibited the extreme 
 moderation and equity of Britain, and that Jefferson's 
 obstinacy and French proclivities had prevented 
 earlier agreement. They exalted Madison for the 
 time. Somt Jefferson Republicans exulted in the 
 
372 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 belief that this agreement was proof that England 
 felt the embargo, and that it was a good measure ; 
 others disliked any agreement with George III, and 
 feared the anger of Napoleon. 
 
 The business effect was great ; many hundreds of 
 our vessels put to sea ; business sprang into active 
 life; again American energy had an open field for 
 exercise. Again our sails would be on every sea. 
 
 April 12, 1809, Britain so modified the Orders in 
 Council that only France, Holland, and north Italy 
 were blockaded ; all the rest of the world was now 
 free from British blockade, except the French colo- 
 nies on which blockade w-as now placed, making it 
 for their interest to be taken by Britain which could 
 give them better market than France. 
 
 Napoleon was depredating on American vessels, 
 forty-eight had been condemned by his prize courts 
 within two years, and many more captures were 
 pending confiscation. 
 
 Southern Republicans warmly opposed allowing 
 any American trade with Hayti, because it was a free 
 negro country ; they voted it down in Congress, but 
 it was very quietly resumed on expiration of its pro- 
 hibition and has been continued ever since. 
 
 Madison advised Congress to " protect and foster " 
 manufactures lately began ; he laid up Jefferson's gun 
 craft, discharged the militia from liability to be called. 
 
 Canning repudiated the Erskine arrangement, as 
 not authorized, illusory. He took special exception 
 to Madison's remark about Berkley, the British king 
 must be the judge of what " comports with his own 
 honor." Everybody was sorry, all but the French 
 faction. Useless words had done harm. The Brit- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 373 
 
 ish ministry protected for a short time the American 
 property so suddenly shipped. Madison withdrew 
 his proclamation leaving in full force the Act which 
 prohibited imports and entry of any British or 
 French vessel. 
 
 Mr. Jackson came to succeed Mr. Erskine. Mad- 
 ison was displeased that he brought no " Explana- 
 tions," and very properly refused to allow Canning's 
 colonial trade prohibition, or to permit British cruis- 
 ers to aid America.n non-intercourse with France by 
 capture of our ships that should break our law. Jack- 
 son said the capture of most of the French colonies, 
 close blockade of the rest, and British release of so 
 much of Europe from blockade rendered these con- 
 ditions of comparative indifference, and he was not 
 instructed to re-propose them, he was ready to receive 
 propo.sals. Our Secretary of State, Smith, suggested 
 the suspension of both the Orders in Council and 
 tlie non-importation Act, pending full negotiations. 
 Jackson proposed to refer this condition to the min- 
 istry. Smith and Jackson got into a war of word.s, 
 rather puerile, and broke off the negotiations, for 
 which neither of them was competent. Jackson 
 charged that Smith knew before signing that Erskine 
 exceeded his instructions. Smith denied it. Jackson 
 repeated it. Madison, angry, refused further corre- 
 spondence with Jackson and he went home. 
 
 American ship owners now asked only to be let 
 alone. But Southern planters, missing their markets, 
 now called for such protection as they had derided 
 for commerce ; with the bravado of those times they 
 clamored for war with England. 
 
 The only war act of Congress in 18 10 was the 
 
374 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE, 
 
 giving of $5,000 for torpedo experiments to Robert 
 Fulton, of whose steamboats four were in use on the 
 Hudson and three elsewhere. 
 
 The non-intercourse Act of March 9, 1809, expired 
 May I, 1 8 10. Congress authorized the president, if 
 either Britain or France should revoke its unfriendly 
 edicts, to revive the non-importation Act against the 
 other only, and let fall all but exclusion of British 
 and French war ships. 
 
 Less than $4,000,000 were in the American treas- 
 ury when 18 10 came in, against $17,000,000 when 
 embargo began, in 1807. Embargo had greatly dam- 
 aged commerce, but had aided home manufactures. 
 Prior to embargo the United States had but 15 cot- 
 ton mills, of 8,000 spindles ; by 1810, 62 mills were 
 running 31,000 spindles, and many mills were being 
 built. Bed tickings were 55 to 90 cents a yard; 
 stripes and checks, 30 to 45 ; gingham, 40 to 50 
 cents ; shirting and sheeting, 35 to 75 cents. Wool 
 and linen were household manufactures, made with 
 simple wheel and loom. Calico was not American, it 
 came from abroad. 
 
 Now our commerce was to take care of itself. Na- 
 poleon would allow no trade with his allies which was 
 not shared by France. He caused seizure of Ameri- 
 can vessels in large number in Spain, in Holland 
 where his own brother, King Louis, resisted this 
 iniquity; and in Denmark, Hamburg, Naples, and 
 Baltic ports. One pretext was that American and 
 British vessels brought British goods with forged pa- 
 pers, representing them as American goods. Such 
 evasions existed, but Napoleon made no discrimina- 
 tion, but willfully plundered a vast amount of really 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 375 
 
 American property, regularly imported. He said our 
 government had made great seizures of French ves- 
 sels under the absurd embargo. Our minister, Arm- 
 strong, showed that this pretext was false, but it made 
 no difference to him that Jefferson's seizures were 
 but four little French vessels ; that was enough ; he 
 would retaliate ; he took hundreds of our vessels. 
 Says Thiers : — 
 
 " He had, indeed, confiscated a great number of them, and in their 
 rich cargoes he found means of supplying his treasury almost as 
 abundant as those which were yielded by the war contributions im- 
 posed on conquered countries."^ 
 
 His Rambouillett Decree, dated in March, issued 
 in May, 1810, ordered the sale of 132 vessels and car- 
 goes, valued at ^8,000,000, and also of all American 
 vessels that should enter any port occupied by French ! 
 
 His third pretext was the non-intercourse act of 
 March 9, 1809. But strangely enough, his Ram- 
 bouillet Decree was not actually issued until that law 
 had expired by its own limit. The bare fact was that 
 Napoleon wished to commit the robbery for the sake 
 of the plunder. So bad pretexts served him. He 
 professed willingness to respect American rights if 
 America "would resist British tyranny, compel the 
 BritisH ministry to retract the Orders in Council, or 
 declare war " against England.^ But as his word 
 could not be trusted his profession was of but little 
 worth. 
 
 1 Con. et Emp. viii, 358. 
 
376 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 XVII 
 
 AUSTRIA and France were preparing to collide 
 early in 1809. The condition of Europe re- 
 called Napoleon from Spain. He left Joseph as his 
 lieutenant. The resolute will of Napoleon gone, the 
 French army, no longer a compact body, massive, 
 terrible, became several bodies. After deducting 
 58,000 sick in hospitals, and 25,000 stragglers, and 
 small details, 240,000 were in the field.^ 
 
 Austria was arming. That alarmed Napoleon. 
 France was not satisfied. It was uneasy. France 
 did not like the Spanish war. It had no cause of 
 quarrel with Spain. France wanted rest. Financial 
 difficulties existed. Paris criticized his errors. He 
 wanted a new conscription. The public funds fell to 
 80. He bought in 62,000,000 rentes to keep the 
 price from going still lower. Negotiations went on 
 abroad. The fifth coalition was forming against 
 France. Now ordinary French funds were short. 
 For a long time he had obtained great sums by rob- 
 bery of foreign countries. The French budget for 
 general expenses for 1806-7 fell a little below 900,- 
 000,000 francs.^ It was the same as in 1807-8-9, the 
 armies being paid from the " Army Treasury," namely, 
 the great robbery of other nations. January i, 1809, 
 300,000,000 francs were in this separate army treas- 
 ury, of which Austria had been robbed of 20,000,000 
 and Prussia of 280,000,000. From this bandit fund 
 the French treasury proper borrowed 84,000,000.^ 
 
 Napoleon demanded of Poland, Saxony, Bavaria, 
 Baden, and Wurtemberg, about 1 13,000 troops against 
 
 » Napier, 282. 2 Thiers. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 377 
 
 Austria, and obtained probably 100,000. Of Jerome 
 Bonaparte's Westphalia, and of Louis Bonaparte's 
 Holland he demanded 20,000 each.^ Yet neither of 
 these countries had any cause against Austria, they 
 must simply fight for Bonaparte in his own private 
 quarrel. 
 
 Austria counted on about 300,000 active troops, 
 and 200,000 reserves, and the Hungarian volunteers.^ 
 Napoleon, though he had immense armies himself, 
 insisted that Austria must disarm. But the war 
 spirit was aroused in Austria ; even the militia were 
 being drilled. 
 
 Russia was busy trying to rob Sweden of Finland. 
 Turkey, under Mahmoud, suspected the real fact that 
 Napoleon had promised her Roumania to Russia. So 
 Turkey threw away the French alliance and made 
 peace with the British, and hated Napoleon and the 
 French. 
 
 Fifty thousand Austrians were to aid the Tyrol 
 and threaten Italy ; 10,000 were to act against the 
 French in Dalmatia ; 40,000 toward Warsaw to hold 
 in check the Poles and Saxons, and to watch Russia; 
 and 200,000 were to form the great army under Arch- 
 duke Charles, in Bohemia and upper Austria. The 
 reserves would cover Vienna. The Emperor, Francis 
 I of Austria, aware by painful experience, that he was 
 not a capable man, had called the Archduke Charles 
 to the head of Austrian war affairs. 
 
 Of this war Sir Walter Scott says : — 
 
 "This breach of friendship appears, certainly, to have been sought 
 by Austria, without any of those plausible reasons of complaint, on 
 which nations generally are desirous to bottom their quarrels. She 
 
 * Thiers. 2 Thiers iii, 172. 
 
378 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 did not allege with respect to herself or her dominions, that France 
 had, by any recent aggression, given her cause of offense " 
 
 What was the cause of the war ? Nothing. Aus- 
 tria was tired of being apprehensive of France. She 
 had, for ages, been the rival ; she hoped to be the 
 superior; she meant to be, at least, the equal of 
 France ; she had been badly beaten in the war of 
 1805; she wished to gain vengeance, to recover 
 prestige. 
 
 Austria's attack was a great mistake ; it was inop 
 portune. Had she a year earlier thrown her whole 
 force upon the flank and rear of Napoleon, when, 
 checked and weakened, he stood in front of the Rus- 
 sians after Eylau, then, in all human probability. Na- 
 poleon could have been thrown back, defeated, upon 
 the Rhine, followed, as in 18 14, by allied Russian, 
 Austrian, Prussian, Swedish, and perhaps German, 
 armies. But Austria had let that great opportunity 
 pass. In fifteen years Austria had lost Belgium, Sua- 
 bia, Lombardy, the Tyrol, and Dalmatia, and had 
 gained and lost Venice. 
 
 Austria began war against France, April 9, 1809, 
 but war was not declared at all.^ 
 
 With 140,000 men 2 in five divisions, Archduke 
 Charles invaded Bavaria. The Tyrol, led by an inn- 
 keeper, Andreas Hofer, rose in revolt in favor of Aus- 
 tria. Peasants attacked its Bavarian garrisons. 
 
 Napoleon's army was always distinguished for 
 celerity. It already protected Germany. Davoust 
 was at Ratisbon ; Lannes at Augsburg ; Massena at 
 Ulm. Berthier commanded the French till Napoleon 
 should arrive; By April 17 he had spread the 140,- 
 
 » Thiers, iii, 180. « Ibid iii, 182. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 379 
 
 ooo French over twenty-five leagues, with one center 
 at Ratisbon and another at Augsburg, in danger of 
 being cut in two by the Austrians. Such was the 
 dangerous effect of the absence of the great master 
 of concentration. 
 
 Charles was a tactician. But when he was ready 
 to strike direct from Bohemia on the single corps of 
 60,000 French under Davoust at Ratisbon, before 
 they should be reinforced, he was compelled by an 
 order from Vienna to turn back, and enter Bavaria 
 only by crossing the Inn at Branau. This change 
 cost several days of extremely valuable time beside 
 the serious mischief of the change of the field plan. 
 Still with this embarassment, he nearly succeeded, 
 April 17, in getting between Davoust and Massena 
 who was many leagues away at Augsburg. Charles 
 took Landshut and pushed his columns forward 
 toward Ratisbon, Neustadt, and Kelheim where were 
 the important points, the lower bridges over the Dan- 
 ube. Immense stake depended on his celerity ; but 
 he only moved from two to three leagues a day. 
 Possession of those bridges would render him master 
 of both banks of the Danube. His left occupied 
 Munich, the capital of Bavaria, whose king fled to 
 Napoleon. 
 
 Napoleon's center was the Bavarian troops at In- 
 goldstadt. Davoust at Ratisbon was not only in dan- 
 ger of being separated from all supports, but 40,000 
 more Austrians were marching down from the north- 
 east, from Bohemia, on him. Swift, energetic Aus- 
 trian movements might surround and place him in a 
 .situation like Mack's at Ulm in 1805. 
 
 The Tyrolese expelled the Bavarian troops from 
 
380 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 the Tyrol, and took about 6,ooo of them prisoners, 
 Austria had thus recovered the Tyrol which in 1805 
 Napoleon had torn from Austria and given to Bava- 
 ria, his ally. 
 
 Such was the dangerous situation for France when, 
 April 17, Napoleon arrived at Donau worth. A great 
 commander like Sir John Moore, in unfettered Aus- 
 trian command, would soon have decided the great 
 campaign against the French, by able marching. 
 
 Germany was deeply stirred with hope for the de- 
 feat of Napoleon. The Prussians were greatly exas- 
 perated. Napoleon was using the money of which 
 he had robbed them, to make war on Austria. Could 
 the Prussian patriots, Stein, Scharnhorst, and Blii- 
 cher, have been at the head of Prussian affairs, and 
 untrammelled by an incapable king, all northern 
 Germany might have risen against this foreign de- 
 spoiler of Prussia, and carried the war from Germany 
 into France. Then, as through his whole career, 
 Napoleon owed much of his success to the fact that 
 almost every country of Europe was badly handi- 
 capped by its incapable sovereign, who impeded the 
 free exercise of the nation's power. 
 
 Quickly Napoleon saw and set about remedying 
 Berthier's great blunder. Was there still time i^ 
 Would not the Austrians be upon Davoust before he 
 could extricate his corps .'' Napoleon sent orders to 
 Davoust to retreat toward the Bavarians ; to Massena 
 to hasten forward his corps with utmost speed to 
 concentrate the army. The fate of the French right, 
 the fortunes of the campaign, perhaps the result of 
 the great war appeared to hang, trembling, on the 
 vigorous celerity oi the Austrians in crushing Da- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 381 
 
 voust quickly. Abensberg was the vital point. 
 Sliould Charles move quickly forward in strong force 
 and occupy Abensberg, he would bar the French from 
 concentrating. He could reach that point more 
 easily than Ratisbon ; he was nearer to it than Da- 
 voust. This would throw Davoust back on Ratisbon, 
 where he would be caught between Charles and the 
 two Austrian corps coming from Bohemia ; thus his 
 60,000 French would be trapped by 140,000 Austri- 
 ans. But celerity is a lesson that few military men 
 ever learn. So is concentration; so is vigor. These 
 are the three great points of Napoleon's system ; 
 these are the military principles by which he subju- 
 gated so many nations. Instead of marching quickly 
 in force on the vital point, — Abensberg, — or of 
 striking Davoust hard with overwhelming force, 
 Charles divided his concentrated force. He sent 
 Archduke Louis with perhaps 15,000 men, a fourth 
 of DavoList's numbers, to Abensberg, and with about 
 25,000, less than one-half, Charles moved on Ratis- 
 bon, to face Davoust's 60,000. But Davoust used 
 celerity. Leaving 3,000 men at Ratisbon, he was 
 almost to Neustadt by April 19. Strong detachments 
 met and made a bloody combat at Thann, where each 
 side lost about 3,000 men. It was Davoust that 
 reached Abensberg. Massena's advance met and de- 
 feated 5,000 Austrian cavalry at Plaffenhosen. Na- 
 poleon had so far concentrated in a front thirty miles 
 broad ; the Austrians were separated on forty-eight 
 miles front, with twelve miles space between unoccu- 
 pied, and still two Austrian corps were out of sup- 
 porting distance, north of the Danube. On the 20th 
 of April, the Austrians had halted near Abensberg, 
 
382 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 not expecting attack. But the swift-moving French 
 were upon them ; and an Austrian defeat opened up 
 the gap in their front ; their left was beyond support- 
 ing distance. They lost about 8,000 men, a total of 
 nearly 14,000 in two days.^ Next day the French 
 pressed upon the separated Austrian left under Arch- 
 duke Louis, defeated that slow-moving noble, cap- 
 tured Landshut, which he lacked energy to protect 
 although it contained immense Austrian military 
 stores, just what Napoleon desired for use. But the 
 Austrian general, Hiller, had made a very desperate 
 fight, and retired only when he had lost nearly 6,000 
 men, 25 cannon, 600 ammunition wagons, and a val- 
 uable pontoon train. Several other combats occurred. 
 The Austrians fought well. But too often sep:iration 
 placed them at disadvantage. Charles took Ratisbon 
 and made prisoners of the 3,000 French that Davoust 
 had left there. Napoleon, advancing from Landshut, 
 met the Austrians near the Laber, and Marshal Ney 
 fought his desperate battle of Eckmuhl, April 22, from 
 which came his title, Duke of Eckmuhl. The Aus- 
 trian left was again defeated and thrown back toward 
 Ratisbon. Charles then withdrew his whole army to 
 the north of the Danube at Ratisbon,^ except the 
 corps of Hiller. When Napoleon arrived, April 17, 
 the Austrians ought by concentration, vigor and ce- 
 lerity to have quickly defeated the French, but as 
 they disregarded those great military principles, and 
 Napoleon observed them, he had in six days re- 
 covered from his bad position, taken or disabled 
 nearly 60,000 Austrians, captured above 100 cannon^ 
 and thrown back, beaten and disheartened, the great 
 
 iThiersiii, 191. 2 Ibid. » Ibid 198 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 383 
 
 Austrian army, and opened the way to Vienna, ex- 
 cept the obstacle of Hiller's corps. 
 
 Defeated in Bavaria, the Austrians were victorious 
 in Italy over Prince Eugene, whose French array they 
 defeated and drove across the Adige. The Tyrolese 
 had swept the enemy from their mountains, but the 
 Bavarians now re-occupied part of that country. That 
 mountain war was very fierce, energetic, as religious 
 and mountain war is apt to be ; it was, however, 
 Catholic Tyrol against Catholic Bavaria, though 
 France aided the invading Bavarians. 
 
 An Austrian army under command of Prince Fer- 
 dinand invaded Poland. Its 35,000 men defeated 
 Napoleon's friendly Poles and took their capital. 
 Napoleon's lieutenants were doing badly. Ferdinand 
 tried to engage Prussia in the war for north German 
 liberation. The Prussian and German people were 
 ready, eager, ardent. All Germany, three-fourths of 
 the world beside, desired the overthrow of Napoleon's 
 power. Not a people of Europe except the French 
 and part of the Italians and Poles were friendly to 
 him. He had exasperated the world by his arbitrary 
 outrages. 
 
 The numerous and influential secret society, the 
 Tugenbund, organized for German liberation, and lib- 
 erty, and good government, pervaded Germany. Many 
 Prussians were members. Von Stein was its head. 
 Germans were enthusiastic for liberty, were restive 
 under Napoleon's oppressive rule. They were em- 
 bittered against his gigantic cash robberies; his great 
 levies of supplies ; "his Continental System"; his war 
 against the world's trade ; his compelling Germans to 
 serve as his soldiers in wars with countries against 
 
384 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 which Germany had no quarrel or complaint ; and 
 frequently to fight against those to whom they were 
 friends, compelled to lose their lives or be crippled 
 for life in battle for Napoleon when they would 
 rather have fought against him. He was a great 
 oppressor of Germany. In many cases, like that of 
 Baden, he had enabled its own little princes to be 
 only more tyrannical and exacting. Napoleon still 
 held several Prussian fortresses taken in 1806. He 
 had drained the country of money by the enormous 
 sums he compelled Prussia to pay him, which the 
 incapable Prussian king had not guarded against 
 when he appointed the feeble-minded old Kalreuth to 
 make the peace of 1807, at Tilsit. It was for lack of 
 a king that was capable of great resolution that Prus- 
 sia was kept from joining all her forces with the 
 Austrian 35,000 that had just overrun Poland, for the 
 liberation of all north Germany and Prussia. Several 
 ebulitions appeared. Major Schill, Captain Katt, 
 and the Duke of Brunswick each led a movement. 
 They had chivalrous adventures which threw con- 
 tempt on Napoleon's Westphalia military authorities : 
 Schill made a dashing, partisan ride for many leagues 
 through the country, threatened strong Magdeburg, 
 held dismantled Stralsund for several days, and was 
 at last killed in an assault made by Dutch and Danes, 
 only after he had given great alarm to the French 
 agents and officials. But the prestige of Napoleon 
 was too strong for Germany to rise without the aid 
 of the burdensome Prussian king. Napoleon's suc- 
 cess in Bavaria compelled Ferdinand to relinquish 
 Poland and retire into Austria, but he invaded Sax- 
 ony and captured several important cities. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 3^5 
 
 The Russians who were to aid Napoleon against 
 Austria, came very slowly toward Cracow. They did 
 not wish to hasten. They would have liked better to 
 fight Napoleon. 
 
 Napoleon decided to move on Vienna. It was such 
 a march as a general well might decline. On his left 
 flank, though north of the Danube, was the army of 
 Charles, defeated, but still formidable. Napoleon was 
 on the south side of that river. On his right was the 
 Tyrol, up in arms against him. His line of commun- 
 ications would be in utmost danger. But, after send- 
 ing orders to Bernadotte, who commanded the Sax- 
 ons at Dresden, to move at once forward ; to Ponia- 
 towski in Poland, to enter Gallicia ; to Eugene in 
 Italy, to advance, Napoleon moved on, April 26, for 
 the Inn and for Vienna. 
 
 Charles sent proposals to exchange prisoners, and 
 suggesting peace, April 28, but this dispatch was 
 not seasonably received. Killer's Austrian corps, 
 still south of the Danube, made gallant resistance at 
 several points. At the Traun crossing, near Linz, a 
 desperately contested battle between Hiller and Mas- 
 sena, with heavy loss on both sides, was an Austrian 
 defeat. May 3, 1809. The battle-ground presented 
 a frightful spectacle. " Dead and half-burnt men lay, 
 by hundreds, in the streets ; mutilated and burnt 
 limbs obstructed the way at every step. It was im- 
 possible to ride through the streets covered with ruins 
 and horses," is the testimony of an eye witness. Had 
 not Napoleon possessed great inherent, brutal, cruel 
 inhumanity, these revolting sights must have dimin- 
 ished his love of war. 
 
 Charles' slow army did not arrive to defend Vienna. 
 25 
 
386 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 Napoleon took it after a bombardment, May 13, with 
 its immense arsenal of war stores and 400 cannon. 
 Massena had taken 50 cannon on the road. Vienna 
 supplied all that the French army needed. Napo- 
 leon's celerity had again won a great result. 
 
 Napoleon's success sent Archduke John's Austrian 
 army in Italy hurrying home, pursued by Eugene's 
 Italian army, which inflicted severe disasters ; Trieste, 
 Laybach, the whole Austrian frontier, were taken by 
 these Italians, who drove John's army into Hungary 
 where it was useless. This ruined Austrian hopes in 
 the Tyrol ; its bloody revolt was a failure. The Ba- 
 varians re-took Innspruck, May 19. 
 
 With eager eyes all the world looked on. Tremen- 
 dous interests were at stake. Defeat of Charles 
 would now leave Austria in the dust ; Napoleon still 
 to dictate Germany ; defeat of Na- 
 
 Battie of Lobau. polcou, decisive, would rouse all 
 Germany and probably excite Prussia 
 to throw its military might, aided by the patriotic en- 
 thusiasm of Germany, down upon his broken lines. 
 Napoleon was wagering his throne against decisive 
 defeat. He must advance. But the Vienna bridge 
 was destroyed. Yet he must cross the Danube to 
 reach Charles. The Austrians had left vast bridge 
 materials. Pretending to begin a bridge two miles 
 above Vienna, one was prepared ten miles below, by 
 way of two small islands, to Lobau island, which was 
 separated only by a narrow stream from Charles and 
 the north bank. Strangely enough Charles did not 
 oppose this act, though his army was present on the 
 ridge perhaps a mile back from Lobau ; 80,000 men, 
 with 300 cannon. May 21, two pontoon bridges were 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 387 
 
 quickly thrown across this narrow stream and the 
 French columns bec^an crossing. Still more strange 
 Charles did not oppose the crossing. Mid-way be- 
 tween the villages of Esling and Aspern, each half a 
 mile from the river, over the main bridge poured the 
 columns of Napoleon, ujooa the plain. These villages 
 formed bastions for each French flank. It is remark- 
 able that Charles did not hold these villages, and still 
 more singular that he had not constructed a strong 
 line of heavy earthwork on their entire front, along 
 the bank of the river, where the Austrians could have 
 fought under strong protection, while the invaders 
 were entirely exposed to the Austrian fire. Even 
 small advantages are not to be disdained at the be- 
 ginning of a battle, and here was a great advantage 
 neglected. About 50,000 of Napoleon's mongrel 
 army drawn from many nations, were in position be- 
 tween the two villages when the Austrians made a 
 tremendous attack. Around the two villages, which 
 considerably strengthened the French position, the 
 fighting was dreadful, furious ; both sides fought with 
 frightful energy and destruction. The enormous 
 losses did not dishearten them. As great numbers 
 fell, still greater numbers fought on. The fast-cross- 
 ing French hurried into the appalling harvest of 
 death. New Austrian forces came up and added to 
 stupendous horror. Night came on indecisive battle. 
 Amid the multitude of the dying and the dead, both 
 armies, in the darkness, prepared for greater battle on 
 the morrow. 
 
 In the gloom of night, both parties were reinforced ; 
 the invaders were 70,000 beside Davoust's 30,000 
 more at hand ready to cross, against probably 100,- 
 
388 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 ooo Austrians. Long before the morning sun had 
 begun to lighten the field, the sanguinary conflict 
 re-commenced. Long the battle raged, desperate, 
 terrible, doubtful. A great charge ordered by Napo- 
 leon, made by Lannes, was frightfully devastated by 
 the Austrians whose center receded before it so that 
 the front and both flanks at once of the charging 
 columns were exposed to Austria's deadly semi-circle 
 of fast flashing fire. His progress arrested, his men 
 mowed down by Austrian batteries at half-musket 
 shot distance, he could neither deploy nor return the 
 awful fire to advantage. The day was being lost. 
 The Austrians saw a gap in Napoleon's right ; into it 
 they bravely charged ; they pierced it ; the day was 
 won ; Napoleon was beaten. Checked, shattered, 
 dispirited, his army retreated across the bridges to 
 Lobau. It was none to soon, for the bridges were 
 giving way under the pressure of the rapidly rising 
 river and the timbers and boats laden with stones 
 which the Austrians sent down the current against 
 them. As the invaders retreated, the Austrian can- 
 non wheeled in concentric circles round their dimin- 
 ishing numbers and made bloody destruction by their 
 continuously crashing fire. The bloody-handed Mar- 
 shal Lannes, who had commanded the French in the 
 frightfully revolting siege of Saragossa, a few months 
 before, which had caused the deplorable misery, and 
 horrible death of 54,000 Spanish men, women, and 
 helpless children, now received his death wound at 
 Aspern. It was not till all night had dragged its 
 long hours of continued destruction that the defeated 
 Napoleon again had his torn and shattered army back 
 into Lobau island, and the avenging Austrian cannon 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 389 
 
 ceased to thunder, and the wearied victors sank to 
 sleep by the side of their guns. Napoleon was fairly 
 beaten and driven from the field in a great battle. 
 At Eylau, in 1807, he had been beaten, but not 
 driven from the field. But this battle of Aspern was 
 not decisive. It left Napoleon able to fight again. 
 
 The loss on both sides was enormous, its real num- 
 bers uncertain. The Austrian official report was 
 4,287 killed, and 16,300 wounded; 20,587 in all. Na- 
 poleon's report was absurdly unreliable. His loss 
 was probably much larger than the Austrians'. Prob- 
 ably 50,000 men were killed or disabled on both sides. 
 
 Driven into Lobau, Napoleon's retreat was imprac- 
 ticable ; the Danube had swollen ; the bridge to the 
 south shore was swept away ; he was penned up in 
 Lobau ; his artillery ammunition was almost gone ; 
 provisions were lacking. It was the opinion of the 
 bravest marshals that it was best to retire to the 
 south bank if means could be found. But Napoleon 
 ■said, " Shall we abandon the wounded ^ Shall 20,000 
 brave men add to the trophies of the enemy .' " 
 
 Charles had ordered the Archduke John, who com- 
 manded the Austrian army of Italy, to march to the 
 Danube at Linz. Had John obeyed like a good sol- 
 dier, and arrived promptly at Linz, he could now 
 have held the south bank, barred the way for rein- 
 forcements to reach Napoleon, and the invader would 
 have been lost. 
 
 Again princely incompetency spared Napoleon. 
 John was a high hereditary noble ; he did not think it 
 was necessary for him to obey, so he had marched 
 his army to Hungary, where it was useless. And 
 John was not removed from command ! At Linz 
 
390 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 John's array and KoUowgrath's corps, would have 
 been about 60,000 men, to aid to prevent Napoleon's 
 escape to the south bank ; to prevent supply of food 
 from reaching him ; to cut his line of communications 
 with France. His disobedience deprived Austria of 
 the fruits of its terrible victory. Within two days 
 Napoleon re-established the lost bridges to the south 
 bank. For forty-three days the two armies remained 
 in their positions. With rapidity Lobau was made a 
 great fortified camp. 
 
 The Tyrolese rose again and poured in great force 
 down their mountains and glens, and animated by 
 the spirit of the dark ages, for it was against progress 
 that these superstitious men warred, they drove away 
 the 6,000 Bavarian garrison at Innspruck, with loss of 
 half its numbers. The Tyrolese belonged rather to 
 the ninth than to the nineteenth century, Hofer and 
 Speckbacker were regarded by their countrymen as 
 saviors of liberty, which certainly they were not. 
 
 Napoleon levied on Germany additional troops to 
 destroy their own country's hopes. 
 
 An Austrian invasion of Franconia was successful. 
 
 Again John disobeyed orders with fatal result, and 
 exposed his army, where Eugene overtook and de- 
 feated it at Raab. And yet John being a high prince, 
 was allowed to command, at the peril of Austria, 
 while guilty of disobedience, for which the best gen- 
 eral would have been removed and punished. 
 
 The military forces of Napoleon were still immense. 
 Eugene's Italian army arrived. May 26, and more 
 than made up for Napoleon's loss at Aspern. Napo- 
 leon openly built four bridges to the south shore. 
 Secretly he prepared three ready to be thrown across 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 391 
 
 to the north or Austrian shore. He built a line of 
 works facing the Austrians and mounted it with 120 
 heavy guns brought from Vienna. He made osten- 
 sible attempts to prepare for crossing at Nussdorf 
 and Spitz. 
 
 July 2, 1809, Napoleon's other armies began to ar- 
 rive. Bernadotte came with the Saxon army ; then 
 appeared Vandamme with Germans from Wurtem- 
 berg, Suabia, and the Rhine ; Wrede with the Bava- 
 rians lately fighting in the Tyrol ; Macdonald and 
 Broussier from the south ; Marmont from far off Dal- 
 matia; then the Italian veterans of Eugene who had 
 just again chased the wretched John to Hungary. 
 By evening of July 4, Napoleon had 180,000^ men 
 assembled in Lobau, an island not more than two and 
 a half miles long and one and three-fourths wide. 
 
 The Austrians had erected immense field works, 
 extending through Aspern and Esling to the Danube, 
 and placed on them 150 heavy cannon. Charles 
 ought to have strongly intrenched the whole shore 
 opposite the whole length of Lobau, so as to cover 
 every possible crossing, as Wellington, Sherman or 
 Lee would have done. His earthworks were too lim- 
 ited. The great Austrian army, largely increased, 
 was about a league in rear. Charles ought to have 
 concentrated all the available force of the empire to 
 the front in trenches. One hundred and forty thou- 
 sand Austrians awaited the attack. Napoleon's 900 ^ 
 cannon were to oppose 700 Austrian guns.'^ The 
 Austrian corps, as usual, were separated ; Napole- 
 on's, as usual, were concentrated. Austrian stores 
 captured at Vienna supplied the needs of Napoleon's 
 
 1 Napoleon's statemeat. * Alison iii, 245. ^ Thiers. 
 
302 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 army. Charles ordered up the recusant John, who. 
 with 36,000 men was at Presburg, watching, across 
 the river, Eugene's deserted camp, unaware that 
 Eugene's Italians were already at Lobau. John 
 moved slowly, sulkily. He wanted to keep his sepa- 
 rate command. 
 
 At last Napoleon was ready. The battle of Wagram 
 opened July 5, 1809. ^ demonstration at the great 
 bridge, and a false attempt there to place a bridge to 
 
 their shore drew Austrian attention. 
 Battle of Wagram. A hundred P^rcuch cannon there 
 
 opened fire on the Austrians, who 
 were deceived. Their batteries thundered back a 
 terrible fire on that spot ; both shores were lines of 
 cannon flames ; the night was ablaze with the tre- 
 mendous flashing. The secret bridges were quickly 
 thrown across at another spot. By three o'clock, a.m.. 
 Napoleon's armies were crossing. A terrible tempest 
 was raging ; rain fell in torrents ; nature's lightnings 
 flashed bright amid the blaze of cannon ; heaven's 
 artillery loudly answered the thundering crash of 
 heavy guns ; the blaze of a whole village added to the 
 lurid scenic wildness where Napoleon's 900 cannon 
 flung their screaming, shrieking death missiles, and 
 the immense Austrian batteries answered back in the 
 night's Plutonian, fiery gloom, with crash after crash 
 like the tremendous impingement of colliding worlds. 
 Great was the surprise of the Austrians when day- 
 light showed not a man across the Aspern bridge, 
 but Napoleon's great army across further down, and 
 ready for the great battle that should humiliate either 
 Austria or Napoleon. The Austrians saw their own 
 position turned ; their short, heavy intrenchments, 
 
UNITED STATES ANT) EUROPE. 393 
 
 intended to bar the passage, useless. This could not 
 have occurred if they had strongly fortified the whole 
 distance in front of Lobau. 
 
 Tiiey fell back a mile on the plateau of Wagram, a 
 position chosen with care, leaving their great in- 
 trenchments. Strangely Charles had neglected to 
 intrench Wagram plateau itself. Picks and shovels 
 may be as valuable as cannon in war. 
 
 The necessity of guarding against a crossing at 
 distant places, had drawn strong detachments from 
 the Austrians, so just at "Wagram Napoleon's army, 
 no doubt, out-numbered them. 
 
 Then was a day of terrible battle with varying for- 
 tunes, but rather favorable to the Austrians. They 
 gained great advantage on their right, and when Na- 
 poleon made a great effort to break their center, they 
 repulsed him with French disorder. Charles had 
 again ordered John to join him, but John had not 
 arrived. When night came the battle was still unde- 
 cided. Both armies rested and slept on the bloody 
 field. 
 
 The next day, on that front of nine miles, 300,000 
 men with i,ioo^cannon, were ready to renew the awful 
 conflict. The Austrians began the great attack ; they 
 defeated Napoleon's left ; they hoped to give him a 
 general defeat ; it was imminent. Now Napoleon 
 made the greatest efforts against the Austrian left. 
 John's army was needed and intensely hoped for to 
 decide a great victory for Austria ; still John did not 
 appear. Charles sent to him the most urgent orders 
 to hasten. Nothing would hasten that hereditary 
 commander. How different had the brave Hiller com- 
 manded John's corps ! Charles made important 
 
 •Thiers. 
 
394 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 movements on his left which he hoped John would 
 come up and aid. The great folly of trusting high 
 commands to princes was strongly apparent. Had 
 John been other than a high noble he would long ago 
 have been replaced by a general who would obey 
 orders. Napoleon was in desperate straits, and an 
 Austrian army was kept back by this hereditary 
 prince from coming to his overthrow ! 
 
 Seeing that a great disaster and defeat threatened 
 him, Napoleon ordered a great, a desperate charge on 
 the Austria center. On this rested his own safety. 
 It was bravely, heroically executed by Macdonald. It 
 was near failing ; it barely succeeded. John's arrival 
 would have been Napoleon's ruin. 
 
 At last the Austrians retired, with no rout, no great 
 loss of prisoners. They formed in good order on a 
 line of heights not far away. Night and John came 
 together. He came up in rear of Napoleon's right ; 
 just the place to do immense damage ; to reverse the 
 fortunes of the day ; to strike a panic into the French 
 now in the disorder of victory ; to overthrow Napol- 
 leon's army and his throne at a single blow. 
 
 But this hereditary commander, born to be a gen- 
 eral, not qualified to be a corporal, with his great 
 corps of fresh troops, having the opportunity to at- 
 tempt what Bliicher did at Waterloo, and what any 
 man whose claim to command is not birth but merit 
 would have done, halted, faced about, retreated. 
 
 The Austrian accounts show their loss in killed 
 and wounded as above 23,000. They lost nine can- 
 non and took eleven. They took 7,000 prisoners and 
 twelve eagles. Savary, who was with Napoleon, says 
 the number of prisoners on each side was about equal. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 395 
 
 Another battle followed at Znaym. It ended with 
 an armistice, July 12, 1809. 
 
 During this truce one-third of the Austrian mon- 
 archy was in Napoleon's power. He immediately 
 compelled an enormous payment of money to him by 
 the part of Austria that he occupied, a monstrous 
 burden especially when money was scarce and of 
 high value in Austria. He required that all the vast 
 expenses of his great army from April i to October 
 should be drawn from the conquered provinces. 
 
 Peace negotiations lasted till October 14, when by 
 the treaty of Vienna, Austria was compelled to give 
 to the Confederation of the Rhine many square miles 
 of territory, with 3,500,000 inhabitants; and to Napo- 
 leon, Salzberg, parts of Carinthia and Croatia, Carni- 
 ola, Trieste, Istria, and other ground, making the 
 Save the Austrian boundary. These provinces, with 
 Dalmatia, Venetian Istria, and Ragusa, Napoleon 
 formed into a ne-w state, called Illyria. Austria was 
 compelled to cede West Gallicia and part of East 
 Gallicia to Warsaw, and part of East Gallicia, with 
 400,000 people, to Russia, although the Russian army 
 had moved with unwilling slowness to aid Napoleon 
 against Austria. 
 
 The Emperor Francis I resigned as Grand Master 
 of the Teutonic Knights ; he acknowledged all 
 changes made or to be made in Italy, Spain, and Por- 
 tugal ; he joined, without reserve. Napoleon's " Con- 
 tinental System " to exclude all English goods ; and 
 he agreed to pay to Napoleon 85,000,000 francs 
 additional to the large sums the French had already 
 extorted from the Austrians ;^ and he bound himself 
 
 1 Thiers iii, 326. 
 
396 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 not to keep his army above 150,000 men till a mar- 
 itime peace. 
 
 Napoleon considered a plan of separating the three 
 dominions of Francis I, Austria, Hungary, and Bohe- 
 mia, each with a separate sovereign, Metternich 
 wrote, April 25, 1809: — 
 
 "The division of Europe into powers of which the strongest should 
 not have more than three or four million of subjects has for some 
 time been Napoleon's plan." 
 
 Austria had done magnificent fighting. With all 
 his talents, Napoleon had barely succeeded ; any 
 other general would have failed. Had the Austrians 
 been as well commanded, they would have won over- 
 whelming victory. The reason that the common 
 Austrians fought better at Aspern and Wagram than 
 in former French wars since 1789 is that they had 
 sympathized with the French attempts for liberty, 
 and believed it could be had with good government 
 and safety and security, as it is in America and Great 
 Britain, but now had learned that there was nothing 
 either democratic or republican in Napoleon's govern- 
 ment, nor justice nor equity in his character. They 
 had ceased to admire him as the common people's 
 representative ; they now saw in him the grasping, 
 avaricious tyrant, the war-mad disturber, the devasta- 
 tor of German and Austrian prosperity ; the destro^'er 
 of their quiet, safety, and happiness ; the incendiary 
 of their homes. They fought the man who burned 
 their houses ; who robbed them of their food and 
 crops for his army's forage , who invaded their coun- 
 try ; who laid waste their farms ; who filled their land 
 with mourning for their slain; who made war-cripples 
 of their sons and brothers ; who showed no disposi- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 397 
 
 tion to give peace to distressed Europe so long as he 
 should live. 
 
 When the French evacuated Vienna they ruthlessly 
 blew up the fortifications of that beautiful city, a 
 gross and useless breach of faith after war was over. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 In England, in 1 809, a new trouble appeared. An 
 enormous sum of money, 19,300,000 sterling had dis- 
 appeared from the Admiralty board and the St. Do- 
 mingo fund. Who had taken this ^90,000,000 ? 
 
 And yet another trouble. The Duke of York, 
 George Ill's pet son, was commander-in-chief of the 
 British army. It is a fact ; that noble army of gal- 
 lant men was thus handicapped. The duke's mistress, 
 Mrs. Clarke, had been, with the duke's knowledge, 
 taking bribes for military promotions. Sir Arthur 
 Wellesley, afterward the duke of Wellington, wrote : — 
 
 " The love letters have created a terrible impression .... people 
 are outrageous in the country on account of the immorality of his 
 life, which makes no impression in town .... There has appeared 
 in the last two days a general system of swindling, applicable to all 
 the ofiSces of the State, in which Mrs. Clarke has been most active, 
 and a great gainer. These transactions, which have deservedly cre- 
 ated so much indignation, have been carried on by the scum of the 
 earth."! 
 
 The worthless duke of York resigned. 
 
 Perceval moved for leave to bring in a bill to pre- 
 vent brokerage of offices. The Commons decided to 
 inquire into the East India patronage. " Sale of 
 writerships and cadetships were found to be so 
 
 1 Wellington's Supplementary Dispatches vi, 567, 575. 
 
398 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 enormous."^ Castlereagh, head of the War Office, 
 " had been dabbhng in the dirt of this market .... 
 bartering an Indian writership for a seat in parlia- 
 ment for his friend, Lord Clancarty .... Castle- 
 reagh admitted the facts and acknowledged the of- 
 fenses."^ Yet he was kept in the ministry. Perce- 
 val, too, just when he had been so afraid that mem- 
 bers would travel on Sunday that he changed the day 
 of the meeting of parliament from Monday to Thurs- 
 day, had been trading for a seat for Dr. Dick to vote 
 to screen the king's pet son.^ 
 
 The ministry had long felt the incapacity of Castle- 
 reagh as War Secretary, but they had been too afraid 
 of hurting his feelings to remove him! They let him 
 go on and prepare the great Walcheren folly. George 
 III did nothing ; his reasons for not acting seem to 
 have been that as the guilt of Castlereagh had been 
 detected, it would damage him to be dismissed ! 
 
 The Walcheren folly of 1809 was remarkable. 
 Among the very best soldiers of Europe are the 
 British. They are brave, skillful, and enduring. But 
 George Ill's cabinets were singularly deficient in 
 practicable ability; they too much resembled the 
 king. The course of the ministry threw very unde- 
 served discredit on the army. From the beginning 
 of war by Pitt in 1793 to 18 12, the king and cabinet 
 had never given the army a fair chance anywhere in 
 Europe, When they sent it at all, they always han- 
 dicapped it by fewness of numbers, as in Naples 
 under "Maida" Stewart in 1805 ; or by both small- 
 ness of numbers and lack of support and supply, as 
 in Portugal and Spain under Moore and Wellington y 
 
 > Miss Martineau i, 282, History England. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 391^ 
 
 or by a bad commander and general mismanagement, 
 as in the Walcheren expedition of 1809. 
 
 Instead of a swift, strong expedition to the Elbe 
 at the critical moment, Antwerp was aimed at by a 
 tardy, ill-timed, grand, showy affair, at enormous cost, 
 with "A commander known to have owed his ap- 
 pointment to royal favor," ^ as an ultra friend to 
 George III admits, to seek dockyards to destroy and 
 ships to burn or bring away. Another distinguished 
 friend to George says : — ^ 
 
 " Yet, weighed with the difficulty and danger of an attack on them, 
 the object of destroying them seems to have been very inadequate. 
 Admitting that Buonaparte might succeed in building ships in the 
 Scheldt, or elsewhere, there was no possibility, in the existing state 
 of the world, that he could have been able to get sailors to man them, 
 unless, at least, modern seamen could have been bred on dry land." 
 
 If such an expedition was to go, then most of all it 
 would require the utmost ability in its commander. 
 Yet George gave the command to his favorite, the 
 Earl of Chatham, brother of William Pitt, whom, if 
 possible, he exceeded as a bad manager. This new 
 commander, says George's great friend Scott : — 
 
 " Was remarkable for a spirit of inactivity and procrastination, the 
 consequences of which had been felt in all the public offices which he 
 held and which therefore were likely to be peculiarly fatal in an expe- 
 dition requiring the utmost celerity and promptitude of action." 
 
 This so-called "secret" expedition was paraded 
 with the utmost ostentation : — 
 
 "During the three days on which it ran down the English shore 
 every heiglit was covered with people .... all England seemed to 
 have collected on the coast.'"* 
 
 This is the way that the ministry kept the im- 
 portant secret. Its destination was to be concealed, 
 
 « Alison iii, 268. 2 gir Walter Scott' s Napoleon, 53. 
 
 3 C. Knight vii, 293. 
 
400 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 yet an order issued during embarkation mentioned the 
 "burgomaster," an office peculiar to the low coun- 
 tries." It was the most stupendous expedition that 
 Great Britain had ever sent abroad. It was very 
 magnificent, very costly. It carried 39,143 soldiers ; 
 an immense number of sailors and marines ; at least 
 four thousand cannon, and 9,000 horses. Besides one 
 hundred and sixty transports and other vessels, here 
 sailed thirty-seven of those monstrous floating war 
 castles, called ships of the line, now disappeared from 
 the seas ; and five 44 and 50 gun ships and 18 frig- 
 ates. Ancient Rome or Greece never saw its equal. 
 The renowned Spanish Armada of 1588 was far in- 
 ferior in strength. But this display was ill-timed, it 
 looked like a triumph, but a triumph better follow 
 than precede battle. Too late it was discovered that 
 boats for landing were deficient in numbers. The 
 Austrian war was ended. The armistice for peace 
 was July 12. Wagram had been lost July 6. It was 
 not till July 28 that the first British division sailed 
 for Walcheren. It was too late to affect the Aus- 
 trian campaign, or to rouse Germany ; now nobody 
 in Germany thought of rising against Napoleon. The 
 crisis had passed ; the golden opportunity was gone. 
 Twenty days after Wagram, eighteen days after 
 armistice, several weeks too late, 20,000 men landed 
 at Walcheren. Even then, had Chatham acted with 
 military promptness, and pushed forward vigorously 
 to Antwerp, it must have fallen into his hands. Ex- 
 tensively as the ministry had advertised that this 
 " secret " expedition was coming, yet so completely 
 had Napoleon denuded the country of troops to fight 
 the Austrians, that Antwerp, garrisoned by but 3,000 
 
MADE A BLIND BEGGAR BY WALCHEREN. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 401 
 
 half-invalid troops, ^ could not have held out against 
 a much less force had a general like Sir John Moore 
 commanded. Chatham captured Middleburg, in- 
 vested Flushing, and occupied Batz, the key to both 
 channels of the river Scheldt, and two-thirds of the 
 way from where they had landed to Antwerp. The 
 French vessels had gone from Flushing up the river. 
 The English squadron neglected to pursue ; Chat- 
 ham was too slow. Good officers of experience ad' 
 vised rushing at once for Antwerp, but the incom- 
 petent Chatham would attack Flushing first. It con- 
 sumed a fortnight to prepare for that, though had 
 Antwerp fallen Flushing would have surrendered 
 without a shot. Napoleon afterward said to O'Meara 
 that if a few thousand men had landed at Wilhemstad 
 and marched direct to Antwerp, it might have been 
 taken by a coup-de-main. But the quick advance was 
 not made. Time was wasted besieging Flushing. It 
 was bombarded and it surrendered, August i6, with 
 only 4,500 defenders. Nineteen days were gone. 
 The French had strengthened two intermediate places 
 and were now in the way. Then the continued occu- 
 pation of Walcheren to seal up the great port of Ant- 
 vVerp was contemplated. But it was a terribly un- 
 healthy spot ; it was the sickly season ; fevers pros- 
 trated the English by thousands ; many died in 
 Walcheren island ; 12,863 were sent home sick.^ 
 Fouch^ sent Bernadotte to Antwerp. He soon 
 made it defensible, and gave the British ships such a 
 cannonade that they left the river. Flushing was 
 given up. Chatham's army and navy evacuated Wal- 
 cheren and its waters, December 23, 1809. Thus 
 
 1 Scott: Thiers. *Parl. papers No. 24, Pari, debates xv, 23 April. 
 
 26 
 
402 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 ended the great expedition, untimely sent, but which^ 
 had it been sent in season under an able commander, 
 might have inflicted a severe blow on Napoleon's 
 power. 
 
 Miss Martineau (English) ^ says : — 
 
 " When Walcheren was evacuated, December 23, nearly half the 
 force sent out five months before were dead or missing; and of those 
 who returned, 35,000 were admitted into the hospitals of England 
 before the next first of June. Twenty millions sterling (almost $100,- 
 000,000) were spent on the expedition. It was the purchase money 
 of tens of thousands of deaths, and the ineffacable national disgrace." 
 
 To this remark I reply that it was not a disgrace 
 to the honorable British people nor to their army or 
 navy. Soldiers or seamen can hardly be expected to 
 win renown if directed by incapacity at headquarters. 
 The whole disgrace belongs alone to George III and 
 his war minister, Castlereagh, and George's Chatham. 
 Chatham was : — 
 
 "Totally destitute of the activity and decision requisite . . . . 
 destitute of experience, unknown to fame."^ "The military com- 
 mand was given, as the selection of the present cabinet had been, to 
 Lord Chatham for no better reason than that he was a favorite with 
 the king and queen It was wholly a court appointment." ^ 
 
 This case illustrates the evil of heredity in affairs, 
 and contrasts strongly with the better system in Vic- 
 toria's reign of leaving affairs to be managed by an 
 executive ministry not responsible to the crown. 
 Even after the revolting misery of the enormous fail- 
 ure the court and ministry tried to shield Chatham, 
 but outraged public opinion drove him to resign his 
 place in George's cabinet. In September while the 
 army and navy were intensely suffering at Walche- 
 ren, Canning insisted that Castlereagh be dismissed. 
 
 • History England i. 273. * Alison's Europe iii, 265. 
 
 'Martineau i, 271. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 403 
 
 George was reluctant. Castlereagh controlled about 
 thirty votes in parliament. Castlereagh discovered 
 that the ministers had all along regarded him as in- 
 competent; he resigned and challenged and fought 
 and wounded Canning. The ministry was low in 
 popular contempt. Canning too went out and with 
 him that far better man, Huskinson. 
 
 A mournful jubilee of grief came October 25 for 
 the beginning of the fiftieth year that Britain had 
 been afflicted with George's reign. The unworthy 
 king's pet son was just disgraced for crime, George 
 was at mutual hatred with his other sons; his friends, 
 the " Pittites," were quarrelling ; George's govern- 
 ment was in disgrace abroad and dishonor at home ; 
 the Walcheren misery, the royal thieveries, imbecil- 
 ities, corruptions, had disgusted the British people ; it 
 was prayer for relief from George's miseries, not jubi- 
 lee that was wanted. The best that could be said of 
 George III was that he stood between the British 
 and a dissolute successor, George, Prince of Wales, 
 whom few or none loved, and whose vices and crimes 
 the British feared. This had caused some unhealthy 
 sympathy for the British king. For one day the 
 people sang, rang the bells, feasted, had processions 
 and illuminations, and deserters were pardoned. 
 Never had a great people more need of a holiday; 
 the times were the depth of British gloom ; some 
 good natured Britons, unable to find anything else in 
 hard old George to admire, showed " respect to his 
 length of days." 
 
 The Walcheren calamity broke up the ministry. 
 The half-dead Duke of Portland retired and died. 
 This ministry had come in, March 25, 1807, i" dis- 
 
404 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 grace ; its existence was ignominious ; it went out in 
 public contempt. 
 
 December i, 1809, after attempt at coalition with 
 Whigs, a Tory ministry was formed, Perceval, Pre- 
 mier; Lord Wellesley, Foreign Office; Robert Jen- 
 kinson (Lord Liverpool), ^ War Office. 
 
 Perceval " was adverse to all the liberal doctrines 
 of the age." ^ The British of today are not account- 
 able for him for he belonged to an age now gone by 
 in England. 
 
 The Walcheren alarm greatly aided Napoleon by 
 enabling him to call out a great force of the National 
 Guard (militia) for that occasion, and once out he 
 kept them as permanent troops.^ " England pro- 
 duces us an army of 80,000 men, whom we could not 
 have procured otherwise," he wrote. 
 
 The Tyrol was not included in the armistice. 
 Therefore during peace negotiations it continued to 
 be the scene of desperate strife. After Aspern, 
 Tyrolese had freed their mountains from invaders. 
 But Wagram struck them with horror. Fresh French 
 and Bavarian troops were sent to subdue them and 
 the Austrians retired. The Tyrolese attacked these 
 troops at the bridge of Laditch, August 4, and after 
 a wild, romantic fight in the narrow defile, drove them 
 back with a loss of 1,200 men. This successful out- 
 break aroused a general rising. Eight days later, in a 
 general battle near Innspruck, they again defeated the 
 invaders with great loss and disaster, and compelled 
 them to retreat from the Tyrol to Salsburg. Again 
 the Tyrol was free. Andreas Hofer formed a Tyrol 
 government. Napoleon prepared to crush them. 
 
 ' He had been Lord Hawksbury. " Alison iii, 271. ^ Thiers i, 317. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 405 
 
 After gaining several advantages, Eugene offered 
 amnesty for submission. Peace with Austria had 
 been signed ; there could be no hope of Austrian help. 
 The Tyrol refused the peace. But early snows drove 
 the peasants down from the mountains and made 
 them more accessible. After considerable more se- 
 vere fighting the revolt was crushed in blood. Many 
 chiefs accepted amnesty ; Hofer still resisted ; he 
 was captured January 5, 18 10. Napoleon ordered 
 that this patriot be tried by court-martial and shot, 
 which was done at Mantua. It was cruel and con- 
 trary to the laws of war, it was practically assassin- 
 ation by Napoleon's orders, like the German case of 
 Palm, the book-seller. 
 
 In July, 1809, an English expedition, by great en- 
 terprise, captured the last French possessions in St. 
 Domingo. Martinique was taken in February, 1809. 
 These were important British successes. Zante and 
 Cephalonia, islands near Turkey, were freed from 
 French rule by British force. 
 
 Papal affairs excited Europe. French troops occu- 
 pied Rome, February 2, 1808. In April Napoleon's 
 imperial decree united four papal provinces with the 
 " Kingdom of Italy." In Rome the French took 
 control of the posts, the press, and the taxes, and in- 
 corporated the pope's troops with the French. An 
 alliance, offensive and defensive, the pope had re- 
 fused. May 17, 1809, Napoleon, then in Austria, 
 decreed that the states of the pope are reunited with 
 the French empire. By " reunited " he referred to 
 the fact that these states were given to the pope a 
 thousand years before by Ciiarlemagne, whose gift 
 Napoleon claimed to rescind. Napoleon held that 
 
406 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 the pope should be above the contest and affairs of 
 politics ; that he should be a spiritual power only, 
 with a liberal yearly income of 2,000,000 francs which 
 this decree assigned him, and independent of all quar- 
 rels of secular governments. Yet he himself tried to 
 rule the pope. Napoleon decreed Rome to be a free 
 imperial city. To this decree, published at Rome, 
 July 1 1, 1808, Pius VII responded by a bull of excom- 
 munication, not mentioning Napoleon by name, but 
 against all authors or accomplices of the act. It pro- 
 hibited any one from holding it as authority for any 
 attack on the person of Napoleon or of his adherents. 
 The French stopped the pope's couriers who were 
 carrying his protests to foreign countries. The pope 
 pretended to be a prisoner, but he formed a new 
 guard after his guards were merged with the French. 
 The French disarmed it, and threatened his secre- 
 tary. Napoleon proclaimed abolition of the Inquisi- 
 tion, of entails, of convents, and of church jurisdic- 
 tions, that he would change nothing in the Church, 
 its dogmas or its rites.^ The lower class and priests 
 were indignant ; the better class not well satisfied 
 with either pope or emperor.^ At night, July 5, 1809, 
 the French general, Radet, entered the Quirinal, 
 which had just been broken open, and in respectful 
 manner asked the pope to renounce his temporal sov- 
 ereignty. Pius VII declined. A carriage was in 
 waiting, the pope was conducted to France. He re- 
 mained at Savona in France above three years, care- 
 fully watched but not imprisoned. Napoleon had 
 made a great blunder. His rash act shocked the 
 Catholics. The pope at Rome was a less interesting 
 
 1 Thiers iii, 330. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 407 
 
 man than the pope regarded as a state prisoner in 
 France. The pope's excommunication bull was 
 widely distributed in Spain to irritate against the 
 emperor. 
 
 Rome felt the great change. That ancient city 
 awoke to modern life. Great works, half obscured by 
 the ruins of fourteen centuries, were cleared and again 
 seen in their beauty. The code Napoleon, the con- 
 scription, the " Continental System," were introduced 
 in vigor. The emperor decreed Rome the second city 
 of the empire. 
 
 England and Turkey made a treaty of peace, Janu- 
 ary 5, 1809. Now British goods were sent into 
 Turkey, and thence into Hungary and Austria, find- 
 ing a valuable market. Americans entered this val- 
 uable trade only as they eluded Jefferson's embargo 
 and non-intercourse acts. Those who obeyed the 
 absurd Jefferson law missed this good business ; many 
 of those who disobeyed obtained great profits. 
 
 George Ill's ministry sent a strong British and 
 Sicilian force, too late, as usual, which they wasted in 
 tardy, unseasonable moves against the French in Na- 
 ples. It did not sail from Palermo till the Austrian 
 Archduke John, with his army in whose aid it was 
 sent, had been gone from Italy a month ! Such was 
 the inefficient government Great Britain had to endure. 
 
 Several French war and merchant vessels were 
 destroyed by the British near Genoa, October 30, 1809. 
 
 Wellesley landed at Lisbon, April 22, 1809, with 
 30,000 British soldiers. 
 
 Napoleon ordered Marshal Soult to enter Portugal. 
 After many combats he defeated the Spanish under 
 Romana and took Oporto by hard fighting. His 
 
408 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 troops sacked the city. With Oporto he took 197 
 cannon, great magazines of powder and thirty loaded 
 British vessels. Soult governed at Oporto with firm 
 ness ; he conciliated some of the Portuguese. But 
 the Portuguese were so reluctant to fight for the in- 
 vaders that " the odious spectacle was constantly ex- 
 hibited of men marched in chains to re-inforce armies." ^ 
 A conspiracy to make Soult king of Portugal came to 
 nothing, though many French officers would have 
 been glad thus to have escaped from serving Napo- 
 leon. But the Spanish and Portuguese closed Soult's 
 line of communication with the French in Spain. He 
 was isolated. Wellesley advanced against him. Soult 
 tried to retreat. Wellesley came to Oporto and found 
 him unprepared. A battle. May 12, 1809, defeated, 
 compelled Soult to hasten to retreat. In his forced 
 flight he abandoned cannon, baggage, even a part of 
 the army money. He arrived in northwest Spain 
 with great loss. PortU2:al was a second time freed 
 from the French. It was decided British victory. 
 The track of Soult's retreat was marked by burning 
 villages, set on fire by both French and British, ^ — 
 both lawless. The British commander wrote of the 
 British troops : — 
 
 "There is not an outrage of any description which has not been 
 committed on a people who have uniformly received us as friends " 
 . who . . "have plundered the country terribly."'^ 
 
 War at best is very cruel ; it causes frighiful suffer- 
 ing, but when thus aggravated by outrages it is bar- 
 barity. The only sure way to avoid such cruelties, 
 such shocking barbarities, is to avoid war. The 
 
 » Napier. ' Theirs iii, 286. 
 
 s Wellesley to Castlereagh, May 31 and June 17, 1809. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 409 
 
 persons who cause war are responsible for its 
 enormities. 
 
 The French defeated the Spaniards in the battles 
 of Cuidad Real and Medelin, March 1809. The little 
 Spanish armies were much scattered and not united 
 under any general head. Ill organized and badly- 
 provided they may have amounted to 153,000 men, 
 that, with Wellesley's 42,000 made 195,000 total. ^ 
 The French invaders probably were 300,000, but 
 divided by a separate command being allowed to each 
 marshal, and divided command always weakens an 
 army. In the north were French military govern- 
 ments. As much as possible of the expense of this 
 great military force was forcibly taken from the 
 country according to Napoleon's systematic plan of 
 general robbery. The loss of battles depressed Span- 
 ish spirit. Twenty-eight thousand heads of families 
 enrolled themselves in a few days at Madrid as 
 friendly to Joseph. Yet King Joseph was neither a 
 statesman nor a good general. He was regarded 
 coolly by the French and more coolly by his few sub- 
 missive subjects. The marshals despised him ; Na- 
 poleon constantly blamed and annoyed him ; he lacked 
 the spirit of his brother Lucien, to abandon the hope- 
 less struggle and Napoleon's tyranny and leave the 
 country, but he claimed of Napoleon a right to be 
 restored as king of Naples where Murat now reigned. 
 It was little gain to Napoleon that he made any of 
 his family kings. As such each one was a failure. 
 Only one, Louis, was worthy to rule, and Napoleon 
 ruined the usefulness of Louis. Jerome and Joseph 
 
 1 26,000 British and Germans and the 16,000 Portuguese under British Gen- 
 eral Beresf ord. 
 
410 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 lacked executive ability, Murat was fit only to lead 
 cavalry under some other commander. Fettered by 
 Napoleon's rapacity, Joseph and Louis could not use 
 the milder, conciliatory policy. Napoleon wanted in 
 Spain and Holland only strong, arbitrary rule. Those 
 who have believed him in any degree disposed to 
 favor republican government have singularly mistaken 
 his despotic character. There was nothing republi- 
 can or democratic in his disposition. His nature 
 was absolutist. 
 
 Wellesley joined with Cuesta's Spanish army of 
 42,000 men. But lack of cordial, prompt and ener- 
 getic Spanish support, the egotistical willfulness of 
 Cuesta compelled Wellesley to receive battle instead 
 of giving it. At Talavera, July 28, 1809, Wellesley 
 gave the French a serious defeat ; compelled their 
 retreat, but could not improve the victory because of 
 Cuesta's incapacity, and the failure of Spain to 
 furnish needed supplies, even the necessary food. It 
 was found that British need more to eat than do 
 Spaniards, which facts soon after compelled Wellesley 
 to retire, leaving many wounded to the French, who 
 gave them courteous treatment.^ 
 
 It was ominous to Napoleon that the British were 
 proving so competent as soldiers. Talavera victory 
 indicates what might have been done in Prussia if 
 George's ministry had sent there 60,000 men under 
 Wellesley or Beresford, when Napoleon had just re- 
 ceived his terrible check from the Russians at Eylau, 
 February 8, 1807. It was the British and Portuguese 
 that had fairly and severely beaten the French at 
 Talavera. The Spanish, though present, had given 
 
 1 Napier. Thiers. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 411 
 
 but little aid. Marshal Victor had chosen to attack 
 without waiting for Soult, who was coming. Welles- 
 ley showed that he could repulse a superior force of 
 the best troops of France, led by a veteran marshal ; 
 therefore it was a remarkable event in Napoleonic 
 wars. Vain Cuesta, who might have aided Wellesley 
 greatly, now met the French at Arzobispo, near Tal- 
 avera, and had his army knocked to pieces, August 
 8, 1809, his artillery lost, 38,000 men dispersed. 
 Five days later the French defeated another Spanish 
 army reckoned at 35,000 men, under Venegas, at 
 Almonevid. The Spanish were immensely losing by 
 not supporting and cordially acting with Wellesley. 
 England, justly proud of the soldierly qualities of 
 Wellesley, made him Marquis of Wellington. 
 
 May, 1809, Marshal Suchet's defeat and dispersal 
 of Blake's Spanish army, decided for French posses- 
 sion of Aragon for that year. Details of the many 
 battles, sieges, marches, in Spain, are too much to 
 state here. It was a harrassing system of warfare. 
 
 The shocking, terribly revolting siege of Gerona, 
 resulted, December 12, 1809, in its surrender. The 
 town was almost destroyed ; its people and garrison 
 starved. Nine thousand of them per- 
 ished, of whom 4,000 were citizens. Gerona. Dec. 12, 1809. 
 But 4,300 of its garrison were left to 
 become prisoners. It had held out seven months ; 
 180 cannon had battered it ; 80,000 cannon balls had 
 struck it ; 2,000 bombs had aided the frightful de- 
 struction ; 1 5,000 men had perished around its walls ; 
 thus this terrible siege had cost 24,000 lives ; A 
 single item in the vast destruction for which Napo- 
 leon alone is responsible for his attempt to place his 
 
412 UNITED STATES AND EUEOPB. 
 
 incapable brother over a nation who hated the very 
 name of Bonaparte. It was not France that made 
 this war, it was Napoleon ; the French people were 
 opposed to the whole Spanish and Portuguese war. 
 France was forced to it. 
 
 Napoleon's peninsular war was a very high crime. 
 All the crimes committed by all the felons in all the 
 prisons of Europe today, are far short in their atroc- 
 ities and the human suffering caused to the im- 
 mense magnitude of terrible distress ; to the whole- 
 sale torments inflicted in this single war by the arro- 
 gant despotism of Napoleon's madness to rule or 
 ruin. It was an unnecessary war ; it was unprovoked ; 
 it was useless ; it was very cruel. His cold blooded 
 murder of the 4,000 prisoners at Acre, in 1799; his 
 confessed murder of the 300 Russian soldiers, at 
 Moscow, in 1812; his murder of the misguided pat- 
 riot, Hofer, in 1809, were merciful compared with the 
 useless and very cruel siege of Gerona, in 1809, or the 
 destruction of the 54,000 Spanish men, women and 
 children, in the siege of Saragossa, in 1808. If the 
 perpetrator of a single murder deserves hanging or 
 imprisonment for life, what does not the man deserve 
 who, without provocation, without either insult or 
 injury, wantonly invades, with a great army of above 
 323,000 men, a peaceful, friendly nation, for no other 
 purpose than to arbitrarily, despotically rule it ? 
 
 The French conquered the rich province of Anda- 
 lusia by the total defeat of the southern Spanish 
 army under Arezega, November 12, at Oceana after 
 the British, unsupported, had retired to Portugal. 
 The victors took 2,000 prisoners and 55 cannon. Jo- 
 seph entered Cordova in triumph, January 17, 18 10, 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 413 
 
 and into Seville itself, February 17. The Spanish 
 Supreme Junta retired to Cadiz which has the sea 
 on three sides and is a strong position against land 
 forces ; 20,000 Spanish soldiers were there. Spanish 
 guerilla warfare existed extensively. French soldiers 
 must keep together or they were sure to be lost. 
 Defeated in one spot the guerillas reappeared in an- 
 other. The French were not safe unless in strong 
 force. Napoleon was fighting a people. Some guer- 
 illas were in large, some in small parties. Soult 
 proclaimed that he would treat them as banditti. 
 They replied that they would execute two Frenchmen 
 for every guerilla so punished. These threats were 
 fulfilled on both sides. It was a murderous war; both 
 sides were degenerating into savages. Bonaparte had 
 made not only a crime, but a great blunder in attack- 
 ing Spain. Before he began this dreadful war he 
 ruled Spain through its miserable, worthless king, 
 Charles IV, and his minister, Godoy, whom he com- 
 pelled to give him vast sums of money and free use 
 of Spain's navy and many Spanish soldiers for his 
 French army. By the war Napoleon had greedily 
 killed the goose that laid the golden eggs. Napo- 
 leon had expected to compel Spain to pay all the 
 great costs of its own conquest, the pay, subsistence, 
 clothing, everything of the invading French army. 
 But so general was the hostility of the Spanish that 
 the French army and Napoleon's new king, Joseph, 
 must receive money from France or starve. The 
 French robbed the Spanish people by contributions 
 wherever practicable, but they were not answerable 
 to Joseph, and he had neither power or much influ- 
 ence but that forced bv the French arms, and the 
 
414 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 French marshals disregarded him. " I am king of 
 Spain only by your arms," he wrote to Napoleon, 
 February 17, 1809. It was still true in 1810. 
 
 December, 1809, Wellington moved to near Al- 
 meida in Portugal. He improved at Torres Vedras 
 and in front of Lisbon, those lines afterward so fa- 
 mous. Wellington's plans were well laid, but the 
 division of the opponents of the French into three 
 nationalities, British, Spanish, and Portuguese, was 
 subject to all the usual difficulties of divided com- 
 mands, and the irregularities of the Spanish ; their 
 several divided Juntas, their subdivided armies, their 
 lack of discipline and united action, the vain pride of 
 their leaders, their frittering away of force in separ- 
 ate commands, their unreliableness as allies greatly 
 damaged their prospects. 
 
 Strange intrigues occurred. Napoleon wished to 
 sound the British ministry respecting peace. Instead 
 of going frankly about it, this important business was 
 committed to intrigue. Labouchere, a Dutch banker, 
 was sent to England as if on ordinary business, to be 
 a mediator. He had no credentials. The British 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs, Marquis Wellesley, ex- 
 pressed wish for peace if officially offered with def- 
 inite disposals, but saw no utility in this clandestine 
 affair, without authority or appearance of sincere de- 
 sire for peace. If Napoleon was ready to treat why 
 act slily as if ashamed of it .■' 
 
 Mr. Baring, speaking only for himself, suggested 
 to Labouchere an arrangement to leave Malta to 
 England, Sicily to its king Ferdinand who had never 
 lost its possession, Spain to Ferdinand VII, giving as 
 far as the Ebro to France. These terms were cer- 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 415 
 
 tainly not illiberal to Napoleon when he had never 
 conquered or occupied a single foot of Sicily, had no 
 need of Malta, and could hardly maintain his hold on 
 Spain with 300,000 men. 
 
 England was willing to treat on either basis, viz: — 
 
 1. Possession before the war. 
 
 2. Present possession. 
 
 3. Reciprocal compensations. 
 
 Napoleon refused and let devastation go on. Labou- 
 chere's report showed to Napoleon that Spain was 
 now the great point of contention. Well had it been 
 for him had he yielded to the wishes of the French 
 people and made peace on so favorable terms. 
 
 The price of sugar was made high by the prohibi- 
 tion of colonial goods, but France was now making 
 beet sugar. British goods were forced high in price, 
 but this stimulated French manufacture, and the 
 French had the whole continent as a market for their 
 silks, woolens, and cotton goods ; they got cotton 
 from the Levant, Naples, and Spain, and thus pro- 
 hibitory protection was founding production in France 
 and defying the Jefferson-Madison embargo policy. 
 
 At that moment the most prominent man in France 
 next to Napoleon was Fouch^, Minister of Police. 
 Fouch^ was also secretly trying negotiations said to 
 be unknown to Napoleon. He had sent to England, 
 Ouvrard, a notorious speculator. Napoleon's intrigue 
 discovered that of Fouche. The tricky emoeror, en- 
 raged or pretending rage, dismissed the cunning min- 
 ister and sent him to Italy. But Napoleon's intrigue 
 was spoiled. This mean affair ended efforts between 
 him and England for peace. Thenceforth they fought 
 out the long war began in 1793, intermitted in 1801-2, 
 
416 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 recommenced in 1803 after intermission of fourteen 
 months, and continued till 1814, and resumed for a 
 " hundred days" in 181 5, more than twenty-one years 
 of war. 
 
 Fouch^'s plan comprised restoration of mutilated 
 Spain to Bourbon Ferdinand of Spain, or if Joseph 
 Bonaparte were retained as king of Spain then to 
 give to Ferdinand a kingdom made of the Spanish 
 colonies ; and for Bourbon Louis, oldest brother of 
 Louis XVI, a new kingdom to be made of the United 
 States of America by French conquest. 
 
 Fouch^ reasoned thus : — 
 
 "The Americans are republicans ; they had not aided 
 Napoleon ; they were hateful to the British ministry ; 
 Jefferson's and Madison's embargoes had embroiled 
 them with both France and England ; the French 
 ought never to have aided their liberation ; Napoleon, 
 the correcter of faults, was to replace them under a 
 European monarch; England must rejoice to see 
 them checked in their ambition, punished for their 
 revolt. Jeflferson was chief of a party ; that party 
 was in power ; Jefferson was a known admirer of 
 France ; he had lived in Paris ; his party was friendly 
 to the French ; the southern states contained much 
 French sentiment; it was only the commercial north 
 that was more friendly to the British." 
 
 That Jefferson would have vigorously fought this 
 scheme is undoubted, but that is not how Napoleon 
 estimated friends of France ; he believed them acqui- 
 escent. The existence of the American Republic 
 was a constant menace to European restrictions. On 
 the seizure of four French vessels for violation of our 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 417 
 
 useless embargo folly, Napoleon had said to the 
 American minister : — 
 
 "The extent of the loss is nothing : the honor of the flag is every- 
 thing. You have laid hands upon vessels protected by my flag, and 
 a single attempt would be sufficient to make me seize all the Ameri- 
 can marine if I could." ^ 
 
 Had it been the British ocean supremacy that was 
 crushed at Trafalgar instead of that of Napoleon ; had 
 not the powerful British navy held the ocean between 
 France and America, only a small pretext may have 
 been sufficient, — for his greatest wars were made on 
 small provocations, — for Napoleon to have inundated 
 America with troops of many nations, to destroy our 
 liberties, not for a Bourbon, but for the only man for 
 whom he ever worked, himself. 
 
 At that very time he was increasing his navy ; he 
 had 42 ships of the line ; he expected to have 100 by 
 181 2, which with frigates and corvettes could embark 
 150,000 troops; and he had ordered that the great 
 Antwerp docks be enlarged. For what could be all 
 this vast expenditure .'' With 100 ships of the line, 
 after Trafalgar, he could not hope to cope with 
 Britain on the seas. What, then .'' Nobody ever 
 saw his chances plainer than did Napoleon. Few 
 ever equalled him in that faculty. His great chance, 
 then, was peace with the coming George IV, the new 
 regent, and conquests beyond seas. Remember he 
 had said at Ulm : — "I want colonies, commerce." 
 
 The bad personal character of the coming George 
 IV rather invited the scheme. Napoleon made the 
 mistake of not crediting Britain with more con- 
 science than he himself possessed. 
 
 1 Thiers, Cou. et Emp., vol. iii, tome 38, p. 358. 
 
 27 
 
418 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 The Dutch have the honor of having been pioneers 
 of religious and mental freedom. They had opulent 
 free ports in the West Indies, South Africa,^ South 
 America, and in the East Indies with Trincomalee, 
 the best harbor in the Indian ocean. Their com- 
 mercial policy was most liberal, trade was least re- 
 stricted. They became wealthy ; their two per cent 
 public bonds were sometimes above par. Even when 
 champions of the seas, in 1674, they limited contra- 
 band, and allowed safety to neutrals. But when, in 
 1688, their Stadtholder,^ William of Orange, became 
 king of Great Britain, they became its ally in detri- 
 mental wars against France by land, while their fleets 
 were allowed to decline. Hence arose injurious fac- 
 tions. The Stadtholder party favored having armies 
 and opposed naval expenditures. Their fleets con- 
 tinued to decline ; they became weak at sea where 
 they had before become wealthy. The patriot party 
 now felt that Holland was deeply wronged by the 
 great injury that England inflicted on their carrying 
 trade, and by her insults to their flag ; they longed to 
 restore their maritime prosperity ; they opposed hav- 
 ing an army ; they loved their country. This party 
 were liberals. 
 
 In 1806 Napoleon required this " Batavian Repub- 
 lic" to ask for his brother Louis as their king. Hol- 
 land could only submit. Napoleon made Louis king 
 of Holland, in May, 1806. It was not the act of 
 the Hollanders. 
 
 King Louis appears to have possessed a conscience. 
 Napoleon was, therefore, displeased with him. Dutch 
 prosperity depended largely on commerce. Louis 
 
 1 Bancroft's IT. S , v, 14. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 419 
 
 had tried to soften the great hardships of Napoleon's 
 continental blockade by not enforcing it with rigor. 
 Importations were made of goods much needed for 
 the common comfort of Holland and north Germany. 
 Some little of the distress was thus alleviated. Louis 
 seems to have been willing that his subjects should 
 be comfortable even if this made some obscure Eng- 
 lish mechanic also comfortable. But to Napoleon 
 this willingness that a British workman should have 
 food and clothes was a political crime in Louis. The 
 British must be starved into peace on his terms. 
 George III was a bad king, so war must be made 
 against food for British workmen's families ! Few 
 meaner principles have ever been admitted into war 
 than this " Continental System " of starving both 
 Europe and the British ; a war of strength against 
 weakness ; a war as much on the women and helpless 
 children as on the stubborn, hard old king. For ac- 
 tual comfort the continent needed the British market, 
 and the British required the contmental markets. 
 Any bar to these beyond proper home labor protec- 
 tion is always impediment to the comfort of all but 
 those who have wealth sufficient to buoy them above 
 ordinary disadvantages. No other man in Europe 
 ever so much warred against the common rights of 
 labor as did Napoleon. He has been lauded as the 
 head of European democracy ; there was no democ- 
 racy whatever in his rule ; much farther from real 
 republican democracy, which simply is the willing, 
 harmonious union of all to guarantee and protect the 
 individuals, each to do his honest, fair best for him- 
 self without ever injuring another in any way; and 
 which must regulate the rights of all, by law equally 
 
420 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 applicable to all, so that none may trespass on an- 
 other. Such is real democracy, republicanism. It 
 did not exist in the French revolution's persecutions 
 for opinion's sake. Marat, Danton, Robespierre, 
 Napoleon were no more democrats than was the 
 Emperor of Austria, less so than the Czar of Russia, 
 who from 1801 to 18 12 was inclined to be a liberal, 
 still farther from democracy than even hard old 
 George himself, who was the king of a nation then 
 partially, now almost wholly republican in fact, 
 though monarchial in form. 
 
 Great Britain was really and by far the freest coun - 
 try of Europe; perhaps Denmark ranked next ; Na- 
 poleon who in 1802 returned to cruel slavery the St. 
 Domingans after the slaves had freed themselves, was 
 far less a liberal or a humane man than the Czar 
 Alexander, who just then freed the serfs of the Baltic 
 provinces of Russia. Napoleon's government was 
 much less liberal than that of Austria under Joseph 
 II and Leopold II from 1780 to 1792. The evils that 
 Napoleon inflicted during the time that he controlled 
 Poland, from 1807 to 18 13, were more severe, more 
 terrible than those inflicted in the same length of 
 succeeding years after it fell into the power of Rus- 
 sia. It is the greatest mistake to suppose that Na- 
 poleon was either republican or democrat, or that he 
 represented anything but despotism. The free press 
 and free speech of America and British countries 
 were utterly wanting wherever his power could reach ; 
 even Sweden under madcap Gustavus was better, 
 freer governed. Yet the strange delusion was held 
 then and for forty years later, by many Americans, 
 that Napoleon struggled for the rights of men against 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 421 
 
 despotism. Few assumptions could be less true. 
 He did fight against several despots; but only with an 
 arbitrary one man power. He never found a repub- 
 lic or a republican principle within his reach but that 
 he destroyed it. The i,ooo year old republic of 
 Venice, the 1,400 year old republic of Genoa, the 
 grand old Swiss republic, all the new republics, 
 France, Italy, Holland, he ruled by his own arbitrary 
 will ; and the will of Napoleon meant much, for sel- 
 dom has the world seen such a meddler, who so much 
 interfered in every department and every duty, and 
 frequently hindered the good that they would. The 
 so-called Italian Republic was no more a republic 
 than imperial Germany of 1890, though Germany is 
 far from being a republic. 
 
 In his conquests Napoleon oppressed labor by his 
 wholesale plundering, by his terrible exactions of 
 money and property. In France, Germany, Italy, 
 Switzerland, and Holland, he robbed labor of the 
 person of the laborer himself by conscripting him to 
 fight and die abroad. He especially hated British 
 labor and colonial labor. His prohibition of imports 
 of British and colonial property was especially in- 
 tended to mortify the dull George III and his imme- 
 diate supporters by causing the utter poverty, distress, 
 misery of British laborers. He could not expect to 
 starve the hard old king nor his ministers, nor the 
 ruling class then in England ; it was the poor, the 
 working people, those whose bread depended on em- 
 ployment, that he meant to starve. And this, too, is 
 really the very class that Jefferson's embargo and 
 Madison's non-intercourse Acts were to aid Napoleon 
 to starve.^ 
 
 1 Ruf . King's statement. 
 
422 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 King Louis had committed errors ; he had re-estab- 
 lished the old noblesse, granted new titles, formed an 
 expensive new guard with marshals ; given unearned 
 pensions to nobles. Of these and of the smallness 
 of the Dutch navy Napoleon complained. Louis had 
 actually appointed Dutchmen instead of Frenchmen 
 to Dutch offices ! He had mistaken himself for a 
 protector of his subjects instead of being a mere 
 French agent ; had favored Dutch trade and com- 
 merce instead of the caprice of Napoleon ; he had 
 omitted to entirely prevent Dutch trade; sugar, cof- 
 fee, cotton, food was actually arriving in Holland, 
 and ships were taking away return cargoes of Dutch 
 produce. These facts angered the unjust Napoleon. 
 It was " the Americans " at fault ; "the Americans" 
 must be robbed was Napoleon's idea. He pretended 
 to believe that these American ships and goods were 
 really English. Lost to sentiments of honor Napo- 
 leon demanded of Louis to repudiate two-thirds of 
 the debt of Holland ; to give to him fourteen ships 
 of the line, seven frigates and seven brigs or cor- 
 vettes fully armed and equipped ; to give him an 
 army of 25,000 Dutch ; to treacherously seize Amer- 
 ican vessels that enter Holland ; to practically aban- 
 don Dutch sovereignty by allowing French courts 
 in Paris to settle Dutch prize cases ; "to give up to 
 him to be disposed of to his profit all American ves- 
 sels that should enter the ports of Holland." ^ Great 
 amounts of American property were in Holland ; Na- 
 poleon wanted to grab them ; their sale would pro- 
 duce him a large sum ; he wanted to plunder the 
 goods. He also demanded rigid exclusion of British 
 
 I Thiers Con. et Kiiipire, tome 3«, p. 368. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 423 
 
 goods. Louis must retract his bad decrees favoring 
 noblesse, and cancel the new titles and marshals 
 which he had unwisely made. 
 
 Louis knew that the Americans had entered Dutch 
 ports in peaceful commerce, with no hostile inten- 
 tions toward France; that they had trusted to his 
 honor and his laws for good faith, and his conscience, 
 his honor, his sense of manliness revolted against the 
 bandit demand of Napoleon. Louis did not wish to 
 be the wholesale robber of quiet American and Brit- 
 ish merchants, Hke the great despoiler of non-com- 
 batants himself. Louis demurred. 
 
 Louis went to Paris, April 10, 1810. Wishing to 
 avoid Napoleon's hospitality he accepted that of his 
 mother, Letitia. "His first act was to demand a 
 separation from his wife,"^ Hortense, whom many 
 believed to prefer Napoleon to her husband. The 
 matter was so far hushed that it was agreed that they 
 should continue to live separately without formal act 
 of divorce. 
 
 March, 18 10, Napoleon compelled Louis to cede to 
 France the Dutch possessions west of the Rhine. 
 
 In Holland many ships eluded Napoleon s decrees ; 
 Denmark aided trade ; Russia, greatly needing market 
 for raw material, and requiring foreign goods, eluded 
 his system and carried on a trade under the Ameri- 
 can flag, when Napoleon was trying to compel all 
 Europe into his war against commerce. 
 
 The great natural avarice of Napoleon was excited 
 by the rich stores of American and British property 
 in Holland. Because King Louis would no further rob 
 Americans in Holland, Napoleon decreed non-inter- 
 
 *" Historical Documents" iii, lofi-57. 
 
424 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 course with Holland. As Holland was already cut 
 off from its own ocean commerce by the war with 
 Britain, to now separate it from France, and to bar it 
 from Europe as this decree would do, would stifle its 
 trade, prostrate its business. 
 
 King Louis obtained revocation of this decree by 
 promising a change ; he would allow arrest of the 
 American traders in Holland. Napi)leon caused their 
 arrests there and in the Hanse towns. He urged 
 Denmark and Prussia to arrest their American traders. 
 He said they were English who assumed to be Am- 
 ericans for protection as neutrals. If Americans, they 
 have crossed the sea, he said, against American law 
 (the embargo and non-intercourse laws), he would 
 make no distinction. The treacherous emperor, true 
 to his robber instincts, wished to decoy American and 
 British traders, under pretense of safety, into his 
 hands, that he might rob them. He proposed to 
 Prussia : — 
 
 " Let them enter, and arrest tliem afterward: deliver the cargoes 
 to me, aiul I will take them in part payment of the Prussian debt." ^ 
 
 Prussia, more honorable, did not accept that dis- 
 honesty, but admitted the traders to fair trade wher- 
 ever Napoleon did not prevent it. October, 1810, 
 Napoleon compelled Prussia to exclude American 
 vessels. At this same time Napoleon was enriching 
 himself and his favorites by sale of permits to trade. 
 
 "You require," said the Czar of Russia, "that I shall cut off my 
 subjects from trade with Kni;land; that I shall prevent selling their 
 wheat and naval stores, for which they can find no market but with 
 English merchants; that I shall condemn them not to receive in 
 exchange, sugar, coffee, and manufactures which they need ; and you 
 do not hesitate to bring your silk, cloth, wine, into England, and 
 
 » Thiers Cou. et Einp., v. iii, a.'ig ;W0. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 425 
 
 thence bring sugar and coffee which your laws so strictly exclude 
 from all the rest of the continent. Be not then, so rigid to others, 
 while so indulgent to yourself." ' 
 
 In warring aj^ain.st commerce, Napoleon was really 
 warring against mankind. 
 
 Spanish American Caracas and l^uenos Ayres were 
 in revolt. The British and American settlers pro- 
 claimed Plorida independent. Mobile had a Spanish 
 garrison. The insurgents asked American protection. 
 Madison preferred to take possession under color of 
 the Louisiana purchase. In 1811 Congress secretly 
 passed an act to occupy both Floridas. The danger 
 was too great that a foreign power would occupy 
 them. Though extensively robbing Americans, Na- 
 poleon contrived to flatter Jefferson's party by saying 
 he was ready to waive the Decrees of Berlin and 
 Milan in the "special favor" of America, if America 
 would cause England to respect our neutrality ; and 
 by saying that France would not oppose our seizing 
 Florida, nor object to independence of Spanish Am- 
 erica. These Spanish c<jlonies were beyond his own 
 reach ; he was barred from them by the British navy, 
 so it cost him no plunder to let Spain lose them. 
 
 The " American cargoes " which Napoleon required 
 Louis to yield to him were largely claimed as Dutch 
 property ; some were really Dutch goods brought 
 under the American flag, from Dutch colonies ; some 
 really American, and some British and Dutch part- 
 nership property. 
 
 In place of these Louis tried to content his robber 
 brother with prizes taken by privateers, but it was 
 the " American cargoes" that Napoleon wanted to 
 plunder ; he insisted on having them. I find in all 
 
 • Thiers' Cous. et Empire, t. in, 359, 3W). 
 
426 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 his own letters and ejrclers ^ on this subject that he 
 calls this propcrt}' " American." 
 
 Louis resisted the great crime. Napoleon filled 
 the coasts and country with French agents; he even 
 formed commissions of customs and military officers 
 to summarily try persons accused of trade. Louis 
 ordered discharge of all persons arrested for trade.^ 
 Napoleon meanly compelled the Dutch to give up to 
 French vessels the Rhine navigation above Nimeguen. 
 
 These outrages made Louis very indignant. He 
 tried to let the American property alone. He had 
 tried to govern Holland for its people. This Napo- 
 leon would not permit ; he ordered the French army 
 to interfere. Disgusted with Napoleon Louis abdi- 
 cated, July 3, 1810, in favor of Hortense's son, the 
 boy, Napoleon Louis, with Hortense as regent. King 
 Louis secretly fled from Holland to Austria. Napo- 
 leon had made this boy Grand Duke of Berg, vacated 
 by Murat, but governed as a French province. The 
 abdication and flight of Louis made a profound sen- 
 sation in Europe. 
 
 Napoleon annexed Holland to France, July 9, 1810. 
 French and Belgians ruled it. He confiscated the 
 " American cargoes," he made them his own plunder. 
 
 By decree of August 5, 18 10, Napoleon committed 
 an astounding robbery. One-half of all goods already 
 imported regularly, one-half of privateer's prizes, one- 
 half of legal neutral cargoes were to 
 
 Great robbery by be scizcd by surprisc. English goods 
 
 Napoleon. were to be confiscated in whole even 
 
 though owned by his own subjects. 
 
 He would license imports at 50% duty, but not of 
 
 1 Napoleon to Louis. * Thiers Con. et Empire, viii, 386. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 427 
 
 English goods, sugar, or coffee (except Mocha), nor 
 tobacco, dyes, rice, or produce of colonies. He now 
 made his system of licenses general. 
 
 In Holland, Hamburg, Bremen, Pomerania, Prus- 
 sia, Dantzic, in such German towns as Leipsic, Frank- 
 fort, in Switzerland, Italy, Venice, Genoa, Leghorn, 
 Naples, were stores of such goods belonging to na- 
 tives and to American and British merchants. These 
 he plundered without law. Napoleon hurried off 
 couriers to the German states, Prussia, Italy, Switz- 
 erland, Denmark, Sweden, Austria, and even to Rus- 
 sia, urging them to tax, to seize, to confiscate one- 
 half or the whole of such goods, enrich their treas- 
 uries, inflict a blow on British commerce, and render 
 future smuggling of little avail. Bavaria, Wurtem- 
 burg, Baden, and Saxony, controlled by Napoleon, 
 quickly enforced this decree. Disregarding law and 
 decency, Napoleon again robbed the neutral Free 
 Cities. Hamburg, Bremen, and Lubec. He plundered 
 Prussian Stettin and Custrin and Polish Dantzic, 
 towns entitled to his special protection and which had 
 French garrisons. In many places throughout cen- 
 tral Europe he plundered the merchants of great 
 values. He compelled every continental state except 
 Russia, Turkey, and insurgent Spain and Portugal, 
 and Austria which had no ports, to accept the decree 
 of robbery of its own citizens and British merchants, 
 and, especially in Holland, of Americans. Northern 
 Spain, Germany, Holland, and Italy suffered severely 
 from his robberies. He allowed 20% commission to 
 his officers and soldiers to commit these depreda- 
 tions. Auction sales on his account were held in 
 many places. He required that all English cotton 
 goods and hardware be burned or destroyed. 
 
428 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 This gigantic robbery brought Na]:)olc()n in iSro 
 ;^30,ooo,ooo cash beside vast amounts of plundered 
 goods some of which were American property- 
 He authorized that any vessel of any nation at sea 
 might be taken by French privateers, unless it had a 
 license stating where from, where to touch, and what 
 its cargo. He tried to betray more American ves- 
 sels into his ports in order to rob them by appearing 
 to relax his coast guards. Such was the dangerous 
 character with whom President Madison and Congress 
 were coquetting. As France needed raw cotton and 
 naval stores he now allowed vessels to go to England 
 if they took French wheat, silks, cloth, or wine in 
 exchange. 
 
 His French admirer, Thiers, naively says : — 
 
 "The whole system of commerce was thus regulated by decree, — 
 that is, rendered almost impossible." 
 
 Bourrienne (French) says : — 
 
 *' The speculation in licenses was carried to a scandalous extent 
 only to enricli a few." " Smuggling on a small scale was punishable 
 by death, whilst the government itself carried it on extensively. The 
 same cause filled the treasury with money and the prisons with vic- 
 tims." " At Hamburg a poor man was threatened with death for 
 smuggling a loaf of sugar, while perhaps Napoleon was signing a 
 license to admit a million loaves." 
 
 "Murat and his officers smuggled at Naples." " The 'Continen- 
 tal System' was worthy only of ages of ignorance and barbarism, 
 and, had it been admissible in theory was impracticable in practice." 
 "Enormous quantities of English goods and colonial produce accu- 
 mulated in Holstein .... and were smuggled." 
 
 Later Napoleon permitted importations at Hamburg 
 
 at 33% duty, which in 1811 was 6o,ooO;000 francs 
 
 revenue. 
 
 "This system, however, embroiled us (France) with Sweden and 
 Russia who could not endure that Napoleon should ex ict a strict 
 blockade from them while himself distributing licenses in abundance." 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 429 
 
 "All nations under French influence were required to adopt it, and 
 and at one time it covered all Europe but Spain and Turkey." " The 
 continent was, nevertheless, inundated with articles of English make." 
 
 Holland's debt was so large that it called for 80,- 
 000,000 francs a year. Napoleon repudiated two- 
 thirds of the debt. Holland had large quantities of 
 sugar, coffee, cotton, and indigo, worth less than the 
 price in France, on these he put a 50% tax and duty 
 for his own special profit. 
 
 He put Dutch members into the French Senate, 
 Council, Corps Legislatif, and highest law courts, 
 and fused its army and navy with those of France. 
 
 The war had lasted seven years without exchange 
 of prisoners. Both sides held many. Some of them 
 had been seven years captive. When the war sud- 
 denly began again, in 1803, many English were trav- 
 eling in France. Napoleon arrested these innocent 
 non-combatants and had cruelly held them all these 
 years as prisoners of war. In April, 1810, Mr. Macken- 
 zie, British agent, tried to effect an exchange. Napo- 
 leon demanded that the non-combatants should be 
 included in exchange for French soldiers and sailors ! 
 Of course this would be very unfair. French soldiers 
 and sailors might be at once put to fight England, 
 while civilians would be of no military use. England, 
 with justice, objected. But Napoleon, disregarding 
 right and justice, insisted. Overcome by humanity, 
 England gave way; consented to this gross injustice. 
 But this did not satisfy the unjust emperor. The 
 British held many thousands more French than 
 France held of British prisoners. Then Napoleon 
 insisted that the surplus French be given him for 
 Germans, Spaniards, Portuguese, or others. But it 
 was unreasonable to expect Britain to restore French 
 
430 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 soldiers to French armies in exchange for foreigners 
 who owed England no service or allegiance, and who 
 might perhaps as readily join the French ranks as the 
 British. Then Mr. Mackenzie made the fair and 
 liberal proposal to exchange for Napoleon's British 
 prisoners, man for man, rank for rank of French, and 
 when the number of British held by France were ex- 
 hausted, to give likewise Frenchmen for any British 
 allies in equal numbers. Napoleon would not con- 
 sent to this humane offer, so the attempt to exchange 
 failed. By his refusal of the simplest justice, he con- 
 demned 48,649 of his own brave soldiers, some of 
 whom had already been prisoners for seven years, to 
 four years longer of imprisonment in Great Britain, 
 after they had too faithfully fought for him; and then 
 it was not Napoleon, but his enemy, England, that, 
 in 1 8 14, freely liberated these captives. Napoleon 
 did not clothe or feed his captives in British hands. 
 The British sent the means of support to France for 
 their men in Napoleon's mean hands ! ^ 
 
 He had conscripted these men from their homes ; 
 they had helped his power and conquest, and thus 
 treacherously this man who lacked the noble principle 
 of friendship and of fair dealing, left them to be de- 
 tained, fed, clothed, or neglected by the nation whom 
 it was his ardent desire to ruin, while he exacted 
 British money to support British prisoners of war, in 
 his hands. 
 
 Lack of real money troubled Great Britain. She 
 suspended specie payments from February, 1797, till 
 1 82 1, and used paper instead. Thus she temporarily 
 enjoyed the advantage of apparent increase of her 
 
 • Alison iii, 394. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 43I 
 
 working capital to the amount of her displaced gold 
 and silver, most of which was exported and practically- 
 sold. When peace came, in 181 5, and she again 
 desired to use coin, great distress followed from the 
 heavy burden of having to re-purchase gold and silver 
 abroad. The practical effect of the matter was equiv- 
 alent to a loan to her for the intervening years, that 
 had to be paid at peace, by great sacrifice and suf- 
 fering. 
 
 The spring of 18 10 was cold and wet; large im- 
 ports of grain that cost ^^7,000,000 had to be made. 
 In August, wheat was up to ii6s. per quarter, about 
 I3.50 per bushel. Then fine weather reduced it to 
 94s., 7 d., or $2.4<, a bushel, and ruined wheat dealers. 
 Confiscations of British goods in the Baltic ruined 
 many merchants ; losses in South America ruined 
 many more. Credit collapsed. The crash began in 
 July ; several banks stopped in August ; wild panic 
 followed, fluctuations, losses, failure. " Besides stop- 
 pages and compositions equal in number to half the 
 traders in the kingdom," the bankruptcies were num- 
 erous, 2,314 for 1 810. Hunger of work-people, out- 
 cry for food, alarm against machinery, war on weaving 
 frames, began the dark coming years. Paper money 
 practically sank from about 2}^ % to 13^ % dis- 
 count. 
 
 British expenditure, in 1809, was ;^89,522,ooo ; in 
 18 10 it was ;^85,243,620. The taxes were very 
 heavy ; the loans borrowed were large ; the already 
 great national debt was much increased. ;^i74,- 
 765,620, or almost ^870,000,000 was expended in two 
 years. Of England's three allies, Austria had been 
 defeated, crushed, disabled ; Spain was overrun by the 
 
432 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 enemy ; and Portugal was prostrated. This frightful 
 outlay of British money was a great disaster of itself 
 What victory could remunerate such a burden of debt 
 as was laid on Britain ? The figures were truly start- 
 ling. How long could a population of less than 
 12,000,000 stand this tremendous outlay.-' It had, in 
 two years, been about ^75 apiece for every man, 
 woman and child in all Great Britain. The terrible 
 financial crash made it look as if the end was near. 
 Britain had then stood above fifteen years of war, with 
 less than two years of intermission, and still peace 
 appeared no nearer. What could be the result } A 
 terrible prospect threatened her. 
 
 America was threatening war. Russia was un- 
 easy and was preparing for tremendous war, for a 
 struggle so great that it will be ever memorable in 
 history. The Peninsular war was to assume immense 
 proportions. Germany was in a patriotic ferment. 
 Austria was watching its opportunity. All Europe 
 was approaching an impending gigantic collision of 
 nations, a tremendous crash of armies, whose story 
 will be told and received with wonder by many com- 
 ing generations. In another volume we shall con- 
 tinue its great, eventful history through one of the 
 most remarkable periods of the world's existence. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 433 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 AMERICA admired France, 182. An American shot, 181. As- 
 sailed by Napoleon, 120. Americans robbed by Napoleon, 422-9. 
 Army, 121, 181-2, 274, 347-8, 360. 
 
 British aided Americans, 1 18, 183, 293. Employed American vessels, 
 369. British aggressions, 178, 180, 1S2, 260, 263, 273. Tax, 260, 
 271-51 348, 355. Concessions, 184, 263, 268, 2; 6, 363, 370. Brit- 
 ish blockades, 177; of West Indies, 185, 188, 263, 372. Impress- 
 ments, 178, 182, 184, 189, 258, 369. Orders in Council, 188, 260, 
 272-5, 348, 36>72. "Search and Seizures," 177, 194, 256, 259. 
 Americans employed British deserters. 179, 277. 
 
 Chesapeake affair, 257-9, 278, 371. Citizenship, 184-5. 
 
 Commerce (Am.), 46, 177, 193, 25S, 262-3. 
 
 Congress against our trade, i8r, 258, 261, New act, 269, 277, 357, 360. 
 
 No Trade Policy, iSo, 190, 261, 267, 270-5, 347, 358, 365-71; sus- 
 pended, 372. renewed, 373. 
 
 Continental iivstem, BERLIN DECREE, 186; MILAN DECREE, 
 271; BAYONNE DECREE, 275, 363; RAMBOUILLET DE- 
 CREE, 375. Napoleon's Licenses, 363. His treachery, 188. Na- 
 poleon robbed Americans, 120, 260, 274-6, 372-5, 417, 422-9. 
 
 Editors, 279. 
 
 EMBARGO, 46, 120, 190, 261-9, 280. Former, 277. Illegal, 280, 
 348, 369. Aids our enemy, 352-6. Force Law, 359; Massachusetts, 
 360; Connecticut, 361; repealed, 364, 407. 
 
 JEFFERSON, —his character, 264-7, His party, 179; opposed 
 Washington, 190, 193, 278. Against trade, 19a; against a navy, 
 181, 278; his libel suits, 193; betrays his professions, 193, 215, 264, 
 277. Admires France, 181-2, 262, 277. Wants to control judges, 
 265. Would extend slavery, 265. Against an army, 274-8, NVants 
 war with Spain, 263; refused Spanish minister, 276. His " States 
 Rights," 268, 357. Disliked Delaware, 26S He captures Ameri- 
 can vessels, 270, 359, 363. Harms Boston, 274; is rebuked by a 
 court, 274; orders away British ships, 258, 277; loses America's 
 best treaty chance, 189. Coercion, 277; keeps trouble open; 
 Charges against him, 278. Starving policy, 279. Censures a 
 court, 281, Despotic, 215, 359; for strong central power, 359. 
 Exit, 366, 
 
 Money, 263, 347, 349, 36/, 374- 
 
 Madison's plan, 180 190, ,367. Advises tariff protection, 372. Henry, 
 361. 
 
 Navy, 121, 181-2, 347-9. Williams, 274, 35S. Frigates and gun- 
 floats, 181, 274, 347-9, 358. Our four frigates, 357, 365, 
 
 Neutrality, 190, 256, 258, 260, 271. 
 
 Negotiations, 184; treaty, 185; rejected, 189; Washington's, 190; 
 jay, 258; Rose, 270, 352; Erskine, 369; Canning, 259, 350-1, 370. 
 Jackson, 373. Cannings terms, 370; rejects treaty, 372. Non-in- 
 tercourse enforced, 373. 
 
 Parties, 178, 183, 261-5, 270, 360, 371. Doctrines reversed, 307, 371. 
 
434 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 F/anUrs want war, 358-64, 373; think trade is robbery, 369; against 
 Hayti trade, 372-3. Prices, 374. Population, 182. 
 
 Ratidolph, iSo, 360. Revenue, 271. Russia favors American trade, 
 362. 
 
 Right oi harbor, 2 58. 
 
 Slave power, 262, 273, 279, Judge Story, 365, 
 
 Trade^ 177, 193, 260-3, 272, 362, 407. Trafalgar, 118. 
 
 AUSTRIA; coalition against Napoleon, 78-81. Emperor, 74, 87, 
 89,96,138. Exit German empire, 200. Finance, 95. Ministry and 
 condition, 95-7. War of 1S05, Ulm, 98. Four battles, 103-5. 
 
 Arfuies, 95, 98, 102. 137,230, 337,377-8. Austerlitz, 139. Presburg 
 treaty, 160. Losses, 160. L liarles rules, 165, 245; refuses war, 
 245. Austria arming, 329, 376. Charles, 377. War of 1S09 with 
 France, 376; Battles; of Thann, 381; Killer's fight and Echmuhl, 
 3S2; in Italy, 3S3; of Traun, 385; John beaten, 386; Lobau, 386; 
 John fails, 389-90; Wagram, 391; Peace, 395. Losses, 395. The 
 Tyrol, 3S5-6, 390; Hofer, 404-5. 
 
 Bavaria, 97, loi, 137, i6o, 303. Baden, 303. Belgium, 95. 
 
 BRITISH, Addington, 61. Alliances, 78, Si, 86, 88, 129, 211. 
 
 Army, 250, 398. 
 Blockades, 177, 263. Burdens, l6S, 173. Buenos Ayres robbed, 198, 
 
 246. 
 British in Eg}'pt, 246; in Italy and South America, 198, 246; in 
 
 Turkey, 246, 407; enter Spain, 328; expel the French from Portu- 
 gal, 328. 
 Diplomacy, 194; Cintra, 194, 278, 328, 352; Napoleon and Fouche, 
 
 414. British terms, 79, 414. 
 Finance, 87, 173, 244, 430. Flogging, 174. Frauds, 82, 170, 2io, 397. 
 Fox, 63, 89, 169, 171, 1 7 4- 6, 1 84, 189, 194-9, 209. 
 George Ilf, 30, 60, 75, 78, 82, 129, 155, 170-4, 188, 243-7, 258, 403. 
 
 Prince George, 60, 415. 
 Impressments, 177, 194. System of, 25S, 36S. Enlistments, 173. 
 Maida battle, 197. Malta, 86. 
 Ministry, 61, 78, 82, 170. New, 169-74, 178. Canning, 171. Offer 
 
 to America, 184-7. Ministry of 1806, 189, 194. On Catholics, 247. 
 
 Threaten Turkey; Beaten, 246. Whigs dismissed, 248. Feeble 
 
 government 1S07, 248. Aids Sweden, 250. Perceval, 189, 249. 
 
 Prussian treaty, 252. British opportunity, 134, 141, 243, 250, 410. 
 
 Injured Denmark, 281-3. Refused Erfurt peace offer, 332. 13ad 
 
 ministry, 398. Castlereagh, 398, 403. New ministry (Perceval), 
 
 404. Naples affair, 407. 
 Navy, 93, 120, 163, 182. Its deserters, 163, 277. 
 Nelson, 70, 90, 122. TRAFALGAR, no, 31:, 340, 343. 
 Napoleon's peace intrigue of i8io, 414; British terms, 415. His 
 
 treachery, 194. 
 orders" in COUNCIL, 177, 188, 260, 272, 275, 348. 
 Parliament, 70, 249. Parties, 63, 166, 170, 404. 
 Pitt, William, 60, 75. Basis, 79, S3, 8S, 98, 106, 129, 134, 136, 153, 
 
 16S, 172. 
 Prisoners of War, 429. Outlook bad, 429-232. 
 Peninsular war, 74. Treasure frigates, 75, 90, 328, 340, 343, 407. 
 
 Talavera, 410. 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 435 
 
 J?oyi7/ scandals, 210, 397. Russia seizes British vessels, 369 
 
 Taxes 173 Tax neutrals, 260, 275, 348, 355, 366. Trade and peace 
 
 with rurkey, 407, 
 Walcheren affair, 39S. Whigs, 248, 260, 272, 348. Wellington, 
 
 400- 1 o. 
 Cargoes, 180. Christians, 279. Coalitions, 67, 78, 81, 86, 88, 129, 
 
 Court, Imperial, 59. Courts, decisions of, 30-2, 193, 274, 352. 
 Democracy, 179, 300. Denmark, 187, 281. Copenhagen outrage, 282 
 
 Denmark robbed, 285. 
 Editors, 279. Education, 298. Erfurt, 329. Equilibrium, 81. 
 
 FRANCE, and America, 118, 183. American robbery by Napoleon 
 120, 260, 274-6, 372-5, 417. 422-29. Antwerp, 296, Armies, 77, 
 137, 211,230,300, 330, 378. Armistice, 228. Augereau's corps 
 lost, 226. Austrian war of 1805, 13S. Austrian war of 180Q 
 376, 385. ^' 
 
 Battles: Aerstadt, 222. Austerlitz, 139. Arzibispo, 411. Bayien 
 324 Coruna, 343. Eckmuhl, 382. Elchingen, 105. Eylau, 23?. 
 Fnedland, 251. Camoral, 335. Gerona, 411. Golymin, 233. 
 Gunsberg, 103. Haslach, 103. Heilsberg, 251. Jena, 213. Lo- 
 bau, 3S6. Maida, 197. Oceana, 412. Pultusk, 231. Rio Seco 
 323. Gamoral, Espinosa, Tudela and Somo Pass, 334-5. Tala- 
 vera, 4 10. Trafalgar, 109. Traun, 385. Ulm, 103. Wa-ram, 391 
 
 Bonaparte hoy, 319, 426; family, 409; Joseph, king of Naples, 160; 
 kmgof Spam, 319-21: fled, 324. lost Spain, 325-6; in despair, 409, 
 413. Louis, king of Holland, 419, 422. NAPOLEON, character 
 of, 1 20- 1, 202-5, 233, 295, 410, 412. Hates liberty, 121. 
 
 Bonaparte at Boulogne, 68, 77, 99. A Bonaparte peace, 293. At 
 Erfurt, 331. Offers the British peace, 77. 
 
 Catechism of the empire, 19S, 299. 
 
 Coalitions 2.ga.mst Napoleon, 6j, 86, 88, 96, 129, 150, 211. 
 
 Confederation of the Rhine, 69, 74, 199-204, 254. Commerce, 108. 
 Concordat, 70. 
 
 CONTINENTAL SYSTEM, 186-7; Berlin decree, 187, 254; Milan 
 decree, 271-2. Bayonne decree, 275, 291 ; Rambouillet decree, 375. 
 
 Conscriptions, 99, 100, 228, 244, 297-S, 317, 326, 376, 390, 404. 
 
 Constitution subverted, 293. Coronation, 71. Bad Imperial court 
 302. ' 
 
 Despotism, 55-60, 1S2, 293, 303, 311, 410. Diplomacy with Prussia, 
 227; with England, t^t,2. Divorce, 72, 303, 331. 
 
 Emtirec^ma, 57. D'Enghien, 55, 66. Eugene, 85, i6i, 386, 390. 
 
 Eylaii' s ^oom., 244; Napoleon after Eylau, 243, 250. 
 
 Fetes, 71, 161. France not a republic, 182. Fouche's plan to con- 
 quer America, 120, 415. French glory, 162, 297, 330. French In- 
 dustries, 295-6, 415. 
 
 Josephine, 72. Judges dependent, 294. 
 
 Legion of Honor, 68. Linois beaten, 60. 
 
 Money affairs, 71, 74, 142, 153, 164, 295, 330, 376, 429. Moreau, 56. 
 Murat, 167, 319. 
 
 NAPOLEON'S ingratitude, 121, 183. Navy, ■]■], 90, 163, 296, 417. 
 
 Nobility, 165, 302. 
 
 Plots of Napoleon and Fouche in 1810, 414. 
 
 Plot against Napoleon, 54; plot by him, 56. His police and prisons, 
 297. 
 
436 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 The Press of Europe, 293-8. French public works and thrift, 294- 
 
 6, 330- 
 
 PriiO iters of war, 429. 
 
 The Pope and Napoleon, 70-3, 303. Excommunication of Napoleon, 
 405. Captive, 405. 
 
 " Protfction " and French business, 415. 
 
 Poland a.nd Napoleon, 230, 234, 250, 254, 256, 376, 384. 
 
 Porhiguese war., 74,307, 316, 327-8, 310. Exit royalty, 31 1, 327. 
 Conquest and revolt, 327. Soult, 407. Forced service, 408. Bat- 
 tle of Oporto, 408. 
 
 Prussia and Napoleon (see Prussia), Russia and Napoleon (see Russia). 
 
 Revolution versus kings, 294-300. Neither republic nor democracy, 
 300, 419. 
 
 Robbery in general of American and other merchants in (Holland) 
 Europe, 422. 
 
 Robbery by Napoleon, loi; he robs Americans, 120, 201-2, 260, 294, 
 275-6, 372-5, 422-8. He robs Austrians, 295, 395. Everywhere, 
 293. Robs Germans, 225, 227, 302. Robs Hanse cities, 67, 202, 
 230, 245. Robs Hanover, 302. Robs Hesse, 226, 228. Robs 
 Italians, 302. Robs Leipsic, 227, Robs Prussia, 225, 227, 228, 
 233, 292, 329. Robs Spaniards, 305, 336. Robs several coun- 
 tries, 422-8. Robs Wittenberg, 227. 
 
 Sale of Peoples by Napoleon, 176, 195, 210, 255, 292, 304. 
 
 .S/'aw/j/^ aggressions of Napoleon, 74-7, 90, 210, 305, 310,316, His 
 Peninsular war a crime and useless, 413. 
 
 Sardinia and Sicilv, 195, 293. 
 
 SYSTEM OF BATTLt: OF NAPOLEON, 151. His strategy and 
 Tactics, 100. 
 
 Genoa, 65, 69, 85. 
 
 Treachery of Napoleon, 120, 1S3, 194-205, 234, 245, 430; to Ameri- 
 cans, 1S8; to Austrians, 165, 199, 206; to England, 194-5; to Prus- 
 sia, 201-8, 330; to Spain, 311-12, 316, 318, 325; to French prison- 
 ers, 429; to Tuscany Etruria), 292, 310. 
 
 Shipping, 90, 296; Trade lost, 295. French taxes, 295. 
 
 Germany, 69. Exit empire, 74, 86, 96, 133, 137, 199. Seizures, 201. 
 Palm murdered, 206. Oriicials, 227. Robbed, 225-7, 290. Stein, 
 330; hate Napoleon, 201, 3S3. Schill and Katt, 384, Wants war, 
 380-6. Fesch is primate, 201. 
 
 Hanover, 67, 87, 128, 133, 176, 196, 255, 312, 
 
 Hanse towns, 67, 87; robbed, 202, 230, 245, 
 
 Hesse, 200-4, 226. 228, 
 
 Holland, 133, 160 (King Louis, 166), 184, 195, 254, 368, 374, 377. 
 In 1810, 418, 
 
 Industries, Labor and Wages, 45, Inventions, 45, lona, 405, 
 
 Ireland, 63, 82, 247, 
 
 Italy, 64, 80, 84-9, 137. Honorable British action, 166, 
 
 Malta, 86, Minufactures, 30, 45, Marriages, 72, 161, 
 
 Naples, 137, 160 (King Joseph, 160-6). 
 
 /'ara//^/ between Napoleon and Pitt, 155. 
 
 Peace soviet \)Y Fox, 194.. Presburg peace, 157, 159, 162. Napoleon 
 broke it, 165. Peace of Tilsit, 253, 292. Pichegru, 54. 
 
 Pope, The, 70-3, 303, Bull against Napoleon, 405, Captive in 
 France, 401^. 
 
 Postage and paper, 46. The Press, 279, 
 
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 437 
 
 PRUSSIA, 67, 122-7, 131? 133' 141, 157, 174, i83) 200-9 (war 211), 
 213, 222, 226. 
 
 Prussian army, 126, 131, 140, 213-2S, 233, 290. Arms, 207. 
 
 Battles of Aerstadt, 222. Jena, 213. Four battles, 251. 
 
 Confederation of Rhine, 69, 74, 199-204, 254. 
 
 Embargo hy England, 176. Exemptions, 291. 
 
 Hanover., 133, 176. 
 
 JCing' of Prussia, 122 (in 1806, 174), 124, 127, 129-33. Admits Rus- 
 sians, 131. Orders three armies, 131. Sentiment with Alexander, 
 127, 132. Anspach, 131. Ultimatum, 132. Civil to Russians, 
 176. Prussia insulted by Napoleon, 200-S. The king for war, 204, 
 207-8. Wants subsidy, 207. Ultimatum, 208. Wrongs Prussian 
 army, 211. Bad policy, 212. Wrongs Saxony, 212. WAR, 211. 
 Defeat, 214. Bad strategy, 216. Battle of Jena, 217; of Aer- 
 stadt, 222. Surrenders, 225, 226, 234. Officials, 227. Negoti- 
 ates, 227, lets a fool decide, 253, 292. Reigns over a remnant, 
 2154. Napoleon robs Prussia, 225-8, 292, 329. 
 
 Ministry and policy, 123, 128, Hardenberg, 128. Haugwitz, 128, 
 132, 144, 157. Forced treaty, 174-6. 
 
 Napoleon's treachery to Prussia, 176, 194, 200-4, 330. 
 
 North Germany and Prussia, 67, 86, 121, 200. 
 
 Patriots., 203. Population, 212. Prosperity, 126. Promotions 
 (army), 211. 
 
 Prussia's opportunity., 202. Honorable action, 424, 
 
 Queen Lnise of Prussia, 207. 
 
 Stein reforms, 290. Von Stein, 330, 380-3. Scharnhorst, 291. 
 
 Treaty with. Napoleon, 144, 157; failed, 174; new treaty, 174. 
 
 Treaty with Great Britain, 252. Treaty of Tilsit, 253. Treaty with 
 Sweden, 245. 
 
 TUGENBUND, 292, 383. 
 
 POLAND, 230, 234, 250. Warsaw, 254, 256, 376, 384. 
 
 PORTUGAL, Napoleon's demand, 307; cheated, 308; conspiracy of 
 Napoleon and Charles IV, 309. War and plunder, 310. Revolt, 
 
 327. 
 Wellington came, defeated Junot; Cintra, 328. 
 Wellington again, 407. Soult takes Oporto, 407. British victory, 
 
 Soult driven from Portugal, 408. Outrages, 40S. Torres Vedras, 
 
 414. 
 Republics., 300. Rights of Neutrals., 178. 
 
 RUSSIA, 64-7, 78, 81-6, 131. 187. Treaty with Oubril, 194, 204-5, 
 211, 228, 231. War (1806), 22S, 231, 234, 251. 
 
 Armies., 86, 127, 131, 137, 228. 
 
 Battles of Austerlitz, 139. Battle of Eylau, 235. Napoleon re- 
 treated, 243 ; beaten, he suspended the war, 245. Battle of Fried- 
 land, 251; of Heilsberg, 251; of Pultusk, 231. Four battles, 251. 
 Raft and armistice, 252. Peace of Tilsit, 252. Ultimatum to 
 England, 255. 2d treaty, 255. Mediation, 256. Benningsen, 231, 
 2'2 c 2 t:i. 
 
 Character of Alexander, 65, 252. His terms in Oubril affair, 66. 
 
 Emperors at Erfurt, 329-30. Letter to English king, 331 (1808). 
 
 Jittisia and Prussia, 131,211. Russia took spoils of Prussia, 254. 
 
 Russia and Turkey, 229, 239, 245, 255, 277, 329. 
 
438 UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
 
 SAXONY, 200, 212, 227. 
 
 Sardinia and Hicilvi 193-4, 293, 330. 
 
 SLAVERY, 25-44. Jiverywhere, 44. Import, 25, 27, 32, 36, 39, 41, 
 44. Judge Holt decides England free, 30; reversed. Bench 
 (Mansfield) decision, 32. England and slavery, 26, 30, 43, 44. 
 Friends Society, 36, 38. Indian slavery, 25, 31. Royalty sup- 
 ports slavery, 27, 31, 43. Debates on, 36. Hopper and Ridgly, 
 38. Slavery in territories, 34,41. Tax on slave imports, 32, 34, 
 35. Oglethorpe, 28, Va., 26, 27, 30, 32. Slaveholders liked Na- 
 poleon, 178. England forbade American manufacturing, 30. New 
 England on slavery, 26, 33, 36, 40. Slave soldiers in Revolution- 
 ary army, 33. Citizenship, 33, Anti-slavery societies, 34, 36. 
 Fugitives, 38, 39. The slave trade, 40, 196. Jefferson wanted to 
 extend slavery, 266. Madison wanted to make soldiers of slaves, 34. 
 
 Scrvereigiis^ characters of, 65-6, 79, 81, 83, 204, 205. 
 
 SPAIN, alliance with France, 74, 305. Napoleon wrongs Spain, 
 210, 303; subsidy, 305. Losses, 305. Army, 323, 326, Finance, 
 
 335-41. 
 
 ^r///j/i distrust, 74. British aid, 326. Fleet, 90. Bourbons, 305-15. 
 British Moore, 334, 344; Baird,34i; no plan, 335; British money, 235. 
 
 Charles IV, 77, 304, 306-8, 312; asks advice, 313; runs away, 313; 
 resigns, 314; his quarrel, 316. Ceded crown to Napoleon, 316. 
 
 Ferdinand, 312-23. 
 
 Jrench enter Spain, 310. War with Portugal, 310. Spain invaded, 
 313. Revolt and outrages, 313 24. Condition, 322. Constitution 
 of Bayonne, 320. Murders, 321. Juntas, 321-34. Monks, 322. 
 Smuggling, 322. What Scott says, 322. Romana, 323. Battles 
 of Kio Seco, 323; Baylen, 324; French driven, 333; Napoleon 
 comes, 335; Battles of Coruna, 343; Espinosa, Gamoral, Tudela 
 and Somo Pass, 336; Cuidad Real, 409; Talavera, 410; Arabispo, 
 41 1 ; Horril)le Gerona, 411 ; Oceana, 412. 
 
 Corriiption, 324-5. Criiel crime against prisoners, 324. Gturillas, 
 
 413- 
 Godoy, 75, 210, 306-8, 314, 318. 
 
 Joseph Bonaparte, king, 319-29, 413. Murat, 314-16. Men shot, 317. 
 Saragos'a (siege), 344. 
 Spanish Slave Trade, 25-32, 197. 
 Steam, 49. Schools and Sunday-schools, 46. 
 Sweden, 66-8, 86, 88, 159, 211, 2S4. Kmg Gustavus IV, 66-8, 88, 
 
 133, 158. 211, 284. Exit, 286. 
 Switzerland, 160. 
 Trade, 46, 260. 
 
 Trafalgar, 109, 163. Tories, 17 1. Tilsit Peace, 253. 
 Turkey, 229, 245-6, 255, 377; and Servia, 286. 
 Tuscany, 292. Louise, 310. Seized, 310-15. 
 Tyrol, 380-3, 390, 404. Hofer murdered, 405. 
 
 Wages and Labor, 45, Sailor's wages, 262. 
 
 Watt, James, 5 1 . 
 
 ^(zr between Peoples, 21 1, 354, 396. War between rulers, ^QI, 207, 
 
 220, 278. 
 Walcheren affair, 398. 
 
 

 
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