« Copyright IJ°, COPYRIGHT DEPOSn^ tJ a cti . ^ CD & t 6.y 'rl +-> w < ^ rn OJ +3 S :g< 1— 1 o_, OJ Pj ©•s pq TJ W o o OJ H oT'O o G O SI « M o Q o K- S ^fT early in the conflict and Tennyson's vision of "battles in the blue" was realized in attacks of aeroplanes upon dirigibles, with death to the crews of each. RESOURCES OF GREAT BRITAIN Great Britain, the remaining party to the five-fold war of great European Powers, is an island country of considerably smaller area than those so far named. Including Ireland it has an area of 121,391 square miles, about equal to that of the American State of New Mexico and not half the size of the Canadian province of Saskatchewan. Its population, however, surpasses that of France, amounting to 45,221,615. If the outlying dominions of Great Britain be added it becomes the greatest empire in the world's history, its colonial dominions being estimated at over 13,000,000 square miles, and the total population of kingdom and colonies at 435,000,000, the greatest population of any country in the world. And Britain differs from France in the fact that much of this outlying population is available for war purposes in case of peril to the liberties of the mother country. At the outbreak of the war of 1914 the loyal Dominion of Canada sprang at once into the field, mobilized its forces, and offered the mother land material aid in men and gifts of varied nature. The same sense of loyalty was shown in Australia and South Africa and in others of the British oversea dominions, while India added an important contingent to the army and much other aid. 62 STRENGTH AND RESOURCES OF POWERS As for the immediate kingdom, it is not of high value in agricultural wealth, being at present divided up to a con- siderable extent into largeunproductive estates, and it is quite unable to feed its teeming population, depending for this on its large commerce in food products. Its annual imports amount to about $3,000,000,000, its exports to $2,250,000,000. Commercially and industrially alike Great Britain stands at the head of all European nations. Its abundant mineral wealth, especially in coal and iron, has stimulated manufactures to the highest degree, while its insular character and numerous seaports have had a similar stimulating effect upon commerce. Its revenue, aside from that of the colonies, amoimts to about $920,000,000 annually, and its pubhc debt reaches a total of $3,485,000,000. The British government depends largely for safety from invasion upon its insular position and its enormously developed navy, and has not felt it necessary to enter upon the frenzy of mihtary preparation which pervades the continental nations. No British citizen is obhged to bear arms except for the defense of his country, but all able-bodied men are liable to militia service, the militia being raised, when required, by ballot. Enlistment among the regulars is either for twelve years' army service, or for seven years' army service and five years' reserve service. The peace strength of the army is estimated at about 255,000 men, the reserves at 475,000; making a total of 730,000. It is in its navy that Great Britain's chief warlike strength exists, the naval force being much greater than that of any other nation. It possesses in all 29 modem battleships, many of them o^ the great dreadnaught and super-dreadnaught type. In addi- tion it has 10 cruiser battleships, and 38 older battleships, most of the latter likely to be of little service for warlike duty. There are also 45 first-class, and 70 second and third-class cruisers, 58 torpedo boats, 212 destroyers and 85 submarines, the whole forming a total naval strength approaching that of any two of the other Powers, STRENGTH AND RESOURCES OF POWERS 63 SERVTA AND BELGIUM As regards the remaining nations engaged in the war, Servia, in which the contest began, has an area of 18,782 square miles, a population of 4,000,000, and a standing army of 240,000, a number seemingly very inadequate to face the enormously greater power of Austria-Hungary. But the men had become practically all soldiers, very many of them tried veterans of the recent Balkan War; their coimtry is mountainous and admirably fitted for defen- sive warfare, and their power of resistance to invasion was quickly shown to be great. Belgium, the other early seat of the war, is still smaller in area, having but 11,366 square miles. But it is very densely populated, possessing 7,432,784 inhabitants. Its army proved brave and capable, its fortifications modern and well adapted to defense, and small as was its field force it held back the far more numerous German invaders until France and Great Britain had their troops in position for available defense. This small intermediate kingdom therefore played a very important part in the outset of the war. If one judges by the figures given of the available military strength of the nations involved, the huge host said to have followed Xerxes to the invasion of Greece could easily be far sur- passed in modern warfare. The fact is, however, that these huge figures greatly exceed the numbers that could, except in the most extreme exigency, be available for use in the field, and for real active service we should be obliged to greatly reduce these paper estimates. It must be taken into account that the fields and factories of the nations cannot be too greatly denuded of their trained workers. It was a shrewd saying of Napoleon Bonaparte that "An army marches on its stomach," and the important duty of keeping the stomach adequately filled can not be overlooked. In actual war also there is an enormous exhaustion of military material, which must be constantly replaced, and this in turn demands the services of great numbers of trained artisans. The question of fijiance also cannot be overlooked. It needs vast "^ NUMERICAL UNITS OF STANDING ARMIES In order to inform the reader about the size of the various eub-divisions of foreign armiea, a table which gives as accurately as possible the number of men and the composition of such divisions follows: GERMANY Army Corps — Its staff, 2 infantry divisions, 2 regiments of field artillery, 3 squadrons of cavalry, a company of pioneers, a bridge train, field bakeries, telegraph troops, field hospital, etc., one or two batteries of heavy field howitzers or mortars and a machine gun group. Total, 40,000 men. Infantry Division — Two brigades. Total, 12,000 men. Brigade — Two regiments. Total, 6,000 men. Regiment — Three battalions of 4 companies each. Total, 3,000 men. Battalion — Four companies of 250 men each. Total, 1,000 men. Regiment of Field Artillery — Nine batteries of field guns and 3 of field howitzers; 72 pieces. Battery — Six guns. Brigade of Cavalry — Two and occasionally three regiments. Total, 1,600 to 2,400 men. Regiment of Cavalry — Four squadrons of 200 men each. Total, 800 men. FRANCE Army Corps — Two infantry divisions, 1 brigade of cavalry, 1 brigade of horse and foot artUlery, 1 engineers' battahon, 1 squadron of train. Total, 40,000 men. Infantry Division — Two brigades of infantry, 1 squadron of cavalry, 12 batteries. Total, 12,000 men and 48 guns. Brigade — Two regiments of 3 battalions each. Total, 6,000 men. Regiment — Three battahons of 4 companies each. Total, 3,000 men. Battalion — Four companies of 250 men each. Total 1,000 men. Cavalry Division — Two and sometimes three brigades; 3,200— i,800 men. Brigade of Cavalry — Two regiments of 8 squadrons, with 2 batteries of artillery. Regiment of Cavalry — Four squadrons; 800 men. Squadron of Cavalry — ^Two hundred men. Battery of Artillery — Six guns. GREAT BRITAIN Brigade of Infantry — ^Four battahons and administrative and medical units. Total, 4,000 men. Cavalry Brigade — Two regiments of 4 squadrons each. Total, 800 men. Brigade of Artillery — Three batteries, 18 guns; heavy artillery, 12 guns; field howitzers, 2 batteries; horse artillery, 2 batteries. Battery — Six guns. Division — Fifty-four gims, 12 howitzers and 4 heavy field guns; 15.000 combatants. RUSSIA Army Corps — Thirty-six thousand men. Army Corps with Cavalry Division — ^Forty thousand men. Cavalry Division— Foxa theusand men. Battalion of Infantry — Eight hundred men. Squadron of Cavalry — One hundred and twenty-five men. Battery of Artillery — Eight guns. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY Army Corps — ^Two infantry divisions, 1 regiment of field artillery, 1 pioneer battalion, 1 bridging corps. Total, 34,000 men. Infantry Division — ^Twelve thousand men. Cavalry Division — Four thousand men. Artillery Brigade — Ten battalionsv 6 guns each. GREAT BRITAIN' A graphic showing of the size and formidableness of the li among Eiiropean powers. AT SPITHEAD T, which holds superiority both as to strength and efficiency a. M CO c o w STRENGTH AND RESOURCES OF POWERS 65 sums of money to keep a modem army in the field, this increasing rapidly as the forces grow in nmnbers, and no national treasure chest is inexhaustible. Tax as they may, the war lords cannot squeeze out of their people more blood than flows in their veins, and exhaustion of the war-chest may prove even more disastrous than exhaustion of the regiments. For these reasons a limit to the size of armies is inevitable and in any great war this limitation must quickly make itself apparent. CHAPTER IV Great Britain and the War The Growth of German Importance — German Militarism— Great Britain's Peace Efforts — Germany's Naval Program — German Ambitions — ^Preparation for War — Effect on the Empire. ^HE influence of the European War permeated everything from and through the nation to the individual, from trade and commerce and world-finance to the cost of food and the price of labor. The whole world, civihzed and uncivilized, was drawn into this whirlpool of disaster — the majority of the population of the earth was actually at war. Was it possible that such a vast conflict — so far reaching in its racial and national elements, so bitter in its old and new animosities, so great in its territorial area, so tremendous in the numbers of men in arms- could come, as some commentators say, like a thief in the night or have fallen upon the world like a bolt from the blue! All avail- able information of an exact character, all the preparation of the preceding few years, all the inner statecraft of the world as revealed in policy and action, prove the fallacy of this supposition. THE GROWTH OF GERMAN IMPORTANCE As a matter of fact one nation had been for nearly half a century the pivot upon which European hopes arid fears have turned in the matter of peace and war, of military and naval preparation, of diplomatic interchange. During this period Ger- many rose to a foremost place amongst the nations of Europe, to the first place in strength of military power and organized fight- ing force, to the second place in naval strength and commercial progress. The growth itself was a legitimate one in the main; (66) GREAT BRITAIN AND THE WAR 67 and, given the character of its people and their cultivated convic- tions as to inherent greatness, was inevitable. For other nations the vital question asked in diplomacy and answered in their mili- tary or naval preparations was equally inevitable: How would Geraiany use this power, against whom was it aimed, for what specific purpose was it being organized with such capable precision, such splendid skill? GERMAN MILITARISM Great Britain, meanwhile, had devoted her main attention to the trade and diplomacy and little wars associated with the main- tenance of a world-empire and, in self-defense, had cultivated friendships with Russia and France and the United States and Japan as this German power began to come closer and touch the most vital British interests. France naturally strengthened itself asHts historic enemy grew in power; Russia improved her mili- tary position after the Japanese war as she was bound to do; Germany appeared to set the pace upon sea and land with an aggressive diplomacy in Morocco and in China, at Paris and at St. Petersburg, which was bound to cause trouble and to promote what is commonly called militarism. The vast ambitions and persistent pohcy of the German ruler and his people, the unsatis- fied characteristics of German diplomacy, the militant ideals and military preparations and naval expansion of Germany between 1900 and 1914 became the dominant consideration in the chan- celleries of Europe. Armies and navies, wars in the Balkans or struggles for colonial spheres of influence, financial reserves and naval construction and volunteer forces — all came to be measured against current developments in this center of European gravity. GREAT Britain's peace efforts Great Britain tried to hold aloof from this international rivalry, this preparation for a war which her people and leaders hoped against hope would be averted. Royal visits of a pacific 68 GREAT BRITAIN AND THE WAR character were exchanged, parties of Great Britain's business men visited BerUn, while leaders such as King Edward and Lord Hal- dane exercised all their ability in striving for some mutual ground of friendly action. Lovers of peace wrote many volumes and filled many newspapers with articles on the beneficence of that policy and the terrors of militarism — books and articles which were never seen in Germany except by those who regarded them as so many confessions of national weakness. Between 1904 and 1908 Great Britain actually reduced her naval expenditures and limited her construction of battleships in the hope that Germany would fol- low the lead, pleaded at two Hague Conferences for international reduction of armaments, kept away from all increase in her own almost ridiculous miUtary establishment, urged upon two occa- sions (in 1912-1913) a naval holiday in construction. The follow- ing figures from Brassey's authoritative Naval Annual shows that her naval expenditure upon new ships in 1913 was actually less than in 1904, that Germany's was nearly three times greater, that France and Russia and Italy had doubled theirs: Great Austro- Britain Germany France Russia Italy Hungary 1904 £13,508,176 £4,275,489 £4,370,102 £4,480,188 £1,121,753 £1,329,590 1908 8,660,202 7,795,499 4,193,544 2,703,721 1,866,158 716,662 1911 17,566,877 11,710,859 5,876,659 3,240,394 2,677,302 3,125,000 1912 17,271,527 11,491,157 6,997,552 7,904,094 2,500,000 3,620,881 1913 13,276,400 11,176,407 7,595,010 10,953,616 2,800,000 3,280,473 Germany's naval program Between 1909 and 1914 British leaders became convinced, as France and Russia and other countries had long been certain, that Germany meant war as soon as she was ready; that her policy was to take the two border enemies, or rivals, first with a great war-machine which would give them no chance for preparation or success, to dictate a peace which would give her control of the sea-coasts and channel touching Britain, to make that country the seat of war preparations, naval uncertainty, perhaps financial difiiculty and commercial injury, to prepare at leisure for the war GREAT BRITAIN AND THE WAR 69 which would conquer England and acquire her colonies. In the first-named year British statesmen of both parties told an amazed Parliament and country that German naval construction of big ships was approaching the British standard, that the cherished policy of a British navy equal to those of any two other nations was absolutely gone, that England would be lucky if, in a few years, she held a 60 per cent superiority over that of Germany alone, that the latter country's naval construction was clearly aimed at Britain and could be for no other than a hostile purpose. British ships had already been recalled from the Seven Seas to hold the North Sea against the growing naval power of a nation which had 5,000,000 soldiers behind its ships as compared with England's 250,000 men scattered over the world. From that day in 1909 all who shared in the statecraft of the British Empire understood the issue to be a real one — ^with France and Russia as allies or without them. What was back of this situation? Germany was already dominant in Continental Europe. It had compelled Russia to submit when Austria in 1908 annexed the Slav states of Bosnia and Herzegovina and defied Servia to interfere or its proud patron at St. Petersburg to prevent the hunailiation; it had brought France to her knees over the Morocco incident and the Delcasse resignation, and would have done so again in 1911 if Great Britain had not ranged herself behind the French Republic; it held the issues of peace and war between the great Powers during the Balkan struggles of 1912 and 1913 and prevented Servia from winning its legitimate fruits of victory or Montenegro from holding what it had won; it had watched with delight the defeat of unorganized Russia at the hands of Japan and saw what its writers described as a decadent British Empire holding in feeble hands a quarter of the earth in fee, with revolt coming in Ireland, rebellion seething in India, dissatisfaction in South Africa, separation upon the hori- zon in Canada and Australia. Here lay the secret of German naval policy, of German hopes that Britain would remain out of 70 GREAT BRITAIN AND THE WAR the inevitable struggle with France and Russia, of German ambi- tions for a world-empire. GERMAN AMBITIONS The German nation had not up to the passing of Bismarck been the enemy of the British people and until its belated entrance upon the field of world-politics and expansion the people had not even been rivals. In the long series of European wars between 1688 and 1815, the German states were allies and friends of Eng- land. After that Prussia, and then the German Empire, became gradually a great national force in the world and its spirit of unity, pride of power, energy in trade, skill and success in industry, vigor of development in tariffs, progress in military power and naval construction were, from the standpoint of its own people, altogether admirable. Following the Franco-Prussian War it had steadily attained a position of European supremacy. Then came the increase of population and trade, the desire for colonies, the restriction of emigration to foreign countries. It was a natural though difficult ambition. The marriage of Queen Wilhelmina, and later the birth of an heir, averted any immediate probability of acquiring Holland and, with it, the Dutch colonial possessions, except by means of force. The assertion of the United States' Monroe Doctrine checked German efforts which had been directed to South America and concentrated in Brazil, where 100,000 Germans had settled and where trade relations had become very close. British diplomacy of a trade, as well as political character, in Persia, prevented certain railway schemes from being carried out, which would have given Germany a domi- nating influence in Asia Minor and on the Persian Gulf. Although the partition of Africa gave the German Empire nearly one million square miles and an obvious opening for colonization and power, the inexperience and ineptitude of German officials in Colonial government, the dislike, also, of Germans for emigration and the fact that the movement of settlers abroad steadily decreased in GREAT BRITAIN AND THE WAR 71 late years, tended to prevent, on that Continent, an expansion which would have been assured under British colonization and business effort. At the same time the acquisition of these and other regions such as Samoa was significant. Prior to 1870 Germany was a geographical expression which meant a loose combination of States with sometimes clashing interests, and incoherent expression, and varied patriotism. German trade was then small, the industries too poor to compete with those of Britain, while its people pos- sessed not an acre of soil beyond their European boundaries. Smce then it had become a closely-united people with an army of over five million men — admittedly the best trained troops in the world; with a trade totalling $4,400,000,000 and competing in Britain's home market, taking away her contracts in India and some of the Colonies, beating her in many foreign fields; with an industrial production which included great steel works such as Krupps, ship-building yards said to be of greater productive power than those of Britain, factories of well-kept character operating at high pressure with workmen trained in the best technical system of the world today; with other productive conditions aided by high protective duties and with exports totalling (1910) $2,020,000,000 and imports of $2,380,000,000; with Savings Bank deposits in 1911 totalling $4,500,000,000 as against a British total of $1,135,000,000. Couple these conditions with Colonial ambitions dwarfed, or unsuccessful in comparison with British success; continental power as supreme, by virtue of mihtary strength, as Napoleon's was one hundred years before by the force of genius, but hampered, as was his, by the power of Britain on the aeas; a productive force of in- dustry increasing out of all proportion to home requirements, com- peting with British commerce in every corner of the world and threatened by a possible but finally postponed combination of British countries in a system of inter-Empire tariffs; a population of 64,000,000, increasing at the rate of one million a year and having no suitable opening for emigration or settlement within its 72 GREAT BRITAIN AND THE WAR own territories; and we have conditions which explained and emphasized German naval construction. Both German ambi- tion and German naval construction were therefore easily com- prehensible. Nor was the ambition for sea-power concealed. The first large naval program was passed by the Reichstag in 1898 and fixed the naval estimate up to 1903, when the total expenditure was to be $45,000,000 — in 1906 the naval expenditure was over $60,000,000. The second Naval Bill was passed in 1900 during the Boer War, and the preamble to this Act stated that its object was to give Germany "a, fleet of such strength that even for the mightiest Naval Power, a war with her would involve such risks as to endanger its own supremacy." Other Acts were passed in 1906 and 1908, and for the years 1908 to 1917 arrangements were made for a total expenditure of $1,035,000,000 — this including a portion of the "accelerated program" and the special Dreadnought construction which caused the memorable debate in the British Commons in 1909. The Law of 1912 — ^passing the Reichstag on May 21st of that year — ^provided for an addition to the program of three battle- ships, three large cruisers and three small ones. During the years 1898-1904 Great Britain launched 26 battleships to Germany's 14, with 27 armored cruisers, 17 protected cruisers and 55 destroyers to Germany's 5, 16 and 35 respectively, or a total of 125 to 70. In 1905-11 Great Britain launched 20 battleships to Germany's 15, with 13 armored cruisers, 10 protected cruisers and 80 destroyers to Germany's 6, 16 and 70 respectively, or a total of 123 to 107. Excluding destroyers Great Britain launched 70 sea-going war- ships in the first period to Germany's 25 and in the second period 43 to 37. PREPARATION FOR WAR Meanwhile German preparations for war went on apace in every direction. Following up the war teachings of Nietzsche and Couiiesy of the C. N. Railway. NEW WORLD'S RECORD IN BRIDGE BUILDING Across this 350-foot waterway the Royal Canadian Engineers built a barrel-pier pontoon bridge, capable of carrying heavy batteries, within four hours. CHURCH SERVICES AT TORONTO Members of Second Contingent attending Divine Worship in Transportation Building, Exhibition Grounds, Toronto. GREAT BRITAIN AND THE WAR 73 Treitschke and others, General Von Bernhardi issued book after book defining in clear language the alleged national beneficence, biological desirability and inevitability of war, which, when it came, would be "fought to conquer for Germany the rank of a world-power;" the universities and schools and press teemed with militarist ideals and practices; the army charges rose to $250,- 000,000 and the trained soldiers available at the beginning of 1910 were alleged to have 6,000 field-guns; Colonel Gaedke, the German naval expert, stated on February 24th of that year that the German government was building a fleet of 58 battleships and that "the time is gradually approaching when the German fleet will be superior to all the fleets of the world, with the single exception of the English fleet," and that in the past twelve years Germany had spent on new ships alone £63,200,000, or $316,000,000, while between then and 1914 she would spend £57,500,000 more, or $287,500,000. The annual report of the German Navy League in 1910 showed a total of 1,031,339 members as against an estimated membership in Britain's League of 20,000. Professor T. Schieman of the University of Berlin, in the New York McClure's Magazine for May of that year, clearly stated that Germany would not submit in future to British naval supremacy or to any limitation of arma- ments. During this period, also, HeHgoland, the island handed over by Britam in 1890 in exchange for certain East African rights, became the key and center of the whole German coast defense system against England. Cuxhaven, Borkum, Emden, WiUielms- haven — ^with twice as many Dreadnought docks as Portsmouth — Wangeroog, Bremerhaven, Geestemiinde, etc., were magnificently fortified and guarded. Whether dictated by diplomatic considera- tions and affected latterly by the British-French alliance or in- fluenced by Colonial and naval and commercial ambitions, there could be no doubt as to the danger of the situation at the begin- ning of 1914. In a book entitled England and Germany, published during 1912, Mr. A. J. Balfour, the British conservative leader, 74 GREAT BRITAIN AND THE WAR replied to various German contributors and gave the British view of the situation : It must be remembered in the first place that we are a commercial nation, and war, whatever its issue, is ruinous to commerce and to the credit on which commerce depends. It must be remembered in the second place that we are a political nation, and unprovoked war (by us) would shatter in a day the most powerful Government and the most united party. It must be remembered in the third place that we are an insular nation, wholly dependent upon sea-borne supplies, possessing no considerable army, either for home defense or foreign service, and compelled therefore to play for very unequal stakes should Germany be our opponent in the hazardous game of war. It is this last consideration which I should earnestly ask enlightened Germans to weigh well if they would understand the British point of view. It can be made clear in a very few sentences. There are two ways in which a hostile country can be crushed. It can be conquered or it can be starved. If Germany were supreme in our home waters she could apply both methods to Britain. Were Britain ten times Mistress in the North Sea she could apply neither method to Germany. Without a superior fleet Britain would no longer count as a Power. Without any fleet at all Germany would remain the greatest power in Europe. The Balkan wars proved and strengthened the power of Germany in diplomacy and in the Eastern Question, while it showed that a deadly struggle between nations might spring to an issue in a few days and a million armed men leap into war at a word. The enormous German special taxation of $250,000,000 authorized in the first part of 1913 for an additional military establishment of 4,000 oflBcers, 15,000 non-commissioned officers and 117,000 men indicated the basic strength of the people's military. feeling, and ensured the still greater predominance of its army. EFFECT ON THE EMPIRE When war broke out on August 1, 1914, between the five greater Powers of Europe — Great Britain, Russia and France on the one side and Germany and Austria on the other — the issue GREAT BRITAIN AND THE WAR 75 was at once brought home to about 450 milhons of people in America, Asia and Africa who were connected with these nations by ties of allegiance or government, by racial association, or his- toric conquest. Of these peoples and lands by far the greater proportion were in the British Empire and included India, Burmah, South Africa, Australia, Canada and a multitude of smaller states and countries. Not the least remarkable of the events which ensued in the succeeding early weeks of the great War v/as the extraordinary way in which this vast and complex Empire found itself as a unit in fighting force, a unit in sentiment, a unit in co-operative action. Irish sedition, whether ''loyal or disloyal," Protestant or Catholic, largely vanished like the shadow of an evil dream; Indian talk of civil war and trouble disappeared; South African threats of rebellion took form in a feeble effort which melted away under the pressure of a Boer statesman and leader — General Botha; the idea that Colonial Dominions were seeldng separation and would now find it proved as evanescent as a light mist before the sun. The following table indicates the nature of the resources of opposing nations and the character of their Colonial sources of support: , Total Population Wealth Population Army Navy of Colonies Great Britain $80,000,000,000 45,000,000 800,000 681 368,000,000 France 65,000,000,000 39,000,000 2,100,000 382 41,000,000 Russia 40,000,000,000 171,000,000 8,000,000 249 5,000,000 Germany 60,000,000,000 65,000,000 5,000,000 354 12,000,000 Austria 25,000,000,000 49,000,000 2,200,000 155 15,000,000 xt was a curious characteristic of the press comments and magazine articles and book studies of the War during these months that while varied fighting was going on in the various Colonies of these Powers and in the case of Great Britain, notably, countries like Canada, Austraha, New Zealand and India were pouring out men and gifts to aid the Empire, statistical calculations usually rated Great Britain as not an Empire but simply a nation with the wealth and population of its two little islands in the North Sea. 76 GREAT BRITAIN AND THE WAR Properly the $80,000,000,000 of estimated British wealth should have included the thousands of millions of treasure in India and Egypt, the gold mines and diamond resources of South Africa, the wheat fields and mines of Canada, the sheep farms and gold of Australia and many other sources; the estimate of population should have included the countless millions from which Britain could draw and did draw in the day of emergency. In this vast Empire British capital had been invested to an enormous amount —the estimated total in 1914 being $2,570,000,000 for Canada and Newfoundland, $1,893,000,000 in India and Ceylon, $1,850,000,000 in South Africa, $1,660,000,000 in Australia, or a total in all British countries of $8,900,000,000. When the War broke out these Dominions endeavored to help the Mother Country in every pos- sible way and the following table shows what was done in Canada alone during the first few months of the conflict: The Dominion \ Expeditionary force of over 32,000 men, fully equipped; 50,000 others under training for the front. Over 200 field and machine guns. Two submarines, for general service ($1,050,000); H. M. C. S. Niohe and Rainbow for general service. 1,000,000 bags of flour. $100,000 for "Hospice Canadien" in France. ),0Q0 for the relief of Belgian sufferers. The Provinces Albeeta 500,000 bushels of oats; 5,000 bags of flour for Belgians. Civil service, 5 per cent of salaries up to $1500 per annum, and 10 per cent in excess of that amount to Canadian Patriotic Fund. British Columbia 25,000 cases of canned salmon; $5,000 to Bel- gian Refief Fund. Manitoba 10,000 men; 50,000 bags of flour; $5,000 to Belgian Relief Fund. GREAT BRITAIN AND THE WAR 77 New Brunswick 1,000 men; 100,000 bushels of potatoes; 15,000 barrels of potatoes for Belgium. Nova Scotia $100,000 to the Prmce of Wales Fund; apples for the troops; food and clothing for Belgium. Ontario $500,000; 250,000 bags of flour; 100,000 Iba of evaporated apples for the Navy; $15,000 to the Belgian Relief Fund. Prince Edward Island . 100,000 bushels of oats; cheese and hay. Quebec 4,000,000 lbs. of cheese; $25,000 to Belgian Relief Fund. Saskatchewan 1,500 horses ($250,000) ; $5,000 to Belgian Relief Fund. The Yukon $6,000 to the Canadian Patriotic Fund. The Gities Ottawa $300,000 (for machine gun sections — 4 guns on armored motors and a detachment of 30 men); $50,000 to the Canadian Patriotic Fund. Quebec $20,000 Canadian Patriotic Fund; insuring lives of Quebec volunteers. Montreal $150,000 (Canadian Patriotic Fund) ; battery of quick-firing guns; $10,000 to Belgian Relief Fund. Toronto $50,000 (Canadian Patriotic Fund) ; insuring lives of all Toronto volunteers; 100 horses for training purposes; carload for Belgians of canned provisions. Winnipeg $5,000 monthly to Patriotic Fund. Regina $1,000 for comfort of the city's soldiers; $62,500 to Belgian Relief Fund. Calgary 1,000 men (Legion of Frontiersmen). Hamilton $20,000 Patriotic Fund; $5,000 for local relief. Berlin $10,000 Patriotic Fund. St. Johns, N. B $10,000 Patriotic Fund; $2,000 Belgian Fund. The Women of Canada Building, equipping and maintenance of "Canadian Women's Hospital" of 100 beds to supplement Naval Hospital at Haslar ($182,857). 78 GREAT BRITAIN AND THE WAR $100,000 to War Office (40 motor ambulance cars purchased). Women of Nova Scotia $15,170 ($7,000 to Hospital, $5,000 Canadian Patriotic Fund and rest to Red Cross). The Banks and the Patriotic Funds Bank of Montreal $110,000 Canadian Bank of Commerce $50,000 Royal Bank of Canada $50,000 Merchants Bank $30,000 Dominion Bank $25,000 Union Bank of Canada $25,000 Bank op Toronto $25,000 Bank of Ottawa $25,000 Bank of Nova Scotia $25,000 Bank of Hamilton $25,000 Bank of British North America $25,000 Little Newfoundland sent a contingent of 510; placed a Naval Reserve force of 1,000 men in training and prepared a second con- tingent of 500 naen, while contributing $120,000 to a local Patriotic Fund. Australia handed over its fleet of battleships and cruisers to the Admiralty and one of these, The Sydney, captured the Emden of German fame, while the New Zealand, a dreadnought from the Island Dominion of that name, held a place in the North Sea fight- ing line. Austraha also sent 20,000 men who saw service before the end of the year in Egypt, provided reserves and prepared two more contingents, while sending donations of aU kinds of food supplies for the poor in Britain or for the Belgian refugees. From India at once went a portion of the British Army which was replaced by native troops and then a large contingent of the latter, which took part in the protection of Egypt and in the fighting in France. The great Princes of India — notably the Maharajahs of Nepaul, Gwalior, Patiala, Baratpur, Sikkim and Dholpur — placed the entire military resources of tens of milHons of people at the disposal of 't the King-Emperor. The Maharajah of Rewa cabled this splendid message: ''What orders from His Majesty for me and my troops?" GREAT BRITAIN AND THE WAR 79 The Nizam of Hyderabad and the Maharajah of Bikanir offered not only their troops, but the entire resources of their great states and their own personal services at the front. Bengal gave a miUion bags of jute for the army and the Maharajah of Mysore proffered 3,500 men and 50 lakhs of rupees (about $350,000). Practically all the 700 native rulers of states in India offered per- sonal services, men and money. For active personal service the Viceroy selected the Chiefs of Jodhpur, Bikanir, Kishangarh, Rut- lam, Sachin, Patiala, Sir Pertab Singh, Regent of Jodhpur, and others. Contingents of cavalry and infantry, supplies and trans- ports were forwarded besides a camel corps from Bikanir, horses from many states, machine guns, hospital-bed contributions, motor cars and large gifts to the Patriotic and Belgian Relief Fimds. New Zealand sent a first contingent of 8,000 troops and relief forces, prepared to send more and promised, Uke Canada and Australia, to continue training and sending troops as long as they should be required. On the other hand Great Britain undertook to finance the actual military operations of these countries by lending the four Dominions $210,000,000, and undertaldng to pro- vide more when needed. It was with this unity, and in this spirit, that the British Empire entered the great War for the redemption of its pledges to Belgium and adherence to its French obligations— Russia only coming indirectly into the first stage of the question and Japan, through the force of its Treaty, undertaking to guard British interests in the East. CHAPTER V The World^s Greatest War Wars as Mileposts — A Continent in Arms — How Canada Prepared for War — The British Sentiment — Lord Kitchener's Career — ^A Forceful Character. /^ I "^HE history of the leading events in the nations of Europe I during a hundred years of the past, so far as they related to the decline of autocratic power in the monarchs and the development of popular rights and Uberty, has been given in the preceding chapters, where it is brought down to the close of the Balkan War and the opening of the great war that succeeded in 1914. As regards this war, its story cannot be told or even summarized in a chapter, but some indication of its general character may be given. WAKS AS MILEPOSTS Wars serve as convenient mileposts in the history of man- kind. They deal with the great struggles which break up the monotony of peace and bring the nations into volcanic relations. They have been many and their causes and effects various; strifes for spoil or dominion; savage invasions of civihzed lands; over- flow of vast areas by conquering tribes or nations. But among all the world has so far known there has been none so stupendous in character, so portentous in purpose, so vast in fighting multi- tudes, so terrible in bloodshed, as the one with which we are here concerned, the liu-id meeting of the nations on the blood-stained fields of battle which broke upon the quiet of the world v/ith start- ling suddenness in the summer of 1914. Launched on the borders of little Servia, it soon had the continent for its field of action, and all but one of the greater nations of Europe for its participants. (80) THE WORLD'S GREATEST WAR 81 It may therefore fitly be designated the Great War. Great it was, alike in the number and strength of the Powers involved, in the enormous array of armed men engaged, in the destructive power of the weapons employed, in the loss of life and waste of wealth that attended its earthquaking development. In reading the history of the past we find it thickly strewn with stories of fierce battles, a day, two days, rarely much longer in extent, protracted intervals of marching and countermarching succeeding before the armies again locked horns. Such was the case in the American Civil War, in which the three days^battle at Gettysburg was the greatest in length, if the six days' fighting before Richmond be taken to constitute a succession of battles. In the Russo-Japanese war much longer struggles took place. The armies at Liaoyung fought for eight days and those before Mukden for twenty days. But a more obstinate struggle still was that of September and October, 1914, when two armies, stretched out over a line two hundred miles or more in length, fought with ceaseless fury, by day and night alike, for more than a month. On the moving-picture screen of time this vast conflict stands out without parallel in the world's annals, the most unyielding, inces- sant battling ever known. A CONTINENT IN ARMS In the giant warfare here described we behold a continent, well nigh a world, in arms. Along the rivers north of Paris three powerful nations, Germany, France and Britain, wrestled like mighty behemoths for supremacy. Far eastward, on the borders of Russia, Austria and Germany, two other great Powers, Russia and Austria, with German armies to aid the latter, strove with equal fury for victory. Thus raged the Great War. How many took part it is diffi- cult to estimate. Among the war tales of the past the most stupendous army on record is that of Xerxes, said by Herodotus to number 2,317,600 men, who marched from Asia to face defeat 82 THE WORLD'S GREATEST WAR in the diminutive land of Greece. How large this fabulously great army really was we shall never know, but even at the figures given it was dwarfed by the hosts in arms in the Great European War, in which between four and five million men fought with fierceness unsurpassed. The field of action of this mighty contest was not confined to Europe. On the far-off border of Asia another Power, the warhke empire of Japan, sent forth its soldiers to drive the Germans from China. In Africa and on the South Pacific the colonists of Britain set other forces in motion to invade the German colonial regions. From British India sailed a strong array of dark-skinned warriors to take part in the war in France. From Algeria and Senegal came hordes of sable recruits for the French army, and from the cities and provinces of the Dominion of Canada came still another army of ardent patriots eager to aid the forces of their fatherland. We may well speak of the contest as not one of a continent but of the entire world. HOW CANADA PREPARED FOR WAR The story of the patriotic ardor of the Canadians is of interest, as given by a correspondent of the London Graphic, who passed through the Dominion after the opening of the war. ''The news of the great war came like a bolt from the blue. The effect was startling. The ordinary flow of Canadian life was suddenly arrested. The customary routine seemed to stop dead still. The whole of Canadian thought and much of the people's energy were switched on to the great staggering fact that Europe was at war, and the old country fighting for its life. A most won- derful and touching patriotism welled up in the heart of the Canadians. The air became electric with excitement and enthu- siasm. The prairie was indeed on fire. Passing through EngHsh towns on my journey to London the cahn and peaceful demeanor of the people and the even flow of life seemed in strange contrast with the land I had just left, where the population was throbbing THE WORLD'S GREATEST WAR 83 with loyal passion, and the war dominated the existence of the inhabitants, high and low, from Victoria to Halifax. One Canadian scene that remains impressed upon my mind was the sea of upturned faces in front of the offices of the Calgary News Telegram— eveiy ear straining to the point where the war news was announced at intervals through a megaphone. *''We stand shoulder to shoulder,' Sir. Robert Borden, the Premier, had said, 'with Britain and the other British Dominions in this quarrel, and that duty we shall not fail to fulfil as the honor of Canada demands.' It is being fulfilled in a score of different ways, but mainly in the practical spirit that is characteristic of the country. The Dominion is the Empire's granary, and through the granary doors, as the Motherland knows, are passing huge gifts of food to the British population. At the same time the stoppage of the export of all foodstuffs to other countries is proposed. "Soon the Dominion began to mobilize. Regiments seemed to spring up, as if by magic, from the ground— not hordes^ of untrained men, but stalwart horsemen, accustomed to the rifle and inured to a hard outdoor fife. The Germans will knock against another 'bit of hard stuff' when they meet the Canadian con- tingents. One of the regiments carries the name of the Princess Patricia, who, by the way, holds quite a unique position in the hearts of the people. The popular Princess was, shortly after I left, to have presented her regiment with their colors— worked by her own hands. "Londoners were happy in the knowledge that more such men could be sent, if necessary, up to 200,000 in number— such was the earnestness of the people. One met this practical earnestness in a dozen different directions— in such facts, for instance, as the conversion of the great Winnipeg Industrial Hall into a mifitary training center— and not the least significant feature in the situa- tion is the manner in which the prevalent enthusiasm had spread to the American inhabitants of the country. The trade intimacy between the United States and the Dominion was, indeed, con- 84 THE WORLD'S GREATEST WAR stantly growing, and the many great American manufacturing concerns which had planted themselves in Canada had attained prosperity. It was pleasant and reassuring to think that this had not weakened the ties of attachment to the old country. In the days to succeed the war the Dominion can look back with pride upon the part she bore in sustaining the arms of Mother England, and can take her place with happy confidence and added strength as the eldest daughter in the great family of British peoples." The enthusiasm thus indicated among the Canadians, which had its outcome m the despatch of 32,000 sons of the Dominion in late September to the seat of war, to be quicldy followed by a second contingent, was paralleled in India, which sent to France 70,000 of its dusky sons to join the struggling hosts. As for the remaining comitries of the British empire, Australia, South Africa, East Africa, etc., a sunilar sentunent of loyalty prevailed, manifested there by the sending of contingents or in expeditions against the German colonies in the South Sea and in Africa. The whole empire was ready to support the mother comitry. Certainly the Kaiser of Germany, Wilham the War Lord, had set loose in the air a nest of hornets to sting liis well-trained war- riors. By his side stood only Austria, a composite empire which soon found all its strength too little to hold back the mighty Rus- sian tide that swept across its borders. Thus this one stalwart nation, with its weak auxiliary, was forced to face now east, now west, against a continent in anns. It is difficult to imagine that the Kaiser could have hoped to succeed, despite the training of his people and the strength of his artillery. ''God fights with the heaviest battalions," said one who laiew, and the weight of battahons, though at fii'st on WiUiam's side, could not remain so. THE BEITISH SENTIMENT While the British people, with their lack of a system of militarism, were not in condition to send large bodies of troops at THE WORLD'S GREATEST WAR 85 once to the aid of the mobilized French, they were soon ready to despatch a useful contingent of trained men. Probably the German emperor counted upon the disturbance in Ireland between the LFlsterites and the people of the Catholic provinces to tie the hands of the government, but these people at once suspended their hostile sentiments in favor of the larger needs of their country. In Eng- land itself the mihtant suffragettes showed equal patriotism, at once agreeing to desist from all acts of violence and offering to aid their country to the extent of their powers. LORD kitchener's CAREER The British government appointed Lord Kitchener, the hero of many successful expeditions, Secretary of State for War, putting the whole management of military affairs into his competent hands. His fitness for this was thoroughly attested by his long and brilliant service, and as the presence of Napoleon was said to be equal to an army, so was that of this able military leader. For those who are not familiar with Kitchener's career a brief statement concerning it may be useful. Born in 1850, Horatio Herbert Kitchener entered the army in 1871, was in civil life 1874-82, then returned to army duty. He took part in the Nile expedition of 1884 for the rescue of General Gordon and com- manded a brigade in the Suakim campaign of 1888. Governor of Suakim 1886-88, adjutant-general of the Egyptian army 1888-92, he was appointed to the command of this army, with the Egyptian rank of Sirdar, in 1890. His service in Egypt was during the period of the Mahdi outbreak, which began in 1883, defeated all the armies sent to quell it, and for years held the Sudan region of Egypt. In 1896 Kitchener set out for its suppression, recovering Dongola, and organizing an expedition against the Khalifa, the successor of the Mahdi. He defeated the dervish army of the Khahfa in April, 1898, and on September 2d of that year utterly crushed the Dervish hosts at Omdurman, regaining the Sudan for Egypt and Britain. 86 THE WORLD'S GREATEST WAR This exploit brought him the thanks of parhament and the title of baron, with a grant of £30,000 and a sword of honor. In 1899 he went with Lord Roberts to South Africa as chief of staff, and on Lord Roberts' return in 1900 he succeeded him as com- mander-in-chief and brought the Boer War to a successful conclusion. He was now made full general, with the rank of viscount, and sub- sequently served as commander-in-chief in India. A FORCEFUL CHABACTER In an illuminating article in Collier's Weekly, the well-known Irish journahst, T. P. O'Connor, thus brought out the character of the hero of Khartoum : "I attribute somethmg of the Lord Kitchener we know to the fact that, though Enghsh by blood, he spent the first years of his life in wandering over the hills and looking down on the sea-tossed shores of County Kerry. That tact which enabled him to settle the issue with Marchand, the French explorer, at Fash- oda, suggests some of the lessons in the soft answer which Ire- land can teach. You remember how, when it was possible that a colHsion between him and Marchand might mean a war between England and France, Lord Kitchener sent some fresh vegetables and champagne to the daring French explorer, who had gone through the hunger, thirst, and hardship of the desert for months. Marchand had to go from Fashoda all the same, but he went with no personal grievance. "If I look for the roots of Lord Kitchener's greatness, I trace them to intense ambition to succeed, to make the most of his opportunities — above all, to the incessant desire to Work and fill every hour of his days with something done. He is sent as a youngster to Palestine; through peril to life, through great priva- tion, through heart-breaking drudgery, he pursues his work until he has completed a map of all western Palestine to the amazement and delight of his employers. And he values this experience so largely because he learns Arabic, and, above all, he learns the THE WORLD'S GREATEST WAR 87 Arabic character. One of the chroniclers of his career makes the apt observation that, while the baton of the marshal is in every French soldier's knapsack, Kitchener found his coronet in the Arab grammar. But how many soldiers or men of any class would have devoted the leisure hours of a fiercely active task like Kitchener's in Palestine to the study of one of the most difiicult of languages? "Hard work, patience, and the utilization of every second of time, the eagerness always to learn — ^these are the chief secrets of Lord Kitchener's enormous success in life. But the man who works himself is ineffective in great things unless he has the gift to choose the men who can work for him and with him. This choice of subordinates is one of Lord Kitchener's greatest powers. He nearly always has had the right man in the right place. And his men return his confidence because he gives them absolute confidence. He never thinks of asking a subordinate whether he has done the job he has given him; he takes that for granted, knowing his man; and he never worries his subordinates. "This is one of the reasons why, though he works so terrif- ically, he never is tired, never worried. He sits down at his desk at the War Ofiice for about ten hours a day; but he sits there calmly, isn't ringing at bells and shouting down pipes; he does it all so quietly that it seems mere pastime; and the effect of this perfect tranquillity produces an extraordinary result on those who work with him. They also do their work easily, tranquilly, and without feeliQg it. "A great soldier certainly; but perhaps a greater organizer than anything else. This is his supreme quality, and for that quality there is necessary, above all things, a clear, penetrating brain. He doesn't form any visions — as Napoleon used to com- plain of some of his marshals. At school he was celebrated for his knowledge of mathematics, and especially for his phenomenal rapidity m. dealing with figures, and it was not accident that so truly a scientific mind found its natural place in the engineers. 88 THE WORLD'S GREATEST WAR A mathematician, an engineer, a man of science, a great account- ant — these things he has been in all his enterprises. It was these quahties that enabled him to make that astounding railway which brought Cairo almost into touch with the Khahfa, who, with his predecessor, the Mahdi, and with his tragically potent ally, the hungry and all-devouring desert, had beaten back so many other attempts to reach and to beat him. "This man, who has fought such tremendous and historic, battles and confronted great odds, is yet a man who prefers a deal to a struggle; and, though he can be so stern, has yet a diplo- matic tact that gets him and his country out of difficult hours. The nature, doubtless, is complex, and stern determination and tenacity are part of it; but there is also the other side, which is much forgotten — especially by that class of writers who have to describe human character as rigidly symmetrical and unnat- urally harmonious. "That cold and penetrating eye of his makes it impossible to imagine anybody taking any Hberties with Lord Kitchener; yet one of his greatest qualities, at once useful and charming, is his accessibihty. Anybody who has anything to say to him can approach him; anybody who has anything to teach him will find a ready and grateful learner. This is one of the secrets of his extraordinary success and universal popularity in Egypt. Lord Cromer was a great Egyptian ruler, and his services are imperish- - able and gigantic; but Lord Cromer was the stern, solitary, and inaccessible bureaucrat who worked innumerable hours every day at his desk, never learned the Arabic language, and possibly never quite grasped the Arab nature. Lord Kitchener is the <;adi under the tree. The mayor or the citizens of the little Arab village can come to him, and the old soldier, and even the fellah, alone; and they will find Lord Kitchener ready to listen and to talk to them in their own tongue, to enter with gusto into the pettiest details of their daily and squahd fives, and ready also to apply the remedy to such grievances as conamend themselves to his judgment. THE WORLD'S GREATEST WAR 89 "As an illustration of his accessibility, let me repeat a delicious story which delighted all Egypt. An old peasant came out of the depths of the land all the way to Cairo to see the great Kitchener, with the complaint that his white mule had been stolen. The whole official machinery was interrupted for a while, and the old fellah went back with his white mule. You can fancy how that story was repeated in every fellah cabin in the land, and how the devotion to Kitchener and trust in his justice and in his sympathy went trumpet-tongued among this race, downtrodden and neglected almost from the beginning of time." Such is the man who, when chosen to head the British War Department, had his bed sent to the office, that he might be on duty day and night if needed; who insisted that no raw recruits should be sent to the front, but put them through a rigid system of drill and physical exercise to toughen their muscles and fit them for the work of a soldier; who said that there would be abundant time for fighting, as in his judgment there was a year or more of war in prospect. CHAPTER VI The Earthquake of Napoleonism Its Effect on National Conditions Finally Led to the War of 1914 Conditions in France and Germany — The Campaign in Italy — ^The Victory at Ma- rengo — Moreau at Hohenlinden — The Consul made Emperor — The Code Napoleon — Campaign of 1805— Battle of Austerlitz — The Conquest of Prussia — The Invasion of Poland — Eylau and Friedland — Campaign of 1809 — ^Victory at Wagram — The Cam- paign in Spain — The Invasion of Russia — A Fatal Retreat — Dresden and Leipzig — The Hundred Days — The Congress of Vienna — The Holy Alliance, 'HEN, after a weary climb, we find ourselves on the sum- mit of a lofty mountain, and look back from that com- manding altitude over the ground we have traversed, what is it that we behold? The minor details of the scenery, many of which seemed large and important to us as we passed, are now lost to view, and we see only the great and imposing features of the landscape, the high elevations, the town-studded valleys, the deep and winding streams, the broad forests. It is the same when, from the summit of an age, we gaze backward over the plain of time. The myriad of petty happenings are lost to sight, and we see only the striking events, the critical epochs, the mighty crises through which the world has passed. These are the things that make true history, not the daily doings in the king's palace or the peasant's hut. What we should seek to observe and store up in our memories are the turning points in human events, the great thoughts which have ripened into noble deeds, the hands of might which have pushed the world forward in its career; not the trifling occurrences which signify nothing, the passing actions which have borne no fruit in human affairs. It is with such turn- (90) THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM 91 ing points, such critical periods in modern history, that we are here deahng; not to picture the passing bubbles on the stream of time, but to point out the great ships which have sailed up that stream laden with a noble freight. This is history in its deepest and best aspect, and we have set our camera to photograph only the men who have made and the events which constitute history in the phase here outlined. The first fifteen years of the nineteenth century in Europe yield us the history of a man rather than of a continent. France was the center of Europe; Napoleon, the Corsiean, was the center of France. All the affairs of all the nations seemed to gather around this genius of war. He was respected, feared, hated; he had risen with the suddenness of a thunder-cloud on a clear horizon, and flashed the lightnings of victory in the dazzled eyes of the nations. All the events of the period were concentrated into one great event, and the name of that event was Napoleon. He seemed incarnate war, organized destruction; sword in hand, he dominated the nations, and victory sat on his banners with folded wings. He was, in a full sense, the man of destiny, and Europe was his prey. Never has there been a more wonderful career. The earher great conquerors began hfe at the top; Napoleon began his at the bottom. Alexander was a king; Csesar was an aristocrat of the Roman republic; Napoleon rose from the people, and was not even a native of the land which became the scene of his exploits. Pure force of miUtary genius lifted him from the lowest to the liighest place among mankind, and for long and terrible years Europe shuddered at his name and trembled beneath the tread of his marching legions. As for France, he brought it glory and left it ruin and dismay. The career of Napoleon Bonaparte began in a very modest way. Born in Corsica and trained in a military school in France, his native ability as a man of action was first made evident in 1794, when, under the orders of the National Convention, he quelled the ■^ 92 THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM mob of Paris with loaded cannon and put a final end to the Reign of Terror that had long prevailed. Placed at the head of the French army in Italy, Napoleon quickly astonished the world by a series of the most brilUant vic- tories, defeating the Austrians and the Sardinians wherever he met them, seizing Venice, the city of the lagoon, and forcing almost all Italy to submit to his arms. A republic was estabUshed here and a new one in Switzerland, while Belgium and the left bank of the Rhine were held by France. His wars here at an end. Napoleon's ambition led him to Egypt, inspired by great designs which he failed to realize. In his absence anarchy arose in France. The five Directors, then at the head of the government, had lost all authority, and Napo- leon, who had unexpectedly returned, did not hesitate to overthrow them and the Assembly which supported them. A new govern- ment, with three Consuls at its head, was formed. Napoleon, as First Consul, holding almost royal power. Thus France stood in 1800, at the end of the eighteenth century. CONDITIONS IN FKANCE AND GEEMANT In the remainder of Europe there was nothing to compare with the momentous convulsion which had taken place in France. England had gone through its two revolutions more than a cen- tm-y before, and its people were the freest of any in Europe. Recently it had lost its colonies in America, but it still held in that continent the broad domain of Canada, and was building for itself a new empire in India, while founding colonies in twenty other lands. In commerce and manufactures it entered the nine- teenth century as the greatest nation on the earth. The haimner and the loom resounded from end to end of the island, mighty centers of industry arose where cattle had grazed a century before, coal and iron were being torn in great quantities from the depths of the earth, and there seemed everywhere an endless bustle and whirr. The ships of England haunted all seas and visited the most THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM 93 remote ports, laden with the products of her workshops and bring- ing back raw material for her factories and looms. Wealth accu- mulated, London became the money market of the world, the riches and prosperity of the island kingdom were growing to be a parable among the nations of the earth. On the continent of Europe, Prussia, destined in time to be- come great, had recently emerged from its medieval feebleness, mainly under the powerful hand of Frederick the Great, whose reign extended until 1786, and whose ambition, daring, and miU- tary genius made him a fitting predecessor of Napoleon the Great, who so soon succeeded him in the annals of war. Unscrupulous in his aims, this warrior king had torn Silesia from Austria, added to his kingdom a portion of unfortunate Poland, annexed the prin- cipality of East Friesland, and lifted Prussia into a leading posi- tion among the European states. Germany, now — ^with the exception of Austria — a compact empire, wag then a series of disconnected states, variously known as kingdoms, principaHties, margravates, electorates, and by other titles, the whole forming the so-called Holy Empire, though it was "neither holy nor an empire." It had drifted down in this fashion from the Middle Ages, and the work of consolidation had but just begun, in the conquests of Frederick the Great. A host of petty potentates ruled the land, whose states, aside from Prussia and Austria, were too weak to have a voice in the councils of Europe. Joseph II, the titular emperor of Germany, made an earnest and vigorous effort to combine its elements into a power- ful unit; but he signally failed, and died in 1790, a disappointed and embittered man. Austria, then far the most powerful of the German states, was from 1740 to 1780 under the reign of a woman, Maria Theresa, who struggled in vain against her ambitious neighbor, Frederick the Great, his kingdom being extended ruthlessly at the expense of her imperial dominions. Austria remained a great country, however, including Bohemia and Hungary among its domains. 94 THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM It was lord of Lombardy and Venice in Italy, but was destined to play an unfortunate part in the coming Napoleonic wars. We have briefly epitomized Napoleon's early career, his doings in the Revolution, in Italy, and in Egypt, unto the time that France's worsliip of his military genius raised him to the rank of First Consul, and gave him in effect the power of a Idng. No one dared question his word, the army was at his beck and call, the nation lay prostrate at his feet — ^not in fear but in admira- tion. Such was the state of affairs in France in the closing year of the eighteenth centmy. The Refvolution was at an end; the Republic existed only as a name; Napoleon was the autocrat of France and the terror of Em*ope. From this point we resume the story of his career. The First Consul began his reign with two enemies in the field, England and Austria. Prussia was neutral, and he had won the friendship of Paul, the emperor of Russia, by a shrewd move. WTiile the other nations refused to exchange the Russian prisoners they held. Napoleon sent home 6,000 of these captives, newly clad and armed, under their own leaders, and wthout demanding ran- som. This was enough to win to his side the weak-minded Paul, whose delight in soldiers he well knew. Napoleon now had but two enemies in arms to deal with. He wrote letters to the king of England and the emperor of Austria, offering peace. The answers were cold and insulting, asking France to take back her Bourbon kings and return to her old boundaries. Nothing remained but war. Napoleon prepared it with his usual rapidity, secrecy, and keenness of judgment. THE CAMPAIGN IN ITALY There were two French armies in the field in the spring of 1800, Moreau commanding in Germany, Massena in Italy. Switzer- land, which was occupied by the French, divided the armies of the enemy, and Napoleon determined to take advantage of the sepa- ration of their forces, and strike an overwhelming blow. He sent THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM 95 word to Moreau and Massena to keep the enemy in check at any cost, and secretly gathered a third army, whose corps were dis- persed here and there, while the Powers of Europe were aware only of the army of reserve at Dijon, made up of conscripts and invalids. All was ready for the great movement which Napoleon had in view. Twenty centuries before, Hannibal had led his army across the great mountain barrier of the Alps, and poured down hke an avalanche upon the fertile plains of Italy. The Corsican deter- mined to repeat this brilUant achievement and emulate Hanni- bal's career. Several passes across the mountains seemed favor- able to his purpose, especially those of the St. Bernard, the Simplon and Mont Cenis. Of these the first was the most difficult; but it was much the shorter, and Napoleon determined to lead the main body of his army over this ice-covered mountain pass, despite its dangers and difficulties. The enterprise was one to deter any man less bold than Hannibal or Napoleon, but it was welcome to the hardihood and daring of these men, who rejoiced in the seemingly impossible and spurned faltering at hardships and perils. The task of the Corsican was greater than that of the Car- thaginian. He had cannon to transport, while Hannibal's men carried only swords and spears. But the genius of Napoleon was equal to the task. The cannon were taken from their carriages and placed in the hoUowed-out trunks of trees, which could be dragged with ropes over the ice and snow. Mules were used to draw the gun-carriages and the wagon-loads of food and muni- tions of war. Stores of provisions had been placed at suitable points along the road. The sudden appearance of the French in Italy was an utter surprise to the Austrians. They descended like a torrent into the valley, seized Ivry, and five days after reaching Italy met and repulsed an Austrian force. The divisions which had crossed by other passes one by one joined Napoleon. On June 9th Marshal 96 THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM Lannes met and defeated the Austrians at Montebello, after a hot engagement. ''I heard the bones crackle hke a hailstorm on the roofs," he said. On the 14th, the two armies met on the plain of Marengo, and one of the most famous of Napoleon's battles began. THE VICTORY AT MARENGO Napoleon was not ready for the coming battle, and was taken by surprise. He had been obliged to break up his anny in order to guard all the passages open to the enemy. Suddenly attacked and taken by surprise, his army was defeated and driven back in retreat in the first stage of the battle. But Napoleon was not the man to accept defeat. Hurrying up Desaix, one of his most trusted generals, with his corps, he flung these fresh troops upon the enemy, following up the assault with the dragoons of Kellermann. The result was a disastrous rout of the Austrians, who were driven from the field, leaving thousands of dead, and other thousands of prisoners in the hands of the enemy. A few days afterwards, on the 19th, Moreau in Germany won a brilliant victory at Hochstadt, near Blenheim, took 5,000 pris- oners and twenty pieces of cannon, and forced from the Austrians an armed truce wliich left him master of South Germany. A still more momentous armistice was signed by Melas in Italy, by which the Austrians surrendered Piedmont, Lombardy, and all their . territory as far as the Mincio, leaving France master of Italy. MOREAU AT HOHENLINDEN What followed must be briefly detailed. Only a truce, not a peace, had followed the victories of Napoleon and Moreau, and five months later, Austria refusing to make peace without the concurrence of England, the war began again. Moreau winning another famous victory on the plains of Hohenlinden, the Austrians losing 8,000 in killed and wounded and 12,000 in prisoners. Moreau advanced to Vienna, where the emperor was forced to THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM 97 sign an armistice, giving up to France the valley of the Danube, the country of the Tyrol, a number of fortresses and large maga- zines of war material. Tliis truce was followed by a peace in February, 1801. It was one that left Napoleon the idol of France, the terror of Europe, and the admiration of the world. He had proved himself the mate of Csesar and Alexander as a con- queror. THE CONSUL MADE EMPEROR The events that followed must be briefly epitomized. For nearly the only time in his career Napoleon had a period of peace. In this he showed himself an autocratic but able ruler, making himself king in everything but name, restoring the old court cus- toms and etiquette, but not interfering with the liberties and priv- ileges which the people had won by the Revolution. FeudaUsm had been definitely overthrown and Napoleon's supremacy in the state was one that recognized the popular freedom. The culmination of Napoleon's ambition came in 1804, when he followed the example of Caesar, the Roman conqueror, seeking the crown as a reward for his victories. Like Caesar, he had his enemies, but, more fortunate than Caesar, he escaped their plots and v/as elected Emperor of the French by an almost unanimous vote of the people. The Pope was obliged to come to Paris at the fiat of the new autocrat and to anoint him as emperor, the sanction of the Church being thus given to his new dignity. His empire was one founded upon modern ideas, one called into existence by the votes of a free people, not resting upon the necks of a nation of serfs. THE CODE NAPOLEON During his brief respite from war Napoleon's activity was great, his statesmanship notable. Great public works, monuments to his glory, were constructed, wide schemes of pubhc improvement were entered upon, and important changes were made in the finan- 7 98 THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM cial system that provided the great sums needed for these enter- prises. The most important of these evidences of intellectual activity was the Code Napoleon, the first organized code of French law and still the basis of jurisprudence in France. This, first pro- mulgated in 1801 as the civil code of France, had its title changed to Code Napoleon in 1804, and as such stands as one of the greatest monuments to the mental capacity of this extraordinary man. The period of peace during which these events took place was one of brief endurance. It practically ended in 1803, when Great Britain, Napoleon's most persistent foe, again declared war. But actual war did not begin until two years later. The Emperor's role in this period was one of threat. England had been invaded and conquered from France once before. It might be again. Like Wilham of Normandy, Napoleon prepared a large fleet and strong army and threatened an invasion of the island kingdom. This might possibly have been successful but for the shrewd pohcy of William Pitt, the British Prime Minister, who organized a coalition of Napoleon's enemies in Europe which gave him a new use for his army. CAMPAIGN OF 1805 The coalition embraced Austria, Prussia, Russia, Sweden and Norway, with Great Britain at their back. The bold Corsican had roused nearly all Europe against him. He dealt with it in his usual alert and successful manner. Quick as were his enemies to come into the field, they were not quick enough for their vigilant foe. The army prepared for the invasion of England was at once set in motion towards the Rhine, and was handled with such skill as to surround at Uhn the Austrian army under General Mack and force its surrender. This took place in October. On the 1st of December the two armies (92,000 of the aUies to 70,000 French) came face to face on the field of Austerhtz, where on the following day was to be fought one of the world's most memorable battles. THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM 99 BATTLE OF AUSTERLITZ The Emperor Alexander had joined Francis of Austria, and the two monarchs, with their staff officers, occupied the castle and village of Austerlitz. Their troops hastened to occupy the plateau of Pratzen, which Napoleon had designedly left free. His plans of battle were already fully made. He had, with the intuition of genius, foreseen the probable maneuvers of the enemy, and had left open for them the position which he wished them to occupy. He even announced their movement in a proclama- tion to his troops. ''The positions that we occupy are formidable," he said, "and while the enemy march to turn my right they will present to me their flank." This movement to the right was indeed the one that had been decided upon by the allies, with the purpose of cutting off the road to Vienna by isolating numerous corps dispersed in Austria and Styria. It had been shrewdly divined by Napoleon in choos- ing his ground. He held his own men in readiness while the line of the enemy deployed. The sun was rising, its rays gleaming through a mist, which dispersed as it rose higher. It now poured its brilliant beams across the field, the afterward famous ''sun of Austerlitz." The movement of the alHes had the effect of partly withdrawing their troops from the plateau of Pratzen. At a signal from the emperor the strongly concentrated center of the French army moved forward in a dense mass, directing their march towards the plateau, which they made all haste to occupy. They had reached the foot of the hill before the rising mist revealed them to the enemy. The two emperors watched the movement without divining its intent. "See how the French climb the height without stay- ing to reply to our fire," said Prince Czartoryski, who stood near them. They were soon to learn why their fire was disdained. The 100 THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM allied force, pierced in its center by the French, was flung back in disorder and on all sides broke into a disorderly retreat. The slaughter was frightful. One division, cut off from the army, threw down its arms and surrendered. Two columns rushed upon the ice of a frozen lake. Upon this the fire of the French cannon was turned, the ice splintered and gave way beneath their feet and thousands of the despairing troops perished in the freezing waters. Of the whole army only one corps left the field in order of battle. More than 30,000 prisoners, including twenty generals, remained in Napoleon's hands, and with them a hundred and twenty pieces of cannon and forty flags. Thus ended the most famous of Napo- leon's battles. The victory of Austerlitz left Germany in Napoleon's hands, and the remodeling of the map of Europe was one of the greatest that has ever taken place at any one time. Kingdoms were formed and placed under Napoleon's brothers or favorite generals. His changes in the states of Germany were numerous and radical. Those of south and west Germany were organized into the Con- federation of the Rhine, under his protection. Many of the small principalities were suppressed and their territories added to the larger states. As to the "Holy Roman Empire," a once powerful organization which had long since sunk into a mere shadow, it finally ceased to exist. The empire of France was extended by these and other changes until it spread over Italy, the Nether- lands and the south and west of Germany. Changes so great as these could scarcely be made without ex- citing bitter opposition. Prussia had been seriously affected by Napoleon's map-making, and in the end its king, Frederick Wil- ham, became so exasperated that he broke off all communication with France and began to prepare for war. THE CONQUEST OF PRUSSIA It is by no means impossible that Napoleoa had been work- ing for this. It is certain that he was quick to take advantage of THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM 101 it. While the Prussian king was slowly collecting his troops and war material, the veterans of France were aheady on the march and approaching the borders of Prussia. The hasty levies of Frederick William were no match for the war-hardened French, the Russians failed to come to their aid, and on the 4th of October, 1806, the two armies met at Jena. The Prussians proved incapable of withstanding the im- petuous attack of the French and were soon broken and in panic and flight. Nothing could stop them. Reinforcements coming up, 20,000 in number, were thrown across their path, but in vain, being swept away by the fugitives and pushed back by the triumphant piu-suers. At the same time another battle was in progress near Auer- stadt between Marshal Davoust and the forces of the Duke of Brunswick. This, too, ended in victory for the French. The king had been with the duke and was borne back by the flying host, the two bodies of fugitives finally coalescing. In that one fatal day Frederick WilUam had lost his army and placed his kingdom in jeopardy. ''They can do nothing but gather up the debris/' said Napoleon. The occupation of Berlin, the Prussian capital, quickly fol- lowed, and the war ended with new map-making which greatly reduced the influence of Prussia as an European Power. THE INVASION OF POLAND Russia was still in arms, and occupied Poland. Thither the victorious French now advanced, making Warsaw, the Polish capital, the goal of their march. The Russians were beaten and forced back in every battle, and the Poles, hoping to regain their lost liberties, gladly rose in aid of the invader. But the French army found itself exposed to serious privations. The country was a frozen desert, incapable of supplying food for an army. The wintry chill and the desolate character of the country seriously interfered with Napoleon's plans, the troops being obhged to 102 THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM make their way through thick and rain-soaked forests, and march over desolate and marshy plains. The winter of the north fought against them Uke a strong army and many of them fell dead with- out a battle. Warlike movements became almost impossible to the troops of the south, though the hardy northeners, accustomed to the climate, continued their military operations. EYLAU AND FRIEDLAND By the end of January the Russian army was evidently approaching in force, and immediate action became necessary. The cold increased. The mud was converted into ice. On January 30, 1807, Napoleon left Warsaw and marched in search of the enemy. General Benningsen retreated, avoiding battle, and on the 7th of February entered the small town of Eylau, from which his troops were pushed by the approaching French. He encamped outside the town, the French in and about it; it was evident that a great battle was at hand. The weather was cold. Snow lay thick upon the ground and still fell in great flakes. A sheet of ice covering some small lakes formed part of the country upon which the armies were encamped, but was thick enough to bear their weight. It was a chill, inhos- pitable country to which the demon of war had come. Before daybreak on the 8th Napoleon was in the streets of Eylau, forming his line of battle for the coming engagement. Soon the artillery of both armies opened, and a rain of cannon balls began to decimate the opposing ranks. The Russian fire was concentrated on the town, which was soon in flames. That of the French was directed against a hill which the emperor deemed it important to occupy. The two armies, nearly equal in num- bers, — the French having 75,000 to the Russian 70,000 — ^were but a short distance apart, and the slaughter from the fierce cannonade was terrible. Nature, which had so far acted to check the advance of the French in Poland, now threatened their defeat and destruction. THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM 103 A snow-fall began, so thick and dense that the armies lost sight of each other, the French columns losing their way in the gloom. When the snow ceased, after a half-hour's fall, the French army was in a critical position. It was in a wandering and disorganized state, while the Russians were on the point of executing a vigorous turning movement. Yet the genius of Napoleon turned the scale. He ordered a grand change of all the cavalry of his army, driving the Russians back, occupying a hilly ground in their rear, and in the end hand- ling them so vigorously that a final retreat began. Thus ended the most indecisive of Napoleon's victories, one which had almost been a defeat and which left both armies so exhausted that months passed before either was in condition to resume the war. It was the month of June before the armies were again put in motion. Now the wintry desolation was replaced by a scene of green woodland, shining lakes and attractive villages, the conditions being far more favorable for warhke operations. On June 13th the armies again met, this time at the town of Friedland, on the River Alle, in the vicinity of Konigsberg, toward which the Russians were marching. Here Benningsen, the Russian general, had incautiously concentrated his troops within a bend of the river, a tactical mistake of which Napoleon hastened to take advantage. General Ney fought his way into the town and took the bridges, while the main force of the French marched upon the entrapped enemy, who met with complete defeat, many being killed on the field, many more drowned in the river. Konigsberg, the prize of victory, was quickly occupied by the French, Prussia the ally of Russia, thus losing all its area except the single town of Memel. The result was disastrous to the Prussian king, who was forced to yield more than half his kingdom. Louisa, the beautiful queen of Frederick William of Prussia, had an interview with Napoleon and earnestly sought to induce him to mitigate his harsh terms. In vain she brought to bear 104 THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM upon him all her powers of persuasion and attractive charm of manner. He continued cold and obdurate and she left Tilsit deeply mortified and humiliated. If Napoleon had come near defeat in the campaign of 1807, he came much nearer in that of 1809, in which his long career of victory was for a time diversified by an example of defeat, from the consequences of which only his indomitable energy saved him. And this was at the hands of the Austrians, who had so often met with defeat and humiliation at his hands. In 1808 the defeat of his armies in Spain by the people organ- ized into guerilla bands forced him to take command there in per- son. He defeated the insurgents wherever met, took the city of Saragossa and replaced his brother Joseph on the throne. Then the outbreak of war in Austria called him away and he was forced to leave Spain for later attention. CAMPAIGN OF 1809 The declaration of war by Austria arose from indignation at the arbitrary acts of the conqueror, this growing so intense that in April, 1809, a new declaration was made and new armies called into the field. The French campaign was characterized by the usual rapidity. But on this occasion the Archduke Charles, who led the Austrians, proved equally rapid, and was in the field so quickly that the widely-spread French army was for a time in imminent danger of being cut in two by the alert enemy. Only a brief hesitation on the part of the Archduke saved the French from this peril. They concentrated with the utmost haste, forced the Austrians back, and captured a large nimiber of pris- oners and cannon. In Italy, on the contrary, the Austrians were victorious, but the rapid advance of Napoleon towards Vienna caused their recall and the campaign became a race for the capital of Austria. In this Napoleon succeeded, the garrison jrielding the city to his troops. to (!ud f?'t^<-H ^ [LP S 5§ g.n -! ^ cfi p h^ •^ <-t 3 f' ■-! tT" O) O rf Q^tTH- GO < P en O ^ ^ .T3 3 - p P ^ o 3 CD fs.ft) a "Ocrq g^i" t3-^ I— I Q O H W O w ^ O >3 3 > (D o . p tb tr O) tr" o^ fD ^ cn S fD B'o ^ p q *^ I-* i-t »-t c; P a fi ^S^S3"2 P^P ?0 " 3(w s o P a ^ ^ E2 i- =£ >^ n> TO m M S-" - " ' '-^ r+ (^ 'I^ ^ ?~! o <^ B"^ 2 St W '^"' n= o ^ g' <^ (D (T> <^ 3 S Q o f? S.3 fo !^ 3 2 2-m CD 2 p Crq a o 3 2 S-S^p "^ ff 01 t! g- j^ ^ o - ^ -^ "^ 3 c tn (D ET *-" ft> cr: p g _^ < g-S-^ ^3 ft> 5 o p ?> 3 mn S-a 5.3 THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM 105 Meanwhile the Archdukes Charles and John, the latter in com- mand of the army from Italy, were marching hastily towards the opposite side of the Danube. Napoleon, seeking to strike a blow before a junction between the armies could be made, crossed the river by the aid of bridges thrown from the island of Lobau and occupied the villages of Aspem and Essling. This was done on May 20th, but during that night the strong current of the river carried away the bridge, leaving the French in a perilous situation. On the afternoon of the 21st the entire Austrian army, 70,000 to 80,000 strong, attacked the French in the two villages, who held their posts only with the greatest difficulty. By dawn of the 21st more than 70,000 French had crossed, but at this critical interval the bridge again gave way, broken by the fireships and the stone-taden boats sent by the Austrians down the swift current. The struggle went on all day, the bridge being again built and again broken, and at night the French, cut off from their supply of ammunition, were forced to retreat. Napoleon, for the first time in his career, had met with defeat. More than 40,000 dead and wounded lay on that fatal field, among them the brilliant Marshal Lannes, one of Napoleon's ablest aids. VICTORY AT WAGRAM Napoleon, however, had no thought of yielding his hold upon Vienna. He brought forward new troops with all haste, until by July 1st he had an army of 150,000 men. The Austrian army had also been augmented and now numbered 135,000 or 140,000 men. They had fortified the positions of the recent battle, expecting a new attack in that quater. But of this Napoleon had no intention. He had selected the heights from Neusiedl to Wagram, occupied by the Austrians, but not fortified by them, as a more favorable point, and during the night of July 4th he threw fresh bridges from Lobau to the maia land and set in motion the strong force occupying the island. This 106 THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM moved against the heights of Wagram, occupying Aspern and Essling in its advance. The battle of the next day was one of desp'erate fury. Finally the height was gained, giving the French the key of the battle- field. The Archduke Charles looked in vain for the army under his brother John, which failed to appear, and, assailed at every point, was obliged to order a retreat. But this was no rout. The retreat was conducted slowly and in battle array. Both the Russians and the Austrians were proving worthy antagonists of the great Corsican. Further hostiUties were checked by a truce, preliminary to a treaty of peace, signed October 14, 1809. Ambition, um'estrained by caution, uncontrolled by modera- tion, has its inevitable end. An empire built upon victory, trust- ing solely to military genius, prepared for itself the elements of its overthrow. This fact Napoleon was to learn. In the outset of his career he opposed a new art of war to the obsolete one of his enemies, and his path to empire was over the corpses of slaugh- tered armies and the ruins of fallen kingdoms. But year by year his foes learned his art, in war after war their resistance grew more stringent, each successive victory was won with more diffi- culty and at greater cost, and finally, at the crossing of the Danube, the energy and genius of Napoleon met their equal, and the stan- dards of France, for the first time under Napoleon's leadership, went back in defeat. It was the tocsin of fate. His career of victory had culminated. From that day its decline began. THE CAMPAIGN IN SPAIN The second check to Napoleon's triumphant career came from one of the weaker nations of Europe, aided by the British under a comanander of renown. Napoleon, as already stated, after overtm*n- ing Spain had been caUed away by the Austrian war. This ended by the treaty of peace, he filled Spain once more with his veterans, increasing the strength of the army there to 300,000 men, under his ablest generals, Soult, Massena, Ney, Marmont, Macdonald THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM 107 and others. They marched through Spain from end to end, yet, though they held all the salient points, the people refused to submit, but from their mountain fastnesses kept up a petty and annoying war. Massena invaded Portugal in 1811, but here he was faced by General Wellington, leading a British ^army, and was forced to retreat. Soult, who followed him, was equally unsuccessful, and when Napoleon in 1812 depleted his army in Spain for the Russian campaign, Wellington marched his army into Spain and, aided by the Spanish patriots, took possession of Madrid, driving king Joseph from his throne. THE INVASION OF RUSSIA Meanwhile Napoleon had entered upon the greatest and most disastrous campaign in his history. Defied by Alexander I, Czar of Russia, he had declared war upon that empire and sought its conquest with the greatest army that ever marched under his banners. On the banks of the Niemen, a river that flows between Prussia and Poland, there gathered near the end of June, 1812, an immense army of more than 600,000 men, attended by an enormous multitude of non-combatants, their p^lrpose being the invasion of the empire of Russia. Of this great army, made up of troops from half the nations of Europe, there reappeared six months later on that broad stream about 16,000 armed men, almost all that were left of that stupendous host. The remainder had perished on the desert soil or in the frozen rivers of Russia, few of them surviving as prisoners in Russian hands. Such was the character of the dread catastrophe that broke the power of the mighty conqueror and delivered Europe from his autocratic grasp. We cannot give the details of this fatal campaign, and shall only summarize its chief incidents. Barclay de Tolly, Alexander's commander in chief, adopted a Fabian policy, that of persistently avoiding battle, and keeping the French in pursuit of a fleeting will-of-the-wisp while their army wasted away from hardship and disease in the inhospitable Russian clime. 108 THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM His method was a wise one, desertion, illness, death of the untrained recruits in rapid march under the hot midsummer sun, did the work of many battles, and when Smolensk was reached, after two months of bootless marching, the "Grand Army" was found to have been reduced to half its numbers. Moscow, the old capital of the Empire, was Napoleon's goal. He felt sure that the occupation of that city would bring the Russians to bay and force them to accept terms of peace. He was sadly mistaken. The Russians, weary of retreating, faced him in one battle, that of Borodino. Here they fought stubbornly, but with the usual result. They could not stand against the impetu- ous dash of Napoleon's veterans and were forced to retreat, leav- ing 40,000 dead and wounded upon the field. But the French army had lost more than 30,000, including an unusual number of generals, two being killed and thirty-nine wounded. A FATAL RETREAT On the 15th of September, Moscow, the ''Holy City" of Russia, was occupied. Napoleon taking up his quarters in the famous palace of the Kremhn, from which he hoped to dictate terms of peace to the obstinate Czar. What were his feelings on the next morning when word was brought him that Moscow was on fire, and flames were seen leaping into the air in all directions. The fire had been premeditated. From every quarter rose the devouring flames. Even the Kremlin did not escape and Napo- leon was obliged to seek shelter outside the city, which continued to burn for three days, when the wind sank and rain poured upon the smoldering embers. The dismayed conqueror waited in vain. He wrote letters to the Czar, suggesting peace. His letters were left unanswered. He hung on despairingly until the 18th of October, when he reluc- tantly gave the order to retreat. Too long he had waited, for the terrible Russian winter was about to descend. That retreat was a frightful one. The army had been reduced THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM 109 « to 103,000 men; the army followers had also greatly decreased in numbers. But it was still a large host that set out upon its long march over the frozen Russian plains. The Russian policy now changed. The retreating army was attacked at every suitable point. The food supply rapidly failed. On again reaching Smolensk the army was only 42,000 strong, though the camp followers are said to have still numbered 60,000. On the 26th of November the ice-cold river Beresina was reached, destined to be the most terrible point on the whole dread- ful march. Two bridges were thrown in all haste across the stream, and most of the men under arms crossed, but 18,000 stragglers fell into the hands of the enemy. How many were trodden to death in the press or were crowded from the bridge into the icy river cannot be told. It is said that when spring thawed the ice 30,000 bodies were found and burned on the banks of the stream. A mere fragment of the great army remained alive. Ney, who had been the hero of the retreat, was the last man to cross that frightful stream. On the 13th of December some 16,000 haggard and staggering men, almost too weak to hold the arms to which they still despair- ingly climg, recrossed the Niemen, which the "Grand Army" had passed in such magnificent strength and with such abounding resources less than six months before. It was the greatest and most astounding disaster in the military history of the world. DRESDEN AND LEIPZIG The lion was at bay, but there was fight left in him still. He hurried back to France, gathered another army, refused all offers of peace on the terms suggested by his enemies, and concentrated an army at Dresden. Here, on August 26, 1813, his last great victory was won. The final stand came at Leipzig, where, October 16-18, he waged a three days' battle against all the powers of central and no THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM , eastern Europe. Then, his ammunition nearly exhausted, he was forced to give the order to retreat. The struggle was soon at an end. France was quickly invaded, Paris was obliged to surrender, and on April 7, 1814, the emperor signed an act of abdication and was exiled to the small island of Elba, in the Mediterranean, with an army of 400 men, chosen from his famous Old Guard. But the Powers of Europe, despite their long experience of Napoleon, did not yet recognize the ability and audacity of the man with whom they had to deal. While the Congress of Vienna, convened to restore the old constitution of Europe, was deliberating and disputing, word came that their dethroned enemy was again on the soil of France and Louis XVIII, his successor, was in full flight. He had landed on March 1, 1815, and was marching back to Paris, the people and the army rallying to his support. THE HUNDRED DAYS Then came the famous Hundred Days, in which Napoleon showed much of his old ability, rapidly organizing a new army, with which in June he marched into Belgiiun, where the British under Wellington and the Prussians under Bliicher had gathered to meet him. On the 16th he defeated Bliicher at Ligny. On the 18th he met Wellington at Waterloo, and after a desperate struggle went down in utter defeat. All day long the French and British had fought without victory for either, but the arrival of Blucher with his Prussians turned the scale. The French army broke and fled in disastrous rout, three-fourths of its force being left on the field, dead, wounded or prisoners. It was the great soldier's last fight. He was forced to surrender the throne, and was again exiled, this time to the island of St. Helena, in the south Atlantic. No such mistake as that of Elba was safe to make again. Here ended the days of Napoleon Bonaparte, the greatest soldier the world had ever known. His final hour of glory came in 1842, when his THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM 111 remains were brought in pomp to Paris, there to find a final resting- place in the Hotel des Invalides. THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA This Congress of the rulers and statesmen of Europe, which opened in September, 1814, and continued its work after the fall of Napoleon at Waterloo, occupied itself with map-making on a liberal scale. The empire which the conqueror had built up at the expense of the neighboring countries, was quickly dismembered and France reduced to its former limits, while all the surrounding Powers took their shares of the spoils, Belgium and Holland being combined into a single kingdom. As for the rights of the people, what had become of them? Had they been swept away and the old wrongs of the people brought back? Not quite. The frenzied enthusiasm for liberty and human rights of the past twenty-five years could not go altogether for nothing. The lingering rehcs of feudalism had vanished, not only from France but from all Europe, and no mon- arch or congress could bring them back again. In its place the principles of democracy had been carried by the armies of France throughout Europe and deeply planted in a hundred places, and their establishment as actual conditions was the most important part of the political development of the nineteenth century. THE HOLY ALLIANCE Map-making was not the whole work of the Congress of Vienna. An association was made of the rulers of Russia, Austria and Prussia, imder the promising title of the "Holy Alliance." These devout autocrats proposed to rule in accordance with the precepts of the Bible, to govern their subjects Hke loving parents, and to see that peace, justice and religion should flourish in their dominions. Such was the theory, the real purpose was one of absolute dominion, that of uniting their forces against democracy and 112 THE EARTHQUAKE OF NAPOLEONISM revolution wherever these should show themselves. It was not long before there was work for them to do. The people began to move. The attempt to re-establish absolute governments shook them out of sluggish acceptance. Revolution lifted its head in spite of the Holy AlUance, its first field being Spain. Revolt broke out there in 1820 and was quickly followed by a similar revolt in Naples. These revolutionary movements roused the members of the AlUance. An Austrian army invaded Italy, a French one, under the influence of the Alliance, was sent to Spain, and both the revolutions were vigorously quelled. The only revolt that suc- ceeded was one in Greece against the Turkish power. There was no desire to sustain the Turks, and a Russian army was finally sent to aid the Greeks, whose freedom was attained in April, 1830. Such were the chief events that followed the fall of Napoleon. Reaction was the order of the day. But it was a reaction that was to be violently shaken in the period now reached, the revolutionary year of 1830. CHAPTER VII Pan-Slavism Versus Pan-Germanism Russia's Part in the Servian Issue — Strength of the Russian Army — The Distribution of the Slavs — Origin of Pan-Slavism — The Czar's Proclamation — The Teutons of Europe — Intermingliug of Races — The Nations at War. PAN-SLAVISM against Pan-Germanism was the issue which was launched when the Emperor of all the Russias took up Servia's quarrel with Austria-Hungary. Russia, if she wanted a ground for war, could have foimd no better one. The popularity of her aggressive big-brother attitude to all the Slavs was quickly attested in St. Petersburg. It had been a long time since war had appealed with the same favor to so large a part of the Czar's people. Slavs there were in plenty to menace the alhed German Powers, even if there were not allied French arms, on Germany's other flank, and Britain's naval supremacy to cope with. Slavs in past times had spread over all of eastern Europe, from the Arctic to the Adriatic and the iEgean Seas. Their continuity was long ago broken into by an intrusion of Magyars, Finns, and Roumanians, leaving a northern Slavic section composed of North Russians, Poles, Czechs, and Slovaks, and a southern section com- prising the main body of the Balkan people. For over a thousand years these Slavs have peopled Europe east of the Elbe River. And for centuries they kept the hordes of Cossacks, Turks and bar- barians off Europe. Russia in those days was called "the nation of the sword." And over a hundred years ago that sword was drawn for Servia. After 400 years of vassalage to Turkey, the Serbs rebelled in 1804, and then only Russian intervention saved them from defeat. In later wars oppression of the Slavs was a proniinent issue. (113) 114 PAN-SLAVISM VERSUS PAN-GERMANISM KUSSIA's part in the SERVIAN ISSUE What rendered the Russian menace so formidable at the opening of the 1914 war was the unusual enthusiasm which was displayed. Ordinarily, the huge population of Russia has been rather apathetic toward the purposes of the Emperor. But in the case of Austria's injustice to Servia the Czar, judging from the demonstrations in St. Petersburg, could reasonably count upon having behind him possibly 100,000,000 Slavs among his subjects. Moscow and Odessa gave similar demonstrations of good feehng, and it seemed as if, in the event of the Czar's assuming command as generalissimo of all the forces, the wave of enthusiasm would sweep over the whole empire. Who knows what is the strength of the Russian bear, on<3.'e he is roused to sullen fury? In the ten years following the Russo-Japanese War Russia had greatly added to her army and navy, and materially cut down the time required for the mobilization of her forces by eliminating many of the diffi- culties attendant upon transportation and equipment of troops. Her quiet advances toward becoming a Power to be feared by the most formidable European nation had come to be recognized even if in a vague way. In considering the potential strength of the armies which Russia, in the course of a long war, might put in the field, it may be pointed out that military service in that empire of more than 160,000,000 people is universal and compulsory. Service under the flag begins at the age of twenty and lasts for twenty-three years. Usually it is proportioned as follows: Three or four years in the active army, fourteen or fifteen in the Zapas, or first reserve, and five years in the Opolchenie, or second reserve. For the Cossacks, those fighters who are a conspicuous element of Russia's military strength, there is hardly a cessation in discipline during their early manhood. Holding their lands by military tenure, they are liable to service for life. Furnishing their own equip- ment and horses — the Cossack is almost invariably a cavalryman — they pass through three periods of four years each, with diminish- PAN-SLAVISM VERSUS PAN-GERMANISM 115 ing duties, until they wind up in the reserve, which is liable to be called into the field in time of war. STEENGTH OF THE RUSSIAN ARMY Russia's field army consists of three powerful divisions — the army of European Russia, the army of Asia, already referred to, and the army of the Caucasus. The European Russian field army consists of twenty-seven army corps — each corps comprising, at fighting strength, about 36,000 men — and some twenty-odd cavalry divisions, of 4,000 horsemen each. With the field army of the Caucasus and the first and second reserve divisions of the Cossacks, the total would be brought to nearly 1,600,000 men. With the Asiatic army, the grand total, according to the latest figures, would give the Russian armies a fighting strength of 1,850,000 men, of whom it would be practicable to assemble, say, 1,200,000 in a single theater of war. With respect to the armies which could be put in the field in time of urgent demand, there are conflicting estimates. It seems certain that Russia's war strength is more than 5,500,000 men, but, of course, the train service and the artil- lery for such a force is lacking. Two and three-quarter milUon men could probably be mustered at one time. In the event of a prolonged war, in which the tide of affairs should put Russia strictly on the defensive, she would be less easily invaded than any large country of Europe. The very extent of her empire, protected by natural barriers at almost every side save where she touches Northeast Europe, would present almost insuperable difficulties to the invader. Napoleon paid dearly for his fortitude in pushing his columns into Moscow. The only conditions under which a repetition of such a feat is conceivable were not likely to be found during a general European struggle. THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE SLAVS To make matters worse for the Austrian or German invader, there are conflicting relations between their own people and the 116 PAN-SLAVISM VERSUS PAN-GERMANISM Russians. The Polish provinces, for instance, however unfriendly toward Russia, as one of the dismemberers of the Polish kingdom, are strongly bound in blood and speech to the Russian nation. The Poles and Russians are brother Slavs, and are likely to remem- ber this in any conflict which approaches an issue between Pan- Germanism and Pan-Slavism. The Poles of East Prussia have an ingrained hatred of their German masters and have been embittered by political oppression almost to the point of revolt. Those along Austria's eastern border are little less bitter. The estmiate is made that Europe contains in all about 140,000,000 Slavs, this being the most numerous race on the con- tinent, the Teutons ranking second. While the great bulk of these are natives of Russia, they have penetrated in large num- bers to the west and south, and are to be found abundantly in the Ballcan region, in the Austrian reahn, and in the region of the disintegrated kingdom of Poland. According to recent authoritative statistics the race question in Austria-Hungary is decidedly comphcated and diversified In the kingdoms and provinces represented in the Reichsrath in Vienna there are nearly 10,000,000 Germans and 18,500,000 non-Gemians. Of these nearly 17,500,000 are Slavs. Among these Slavs, the Croats and Serbs number 780,000, chiefly in Dal- matia, while there are in all 660,000 Orthodox and nearly 3,500,000 Greek Uniats. In Hungary, with its subject kingdoms of Croatia and Sla- vonia, there are 8,750,000 Magyars, 2,000,000 Germans, and 8,000,000 other non-Magyars. Of these, 3,000,000 are Roumanians and well over 5,000,000 Slavs. The Croats, or Roman Catholic Serbs, number 1,800,000, and their Orthodox brothers are 1,100,000 in number. All told, Hungary has nearly 11,000,000 Roman Cath- ohc subjects, 2,000,000 Greek Uniats, and 3,000,000 Orthodox. In this connection it should be remembered that the Patriarchate of the Orthodox Serb Church has been fixed at Karlowitz, mider Hungarian rule, for over two centuries. PAN-SLAVISM VERSUS PAN-GERMANISM 117 In Bosnia there are 434,000 Roman Catholic Croats, 825,000 Orthodox Serbs, and over 600,000 Bosniaks, or Moslem Serbs. Thus it will be seen that the Emperor Francis Joseph rules over more than 24,000,000 Slavs and 3,225,000 Roimaanians, of whom nearly 4,500,000 adhere to various Orthodox Churches and 5,400,000 are Uniats. Of this Slav mass 5,000,000 Poles, mostly Roman Catholics, are not particularly susceptible to Pan-Slav propaganda, as that is largely Russian and Orthodox. Within the boundaries of Germany herself there are over 3,000,000 Slavs, chiefly Poles, the Slavs of Polish descent in all being estimated at 15,000,000. To these must be added the Bul- garians, Serbs and Montenegrins of the Balkan region, constituting about 7,000,000 more. ^ORIGIN OF PAN-SLAVISM The term Pan-Slavism has been given to the agitation carried on by a great party in Russia, its purpose being the union of the Slavic peoples of Europe under Russian rule, as an extensive racial empire. This movement originated about 1830, when the feeling of race relationship in Russia was stirred up by the revolu- tionary movement in Poland. It gained renewed strength from the Polish revolution of 1863, and still survives as the slogan of an ardent party. The ideals of Pan-Slavism have made their way into the Slavic populations of Bohemia, Silesia, Croatia and Slavonia, where there is dread of the members of the race losing their individuality under the aggressive action of the Austrian, German or Hungarian governments. In 1877-78 Russia entered into war against Turkey as the champion of the Balkan Slavs. A similar movement was that made in 1914, when the independence of the Servian Slavs was threatened by Austria. The immediate steps taken by Russia to mobihze her forces in protection of the Serbs was followed as immediately by a declaration of war on the part of the German emperor and the quick plunging of practically the whole of Europe into a war. 118 PAN-SLAVISM VERSUS PAN-GERMANISM THE czar's PROCLAJMATION In this connection the proclamation made by the Russian Czar to his people on August 3d, possesses much interest, as indi- cating his Slavic sentiment. The text is as follows: "By the grace of God we, Nicholas II, Emperor and Auto- crat of all the Russias, King of Poland and Grand Duke of Fin- land, etc., to all our faithful subjects make known that Russia, related by faith and blood to the Slav peoples and faithful to her historical traditions, has never regarded their fate with indifference. "But the fraternal sentiments of the Russian people for the Slavs have been awakened with perfect unanimity and extraor- dinary force in these last few days, when Austria-Hungary know- ingly addressed to Servia claims unacceptable to an independent State. "Having paid no attention to the pacific and concihatory reply of the Servian Government and having rejected the benevolent intervention of Russia, Austria-Hungary made haste to proceed to an armed attack and began to bombard Belgrade, an open place. "Forced by the situation thus created to take necessary meas- ures of precaution, we ordered the army and the navy put on a war footing, at the same time using every endeavor to obtain a peaceful solution. Pourparlers were begun amid friendly relations with Germany and her ally, Austria, for the blood and the prop- erty of our subjects were dear to us. "Contrary to our hopes in our good neighborly relations of long date, and disregarding our assurances that the mobilization measures taken were in pursuance of no object hostile to her, Germany demanded their immediate cessation. Being rebuffed in this demand, Germany suddenly declared war on Russia. "Today it is not only the protection of a country related to us and unjustly attacked that must be accorded, but we must safeguard the honor, the dignity and the integrity of Russia and her position among the Great Powers. PAN-SLAVISM VERSUS PAN-GERMANISM 119 *'We believe unshakably that all our faithful subjects will rise with unanimity and devotion for the defense of Russian soil; that internal discord will be forgotten in this threatening hour; that the unity of the Emperor with his people will become still more close and that Russia, rising like one man, will repulse the insolent attack of the enemy. "With a profound faith in the justice of our work and with a humble hope in omnipotent providence in prayer we call God's blessing on holy Russia and her vahant troops. "Nicholas." Later than this wais an appeal made by the Czar to the Poles under his rule, asking for their earnest support in the war arising from the cause above stated, and promising them the boon which the Polish people have long coveted: that of self-government and a practical acknowledgment of their national existence. THE TEUTONS OF EUROPE While the Slavs form the great bulk of the inhabitants of eastern Europe, the Teutons, or people of Teutonic race and language, are widely spread in the west and north, including the German-speaking people of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Switzer- land, the English-speaking people of the British Islands (in a very far-away sense), the Scandinavian-speaking people of Norway and Sweden, the Flemish-speaking people of Belgium, and practically the whole people of Denmark and Holland. Yet though these are racially related there is no such feeling as a Pan-Teutonic sentiment combining them into a racial unity. Instead of community and fraternity, a very marked racial and natural divergence exists between the several peoples named, especially between the British and Germans. Pan-Germanism is not Pan-Teutonism in any proper sense, being confined to the several German countries of Europe, and especially to the combination of states in the German Empire. It is the Teuton considered in this minor sense that 120 PAN-SLAVISM VERSUS PAN-GERMANISM has set himself against the Slav, as a measure of self-defense against the torrent of Slavism apparently seeking an outlet in all directions. ProUfic as we know the Anglo-Saxons to have once been and as the Germans still appear to be, there are few instances in human history of a natural growth of population like that of the Slavs in recent years. They have grown to outnumber the Germans nearly three to one, and may perhaps do so in the future in a still greater proportion. This is a scarcely desirable state of affairs in view of the fact that the Slavs as a whole are lower and more primitive in char- acter and condition than the Germans. The cultivated portion of Slavic populations forms a very small proportion in number of the whole, and stands far in advance of the abundant multitude of peasants and artisans, a vast body of people who are ruled chiefly by fear; fear of the State on one side, of the Church on the other. INTERMINGLING OF RACES There h^as long been an embittered, remorseless, and often bloody struggle for supremacy between the Teuton and the Slav, yet there has been considerable intermingling of the races, many German traders making their way into Russian towns, while multi- tudes of Slavic laborers have penetrated into German communities. Eastern Prussia has large populations of Slavs, and its PoUsh sub- jects in Posen have been persistently non-assimilable. But only within recent times has there arisen a passion to "Russianize" all foreign elements in the one nation and on the other hand to "Germanize" all similar foreign elements in the other. Austria- Hungary is the most remarkable combination of unrelated peoples ever got together to make part of a state, and is especially notable for its many separate groups of Slavs. Bohemia, for instance, has a very large majority of Slavic population, eager to be recog- nized as such, and there are Slavic populations somewhat indis- m CO < g ■f. Qcl -i ^ O Ph -i CO < nO PAN-SLAVISM VERSUS PAN-GERMANISM 121 criminately scattered throughout the dual-monarchy, especially in Hungary. These Slavic populations, however, differ widely in religious belief. While largely of the Greek confession of faith, a consider- able section of them are Roman Catholics, and many are faithful Mohammedans. This difference in religion plays a major part in their political relations, a greater one than any feeling of nationaUty and racial imity, and aids greatly in adding to the diversity of con- dition and sentiment among these mixed populations. THE NATIONS AT WAR In the war which sprang so suddenly and startlingly into the field of events in 1914 very little of this sentiment of race animos- ity appeared. While the German element remained intact in the union of Germany and Austria, there was a strange mingling of races in the other side of the struggle, that of the Slavic Russian, the Teutonic Britain, and the Celtic French. As for Italy, the non- Germanic member of the Triple Alliance, it at first wisely declared itself out of the war, as one in which it was in no sense concerned and under no obligation to enter into from the terms of its alliance. Later events tended to bring it into sympathy with the non- Germanic side, as a result of enmity to Austria. So the conflict became narrowed down to a struggle between Pan-Germanism on the one hand and a variety of unrelated racial elements on the other. It may be that Emperor William had a secret purpose to unite, if possible, all German-speaking peoples under his single sway and that Czar Nicholas had similar views regarding a union of the Slavs, but as they did not [take the world into their confidence no one can say what plans and ambitions lay hidden in their mental treasure chests. In this connection it is certainly of interest that three of the leaders in this five-fold war were near relatives, the Czar, the Kaiser and the British King being cousins and all of Teutonic blood. This is a result of the inter- marriage of royal families in these later days. CHAPTER VIII The Ambition of Louis Napoleon The Final Overthrow of Napoleonism The Coup-d'etat of 1851— From President to Emperor— The Empire is Peace— War With Austria— The Aiistrians Advance— The Battle of Magenta— Possession of Lom- bardy— French Victory at Solferino— Treaty of Peace— Invasion of Mexico— End of Napoleon's Career. ^ HE name of Napoleon is a name to conjure with in France. ■ Two generations after the fall of Napoleon the Great the -*" people of that country had practically forgotten the misery he had brought them, and remembered only the glory with which he had crowned the name of France. When, then, a man who has been designated as Napoleon the Little offered himself for their suffrages, they cast their votes almost unanimously in his favor. Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, to give this personage his full name, was a son of Louis Bonaparte, once king of Holland, and Hortense de Beauharnais, and had been recognized by Napoleon as, after his father, the direct successor to the throne. This he made strenuous efforts to obtain, hoping to dethrone Louis Phihppe and install himseK in his place. In 1836, with a few followers, he made an attempt to capture Strasbourg. His effort failed and he was arrested and transported to the United States. In 1839 he pubHshed a work entitled ''Napoleonic Ideas," which was an apology for the ambitious acts of the first Napoleon. The growing unpopularity of Louis PhiUppe tempted Louis Napoleon to make a second attempt to invade France. He did it in a rash way almost certain to end in failure. Followed by about fifty men, and bringing with him a tame eagle, which was expected to perch upon his banner as the harbinger of victory, he sailed from England in August, 1840, and landed at Boulogne. This desperate and foolish enterprise proved a complete failure. The (122) THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON 123 soldiers whom the would-be sovereign expected to join his standard arrested him, and he was tried for treason by the House of Peers. This time he was not dealt with so leniently as before, but was sentenced to imprisonment for Hfe and was confined in the Castle of Ham. From this fortress he escaped in disguise in May, 1846, and made his way to England. The revolution of 1848 gave the restless and ambitious claim- ant a more promising opportunity. He returned to France, was elected to the National Assembly, and on the adoption of the republican constitution offered himself as a candidate for the presidency of the new repubhc. And now the magic of the name of Napoleon told. General Cavaignac, his chief competitor, was supported by the soHd men of the country, who distrusted his opponent; but the people rose almost solidly in his support, and he was elected president for four years by 5,562,834 votes^ against 1,469,166 for Cavaignac. The new President of France soon showed his ambition. He became engaged in a contest with the Assembly and aroused the distrust of the Repubhcans by his autocratic remarks. In 1849 he still further offended the democratic party by sending an army to Rome, which put an end to the republic in that city. He sought to make his cabinet officers the pHant instruments of his will, and thus caused De Tocqueville, the celebrated author, who was minister for foreign affairs, to resign. "We were not the men to serve him on those terms," said De Tocqueville, at a later time. The new-made president was feeling his way to imperial dignity. He could not forget that his illustrious uncle had made himself emperor, and his ambition instigated him to the same course. A violent controversy arose between him and the Assembly, which body had passed a law restricting universal suf- frage, thus reducing the popular support of the president. In June, 1850, it increased his salary at his request, but granted the iacrease only for one year — an act of distrust which proved a new source of discord. 124 THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON THE "coup d':6tat" of 1851 Louis Napoleon meanwhile was preparing for a daring act. He secretly obtained the support of the army leaders and pre- pared covertly for the boldest stroke of his life. On the 2d of December, 1851 — the anniversary of the establishment of the first empire and of the battle of Austerlitz — he got rid of his opponents by means of the memorable cowp d'etat, and seized the supreme power of the state. The most influential members of the Assembly had been arrested during the preceding night, and when the hour for the session of the House came the men most strongly opposed to the President were in prison. Most of them were afterwards exiled, some for hfe, some for shorter terms. This act of outrage and alleged violation of plighted faith by their ruler roused the socialists and republicans to the defense of their threatened Hberties, insur- rections broke out in Paris, Lyons, and other towns, street barricades were built, and severe fighting took place. But Napoleon had secured the army, and the revolt was suppressed with blood and slaughter. Baudin, one of the deposed deputies, was shot on the barricade in the Faubourg St. Antoine, while waving in his hand the decree of the constitution. He was afterwards honored as a martyr to the cause of republicanism in France. Napoleon had previously sought to gain the approval of the people by liberal and charitable acts, and to win the good will of the civic authorities by numerous progresses through the interior. He now stood as a protector and promoter of national prosperity and the rights of the people, and sought to lay upon the Assembly all the defects of his administration. By these means, which aided to awaken the Napoleonic fervor in the state, he was enabled safely to submit his acts of violence and bloodshed to the approval of the people. The new constitution offered by the president was put to vote, and was adopted by the enormous majority of more than seven milUon votes. By its terms Louis Napoleon was to be president of France for ten years, with power THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON 125 equal to that of a monarch, and the ParUament was to consist of two bodies, a Senate and a Legislative House, which were given only nominal power. FEOM PRESIDENT TO EMPEROR This was as far as Napoleon dared to venture at that time. A year later, on December 1, 1852, having meanwhile firmly cemented his position in the state, he passed from president to emperor, again by a vote of the people, of whom, according to the official report, 7,824,189 cast their votes in his favor. That this report told the truth, many denied, but it served the President's purpose. Thus ended the second French republic, by an act of usurpa- tion of the strongest and yet most popular character. The partisans of the new emperor were rewarded with the chief offices of the state; the leading republicans languished in prison or in exile for the crime of doing their duty to their constituents; and Armand Marrast, the most zealous champion of the republic, died of a broken heart from the overthrow of all his efforts and aspirations. The honest soldier and earnest patriot, Cavaignac, in a few years followed him to the grave. The cause of liberty in France seemed lost. The crowning of a new emperor of the Napoleonic family in France naturally filled Europe with apprehensions. But Napo- leon III, as he styled himself, was an older man than Napoleon I, and seemingly less likely to be carried away by ambition. His favorite motto, ''The Empire is peace," aided to restore quietude, and gradually the nations began to trust in his words: "France wishes for peace; and when France is satisfied the world is quiet." Warned by one of the errors of his uncle, he avoided seeking a wife in the royal famiUes of Europe, but allied himself with a Spanish lady of noble rank, the young and beautiful Eugenie de Montijo, duchess of Teba. At the same time he proclaimed that, "A sovereign raised to the throne by a new principle should remain 126 THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON faithful to that principle, and in the face of Europe frankly accept the position of a parvenu, which is an honorable title when it is obtained by the public suffrage of a great people. For seventy years all princes' daughters married to rulers of France have been unfortunate; only one, Josephine, was remembered with affection by the French people, and she was not born of a royal house." The new emperor continued his efforts as president to win the approval of the people by public works. He recognized the necessity of aiding the working classes as far as possible, and pro- tecting them from poverty and wretchedness. During a dearth in 1853 a "baldng fund" was organized in Paris, the city con- tributing funds to enable bread to be sold at a low price. Dams and embanlanents were built along the rivers to overcome the effects of floods. New streets were opened, bridges built, railways constructed, to increase internal traffic. Splendid buildings were erected for municipal and government purposes. Paris was given a new aspect by pulling down its narrow lanes, and building wide streets and magnificent boulevards — the latter, as was charged, for the purpose of depriving insurrection of its lurking places. The great exhibition of arts and industries in London was followed in 1854 by one in France, the largest and finest seen up to that time. Trade and industry were fostered by a reduction of tariff charges, joint stock companies and credit associations were favored, and in many ways Napoleon III worked wisely and well for the prosperity of France, the growth of its industries, and the improve- ment of the condition of its people. THE EMPIRE IS PEACE But the new emperor, while thus actively engaged in labors of peace, by no means lived up to the spirit of his motto, ''The Empire is peace." An empire founded upon the army needs to give emplo}Tiient to that army. A monarchy sustained by the votes of a people atliirst for gioiy needs to do something to appease that thirst. A throne filled by a Napoleon could not safely ignore THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON 127 the "Napoleonic Ideas," and the first of these might be stated as "The Empire is war." And the new emperor was by no means satisfied to pose simply as the "nephew of his imcle." He pos- sessed a large share of the Napoleonic ambition, and hoped by mihtary glory to surround his throne with some of the luster of that of Napoleon the First. Whatever his private views, it is certain that France under his reign became the most aggressive nation of Europe, and the overweening ambition and self-confidence of the new emperor led him to the same end as his great uncle, that of disaster and overthrow. He was evidently bent on playing a leading part in European pohtics, showing the world that one worthy to bear the name of Napoleon was on the throne. The very beginning of Louis Napoleon's career of ambition, as president of the French Republic, was signalized by an act of mihtary force, in sending an army to Rome and putting an end to the attempted ItaHan repubhc. These troops were kept there until 1866, and the aspirations of the Italian patriots were held in check until that year. Only when United Italy stood menacingly at the gates of Rome were these foreign troops withdrawn. They had retarded, perhaps, for a time the inevitable union of the ItaHan states into a single kingdom; they certainly prevented the estab- lishment of a repubhc. In 1854, Napoleon aUied himself with the British and the Turks against Russia, and sent an army to the Crimea, which played an effective part in the great struggle in that peninsula. The troops of France had the honor of rendering Sebastopol untenable, carry- ing by storm one of its two great fortresses and turning its guns upon the city. WAR WITH AUSTRIA The next act of war-pohcy by the French emperor was against Austria. As the career of conquest of Napoleon I had begun with an attack upon the Austrians in Italy, Napoleon III attempted 128 THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON a similar enterprise, and with equal success. He was said to have been cautiously preparing for hostiUties Y\^ith Austria, thus to emulate his great uncle, but lacked a satisfactory excuse for declaring war. This came in 1858 from an attempt at assassination. FeHce Orsini, a fanatical Italian patriot, incensed at Napoleon from his failing to come to the aid of Italy, launched three explosive bombs against his carriage. The effect was fatal to many of the people in the street, though the intended victim escaped. Orsini while in prison expressed patriotic sentiments and a loud-voiced love for his country. "Remember that the ItaHans shed their blood for Napo- leon the Great," he wrote to the emperor. "Liberate my country, and the blessings of twenty-five millions of people will follow you to posterity." Louis Napoleon, it was alleged, had once been a member of a secret political society of Italy; he had taken the oath of initiation; his failure to come to the aid of that country when in power consti- tuted him a traitor to his oath and one doomed to death; the act of Orsini was apparently the work of the society. That Napoleon was deeply moved by the attempted assassination is certain, and the result of his combined fear and ambition was soon to be shown by a movement in favor of Italian independence. On New Year's Day, 1859, while receiving the diplomatic corps at the Tuileries, Napoleon addressed the following significant words to the Austrian ambassador: "I regret that our relations are not so cordial as I could wish, but I beg you to report to the Emperor that my personal sentiments towards him remain unaltered." Such is the masked way in which diplomats tinnounce an intention of war. The meaning of the threatening words was soon shown, when Victor Enunanuel, shortly afterwards, announced at the opening of the Chambers in Turin that Sardinia could no longer remain indifferent to the cry for help which was rising from all Italy. Ten years had passed since the defeat of the Sardinians by an Austrian army on the plains of Lombardy, and the end for THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON 129 the time of their hopes of a free and united Italy. During that time they had cherished a hope of retribution, and the words of Napoleon and Victor Emmanuel made it evident to them that an alliance had been made with France and that the hour of vengeance was at hand. Austria was ready for the contest. Her finances, indeed, were in a serious state, but she had a large army in Lombardy. This was increased, Lombardy was declared in a state of siege, and every step was taken to guard against assault from Sardinia. Delay was disadvantageous to Austria, as it would permit her enemies to com- plete their preparations, and on April 23, 1859, an ultimatum came from Vienna, demanding that Sardinia should put her army on a peace footing or war would ensue. THE AUSTRIANS ADVANCE A refusal came from Turin. Immediately Field-marshal Gyulai received orders to cross the Ticino. Thus, after ten years of peace, the beautiful plains of Northern Italy were once more to endure the ravages of war. This act of Austria was severely criticized by the neutral Powers, which had been seeking to allay the trouble. Napoleon took advantage of it, as an aid to his pur- poses, and accused Austria of breaking the peace by invading the territory of his ally, the king of Sardinia. The real fault committed by Austria, under the circumstances, was not in precipitating war, which could not well be avoided in the temper of her antagonists, but in putting, through court favor and privileges of rank, an incapable leader at the head of the army. Old Radetzky, the victor in the last war, was dead, but there were other able leaders who were thrust aside in favor of the Himgarian noble Franz Gyulai, a man without experience as commander- in-chief of an army. By his uncertain and dilatory movements Gyulai gave the Sardinians time to concentrate an army of 80,000 men around the fortress of Alessandria, and lost all the advantage of being the first 130 THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON in the field. In early May the French army reached Italy, partly by way of the St. Bernard Pass, partly by sea; and Garibaldi, with his mountaineers, took up a position that would enable him to attack the right wing of the Austrians. Later in the month Napoleon himself appeared, his presence and the name he bore inspiring the soldiers with new valor, while his first order of the day, in which he recalled the glorious deeds which their fathers had done on those plains under his great uncle, roused them to the highest enthusiasm. While assuming the title of commander-in-chief, he was wise enough to leave the conduct of the war to his abler subordinates, MacMahon, Niel, and others. The Austrian general, having lost the opportunity to attack, was now put on the defensive, in which his incompetence was equally manifested. Being quite ignorant of the position of the foe, he sent Count Stadion, with 12,000 men, on a reconnaissance. An encoimter took place at Montebello on May 20th, in which, after a sharp engagement, Stadion was forced to retreat. Gyulai directed his attention to that quarter, leaving Napoleon to march unmolested from Alessandria to the invasion of Lombardy. Gyulai then, aroused by the danger of Milan, began his retreat across the Ticino, which he had so uselessly crossed. The road to Milan crossed both the Ticino River and the Naviglio Grande, a broad and deep canal a few miles east of the river. Some distance farther on lies the village of Magenta, the seat of the first great battle of the war. Sixty years before, on those Lombard plains. Napoleon the Great had first lost, and then, by a happy chance, won the famous battle of Marengo. The Napoleon now in command was a very different man from the mighty soldier of the year 1800, and the French escaped a dis- astrous rout only because the Austrians were led by a still worse general. Some one has said that victory comes to the army that makes the fewest blunders. Such seems to have been the ease in the battle of Magenta, where military genius was the one thing wanting. THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON 131 The French pushed on, crossed the river without finding a man to dispute the passage — other than a much-surprised customs official — and reached an undefended bridge across the canal. The high road to Milan seemed deserted by the Austrians. But Napoleon's troops were drawn out in a preposterous line, straddling a river and a canal, both difficult to cross, and without any defen- sive positions to hold against an attack in force. He supposed that the Austrians were stretched out in a similar long line. This was not the case. Gyulai had all the advantages of position, and might have concentrated his army and crushed the advanced corps of the French if he had known his situation and his business. As it was, between ignorance on the one hand and indecision on the other, the battle was fought with about equal forces in the field on either side. The first contest took place at Buifalora, a village on the canal, where the French encountered the Austrians in force. Here a bloody struggle went on for hours, ending in the capture of the place by the Grenadiers of the Guard, who held on to it after- wards with stubborn courage. THE BATTLE OF MAGENTA General MacMahon, in command of the advance, had his orders to march forward, whatever happened, to the church-tower of Magenta, and, in strict obedience to orders, he pushed on, leaving the grenadiers to hold their own as best they could at Buf- falora, and heedless of the fact that the reserve troops of the army had not yet begun to cross the river. It was the 5th of June, and the day was well advanced when MacMahon came in contact with the Austrians at Magenta, and the great contest of the day began. It was a battle in which the commanders on both sides, with the exception of MacMahon, showed lack of military skill and the soldiers on both sides the staunchest courage. The Austrians seemed devoid of plan or system, and their several divisions were 132 THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON beaten in detail by the French. On the other hand, GeneraL Camou, in conunand of the second division of MacMahon's corps, acted as Desaix had done at the battle of Marengo, marched at the sound of the distant cannon. But, unhke Desaix, he moved so dehberately that it took him six hours to make less than five miles. He was a taqtician of the old school, imbued with the idea that every march should be made in perfect order. At half-past four MacMahon, with his uniforai in disorder and followed by a few officers of his staff, dashed back to hurry up this deliberate resei-ve. On the way thither he rode into a body of Austrian sharpshooters. Fortune favored him. Not dreaming of the presence of the French general, they saluted him as one of their own commanders. On his way back he made a second narrow escape from capture by the IHilans. The dinuns now beat the charge, and a determined attack was made by the French, the enemy's main column being taken between two fires. Desperately resisting, it was forced back step by step upon Magenta. Into the town the columns rolled, and the fight became fierce around the chm'ch. High in the tower of this edifice stood the Austrian general and his staff, watching the fortunes of the fray; and from this point he caught sight of the four regiments of Camou, advancing as regularly as if on parade. They were not given the chance to fire a shot or receive a scratch, eager as they were to take part in the fight. At sight of them the Austrian general ordered a retreat and the battle was at an end. The French owed their victory largely to General Mellinet and his Grenadiers of the Guard, who held their own like bulldogs at Buffalora while Camou was advancing with the dehberation of the old military rules. MacMahon and Mellinet and the French had won the day. Victor Emmanuel and the Sardinians did not reach the ground until after the battle was at an end. For his services on that day of glory for France MacMahon was made Marshal of France and Duke of Magenta. THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON 133 POSSESSION OF LOMBARDY The prize of the victory of Magenta was the possession of Lombardy. Gyulai, unable to collect his scattered divisions, gave orders for a general retreat. Milan was evacuated with precipitate haste, and the garrisons were withdrawn from all the towns, leav- ing them to be occupied by the French and Itahans. On the 8th of June Napoleon and Victor Emmanuel rode into Milan side by side, amid the loud acclamations of the people, who looked upon this victory as an assurance of Itahan freedom and unity. Mean- while the Austrians retreated without interruption, not halting until they arrived at the Mincio, where they were protected by the famous Quadrilateral, consisting of the four powerful fortresses of Peschiera, Mantua, Verona, and Leguano, the mainstay of the Austrian power in Italy. The French and Itahans slowly pursued the retreating Aus- trians, and on the 23d of June bivouacked on both banks of the Chiese River, about fifteen miles west of the Mincio. The Emperor Francis Joseph had recalled the incapable Gyulai, and, in hopes of inspiring his soldiers with new spirit, himself took command. The two emperors, neither of them soldiers, were thus pitted against each other, and Francis Joseph, eager to retrieve the disaster at Magenta, resolved to quit his strong position of defense in the Quadrilateral and assume the offensive. FRENCH VICTORY AT SOLFERINO At two o'clock in the morning of the 24th the allied French and Italian army resumed its march, Napoleon's orders for the day being based upon the reports of his reconnoitering parties and spies. These led him to believe that, although a strong detach- ment of the enemy might be encountered west of the Mincio, the maia body of the Austrians was awaiting him on the eastern side of the river. But the French intelUgence department was badly served. The Austrians had stolen a march upon Napoleon. Undetected by the French scouts, they had recrossed the Miueio, 134 THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON and by nightfall of the 23d their leading columns were occupying the ground on which the French were ordered to bivouac on the evening of the 24th. The intention of the Austrian emperor, now commanding his army in person, had been to push forward rapidly and fall upon the allies before they had completed the passage of the river Chiese. But this scheme, like that of Napoleon, was based on defective information. The allies broke up from their bivouacs many hours before the Austrians expected them to do so, and when the two armies came in contact early in the morn- ing of the 24th of June the Austrians were quite as much taken by surprise as the French. The Austrian army, superior in numbers to its opponents, was posted in a half-circle between the Mincio and Chiese, with the intention of pressing forward from these points upon a center. But the line was extended too far, and the center was compara- tively weak and without reserves. Napoleon, who that morning received complete intelligence of the position of the Austrian army, accordingly directed his chief strength against the enemy's center, which rested upon a height near the village of Solferino. Here, on the 24th of June, after a murderous conflict, in which the French commanders hurled continually renewed masses against the decisive position, while on the other side the Austrian reinforce- ments failed through lack of unity of plan and decision of action, the heights were at length won by the French troops in spite of heroic resistance on the part of the Austrian soldiers; the Austrian line of battle being cut through, and the army thus divided into tvv^o separate masses. A second attack which Napoleon promptly directed against Cavriano had a similar result; for the commands given by the Austrian generals were confused and had no general and definite aim. The fate of the battle was already in a great measure decided, when a tremendous storm broke forth that put an end to the combat at most points, and gave the Austrians an opportunity to retire in order. Only Benedek, who had twice beaten back the THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON 135 Sardinians at various points, continued the struggle for some hours longer. On the French side Marshal Niel had pre-eminently distinguished himself by acuteness and bravery. It was a day of bloodshed, on which two great powers had measured their strength against each other for twelve hours. The Austrians had to lament the loss of 13,000 dead and wounded, and left 9,000 prisoners in the enemy's hands; on the side of the French and Sardinians the number of killed and wounded was even greater, for repeated at- tacks had been made upon well-defended heights, but the nmnber of prisoners was not nearly so great. TREATY OF PEACE The victories in Italy filled the French people with the warm- est admiration for their emperor, they thinking, in their enthu- siasm, that a true successor of Napoleon the Great had come to bring glory to their arms. Italy also was full of enthusiastic hope, fancying that the freedom and unity of the Italians was at last assured. Both nations were, therefore, bitterly disappointed in learning that the war was at an end, and that a hasty peace had been arranged between the emperors which left the hoped-for work but haK achieved. Napoleon estimated his position better than his people. Despite his victories, his situation w"as one of danger and difficulty. The army had suffered severely in its brief campaign, and the Austrians were still in possession of the Quadrilateral, a square of powerful fortresses which he might seek in vain to reduce. And a threat of serious trouble had arisen in Germany. The victorious career of a new Napoleon in Italy was alarming. It was not easy to forget the past. The German powers, though they had declined to come to the aid of Austria, were armed and ready, and at any moment might begin a hostile movement upon the Rhine. Napoleon, wise enough to secure what he had won, without hazarding its loss, arranged a meeting with the Austrian emperor. 136 THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON whom he found quite as ready for peace. The terms of the truce arranged betwe(3n them were that Austria should abandon Lom- bardy to the line of the Mincio, almost its eastern boundary, and that Italy should form a confederacy under the presidency of the pope. In the treaty subsequently made only the first of these con- ditions was maintained, Lombardy passing to the king of Sardinia. He received also the small states of Central Italy, whose tyrants had fied, and ceded to Napoleon, as a reward for his assistance, the realm of Savoy and the city and territory of Nice. INVASION OF MEXICO Napoleon III had now reached the summit of his career. In succeeding years the French were to learn that whatever his ability Napoleon III was not a counterpart of the great Napoleon. He gradually lost the prestige he had gained at Magenta and Solferino. His first serious mistake was when he yielded to the voice of ambi- tion, and, taking advantage of the occupation of the Americans in their civil war, sent an army to invade Mexico. The ostensible purpose of this invasion was to collect a debt which the Mexicans had refused to pay, and Great Britain and Spain were induced to take part in the expedition. But their forces were withdrawn when they found that Napoleon had other purposes in view, and his army was left to fight its battles alone. After some sanguinary engagements, the Mexican army was broken into a series of guerrilla bands, incapable of facing his well-drilled troops, and Napoleon proceeded to reorganize Mexico into an empire, placing the Archduke Maximilian of Austria on the throne. All went well while the people of the United States were fighting for their national union, but when their war was over the ambitious French emperor was soon taught that he had committed a serious error. He was given plainly to understand that the French troops could only be kept in Mexico at the cost of a war with the United States, and he found it convenient to withdraw them early m 1867. They had no sooner gone than the Mexicans were in arms against THE KAISER AND GENERAL VON MOLTKE ON THE FIRING LINE A very unusual photograph of the German Emperor and his commanding general. Note the cloth coverings on the polished metal helmets which keep them from glitter- ing in the sun and betraying the wearers' whereabouts. THE AMBITION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON 137 Maximilian, whose rash acceptance of the advice of the clerical party and determination to remain quickly led to his capture and execution as a usurper. Thus ended in utter failure the most daring effort to ignore the "Monroe Doctrine." END OF napoleon's CAREER The maction of Napoleon during the wars which Prussia fought with Denmark and Austria gave further blows to his prestige in France, and the opposition to his policy of personal government grew so strong that he felt himself obliged to submit his policy to a vote of the people. He was sustained by a large majority, and then loosened somewhat the reins of personal government, in spite of the fact that the yielding of increased Hberty to the people would diminish his own control. Finally, finding himself failing in health, confidence and reputation, he yielded to advisers who convinced hini that the only hope for his dynasty lay in a successful war. As a result he undertofiK: the war of 1870 against Prussia. The story of this war will be given in a subsequent chapter. All that need be said here is that it proved the utter incompetence of Napoleon III in military matters, he being completely deceived in the condition of the French army and unwarrantably ignorant of that of the Germans. The conditions were such that victory for France was impossible, France losing its second empire and Napoleon his throne. He died two years later, an exile in England, that place of shelter for the royal refugees of France. CHAPTER IX Garibaldi and Italian Unity Power of Austria Broken The Carbonari — Mazzini and Garibaldi — Cavour, the Statesman — The Invasion of Sicily — Occupation of Naples — Victor Emmanuel Takes Command — ^Watchword of the Patriots — Garibaldi Marches l Against Rome — Battle of Ironclads — Final Act of Italian Unity. ^ROM the time of the fall of the Roman Empire until late in the nineteenth century, a period of some fourteen hun- dred years, Italy remained disunited, divided up among a series of states, small and large, hostile and peaceful, while its territory was made the battle-field of the surrounding Powers, the helpless prey of Germany, France and Spain. Even the strong hand of Napoleon failed to bring it unity, and after his fall its condition was worse than before, for Austria held most of the north and exerted a controlling power over the remainder of the penm- sula, so that the fair form of Uberty fled in dismay from its shores. But the work of Napoleon had inspired the patriots of Italy with a new sentiment, that of union. Before the Napoleonic era the thought of a united Italy scarcely existed, and patriotism meant adherence to Sardinia, Naples, or some other of the many kingdoms and duchies. After that era union became the watch- word of the revolutionists, who felt that the only hope of giving Italy a position of dignity and honor among the nations, lay in making it one country under one ruler. The history of the nine- teenth century in Italy is the record of the attempt to reach this end, and its successful accomphshment. And on that record the names of two men most prominently appear, Mazzini, the inde- fatigable conspirator, and Garibaldi, the valorous fighter; to whose names should be added that of the eminent statesman, Count (138) GARIBALDI AND ITALIAN UNITY 139 Cavour, and that of the man who shared /their statecraft and labors, Victor Emmanuel, the first king of united Italy. THE CARBONAEI The basis of the revolutionary movements in Italy was the secret poUtical association known as the Carbonari, formed early in the nineteenth century and including members of all classes in its ranks. In 1814 this powerful society projected a revolution in Naples, and in 1820 it was strong enough to invade Naples with an army and force from the king an oath to observe the new con- stitution which it had prepared. The revolution was put down in the following year by the Austrians, acting as the agents of the "Holy Alliance"^the compact of Austria, Prussia and Russia. An ordinance was passed condenming any one who should attend a meeting of the Carbonari to capital punishment. But the society continued to exist, despite this severe enactment, and was at the basis of many of the outbreaks that took place in Italy from 1820 onward. Mazzini, Garibaldi, and all the leading patriots were members of this powerful organization, which was daring enough to condemn Napoleon III to death, and almost to succeed in his assassination, for his failure to live up to his obligations as an alleged member of the society. MAZZINI AND GARIBALDI Giuseppe Mazzini, a native of Genoa, became a member of the Carbonari in 1830. His activity in revolutionary movements caused him soon after to be proscribed, and in 1831 he sought Marseilles, where he organized a new political society called "Young Italy," whose watchword was "God and the People," and whose basic principle was the union of the several states and kingdoms into one nation, as the only true foundation of Itahan liberty. This purpose he avowed in his writings and pursued through exile and adversity with inflexible constancy, and it is largely due to the work of this earnest patriot that Italy today is a single king- 140 GARIBALDI AND IIaLIAN UNITY dom instead of a medley of separate states. Only in one particular did he fail. His persistent purpose was to establish a republic, not a monarchy. While Mazzini was thus working with his pen, his compatriot, Giuseppe Garibaldi, was working as earnestly with his sword. This daring soldier, a native of Nice and reared to a life on the sea, was banished as a revolutionist in 1834, and the succeeding four- teen years of his life were largely spent in South iVmerica, in whose wars he played a leading part. The revolution of 1848 opened Italy to these two patriots, and they hastened to return; Garibaldi to ofier his services to Charles Albert of Sardinia, by whom, however, he was treated with coldness and distrust. Mazzini, after founding the Roman repubhc in 1849, called upon Garibaldi to come to its defense, and the latter displayed the greatest heroism in the contest against the NeapoUtan and French invaders. He escaped from Rome on its captm*e by the French, and, after many desperate conflicts and adventiu'es with the Austrians, was again driven into exile, and in 1850 became a resident of New York. For some time he worked in a manufac- tory of candles on Staten Island, and afterwards made several voyages on the Pacific. The war in 1859 of Napoleon III and Victor Emmanuel against the Austrians in Lombardy opened a new and promising channel for the devotion of Garibaldi to his native land. Being appointed major-general and conmiissioned to raise a volunteer corps, he organized the hardy body of momitaineers called the "Hunters of the Alps," and with them performed prodigies of valor on the plains of Lombardy, winning victories over the Austrians at Varese, Como and other places. In his ranks was his fellow-patriot Mazzini. The success of the French and Sardinians in Lombardy during this war stirred Italy to its center. The grand duke of Tuscany fled to Austria. The duchess of Parma sought refuge in Switzer- land. The duke of Modena found shelter in the Austrian camp. Everywhere the brood of tyrants took to flight. Bologna threw GARIBALDI AND ITALIAN UNITY 141 off its allegiance to the pope, and proclaimed the king of Sardinia dictator. Several other towns in the States of the Church did the same. In the terms of the truce between Louis Napoleon and Francis Joseph the rulers of these realms were to resume their power if the people would permit. But the people would not permit, and these minor states were all annexed to Sardinia, which country was greatly expanded as a result of the war. CAVOUR THE STATESMAN It will not suffice to give all the credit for these revolutionary movements to Mazzini, the organizer, Garibaldi, the soldier, and the ambitious monarchs of France and Sardinia. More important than king and emperor was the eminent statesman. Count Cavour, prime minister of Sardinia from 1852. It is to this able man that the honor of the unification of Italy most fully belongs, though he did not live to see it. He sent a Sardinian army to the assistance of France and England in the Crimea in 1855, and by this act gave his state a standing among the Powers of Europe. He secured liberty of the press and favored toleration in religion and freedom of trade. He rebelled against the dominion of the papacy, and devoted his abilities to the liberation and unity of Italy, undis- mayed by the angry fuhninations from the Vatican. The war of 1859 was his work, and he had the satisfaction of seeing Sardinia increased by the addition of Lombardy, Tuscany, Parma and Modena. A great step had been taken in the work to which he had devoted his life. THE INVASION OF SICILY The next step in the great work was taken by Garibaldi, who now struck at the powerful kingdom of Naples and Sicily in the south. It seemed a difficult task. Francis II, the son and successor of the infamous "King Bomba," had a well-organized army of 150,000 men. But his father's tyranny had filled the land with secret societies, and fortunately at this time the Swiss mercenaries 142 GARIBALDI AND ITALIAN UNITY were recalled home, leaving to Francis only his native troops, many of them disloj^al at heart to his cause. This was the critical interval which Mazzini and Garibaldi chose for their work. At the begmning of April, 1860, the signal was given by separate insurrections in Messina and Palermo. These were easily sup- pressed by the troops in garrison; but though both cities were declared in a state of siege, demonstrations took place by which the revolutionary chiefs excited the pubUc mind. On the 6th of May, Garibaldi started with two steamers from Genoa with about a thousand Itahan volunteers, and on the 11th landed near Marsala, on the west coast of Sicily. He proceeded to the mountains, and near Salemi gathered round him the scattered bands of the free coips. By the 14th his army had increased to 4,000 men. He now issued a proclamation, in which he took upon himself the dictatorship of Sicily, in the name of Victor Emnianuel, "king of Italy." After waging various successful combats under the most difficult circumstances. Garibaldi advanced upon the capital, announcing his arrival by beacon-fires Idndled at night. On the 27th he was in front of the Porta Termina of Palenmo, and at once gave the signal for the attack. The people rose in mass, and assisted the operations of the besiegers bj^ barricade-fighting in the streets. In a few hours half the towai was in Garibaldi's hands. But now General Lanza, whom the yomig king had dis- patched with strong reinforcements to Sicily, furiously bom- barded the insurgent city, so that Palermo was reduced almost to a heap of ruins. At this juncture, by the intervention of an English admiral, an armistice was concluded, which led to the departure of the Neapolitan troops and war vessels and the siu-render of the town to Garibaldi, who thus, with a band of 5,000 badly armed fol- lowers, had gained a signal advantage over a regular army of 25,000 men. This event had tremendous consequences, for it showed the utter hollowness of the Neapolitan government, while GARIBALDI AND ITALIAN UNITY 143 Garibaldi's fame was everywhere spread abroad. The glowing fancy of the Italians beheld in him the national hero before whom every enemy would bite the dust. This idea seemed to extend even to the Neapolitan court itself, where all was doubt, confusion and dismay. The king hastily summoned a liberal ministry, and offered to restore the constitution of 1848, but the general verdict was, 'Hoo late," and his proclamation fell flat on a people who had no trust in Bourbon faith. The arrival of Garibaldi in Naples was enough to set in blaze all the combustible materials in that state. His appearance there was not long delayed. Six weeks after the surrender of Palermo he marched against Messina. On the 21st of July the fortress of Melazzo was evacuated, and a week afterwards all Messina except the citadel was given up. OCCUPATION OF NAPLES Europe was astounded at the remarkable success of Gari- baldi's handful of men. On the mainland his good fortune was still more astonishing. He had hardly landed — which he did almost in the face of the Neapohtan fleet — when Reggio was sur- rendered and its garrison withdrew. His progress through the south of the kingdom was like a triumphal procession. At the end of August he was at Cosenza; on the 5th of September at Eboh, near Salerno. No resistance appeared. His very name seemed to work like magic on the population. The capital had been declared in a state of siege, and on September 6th the king took to flight, retiring, with the 4,000 men still faithful to him, behind the Voltumo. The next day Garibaldi, with a few fol- lowers, entered Naples, whose populace received him with frantic shouts of welcome. The remarkable achievements of Garibaldi fiUed all Italy with overmastering excitement. He had declared that he would proclaim the kingdom of Italy from the heart of its capital city, and nothing less than this would content the people. The position 144 GARIBALDI AND ITALIAN UNITY of the pope had become serious. He refused to grant the reforms suggested by the French emperor, and threatened with excom- miuiication any one who should meddle with the domain of the Church. Money was collected from faithful Cathohcs thi'oughout the world, a sunmions was issued calhiig for recniits to the holy amiy of the pope, and the exiled French General Lamoriciere was given the chief command of the troops, composed of men who had flocked to Rome from many nations. It was hoped that the name of the celebrated French leader would have a favorable influence on the troops of the French garrison of Rome. The settlement of the perilous situation seemed to rest with Louis Napoleon. If he had let Garibaldi have his way the latter would, no doubt, have quickly ended the temporal sovereignty of the pope and made Rome the capital of Italy. But Napoleon seems to have arranged with Cavour to leave the king of Sardinia free to take possession of Naples, Umbria and the other provinces, provided that Rome and the "patrimony of St. Peter" were left intact. VICTOR EMMANUEL TAKES COMMAND At the beginning of September two Sardinian army corps, imder Fanti and Cialdini, marched to the borders of the states of the Church. Lamoriciere advanced against Cialdini with his motley troops, but was quicldy defeated, and on the following day was besieged in the fortress of Ancona. On the 29th he and the garrison surrendered as prisoners of war. On the 9th of October Victor Emmanuel arrived and took command. There was no longer a papal army to oppose hhn, and the march south- ward proceeded without a check. The object of the king in assuming the chief command was to complete the conquest of the kingdom of Naples, in con j miction with Garibaldi. For though Garibaldi had entered the capital ui trixunph, the progress on the line of the Voltm-no had been slow; and the expectation that the Neapohtan army would go over to GARIBALDI AND ITALIAN UNITY 146 the invaders in a mass had not been reaHzed. The great majority of the troops remained faithful to the flag, so that Garibaldi, although his iiTegular bfjids amounted to more than 25,000 men, could not hope to drive away Mng Francis, or to take the fortresses of Capua and Gaeta, without the help of Sardinia. Against the diplomatic statesman Cavour, who fostered no illusions, and saw the conditions of affairs m its tiTie light, the simple, honest Gari- baldi cherished a deep aversion. He could never forgive Cavour for havuig given up Nice, Garibaldi's native town, to the French. On the other hand, he felt attracted toward the king, who, in his opinion, seemed to be the man raised up by Providence for the liberation of Italy. Accordmgly, when Victor Emimanuel entered Sessa, at the head of his army. Garibaldi was easily induced to place his dicta- torial power in the hands of the king, to whom he left the com- pletion of the work of the union of Italy. After greeting Victor Emmanuel with the title of King of Italy, and giving the required resignation of his power, with the words, ''Sire, I obey," he entered Naples, riding beside the king; and then, after recom- mendhig his companions in arms to his majesty's special favor, he retired to his home on the island of Caprera, refusing to receive a reward, in any shape or form, for his services to the state and its head. The progress of the Sardinian army compelled Francis to give up the line of the Volturno, and he eventually took refuge, with his best troops, in the fortress of Gaeta. On the mamteng^nce of this fortress himg the fate of the kingdom of Naples. Its defense is the only bright point in the career of the feeble Francis, whose courage was aroused by the heroic resolution of his young wife, the Bavarian Princess Mary. For three months the defense continued. But no European Power came to the aid of the king, disease appeared with scarcity of food and of munitions of war, and the garrison was at length forced to capitulate. The fall of Gaeta was practically the completion of the great work of the 146 GARIBALDI AND ITALIAN UNITY unification of Italy. Only Rome and Venice remained to be added to the united kingdom. On February 18, 1861, Victor Emmanuel assembled at Turin the deputies of all the states that acknowledged his supremacy, and in their presence assumed the title of King of Italy, which he was the fu-st to bear. In four months afterwards Count Cavour, to whom this great work was largely due, died. He had lived long enough to see the purpose of his life practically accomplished. WATCHWORD OF THE PATRIOTS Great as had been the change which two years had made, the patriots of Italy were not satisfied. ^'Free from the Alps to the Adriatic!" was their cry; "Rome and Venice!" became the watch- word of the revolutionists. Mazzini, who had sought to foimd a republic, was far from content, and the agitation went on. Garibaldi was drawn into it, and made bitter complaint of the treatment his followers had received. In 1862, disheartened at the inaction of the king, he determined to undertake against Rome an expedition like that which he had led against Naples two years before. In June he sailed from Genoa and landed at Palermo, where he was quickly joined by an enthusiastic party of volunteers. They supposed that the government secretly favored their design, but the king had no idea of fighting against the French troops in Rome and arousing international complications, and he energetic- ally warned all Italians against taking pa,rt in revolutionary enterprises. GARIBALDI MARCHES AGAINST ROME But Garibaldi persisted in his design. When his way was barred by the garrison of Messina he turned aside to Catania, where he embarked with 2,000 volunteers, declarmg he would enter Rome as a victor, or perish beneath its walls. He landed at Melito on the 24th of August, and threw himself at once, with his fol- GARIBALDI AND ITALIAN UNITY 147 lowers, into the Calabrian mountains. But his enterprise was quickly and disastrously ended. General Cialdini despatched a division of the regular army, under Colonel Pallavicino, against the volunteer bands. At Aspromonte, on the 28th of August, the two forces came into coUison. A chance shot was followed by several volleys from the regulars. Garibaldi forbade his men to return the fire of their fellow-subjects of the Italian kingdom. He was wounded, and taken prisoner with his followers, a few of whom had been slain in the short combat. A government steamer car- ried the wounded chief to Varignano, where he was held in a sort of honorable imprisomnent, and was compelled to undergo a tedious and painful operation for the heaUng of his wound. He had at least the consolation that all Europe looked with sympathy and interest upon the unfortunate hero; and a general sense of rehef was felt when, restored to health, he was set free, and allowed to return to his rocky island of Caprera. Victor Emmanuel was seeking to accomplish his end by safer means. The French garrison of Rome was the obstacle in his way, and this was finally removed through a treaty with Louis Napoleon in September, 1864, the emperor agreeing to withdraw his troops during the succeeding two years, in which the pope was to raise an army large enough to defend his dominions. Florence was to replace Turin as the capital of Italy. This arrangement created such disturbances in Turin that the king was forced to leave that city hastily for his new capital. In December, 1866, the last of the French troops departed from Rome, in despite of the efforts of the pope to retain them. By their withdrawal Italy was freed from the presence of foreign soldiers for the first time prob- ably in a thousand years. In 1866 came an event which reacted favorably for Italy, though her part in it was the reverse of triumphant. This was the war between Prussia and Austria. Italy was in alliance with Prussia, and Victor Emmanuel hastened to lead an army across the Mincio to the invasion of Venetia, the last Austrian province 148 GARIBALDI AND ITALIAN UNITY in Italy. Garibaldi at the same time was to invade the Tyrol with his volunteers. The enterprise ended in disaster. The Austrian troops, under the Archduke Albert, encountered the Itahans at Custozza and gained a brilhant "\dctory, despite the much greater numbers of the Itahans. Fortunately for Italy, the Austrians had been unsuccessful in the north, and the emperor, with the hope of gaining the alUance of France and breaking the compact between Italy and Prussia, decided to cede Venetia to Louis Napoleon. His purpose failed. All Napoleon did in response was to act as a peacemaker, while the Itahan king refused to recede from his alliance. Though the Austrians were retreating from a country which no longer belonged to them, the invasion of Venetia by the Itahans continued, and several confhcts with the Austrian army took place. BATTLE OF IRONCLADS But the most memorable event of this brief war occiured on the sea — the greatest battle of ironclad ships in the period between the American Civil War and the Japan-China contest. Both coun- tries concerned had fleets on the Adriatic. Italy was the strongest in naval vessels, possessing ten ironclads and a considerable nmnber of wooden ships. Austria's ironclad fleet was seven in niunber, plated with thin iron and with no very heavy gims. In addition there was a number of wooden vessels and gunboats. But in com- mand of this fleet was an admiral in whose blood was the iron which was lacking on his ships, Tegetthoff, the Nelson of the Adriatic. Inferior as his ships were, his men were thoroughly drilled in the use of the guns and the evolutions of the ships, and when he sailed it was with the one thought of victory. Persano, the Italian admiral, as if despising his adversary, engaged in siege of the fortified island of Lissa, near the Dalmatian coast, leaving the Austrians to do what they pleased. What they pleased was to attack him with a fury such as has been rarely seen. Early on July 20, 1866, when the Italians were preparing for a com- GARIBALDI AND ITALIAN UNITY 149 bined assault of the island by land and sea, their movement was checked by the signal displayed on a scouting frigate: '^ Suspicious- looking ships are in sight." vSoon afterwards the Austrian fleet appeared, the ironclads leading, the wooden ships in the rear. The battle that followed has had no parallel before or since. The whole Austrian fleet was converted into rams. Tegetthoff gave one final order to his captains: "Close with the enemy and ram everything grey." Grey was the color of the Italian ships. The Austrian were painted black, so as to prevent any danger of error. Fire was opened at two miles distance, the balls being wasted in the waters between the fleets. ''Full steam ahead," signaled Tegetthoff. On came the fleets, firing steadily, the balls now begin- ning to tell. "Ironclads will ram and sink the enemy," signaled Tegetthoff. It was the last order he gave until the battle was won. Soon the two lines of ironclads closed amid thick clouds of smoke. Tegetthoff, in his flagship, the Ferdinand Max, twice ram- med a grey ironclad without effect. Then, out of the smoke, loomed up the tall masts of the Re d'ltalia, Persano's flagship in the begin- ning of the fray. x\gainst this vessel the Ferdinand Max iiished at full speed, and struck her fairly amidships. Her sides of iron were crushed in by the powerful blow, her tall masts toppled over, and down beneath the waves sank the great ship with her crew of 600 men. The next minute another Italian ship came rushing upon the Austrian, and was only avoided by a quick turn of the helm. One other great disaster occurred to the Italians. The Palestra was set on fire, and the pumps were put actively to work to drown the magazine. The crew thought the v/ork had been successfully performed, and that they were getting the fire under control, when there suddenly came a terrible burst of flame attended by a roar that drowned all the din of the battle. It was the death knell of 400 men, for the Palestra had blown up with all on board. The great ironclad turret ship and ram of the ItaUan fleet, the Affondatore, to which Admiral Persano had shifted his flag, far the 150 GARIBALDI AND ITALIAN UNITY most powerful vessel in the Adriatic, kept outside of the battle- line, and was of little service in the fray. It was apparently afraid to encounter Tegetthoff's terrible rams. The battle ended with the Austrian fleet, wooden vessels and all, passing practically unharmed through the Italian lines into the harbor of Lissa, leaving death and destruction in their rear. Tegetthoff was the one Aus- trian who came out of that war with fame. Persano on his return home was put on trial for cowardice and incompetence. He was convicted of the latter and dismissed from the navy in disgrace. FINAL ACT OF ITALIAN UNITY But Italy, though defeated by land and sea, gained a valuable prize from the war, for Napoleon ceded Venetia to the Italian king, and soon afterwards Victor Emmanuel entered Venice in triumph. Thus was completed the second act in the unification of Italy. The national party, with Garibaldi at its head, still aimed at the possession of Rome, as the historic capital of the peninsula. In 1867 he made a second attempt to capture Rome, but the papal army, strengthened with a new French auxihary force, defeated his badly armed volunteers, and he was taken prisoner and held captive for a time, after which he was sent back to Caprera. This led to the French army of occupation being retm-ned to Civita Vecchia, where it was kept for several years. The final act came as a consequence of the Franco-German war of 1870, which rendered necessary the withdrawal of the French troops from Italy. The pope was requested to make a peaceful abdication. As he refused this, the States of the Church were occupied up to the walls of the capital, and a three hours' cannonade of the city sufficed to bring the long strife to an end. Rome became the capital of Italy, and the whole peninsula, for the first time since the fall of the ancient Roman empire, was con- centrated into a single nation, under one king. CHAPTER X The Expansion of Germany Beginnings op Modern World Power vVilliam I of Prussia — Bismarck's Early Career — The Schleswig-Holstein Question — Conquest of the Duchies — Bismarck's Wider Views — War Forced on Austria — The War in Italy — Austria's Signal Defeat at Sadowa — The Treaty of Prague — Germany after 1866. T t g MIE effort made in 1848 to unify Germany had failed for two reasons — ^first, because its promoters had not suffi- ciently clear and precise ideas, and, secondly, because they lacked material strength. Until 1859 reaction against novelties and their advocates dominated in Germany and even Prussia as well as in Austria. The Italian war, as was easily foreseen, and as wary counselors had told Napoleon III, revived the agitation in favor of unity beyond the Rhine. After September 16, 1859, it had its center in the national circle of Frankfort and its manifesto in the proclamation' which was issued on September 4, 1860, a proclamation whose terms, though in moderate form, clearly announced the design of excluding Austria from Germany. It was the object of those favoring unity, but with more decision than in 1848, to place the group of German states under Prussia's imperial direction. The accession of a new king, Wilham I, who was already in advance called William the Conqueror, was likely to bring this project to a successful issue. The future German emperor's predecessor, Frederick Wilham IV, with the same ambi- tion as his brother, had too many prejudices and too much con- fusion in his mind to be capable of realizing it. Becoming insane towards the close of 1857, he had to leave the government to William, who, officially regent after October 7, 1858, became king on January 2, 1861. 152 THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY WILLIAM I OP PRUSSIA The new sovereign was almost sixty-four years old. The son of Frederick William III and Queen Louisa, while yet a child he had witnessed the disasters of his country and his home, and then as a young man had had his first experience of arms towards the close of the Napoleonic wars. Obliged to flee during the revolt of 1848, he had afterwards, by liis pro-English attitude at the time of the Crimean war, won the sympathies of the Liberals, who joyfully acclaimed his accession. To lower him to the rank of a party leader was to judge him erroneously. Wilham I was above all a Prussian prince, serious, industrious, and penetrated with a sense of his duties to the state, the first of which, according to the men of his house, has ever been to aggrandize it; and he was also imbued with the idea that the state was essentially incarnate in him. ''I am the first king," he said at his coronation, "to assume power smce the throne has been surrounded with modem institu- tions, hut I do not forget that the crown comes from God." He had none of the higher talents that mark great men, but he possessed the two essential qualities of the head of a state — ^firm- ness and judgment. He showed this by the way in which he chose and supported those who built up his greatness, and this merit is rarer than is generally supposed. A soldier above all, he saw that Prussia's ambitions could be realized only with a powerful army. Advised by Von Moltke, the army's chief of staff after 1858, and Von Roon, the great administrator, who filled the office of min- ister of war, he changed the organization of 1814, which had become insufficient. Instead of brigades formed in war time, half of men in active service and half of reserves, regiments were now recruited by a three (instead of a two) years' service and reinforced in case of need by the classes of reserves. The Landwehr, divided into two classes (twenty-five to thirty-two j^'ears and thirty-two to thirty- nine), was grouped separately. This system gave seven hundred thousand trained soldiers, Prussia having then seventeen milUon S3 ^5 fo ^ 2 n> 2 5 j>P'a) P p g-o 03 fD ap-cc g s-o p cr »=< ^o- P ro e t: ° p ?> P S ^ P P O P t^ y THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY 153 inhabitants. This was more than either France or Austria had. The armament was also superior. Frederick Wilham I had aheady said that the first result to be obtained in this direction was celerity in firing. This was assured by the invention of the needle gun. bismakck's eaelt career Such a transformation entailed heavy expenses. The Prussian Chamber, made up for the most part of Liberals, did not appre- ciate its utiHty. Moreover, it was not in favor of increasing the number of officers, because they were recruited from the nobility. After having yielded with bad grace in 1860, the deputies refused the grants in 1861 and 1862. It was at this time that Bismarck was called to the ministry (September 24, 1862). Otto von Bis- marck-Schonhausen, born April 1, 1815, belonged by birth to that minor Prussian nobility, rough and realistic, but faithful and disciplined, which has ever been one of the Prussian state's sources of strength. After irregular studies at the University of Gottingen, he had entered the administration, but had not been able to stay in it, and had lived on his rather moderate estates until 1847. The diet of that year, to which he had been elected, brought him into prominence. There he distinguished himseK in the Junker (poor country squires') party by his marked contempt for the Liberalism then in vogue and his insolence to the Liberals. Fred- erick Wilham IV entrusted hun with representing Prussia at Frankfort, where he assumed the same attitude towards the Austrians (1851-59). He was afterward ambassador at St. Petersburg, and had just been sent to Paris in the same capacity when he became prime minister. His character was a marked one. In it was evident si. taste for sarcastic raillerj^ and a sort of frankness, apparently brutal, but really more refined than cruel. His qualities were those of all great politicians, embracing energy, decision and realism; 154 THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY that is, talent for appreciating all things at their effective value and for not letting liimseK be duped either by appearances, by current theories, or by words. Very unfavorably received by the parliament, he paid little heed to the furious opposition of the deputies, causing to be promulgated by ordinance the budget which they refused him, suppressing hostile newspapers, treating his adversaries with studied insolence, and declaring to them that, if the Chamber had its rights, the king also had his, and that force must settle the matter in such a case. To get rid of these barren struggles, he took advantage of the first incident of foreign politics. The Schleswig-Holstein question furnished him with the desired opportunity. THE SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN QUESTION This was the first of the various important questions of inter- national pohcy in which Bismarck became concerned. The united provinces of Schleswig-Holstein, lying on the northern border of Denmark, had long been notable as a source of continual strife between Germany and Denmark. The majority of the inhabitants of Schleswig were Danes, but those of Holstein were very largely Germans, and the question of their true national aflSliation lay open from the time of their original union in 1386. It became insistent after the middle of the nineteenth century. The treaty of London in 1852 had maintained the union of Holstein with Denmark, but did not put a definite end to the demands of the Germans, who held that it was a constituent part of Germany. The quarrel was renewed in 1855 over a conmion constitution given by King Frederick VII to all his states. This was aboHshed in 1858, and afterwards the Danes sought to grant complete autonomy to the duchies of Schleswig and Lauenburg, this movement being with the purpose of making more complete the union of Schleswig with their country. This step, taken in 1863, led to a protest from the German diet. Id all this theriR was food for an indefinite contest, for, on the THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY 155 one hand, Schleswig did not form a part of the Confederation, but, on the other, certain historical bonds attached it to Holstein, and its population was mixed. The death of Frederick VII (November 15, 1863), who was succeeded by a distant relative. Christian IX, further complicated the quarrel. The duke of Augustenburg claimed the three duchies, though he had previously renounced them. The German diet, on its part, wanted the Danish constitu- tion aboHshed in Schleswig. The dream of the petty German states hostile to Prussia, and especially of the Saxon minister. Von Beust, was to strengthen their party by the creating of a new duchy. Bismarck admirably outplayed everybody. He knew that the great Powers were at odds with one another over Poland. He, on the contrary, could count on Russia's friendship and the personal aid of Queen Victoria, whom Prince Albert had completely won over to pro- German ideas. He used England to make Christian IX consent to the occupation of Holstein, which, he said, was in reality an acknowledgment of that king's rights. At this stage, had the Danes yielded to the necessities of the situation and withdrawn from Schleswig under protest, the European Powers would prob- ably have intervened and a congress would have restored Schles- wig to the Danish reahn. Bismarck prevented this by a cunning stratagem, making the Copenhagen government believe that Great Britain had taken a step hostile to that government. There was no truth in this, but it succeeded in inducing Denmark to remain defiant. As a consequence, on the 1st of February 1864, the combined forces of Prussia and Austria crossed the Eider and invaded the province. It was a movement to regain to Germany a section held to be non-Danish in population and retained by Denmark against the traditions and the will of its people. Austria, which did not wish to appear less German than Prussia, though the matter did not directly appeal to that country, joined in the movement, being drawn into it by Bismarck's shrewd policyo 156 THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY It was not the original intention to go beyond the borders of the duchies and invade Denmark, but when Cliristian IX tried to resist the invasion this was done. The Danewerk and the Schlei were forced, and the Danish army was defeated at Flens- burg and driven back into Dueppel, which was taken by assault. A conference of the great Powers, opened at London (April 25th to June 25th), brought about no result. Napoleon III did not refuse to act, but he wanted as a condition that England would promise him something more than its moral support, which it refused to do. Finally Jutland was invaded and conquered, and Von Moltke was already preparing for a landing in Fuenen when Christian IX gave up all the duchies by the Vienna preliminaries (August 1st), confirmed by treaty on October 30th following. CONQUEST OF THE DUCHIES The fate of the conquest remained to be decided upon. Bis- marck settled it, after a pretence of investigation, by concluding that the rights of King Christian over the duchies were far superior to those of the Duke of Augustenburg, who had a hereditary claim, and that as Prussia and Austria had won them from the king by conquest, they had become the lawful owners. An agreement was made in which Holstein was assigned to Austria and Schleswig to Prussia, and for the time the question seemed settled. Bismarck's wider views This was far from being the case. Bismarck held views of far more expanded scope. He wanted to exclude Austria from the German confederation, and to do so desired war with that country as the only practical means of gaining his ends. In 1865 he made the significant remark that a single battle in Bohemia would decide everything and that Prussia would win that battle. A remark like this was indicative of the purpose entertained and the events soon to follow. In such a war, however, it was important to secure the THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY 157 neutrality of France. The alert Prussian statesman had already assured himself of that of Russia. To gain France to his side he held an interview with Napoleon III at Biarritz in October, 1865. The cunning diplomat offered the emperor an alliance with a view to the extension of Prussia and Italy, by means of which France would take Belgium. Napoleon saw very clearly that the offer was chimerical, but he believed that Prussia if fighting alone would be rapidly crushed, and that the alliance of Italy would aid In'm in protracting the war, thus enabling him to intervene as a peacemaker and to impose a vast rearrangement of territory, the most essential provision of which would be the exchange of Venetia for Silesia. Whatever Napoleon's views, Bismarck saw that he was safe from any interference on the part of France, and returned with the fixed design of driving Austria to the wall. WAR FORCED ON AUSTRIA He found the desired pretext in the Holstein question and the far more serious one of ref oraiing the federal government. On January 24, 1866, he reproached the Austrian government with favoring in Holstein the pretensions of the Duke of Augustenburg. The grievance soon became envenomed by complaints and ulterior measures. In April Bismarck denounced the so-called offensive measures which Austria was taking in Bohemia and which, in short, were only precautionary. Yet at the same time he himself was signing with Italy a treaty, concluded for three months, by virtue of which Victor Emmanuel was to declare war agamst Austria as soon as Prussia itself had done so. Bismarck, now invited to lay the Austrian-Prussian dispute before the diet, answered by asking that an assembly elected by universal suffrage be called to discuss the question of federal reform. And when Austria offered to disarm in Bohemia if Prussia would do so on its part, Bismarck demanded, in addition, dis- armament in Venetia, a condition he knew to be unacceptable. On May 7, 1866, he declared he would not accept the diet's inter- 158 THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY vention in the duchies question, and on the 8th ordered the mobih- zation of the Prussian army. Napoleon III at this juncture proposed the holding of a con- gress for settUng the duchies question and that of federal reform. Thiers had warned him in vain, in an admirable speech delivered on May 3d, that France had everything to lose by aiding in, bringing about the unity of Germany. The emperor obstinately persisted, proposing to tear up those treaties of 1815 which, two years before, he had childishly declared to be no longer in existence. His proposition of a congress, however, failed through the refusal of Austria and the petty states to take part in it. He next signed with Austria a secret treaty by which the latter promised to cede Venetia after its first victory and on condition of being indenmi- fied at Prussia's expense. By a strange inconsistency the French emperor proposed at the same time to make Prussia more homo- geneous in the north. Bismarck acted in a far clearer manner than the French emperor. On June 5th, General von Gablenz, the Austrian governor of Hol- stein, convened the states of that country, Austria declaring that the object of this measure was to enable the federal diet to settle the question. A German force under General Manteuffel at once invaded the duchy and, having far superior forces at his disposal, took possession of it. On the 10th, Prussia asked the different German States to accept a new constitution based on the exclu- sion of Austria, the election of a parliament by universal suffrage, the creation of a strong federal power and a common army. The diet answered by voting the federal execution against Prussia. Thereupon the Prussian envoy, Savigny, withdrew, declaring that his sovereign ceased to recognize the Confederation. Events proved how correctly Bismarck had judged in his confidence in Prussia's military strength. The Prussian forces amounted to 330,000 men, who were to be aided in the south by 240,000 Itahans. Austria had 335,000 troops and its German allies 146,000. Generally the last named had little zeal. THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY 159 The Austrian government acted slowly, while its adversary vigorously assumed the offensive. On June 16th, after an imavail- ing notice, the Prussian troops invaded Saxony and occupied it without resistance, the Saxon army withdrawing to Bohemia. The same was the case in Hesse, whose grand duke was taken pris- oner, while his army joined the Bavarians. Still less fortunate was the king of Hanover, who did not even save his army, which, also retreating towards the south, was surrounded and obliged to capitulate at Langensalza (June 29th). In the south the Prussian General Vogel von Falkenstein, who had but 57,000 men against over a 100,000, took advantage of the fact that his adversaries had separated into two masses, the one at Frankfort and the other at Meiningen, to beat them separately, the Bavarians at Kissingen (July 10th) and the Prince of Hesse, commanding the other army, at Aschaffenburg (July 14th). On the 16th the Prussians entered Frankfort, which they overwhelmed with requisitions and contributions. General Manteuffel, Falken- stein's successor, then drove the federal armies from the line of the Tauber, where they had united, back to Wurzburg, On the 28th an armistice was concluded, THE WAR IN ITALY The Itahans had been less successful. Archduke Albert, who commanded in Venetia, had only 70,000 men, but they were Croa- tian Slavs, that is, Austria's best troops. Confronting him, Victor Emmanuel commanded 124,000 men on the Chiese and Cialdini 80,000 in the neighborhood of Ferrara. They proved unable to act together. Cialdini let himseh be kept in check by a mere handful of troops, while the Austrian archduke attacked the Italian royal army at Custozza. Serious errors in tactics and panic in an Itahan brigade, which fled before three platoons of lancers that had the audacity to charge it, gave victory to the Austrians. Cialdini had remained behind the Po. Garibaldi, who had undertaken, with 36,000 men, to conquer the Trent region, defended by only 13,000 160 THE EXPAN^SION OF GERMANY regulars and 4,000 militia under General von Kuhn, found himself not only repulsed in eveiy attack, but, had it not been for the evacuation of Venetia, his adversary would have pursued him on ItaUan territory. The important events which took place at sea have been described in the preceding chapter. AUSTRIA S SIGNAL DEFEAT OF SADOWA It was not on these events that the outcome of the war was to depend, but on the victory or defeat of the chief Austrian army. The forces of the two Powers on the Silesian and Saxon frontier were almost equal; but the Austrian commander-in-chief, Benedek, brave and brilHant as a division leader, proved imequal to his present task. He daUied in Moravia until June 16th, while the, Prussians entered Bohemia m two separate masses, one on each side of the Riesen Gebirge. Benedek wavered and blundered. He sent only 60,000 men against 150,000 under Prince Frederick Charles, and they suffered four defeats in as many days (June 26-29th). At the same time he had made the same mistake in regard to the Prince Royal, who won in over haK a dozen skirmishes. During the follow- ing night, June 29-30th, the second Prussian army reached the Elbe. Benedek's incapacity was now completely demonstrated. He telegraphed to the emperor 'so make peace at any cost, and retreated on Olmiitz. Then he changed his mind and decided to fight, seeking to throw the blame for his own errors on his subordinates. The battle-field chosen by him was near the village of Sadowa, and here his army, though sadly demoralized, fought with much bravery. The Austrians, whom their general had notified of the imminent battle only in the middle of the night, ^ had fortified the slopes and villages as best they could. At eight in the morning Frederick Charles began the attack by crossing the Bistritz. Benedek's center resisted, but the right and left wings lost ground. At haK past eleven the Prussians were losing ground and seemed ready to retreat. At this critical moment the army of the Prince Royal appeared, eonung from the north. If THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY 161 The second and sixth Austrian corps, obliged to confront the new troops with a flank march under the fire of the Prussian artillery, could not hold out long, and about three o'clock the strong- est Austrian position was lost. It was necessary at any cost to regain it, but all efforts failed against their own intrenchments, defended by the captors with desperate energy. At half past four retreat became necessary. Half of the Austrian army escaped with- out much difficulty; but the rest, three army corps, driven towards the Elbe by the entire victorious army, would have been annihi- lated but for the devotedness of the cavalry and the artillerymen. These formed successive fire lines, and continuing to shoot until the muzzles of their guns were reached, saving the infantry from destruction through dint of dying at their posts. Despite this diversion it was a frightful rout, which cost the vanquished 40,000 men and 187 pieces of artillery. The Prussians lost only 10,000 dead and wounded. THE TREATY OF PRAGUE The Austrians tried to fall back on Vienna, but only three corps out of eight reached there, as the Prussian army by a rapid march had forced the others to seek refuge at Presburg. On July 18th the Prussian armies were concentrated on the Russbach. Archduke Albert, recalled from Italy, had taken command of the troops covering Vienna, but the internal condition of the empire, where Hungary was in agitation, was too disquieting for it to be possible, without aid, to continue the war. This aid Napo- leon III could and should have fmnished. The French army had suffered from the expedition to Mexico. Yet it would have been possible to put a himdred thousand men on foot immediately, and, later on, Bismarck acknowledged that this Would have sufficed to change the result. But Napoleon III was ill and swayed between opposing influences. Prince Napoleon, whom he heeded very much, was decidedly in favor of Prussia. Accordingly, no step was taken but an offer of mediation. Then he had the weakness, 162 THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY in spite of his minister, Drouyn de Lhuys, to consent to the annexa- tions which Prussia wished to bring about in northern Germany. He asked, however, that Austria lose only Venetia, but it was precisely Bismarck's will that had, and not without difficulty, persuaded King Wilham that he must not, by territorial demands, compromise the alliance which he afterwards realized. On July 26th the peace preliminaries of Nikolsburg were signed. Austria paid a considerable indemnity, abandoned its former posi- sition in Germany, acknowledged the extension of Prussian authority to the line of the Main and the annexations which Prussia would deem it to its purpose to make. The three Danish duchies were likewise abandoned. It was stipulated only that the inhabitants of northern Schleswig should be consulted as to their wish to be restored or not to Denmark, which was never done. The definitive treaty was signed On August 25th at Prague. As for Italy, Francis Joseph had ceded Venetia to Napoleon III, who was to transmit it to Victor Emmanuel, but the ItaHans protested loudly against the idea of being satisfied with so little. They wanted in addi- tion at least the Trent country. ''Have you, then," Bismarck said^to them, ''lost another battle to claim a province more?" On August 10th the preliminaries of peace were signed on that side. The final treaty, that of Vienna, was concluded on October 3, 1866. GERMANY AFTER 1866 Prussia, now master of Germany, annexed Hanover, Hesse- Cassel, Nassau and the city of Frankfort, which increased its population by four and a half milhons. The rest of the northern states as far as the Main were to form xmder its direction the Confederation of Northern Germany (proclaimed July 1, 1867), with a constitution exactly the same as that of the German empire of today. As for the southern states, they remained independent, but signed mihtary agreements which connected them with Prussia. Napoleon III tried in vain to obtain a compensation for that THE EXPANSION OF GERMANY 163 enormous increase of power. To the first overtures which he made to this end (he wanted the Palatinate) Bismarck answered with a Hat refusal and a threat of war. He added, however, that he would consent to an enlargement of France from Belgium, a pro- ject which he was afterwards careful to mention as coming from^ the Paris cabinet. Bismarck had succeeded in humbling Austria and reducing its importance among the great Powers of Europe, and had expanded Prussia alike on the north and south and made it decisively the ruling nation in Central Europe. As we have seen, it had con- cluded miUtary agreements with the states of southern Germany. It held them also in another manner, namely, by means of the Zollverein, signed anew on June 4, 1867. But it was as yet far from having brought about a peaceful realization of unity. The southern states, not merely the sovereigns only, but the peoples as weU, had always shown little taste for Prussian leadership, and after 1866 this feeling was very visible. It was for that reason that Bismarck had need of a war against France to strengthen his position. Union against the foreigner was the cement with, which he hoped to complete political unity. Such a war came near breaking out in 1867 in relation to Luxembourg. Napoleon III keenly desired to have at least that country as compensation for Prussia's aggrandizements, and the king of Holland was disposed to cede his rights for a consideration. But Bismarck, after having secretly approved of the bargain, officially declared his opposition to it. Napoleon, hampered at one and the same time by the Paris Exposition of that year and by the bad condition of his army, was too happy to escape from embarrassment, since it was evident that the Prussians were not veiling to evacuate the fortress of Luxembourg, by obtaining with the aid of the other Powers that the little duchy be declared neutral and the walls of its capital destroyed. In spite of this arrangement, it remained certain to everybody that a conflict would break out in a short time between France 164 ITHE EXPANSION OF GERMANY and Prussia. We have seen what reasons Bismarck had for the methods pursued by him and those projected. Napoleon Ill's government, justly censured by opinion for the weakness which it had shown in 1866 and constantly losing its authority, was destined to fall into the first trap its adversary would set for it. What this trap was and the momentous events to which it led will be described in the next chapter. CHAPTER XI The Franco-Prussian War BiBTH OF THE GERMAN EmPIHE AND THE FrENCH REPUBLIC Caiises of Hostile Relations — Discontent in France — War with Prussia Declared — Self-deception of the French — First Meeting of the Armies — The Stronghold of Metz — Mars-la-Tour and Gravelotte — Napoleon III at Sedan — The Emperor a Captive; France a Republic — Bismarck Refuses Intervention — Fall of the Fortresses — Paris is Besieged — Defiant Spirit of the French — The Struggle Continued — Operations Before Paris— Fighting in the South — The War at an End. IN 1866 the war between the two great powers of Germany, in which most of the smaller powers were concerned, led to more decided measures, in the absorption by Prussia of the weaker states, the formation of a North German League among the remaining states of the north, and the offensive and defensive alHance with Prussia of the south German states. By the treaty of peace with Austria, that power was excluded from the German League, and Prussia remained the dominant power in Germany. A constitution for the League was adopted in 1867, providing for a Diet, or legislative council of the League, elected by the direct votes of the people, and an army, which was to be under the command of the Prussian king and subject to the military laws of Prussia. Each state in the League bound itself to supply a specified sum for the support of the army. Here was a union with a backbone — an army and a budget — and Bismarck had done more in the five years of his ministry in forming a united Germany than his predecessors had done in fifty years. But the idea of union and alliance between kindred states was then widely in the air. Such a union had been practically completed in Italy, and Hungary in 1867 regained her ancient rights, which had been taken from her in 1849, being given a separate government, with Francis Joseph, the emperor of Austria, (165) 166 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR as its king. It was natural that the common blood of the Germans should lead them to a political confederation, and equally natural that Prussia, which so overshadowed the smaller states in strength, should be the leading element in the alliance. Yet, though Prussia had concluded military agreements with the states of southern Germany and held them also by means of the ZoUverein, this was far from bringing about a peaceful realiza- tion of unity. The southern states, not merely the sovereigns only, but the peoples, have always had little taste for Prussian leader- ship, and after 1866 this feeling was very visible, for this reason Bismarck felt it important to instigate a war against France. Union against the foreigner was to complete poUtical unity. This subject has been dealt with in the preceding chapter, and we need here merely to repeat that warlike sentiments were in the air in 1867, in regard to the desire of Napoleon III to add to his empire the little duchy of Luxembourg and Bismarck's opposition to this desire. France was not then in a favorable condition for war, and the matter was finally settled by declaring Luxembourg a neutral state and ordering the walls aroimd its capital to be destroyed. CAUSES OF HOSTILE RELATIONS In spite of this settlement, it remained certain to everybody that a conflict would break out in a short time between France and Prussia. We have seen what reasons Bismarck had for such a war. Napoleon Ill's government, justly censured by opinion for the weakness which it had shown in 1866, was eager to re- trieve the fault it had then committed. Yet the wealaiess of the administration continued and prevented it from adopting the indis- pensable military measures that it should have done. The enemies of power were declaiming against standing armies, which they declared useless. The government deputies were afraid to dissatisfy their constituents by aggravating the burdens of the service. Marshal Niel, minister of war, tried indeed to adopt THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 167 measures with a view to the seemingly inevitable conflict. He caused to be elaborated a plan of campaign, a system of transpor- tation by railway, an arrangement for the chief places of the east to be armed with rifled cannon. But the Chamber giTidged him the appropriations for the increase of the army, asking him if '^he wished to make France a vast barracks." "Take care," he answered the opposition, "lest you make it a vast cemetery." Accordingly, when the mobile national guard had been created, made up of all the young men who had not been drawn by lot, organization was given to it only on paper, and it was never drilled. Lebceuf, who succeeded Niel in August, 1869, abandoned, more- over, most of his predecessor's plans. He even neglected to do anything towards carrying out on the eastern frontier any of the works of defense already recommended as urgent by the gen- erals of the Restoration. And thus time passed on until the eventful year 1870. By that year Prussia had completed its work among the North German states and was ready for the issue of hostilities, if this should be necessary. On the other hand. Napoleon, who had found his prestige in France from various causes decreasing, felt obhged in 1870 to depart from his policy of personal rule and give that country a constitutional government. This proposal was submitted to a vote of the people and was sustained by an immense majority. He also took occasion to state that "peace was never more assured than at the present time." This assurance gave satisfaction to the world, yet it was a false one, for war was probably at that moment assured. , DISCONTENT IN FKANCE There were alarming signs in France. The opposition to Napo- leonism was steadily gaining power. A bad harvest was threatened — a serious source of discontent. The parhament was discussing the reversal of the sentence of banishment against the Orleans family. These indications of a change in public sentiment appeared to call 168 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR, for some act that would aid in restoring the popularity of the emperor. And of all the acts that could be devised a national war seemed the most promising. If the Rhine frontier, which every Frenchman regarded as the natural boundary of the empire, could be regained by the arms of the nation, discontent and opposition would vanish, the name of Napoleon would win back its old prestige, and the reign of Bonapartism would be firmly established. Acts speak louder than words, and the acts of Napoleon were not in accord with his assurances of peace. Extensive miUtary preparations began, and the forces of the empire were strengthened by land and sea, while great trust was placed in a new weapon, of murderous powers, called the mitrailleuse, the predecessor of the machine gim, and capable of discharging twenty-five balls at once. CAUSES OF HOSTILE RELATIONS On the other hand, there were abundant indications of dis- content in Germany, where a variety of parties inveighed against the rapacious policy of Prussia, and where Bismarck had sown a deep crop of hate. It was beUeved in France that the minor states would not support Prussia in a war. In Austria the defeat of 1866 rankled, and hostihties against Prussia on the part of France seemed certain to win sympathy and support in that composite empire. Colonel Stoffel, the French military eaivoy at Berlin, declared that Prussia would be found abundantly prepared for a struggle; but his wammgs went unheeded in the French Cabinet, and the warlike preparations continued. Napoleon did not have to go far for an excuse for the war upon which he was resolved. One was prepared for him in that potent source of trouble, the succession to the throne of Spain. In that country there had for yesirs been no end of trouble, revolts, Carlist risings, wars and launors of wars. The government of Queen Isa- bella, with its endless intrigues, plots and alternation of despotism and anarchy, and the pronounced immorality of the queen, had THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 169 become so distasteful to the people that finally, after several years of revolts and armed risings, she was driven from her throne by a revolution, and for a time Spain was without a monarch and was ruled on republican principles. But this arrangement did not prove satisfactory. The party in opposition looked around for a king, and negotiations began with a distant relative of the Prussian royal family, Leopold of Hohenzollem. Prince Leopold accepted the offer, and informed the king of Prussia of his decision. The news of thi^ event caused great excitement in Paris, and the Prussian government was advised of the painful feeling to which the incident had given rise. The answer from Berlin that the Prussian government had no concern in the matter, and that Prince Leopold was free to act on his own account, did not allay the excitement. The demand for war grew violent and clamorous, the voices of the feeble opposition in the Chambers were drowned, and the joumaHsts and war partisans were confident of a short and glorious campaign and a triumphant march to Berlin. The hostile feeling was reduced when King WilHam of Prussia, though he declined to prohibit Prince Leopold from accepting the crown, expressed his conciu'rence with the decision of the prince when he withdrew his acceptance of the dangerous offer. This decision was regarded as sufficient, even in Paris; but it did not seem to be so in the palace, where an excuse for a declaration of war was ardently desired. The emperor's purpose was en- hanced by the influence of the empress, and it was finally declared that the Prussian king had aggrieved France in permitting the prince to become a candidate for the throne without consulting the French Cabinet. WAR WITH PRUSSIA DECLARED Satisfaction for this shadowy source of offense was demanded, but King William firmly refused to say any more on the subject and declined to stand in the way of Prince Leopold if he should 170 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR again accept the offer of the Spanish throne. This refusal was declared to be an offense to the honor and a threat to the safety of France. The war party was so strongly in the ascendant that all opposition was now looked upon as lack of patriotism, and on the 15th of July the Prime Minister Ollivier announced that the reserves were to be called out and the necessary measures taken to secure the honor and security of France. When the declaration of war was hurled against Prussia the whole nation seemed in harmony with it and public opinion appeared for once to have become a unit throughout France. Rarely in the history of the world has so trivial a cause given rise to such stupendous military and political events as took place in France in a brief interval following this blind leap into hostilities. Instead of a triumphant march to Berlin and the dictation of peace from its palace, France was to find itself in two months' time with- out an emperor or an army, and in a few months more completely subdued and occupied by foreign troops, while Paris had been made the scene of a terrible siege and a frightful communistic riot, and a republic had succeeded the empire. It was such a series of events as have seldom been compressed within the short interval of haH a year. In truth Napoleon and his advisers were bUnded by their hopes to the true state of affairs. The anny on which they depended, and which they assumed to be ia a high state of efficiency and dis- ciphne, was lacking in almost every requisite of an efficient force. The first Napoleon had been his own minister of war. The tliird Na- poleon, when told by his war minister that ''not a single button was wanted on a single gaiter," took the words for the fact, and hurled an army without supplies and organization against the most thor- oughly organized army the world had ever known. That the French were as brave as the Germans goes without saying; they fought desperately, but from the first confusion reigned in their movements, while military science of the highest kind dominated those of the Germans. THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 171 Napoleon was equally mistaken as to the state of affairs in Germany. The disunion upon which he counted vanished at the first threat of war. All Germany felt itself threatened and joined hands in defense. The declaration of war was received there with as deep an enthusiasm as in France and excited a fervent eagerness for the struggle. The new popular song, Die Wacht am Rhein (''The Watch on the Rhine")? spread rapidly from end to end of the country, and indicated the resolution of the German people to defend to the death the frontier stream of their country, SELF-DECEPTION OF THE FRENCH The French looked for a parade march to Berlin, even fixing the day of their entrance into that city — ^August 15th, the emperor's birthday. On the contrary, they failed to set their foot on German territory, and soon found themselves engaged in a death struggle with the invaders of their own land. In truth, while the Prussian diplomacy was conducted by Bismarck, the ablest statesman Prussia had ever known, the movements of the army were directed by far the best tactician Europe then possessed, the famous Von Moltke, to whose strategy the rapid success of the war against Austria had been due. In the war with France Von Moltke, though too old to lead the armies in person, was virtually commander- in-chief, and arranged those masterly combinations which overthrew all the power of France in so remarkably brief a period. Under his directions, from the moment war was declared everything worked with clock-Uke precision. It was said that Von Moltke had only to touch a bell and all went forward. As it was, the Crown Prince Frederick fell upon the French while still unprepared, won the first battle, and steadily held the advantage to the end, the French being beaten by the strategy that kept the Germans in superior strength at all decisive points. But to return to the events of war. On July 23, 1870, the Emperor Napoleon, after making his wife Eugenie regent of France, set out with his son at the head of the army, full of high hopes of 172 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR victory and triumph. By the end of July King William had also set out from Berlin to join the armies that were then in rapid motion towards the frontier. The emperor made his way to Metz, where was stationed his main army, about 200,000 strong, under Marshals Bazaine and Canrobert and General Bourbaki. Further east, under Marshal MacMahon, the hero of Magenta, was the southern army, of about 100,000 men. A third army occupied the camp at Chalons, while a well-manned fleet set sail for the Baltic, to blockade the harbors and assail the coast of Germany. The German army was likewise in three divisions, the first, of 61,000 men, under General Steinmetz; the second, of 206,000 men, under Prince Frederick Charles; and the third, of 180,000 men, under the crown prince and General BlumenthaK The king, commander-in-chief of the whole, was in the center, and with him the general staff under the guidance of the alert Von Moltke. Bismarck and the minister of war Von Roon were also present, and so rapid was the movement of these great forces that in two weeks after the order to march was given 300,000 armed Germans stood in rank along the Rhine. FIRST MEETING OF THE ARMIES The two armies first came together on August 2d, near Saar- briick, on the frontier line of the hostile kingdoms. It was the one success of the French, for the Prussians, after a fight in which both sides lost equally, retired in good order. This was proclaimed by the French papers as a brilliant victory, and filled the people with undue hopes of glory. It was the last favorable report, for they were quickly overwhelmed with tidings of defeat and disaster. Weissenburg, on the borders of Rhenish Bavaria, had been invested by a division of MacMahon's army. On August 4th the right wing of the army of the Crown Prince Frederick attacked and repulsed this investing force after a hot engagement, in which its leader. General Douay, was killed, and the loss on both sides was heavy. Two days later occurred a battle which decided the THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 173 fate of the whole war, that of Worth-Reideshofen, where the army of the crown prince met that of MacMahon, and after a desperate struggle, which continued for fifteen hours, completely defeated him, with very heavy losses on both sides. MacMahon retreated in haste towards the army at Chalons, while the crown prince took possession of Alsace, and prepared for the reduction of the fortresses on the Rhine, from Strasburg to Belfort. On the same day a^ that of the battle of Worth, General Steinmetz stonned the heights of Spieheren, and, though at great loss of life, drove Frossard from those heights and back upon Metz. The occupation of Alsace was followed by that of Lorraine, by the Prussian army under King William, who took possession of Nancy and the country surroimding on August 11th. These two provinces had at one time belonged to Germany, and it was the aim of the Prussians to retain them as the chief anticipated prize of the war. Meanwhile the world looked on in amazement at the extraordinary rapidity of the German success, which, in two weeks after Napoleon left Paris, had brought his power to the verge of overthrow. THE STRONGHOLD OF METZ Towards the Moselle River and the strongly fortified town of Metz, 180 miles northeast of Paris, around which was concentrated the main French force, all the divisions of the German army now advanced, and on the 14th of August they gained a victory at Colombey-Nouilly which drove their opponents back, from the open field towards the fortified city. It was Moltke's opinion that the French proposed to make their stand before this impregnable fortress, and fight there desperately^ for victory. But, finding less resistance than he expected, he concluded, on the 15th, that Bazaine, in fear of being cooped up within the fortress, meant to march towards Verdun, there to join his forces with those of MacMahon and give battle to the Germans in the plain. 174 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR The astute tactician at once determined to make every effort to prevent such a concentration of his opponents, and by the evening of the 15th a cavalry division had crossed the Moselle and reached the village of Mars-la-Tour, where it bivouacked for the night. It had seen troops in motion towards Metz, but did not know whether these formed the rear-guard of the French army or its van- guard in its march towards Verdun. In fact, Bazaine had not yet got away with his army. All the roads from Metz were blocked with heavy baggage, and it was impossible to move so large an army with expedition. The time thus lost by Bazaine was dihgently improved by Frederick Charles, and on the morning of the 16th the Brandenburg army corps, one of the best and bravest in the German army, had followed the cavalry and come within sight of the Verdun road. It was quickly perceived that a French force was before them, and some pre- liminary skirmishing developed the enemy in such strength as to convince the leader of the corps that he had in his front the whole or the greater part of Bazaine's army, and that its escape from Metz had not been achieved. They were desperate odds with which the brave Brandenburgers had to contend, but they had been sent to hold the French until reinforcements could arrive, and they were determined to resist to the death. For nearly six hours they resisted, with unsurpassed courage, the fierce onslaughts of the French, though at a cost of life that perilously depleted the gallant corps. Then, about four o'clock in the afternoon, Prince Frederick Charles came up with reinforcements to their support and the desperate contest became more even. MARS-LA-TOTJR AND GRAVELOTTE Gradually fortune decided in favor of the Germans, and by the time night had come they were practically victorious, the field of Mars-la-Tour, after the day's struggle, remaining in their hands. But they were utterly exhausted, their horses were worn out, and THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 175 most of their anununition was spent, and though their impetuous commander forced them to a new attack, it led to a useless loss of life, for their powers of fighting were gone. They had achieved their purpose, that of preventing the escape of Bazaine, though at a fearful loss, amounting to about 16,000 men on each side. ''The battle of Vionville [Mars-la-Tour] is without a parallel in military history," said Emperor William, "seeing that a single army corps, about 20,000 men strong, hung on to and repulsed an enemy more than five times as numerous and well equipped. Such was the glo- rious deed done by the Brandenburgers, and the.HohenzoUems will never forget the debt they owe to their devotion." Two days afterwards (August 16th), at Gravelotte, a village somewhat nearer to Metz, the armies, somewhat recovered from the terrible struggle of the 14th, met again, the whole German army being now brought up, so that over 200,000 men faced the 140,000 of the French. It was the great battle of the war. For four hours the two armies stood fighting face to face, without any special result, neither being able to drive back the other. The French held their ground and died. The Prussians dashed upon them and died. Only late in the evening was the right wing of the French army broken, and the victory, which at five o'clock remained uncer- tain, was decided in favor of the Germans. More than 40,000 men lay dead and wounded upon the field, the terrible harvest of those nine hours of conflict. That night Bazaine withdrew his army behind the fortifications at Metz. His effort to join MacMahon had ended in failure. It was the fixed purpose of the Prussians to detain him in that stronghold, and thus render practically useless to France its largest army. A siege was to be prosecuted, and an army of 150,000 men was extended around the town. The fortifications were far too strong to be taken by assault, and all depended on a close blockade. On August 31st Bazaine made an effort to break through the German Hues, but was repulsed. It became now a question of how long the provisions of the French would hold out. 176 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR NAPOLEOJN 111 AT SEDAN The French emperor, who had been with Bazaine, had left his army before the battle of Mars-la-Tour, and was now with MacMahon at Chalons. Here lay an army of 125,000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry. On it the Germans were advancing, in doubt as to what movement it would make, whether back towards Paris or towards Metz for the reUef of Bazaine. They sought to place themselves in a position to check either. The latter movement was determined on by the French, but was carried out in a dubious and uncertain manner, the time lost giving abundant opportunity to the Germans to learn what was afoot and to prepare to prevent it. As soon as they were aware of MacMahon's intention of pro- ceeding to Metz they made speedy preparations to prevent his relieving Bazaine. By the last days of August the army of the crown prince had reached the right bank of the Aisne, and the fourth division gained possession of the hue of the Meuse. On August 30th the French under General de Failly were attacked by the Germans at Beaumont and put to flight with heavy loss. It was evident that the hope of reaching Metz was at an end, and MacMahon, abandoning the attempt, concentrated his army around the frontier fortress of Sedan. This old town stands on the right bank of the Meuse, in an angle of territory between Luxembourg and Belgium, and is sur- rounded by meadows, gardens, ravines, ditches and cultivated fields; the castle rismg on a cliff-like eminence to the southwest of the place. MacMahon had stopped here to give his weaiy men a rest, not to fight, but Von Moltke decided, on observing the situation, that Sedan should be the grave-yard of the French army. ''The trap is now closed, and the mouse in it/' he said, with a chuckle of satisfaction. Such proved to be the case. On September 1st the Bavarians won the callage of Bazeille, after hom'S of bloody and desperate stmggie. Daring this severe fight Marshal MacMahon was so seriously wounded that he was obliged to surrender the chief com- 18 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 177 mand, first to Ducrot, and then to General Wimpffen, a man of recognized bravery and cold calculation. Fortune soon showed itseK in favor of the Germans. To the northwest of the town, the North German troops invested the exits from St. Meuges and Fleigneux, and directed a fearful fire of artillery against the French forces, which, before noon, were so hemmed in the valley that only two insufficient outlets to the south and north remained open. But General Wimpffen hesitated to seize either of these routes, the open way to Illy was soon closed by the Prussian guard corps, and a murderous fire was now directed from all sides upon the French, so that, after a last energetic struggle, they gave up all attempts to force a passage, and in the afternoon beat a retreat towards Sedan. In this small town the whole army of MacMahon was collected by evening, and there prevailed in the streets and houses an unprecedented disorder and confusion, which was still further increased when the German troops from the surrounding heights began to shoot down upon the fortress, and the town took fire in several places. SURRENDER OF NAPOLEON's ARMY That an end might be put to the prevailing misery. Napoleon now commanded General Wimpffen to capitulate. The flag of truce already waved on the gates of Sedan when Colonel Bronsart appeared, and in the name of the king of Prussia demanded the surrender of the army and fortress. He soon returned to head- quarters, accompanied by the French General Reille, who pre- sented to the king a written message from Napoleon: ^"^As I may not die in the midst of my army, I lay my sword in the hands of your majesty." King WiUiam accepted it with an expression of sympathy for the hard fate of the emperor and of the French army which had fought so bravely under his own eyes. The con- elusion of the treaty of capitulation was placed in the hands of Wimpffen, who, accompanied by General Castehiau, set out for Donchery to negotiate with Moltke and Bismarck. No attempts, 178 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR however, availed to move Moltke from his stipulation for the sur- render of the whole army at discretion; he granted a short respite, but if this expired without surrender, the bombardment of the town was to begin anew. At six o'clock in the morning the capitulation was signed and was ratified by the king at his headquarters at Vendresse (2d September). Thus the world beheld the incredible spectacle of an army of 83,000 men surrendering themselves and their weapons to the victor, and being carried off as prisoners of war to Germany. Only the officers who gave their written word of honor to take no further part in the present war with Germany were permitted to retain their arms and personal property. Probably the assur- ance of Napoleon, that he had sought death on the battle-field but had not found it, was literally true; at any rate, the fate of the unhappy man, bowed down as he was both by physical and mental suffering, was so solemn and tragic that there was no room for hypo^isy, and that he had exposed himseK to personal danger was admitted on all sides. Accompanied by Count Bismarck, he stopped at a small and mean-looking laborer's inn on the road to Donchery, where, sitting down on a stone seat before the door, with Count Bismarck, he declared that he had not desired the war, but had been driven to it through the force of public opinion; and afterwards the two proceeded to the little castle of Bellevue, near Frenois, to join King William and the crown prince. A telegram to Queen Augusta thus describes the interview: ''What an impressive moment was the meeting with Napoleon! He was cast down, but dignified in his bearing. I have granted him Wilhehnshohe, near Cassel, as his residence. Our meeting took place in a little castle before the western glacis of Sedan." THE EMPEEOR A CAPTIVE; FRANCE A REPUBLIC The locking up of Bazaine in Metz and the capture of Mac- Mahon's army at Sedan were events fatal to France. The struggle continued for months, but it was a fight against hope. The subse- THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 179 quent events of the war consisted of a double siege, that of Metz and that of Paris, with various minor sieges, and a desperate but hopeless effort of France in the field. As for the empire of Napo- leon III, it was at an end. The tidings of the terrible catastrophe at Sedan filled the people with a fury that soon became revolution- ary. While Jules Favre, the republican deputy, was offering a motion in the Assembly that the emperor had forfeited the crown, and that a provisional government should be established, the people were thronging the streets of Paris with cries of ''Deposi- tion! Republic!" On the 4th of September the Assembly had its final meeting. Two of its prominent members, Jules Favre and Gambetta, sustained the motion for deposition of the emperor, and it was carried after a stormy session. They then made their way to the senate-chamber, where, before a thronging audience, they proclaimed a republic and named a government for the national defense. At its head was General Trochu, mihtary commandant at Paris. Favre was made minister of foreign affairs; Gambetta, minister of the interior; and other prominent members of the Assembly filled the remaining cabinet posts. The legislature was dissolved, the Palais de Bourbon was closed, and the Empress Eugenie quitted the Tuileries and made her escape with a few attendants to Belgium, whence she sought a refuge in England. Prince Louis Napoleon made his way to Italy, and the swarm of courtiers scattered in all directions; some faithful followers of the deposed monarch seeking the castle of Wilhelmshohe, where the unhappy Louis Napoleon occupied as a prison the same beauti- ful palace and park in which his imcle Jerome Bonaparte had once passed six years in a life of pleasure. The second French Empire was at an end; the third French RepubHc had begun — one that had to pass through many changes and escape many dan- gers before it would be firmly established. "Not a foot's breadth of our country nor a stone of our for- tresses shall be surrendered," was Jules Favre's defiant proclama- tion to the invaders, and the remainder of the soldiers in the 180 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR field were collected in Paris, and strengthened with all available reinforcements. Every person capable of bearing arms was enrolled in the national army, which soon numbered 400,000 men. There was need of haste, for the victors at Sedan were already marching upon the capital, inspired with high hopes from their previous astonishing success. They knew that Paris was strongly fortified, being encircled by powerful lines of defense, but they trusted that hunger would soon bring its garrison to terms. The same result was looked for at Metz, and at Strasbourg, which was also besieged. Thus began at three main points and several minor ones a mihtary siege the difficulties, dangers, and hardships of which surpassed even those 'of the winter campaign in the Crimea. Exposed at the fore-posts to the enemy's balls, chained to arduous labor in the trenches and redoubts, and suffering from the effects of bad weather, and iasufficient food and clothing, the German soldiers were compelled to undergo great privations and sufferings before the fortifications; while many fell in the frequent skirmishes and sallies, many succumbed to typhus and epidemic disease. No less painful and distressing was the condition of the be- sieged. While the garrison soldiers on guard were constantly compelled to face death in nocturnal sallies, or led a pitiable existence in damp huts, having inevitable surrender constantly before their eyes, and disarmament and imprisonment as the reward of all their struggles and exertions, the citizens in the towns, the women and children, were in constant danger of being shivered to atoms by the fearful shells, or of being buried under falling walls and roofs; and the poorer part of the population saw with dismay the gradual diminution of the necessaries of life, and were often compelled to pacify their hunger with the flesh of horses, and dis= gusting and unwholesome food. BISMARCK REFUSES INTERVENTION The republican government possessed only a usurped power, and none but a freely elected national assembly could decide as THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 181 to the fate of the French nation. Such an assembly was there- fore summoned for the 16th of October. Three members of the government — Cremieux, Fourichon, and Glais-Bizoin — ^were des- patched before the entire blockade of the city had been effected, to Tours, to maintain communication with the provinces. An attempt was also made at the same time to induce the great Powers which had not taken part in the war to organize an intervention, as hitherto only America, Switzerland and Spain had sent official recognition. For this important and delicate mission the old statesman and historian Thiers was selected, and, in spite of his three-and-seventy years, immediately set out on the journey to London, St. Petersburg, Vienna and Florence. Count Bismarck, however, in the name of Prussia, refused any intervention in internal affairs. In two despatches to the ambassadors of foreign courts, the chancellor declared that the war, begun by the Emperor Napoleon, had been approved by the representatives of the nation, and that thus all France was answerable for the result. Germany was obliged, therefore, to demand guarantees which should secure her in future against attack, or, at any rate, render attack more difficult. Thus a cession of territory on the part of France was laid down as the basis of a treaty of peace. The neutral powers were also led to the belief that if they fostered iu the French any hope of iutervention, peace would only be delayed. The mission of Thiers, therefore, yielded no useful result, while the direct negotiation which Jules Favre conducted with Bismarck proved equally unavailing. FALL OF THE FORTRESSES Soon the beleaguered fortresses began to fall. On the 23d of September the ancient town of Toul, in Lorraine, was forced to capitulate, after a fearful bombardment; and on the 27th Stras- bourg, in danger of the terrible results of a storming, after the havoc of a dreadful artillery fire, hoisted the white flag, and surrendered on the following day. The supposed impregnable fortress of Metz 182 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR held out little longer. Hunger did what cannon were incapable of doing. The successive salUes made by Bazaine proved unavail- ing, though, on October 7th, his soldiers fought with desperate energy, and for hours the air was full of the roar of cannon and mitrailleuse and the rattle of musketry. But the Germans with- stood the attack unmoved, and the French were forced to with- draw into the town. Bazaine then sought to negotiate with the German leaders at Versailles, offering to take no part in the war for three months if permitted to withdraw. But Bismarck and Moltke would listen to no terms other than unconditional surrender, and these terms were finally accepted, the besieged army having reached the brink of starvation. It was with horror and despair that France learned, on the 30th of October, that the citadel of Metz, with its fortifi- cations and arms of defense, had been yielded to the Germans, and its army of more than 150,000 men had surrendered as pris- oners of war. This hasty surrender at Metz, a still greater disaster to France than that of Sedan, was not emulated at Paris, which for four months held out against all the efforts of the Germans. On the investment of the great city, King William removed his head- quarters to the historic palace of Versailles, setting up his homely camp-bed in the same apartments from which Louis XIV had once issued his despotic edicts and commands. Here Count Bis- marck conducted his diplomatic labors and Moltke issued his directions for the siege, which, protracted from week to week and month to month, gradually transformed the beautiful neighbor- hood, with its prosperous villages, superb coimtry houses, and enchanting parks and gardens, into a scene of sadness and desolation. PARIS IS BESIEGED In spite of the vigorous efforts made by the commander-in- chief Trochu, both by continuous firing from the forts and by THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 183 repeated sallies, to prevent Paris from being surrounded, and to force a way through the trenches, his enterprises were rendered fruitless by the watchfulness and strength of the Germans. The blockade was completely accompUshed; Paris was surrounded and cut off from the outer world; even the underground telegraphs, through which communication was for a time secretly maintained with the provinces, were by degrees discovered and destroyed. But to the great astonishment of Europe, which looked on with keenly pitched excitement at the mighty struggle, the siege con- tinued for months without any special progress being observable from without or any lessening of resistance from within. On accoimt of the extension of the forts, the Germans were compelled to remain at such a distance that a bombardment of the town at first appeared impossible; a storming of the outer works would, moreover, be attended with such sacrifices that the humane tem- per of the king revolted from such a proceeding. The guns of greater force and carrying power which were needed from Ger- many, could only be procured after long delay on accoimt of the broken lines of railway. Probably also there was some hesitation on the German side to expose the beautiful city, regarded by so many as the '^metropoHs of civilization," to the risk of a bom- bardment, in which works of art, science, and a historical past would meet destruction. Nevertheless, the declamations of the French at the vandalism of the northern barbarians met with assent and sympathy from most of the foreign Powers. Determination and courage falsified the calculations at Ver- sailles of a quick cessation of the resistance. The republic offered a far more energetic and determined opposition to the Prussian arms than the empire had done. The government of the national defense still declaimed with stern reiteration: "Not a foot's breadth of our country; not a stone of our fortresses!" and posi- tively rejected all proposals of treaty based on territorial conces- sions. Faith in the invincibiUty of the republic was rooted as an indisputable dogma in the hearts of the French people. The 184 THE FRANCO-=PRUSSIAN WAR, victories and the commanding position of France from 1792 to 1799 were regarded as so entirely the necessary result of the Revolution, that a conviction prevailed that the formation of a republic, with a national army for its defense, would have an especial effect on the rest of Europe. Therefore, instead of sum- moning a constituent Assembly, which, in the opinion of Prussia and the other foreign Powers, would alone be capable of offering security for a lasting peace, it was decided to continue the revo- lutionary movements, and to follow the same course which, in the years 1792 and 1793, had saved France from the coaUtion of the Em-opean Powers. It was held that a revolutionary dictatorship such as had once been exercised by the Convention and the mem- bers of the Committee of PubHc Safety, must again be revived, and a youthful and hot-blooded leader was alone needed to stir up popular feeling and set it in motion. To fiU such a part no one was better adapted than the advo- cate Gambetta, who emulated the career of the leaders of the Revolution, and whose soul glowed with a passionate ardor of patriotism. In order to create for himself a free sphere of action, and to initiate some vigorous measure in place of the weU-rounded phrases and eloquent proclamations of his colleagues Trochu and Jules Favre, he quitted the capital in an air-balloon and entered into communication with the Government delegation at Tours, which through him soon obtained a fresh impetus. His next most important task was the Uberation of the capital from the besieg- ing German army, and the expulsion of the enemy from the "sacred" soil of France. For this purpose he summoned, with the authority of a minister of war, all persons capable of bearing arms up to forty years of age to take active service, and despatched them into the field; he imposed" war-taxes, and terrified the tardy and refractory with threats of punishment. Every force was put in motion; all France was transformed iuto a great camp. A popular war was now to take the place of a soldiers' war, and what the soldiers had failed to effect must be accomplished THE FRANCO=PRUSSIAN WAR 185 by the people; France must be saved, and the world freed from despotism. To promote this object, the whole of France, with the exception of Paris, was divided into fom* general governments, the headquarters of the different governors being Lille, Le Mans, Bourges, and Besangon. Two armies, from the Loire and from the Somme, were to march simultaneously towards Paris, and, aided by the saUies of Trochu and his troops, were to drive the enemy from the country. Energetic attacks were now attempted from time to time, in the hope that when the armies of reUef arrived from the provinces, it might be possible to effect a coalition; but all these efforts were constantly repulsed after a hot struggle by the besieging German troops. At the same time, during the month of October, the territory between the Oise and the Lower Seine was scoured by reconnoitering troops, under Prince Albrecht, the southeast district was protected by a Wiirtemberg detachment through the successful battle near Nogent on the Seine, while a division of the third army advanced towards the south accom- panied by two cavalry divisions. A more unfortunate circum- stance, however, for the Parisians was the cutting off of all com- munication with the outer world, for the Germans had destroyed the telegraphs. But even this obstacle was overcome by the inventive genius of the French. By means of pigeon letter-carriers and air-baUoons, they were always able to maintain a partial though one-sided and imperfect communication with the prov- inces, and the aerostatic art was developed and brought to per- fection on this occasion in a manner which had never before been considered possible. DEFIANT SPIRIT OF THE FRENCH The whole of France, and especially the capital, was already in a state of intense excitement when the news of the capitulation of Metz came to add fresh fuel to the flame. Outside the walls Gambetta was using heroic efforts to increase his forces, bringing Bedouin horsemen from Africa and inducing the stern old revo- 186 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR lutionist Garibaldi to come to his aid; and Thiers was opening fresh negotiations for a truce. Inside the walls the Red Republic raised the banners of insurrection and attempted to drive the government of national defense from power. This effort of the dregs of revolution to inaugurate a reign of terror failed, and the provisional government felt so elated with its victory that it determined to continue at the head of affairs and to oppose the calling of a chamber of national representatives. The members proclaimed obUvion for what had passed, broke off the negotiations for a truce begun by Thiers, and demanded a vote of confidence. The indomitable spirit shown by the French people did not, on the other hand, inspire the Germans with a very lenient or conciliatory temper. Bismarck declared in a despatch the reasons why the negotiations had failed: "The incredible demand that we should surrender the fruits of all our efforts diiring the last two months, and should go back to the conditions which existed at the beginning of the blockade of Paris, only affords fresh proof that in Paris pretexts are sought for refusing the nation the right of election." Thiers mournfully declared the failure of his imdertaking, but in Paris the popular voting resulted in a ten-fold majority in favor of the government and the policy of postponement. After the breaking off of the negotiations, the world antici- pated some energetic action towards the besieged city. The efforts of the enemy were, however, principally directed to drawing the iron girdle still tighter, enclosing the giant city more and more closely, and cutting off every means of communication, so that at last a surrender might be brought about by the stern necessity of starvation. That this object would not be accomplished as speedily as at Metz, that the city of pleasure, enjoyment, and luxury would withstand a siege of four months, had never been contemplated for a moment. It is true that, as time went on, all fresh meat disappeared from the market, with the exception of horse-flesh; that white bread, on which Parisians place such value, THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 187 was replaced by a baked compound of meal and bran; that the stores of dried and salted food began to decline, until at last rats, dogs, cats, and even animals from the zoological gardens were prepared for consumption at restaurants. Yet, to the amazement of the world, all these miseries, hard- ships, and sufferings were courageously borne, nocturnal watch was kept, salUes were undertaken, and cold, hunger, and wretched- ness of all kinds were endured with an indomitable steadfastness and heroism. The courage of the besieged Parisians was also animated by the hope that the military forces in the provinces would hasten to the aid of the hard-pressed capital, and that therefore an energetic resistance would afford the rest of France sufficient time for rallying all its forces, and at the same time exhibit an elevating example. In the carrying out of this plan, neither Trochu nor Gambetta was wanting in the requisite energy and circumspection. The former organized saUies from time to time, in order to reconnoiter and discover whether the army of rehef was on its way from the provinces; the latter exerted all his powers to bring the Loire army up to the Seine. But both erred in undervaluing the German war forces; they did not beheve that the hostile army would be able to keep Paris in a state of blockade, and at the same time engage the armies on the south and north, east and west. They had no conception of the hidden, inexhaus- tible strength of the Prussian army organization — of a nation in arms which could send forth constant reinforcements of battalions and recruits, and fresh bodies of disciplined troops to fill the gaps left in the ranks by the wounded and fallen. There could be no doubt as to the termination of this terrible war, or the final victory of/ German energy and discipline. THE STRUGGLE CONTINUED Throughout the last months of the eventful year 1870, the northern part of France, from the Jura to the Channel, from the Belgian frontier to the Loire, presented the aspect of a wide battle- 188 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR field. Of the troops that had been set free by the capitulation of Metz, a part remained behind in garrison, another division marched northwards in order to invest the provinces of Picardy and Normandy, to restore communication with the sea, and to bar the road to Paris, and a third division joined the second army, whose commander-in-chief, Prince Frederick Charles, set up his headquarters at Troyes. Different detachments were despatched against the northern fortresses, and by degrees Soissons, Verdun, Thionville, Ham, where Napoleon had once been a prisoner, Pfalz- burg and Montmedy, all fell into the hands of the Prussians, thus opening to them a free road for the supplies of provisions. The garrison troops were all carried off as prisoners to Germany; the towns — ^most of them in a miserable condition — ^fell into the enemy's hands; many houses were mere heaps of ruins and ashes, and the larger part of the inhabitants were suffering severely from poverty, hunger and disease. The greatest obstacles were encountered in the northern part of Alsace and the mountainous districts of the Vosges and the Jura, where irregular warfare, under Garibaldi and other leaders, developed to a dangerous extent, while the fortress of Langres afforded a safe retreat to the guerilla bands. Lyons and the neighboring town of St. Etienne became hotbeds of excitement, the red flag being raised and a despotism of terror and violence estab- lished. Although many divergent elements made up this army of the east, all were united in hatred of the Germans. Thus, during the cold days of November and December, when General Von Treskow began the siege of the unportant fortress of Belfort, there biu"st forth a war aroimd Gray and Dijon marked by the greatest hardships, perils and privations to the invaders. Here the Germans had to contend with an enemy much superior in number, and to defend themselves against continuous firing from houses, cellars, woods and thickets, while the impoverished soil yielded a miserable subsistence, and the broken railroads cut off freedom of communication and of reinforcement. THE FRANCO=PRUSSIAN WAR 189 The whole of the Jura district, intersected by hilly roads as far as the plateau of Langres, where, in the days of Caesar, the Romans and Gauls were wont to measure their strength with each other, formed during November and December the scene of action of numerous encounters which, in conjunction with salUes from the garrison at Belfort, inflicted severe injury on Werder's troops. Dijon had repeatedly to be evacuated; and the nocturnal attack at Chattillon, 20th November, by Garibaldians, when one hundred and twenty Landwehr men and Hussars perished miserably, and seventy horses were lost, affording a striking proof of the dangers to which the German army was exposed in this hostile country; although the revolutionary excesses of the turbulent population of the south diverted to a certain extent the attention of the National Guard, who were compelled to turn their weapons against an mtemal enemy. By means of the revolutionary dictatorship of Gambetta the whole French nation was drawn into the struggle, the annihilation of the enemy being represented as a national duty, and the war assuming a steadily more violent character. The indefatigable patriot continued his exertions to increase the army and unite the whole south and west against the enemy, hoping to bring the army of the Loire to such dimensions that it would be able to expel the invaders from the soil of France. But these raw recruits were poorly fitted to cope with the highly disciplined Germans, and their early successes were soon followed by defeat and discom'agement, while the hopes entertamed by the Paris garrison of succor from the south vanished as news of the steady progress of the Germans was received. OPERATIONS BEFORE PARIS During these events the war operations before Paris continued uninterruptedly. Moltke had succeeded, in spite of the difficulties of transport, in procuring an immense quantity of ammunition, and the long-delayed bombardment of Paris was ready to begin. 190 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR Having stationed with all secrecy twelve batteries with seventy- six guns around Mont Avron, on Christmas-day the firing was directed with such success against the fortified eminences, that even in the second night the French, after great losses, evacuated the important position, the ''key of Paris," which was immediately taken possession of by the Saxons. Terror and dismay spread throughout the distracted city when the eastern forts, Rosny, Nogent and Noisy, were stormed amid a tremendous volley of firing. Vainly did Trochu endeavor to rouse the failing courage of the National Guard; vainly did he assert that the government of the national defense would never consent to the humiliation of a capitulation; his own authority had already waned; the news- papers already accused him of incapacity and treachery, and began to cast every aspersion on the men who had presumptuously seized the government, and yet were not in a position to effect the defense of the capital and the country. After the new year the bombardment of the southern forts began, and the terror in the city daily increased, though the violence of the radical journals kept in check any hint of surrender or negotiation. Yet in spite of fog and snow-storms the bombardment was systematically con- tinued, and with every day the destructive effect of the terrible missiles grew more pronounced. Trochu was blamed for having undertaken only small sallies, which could have no result. The commander-in-chief ventured no opposition to the party of action. With the consent of the mayors of the twenty arrondissements of Paris a council of war was held. The threatening famine, the firing of the enemy, and the excitement prevailing among the adherents of the red republic rendered a decisive step necessary. Consequently, on the 19th of January, a great sally was decided on, and the entire armed forces of the capital were summoned to arms. Early in the morning, a body of 100,000 men marched in the direction of Meudon, Sevres and St. Cloud for the decisive conflict. The left wing was com- manded by General Vinoy, the right by Ducrot, while Trochu THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR l&l from the watch-tower directed the entire struggle. With great courage Vinoy dashed forward with his colunui of attack towards the fifth army corps of General Kirchbach, and succeeded in capturing the Montretout entrenchment, through the superior number of his troops, and in holding it for a time. But when Ducrot, delayed by the barricades in the streets, failed to come to his assistance at the appointed time, the attack was driven back after seven hours' fierce fighting by the besieging troops. Having lost 7,000 dead 9,nd wounded, the French in the evening beat a retreat, which almost resembled a flight. On the following day Trochu demanded a truce, that the fallen National Guards, whose bodies strewed the battle-field, might be interred. The victors, too, had to render the last rites to many a brave soldier. Thirty-nine officers and six himdred and sixteen soldiers were given in the fist of the slain. Entire confidence had been placed by the Parisians in the great sally. When the defeat, therefore, became known in its full significance, when the number of the fallen was found to be far greater even than had been stated in the first accounts, a dull despair took possession of the famished city, which next broke forth into violent abuse against Trochu, "the traitor." Capitula- tion now seemed icnirinent; but as the commander-in-chief had declared that he wo\ild never countenance such a disgrace, he resigned his post to Vinoy. Threatened by bombardment from without, terrified within by the pale specter of famine, paralyzed and distracted by the violent dissensions among the people, and without prospect of effective aid from the provinces, what remained to the proud capital but to desist from a conflict the continuation of which only increased the unspeakable misery, without the smallest hope of deliverance? Gradually, therefore, there grew up a resolution to enter into negotiations with the enemy; and it was the minister, Jules Favre, who had been fore- most with the cry of "no surrender" four months before, who was now compelled to take the first step to deliver his country from 192 THE FR,ANCO-PRUSBIAN WAR complete ruin. It was probably the bitterest hour in the life of the brave man, who loved France and liberty with such a sincere affection, when he was conducted through the German outposts to his interview with Bismarck at Versailles. He brought the pro- posal for a convention, on the strength of which the garrison was to be permitted to retire with military honors to a part of France not hitherto invested, on promising to abstain for several months from taking part in the stniggle. But such conditions were posi- tively refused at the Prussian headquarters, and a surrender was demanded as at Sedan and Metz. Completely defeated, the minister returned to Paris. At a second meeting on the following day, it was agreed that from the 27th, at twelve o'clock at night, the firing on both sides should be discontinued. This was the preliminary to the conclusion of a three weeks' truce, to await the summons of a National Assembly, with which peace might be negotiated. FIGHTING IN THE SOUTH The war was at an end so far as Paris was concerned. But it continued in the south, where frequent defeat failed to depress Gambetta's indomitable energy, and where new troops constantly replaced those put to rout. Garibaldi, at Dijon, succeeded in doing what the French had not done during the war, in capturing a Prussian banner. But the progress of the Germans soon rendered his position untenable, and, finding his exertions unavail- ing, he resigned his command and retired to his island of Caprera. Two disasters completed the overthrow of France. Bourbaki's army, 85,000 strong, became shut in, with scanty food and ammu- nition, among the snow-covered valleys of the Jura, and to save the disgrace of capitulation it took refuge on the neutral soil of Switzerland; and the strong fortress of Belfort, which had been defended with the utmost courage against its besiegers, finallj'- yielded, with the stipulation that the brave garrison should march out with the honors of war. Nothing now stood in the way of an Id THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 193 extension of the truce. On the suggestion of Jules Favre, the National Assembly elected a commission of fifteen members, which was to aid the chief of the executive, and his ministers, Picard and Favre, in the negotiations for peace. That cessions of territory and indemnity of war expenses would have to be conceded had long been acknowledged in principle; but protracted and excited discussions took place as to the extent of the former and the amount of the latter, while the demanded entry of the German troops into Paris met with vehement opposition. But Count Bismarck resolutely insisted on the cession of Alsace and German Lorraine, including Metz and Diedenhofen. Only with difficulty were the Germans persuaded to separate Belfort from the rest of Lorraine, and leave it still in the possession of the French. In respect to the expenses of the war, the sum of five milhards of francs ($1,000,000,000) was agreed upon, of which the first miUiard was to be paid in the year 1871, and the rest in a stated period. The stipulated entry into Paris also — so bitter to the French national pride — ^was only partially carried out; the western side only of the city was to be traversed in the march of the Prussian troops, and again evacuated in two days. On the basis of these conditions, the preliminaries of the Peace of Versailles were con- cluded on the 26th of February between the Imperial Chancellor and Jules Favre. Intense excitement prevailed when the terms of the treaty became known; they were dark days in the annals of French history. But in spite of the opposition of the extreme RepubKcan party, led by Quinet and Victor Hugo, the Assembly recognized by an overpowering majority the necessity for the Peace, and the preliminaries were accepted by 546 to 107 votes. Thus ended the mighty war between France and Germany — a war which has had few equals in the history of the world. THE WAR AT AN END Had King WiUiam received no indemnity in cash or territory from France, he must still have felt himself amply repaid for the 194 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR cost of the brief but sanguinary war, for it brought him a power and prestige with which the astute diplomatist Bismarck had long been seeking to invest his name. Political changes move slowly in times of peace, rapidly in times of war. The whole of Ger- many, with the exception of Austria, had sent troops to the con- quest of France, and every state, noi-th and south alike, shared in the pride and glory of the result. South and North Germany had marched side by side to the battle-field, every difference of race or creed forgotten, and the honor of the German fatherland the sole watchword. The time seemed to have arrived to close the breach between north and south, and obUterate the line of the Main, which had divided the two sections. North Germany was united under the leadership of Prussia, and the honor in which all alike shared now brought South Germany into line for a similar union. The first appeal in this direction came from Baden. Later in the year plenipotentiaries sought Versailles from the kingdoms of Bavaria and Wiirtemberg and the grand duchies of Baden and Hesse, their purpose being to arrange for and define the conditions of union between the South and the North German states. For weeks this momentous question filled all Germany with excite- ment and public opinion was in a state of high tension. The scheme of union was by no means imiversally approved, there being a large party in opposition, but the majority in its favor in Chambers proved sufficient to enable Bismarck to carry out his plan. CHAPTER. XII Bismarck and the New German Empire Building the Bulwarks of the Twentibth-Centurt Nation Bismarck as a Statesman — Uniting the German States — William I Crowned at Versailles — A Significant Decade — The Problem of Church Power — Progress of Socialism — William II and the Resignation of Bismarck — Old Age Insurance — Political and Industrial Conditions in Germany. THROUGHOUT the various events narrated in the two preceding chapters the hand of Bismarck was everywhere visible. He had proved himseK a statesman of the highest powers, and these powers were devoted without stint to the aggran- dizement of Prussia. As for the surroimding nations and their rights and immunities, these did not count as against his poHcies. Conscience did not trouble him. The slaughter of thousands of men on the battle-field did not disturb his equanimity. He was unalterably fixed in his purposes, unscrupulous in the means em- ployed, shrewd, keen and far-sighted in his measures, Europe being to him but a great chess-board, on which his hand moved kings, knights, and pawns with mechanical inflexibihty. To him the end justified the means, however lacking in justice or mercy these means might prove. Denmark was despoiled to extend the territory of Prussia to the north. Austria, Bismarck's imwary accompUce in this act of spoliation, was robbed of its share of the spoils, and drawn into a war in which it met with disastrous defeat, the prestige of Prussia being vastly increased on the field of Sadowa. Subsequently came the great sti-uggle with France, fomented by his wiles and ending in triumph for his poHcies. So far all had gone well for him, the final outcome of his schemes resulting in the unification of the minor German states into one powerful empire. 095). 198 BISMARCK AND THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE BISMARCK AS A STATESMAN It was in the formation of the modern German Empire that the far-sighted plans of Bismarck culminated. King William was a willing partner for this purpose, moving as he suggested and doing as he wished. The states of Germany, aside from Austria, had actively participated in the recent war, the steps towards unification which had been taken during the few preceding years having now reached the point in which a complete amalgamation might be effected. The Holy Roman Empire, which had lasted throughout the medieval period in some phase of strength and power, at times predominant, at times little more than a title, had received its death-blow from the hands of Napoleon and vanished from the historic stage. It was Bismarck's design to restore the German Empire — not the old, moth-eaten fiction of the past, but an entirely new one — and give Prussia the position it had earned, that of the great center of German racial unity. In this project Austria, long at the head of the old empire, was to have no part, the imperial dignity being conferred upon the venerable King William of Prussia, a monarch whose birth dated back to the eighteenth century, and who had lived throughout the Napoleonic wars. UNITING THE GERMAN STATES Near the close of 1870 Bismarck concluded treaties with the ambassadors of the South German States, in which they agreed to accept the constitution of the North German Union. These treaties were ratified, after some opposition from members of the lower house, by the legislatures of the four states involved. The next step in the proceeding was a suggestion from the king of Bavaria to the other princes that the imperial crown of Germany should be offered to King William of Prussia. J When the North German Diet at Berlin had given its consent to the new constitution, a congratulatory address was despatched to the Prussian monarch at Versailles. It announced to the aged BISMABGK AND THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE 197 hero-king the nation's wish that he should accept the new dignity. He repUed to the deputation in solemn audience that he accepted the imperial dignity which the German nation and its princes had offered him. On the 1st of January, 1871, the new constitution was to come into operation. WILLIAM I CROWNED AT VERSAILLES The solemn assumption of the imperial office did not take place, however, until the 18th of January, the day on which, one hundred and seventy years before, the new emperor's ancestor, Frederick I, had placed the Prussian crown on his head at Konigsberg, and thus laid the basis of the growing greatness of his house. It was an ever-memorable coincidence that, in the superb-mirrored hall of the Versailles palace, where since the days of Richelieu so many plans had been concocted for the humiliation of Germany, King WilUam should now proclaim himself German emperor. After the reading of the imperial proclamation to the German people by Count Bismarck, the Grand Duke led a cheer, in which the whole assembly joined amid the singing of national hymns. Thus the important event had taken place which again summoned the German Empire to life, and made over the imperial crown with renewed splendor to another royal house. Barbarossa's old legend, that the dominion of the empire was, after long tribulation, to pass from the Hohenstaufen to the HohenzoUern, was now ful- filled; the dream long aspired after by German youth had now become a reaUty and a living fact. The tidings of the conclusion of peace with France, whose preliminaries were completed at Frankfort on the 10th of May, 1871, filled all Germany with joy, and peace festivals on the most splendid scale extended from end to end of the new empire, in all parts of which an earnest spirit of patriotism was shown, while Germans from all regions of the world sent home expressions of warm sympathy with the new national organization of their fatherland. 198 BISMARCK AND THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE A SIGNIFICANT DECADE The decade just completed had been one of remarkable politi- cal changes in Europe, unsurpassed in significance during any other period of equal length. The temporal dominion of the pope had vanished and all Italy had been united under the rule of a single king. The empire of France had been overthrown and a republic established in its place, while that coimtrj^ had sunk greatly in prominence among the European states. Austria had been utterly defeated in war, had lost its last hold on Italy and its position of influence among the German states. And all the remaining German lands had united into a great and powerful empire, promising to gain such extraordinary military strength that the surrounding nations looked on in doubt, full of vague fears of trouble from this new and potent power introduced into their midst. Bismarck, however, showed an earnest desire to maintain international peace and good relations, seeking to win the con- fidence of foreign governments, while at the same time improving and increasing that miUtary force which had been proved to be so mighty an engine of war. In the constitution of the new empire two legislative bodies, already possessed by the Confederation of North German States, were provided for — the Bundesrath or Federal Council, whose mem- bers are annually appointed by the respective state governments, and the Reichstag or representative body, whose members are elected by universal suffrage for a period of three years, an annual session being required. Germany, therefore, in. its present organization, is practically a federal union of states, each with its own powers of internal government, and with a common legislature ap- proximating to our Senate and House of Representatives. But this did not make the German emperor a parUamentary monarch. From the fact that the consent of both assemblies was necessary to change the law, he governed as he pleased and had no other min- isterial representative than the high chancellor of the empire, BISMARCK AND THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE 199 depending solely on the sovereign. After 1870 he was m the em- pire what he had been previously in Prussia, the essential repre- sentative of the country and the supreme head of the miUtary forces. The remaining incidents of Bismarck's remarkable career may be briefly given. It consisted largely in a struggle with the Catholic Church organization, which had attained to great power in Gennany, and was aggressive to an extent that roused the vigorous opposition of the chancellor of the empire, who was not willing to acknowledge any power in Germany other than that of the emperor. King Frederick William IV, the predecessor of the reigning monarch, had made active efforts to strengthen the CathoUc Church in Prussia, its clergy gaining greater privileges in that Protestant state than they possessed in any of the Catholic states. They had estabhshed everywhere in North Germany their con- gregations and monasteries, and by their control of pubHc educa- tion seemed in a fair way eventually to make Catholicism supreme in the empire. THE PROBLEM OF CHURCH POWER This state of affairs Bismarck set himself energetically to reform. The minister of rehgious affairs was forced to resign, and his place was taken by Falk, an energetic statesman, who introduced a new school law, bringing the whole educational system under state control, and carefully regulating the power of the clergy over religious and moral education. This law met with such violent opposition that all the personal influence of Bismarck and Falk was needed to carry it, and it gave such deep offense to the pope that he refused to receive the German ambassador. He declared the Falk law invalid, and the German bishops united in a declaration against the chancellor. Bismarck retorted by a law expelling the Jesuits from the empire. In 1873 the state of affairs became so embittered that the rights and liberties of the citizens seemed to need protection against 200 BISMARCK AND THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE a priesthood armed with extensive powers of discipline and excom- munication. In consequence Bismarck introduced, and by his eloquence and influence carried, what were known as the May- Laws. These required the scientific education of the Catholic clergy, the confirmation of clerical appointments by the state, and the formation of a tribunal to consider and revise the conduct of the bishops. These enactments precipitated a bitter contest between Church and State, while the pope declared the May Laws null and void and threatened with excommunication all priests who should sub- mit to them. The State retorted by withdrawing its financial sup- port from the Catholic Church and abolishing those clauses of the constitution under which the Church claimed independence of the State. Pope Pius IX died in 1878, and on the election of Leo XIII attempts were made to reconcile the existing differences. The reconciUation was a victory for the Church, since the May Laws ceased to be operative, the church revenues were restored and the control of the clergy over education in considerable measure was regained. New concessions were granted in 1886 and 1887, and Bismarck felt himself beaten in his long conflict with his clerical opponents, who had proved too strong and deeply entrenched for him. PROGRESS OF SOCIALISM i Economic questions became also prominent, the revenues of the empire requiring some change in the system of free trade and the adoption of protective duties, while the railroads were acquired as public property by the various states of the empire. Mean- while the rapid growth of socialism excited apprehension, which was added to when two attempts were made on the hfe of the emperor. These were attributed to the sociahsts, and severe laws for the suppression of socialism were enacted. Bismarck also sought to cut the ground from under the feet of the sociahsts by an endeavor to improve the condition of the working classes. In 1881 laws were passed compelling employers to insure their a S o oi •- fe o O tn ni O o BISMARCK AND THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE 201 workmen in case of sickness or accident, and in 1888 a system of compulsory insurance against death and old age was introduced. None of these measures, however, checked the growth of socialism, which very actively continued. In 1882 a meeting was arranged by the chancellor between the emperors of Germany, Russia, and Austria, which was looked upon in Europe as a political alliance. In 1878 Russia drifted somewhat apart from Germany, but in the following year an alliance of defense and offense was concluded with Austria, and a similar alHance at a later date with Italy. This, which contin- ued to 1914, was known as the Triple Alliance. In 1877 Bismarck announced his intention to retire, being worn, out with the great labors of his position. To this the emperor, who felt that his state rested on the shoulders of the "Iron Chancellor," would not listen, though he gave him indefinite leave of absence. On March 9, 1888, Emperor WilUam died. He was ninety years of age, having been bom in 1797. He was succeeded by his son Frederick, then incurably ill from a cancerous affection of the throat, which carried him to the grave after a reign of ninety-nine days. His oldest son, William, succeeded on June 15, 1888, as WilUam II. WILLIAM II AND THE RESIGNATION OF BISMARCK The liberal era which was looked for under Frederick was checked by his untimely death, his son at once returning to the policy of William I and Bismarck. He proved to be far more positive and dictatorial in disposition than his grandfather, with decided and vigorous views of his own, which soon brought lum into conflict with the equally positive chancellor. The result was a rupture with Bismarck, and his resignation (a virtual dismissal) from the premiership in 1890. The young emperor proposed to be his own minister and subsequently devoted himself in a large measure to the increase of the army and navy, a poHcy which brought him into frequent conflicts with the Reichstag, whose 202 BISMARCK AND THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE rapidly growing socialistic membership was in strong opposition to this development of miUtarism. The old statesman, to whom Germany owed so much, was deeply aggrieved by this lack of gratitude on the part of the self- opinionated young emperor, in view of his great services to the state. The wound rankled deeply, though a seeming reconcilia- tion took place. But the poHtical career of the great Bismarck was at an end, and he died on July 30, 1898. It is an interesting coincidence that almost at the same time died the distinguished but markedly different statesman of England, William Ewart Gladstone. Count Cavour, another great European statesman of the latter half of the nineteenth century, had completed his work and passed away nearly forty years before. The career of William II soon became one of much interest and some alarm to the other nations of Europe. His eagerness for the development of the army and navy, and the energy with which he pushed forward its organization and sought to add to its strength, seemed significant of warlike intentions, and there was dread that this energetic young monarch might break the peace of Europe, if only to prove the irresistible strength of the mihtary machine he had formed. But as years went on the apprehensions to which his early career and expressions gave rise were quieted, and the fear that he would plimge Europe into war lessened. The army and navy appeared to some as rather a costly plaything of the active young man than an engine of destruction, while it tended in con- siderable measure to the preservation of peace by rendering Germany a power dangerous to go to war with. The speeches with which the emperor began his reign showed an exaggerated sense of the imperial dignity, though his later career indicated far more judgment and good sense than the early display of overweening self-importance promised, and the views of WiUiam II eventually came to command far more respect than they did at first. He showed himself a man of exuberant energy. Despite a pennanent weakness of his left arm and a serious affection of the BISMARCK AI^D THE NEW GERMAN EMPI_RE 203 ear, he early became a skilful horseman and an untirmg hunter, as well as an enthusiastic yachtsman, and there were few men in the empire more active and enterprising than the Kaiser. OLD AGE INSURANCE A principal cause of the break between William and Bismarck was the imperial interference with the laws for the suppression of socialism. As already stated, the old chancellor had established a system of compulsory old age insurance, through which workmen and their employers — aided by the state — were obliged to provide for the support of artisans after a certain age. The system seems to have worked satisfactorily, but socialism of a more radical kind grew in the empire far more rapidly than the emperor approved of, and he vigorously, though unsuccessfully, endeavored to prevent its increase. Another of his favorite measures, a reUgious education bill, he was obliged to withdraw on account of the opposition it excited. On more than one occasion he came into sharp conflict with the Reichstag concerning increased taxation for the army and navy, and a strong party against his autocratic methods sprang up, and forced him more than once to recede from warmly-cherished measures. POLITICAL AND INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS IN GERMANY It may be of interest here to say something concerning the organization of the German empire. The constitution of this empire, as adopted April 16, 1871, proposes to ''form an eternal union for the protection of the realm and the care of the welfare of the German people," and places the supreme direction of military and political affairs in the King of Prussia, under the title of Deutscher Kaiser (German emperor). The war-making powers of the emperor, however, are restricted, since he is required to obtain the consent of the Bundesrath (the Federal Council) before he can declare war otherwise than for the defense of the realm. His authority as emperor, in fact, is much less than that which he exerciser a? King 204 BISMARCK AND THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE of Prussia, since the imperial legislature is independent of him, he having no power of veto over the laws passed by it. His actual miUtary power, however, is practically supreme, as demonstrated in the opening events of the war of 1914. The legislature, as stated, consists of two bodies, the Bundes- rath, representing the states of the union, whose members, 58 in number, are chosen for each session by the several state governments; and the Reichstag, representing the people, whose members, 397 in number, are elected by universal suffrage for periods of five years. The German union, as constituted in 1914, comprised four king- doms, six grand duchies, five duchies, seven principahties, three sovereign cities, and the Reichsland of Alsace-Lorraine; twenty- six separate states in all. It included all the German peoples of Europe with the exception of those in Austria. The progress of Germany within the modern period has been very great. The population of the states of the empire, 24,831,000 at the end of the Napoleonic wars, had become, a century later, over 64,000,000, having added 40,000,000 to the roll of inhabitants. The country, once divided into an unwieldy multitude of states, often of minute proportions, has become consohdated into the number above named, each of these possessing some degree of importance. These, as combined into a federal union, or empire, have an area of 208,830 square miles, of which Prussia holds the lion's share, its area being 134,605 square miles. The presidency of the empire belongs to the king of Prussia and is hereditary in his family. Besides the Imperial ParHament, each state has its own special legislature and laws, but railroads regarded as necessary for the defense of Germany or the facihtating of general communications may come under a law of the empire, even against the opposition of the members of the confederation whose territory is traversed. The states have their respective armies, but it is the emperor who disposes of them; he appoints the heads of the contingents, approves the generals, and has the right to establish fortresses over the whole territory of the empire. BISMARCK AND THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE 206 The wealth of the German empire has grown in a far greater area than its population, it having developed into the most active manufacturing country in Europe. Agriculture has similarly advanced, and one of its chief products, that of the sugar beet, has enormously increased, beet-root sugar being among its chief indus- trial yields. In addition, Germany has grown to be one of the most active conmiercial nations of the earth. Thus it has taken a place among the most active productive and commercial countries, its wealth and importance being correspondingly augmented. These particulars are of interest as showing the standing of Germany at the outbreak of the war of 1914 and indicating its degree of abihty to bear the fearful strain of so great a war. CHAPTER XIII Gladstone as an Apostle of Refonn Great Britain Becomes a World Power Gladstone and Disraeli — Gladstone's Famous Budget — ^A Suffrage Reform Bill — Disraeli's Reform Measure — Irish Church Disestablishment — ^An Irish Land Bill — Desperate State of Ireland — The Coercion BiU — ^War in Africa — Home Rule for Ireland IT is a fact of much interest, as showing the growth of the human mind, that WiUiam Ewart Gladstone, the great advo- cate of English LiberaUsm, made his first poUtical speech in vigorous opposition to the Reform Bill of 1831. He was then a student at Oxford University, but this boyish address had such an effect upon his hearers, that Bishop Wordsworth felt sure the speaker would "one day rise to be Prime Minister of England." This prophetic utterance may be mated with another one, by Archdeacon Denison, who said: "I have just heard the best speech I ever heard in my life, by Gladstone, against the Reform Bill. But, mark my words, that man will one day be a Liberal, for he argued against the Bill on liberal grounds." Both these far-seeing men hit the mark. Gladstone became Prime Minister and the leader of the Liberal Party in England. Yet he had been reared as a Conservative, and for many years he marched under the banner of Conservatism. His political career began in the first Reform Parhament, in January, 1833. Two years afterward he was made an under-secretary in Sir Robert Peel's Cabinet. It was under the same premier that he first became a full member of the cabinet, in 1845, as Secretary of State for the Colonies. He was still a Tory in home poHtics, but had become a Liberal in his commercial ideas, and was Peel's right- hand man in carrying out his great commercial poHcy. (206j GLADSTONE AS AN APOSTLE OF REFORM 207 The repeal of the Corn-Laws was the work for which his cabinet had been formed, and Gladstone, as the leading free- trader in the Tory ranks, was called to it. As for Cobden, the apostle of free-trade, Gladstone admired him immensely. "I do not know," he said in later years, "that there is in any period a man whose pubHc career and life were nobler or more admirable. Of course, I except Washington. Washington, to my mind, is the purest figure hi history." As an advocate of free trade Glad- stone first came into connection with another noble figure, that of John Bright, who was to remain associated with him diu-ing most of his career. In 1857 he first took rank as one of the great moral forces of modern times. In that year he visited Naples, where he saw the barbarous treatment of poHtical prisoners imder the government of the infamous King Bomba, and described them in letters whose indignation was breathed in such tremendous tones that England was stirred to its depths and all Europe awakened. These thrilling epistles gave the cause of ItaUan freedom an impetus that had much to do with its subsequent success, and gained for Gladstone the warmest veneration of patriotic ItaUans. GLADSTONE AND DISRAELI In 1852 he first came into opposition with the man against whom he was to be pitted during the remainder of his career, Benjamin Disraeli, who had made himself a power in Parhament, and in that year became Chancellor of the Exchequer m Lord Derby's Cabinet and leader of the House of Commons. The revenue budget introduced by him showed a sad lack of financial abihty, and called forth sharp criticisms, to which he repHed in a speech made up of scoffs, gibes and biting sarcasms, so daring and audacious in character as almost to intimidate the House. As he sat down Mr. Gladstone rose and laimched forth into an oration which became historic. He gave voice to that indignation which lay suppressed beneath the cowed feeling which for the moment the Chancellor of the Exchequer's performance had left 208 GLADSTONE AS AN APOSTLE OF REFORM among his hearers. In a few minutes the House was wildly cheer- ing the intrepid champion who had rushed into the breach, and when Mr. Gladstone concluded, having torn to shreds the proposals of the budget, a majority followed him into the division lobby, and Mr. Disraeli found his government beaten by nineteen votes. Such was the first great encounter between the two rivals. Gladstone's famous budget In the cabinet that followed, headed by Lord Aberdeen, Gladstone succeeded Disraeli as Chancellor of the Exchequer, a position in which he was to make a great mark. In April, 1853, he introduced his first budget, a marvel of ingenious statesman- ship, in its highly successful effort to equalize taxation. It remitted various taxes which had pressed hard upon the poor and restricted business, and replaced them by applying the succession duty to real estate, increasing the duty on spirits, and extending the income tax. Taken altogether, and especially in its expedients to equalize taxation, this first budget of Mr. Gladstone may be justly called the greatest of the century. The speech in which it was intro- duced and expounded created an extraordinary impression on the House and the country. For the first time in ParUament figures were made as interesting as a fairy tale; the dry bones of statistics were invested with a new and potent life, and it was shown how the yearly balancing of the national accounts might be directed by and made to promote the profoundest and most fruitful prin- ciples of statesmanship. With such lucidity and picturesqueness was this financial oratory rolled forth that the dullest intellect could follow with pleasure the complicated scheme; and for five hom-s the House of Commons sat as if it were under the sway of a magician's wand. When Mr. Gladstone resumed his seat, it was felt that the career of the coalition ministry was assured by the genius that was discovered in its Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was, indeed, to Gladstone's remarkable oratorical powers GLADSTONE AS AN APOSTLE OF REFORM 209 that much of his success as a statesman was due. No man of his period was his equal in swaying and convincing his hearers. His rich and musical voice, his varied and animated gestures, his impressive and vigorous delivery, great fluency, and wonderful precision of statement, gave him a power over an audience which few men of the century have enjoyed. His sentences, indeed, were long and involved, growing more so as his years advanced, but their fine choice of words, rich rhetoric, and eloquent delivery car- ried away all that heard him, as did his deep earnestness and intense conviction of the truth of his utterances. Meanwhile his Liberalism had been steadily growing, reach- ing its culmination in 1865, when the Tory University of Oxford, which he had long represented, rejected him as its member, unable longer to swallow his ultra views. The rejection was greeted by him as a compliment. He at once offered himself as a candidate for South Lancashire and in the opening of his speech at Man- chester said: "At last, my friends, I am come among you; to use an expression which has become very famous and is not likely to be forgotten, 'I am come among you unmuzzled.' " Unmuzzled he indeed was, free at last to give the fullest expression to his Liberal faith. In 1866 he became, for the first time in his career, leader of the House of Commons — Lord Russell, the Prime Minister, being in the House of Lords. Many of his friends feared for him in this difficult position; but the event proved that they had no occasion for alarm, he showing himself one of the most successful leaders the House had ever had. A SUFFRAGE REFORM BILL His first important duty in this position was to introduce the new Suffrage Reform Bill, a measure to extend the franchise in counties and boroughs that would have added about 400,000 voters to the electorate. In the debate that followed Gladstone and Disraeli were again pitted against each other in a grand oratorical contest. Disraeli taunted him with his youthful speech 210 GLADSTONE AS AN APOSTLE OF REFORM at Oxford against the Reform Bill of 1831. Gladstone retorted by- scoring his opponent for clinging to a conservatism which he gloried in having been strong enough to reject. He ended with this stir- ring prediction: "You cannot fight against the future. Time is on our side. The great social forces which move onwards in their might and majesty, and which the tumult of our debates does not for a moment impede or disturb, those great social forces are against you: they are marshaled on our side; and the banner which we now carry into this fight, though perhaps at some moment it may droop over oiur sinking heads, yet it soon again will float in the eye of Heaven, and it will be borne by the firm hands of the united people of the three kingdoms, perhaps not to an easy, but to a certain, and to a not far distant, victory." He was right in saying that it would not be a distant victory. DisraeU and his party defeated the bill, but the people rose in a vigorous demand for it, ten thousand of them marching past Glad- stone's house, singing odes in honor of "the People's William." John Bright, an eloquent orator and strenuous advocate of moral reform and political progress, joined Gladstone in his campaign. Through the force of their eloquence the tide of pubhc opinion rose to such a height that the new Derby-Disraeh ministry was obliged to bring in a bill similar in purpose to that which it had overthrown. DISRAKLI'S REFORM MEASURE This Tory bill proved satisfactory to Gladstone in its general features. He had won a great victory in forcing its^ introduction. But he proposed so many changes in its details — all of them yielded in committee — that a satirical lord remarked that nothing of the original bill remained but its opening word "Whereas." As thus modified, it was more liberal than the measure that had been defeated, and the people gave full credit for it to Gladstone, whom they credited with giving them their right to vote. GLADSTONE AS AN APOSTLE OF REFORM 211 The two potent political champions, Gladstone and Disraeli, soon after attained the summit height of British poHtical ambition. In February, 1868, the failing health of I^ord Derby forced him to resign the ministry, and Disraeli succeeded him as Prime Minister, thus the "Asian Mystery," as he had been entitled, gained the highest office in the British government. He did not hold this office long. His party was defeated on the question of the disestab- lishment of the Irish Church, and on December 4th of the same year Gladstone took his place. Thus, after thirty-five years of public life, Gladstone had attained the post in which he was to spend most of his later life. Bishop Wilberforce, who met him in this hour of triumph, wrote thus of him in his journal: ''Gladstone as ever great, earnest and honest; as unlike the tricky Disraeli as possible. He is so del^htfuUy true and the same; just as full of interest in every good thing of every kind." The period which followed the election of 1868 — the period of the Gladstone Administration of 1868-74 — has been called "the golden age of Liberalism." It was certainly a period of great reforms. The first, the most heroic, and probably — taking all the results into account — the most completelj^ successful of these, was the disestablishment of the Irish Church. IRISH CHURCH DISESTABLISHMENT Any interference with the prerogatives or absoluteness of an established church institution is sure to arouse vigorous opposition. The Disestablishment Bill, introduced on the 1st of March, 1869, was greeted in Ireland with the wildest protests from those interested in the Establishment. One synod, with a large assumption of inspired knowledge, denounced it as "highly offensive to the Al- mighty God." A martial clergyman offered to "kick the Queen's crown into the Boyne," if she assented to any such measure. An- other proposed to fight with the Bible in one hand and the sword in the other. 212 .GLADSTONE AS AN APOSTLE OF REFORM These wild outbreaks of theological partisanship had no effect on Gladstone, whose speech was one of the greatest marvels amongst his oratorical achievements. His chief opponent declared that, though it lasted three hours, it did not contain a redundant word. The scheme which it unfolded — a scheme which withdrew the tem- poral establishment of a Church in such a manner that the Church was benefited, not injured, and which lifted from the backs of an oppressed people an intolerable burden — ^was a triumph of creative genius. Disraeh's speech in opposition to this measiu-e was referred to by the London Times as ''flimsiness reUeved by spangles." After a debate in which Mr. Bright made one of his most famous speeches, the bill was carried by a majority of 118. Before this strong manifestation of the popular will the House of Lords, which deeply disliked the bill, felt obliged to give way, and passed it by a majority of seven. AN IRISH LAND BILL In 1870 Mr. Gladstone introduced his Irish Land Bill, a meas- ure of reform which Parliament had for years refused to grant. By it the tenant was given the right to hold his farm as long as he paid his rent, and received a claim upon the improvement made by himself and his predecessors — a tenant-right which he could sell. This bill was triumphantly carried; and another important Liberal measure, Mr. Forster's Education Bill, became law. Other liberal measures were passed, but the tide which had set so long in this direction turned at last, the government was defeated in 1873 on a bill for University Education, and in a sub- sequent election the Liberal party met with defeat. Gladstone at once resigned and was succeeded by DisraeK. Two years later the latter was raised to the peerage by the Queen under the title of the Earl of Beaconsfield. Gladstone was not in the field for honors of this type. He much preferred to inherit the title of a distin- guished predecessor, that of ''The Great Commoner." During GLADSTONE AS AN APOSTLE OF REFORM 213 his recess from office he occupied himself in literary labors and as a critical commentator upon the foreign policy of Disraeli, which plunged the country into a Zulu war which Gladstone denounced as "one of the most monstrous and indefensible in our history," and an Afghan war which he described as a national crime. These and other acts of Tory policy in time brought liberalism again into the forefront, an election held in 1880 resulted in a great Liberal victory, DisraeU (then Lord Beaconsfield) resigned, and Gladstone was once again called to the head of the ministry. In the new administration the foreign policy, the meddling in the concerns of the East, which had held precedence over domestic affairs under the preceding administration, vanished from sight, and the Irish question again became prominent. Ireland had now gained an able leader, Charles Stewart Parnell, founder of the Irish Land League, a trade union of Irish farmers, and its affairs could no longer be consigned to the backgroimd. Gladstone, in assuming control of the new government, was quite unaware of the task before him. When he had completed his work with the Church and the Land bills ten years before, he fondly fancied that the Irish question was definitely settled. The Home Rule movement, which was started in 1870, seemed to him a wild delusion which would die away of itself. In 1884 he said: ^'1 frankly admit that I had had much upon my hands connected with the doings of the Beaconsfield Government in every quarter of the world, and I did not know — ^no one knew— the severity of the crisis that was already swelling upon the horizon, and that shortly after rushed upon us like a flood." DESFEKATE STATE OF IRELAND He was not long in discovering the gravity of the situation, of which the House had been warned by Mr. Parnell. The famine had brought its crop of misery, and, while the charitable were seek- ing to relieve the distress, many of the landlords were turning adrift their tenants for non-payment of rents. The Irish party brought 214 GLADSTONE AS AN APOSTLE 0¥ REFORM in a Bill for the Suspension of Evictions, which the government replaced by a similar one for Compensation for Distm'bance. This was passed with a large majority by the Commons, but was rejected by the Lords, and Ireland was left to face its misery without relief. The state of Ireland at that moment was too critical to be dealt with in this manner. The rejection of the Compensation for Disturbance Bill was, to the peasantry whom it had been intended to protect, a message of despair, and it was followed by the usual symptom of despair in Ireland, an outbreak of agrarian crime. On the one hand over 17,000 persons were evicted; on the other there was a dreadful crop of murders and outrages. The Land League sought to do what ParUament did not; but in doing so it came in contact with the law. Moreover, the revolution — for revolution it seemed to be — ^grew too formidable for its control; the utmost it succeeded in doing was in some sense to ride without directing the storm. The first decisive step of Mr. Forster, the chief secretary for Ireland, was to strike a blow at the Land League. In November he ordered the prosecution of Mr. Pamell, Mr. Biggar, and several of the officials of the organization, and before the year was out he announced his intention of introducing a Coercion Bill. This step threw the Irish members under Mr. Parnell and the Liberal Govern- ment into relations of definitive antagonism. THE COERCION BILL Mr. Forster introduced his Coercion Bill on Januaiy 24, 1881. It was a formidable measure, which enabled the chief secretary, by signing a warrant, to arrest any man on suspicion of having committed a given offense, and to imprison hun without trial at the pleasure of the government. It practically sufpended the liberties of Ireland. The Irish members exhausted every resom'ce of parhamentary action in resisting it, and their tactics resulted in several scenes unprecedented in parhamentary history. In order to pass the bill it was necessary to suspend them in a body several times, Mr. Gladstone, with manifest pain, found himself, as leader GLADSTONE AS AN APOSTLE OF REFORM 215 of the House, the agent by whom this extreme resolve had to be executed. The Coercion Bill passed, Mr. Gladstone introduced his Land Bill of 1881, which was the measure of conciliation intended to balance the measure of repression. This was really a great and sweeping reform, whose dominant feature was the introduction of the novel and far-reaching principle of the state stepping in between landlord and tenant and fixing the rents. The bill had some defects, as a series of amending acts, which were subsequently passed by both Liberal and Tory governments, proved; but, apart from these, it was on the whole the greatest measure of land reform ever passed for Ireland by the Imperial Parliament. But Ireland was not yet satisfied. Parnell had no confidence in the good intentions of the government, and took steps to test its honesty, which so angered Mr. Forster that he arrested Mr. Parnell and several other leaders and pronounced the Land League an illegal body. Forster was well-meaning but mistaken. He fancied that by locking up the ring-leaders he could bring quiet to the country. On the contrary, affairs were soon far worse than ever, crime and outrage spreading widely. In despair, Mr. Forster released Parnell and resigned. All now seemed hopeful; coercion had proved a failure; peace and quiet were looked for; when, four days afterward, the whole country was horrified by a terrible crime. The new Secretary for Ireland, Lord Cavendish, and the imder-secretary, Mx. Burke, were attacked and hacked to death with knives in Phoenix Park. Everywhere panic and indignation arose. A new Coercion Act was passed without delay. It was vigorously put into effect, and a state of virtual war between Eng- land and Ireland again came into existence. WARS IN AFRICA Meanwhile Great Britain had been brought back into the tide of foreign affairs. Events were taking place abroad which must here be dealt with briefly. The ambitious Briton, who loves to 216 GLADSTONE AS AN APOSTLE OF REFORM carry the world on his shoulders, had made the control of the Suez Canal an excuse for meddling with the government of Egypt. The immediate results were a revolution that drove Ismail Pasha from his throne, and a revolt of the people under an ambitious leader named Arabi Pasha, who seized Alexandria and drove out the British, many of whom were killed. Gladstone, who deprecated war, now foimd himseh with a conflict thrust upon his hands. The British fleet bombarded Alex- andria, and the British army occupied it after it had been half reduced to ashes. Soon after General Wolseley defeated Arabi and his army and the insurrection ended. A sequel to this affair was a formidable outbreak in the Soudan, under El Mahdi, a Mohanamedan fanatic, who captured the city of Khartoum and killed the famous General Gordon. Years passed before Upper "Pgypt was reconquered, it being recovered only at the close of the century. Since then Egypt has remained under British control. There were serious troubles also in South Africa. The Brit- ish of Cape Colony had pushed their way into the Boer settlement of the Transvaal, claiming jurisdiction over it. The vahant Dutch settlers broke into war, and dealt the invaders a signal defeat at Majuba Hill. This was the openuig step in a series of occurrences which led to the later Boer war, in which the British, with great loss, conquered the Boers, followed in later years by a practical reconquest of the country by its Boer inhabitants in peaceful ways. Such were the wars of the Gladstone administration, events of which he did not approve, but into which he was irresistibly drawn. At home the Irish question continued in the forefront. The African wars having weakened the administration, a vigorous assault was made on it by the Irish party in 1885, and it fell. But its demise was a very brief one. After a short experience of a Tory ministry under Lord Salisbury, Pamell's party ralhed to Gladstone's side, the new government was defeated, and on February 1, 1886, Gladstone became Prime Minister for the third time. m iife.lfcn< GLADSTONE AS AN APOSTLE OF REFORM , 217 HOME RULE FOR IRELAND During the brief interval his opinions had suffered a great revolution. He no longer thought that Ireland had all it could justly demand. He returned to power as an advocate of a most radical measure, that of Home Rule for Ireland, a restoration of that separate Parliament which it had lost in 1800. He also had a scheme to buy out the Irish landlords and establish a peasant proprietary by state aid. His new views were revolutionary in character, but he did not hesitate — ^he never hesitated to do what his conscience told him was right. On April 8, 1886, he intro- duced to Parliament his Home Rule Bill. The scene that afternoon was one of the most remarkable in Parliamentary history. Never before was such interest manifested in a debate by either the pubUc or the members of the House. In order to secure their places, members arrived at St. Stephen's at six o'clock in the morning, and spent the day on the premises; and, a thing quite unprecedented, members who could not find places on the benches filled up the floor of the House with rows of chairs. The strangers', diplomats', peers', and ladies' galleries were filled to overflowing. Men begged even to be admitted to the ventilating passages beneath the floor of the chamber that they might in some sense be witnesses of the greatest feat in the lifetime of an illustrious old man of eighty. Around Palace Yard an enormous crowd surged, waiting to give the veteran a welcome as he drove up from Downing Street. Mr. Gladstone arrived in the House, pale and still panting from the excitement of his reception in the streets. As he sat there the entire Liberal party — with the exception of Lord Hart- ington. Sir Henry James, Mr. Chamberlain and Sir George Trev- elyan — and the Nationalist members, by a spontaneous impulse, sprang to their feet and cheered him again and again. The speech which he delivered was in every way worthy of the occasion. It expounded, with marvelous lucidity and a noble eloquence, a tremendous scheme of constructive legislation — the re-establishment 218 GLADSTONE AS AN APOSTLE OF REFORM of a legislature in Ireland, but one subordinate to the Imperial Parliament, and hedged round with every safeguard which could protect the unity of the Empire. It took three hours in deUvery, and was Hstened to tlu*oughout with the utmost attention on every side of the House. At its close all parties united in a tribute of admiration for the genius which had astonished them with such an exhibition of its powers. Yet it is one thing to cheer an orator, another thing to vote for a revolution. The bill was defeated — as it was almost sure to be. Mr. Gladstone at once dissolved Parliament and appealed to the country in a new election, with the result that he was decisively defeated. His bold declaration that the contest was one between the classes and the masses turned the aristocracy against him, while he had again roused the bitter hatred of his opponents. Gladstone, the "Grand Old Man," a title which he had nobly won, returned to power in 1892, after a period of wholesale coercion in Ireland. He was not to remain there long. He brought in a new Home Rule Bill, supported it with much of his old vigor, and had the intense satisfaction of having it passed, with a majority of thirty-four. It was defeated in the House of Lords, and Home Rule stiU remains the prominent issue in Ireland, which it has divided into two camps, Protestant Ulster being in revolt against the Cathohc provinces. With this great event the pubHc career of the Grand Old Man came to an end. The burden had grown too heavy for his reduced strength. In March, 1894, to the consternation of his party, he amiounced his intention of retiring from public life. The Queen offered, as she had done once before, to raise him to the peerage as an earl, but he declined the proffer. His own plain name was a title higher than that of any earldom in the kingdom. On May 19, 1898, Wilham Ewart Gladstone laid down the burden of his life as he had already done that of labor. The noblest figm-e in legislative life of the nineteenth century had passed away from earth. CHAPTER XIV The French Republic Struggles op a New Nation The Republic Organized — The Commune of Paris — Instability of the Government — Thiers Proclaimed President — Punishment of the Unsuccessftd Generals — MacMahon a Royalist President — Bazaine's Sentence and Escape — Gr^vy, Gambetta and Boulanger — The Panama Canal Scandal — Despotism of the Army Leaders — The Dreyfus Case — Church and State — ^The Moroccan Controversy. IT has been already told how the capitulation of the French army at Sedan and the captivity of Louis Napoleon were followed in Paris by the overthrow of the empire and the formation of a repubhc, the third in the history of French political changes. A provisional government was formed, the legislative assembly was dissolved, and all the court paraphemaha of the imperial estabhshment disappeared. The new government was called in Paris the "Government of Lawyers," most of its members and officials belonging to that profession. At its head was General Trochu, in command of the army in Paris; among its chief mem- bers were Jules Favre and Gambetta. While upright in its mem- bership and honorable in its purposes, it was an arbitrary body, formed by a cowp d'etat like that by wliich Napoleon had seized the reins of power, and not destined for a long existence. THE REPUBLIC ORGANIZED The news of the fall of Metz and the surrender of Bazaine and his army served as a fresh spark to the inflammable public feeling of France. In Paris the Red Republic raised the banner of insurrection against the government of the national defense and endeavored to revive the spirit of the Commune of 1793. The insurgents marched to the senate-house, demanded the election of (219) 220 THE FRENCH REPUBLIC a municipal council which should share power with the govern- ment, and proceeded to imprison Trochu, Jules Favre, and their associates. This, however, was but a temporary success of the Commune, and the provisional government continued in existence until the end of the war, when a national assembly was elected by the people and the temporary government was set aside. Gam- betta, the dictator, "the organizer of defeats," as he was sar- castically entitled, lost his power, and the aged statesman and historian, Louis Thiers, was chosen as chief of the executive depart- ment of the new government. The treaty of peace with Germany, including, as it did, the loss of Alsace and Lorraine and the payment of an indemnity of $1,000,000,000, roused once more the fierce passions of the radicals and the masses of the great cities, who passionately denounced the treaty as due to cowardice and treason. The dethroned emperor added to the excitement by a manifesto, in which he protested against his deposition by the assembly and called for a fresh elec- tion. The final incitement to insurrection came when the Assembly decided to hold its sessions at Versailles instead of in Paris, whose unruly populace it feared. THE COMMUNE OF PARIS In a moment all the revolutionary elements of the great city were in a blaze. The social democratic "Commune," elected from the central committee of the National Guard, renounced obe- dience to the government and the National Assembly, and broke into open revolt. An attempt to repress the movement merely added to its violence, and all the riotous populace of Paris sprang to arms. A new war was about to be inaugurated in that city which had just suffered so severely from the guns of the Germans, and around which German troops were still encamped. The government had neglected to take possession of the cannon on Montmartre; and now, when the troops of the line, instead of firing on the insurrectionists, went over in crowds to THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 221 their side, the supremacy over Paris fell into the hands of the wildest demagogues. A fearful civil war commenced, and in the same forts which the Germans had shortly before evacuated firing once more resounded; the houses, gardens, and villages around Paris were again sm-rendered to destruction; the creations of art, industry, and civilization were endangered, and the abodes of wealth and pleasure were transformed into dreary wildernesses. The wild outbreaks of fanaticism on the part of the Commime recalled the scenes of the revolution of 1789, and in these spring days of 1871 Paris added another leaf to its long history of crime and violence. The insurgents, roused to fury by the efforts of the government to suppress them, murdered two generals, Lecomte and Thomas, and fired on the unarmed citizens who, as the "friends of order," desired a reconcihation with the authorities at Versailles. They formed a government of their own, extorted loans from wealthy citizens, confiscated the property of religious societies, and seized and held as hostages Archbishop Darboy and many other distin- guished clergymen and citizens. Meanwhile the investing French troops, led by Marshal Mac- Mahon, gradually fought their way through the defenses and into the suburbs of the city, and the speedy surrender of the anarchists in the capital became inevitable. This necessity excited their passions to the most violent extent, and, with the wild fury of savages, they set themselves to do all the damage they could to the historical monuments of Paris. The noble Vendome column, the symbol of the warlike renown of France, was torn down from its pedestal and hurled prostrate into the street. The most historic buildings in the city were set on fire, and either partially or entirely destroyed. Among these were the Tuileries, a portion of the Louvre, the Luxembourg, the Palais Royal, the Elysee, etc.; while several of the imprisoned hostages, foremost among them Darboy, Arch- bishop of Paris, and the universally respected minister Daguerry, were shot by the infuriated mob. Such crimes excited the Ver- sailles troops to terrible vengeance, when they at last succeeded 222 THE FRENCH REPUBLIC in repressing the rebellion. Tliey made their way along a bloody course; human life was counted as nothing; the streets were stained with blood and strewn with corpses, and the Seine once more ran red between its banks. When at last the Commune surrendered, the judicial courts at Versailles began their work of retribution. The leaders and participators in the rebelUon who could not save themselves by flight were shot by hundreds, confined in fortresses, or transported to the colonies. For more than a year the imprison- ments, trials, and executions continued, mihtary courts being estab- lished which excited the world for months by their wholesale con- demnations to exile and to death. The carnival of anarchy was followed by one of pitiless revenge. INSTABILITY OF THE GOVERNMENT The Republican government of France, which had been accepted in an emergency, was far from carrying with it the sup- port of the whole of the Assembly or of the people, and the aged, but active and keen-witted Thiers had to steer through a medley of opposing interests and sentiments. His govermnent was con- sidered, alike by the Monarchists and the Jacobins, as only provis- ional, and the Bourbons and Napoleonists on the one hand and the advocates of ''hberty, equahty and fraternity" on the other, intrigued for its overthrow. But the German armies still remained on French soil, pending the payment of the costs of the war; and the astute chief of the executive power possessed moderation enough to pacify the passions of the people, to restrain their hatred of the Germans, which was so boldly exhibited in the streets and in the courts of justice, and to quiet the clamor for a war of revenge. The position of parties at home was confused and distracted, and a disturbance of the existing order could only lead to anarchy and civil war. Thiers was thus the indispensable man of the mo- ment, and so much was he himself impressed by the consciousness of this fact, that many times, by the threat of resignation, he brought the opposing elements in the Assembly to haimony and compliance. THE FRENCH REPXJBLIC 223 This occurred even during the siege of Paris, when the forces of the government were in conflict with the Commune. In the Assem- bly there was shown an inchnation to moderate or break through the sharp centralization of the government, and to procure some auton- omy for the provinces and towns. When, therefore, a new scheme was discussed, a large part of the Assembly demanded that the mayors should not, as formerly, be appointed by the government, but be elected by the town councils. Only with difficulty was Thiers able to effect a compromise, on the strength of which the government was permitted the right of appointment for all towns numbering over twenty thousand. In the elections for the councils the Moderate Repubhcans proved triumphant. With a supple dexterity, Thiers knew how to steer between the Democratic-Republican party and the Mon- archists. When Gambetta endeavored to establish a "league of Republican towns," the attempt was forbidden as illegal; and when the decree of banishment against the Bourbon and Orleans princes was set aside, and the latter returned to France, Thiers knew how to postpone the entrance of the Due d'Aumale and Prince de Joinville, who had been elected deputies, into the Assembly at least imtil the end of the year. THIERS PROCLAIMEI) PRESIDENT The briUiant success of the national loan went far to strengthen the position of Thiers. The high offers for a share in this loan, which indicated the inexhaustible wealth of the nation and the solid credit of France abroad, promised a rapid payment of the war indemnity, the consequent evacuation of the country by the Ger- man army of occupation, and a restoration of the disturbed finances of the state. The foolish manifesto of the Count de Chambord, who declared that he had only to return with the white banner to be made sovereign of France, brought all practical men to the side of Thiers, and he had, during the last days of August, 1871, the tri- umph of being proclaimed '' President of the French Republic." 224 THE FRENCH REPUBLIC The new president aimed, next to the Hberation of the garri- soned provinces from the German troops of occupation, at the reor- ganization of the French army. Yet he could not bring himself to the decision of enforcing in its entirety the principle of general armed service, such as had raised Prussia from a state of depression to one of military regeneration. Universal military service in France was, it is true, adopted in name, and^ the army was increased to an immense extent, but under such conditions and limitations that the richer and more educated classes could exempt themselves from service in the army; and thus the active forces, as before, consisted of professional soldiers. And when the minister for education, Jules Simon, introduced an educational law based on liberal prin- ciples, he experienced on the part of the clergy such violent oppo- sition that the government dropped the measure. In order to place the army in the condition which Thiers desired, an increase in the military budget was necessary, and consequently an enhancement of the general revenues of the state. For this purpose a return to the tariff system, which had been abol- ished under the empire, was proposed, but excited so great an opposition in the Assembly that six months passed before it could be carried. The new organization of the army, undertaken with a view of placing France on a level in military strength with her late conqueror, was now eagerly undertaken by the president. An active army, with five years' service, was to be added to a "terri- torial army," a kind of mihtia. And so great was the demand on the portion of the nation capable of bearing arms that the new French army exceeded in numbers that of any other nation. But all the statesmanship of Thiers could not overcome the anarchy in the Assembly, where the forces for monarchy and repub- licanism were bitterly opposed to each other. Gambetta, in order to rouse public opinion in favor of democracy, made several toms through the country, his extravagance of language giving deep offense to the Monarchists, while the opposed sections of the Assem- bly grew wider and more violent in their breach. THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 225 PUNISHMENT OF THE UNSUCCESSFUL GENERALS Indisputable as were the valuable services which Thiers had rendered to France, by the foundation of public order and authority, the creation of a regular army, and the restoration of a solid financial system, yet all these services met with no recognition in the face of the party jealousy and political passions prevailing among the people's representatives at Versailles. More and more did the Royalist reaction gain ground, and, aided by the priests and by various national discontents, endeavor to bring about the destruc- tion of its opponents. Against the Radicals and Liberals, among whom even the Voltairean Thiers was included, superstition and fanaticism were let loose, and against the Bonapartists was directed the terrorism of courts-martial. The French could not rest with the thought that their mili- tary supremacy had been broken by the superiority of the Prusso- German arms; their defeats could have proceeded only from the treachery or incapacity of their leaders. To this national prejudice the Government decided to bow, and to offer a sacrifice to the popu- lar passion. And thus the world beheld the lamentable spectacle of the commanders who had surrendered the French fortresses to the enemy being subjected to a trial by court-martial under the presidency of Marshal Baraguay d'Hilliers, and the majority of them, on account of their proved incapacity or weakness, deprived of their military honors, at a moment when all had cause to reproach themselves and endeavor to raise up a new structure on the ruins of the past. Even Ulrich, the once celebrated commander of Strasbourg, whose name had been given to a street in Paris, was brought under the censure of the court-martial. But the chief blow fell upon the commander-in-chief of Metz, Marshal Bazaine, to whose "treachery" the whole misfortune of France was attributed. For months he was retained a prisoner at Versailles, while prepara- tions were made for the great court-martial spectacle, which, in the following year, took place under the presidency of the Due d'Aumale. 226 THE FRENCH REPUBLIC MACBIAHON A ROYALIST PRESIDENT The result of the party division in the Assembly was, in May, 1873, a vote of censure on the ministry, which induced them to resign. Their resignation was followed by an offer of resignation on the part of Thiers, who experienced the unexpected shght of having it accepted by the majority of the Assembly, the monarchist Mac- Mahon, Marshal of France and Duke of Magenta, being elected President in his place. Thiers had just performed one of his greatest services to France, by paying off the last instalment of the war indemnity and relieving the soil of his country of the hated German troops. The party now in power at once began to lay plans to carry out their cherished purpose of placing a Legitimist king upon the throne, this honor being offered to the Count de Chambord, grand- son of Charles X. He, an old man, unfitted for the thorny seat offered him, and out of all accord with the spirit of the times, put a sudden end to the hopes of his partisans by his medieval con- servatism. Their purpose was to estabhsh a constitutional govern- ment, under the tri-colored flag of revolutionary France; but the old Bourbon gave them to understand that he would not consent to reign under the Tricolor, but must remain steadfast to the white banner of his ancestors; he had no desire to be "the legitimate Idng of revolution." This letter shattered the plans of his supporters. No man with ideas like these would be tolerated on the French throne. There was never to be in France a King Henry V. The Monarch- ists, in disgust at the failure of their schemes, elected MacMahon president of the repubHc for a term of seven years, and for the time being the reign of republicanism in France was made secure. While MacMahon was thus being raised to the pinnacle of honor, his former comrade Bazaine was imprisoned in another part of the palace at Versailles, awaiting trial on the charge of treason for the surrender of Metz. In the trial, in which the whole world took a deep interest, the efforts of the prosecution were directed to THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 227 prove that the conquest of France was solely due to the treachery of the Bouapartist marshal. Despite all that could be said in his defense, he was found guilty by the court=martial, ^sentenced to degradation from his rank in the army, and to death. baeaine's sentence and escape A letter which Prince Frederick Charles wrote in his favor only added to the wrath of the people, who cried aloud for his exe- cution. But, as though the judges themselves felt a twinge of conscience at the sentence, they at the same time signed a petition for pardon to the president of the repubUc. MacMahon thereupon commuted the punishment of death into a twenty years' imprison- ment, remitted the disgrace of the f ormaHties of a mihtary degra- dation, without canceling its operation, and appointed as the prisoner's place of confinement the fortress on the island of St. Marguerite, opposite Cannes, known in connection with the "iron mask." Bazaine's wealthy Mexican wife obtained permission to reside near him, with her family and servants, in a pavilion of the sea-fortress. This afforded her an opportunity of bringing about the freedom of her husband in the following year with the aid of her brother. After an adventurous escape, by letting himself down with a rope to a Genoese vessel, Bazaine fled to Holland, and then offered his services to the republican government of Spain. In 1875 the constitution under which France is now governed was adopted by the republicans. It provides for a legislature of two chambers; one a chamber of deputies elected by the people, the other a senate of 300 members, 75 of whom are elected by the National Assembly and the others by electoral colleges in the depart- ments of France. The two chambers unite to elect a president, who has a term of seven years. He is conmaander-in-chief of the army, appoints all officers, receives all ambassadors, executes the lawS) and appomts the cabinet, which is responsible to the Senate and House of Deputies — thus resembling the cabinet of Great Britain instead of that of the United States. 228 THE FRENCH REPUBLIC This constitution was soon ignored by the arbitrary president, who forced the resignation of a cabinet which he could not control, and replaced it by another responsible to himseK instead of to the Assembly. His act of autocracy roused a violent opposition. Gambetta moved that the representatives of the people had no con- fidence in a cabinet which was not free in its actions and not repub- lican in its principles. The sudden death of Thiers, whose last writing was a defense of the republic, stirred the heart of the nation and added to the excitement, which soon reached fever heat. In the election that followed the repubhcans were in so great a major- ity over the conservatives that the president was compelled either to resign or to govern according to the constitution. He accepted the latter and appointed a cabinet composed of republicans. But the acts of the legislature, which passed laws to prevent arbitrarj'^ action by the executive and to secularize education, so exasperated the old soldier that he finally resigned from his high office. gr:6vy, gambetta and boulanger Jules Grevy was elected president in his place, and Gambetta was made president of the House of Deputies. Subsequently he was chosen presiding minister in a cabinet composed wholly of his own creatures. His career in this high office was a brief one. The Chambers refused to support him in his arbitrary measures and he resigned in disgust. Soon after the self-appointed dictator, who had played so prominent a part in the war with Germany, died from a wound whose origin remained a mystery. The constitution was revised in 1884, the republic now declared permanent and final, and Grevy again elected president. General Boulanger, the minister of war in the new government, succeeded in making himself highly popular, many looking upon him as a coming Napoleon, by whose genius the republic would be overthrown. In 1887 Gr^vy resigned, in consequence of a scandal in high circles, and was succeeded by Sadi-Carnot, grandson of a famous THE FRENCH REPUBLIC - 229 general of the first republic. Under the new president two striking events took place. General Boulanger managed to hft himself into great prominence, and gain a powerful following in France. Carried away by self-esteem, he defied his superiors, and when tried and found guilty of the offense, was strong enough in France to overthrow the ministry, to gain re-election to the Chamber of Deputies, and to defeat a second ministry. But his reputation was declining. It received a serious blow through a duel he fought with a lawyer, in which the soldier was wounded and the lawyer escaped unhurt. The next cabinet was hostile to his intrigues, and he fled to Brussels to escape arrest. Tried by the Senate, sitting as a High Court of Justice, he was found guilty of plotting against the state and sentenced to impris- onment for life. His career soon after ended in suicide and his party disappeared. THE PANAMA CANAL SCANDAL The second event spoken of was the Panama Canal affair. De Lesseps, the maker of the Suez Canal, had undertaken to exca- vate a similar one across the Isthmus of Panama, but the work was managed with such wild extravagance that vast sums were spent and the poor investors widely ruined, while the canal remained a half-dug ditch. At a later date this affair became a great scandal, dishonest bargains in connection with it were abundantly unearthed, bribery was shown to have been common in high places, and France was shaken to its center by the startling exposure. De Lesseps, fortunately for him, escaped imprisonment by death, but others of the leaders in the enterprise were condemned and punished. In the succeeding years perils manifold threatened the existence of the French Republic. A moral decline seemed to have sapped the foundations of public virtue, and the new military organization ^ose to a dangerous height of power, becoming a possible instrument of ambition which overshadowed and portended evil to the state. The spirit of anarchy, which had been so strikingly displayed in the 230 THE FRENCH REPUBLIC excesses of the Parisian Commune, was shown later in various instances of death and destruction by the use of dynamite bombs, exploded in Paris and elsewhere. But its most striking example was in the murder of President Camot, who was stabbed by an anarchist in the streets of Lyons. This assassination, and the dis- heartening exposures of dishonesty in the Panama Canal case trials, stirred the moral sentiment of France to its depths, and made many of the best citizens despair of the pennanency of the republic. DESPOTISM OF THE ARMY LEADERS But the most alarming threat came from the army, which had grown in power and prominence until it fairly overtopped the state, while its leaders felt competent to set at defiance the civil authorities. This despotic army was an outgrowth of the Franco-Prussian war. The terrible punishment which the French had received in that war, and in particular the loss of Alsace and Lorraine, filled them with bitter hatred of Germany and a burning desire for revenge. Yet it was evident that their military organization was so imperfect as to leave them helpless before the army of Germany, and the first thing to be done was to place themselves on a level in military strength with their foe. To this President Thiers had earnestly devoted himself, and the work of army organization went on until all France was virtually converted into a great camp, defended by powerful fortresses, and the whole male population of the country were practically made part of the army. The final result of this was the development of one of the most complete and well-appointed military establishments in Europe. The immediate cause of the reorganization of the artoy gradually passed away. As time went on the intense feeling against Germany softened and the danger of war decreased. But the army became more and more dominant in France, and, as the century neared its end, the autocratic position of its leaders was revealed by a startling event, which was claimed to prove the moral decadence of France and the controlHng influence and dominating power THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 231 / of the members of the General Staff. This was the celebrated Dreyfus Case, the cause celebre of the period. At the time con- cerned it excited the utmost interest, stirring France to its center, and attracting the earnest attention of the world. It aroused indig- nation as well as interest, and years passed before it lost its hold on public attention. It can be dealt with here only with great brevity. THE DKEYFUS CASE Albert Dre3rfus, an Alsatian Jew and a captain in the Four- teenth Regiment of Artillery of the French army, detailed for ser- vice at the Information Bureau of the Minister of War, was arrested October 15, 1894, on the charge of having sold miUtary secrets to a foreign power. The following letter was said to have been found at the German embassy by a French detective, in what was declared to be the handwriting of Dreyfus: "Having no news from you I do not know what to do. I send you in the meantime the condition of the forts. I also hand you the principal instructions as to jBring. If you desire the rest I shall have them copied. The document is precious. The instructions have been given only to the officers of the General Staff. I leave for the maneuvers." Previous to the arrest of Dreyfus, the editor of the Libre Parole had been carrying on a violent anti-semitic agitation in his paper. He now raved about the Jews in general, declared Dreyfus guilty of selling army secrets to the Germans, and by his crusade turned public opinion in Paris strongly against the accused. As a result of this assault and the statement that the letter was in the handwriting of the accused, he was tried before a military court, which sat behind closed doors, kept parts of the indictment from the knowledge of the prisoner and his lawyer, and in other ways manifested a lack of fairness. As a result of this secret trial the accused was found guilty and condemned to be degraded from his military rank, and by a special act of the Chamber of Deputies was ordered to be imprisoned for 232 THE FRENCH REPUBLIC life in a penal settlement on Devil's Island, off the coast of French Guiana, a tropical region, desolate and malarious in character. The sentence was executed with the most cruel harshness. During part of his detention Dreyfus was locked in a hut, surrounded by an iron cage, on the island. This was done on the plea of possible attempts at rescue. He was allowed to send and receive only such letters as had been transcribed by one of his guardians. He denied, and never ceased to deny, his guilt. The letters he wrote to his counsel after the trial and after his disgrace are most pathetic assertions of his innocence, and of th© hope that ultimately justice would be done him. His wife and family continued to deny his guilt, and used every influence to get his case reopened. The whole affair in time excited a strong suspicion that Drey- fus had been used as a scapegoat for some one higher up and had been unjustly condemned, the fact of his being a Jew being used to excite prejudice against him. Many eminent literary men of France advocated the revision of a sentence which did not appeal to the sense of justice of the best element of France. It was declared that military secrets continued to leak out after Dreyfus's arrest, and that the handwriting of the letter found was closely similar to that of Count Ferdinand Esterhazy, an officer >v in the French army, of noble Hungarian descent. This matter was so ventilated that some action became necessary and Esterhazy was tried secretly by court-martial, the trial ending in acquittal. At this juncture Emile Zola, the celebrated novelist, stepped into the fray as a defender of Dreyfus, writing a notable letter to President Faure, in which he accused the members bf the court- martial of acquitting Esterhazy under order of their chi^s, who would not admit that a military court of France could possibly make a mistake. This letter led to the arrest and trial of Zola and of the editor who published it. Their trials were conducted in a secret manner and they were found guilty and sentenced to a heavy fine and a A REMARKABLE INCmENT OF THE WAR A photograph taken at the Convent of the Sisters of the Poor at Nieuport, where a German shell landed, practically demolishing the outer wall. The crucifix imme- diately behind was, however, almost unmarked. THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 233 year's imprisonment. Zola escaped imprisonment by absenting himself from France. By this time the interest of the whole world was enlisted in the case, the action of the French com-ts was everywhere condenmed, and in the end it was deemed advisable to bring Dreyfus back to France and accord him a new trial. This trial, which lasted from August 7 to September 7, 1899, indicated that he had been convicted on the most flimsy and uncertain evidence, largely conjectural in character, while there was strong evidence in his favor. Yet the judges of the court-martial seemed biased against him, and by a vote of three judges to two, he was again found guilty — "of treason, with extenuating circumstances," as if treason could be extenuated. The whole affair was a transparent travesty upon justice, and the method by which it was conducted threw into a strong hght the faulty character of the French method of trial. The result, indeed, was so flagrantly unsatisfactory that no further punishment was inflicted upon the accused, and in July, 1906, his case was brought before the Court of Appeals, with the result that he was acquitted and restored to his rank in the army. CHUECH AND STATE Later events of interest in French history had to do with the status of the Catholic Church in France and with the relations of France, Germany and Spain to Morocco, the latter more than once threatening war. The union of Church and State in France, which had only before been broken during the turbulent period of the Revolution, was definitely abrogated by a law of December 19, 1905, proclaiming the separation of Church and State in that country. By this, and a supplementary act in 1907, the Catholic Church was put on the same footing in the republic as the Protestant and Jewish congregations. The use of church buildings, which had been the property of the State since the Revolution, was granted only under conditions which the Pope refused to accept, and religious liberty made a radical advance in France. 234 THE FRENCH REPUBLIC THE MOROCCO CONTROVERSY Meanwhile troubles had arisen on the borders of Algeria between the French army of occupation and the unruly Moroccan tribes beyond the boundary. The efforts of France to abate these disturbances, which found support in the British government, aroused opposition in Germany, which objected to the claim of France to a predominant interest in Morocco. The affair went so far that Emperor WilHam II visited Tangier, had a conference with the representatives of the Sultan, and was reported to have agreed to enforce the integrity of Morocco. The friction that resulted was allayed by a conference of the Powers held at Algeciras, Spain, in 1905, and the trouble was temporarily settled by a series of resolutions establishing a number of reforms in Morocco, the privileged position of France along the Moroccan-Algerian frontier being acknowledged. Disturbances continued, however, and the murder of a French doctor by the tribesmen in March, 1907, led to the occupation of a Moroccan town by French troops. Later in the year a more serious affair took place at the port of Casablanca, which was raided by insurgent tribesmen and European laborers and others were massacred. A French force landed on August 7th and a des- perate fight took place, during which nearly every inhabitant of the town was killed and wounded or had fled, the dead alone numbering thousands. In 1911 matters in Morocco grew serious, there being severe fighting by Spanish troops in the Spanish concession around Alcazar, while tribal outbreaks against Fez, the Sultan's capital, brought a French mihtary expedition to that point. By this, communica- tion between the capital and the coast was established, the French government undertaking to organize the Sultan's army and carry out certain works of public improvement. These movements revived the suspicions of Germany and that coimtry took the decisive step of sending a war vessel to Agadir, a southern port of Morocco^ with the ostensible purpose of protecting THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 235 the persons and property of German subjects. This act led to the suspicion in France that Germany meant more than she said, and that her real purpose was to gain a permanent hold on Moroccan territory. There was heated talk of warj as there usually is in such eases^ but the affair was, in the endj amicably adjusted. It became known that France wished to secure a free hand m Morocco, outside of the coastal provinces held by Spain, and was willing in return to concede to Germany a considerable amount of territory in French Congo. The agreement finally reached, with the assent of the other Powers, especially Spain, which had a vital interest in the problem, was that France should be given a protec- torate over Morocco, and in return should cede to Germany a region in French Congo, in equatorial Africa, of about 230,000 square kilometers, containing a population of from 600,000 to 1,000,000, and adjouiing the German district of Kamerun, France retaining certain transit privileges in the region. Thus ended a source of dispute which had more than once threatened war and would have so ended at this time but for the vigorous support of France by Great Britain. It ended gxeatly to the advantage of France, whose interests in Morocco far out- weighed any advantages likely to arise from her holdings in central Africa. Behind all this lay the probability that her influence in and hold upon Morocco would increase until eventually it would develop into a virtual, perhaps an actual, sovereignty over that country. CHAPTER XV Russia in the Field of War The Outcome of Slavic Ambition Siege of Sebastopol — Russia in Asia — The Russo-Japanese War — Port Arthiu- Taken — The Russian Fleet Defeated. A MONG the most interesting phases of nineteenth-century A-k history is that of the conflict between Russia and Turkey, ^ "^ a struggle for dominion that came down from the pre- ceding centuries, and still seems only temporarily laid aside for final settlement in the years to come. In the eighteenth century the Turks proved quite able to hold their own against all the power of Russia and all the armies of Catharine the Great, and they entered the nineteenth century with their ancient dominion largely intact. But they were declining in strength while Russia was growing, and long before 1900 the empire of the Sultan would have become the prey of the Czar had not the other Powers of Europe come to the rescue. The Czar Nicholas designated the Sultan as the " sick man " of Europe, and such he and his empire had truly become. Of the various wars which Russia waged against Turkey, the first of modern historical importance was that of 1854-55, known as the "Crimean War" and made notable by the fact that Britain, France and Sardinia joined the Turks in their struggle against the Muscovite armies. The Western Powers had long been fearful of letting Con- stantinople fall into the hands of Russia. They had interfered to prevent this after the victory of Russia in 1829, when Adrianople was taken and Constantinople threatened. War broke out again (236) RUSSIA IN THE FIELD OF WAR 237 in 1853 and Russia seemed likely to triumph. This led Britain and France to declare war in 1854. Armies were sent by them to the Black Sea, and in September a strong force was landed on the coast of the Crimean peninsula. SIEGE OF SEBASTOPOL Their purpose in this movement was the capture of the fortress ©f Sebastopol and the destruction of the Russian fleet in its harbor. But the Muscovite defense was vigorous and the stronghold proved difficult to take. Battles took place on the banks of the Alma and at Balaclava, in both of which the allies were successful, the latter being made notable by the heroic British ''Charge of the Light Brigada/' which has since been famous in song and story. But the fortress held out during the succeeding winter and until late in 1855, despite the vigor of the siege. After the middle of August the assault became almost incessant, cannon balls dropping like an unceasing storm of hail in forts and streets. On the 5th of September began a terrific bombardment, continuing day and night for three days, and sweeping down more than 5,000 Russians on the ramparts. At length, as the hour of noon struck on Septem- ber 8th, the attack, of which this play of artillery was the prelude, began, the French assaihng the Malakoff, the British the Redan, these being the most formidable of the defensive works of the town. The French assault was successful and Sebastopol became untenable. That night the Russians blew up their remaining forts, sunk their ships of war, and marched out of the town, leaving it as the prize of victory to the allies. This success put an end to the war. Britain, Sardinia, which had joined the coahtion, and Turkey were eager to continue it, but Napoleon III had reasons of his own for withdrawing his troops, and the other allies found it desirable to consent to a treaty of peace. Russia was far from being conquered, but its j&nances were in a deplorable state, and the Czar proved ready to make terms with his enemies. 238 RUSSIA IN THE FIELD OF WAR This did not end Russia's efforts to win Constantinople. A new war broke out in 1877, in which n©ne of the Powers came to the aid of the Turks, and their dominion in Europe would have been brought to an end but for the jealousy of these Powers, which forced the conquering Muscovites to withdraw from the hoped-for prize. The events of this war are given in the following chapter, as part of the history of the Balkan States. RUSSIA IN ASIA Russia, though so often checked in the effort to capture Con- stantinople, and with it win an opening to the Mediterranean, was long more successful in another field of ambition, that of Asiatic conquest and the expansion of empire over the great Eastern continent. Here it had gradually won a vast stretch of territory, including the immense area of Siberia and the realms of the Cau- casus and Turkestan. The result of the Boxer outbreak in China in 1900 increased the Russian dominion in Asia, giving the empire a hold upon Manchuria, with control of the fine seaport of Port Arthur. It began to appear as if this whole region would become Russian territory, possibly including Korea and Japan. THE RTJSSO-JAPAN WAR The danger of this roused Japan to action. When it became evident that the Russians had no intention to respect the rights of China in Manchuria, and showed signs of an aggressive move- ment against Korea, the island empire lost no time in making war. In February, 1904, Japan withdrew her minister from St. Petersburg and three days later, without the formality of a declaration of war, attacked the Russian fleets at Chemulpo and Port Arthur and landed troops in Korea. The Japanese quickly proved themselves able warriors. On April 13th Admiral Togo drove back the Russian fleet, its flagship, the Petropavlovsk, striking a mine and sinking with its crew and admiral. On land the Russians were defeated at the battle of the RUSSIA IN THE FIELD OF WAR 239 Yalu, Manchuria was invaded and Port Arthur invested and bom- barded. Battles followed in rapid succession, with victory for the island warriors in every instance. General Oka won a fierce battle on the heights of Nan-Shan and captured the Russian port of Dalny. General Kuroki fought his way northward to Liao-yang, where was fought one of the great battles of the war, lasting seven days and ending in the retreat of the Russians. The next field of action was at Mukden, the Manchurian capital, when the armies met in September, and remained face to face until March of the following year. It was not until then that a decisive action took place, the armies numbering nearly 500,000 each. The struggle was long continued, but finally ended in a second retreat of the Russians. There were no further engagements of importance in this quarter, though the armies remained face to face for months in a long line south of Harbin. PORT ARTHUR TAKEN Meanwhile Port Arthur had become closely invested. One by one the hills surroimding the harbor were taken by the Japanese, after stubborn resistance. Big siege guns were dragged up and began to batter the town and the ships. On August 16th, General Stoessel, conomander at Fort Arthur, having refused to surrender, a grand assault was ordered by Nogi. It proved unsuccessful, while the assailants lost 14,000 men. The bombardment continued, the buildings and ships suffering severely. Finally tunnels were cut through the solid rock and on December 20th the principal stronghold in the east was carried by storm. Other forts were soon taken and on January 2, 1905, the place was surrendered, the Japanese obtaining 40,000 prisoners, 59 forts, about 550 guns, and other munitions. The fleet captured consisted of four damaged battleships, two damaged cruisers and a considerable number of small craft. These ships had been effectually blockaded in the harbor, lying practically inactive during the siege. 240 RUSSIA IN THE FIELD OF WAR THE RUSSIAN FLEET DEFEATED Russia, finding its naval force in the Pacific put out of com- mission through the activity of the doughty Togo, had meanwhile despatched another fleet from the Baltic, comprising nearly forty vessels in all. These made their way through the Suez Canal and the Indian Ocean and on May 27, 1905, entered the Strait of Tsushuma, between Korea and Japan. Hitherto not a hostile vessel had been seen. Togo had held his fleet in ambush, while keeping scouts on the lookout for the coming Russians. Suddenly the Russians found themselves surrounded by a long line of enemies, which had suddenly appeared in their front. The attack was furious and irresistible; the defense weak and ineffective. Night was at hand, but before it came five Russian warships had gone to the bottom. A torpedo attack was made during the night and the general engagement resumed next morning. When a halt was called, Admiral Togo had sunk, disabled or cap- tured eight battleships, nine cruisers, three coast-defense ships, and a large number of other craft, the great Russian fleet being practically a total loss, while Togo had lost only three torpedo boats and 650 men. The losses in men by the Russians was 4,000 killed, and 7,200 prisoners taken. It was a naval victory which for completeness has rarely been equalled in history. Russia, beaten on land and sea, was by this time ready to give up the struggle, and readily accepted President Roosevelt's sugges- tion to hold a peace convention in the United States. The tenns of the treaty were very favorable to Russia, all things considered; but the power of Japan had been strained to the utmost, and that Power felt little inclined to put obstacles in the way. The island of SakhaUn was divided between them, both armies evacuated Manchuria, leaving it to the Chinese, and Port Ai'thur and Dalny were transferred to Japan. Yet though Japan received no indenmity and little in the way of material acquisitions of any kind, she came out of the war with a prestige that no one was likely to question, and has since ranked RUSSIA IN THE FIELD OF WAR 241 among the great Powers of the world. And she has added con- siderably to her territory by the annexation of Korea, in which there was no one to question her right. Since the events here described Japan has entered the concert of the nations by an alliance with Great Britain for mutual defense in case of either Power being attacked in the East. And this treaty bore fruit in 1914 when Japan, as an ally of Great Britain, took part in the war between the great Powers of Europe by attacking Kiao- chou, a district and fortress held by Germany on the northern coast of China. This was in accordance with the Japanese theory of "the Orient for the Orientals" and its dislike of European aggression upon the Asiatic coast. Japan went farther than this, taking possession of all the islands held by Germany in the North Pacific — afterwards handed over to Australia for administration — those in the South Pacific being at the same time occupied by expeditions from New Zealand and Australia. In this way the great European war was to a minor extent transferred to the waters and lands of the Far East. .CHAPTER XVI Great Britain and Her Colonies How England Became Mistress of the Seas Great Britain as a Colonizing Power — Colonies ia the Pacific Region — Colonization in Africa — British Colonies in Africa — The Mahdi Rebellion in Egypt — Gordon at Kliartoiun — Suppression of the Mahdi Revolt — Colonization ia Asia — The British in India — Colonies in America — Development of Canada — Progress in Canada. IN the era preceding the nineteenth century Spain, France, and Great Britain were the great colonizing Powers, the last named being the latest in the field, but rapidly rising to bec.onie the most important. The active Powers in colonization within the nineteenth century were the great rivals of the preceding period, Great Britain and France, though the former gained decidedly the start, and its colonial empire today surpasses that of any other nation of man- kind. It is so enormous, in fact, as to dwarf the parent kingdom, which is related to its colonial dominion, so far as comparative size is concerned, as the small brain of the elephant is related to its great body. Other Powers, not heard of as colonizers in the past, have since come into this field, though too late to obtain any of the great prizes. These are Germany and Italy, the latter having recently added to its acquisitions by the conquest of TripoH. But there is a great Power still to name, which in its way stands as a rival to Great Britain, the empire of Russia, whose acquisitions in Asia have grown enormously in extent. These are not colonies in the ordinary sense, but rather results of the expansion of an empire through warlike aggression. Yet they are colonial in the sense of absorbing the excess population of European Russia. The great territory of Siberia was gained by Russia before the nineteenth (242) GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES 243 century, though within recent years the Russian dominion in Asia has greatly increased, and has now become enormous, extending from the Arctic Ocean to the borders of Afghanistan, Persia and the Asiatic empire of Turkey. GREAT BRITAIN AS A COLONIZING POWER With this preUminary review we may proceed to consider the history of colonization within the recent period. And first we must take up the results of the colonial enterprise of Great Britain, as much the most important of the whole. In addition to Hindu- stan, in which the dominion of Great Britain now extends to Afghanistan and Thibet in the north, the British acquisitions in Asia now include Burmah and the west-coast region of Indo-China, with the Straits Settlements in the Malay peninsula, and the island of Ceylon, acquired in 1802 from Holland. In the eastern seas Great Britain possesses another colony of vast dimensions, the continental island of Australia, which, with its area of nearly 3,000,000 square miles, is three-fourths the size of Europe. The first British settlement was made here in 1788, at Port Jackson, the site of the present thriving city of Sydney, and a part of the island was maintained as a penal settlement, con- victs being sent there up to 1868. It was the discovery of gold in 1851 to which Australia owed its great progress. The incitement of the yellow metal drew the enterprising thither by thousands, until the population of the colony is now more than 4,000,000, and is still growing at a rapid rate. There are other valuable resources besides that of gold. Of its cities, Melbourne, the capital of Victoria, with its suburbs, has more than 500,000 popula- tion; Sydney, the capital of New South Wales, 600,000, while there are other cities of rapid growth. AustraHa is the one impor- tant British colony obtained without a war. In its human beings, as in its animals generally, it stood at a low level of development, and it was taken possession of without a protest from the savage inhabitants. 244 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES COLONIES IN THE PACIFIC EEGION The same cannot be said of the inhabitants of New Zealand, an important group of islands lying southeast of Australia, which was acquired by Great Britain as a colony in 1840. The Maoris, as the people of these islands call themselves, are of the bold and sturdy Polynesian race, a brave, generous, and warlike people, who have given their new lords and masters no little trouble. A series of wars with the natives began in 1843 and continued until 1869, since which time the colony has enjoyed peace. It can have no more trouble with the Maoris, since there are said to be very few left. They had vanished before the "white man's face." At present this colony is one of the most advanced politically of any region on the face of the earth, so far as attention to the interests of the masses of the people is concerned, and its laws and reg- ulations are interesting experiments for the remainder of the world. In addition to those great island dominions in the Pacific, Great Britain possesses the Fiji Islands, the northern part of Borneo, and a large section of the extensive island of Papua or New Guinea, the remainder of which is held by Holland and Germany. In addi- tion there are various coaling stations on the islands and coasts of Asia. In the Mediterranean its possessions are Gibraltar, Malta and Cyprus, and in America the great Dominion of Canada, a con- siderable number of the islands of the West Indies, and the districts of British Honduras and British Guiana. The history of colonization in two of the continents, Asia and Africa, presents certain features of singularity. Though known from the most ancient times, while America was quite unknown until four centuries ago, the striking fact presents itself that at an early date in the nineteenth century the continents of North and South America had been largely explored from coast to center, while the interior of Asia and Africa remained in great part unknown. This fact in regard to Asia was due to the hostile attitude of its people, which rendered it dangerous for any European traveler GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES 245 to attempt to penetrate its interior. In the case of Africa it was due to the inhospitahty of nature, which had placed the most serious obstacles in the way of those who sought to enter it beyond the coast regions. This state of affairs continued until the latter half of the century, within which period there was a remarkable change in the aspect of affairs, both continents being penetrated in all directions and their walls of isolation completely broken down. COLONIZATION IN AFRICA Africa is not only now well known, but the exploration of its interior has been followed by political changes of the most revolu- tionary character. It presented a virgin field for colonization, of which the land-hungry nations of Europe hastened to avail them- selves, dividing up the continent between them until, by the end of the century, the partition of Africa was practically complete. It is one of the most remarkable circumstances in history that a well-known continent remained thus so long unexplored to serve in our own days as a new field for the outpouring of the nations. The occupation of Africa by Europeans, indeed, began earlier. The Arabs had held the section north of the Sahara for many cen- turies, Portugal claimed — but scarcely occupied — large sections east and west, and the Dutch had a thriving settlement in the south. But the exploration and division of the bulk of the continent waited for the nineteenth century, and the greater part of the work of partition took place within the final quarter of that century. In this work of colonization Great Britain and France stand foremost in energy and success. Today the British possessions and protectorates in Africa embrace 2,132,840 square miles; or, if we add Egypt and the Egyptian Soudan — ^practically British territory — the area occupied or claimed amounts to 2,446,040 square miles. The claims of France, including a large area of the Sahara desert, are much larger, covering 4,000,000 square miles. Germany lays claim to 930,000; Italy, to 591,000; Portugal, to 800,000; Spain, to 86,600; the Congo Free State, to 800,000; and Turkey to the 246 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES 363,200 square miles of Egypt. The parts of Africa unoccupied or unclaimed by Europeans are a portion of the Desert of Sahara, which no one wants; Abyssinia, still independent; Morocco, a French protectorate; and Liberia, a state over which rests the shadow of protection of the United States. BRITISH COLONIES IN APBICA Of the British colonial possessions in Africa the most important is that in the far south, extending now from Cape Town to Lake Tanganyika, and including an immense area replete with natural resources and capable of sustaining a very large population. This region, originally settled in the Cape Town region by the Dutch, was acquired by the British as a result of an European war. Sub- sequently the Boers — descendants of the Dutch settlers — made their way north, beyond the British jurisdiction, and founded the new colonies of the Transvaal Republic and the Orange Free State. The British of Cape Town at a later date followed them north, settlmg Natal, defeating the Zulu blacks and acquiring new terri- tory, and eventually coming into hostile contact with the Boers. Defeated at first by the latter, a war of conquest broke out in 1899, ending in 1902 with the overthrow of the Boer republics, after a brave and vigorous resistance on their part. Under the ambitious leadership of Cecil Rhodes and others, British dominion in South Africa was extended northward over the protectorates of Rhodesia and Basutoland, reaching, as stated, as far north as Lake Tanganyika and embracing an area of about 1,300,000 square miles. Other British colonial possessions in that continent mclude the large province of British East Africa, covering 520,000 square miles, a large area in Somaliland and possessions on the west coast of 150,000 square miles area. To these, in a minor sense of possession, should be added Egypt, now extending to British East Africa. We have mentioned the respective regions held by other European nations in Africa, France surpassing Great Britain in colonial area though not in population. Among the French African 22 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES 247 possessions are included the great island of Madagascar, lying off the east coast of the continent. Mention should be made here of the extensive and promising Congo Free State, under the suzerainty of Belgium. Covering eight hundred thousand square miles, it comprises the populous and richly agricultural center of Africa, its vast extension of navigable waters yielding communication through its every part. The occupation of Africa, at least that part of it which became British territory, was not consummated without hostile activities. The most recent of these was the long war between the Boer and British armies, the final success being a costly and not very profit- able triumph of the British arms. Of other hostile relations may be mentioned the invasion of Abyssinia by a British army in 1867, the suppression of the revolt of Arabi Pasha in 1879, and the series of events arising from the Mahdist outbreak in 1880. THE MAHDI REBELLION IN EGYPT The latter events call for some mention; and need to be pre- ceded by a statement of how Britain became dominant in Egypt. That country had broken loose in large measure from the rule of Turkey during the reign of the able and ambitious Mehemet Ah, who was made viceroy in 1840, In 1876 the independence of Egypt was much increased, and its rulers were given the title of khedive, or king. ■- The powers of the khedives steadily increased, and in 1874-75 Ismail Pasha greatly extended the Egyptian territory, annexing the Soudan as far as Darfur, and finally to the shores of the lately discovered Victoria Nyanza. Egypt thus embraced the valley of the Nile practically to its source, presenting an aspect of immense length and great narrowness. Soon after, the finances of the country became so involved that they were placed under European control, and the growth of English and French influence led to the revolt of Arabi Pasha. This was repressed by Great Britain, which bombarded Alexandria and defeated the Egyptians, France taking no part. As a result the 248 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES co-ordinate influence of France ended, and Great Britain was left as the practical ruler of Egypt, which position she still maintains. In 1880 began an important series of events. A Mohammedan prophet arose in the Soudan, claiming to be the Mahdi, a Messiah of the Mussulmans. A large body of devoted believers soon gathered around him, and he set up an independent sultanate in the desert, defeating four Egyptian expeditions sent against him, and cap- turing El Obeid, the chief city of Kordofan, which he made his capital in 1883. The effort to subdue the outbreak proved a long and arduous one, and was accomplished only after many years and much loss to the British and Egyptian forces. No time was lost in sending an army against the fanatical Arabs. This was led by an English officer known as Hicks Pasha. He fell into a Mahdist ambush at El Obeid, and after a desperate struggle, lasting three days, his force was almost completely annihilated, Hicks being the last to die. Very few of his men escaped to tell the tale of their defeat. Other expeditions of Egyptian troops sent against Osman Digna ("Osman the Ugly")? a lieutenant of the Mahdi, similarly met with defeat, and the Mahdists invested and besieged the towns of Sinkat and Tokar. To reheve these towns. Baker Pasha, a daring and able British leader, was sent with a force of 3,650 men. Unfortunately, his troops were mainly Egyptian, and the result of preceding expeditions had inspired these with a more than wholesome fear of the Mah- dists. They met a party of the latter, only about 1,200 strong, at a point south of Suakim, on the Red Sea. Instantly the Egyptians broke into a panic of terror and were surrounded and butchered in a frightful slaughter. "Inside the square," said an eye-witness, "the state of affairs was almost indescribable. Cavalry, infantry, mules, camels, falling baggage and dying men were crushed into a struggling, surging mass. The Egyptians were shrieking madly, hardly at- tempting to run away, but trying to shelter themselves one behind 'g,- GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES 249 another." "The conduct of the Egyptians was simply disgraceful," said another officer. "Armed with rifle and bayonet, they allowed themselves to be slaughtered, without an effort at self-defense, by savages inferior to them in numbers and armed only with spears and swords." Baker and his staff officers, seeing affairs were hopeless, charged the enemy and cut their way through to the shore, but of the total force two- thirds were left dead or wounded on the field. Such was the "massacre" of El Teb, which was followed four days afterwards by the capture of Sinkat and slaughter of its garrison. To avenge this butchery. General Graham was sent from Cairo with reinforcements of British troops. These advanced upon Osman and defeated him in two engagements, the last a crushing one, in which the British lost only 200 men, while the Arab loss, in killed alone, numbered over 2,000. GORDON AT KHARTOUM These events took place in 1884 and in the same year General Charles Gordon — the famous Chinese Gordon — ascended the Nile to Khartoum, to relieve the Egyptian garrison of that city. He failed in this, the Arabs of the Soudan flocking to the standard of the Mahdi in such multitudes that Khartoum was cut off from all communication with the north, leaving Gordon and the garrison in a position of dire peril. It became necessary to send an expedition for their rehef, this being led by Lord Wolseley, the hero of the Zulu and Ashanti wars. This advanced in two sections, a desert and a river column. Two furious attacks were made by the Mahdists on the desert troops, both being repulsed with heavy loss. On reaching the river, they proceeded in steamers which Gordon had sent down the Nile to meet them. But there was unavoidable delay, and when the vicinity of Khartoum was reached, on January 28, 1885, it was learned that the town had been taken and Gordon killed two days before. All his men, 4,000 in number, were killed with him. 250 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES SUPPRESSION OF THE MAHDI REVOLT After this misfortime the Arabs were left in possession for nearly twelve years, no other expedition being sent until 1896, while it was not until 1898 that the Anglo-Egyptian forces reached the vicinity of Khartoum. They were commanded by General Kitchener, one of the ablest of British soldiers. His men were well drilled and very different in character from those led by Baker Pasha. They met the Arabs at Omdurman, near Khartoum, and gave them a crushing defeat, more than 10,000 of them falling, while the British loss was only about 200. This ended the Arab resistance and the Soudan was restored to Egypt, fourteen years after it had been taken by the Mahdi. Brief mention of the holdings of other nations in Africa must suffice. Germany has large areas in East Africa and Southwest Africa, with smaller holdings elsewhere. The possessions of France extend from Algeria and Tunis southward over the Sahara and the Soudan, with holdings on the east and west coasts. Por- tugal has large, feebly held districts in the south-central coast region, and Italy holds small districts on the Red Sea and SomaUland and the recently acquired Tripoli. Spain's holdings are on the coast of Morocco and the Sahara. COLONIZATION IN ASIA The colonizing enterprise in Asia within recent years has been contined to Great Britain, France and Russia, which nations have gained large possessions in that great continent. Russia has made its way during several centuries of conquest over Siberia and Cen- tral Asia, until its immense possessions have encroached upon Persia and Afghanistan in the south and China in the east. At present, while the dominion of Russia in Europe comprises about 2,000,000 square miles, that in Asia is more than 6,500,000 square miles, the total area of this colossal empire being more than equal in area to the entire continent of North America. The possessions of other nations in Asia are, aside from small GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES 251 holdings on the Chinese coast, in the south of that continent. Hol- land has a group of rich islands in the Indian Ocean, Portugal some small holdings, and France a large area in Indo-China, gained by invasion and conquest. This includes Cambodia, Cochin-China and Tonquin, won by hard fighting since 1862. Great Britain, in addition to the extensive peninsula of India, with the neighboring rich island of Ceylon, has of late years acquired the fertile plains of Burmah, now included in its Empire of India, the whole covering an area of nearly 2,000,000 square miles. Its other Asiatic possessions include Hong Kong, in China; the Straits Settlements and other Malay states; Borneo and Sarawak, and Aden and Socotra, in Arabia. THE BRITISH IN INDIA The British control of India began with the founding of commer- cial settlements early in the seventeenth century. Areas of land were gradually acquired, and rivalry began later between England and France for the control of Indian territory. The power of the British East India Company in India was largely extended by the miUtary operations of the famous Lord Clive, and under Warren Hastings, a later governor of ambitious character, received new accessions. During the nineteenth century many accessions of territory were made, the one threat to British dominion in the peninsula being the great Sepoy rebellion, or Indian Mutiny, which needed all the resources of the Company to overcome. The most impor- tant event that succeeded was the taking over the powers of govern- ment, so far exercised by the East India Company, and vesting them in the Crown, which assumed full control of the now immense holdings of the Company. Subsequently came the raising of India to the dignity, of an empire, and the adding to the title of Queen Victoria the further title of Empress of India. Since that period the establishment of British dominion in India has become almost complete, extending to the Himalayas in the north, and over 252 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES Baluchistan in the west and Burmah in the east. As a result India, Canada and Australia have become the great trio of semi- continental British colonial possessions, India being far the richest and most populous of them all. COLONIES IN AMERICA We have next to deal with the British colonial possessions in America, including the great Dominion of Canada and Newfound- land, and the minor holdings of British Guiana, British Honduras, and the several islands of Jamaica, Trinidad, Barbadoes, the Bahamas and the Bermudas. Of these Canada is the only one that calls for notice here. Occupying the northern section of the western hemisphere lies Great Britain's most extended colony, the vast Dominion of Canada, which covers an immense area of the earth's surface, surpassing that of the United States, and nearly equal to the whole of Europe. Its population, however, is not in accordance with its dimensions, though of Jate it is growing rapidly, being now over 7,000,000. The bleak and inhospitable character of the far northern section of its area is likely to debar that region from ever having any other than a scanty nomad population, fur animals being its principal useful product. It is, however, always unsafe to predict. The recent discovery of gold in an arctic country traversed by the Klondike River, brought miners by the thousands to that wintry realm, and it would be very unwise to declare that the remainder of the great northern region contains no treasures for the craving hands of man. So far as the fertile regions of Manitoba, Alberta and Saskatchewan are concerned, the recent demonstration of their great availability as wheat-producing territory has added immensely to our conception of the national wealth of Canada, which promises to become one of the great wheat-growing regions of the earth. First settled by the French in the seventeenth century, this country came under British control in 1763, as a result of the great struggle between the two active colonizing powers for dominion in GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES 253 America. The outcome of this conquest is the fact that Canada, like the other colonies of Great Britain, possesses a large ahen popu- lation, in this case of French origin. DEVELOPMENT OF CANADA At the opening of the nineteenth century the population of Canada was small, and its resources were only slightly developed. Its people did not reach the million mark until about 1840, though after that date the tide of immigration flowed thither with consid- erable strength and the population grew with some rapidity. In 1791 the original province of Quebec had h^een divided into Upper and Lower Canada, and racial and religious conditions of the next fifty years led to severe political conflicts. As a result an act of union took place, the provinces being reunited in 1840. Upper Canada, at the opening of the eighteenth century, was only slightly developed, the country being a vast forest, without towns, without roads, and practically shut out from the remainder of the world. The sparse population was made up largely of United Empire Loyalists — refugees from the successful revolution in the Thirteen Colonies. But it began to grow with the new century, numbers crossed the Niagara River from the States to the fertile lands beyond, immigrants crossed the waters from Great Britain and France, Toronto was made the capital city, and the population of the province soon rose to 30,000 in number. Lower Canada, however, with its old cities of Quebec and Montreal, and its flourish- ing settlements along the St. Lawrence River, continued the most populous section of the country, though its people were almost exclusively of French origin. The strength of the British popula- tion lay in the upper province. In time the union which existed between the two larger prov-^ inces of Canada became unfitted to serve the purposes of the entire colony. The maritime provinces began to discuss the question of local federation, and it was finally proposed to unite all British North America into one general union. This was done in 1867, 254 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES the British Parliament passing an act wliich created the "Dominion of Canada." The new confederation included Ontario (Upper Canada), Quebec (Lower Canada), New Brunsmck and Nova Scotia. Fom* years later Manitoba and British Columbia were included, and Prince Edward Island in 1874. Since then other additions ha\e been made. A i^arliament waa formed consisting of a Senate of life members appointed by the Crown and an Assembly elected by the people. Some important questions which have arisen in Canada since the dates above given have had largely to do with its relations to the United States and its people. One of the most troublesome of these was that relating to the productive fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland and the coasts of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. For years the problem of the rights of American fishermen in these regions excited controversy. Several partial settlements have been made and in 1877 the sum of $5,000,000 was awarded to Great Britain in payment for the privileges granted to the United States. A treaty was signed in 1888 for the settlement of other branches of this vexatious question. The discovery of gold on the Klondike River in 1896 developed another problem, that of the true boundary between Alaska and Canada. At first, under the belief that the gold region was in Alaska, it brought a rush of American miners to that region. But it was soon found that the muiing region was in Canada and the mining laws imposed by the Canadian authorities were bitterly objected to by the American miners. The question of boundary has since been definitely settled by an international tribunal of British and American jurists and the present boundary line marked out by a scientific commission. The industrial development of the Dominion wdthin recent years has been great. Agricultiually the development of the fertile wheat fields of the middle west is of the most promismg character, while railway progress has been highly encouraging. The building of the Canadian Pacific Railway was a remarkable enterprise at GREAT BRITAIN AJSfD HER COLONIES 255 the time of its construction. Recently Canada is approaching a position of rivahy with the United States in this particular, a new transcontinental line, the Grand Trunk Pacific, having been com- pleted in 1914, while the Canadian Northern is rapidly progressing. PROGRESS IN CANADA Railways have spread like a network over the rich agricultural territory along the southern border land of the Dominion, from ocean to ocean, and are now pushing into the deep forest land and rich mineral and agricultural regions of the interior and the northwest, their total length in 1914 approaching 30,000 miles. These roads have been built largely under different forms of government aid, such as land grants, cash subsidies, loans, the issue of debentures, and the guarantee of interest on bonds. In manufacturing industry almost every branch of production is to be found, the progressive enterprise of the people of the Dominion being great, and a large proportion of the goods they need being made at home. The best evidence of the enterprise of Canada in manufacture is shown by the fact that she exports many thousand dollars worth of goods annually more than she buys — England being her largest customer and the United States second on the Hst. Not only is the outside world largely ignorant of the importance of Canada, but many of her own people fail to realize the greatness of the country they possess. Its area of more than three and one- half milHons of square miles — one-sixteenth of the entire land sur- face of the earth — ^is great enough to include an immense variety of natural conditions and products. This area constitutes forty per cent of the far extended British empire, while its richness of soil and resources in forest and mineral wealth are as yet almost untouched, and its promise of future yield is immense. The dimen- sions of the dominion guarantee a great variety of natural attrac- tions. There are vast grass-covered plains, thousands of square miles of untouched forest lands, multitudes of lakes and rivers, great and small, and mountaios of the wildest and grandest character. 256 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES whose natural beauty equals that of the far-famed Alpiae peaks. In fact, the Canadian Pacific Railway is becoming a route of pil- grimage for the lovers of the beautiful and subHme, its mountain scenery being unrivaled upon the continent. In several conditions the people of Canada, while preserving the general features of English society, are much more free and untrammeled. The class system of Great Britain has gained little footing in this new land, where nearly every farmer is the owner of the soil which he tills, and the people have a feeling of inde- pendence unknown to the agricultural population of European coun- tries. There has been great progress also in many social questions. The liquor traffic is subject in some Provinces to the local option restriction; religious liberty prevails; education is practically free and unsectarian; the franchise is enjoyed by all citizens; members of parliament are paid for their services; and though the executive department of the government is under the control of a governor- general appointed by the Crown, the laws of Canada are made by its own statesmen, and a state of practical independence prevails. Recognizing this, and respecting the liberty-loving spirit of the people. Great Britain is chary in interfering with any question of Canadian policy, or in any sense attempting to limit the freedom of her great transatlantic colony. CHAPTER XVII The Open Door in China and Japan Development of World Power in the East Warlike Invasions of China— Commodore Perry and His Treaty— Japan's Rapid Progi-ess— Origin of the China-Japan War— The Position of Korea— Li Hung Chang and the Empress— How Japan Began War— The Chinese and Japanese Fleets— The Battle of the Yalu— Capture of Wei Hai Wei— Europe Invades China— The Boxer Outbreak — Russian Designs on Manchuria — Japan Begins War on Russia — The Armies Meet — China Becomes a Republic, ^SIA, the greatest of the continents and the seat of the earUest civihzations, yields us the most remarkable phenom- enon in the history of mankind. In remote ages, while Europe lay plunged in the deepest barbarism, certain sections of Asia were marked by surprising activity in thought and progress. In three far-separated regions — China, India, and Babylonia — and in a fourth on the borders of Asia — Egypt — civiUzation rose and flourished for ages, while the savage and the barbarian roamed over all other regions of the earth. A still more extraordinary fact is, that during the more recent era, that of European civilization, Asia rested in the most sluggish conservatism, sleeping while Europe and America were actively moving, content with its ancient knowledge while the people of the West were piursuing new knowl- edge into its most secret lurking places. And this conservatism seemed an almost immovable one. For a century England has been pouring new thought and new enterprise into India, yet the Hindus cling stubbornly to their remotely ancient behefs and customs, though they show some signs of a political awakening. For half a century Europe has been hammering upon the gates of China, but not until recently did this sleeping nation show any signs of waking to the fact that the (257) 258 THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN world was moving around it. As regards the other early civiliza- tions — Babylonia and Egypt — they long ago were utterly swamped under the tide of Turkish barbarism and exist only in their ruins. Persia, once a great and flourishing empire, likewise sank under the flood of Arabian and Turkish invasion, and today seems in danger of being swallov/ed up in the tide of Russian and British ambition. Such was the Asia upon which the nineteenth century dawned, and such it remains in some measure today, though in parts of its vast area modern civilization has gained a firm foothold. This is especially the case with the island empire of Japan, a nation the people of which are closely allied in race to those of China, yet who have displa;^d a greater progressiveness and a marked readiness to avail themselves of the resources of modern civilization. The development of Japan has taken place within a brief period. Previous to that time it was as resistant to western influences as China continued until a later date. They were both closed nations, prohibiting the entrance of modern ideas and peoples, proud of their own form of civilization and their own institutions, and sternly resolved to keep out the disturbing influences of the restless West. As a result, they remained locked against the new civilization until after the nineteenth century was well advanced, and China's disposition to avail itself of the results of modern invention was not manifested until the century was near its end. WARLIKE INVASION OF CHINA China, with its estimated population of 300,000,000, attained to a considerable measure of civilization at a very remote period, but until very recently made almost no progress during the Chris- tian era, being content to retain its old ideas, methods and insti- tutions, which its people looked upon as far superior to those of the western nations. Great Britain gained a foothold in China as early as the seventeenth century, but the persistent attempt to flood the country with the opium of India, in disregard of the laws of the land, so angered the emperor that he had the opium THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN 259 of the British stores at Canton, worth $20,090,000, seized and destroyed. This led to the "Opium War" of 1840, in which China was defeated and was forced in consequence to accept a much greater degree of intercourse with the world, five ports being made free to the world's commerce and Hong Kong ceded to Great Britain. In 1856 an arbitrary act of the Chinese authorities at Canton, in forcibly boarding a British vessel in the Canton River, led to a new war, in which the French joined the British and the alHes gained fresh concessions from China. In 1859 the war was renewed, and Peking was occupied by the British and French forces in 1860, the emperor's summer palace being destroyed. These wars had their effect in largely breaking down the Chinese wall of seclusion and opening the empire more fully to foreign trade and intercourse, and also in compelling the emperor to receive foreign ambassadors at his court in Peking. In this the United States was among the most successful of the nations, from the fact that it had always maintained friendly relations with China. In 1876 a short railroad was laid, and in 1877 a telegraph line was estabhshed. During the remainder of the century the telegraph service was widely extended, but the building of railroads was strongly opposed by the government, and not until the century had reached its end did the Chinese awaken to the importance of this method of transportation. They did, however, admit steam traffic to their rivers, and purchased some powerful ironclad naval vessels in Europe. COMMODORE PEBRY AND HIS TREATY The isolation of Japan was maintained longer than that of China, trade with that country being of less importance, and foreign nations knowing and caring less about it. The United States has the credit of brealdng dov/n its long and stubborn seclusion and setting in train the remarkably rapid development of the island empire. In 1854 Commodore Perry appeared with an American fleet in the bay of Yeddo, and, by a show of force 260 THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN and a determination not to be rebuffed, he induced the author- ities to make a treaty of commercial intercourse with the United States. Other nations quickly demanded similar privileges, and Japan's obstinate resistance to foreign intercourse was at an end. The result of this was revolutionary in Japan. For centuries the Shogun, or Tycoon, the principal military noble, had been dominant in the empire, and the Mikado, the true emperor, rele- gated to a position of obscurity. But the entrance of foreigners disturbed conditions so greatly — by developing parties for and against seclusion — that the Mikado was enabled to regain his long-lost power, and in 1868 the ancient form of government was restored, the nobles being relegated to their original rank and their semi-feudal system overthrown. japan's rapid progress The Japanese quickly began to show a striking activity in the acceptance of the results of western civilization, alike in regard to objects of commerce, inventions, and industries, and to political organization. The latter advanced so rapidly that in 1889 the old despotic government was, by the voluntary act of the emperor, set aside and a limited monarchy estabhshed, the country being given a constitution and a legislature, with universal suffrage for all men over twenty-five. This act is of remarkable interest, it being doubtful if history records any similar instance of a monarch decreasing his authority without appeal or pressure from his people. It indicates a liberal spirit that could hardly have been looked for in a nation that had so recently opened its doors. It was, however, probably the result of a previous compact with the nobles who aided the Mikado to regain his throne. Today, Japan differs nttle from the nations of Europe and America in its institutions and industries, and from being among the most backward, has taken its place among the most advanced nations of the world. The Japanese army has been organized upon the European system, and armed with the most modern style of weapons, the THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN 261 German method of drill and organization being adopted. Its navy consists of about two hundred war vessels, built largely in British dockyards and manned by sailors trained under British officers. A number of powerful ships are in process of building. Railroads have been widely extended; telegraphs run everywhere; education is in an advancing stage of development, embracing an imperial university at Tokio, and institutions in which foreign languages and science are taught; and in a hundred ways Japan is progressing at a rate which is one of the greatest marvels of the twentieth century. This is particularly notable in view of the longer adherence maintained by the neighboring empire of China to its old customs, and the slowness with which it yielded to the influx of new ideas. • - OEIGIN OF THE CHINA-JAPAN WAR As a result of this difference in progress between the two nations we have to describe a remarkable event, one of the most striking evidences that could be given of the practical advantage of modern civilization. Near the end of the century war broke out between China and Japan, and there was shown to the world the singular circumstance of a nation of 40,000,000 people, armed with modern implements of war, attacking a nation of 300,000,000 — equally brave, but with its army organized on an ancient system — and defeating it as quickly and completely as Germany defeated France in the Franco-German War. This war, which represents a com- pletely new condition of affairs in the continent of Asia, is of sufficient interest and importance to speak of at some length. Between China and Japan lay the kingdom of Korea, separated by rivers from the former and by a strait of the ocean from the latter, and claimed as a vassal state by both, yet preserving its independence as a state against the pair. Japan invaded this coun- try at two different periods in the past, but failed to conquer it. China has often invaded it, with the same result. Thus it remained practically independent until near the end of the nineteenth 262 THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN century, when the question of predomiaance in it became a cause of war between the two rival empires. Korea long pursued the same policy as China and Japan, locking its ports against foreigners so closely that it became known as the Hermit Nation and the Forbidden Land. But it v/as forced to give way, like its neighbors. The opening of Korea was due to Japan. In 1876 the Japanese did to this secluded Idngdom what Commodore Perry had done to Japan twenty-two years before. They sent a fleet to Seoul, the Korean capital, and by threat of war forced the government to open to trade the port of Fusan. In 1880 Chemulpo was made an open port. Later on the United States sent a fleet there which obtained similar privileges. Soon afterwards most of the nations of Europe were admitted to trade, and the isolation of the Hermit Nation was at an end. Less than ten years had sufficed to break down an isolation which had lasted f©r centuries. In less than twenty years after — in the year 1899 — an electric trolley railway was put in operation in the streets of Seoul — a remarkable evidence of the great change in Korean policy. THE POSITION OF KOREA Korea was no sooner opened to foreign intercourse than China and Japan became rivals for influence in that country — a rivalry in which Japan showed itself the more active. The Koreans became divided into two factions, a progressive one that favored Japan, and a conservative one that favored China. Japanese and Chinese soldiers were landed upon its soil, and the Chinese aided their party, v/hich was in ascendency among the Koreans, to drive out the Japanese troops. War was threatened, but it was averted by a treaty in 1885 under which both nations agreed to withdraw their troops and to send no officers to drill the Korean soldiers. The war, thus for the time averted, came nine years afterwards, in consequence of an insurrection in Korea. The people of that country were discontented. They were oppressed with taxes and by tyranny, and in 1894 the followers of a new religious sect broke 23 THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN 263 out in open revolt. Their numbers rapidly increased until they were 20,000 strong, and they defeated the government troops, captured a provincial city, and put the capital itself in danger. The Min (or Chinese) faction was then at the head of affairs in the kingdom and called for aid from China, which responded by sending some two thousand troops and a number of war vessels to Korea. Japan, jealous of any such action on the part of China, responded by sur- rounding Seoul with soldiers, several thousands in number. Disputes followed. China claimed to be suzerain of Korea and Japan denied it. Both parties refused to withdraw their troops, and the Japanese, finding that the party in power was acting against them, advanced on the capital, drove out the officials, and took possession of the palace and the king. A new government, made up of the party that favored Japan, was organized, and a revolution was accomplished in a day. The new authorities declared that the Chinese were intruders and requested the aid of the Japanese to expel them. War was close at hand. LI HUNG CHANG AND THE EMPRESS China was at that time under the leadership of a statesman of marked ability, the famous Li Hung Chang, who, from being made viceroy of a province in 1870, had risen to be the prime minister of the empire. At the head of the empire was a woman, the Dowager Empress Tsu Tsi, who had usurped the power of the young emperor and ruled the state. It was to these two people in power that the war was due. The dowager empress, blindly ignorant of the power of the Japanese, decided that these '' insolent pigmies" deserved to be chastised. Li, her right-hand man, was of the same opinion. At the last moment, indeed, doubts began to assail his mind, into which came a dim idea that the army and navy of China were not in shape to meet the forces of Japan. But the empress Vv^as resolute. Her. sixtieth birthday was at hand and she proposed to celebrate it magnificently; and what better decorations could, she display than the captured banners of these 264 THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN insolent islanders? So it was decided to present a bold front, and, instead of the troops of China being removed, reinforcements were sent to the force at Asan. HOW JAPAN BEGAN WAR There followed a startUng event. On July 25th three Japanese men-of-war, cruising in the Yellow Sea, came in sight of a transport loaded with Chinese troops and convoyed by two ships of the Chinese navy. The Japanese admiral did not know of the seizure of Seoul by the land forces, but he took it to be his duty to prevent Chinese troops from reaching Korea, so he at once attacked the warships of the enemy, with such effect that they were quickly put to flight. Then he sent orders to the transport that it should put about and follow his ships. This the Chinese generals refused to do. They trusted to the fact that they were on a chartered British vessel and that the British flag flew over their heads. The daring Japanese admiral troubled his soul little about this foreign standard, but at once opened fire on the transport, and with such effect that in half an hour it went to the bottom, carrying with it one thousand men. Only about one hundred and seventy escaped. On the same day that this terrible act took place on the waters of the sea, the Japanese left Seoul en route for Asan. Reaching there, they attacked the Chinese in their intrenchments and drove them out. Three days afterwards, on August 1, 1894, both countries issued declarations of war. Of the conflict that followed, the mosjb interesting events were those that took place on the waters, the land campaigns being an unbroken series of successes for the well-organized and amply- armed Japanese troops over the medieval army of China, which went to war fan and umbrella in hand, with antiquated weapons and obsolete organization. The principal battle was fought at Ping Yang on September 15th, the Chinese losing 16,000 killed, wounded and captured, while the Japanese loss was trifling. In THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN 265 November the powerful fortress of Port Arthur was attacked by army and fleet, and surrendered after a two days' siege. Then the armies advanced until they were in the vicinity of the Great Wall, with the soil and capital of China not far before them. THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE FLEETS With this brief review of the land operations, we must return to the movements of the fleets. Backward as the Chinese were on land, they were not so on the sea. Li Hung Chang, a born progressive, had vainly attempted to introduce railroads into China, but he had been more successful in regard to ships, and had pur- chased a navy more powerful than that of Japan. The heaviest ships of Japan were cruisers, whose armor consisted of deck and interior lining of steel. The Chinese possessed two powerful battle- ships, with 14-inch iron armor and turrets defended with 12-inch armor, each carrying fom' 12-inch guns. Both navies had the advan- tage of European teaching in di-ill, tactics, and seamanship. The Ting Yuen, the Chinese flagship, had as virtual commander an experienced German officer named Von Hanneken; the Chen Yuen, the other big ironclad, was handled by Commander McGiffen, formerly of the United States navy. Thus commanded, it was expected in Europe that the superior strength of the Chinese ships would ensm*e them an easy victory over those of Japan. The event showed that this was a decidedly mistaken view. It was the superior speed and the large number of rapid-fire guns of the Japanese vessels that saved them from defeat. The Chinese guns were mainly heavy Krupps and Armstrongs. They had also some machine guns, but only three quick-firers. The Japanese, on the contrary, had few heavy armor-piercing guns, but were suppUed with a large number of quick-firing cannon, capable of poiu-ing out shells in an incessant stream. Admiral Ting and his European officers expected to come at once to close quarters and quickly destroy the thin-armored Japanese craft. But the shrewd Admiral Ito, commander of the fleet of Japan, 266 THE OPEN DOOE IN CHINA AND JAPAN had no intention of being thus dealt with. The speed of his craft enabled him to keep Iiis distance and to distract the aim of his foes, and he proposed to make the best use of this advantage. Thus equipped, the two fleets came together in the month of September, and an epoch-making battle in the history of the ancient continent of Asia was fought. THE BATTLE OP THE YALU On the afternoon of Sunday, September 16, 1894, Admiral ring's fleet, consisting of 11 warships, 4 g-unboats, and 6 torpedo boats, anchored off the mouth of the Yalu River. They were there as escorts to some transports, which went up the river to dis- charge their troops. Admiral Ito had been engaged in the same work farther down the coast, and early on Monday morning came steaming towards the Yalu in search of the enemj^. Under him were in all twelve ships, none of them with heavy armor, one of them an armed transport. The swiftest ship in the fleet v/as the Yoshino, capable of making twenty-three knots, and armed with 44 quick- firing Armstrongs, which would discharge nearly 4,000 pounds weight of shells every minute. The heaviest guns were long 13- inch cannon, of which four ships possessed one each, protected by 12-uich shields of steel. Finally, they had an important advantage over the Chinese in being abundantly sux>pned with ammunition. With this formidable fleet, Ito steamed slowly to the north- westward. Early on Monday morning he was off the island of Hai-yun-tao. At 7 a. m. the fleet began steaming north-eastward. It was a fine autiunn morning. The sun shone brightly, and there was only just enough of a breeze to ripple the surface of the water. The long Une of warships cleaving their way through the blue waters, all bright with white paint, the chrysanthemum of Japan shining like a golden shield on every bow, and the same emblem flying in red and white from every masthead, formed a striking spectacle. Some miles away to port rose the rocky coast and the blue hills of Manchuria; on the other side was the Korean Gulf. THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN 267 Omitting details of the long and uninteresting fight which followed it may be said that the most remarkable feature of the battle of the Yalu was that it took place between two nations which, had the war broken out forty years earlier, would have done their fighting with fleets of wooden junks and weapons of the past centuries. As an object lesson of the progress of China and Japan in modem ideas it is of the greatest interest, though results were drawn. CAPTURE OF WEI HAI WEI In January, 1895, the Japanese fleet advanced against the strongly fortified stronghold of Wei Hai Wei, on the northern coast of China. Here a force of 25,000 men was landed successfully, and attacked the fort in the rear, quickly capturing its landward defenses. The stronghold was thereupon abandoned by its garrison and occupied by the Japanese. The Chinese fleet lay in the harbor, and surrendered to the Japanese after several ships had been sunk by torpedo boats. China was now in a perilous position. Its fleet was lost, its coast strongholds of Port Ai^thur and Wei Hai Wei were held by the enemy, and its capital was threatened from the latter place and by the army north of the Great Wall. A continuation of the war promised to bring about the complete conquest of the Chinese empire, and Li Hung Chang, who had been degraded from his official rank in consequence of the disasters to the army, was now restored to all his honors and sent to Japan to sue for peace. In the treaty obtained China was compelled to acknowledge the independence of Korea, to cede to Japan the island of Formosa and the Pescadores group, and that part of Manchuria occupied by the Japanese army, including Port Arthur, also to pay an indemmty of 300,000,000 taels and open seven new treaty ports. This treaty was not fully carried out. The Russian, British, and French ministers forced Japan, imder threat of war, to give up her claim to the Liao-tung peninsula and Port Arthur, which stronghold was soon after obtained, under long lease, by the Russians. 268 THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN EUROPE INVADES CHINA The story of China during the few remaining years of the cen- tury may be briefly told. The evidence of its weakness yielded by the war with Japan was quickly taken advantage of by the great Powers of Europe, and China was in danger of going to pieces under their attacks, which grew so decided and ominous that rumors of a partition between these Powers of the most ancient and populous empire of the world filled the air. In 1898 decided steps in this direction were taken. Russia leased from China for ninety-nine years Port Arthur and Talien Wan, and took practical possession of Manchuria, through which a railroad was built connecting with the Trans-Siberian road, while Port Arthur afforded her an ice-free harbor for her Pacific fleet. Great Britain, jealous of this movement on the part of Russia, forced from the unwilling hands of China the port of Wei Hai Wei, and Germany demanded and obtained the cession of a port at Kiau Chau, farther down the coast, in retribution for the murder of some missionaries. France, not to be outdone by her neighbors, gained concessions of territory in the south, adjoining her Indo-China possessions, and Italy, last of all, came into the Eastern market with a demand for a share of the nearly defunct empire. The nations appeared to be settling on China in all directions and to be ready to tear the antique commonwealth to pieces between them. Within the empire itseh revolutionary changes took place, the dowager empress having first deprived the emperor of all power and then enforced his abdication. Meanwhile one important result came from the war. Li Himg Chang and the other progressive statesmen of the empire, who had long been convinced that the only hope of China lay in its being thrown open to Western science and art, found themselves able to carry out their plans, the conservative opposition having seri- ously broken down. The result of this was seen in a dozen direc- tions. Railroads, long almost - completely forbidden, gained free ''right of way," and promised in the near future to traverse the THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN 269 countiy far and wide. Steamers ploughed their way for a thousand miles up the Yang-tse-Kiang; engineers became busy exploiting the coal and iron mines of the Flowery Kingdom; great factories, equipped with the best modern machinery, sprang up in the foreign settlements; foreign books began to be translated and read; and the empress even went so far as to receive foreign ambassadors in public audience and on a footing of outward equaUty in the ''for- bidden city" of Peking, long the sacredly secluded center of an empire locked against the outer world. The increase of European interference in China, with indica- tions of a possible intention to dismember that ancient empire and divide its fragments among the land-hungry nations of the West, was viewed in China with dread and indignation, the feeling of hostihty extending to the work of the missionaries, who were probably viewed by many as agents in the movement of invasion. THE BOXER OUTBREAK The hostile sentiment thus developed was indicated early in 1900 by the outbreak of a Chinese secret society known by a name signified in EngHsh by the word "Boxers." These ultra-patriots organized an anti-missionary crusade in several provinces of North China in which many missionaries and native Christians were killed. The movement extended from the missionary settlements to include the whole foreign movement in China, and was evi- dently encouraged by the dowager empress and her advisers. As a result the outbreak spread to Peking, where Baron von Ketteler, the German minister, was killed, several of the legation buildings were destroyed, and more than two hundred refugees were besieged within the walls of the British legation. The danger to which the ministries and their assistants and families were exposed aroused Europe and America, and as the Chinese government took no steps to allay the outbreak, a relief expedition was organized, in which United States, British, French, German, Russian and Japanese forces took part. 270 THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN The fleet of the allies bombarded and destroyed the Taku forts, and heavy fighting took place at Tien-tsin, Pie-tsang and- Yang-tsun. The military expedition reached Peldng and rescued the besieged on August 14, 1906, the empress and her court fleeing from the capital. A peace treaty was signed on September 7, 1901, one of the conditions of which was that China should pay an indem- nity of $320,000,000 to the foreign Powers. The share of this allotted to the United States was $24,440,000, but after a portion of this had been paid the United States in 1908 remitted $10,800,000, on the ground that this was in excess over its actual expense. This act of generosity won the earnest gratitude of China. This event, significant of the latent and active hostilities between the East and the West, was followed by a much greater one in 1904-05, when Japan had the hardihood to engage in war with the great European empire of Russia and the unlooked-for at)ility and good fortune to defeat its powerful antagonist. RUSSIAN DESIGNS ON MANCHURIA This contest, which takes its place among the great wars of modern times, must be dealt with briefly here, as it belongs to European history only in the minor sense of a European country being engaged in it. It arose from the encroachments of Russia in the Chinese province of Manchuria and fears on the part of Japan that the scope of Russian designs might include the invasion and conquest of that country. As already stated, Russia secured a lease of Port Arthur, at the southern extremity of Manchuria, from China in 1896. Sub- sequently the Siberian Railway was extended southward from Harbin to this place, the harbor was deepened, and building opera- tions were begun at a new town named Dalny, which was to be made Asia's greatest port. The line of the railway was stsongly guarded with Russian troops. These movements of Russia excited suspicion in Great Britain and Japan, which countries so strongly opposed the military occu- THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN 271 pation by Russia of Chinese territory that in 1901 Russia agreed to withdraw her troops within the following year, to restore the railway to China, and subsequently to give up all occupation of Chinese territory. Of these agreements only the first was kept, and that only temporarily. In 1903 Japan proposed an agreement with Russia to the effect that both parties should respect the integrity of China and Korea, while the interest of Japan in Korea and that of Russia in Manchuria should be recognized. The refusal of Russia to accept this proposition overcame the patience of Japan, v/hose rulers saw clearly that Russia had no intention of withdrawing from the country occupied or of hampering her future purposes with agree- ments. In fact Japan's own independence seemed threatened. JAPAN BEGINS WAR ON RUSSIA The result was in consonance with the Japanese character. In February, 1904, Japan withdrew her minister from the capital of Russia and three days later, without the formality of a declaration of war, attacked the Russian fleets at Chemulpo and Port Arthur. The result was the sinking of two Russian ships in Chemulpo harbor, and the disabling of a number of vessels at Port Arthur. Troops were landed at the same time. Seoul, the capital of Korea, was occupied, and an army marched north to Ping- Yang. The first land engagement took place on the Yalu on April 30th, the Japanese forces under General Kuroki attacking and. defeating the Russians at that point, and making a rapid advance into Manchuria. Meanwhile Admiral Togo had been busy at Port Arthur. On April 13th he sent boats in shore to plant mines. Makharov, the Russian admiral, followed these boats out until he found Togo awaiting him with a fleet too strong for him to attack. On his return his flag-ship, the Petropavlovsk, struck one of the mines and went down with her crew of 750 and Makharov himself. The smaller ships reached harbor in bad shape from their experience ®f 272 THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN Togo's big guns. On August 10th, the Port Harbor fleet was again roughly handled by the Japanese, and some daj^s later a Vladivostock squadron, steaming southward to reinforce the Port Arthur fleet, was met and defeated. This ended the naval war- fare for that period, all the ships which Russia had on the Pacific being destroyed or seriously injured. THE ARMIES MEET On land the Japanese made successful movements to the north and south. An army under General Oku landed in the Liao-tung peninsula early in May, cut the railway to Port Arthur, and cap- tured Kin-chau, nearly forty miles from that port. There followed a terrible struggle on the heights of Nan-shan, ending in the repulse of the Russian garrison, with a loss of eighty guns. This success gave the Japanese control of Dalny, which formed for them a new base. General Nogi soon after landed with a strong force and took command of the operation against Port Arthiu'. The northern army met with similar success. General Kuroki fighting his way to the vicinity of Liao-yang, where he soon had the support of General Nozdu, who had landed an army in May. Oku, marching north from the peninsula, also supported him, the three generals forcing Kuropatkin, the Russian commander-in-chief, back upon his base. Marshal Oyama, a veteran of former wars, was made commander-in-chief of the Japanese armies. Liao-tung became the seat of one of the greatest battles of the war, lasting seven days, the number of dead and wounded being over 30,000. It ended in the retreat of Kuropatkin's armyj which, fell back upon the line of defenses covering Mukden, the Man- churian capital. Here he was again attacked by Kxu-oki, who cap- tured the key of the Russian position on the 1st of September, and held it until reinforcements arrived. For a month the armies faced each, other south of Mukden, the resting spell ending in a general advance of the Russian army, which had been largely reinforced. In the battle that followed THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN 273 the Russians lost heavily; but failed to break the Japanese lines, and after a fortnight of hard fighting both sides desisted from active hostilities, holding their positions ^th little change. POET ARTHUR TAKEN Meanwhile Port Arthur had become closely invested. One by one the hills sm-rounding the harbor were taken by the Japanese, after stubborn resistance. Big siege guns were dragged up and began to batter the town and the ships. On August 16th, General Stoessel, commander at Fort Arthur, having refused to surrender, a grand assault was ordered by Nogi. It proved unsuccessful, while the assailants lost 14,000 men. The bombardment continued, the buildings and ships suffering severely. Finally tunnels were cut through the soHd rock and on December 20th the principal stronghold in the east was carried by storm. Other forts were soon taken and on January 2, 1905, the port was surrendered, the Japanese obtaining 40,000 prisoners, 59 forts, about 550 guns, and other munitions. The fleet captured consisted of four damaged battleships, two damaged cruisers and a considerable number of smaller craft. We left the armies facing each other at Mukden in late Septem- ber. They remained there until February, 1905, without again coming into contact, and no decisive action took place until March. Kuropatkin's force had meanwhile been largely reinforced, through the difficult aid of the one-tracked Siberian railway, and was now divided into three armies of approximately 150,000 each. Oyama had also received large Reinforcements and now had 500,000 men under his command. These consisted of the armies under Kuroki, Nozdu and Oku, and the force of Nogi released by the capture of Port Arthur. General Grippenburg had command of one of the Russian armies and on January 25th took position on the left bank of the Hun River. Here, in the month following, he lost 10,000 of his men, and then threw up his post, declaring that his chief had not properly 274 THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN supported him. On January 19th, a Japanese advance in force began, attacking with energy and forcing Kuropatkin to withdraw his center and left behind the hne of the Hun. Here he fiercely attacked Oku and Nogi, for the time checking their advance. But Bilderling and Linievitch just then fell into difficulties and it became necessary to retreat, leaving Mukden to the enemy. There were no further engagements of importance between the armies, though they remained face to face for months in a long line south of Harbin. Kuropatkin during this time was reheved from command, Linievitch being appointed to succeed him. The remaining conflict of the war was a naval one, of remark- able character. RUSSIAN FLEET DEFEATED Russia, finding its Pacific fleet put out of commission, and quite unable to face the doughty Togo, had despatched a second fleet from the Baltic, comprising nearly forty vessels in all. These made their way through the Suez Canal and Indian Ocean and moved upward through the Chinese and Japanese Seas, finding themselves on May 27, 1905, in the strait of Tsushuma, between Korea and Japan. Hitherto not a hostile vessel had been seen. Togo had held his fleet in ambush, while keeping scouts on the look- out for the coming Russians. Suddenly the Russians found themselves surrounded by a long line of enemies, which had suddenly appeared in their front. The attack was furious and irresistible; the defense weak and ineffec- tive. Night was at hand, but before it came five Russian warships had gone to the bottom. A torpedo attack was made during the night and the general engagement resumed next morning. When a halt was called. Admiral Togo had sunk, disabled or captured eight battleships, nine cruisers, three coast-defense ships, and a large number of other craft, the great Russian fleet being practi- cally a total loss, while Togo had lost only three torpedo boats and 650 men. The losses in men by the Russians was 4,000 killed, and THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN 275 7,300 prisoners taken. Altogether it was a naval victory which for completeness has rarely been equaled in history. Russia, beaten on land and sea, was by this time ready to give up the struggle, and readily accepted President Roosevelt's sugges- tion to hold a peace convention in the United States. The terms of the treaty were very favorable to Russia, all things considered; but the power of Japan had been strained to the utmost, and that Power felt little inclined to put obstacles in the way. The island of Sakhalin was divided between them, both . armies evacuated Manchuria, leaving it to the Chinese, and Port Arthur and Dalny were transferred to Japan. Yet though Japan received no indemnity and little in the way of material acquisitions of any kind, she came out of the war with a prestige that no one was likely to question, and has since ranked among the great Powers of the world. And she has added con- siderably to her territory by the annexation of Korea, in which there was no one to question her right. CHINA BECOMES A REPUBLIC While Japan was manifesting this progress in the arts of war, China was making as great a progress in the arts of peace. The building of railroads, telegraphs, modern factories, and other west- ern innovations proceeded apace, modern literature and systems of education were introduced, and the old competitive examinations for office, in the Confucian literature and pliilosophy, were replaced by examinations in modern science and general knowledge. Yet most surprising of all was the great political revolution which converted an autocratic empire which had existed for four or five thousand years into a modei'n constitutional republic of advanced type. This is the most surprising political overturn that history anywhere presents. For many years a spirit of opposition to the Manchu rulers had existed and had led more than once to rebellions of great scope. The success of Japan in war was followed in China by a revolutionary 276 THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA AND JAPAN movement whose first demand was for a constitutional, government, this leading, on September 20, 1907, to an imperial decree outlining a plan for a national assembly. On July 22, 1908, another decree provided for provincial assemblies to serve as a basis for a future parliament. Later the government promised to introduce a par- liamentary system within nine years. The idea of such a government spread rapidly throughout the coimtry, and the demand arose for an immediate parliament. As the government resisted this demand, the revolutionary sentiment grew, and in October, 1911, a rebellious movement took place at Wuchang which rapidly spread, the rebels declaring that the Manchu dynasty must be overthrown. Soon the movement became so threatening that the emperor issued a decree appealing to the mercy of the people, and abjectly acknowledging that the government had done wrong in many particulars. Yuan Shi-Kai, a prominent revolutionary states- man, was made prime minister and a national assembly convened. It had become too late, however, to check the movement, and at the end of 1911 a new republic was announced at Nanking, under the provisional presidency of Dr. Sun Yat-Sen, a student of modern institutions in Europe and America. The abdication of the empe- ror quickly followed, in February 12, 1912, ending a Manchu dynasty which had held the throne for 267 years. Yuan Shi-Kai was later chosen as president. This is a very brief account of the radical revolution that took place and we cannot go into the details of what succeeded. It must suffice to say that the republic has since persisted, Yuan Shi- Kai still serving as president. The repubhc has a parliament of its own; a president and cabinet and all the official furniture of a republican government. There is only needed an education of the people into the principles of free government ''of the people, for the people, and by the people" to complete the most remarkable political revolution the world has yet known. CHAPTER XVIII Turkey and the Balkan States Checking the Dominion of the Turk in Europe The Story of Servia — Turkey in Europe — The Bulgarian Horrors — The Defense of Plevna — The Congress of Berlin — Hostile Sentiments in the Balkans — Incitement to War — ^Fightiag Begins — The Advance on Adrianople — Servian and Greek Victories — The Bulgarian Successes — Steps toward Peace — ^The War Resumed — Siege of Scutari — Treaty of Peace — ^War between the Allies — ^The Final Settlement. IN the southeast of Europe Hes a group of minor kingdoms, of httle importance in size, but of great importance in the prog- ress of recent events. Their sudden uprising in 1912, their conquest of nearly the whole existing remnant of Turkey in Europe, and the subsequent struggle between them for the spoils of the conquest brought them swiftly into prominence. And they are specially important from the fact that Servia, one of this group of states, was the ostensible — ^hardly the actual — cause of the great European war of 1914. These, known as the Balkan States from their being traversed by the Balkan range of mountains, comprise the kingdoms of Roumania, Bulgaria, Servia, Montenegro, and the recent and highly artificial kingdom of Albania. Greece is an outlying member of the group. THE STORY OF SEEVIA Of these varied states Servia is of especial interest from its immediate relation to the European contest. Its ancient history, also, possesses much of interest. Minor in extent at present, it was once an extensive empire. Under its monarch, Stephen Dushan (1336''56), it included the whole of Macedonia, Albania, Thessaly, Bulgaria, and Northern Greece, leaving little of the Balkan region (277) 278 TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES beyond its borders. In 1389 its independence ended as a result of the battle of Kossova, it becoming tributary to the conquering empire of the Turks. In another half century it became a province of Turkey in Europe, and so remained for nearly two hundred years. Its succeeding history may be rapidly summarized. In 1718 Austria won the greater part of it, with its capital Belgrade, from Turkey, but in 1739 it was regained by the Turks. Barbarous treatment of the Christian population of Servia by its half-civilized rulers led to a series of insurrections, ending in 1812 in its inde- pendence, by the terms of the Treaty of Bukarest. The Turlas won it back in 1813, but in 1815, under its leader, Milosh, its com- plete independence was attained. After the fall of Plevna in the Russo-Tm-kish War of 1877-78, Servia joined its forces to those of Russia, and by the Treaty of Berlm it obtained an accession of territory and full recognition by the Powers of Europe of its independence. In 1885 a national rising took place in Eastern Roumelia, a province of Turkey, which led to the Turkish governor being expelled and union with Bul- garia proclaimed. Servia demanded a share of this new acquisition of territory and went to war with Bulgaria, but met with a severe defeat. When, in 1908, Austria annexed the former Turkish prov- inces of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the people of Servia were highly indignant, these provinces being largely inhabited by people of the Servian race. The exasperation thus caused is of importance, especially as augmented by the agency of Austria in preventing Servia from obtaining a port on the Adriatic after the Balkan war of 1912-13. The seething feeling of enmity thus engendered had its final outcome in the assassination of the Austrian Crown Prince Ferdinand in 1914, and the subsequent invasion of Servia by the armies of Austria. We have here spoken of the stages by which Servia gradually won its independence from Turkey and its recognition as a full- fledged member of the European family of nations. There are several others of the Balkan group which similarly won independence TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES 279 from Turkey and to the story of which some passing allusion is desirable. How Greece won its independence has been already told. Another of the group, the diminutive mountain state of Monte- negro, much the smallest of them all, has the honor of being the only section of that region of Europe that maintained its inde- pendence during the long centuries of Turkish domination. Its mountainous character enabled its hardy inhabitants to hold their own against the Turks in a series of deadly struggles. In 1876-78 its ruler, Prince Nicholas, joined in the war of Servia and Russia against Turkey, the result being that 1,900 square miles were added to its territory by the Treaty of Berlin. In 1910 it was changed from a principahty into a kingdom. Prince Nicholas gaining the title of King Nicholas. A second acquisition of terri- tory succeeded the Balkan War of 1913, the adjoining Turkish province of Novibazar being divided between it and Servia. TURKEY IN EUROPE With this summary of the story of the Balkans we shall proceed to give in more detail its recent history, comprising the wars of 1876-78 and of 1912-13. As for the relations between Turkey and the Balkan peninsula, it is well known how the Asiatic conquerors known as Turks, having subdued Asia Minor, invaded Europe in 1355, overran most of thte Balkan country, and attacked and took Constantinople in 1453. Servia, Bosnia, Albania, and Greece were added to the Ottoman Empire, which subdued half of Hungary and received its first check on land before the walls of Vienna in 1529, and on the ocean at the battle of Lepanto in 1571. Vienna was again besieged by the Turks in 1683, and was then saved from captiu-e by Sobieski of Poland and Charles of Lorraine. This was the end of Turkish advance in Europe. Since that date it has been gradually yielding to European assault, Russia beginning its persistent attacks upon Turkey about the middle of the eighteenth century. At that time Turkey occupied a con- 280 TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES siderable section of Southern Russia, but by the end of the century much of this had been regained. In 1812 Russia won that part of Moldavia and Bessarabia which Hes beyond the Pruth, in 1828 it gained the principal mouth of the Danube, and in 1829 it crossed the Balkans and took Adrianople. The independence of Greece was acknowledged the same year. The next important event in the history of Turkey in Europe was the Crimean War, the story of which has been told in an earlier chapter. The chief results of it were a weakening of Russian influence in Turkey, the abolition of the Russian protectorate over Moldavia and Wallachia (united in 1861 as the principahty of Roumania), and the cession to Turkey of part of Bessarabia. Turkey also came out of the Crimean War weakened and shorn of territory. But the Turldsh idea of government remained un- changed, and in twenty years' time Russia was fairly goaded into another war. In 1875 Bosnia rebelled in consequence of the insufferable oppression of the Turkish tax-collectors. The brave Bosnians maintained themselves so sturdily in their mountain fastnesses that the Turks almost despaired of subduing them, and the Christian subjects of the Sultan in all quarters became so stirred up that a general revolt was threatened. THE BULGARIAN HORRORS :; The Turks undertook to prevent this in their usual fashion. Irregular troops were sent into Christian Bulgaria with orders to kill all they met. It was an order to the Mohammedan taste. The defenseless villages of Bulgaria were entered and their inhab- itants slaughtered in cold blood, till thousands of men, women, and children had been slain. When tidings of these atrocities reached Europe the nations were filled with horror. The Sultan made smooth excuses, and diplomacy sought to settle the affair, but it became evident that a massacre so terrible as this could not be condoned so easily. Dis- raeU, then prune minister of Great Britain, sought to minimize TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES 281 these reports so as to avert a great war in which England might be plunged. But Gladstone, at that time in retirement, arose, and by his pamphlet on the "Bulgarian Horrors" aroused a fierce public sentiment in England. His denunciation rang out Hke a tnmapet- call. "Let the Turks now carry away their abuses in the only possible manner — ^by carrying off themselves," he wrote. "Their Zaptiehs and their Mudirs, their Bimbashis and their Yuzbachis, their Kaimakams and their Pashas, one and all, bag and baggage, shall, I hope, clear out from the province they have desolated and profaned." He followed up this pamphlet by a series of speeches, delivered to great meetings and to the House of Conunons, with which for four years he sought, as he expressed it, "night and day to counter- work the purpose of Lord Beaconsfield." He succeeded; England was prevented by his eloquence from actively resisting Russia; and he excited the fury of the war party to such an extent that at one time it was not safe for him to appear in the streets of London. Hostilities were soon proclaimed. The Russians, of the same race and religious sect as the Bulgarians, were excited beyond con- trol, and in April, 1877, Alexander II declared war against Turkey. The outrages of the Turks had been so flagrant that no alhes came to their aid, while the rottenness of their empire was shown by the rapid advance of the Russian armies. They crossed the Danube in June. In a month later, they had occupied the principal passes of the Balkan mountains and were in position to descend on the broad plain that led to Constantinople. But at this point in their career they met with a serious check. Osman Pasha, the single Turkish commander of abiHty that the war developed, occupied the town of Plevna with such forces as he could gather, fortified it as strongly as possible, and from its walls defied the Russians. THE DEFENSE OF PLEVNA The invaders dared not advance and leave this stronghold in their rear. For five months all the power of Russia and the skill of 282 TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES its generals were held in check by this brave man and his followers, until Europe and America alike looked on with admiration at his remarkable defense, in view of which the cause of the war was almost forgotten. The Russian general Kriidener was repulsed with the loss of 8,000 men. The daring Skobeleff strove in vain to launch his troops over Osman's walls. At length General Todleben under- took the siege, adopting the slow but safe method of starving out the defenders. Osman Pasha now showed his courage, as he had already shown his endurance. When hunger and disease began to reduce the strength of his men, he resolved on a final desperate effort. At the head of his brave garrison the ''Lion of Plevna" sallied from the cit3^, and fought with desperate courage to break through the circle of his foes. He was finally driven back into the city and compelled to surrender. Osman had won glory, and his fall was the fall of the Turkish cause. The Russians crossed the Balkans, capturing in the Schipka Pass a Turkish army of 30,000 men. Adrianople was taken, and the Turkish line of retreat cut off. The Russians marched to the Bosporus, and the Sultan was compelled to sue for peace to save his capital from falling into the hands of the Christians, as it had fallen into those of the Turks four centuries before. Russia had won the game for which she had made so long a struggle. The treaty of San Stefano practically decreed the dissolu- tion of the Turldsh Empire. But at this juncture the other nations of Europe took part. They were not content to see the balance of power destroyed by Russia becoming master of Constantinople, and England demanded that the treaty should be revised by the European Powers in order to guard her own route to India. Russia protested, but Beaconsfield threatened war, and the Czar gave way. THE CONGRESS OF BERLIN The Congress of Berlin, to which the treaty was referred, settled the question in the following manner: Montenegro, Rou- mania, and Sei'via were de«lared independent, and Bulgaria became TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES 283 free, except that it had to pay an annual tribute to the Sultan. The part of old Bulgaria that lay south of the Balkan Mountains was named Eastern RoumeHa and given its own civil government, but was left under the military control of Turkey. Bosnia and Herze- govina were placed under the control of Austria. All that Russia obtained for her victories were some provinces in Asia Minor. Turkey was terribly shorn, and since then her power has been further reduced, for Eastern Roumelia has broken loose from her control and united itself again to Bulgaria. Another twenty years passed, and Turkey found itself at war again. It was the old story, the oppression of the Christians. This time the trouble began in Armenia, a part of Turkey in Asia, where in 1895 and 1896 terrible massacres took place. Indignation reigned in Europe, but fears of a general war kept the Powers from using force, and the Sultan paid no heed to the reforms he had promised to make. In 1896 the Christians (Greeks) of the island of Crete broke out in revolt against the oppression and tyranny of Turldsh rule. Of all the Powers of Europe little Greece was the only one that came to their aid, and the great nations, still inspired vfith the fear of a general war, sent their fleets and threatened Greece with blockade unless she would withdraw her troops. The result was one scarcely expected. Greece was persistent, and gathered a threatening army on the frontier of Turkey, and war broke out in 1897 between the two states. The Turks novv^, under an able commander, showed much of their ancient valor and intrepidity, crossing the frontier, defeating the Greeks in a rapid series of engagements, and occupying Thessaly, while the Greek army was driven back in a state of utter demoralization. At this juncture, when Greece lay at the mercy of Turkey, as Turkey had lain at that of Russia twenty years before, the Powers, which had refused to aid Greece in her generous but hopeless effort, stepped in to save her from ruin. Turkey was bidden to call a halt, and the Sultan reluctantly stopped the march of his army. He / 284 TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES demanded the whole of Thessaly and a large indemnity in money. The former the Powers refused to grant, and reduced the indemnity to a sum within the power of Greece to pay. Thus the affair ended, and such was the status of the Eastern Question until the hatred of the Balkan States again leaped into flame in the memorable Balkan War of 1912. HOSTILE SENTIMENTS OF THE BALKANS As may be seen from what has been said, the sentiment of hostiUty between the Christian States of the Balkan region and the Mohammedan empire of Turkey was not likely to be easily allayed. The atrocities of persecution which the Christians had suffered at the hands of the Turks were unforgotten and unavenged, and to them was added an ambitious desire to widen their dominions at the expense of Turkey, if possible to drive Turkey completely out of Europe and extend their areas of control to the Mediterranean and the Bosporus. These states consisted of Servia, made an autonomous principality in 1830, an independent principality in 1878, and a kingdom in 1882; Bulgaria, an autonomous principahty in 1878, an independent kingdom in 1908; Roumania, an auton- omous principahty in 1802, an independent principahty in 1878, a kingdom in 1881; Montenegro, an independent principahty in 1878, a kingdom in 1910; Eastern Roumeha, autonomous in 1878, annexed to Bulgaria in 1885. Adjoining these on the south was Greece, an independent kingdom since 1830. The former provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina had been assigned to Austrian adminis- trative control in 1878, and annexed by Austria-Hungary in 1908, an act which added to the feeling of unrest in the Balkan States. The relations existing between the Balkan States and their neighbors was one of dissatisfaction and hostihty which might at any time break into war, this being especially the case with those which bordered directly upon Turkey — Servia, Bulgaria, Mon- tenegro and Greece. Roumania, being removed from contact, had less occasion to entertain warlike sentiments. TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES 285 INCITEMENT TO WAR A fitting time for this indignation and hostile feeHng to break out into war came in 1912, as a result of the invasion and conquest of Tripoli by Italy in 1911-12. This war, settled by a protocol in favor of Italy on October 15, 1912, had caused financial losses and political unrest in Turkey which offered a promising oppor- tunity for the states to carry into effect their long-cherished design. They did not act as a unit, the smallest of them, Montenegro, declaring war on Turkey on October 8th, and Greece, on October 17th. In regard to Servia and Bulgaria, Turkey took the initiative, declaring war on them October 17, 1912. But acts of war did not wait for a formal declaration. On October 5th, King Peter of Servia thus explained to the National Assembly of that state his reasons for mobihzing his troops: "I have appHed with friendly counsels to Constantinople regarding the misery which the Christian nationaHties, including ours, are suffering in Turkey, and it is to be regretted that all this was of no avail. Instead of the expected reforms we were surprised a few days ago by the mobihzation of the Turkish army near our frontiers. To this act, by which our safety was endangered, Servia had only one reply. By my decree our army was put into a mobile state. "Our position is clear. Our duty is to underta~ke measures insuring our safety. It is our duty, in conformity with other Christian Balkan States, to do everything in our power to insure proper conditions for a real and permanent peace in the Bal- kans." The first raid into Turkish territory was made by the Bulgarian bandit Sandansky, who in 1902 had kidnapped Miss Ellen M. Stone, an American missionary, and held her for a ransom of $65,000 to procure funds for his campaign. At the head of a band of 2,500 Bulgarians he crossed the frontier and burned the Turkish block- house at Oschumava, afterwards occupying a strategic position above the Struma River. 286 TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES FIGHTING BEGINS The Montenegrin army opened the war on October 9th, by attacking a strong Turkish position opposite Podgoritza, Franz Peter, the youngest son of King Nicholas, firing the first shot. Bul- garia, without waiting to declare war, crossed the frontier on October 14th and made a sharp attack on the railway patrols between Sofia and Uskut. Sharp fighting at the same time took place on the Greek frontier, the Greeks capturing Malurica Pass, th-e chief mountain pass leading from Greece to Turkey on the northern frontier. As regards the reasons impelling Greece to take an active part in the war, it must be remembered that the great majority of Greeks still lived under the Turkish flag, while the twelve islands in the ^gean Sea seized by Italy during its war with Turkey were clamoring to be annexed to Greece instead of being returned to Turkey by the treaty of peace between Italy and Turkey. Such were the conditions and events existing at the opening of the war. It developed with great rapidity, a number of important battles being fought, in which the Turks were defeated. The military strength of the combined states exceeded that of Turkey, and within a month's time they made rapid advances, the goals sought by them being Constantinople, Adrianople, Salonica and Scutari. THE ADVANCE ON ADEIANOPLB The most important of the Balkan movements was that of the Bulgarian army upon Adrianople, the second to Constantinople in importance of Turldsh cities. By October 20th the Bulgarian main army had forced the Turks back upon the outward forts of this stronghold, while the left wing threatened the important post of Kirk-Kilisseh, in Tln-ace, about thirty miles northeast of Adrian- ople. This place, regarded as "the Key to Adrianople," was taken on the 24th, after a three days' fight, the Turkish forces, said to be 150,000 strong, retiring in disorder. The Bulgarians continued their advance, fighting over a wide TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES 287 semicircular area before Adrianople, upon which city they gradually closed, taking some of the outer forts and making their bombard- ment felt within the city itself. SERVIAN AND GREEK VICTORIES While the Bulgarians were making such vigorous advances towards the capital of the Turkish empire, their allies were winning victories in other quarters. Novibazar, capital of the sanjak of the same name, was taken by the Servians on October 23d. Prish- tina and other towns and villages of Old Servia were also taken, the victors being received by the citizens with open arms of welcome and other demonstrations of joy. Tobacco and refreshments were pressed upon the soldiers, while the people put all their possessions at the disposal of the military authorities. The Greeks were also successful, an army under the Crown Prince capturing the town of Monastir, which was garrisoned by a Turkish force estimated at 40,000. The Montenegrin forces were at the same time besieging Scutari, the capture of which they re- garded as of high importance as a means of widening the area of their narrow kingdom. Other important towns of Old Servia were taken, including Kumanova, captured on the 25th, Uskab, captured on the 26th, and Istib, 45 miles to the southwest, occupied without opposition on the following day. This place, a very strong natural position in the mountains, was known as the Adrianople of Mace- donia. THE BULGARIAN SUCCESSES While these movements were taking place in the west, the siege of Adrianople was vigorously pushed. It was completely surrounded by Bulgarian troops by the 29th, and its commander formally summoned to surrender the city. The besiegers, however, had great difficulties to overcome, the country around being inundated by the rivers Maretza and Arda in consequence of heavy rains. These floods at the same time impeded the movements of the Turks. 288 TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES On October 31st, after another three-day fight, the Bulgarians achieved the great success of the war, defeating a Tiu-kish army of 200,000 men. Only a fortnight had passed since Turkey declared war. The first week of the campaign closed with the dramatic fall of Kirk-Kilesseh, fully revealing for the first time the disorgan- ization, bad morale and inefiicient commissariat of the Turkish army. Ten days later that army was defeated and routed, within fifty miles from Constantinople, forcing it to retreat within the capital's line of defenses. Apparently Nazim Pasha had been completely outmaneuvered by Savoff's generalship. The Bulgarian tm-ning movement along the Black Sea coast appears to have been a feint, which induced the Turkish commander to throw his main army to the eastward, to such effect that the Bulgarian force on this sids had the greatest difficulty in holding the Turks in check. In fact, the Bulgarians gave way, and thus enabled Nazim Pasha to report to Constantinople some success in this direc- tion. In the meantime, however, General Savoff hurled his great strength against the Turks' weakened left wing, which he crushed in at Lule Burgas. The fighting along the whole front, which evidently was of the most stubborn and determined character, was carried on day and night without intermission, and both sides lost heavily. The final result was to force the Turks within the defensive lines of Tchatalja, the only remaining fortified position protecting Constantinople. These lines lie twenty-five miles to the northwest of the capital. The seat of war between Bulgaria and Turkey, aside from the continued siege of Adrianople, was by this success transferred to the Tchatalja lines, along which the opposing armies lay stretched during the week succeeding the Lule Burgas victory. Here siege operations were vigorously prosecuted, but the Turks, though weak- ened by an outbreak of cholera in their ranks, succeeded in main- taining their position,. TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES 289 STEPS TOWARD PEACE Elsewhere victory followed the banners of the alKes. On November 8th the important port of Salonica was taken by the Greeks, and on the 18th the Servians captured Monastir, the re- maining Turkish stronghold in Macedonia. The fighting here was desperate, lasting three days, the Turkish losses amounting to about 20,000 men. In Albania the Montenegrin siege of Scutari con- tinued, though so far without success. Turkey had now enough of the war. On November 3d she had asked a mediation of the Powers, but these replied that she must treat directly with the Balkan nations. This caused delay until the end of the month, the protocol of an armistice being approved by the Turkish cabinet on November 30th, and signed by representa- tives of Turkey, Bulgaria, Servia and Montenegro on December 3d. Greece refused to sign, but at a later date agreed to take part in a conference to meet in London on December 16th. This peace conference continued in session until January 6, 1913, without reaching any conclusions, Turkey refusing to accept the Balkan demands that she should yield practically the whole of her territory in Europe. At the final session of the conference she renounced her claim to the island of Crete, and promised to rectify her Thracian frontier, but insisted upon the retention of Adrianople. This place, the original capital of the Ottoman Empire in Europe, and containing the splendid mosque of Sultan Selim, was highly esteemed by the Mohammedans, who clung to it as a sacred city. War seemed likely to be resumed, though the European Powers strongly suggested to Turkey the advisabihty of yielding on this point, and leaving the question of the fate of the ^gean Islands to the Powers, which promised also to guard Mussulman interests in Adrianople. Finally, on January 22d, the Porte consented to this request of the Powers, a decision which was vigorously resented by the warlike party known as Young Turks. Demonstrations at once broke out in Constantinople, leading to the overthrow of the cabinet and the murder of Nazim Pasha, 2S 290 TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES former minister of war and commander-in-chief of the Turkish army. He was succeeded by Enver Bey, the most spirited leader of the Young Turks, who became chief of staff of the army. On January 30th the Balkan allies denounced their armistice and a renewed war seemed imminent. On the same day the Otto- man government offered a compromise, agreeing to divide Adrianople between the contestants in such a way that they might retain the mosques and the historic monuments. As for the ^gean Islands, they would leave these to the disposition of the Powers. THE WAR RESUMED To this compromise the Balkan allies refused to agree and on February 3d hostile operations were resumed. The investment of Adrianople had remained intact during the interval, and on the 4th a vigorous bombardment took place, the Turkish response being weak. Forty Servian seven-inch guns had been mounted, their shells falling into the town, part of which again broke into flames. At points the hnes of besiegers and besieged were only 200 yards apart. An attempt was made also to capture the penin- sula of Gallipoli, which conoimands the Dardanelles, and thus take the Turkish force in the rear. Fifty thousand Bulgarians had been landed on this coast in November, and the Greek fleet in the Gulf of Sai^os supported the attack. If successful, there v/ould be nothing to prevent this fleet from passing the straits, defeating the inferior Turldsh war vessels and attacking Constantinople from the rear. Fighting in this region continued for several days, the Turkish forces being driven back, but still holding their forts. SIEGE OF SCUTARI In the west the most important operation at this period was that of the Montenegrins, led by King Nicholas in person, against Scutari, an Albanian stronghold which they were eager to possess. Servian artillery aided in the assault, and on February 8th the important outwork on Muselim Hill was taken by an impulsive TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES 291 bayonet charge. The city was not captured, however, until April 2Sd, when an entire day's ceaseless fighting ended in the yielding of the garrison, the climax of a six-month siege. An energetic attack had been made by the Bulgarians and Serbs on Adrianople on March 14th, ending in a repulse, and on the 22d another vigorous assault was begun, continuing with terrific fighting for four days. It ended in a surrender of the city on the 26th. The siege had continued for 152 days. Before yielding the Turks blew up the arsenal and set fire to the city at several points. At the same time Tchatalja, which had been actively assailed, fell into the hands of the allies and Constantinople lay open to assault. Meanwhile the Powers of Europe had again offered their good services to mediate between the warring forces, and a conditional mediation was agreed to by the Balkan allies. Movements towards peace, however, proceeded slowly, the most interesting event of the period being a demand by Austria, backed by Italy, that Montenegro should give up the city of Scutari. Earnest protests were made against this by King Nicholas, but the despatch of an Austrian naval division on April 27th to occupy his ports and m_arch upon Cettinje, his capital, obliged him reluctantly to yield and on May 5th Scutari was given up to Austria, to form part of a projected Albanian kingdom. TREATY OF PEACE Peace between the warring nations was finally concluded on May 30, 1913, the treaty providing that Turkey should cede to her alHed foes all territory west of a line drawn from Enos on the ^Egean coast to Media on the coast of the Black Sea. This left Adrianople in the hands of the Bulgarians and gave Turkey only a narrow strip of territory west of Constantinople, the meager remnant of her once great holdings upon the continent of Europe. The victors desired to divide the conquered territory upon a plan arranged between them before the war, but the purposes of Austria and Italy were 292 TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES out of agreement with this design and the Powers insisted in forming out of the districts assigned to Servia and Greece a new principaUty to be named Albania, embracing the region occupied by the unruly Albanian tribes. This plan gave intense dissatisfaction to the alhes. It seemed designed to cut off Servia from an opening upon the Mediterranean, which that inland state ardently desired and Austria strongly opposed. Montenegro was also deprived of the warmly craved city of Scutari, which she had won after so vigorous a strife. Bul- garia also was dissatisfied with this new project and opposed the demands of Servia and Greece for compensation in land for the loss of Albaliia or for their support of the Bulgarian operations. WAR BETWEEN THE ALLIES Thus the result of this creation of a new and needless state out of the conquered territory by the peace-making Powers roused hostilities among the aUies which speedily flung them into a new war. Bulgaria refused to yield any of the territory held by it to the Ser- vians and Greeks, and Greece in consequence made a secret league with Servia against Bulgaria. It was the old story of a fight over the division of the spoils. It is doubtful which of the contestants began hostile operations, but Bulgaria lost no time in marching upon Salonica, held by Greece, and in attacking the Greek and Servian outposts in Mace- donia. The plans of General Savoff, who had led the Bulgarians to victory in the late war and who commanded in this new outbreak, in some way fell into the hands of the Greeks and gave them an important advantage. They at once, in junction with the Servians, attacked the Bulgarians and drove them back. From the accounts of the war, probably exaggerated, this struggle was accompanied by revolting barbarities upon the inhabitants of the country invaded, each country accusing the other of shameful indignities. What would have been the result of the war, if fought out between the original contestants, it is impossible to say, for at TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES 293 this juncture a new Balkan State, which had taken no part in the Turkish war, came into the field. This was Roumania, lying north of Bulgaria and removed from any contact with Turkey. It had had a quarrel with Bulgaria, dating back to 1878, concerning certain territory to which it laid claim. This was a strip of land on the south side of the Danube near its mouth and containing Silistria and some other cities. THE FINAL SETTLEMENT King Charles of Roumania now took the opportunity to demand this territory, and when his demand was refused by Ferdinand of Bulgaria he marched an army across the Danube and took the Bulgarians, exhausted by their recent struggle, in the rear. No battles were fought. The Roumanian army advanced until within thirty miles of Sofia, the Bulgarian capital, and Ferdinand was obliged to appeal for peace, and in the subsequent treaty yielded to Roumania the tract desired, which served to round out its frontier on the Black Sea. Another imexpected event took place. While her late foes were strugghng in a war of their own, Turkey quietly stepped into the arena, and on July 20th retook possession, without opposition, of Adrianople, Bulgaria's great prize in the late war. A peace conference was held at Bukarest, capital of Roumania, beginning July 30th, and framing a treaty, signed on August 10th. This provided for the evacuation of Bulgaria by the invading armies, and also for a division of the conquered territory. Bulgaria gained the largest amount of territory, though less than she had claimed. Greece retained the important seaport of Salonica, the possession of which had been hotly disputed, and gained the largest sea front. Montenegro, though deprived of the much- coveted Scutari, was assigned part of northern Albania and the Turkish sanjak of Novibazar, adjoining on the east, considerably increasing her diminutive territory. Servia had most reason to be dissatisfied with the result, in 294 TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES view of her craving for an opening to the sea. Cut off by Albania on the west; it sought an opening on the south, demanding the cit}'- of Kavala, on the ^Egean Sea. But to this Greece strongly objected, as that city, one of the great tobacco marts of the world, was inhabited almost wholly by Greeks. Servia, however, extended southward far over its old territory, gaining Uskub, its old capital. And the Powers also agreed that it should have commercial rights on the Mediterranean, through railroad connection with Salonica. As regards Turkey's shrewd advantage of the opportunity to retake Adrianople, it proved a successful move. The Russian press strongly advocated that the Turks should be ejected, but the jealousy of the Powers prevented any agreement as to who should do this and in the end the Turks remained, with a considerable widening of the tract of land before assigned to them. In these wars it is estimated that 358,000 persons died, and that the cost of the two wars, to the several nations involved, reached a total of $1,200,000,000. Its general result was almost to complete the work of expelling the Turks from Europe, the territory lost by them being divided up between the several Balkan nations. CHAPTER XIX Methods in Modern Warfare Ancient and Modern Weapons — New Types of Weapons — The Ironclad War- ship — The Balloon in War — Tennyson's Foresight — Gunning for Airships — The Submarine — Under-water Warfare — The New Type of Battleship — Mobilization — The Waste of War. NE hundred years ago the Battle of Waterloo had just been fought and Napoleon's star had set never to rise again. For 3^ears he had swept Europe with his armies, rending the nations into fragments, and winning world-famous victories with weapons that no one would look for today except in a mili- tary museum, weapons antiquated beyond all possible utility on a modern field of battle. ANCIENT AND MODERN WEAPONS Every fresh modern war has been fought with new weapons, and during the past century there have been countless inventions for the carrying on of warfare in a more destructive manner, apparently on the philanthropic theory that war should be made so terrible that it must quickly pass away. But it has happened that as soon as a particularly horrible contrivance was invented and introduced into armies and navies, other inventors immediately set themselves to offset and discount its probable effect. Consequently war not only has not passed away, but we have it with us in more frightful form than ever before. Thus it is that each big war, after being heralded as the world's last conflagration, has proved but the herald of another war, bigger and more death-dealing still. Since the Civil War in the United States, in which probably more new features in modes of fighting were introduced than in (2U5) 296 METHODS IN MODERN WARFARE any conflict that had preceded it, there have been immense improve- ments in arms, in armament and in the general efficiency of both armies and navies. It was the Civil War that brought into being the turreted Monitor, one of the greatest contributions to naval architecture the navies of the world had then known. While the turrets on the modern battleship are very different in design, in armor and in arrangement from those on the old monitors, they are nothing more than an adaptation of the original devices. The same is the case with the small arms and the field guns of the modem armies, these having been greatly improved since the period of the Civil War. The breech-loading and even the magazine rifle are now in use in every army, while the smallest field piece of today is almost as efficient as the most powerful gun in use fifty years ago. The first attempt to use a torpedo boat dates back to the Civil War. A primitive contrivance it was, but it showed a possi- bility in naval warfare which speedily led to the general building of torpedo boats, and to the invention of the highly efficient White- head torpedo. THE IRONCLAD WARSHIP Another lesson in warfare was taught when the ironclad Merrimac and Monitor met and fought for mastery in Hampton Roads. The ironclad vessel was not then a new idea in naval architecture, but its efficiency as a fighting machine was then first demonstrated. Iron for armor soon gave way to thick and tough steel, while each improvement in armor led to a corresponding improvement in guns and projectiles, until now a battle at sea has grown to be a remarkably different affair from the great ocean combats of Nelson's time. But development in the art of war has not ceased with the improvement in older types of weapons. New devices, scarcely thought of in former wars, have been introduced. These include the use of the balloon and aeroplane as scouting devices, of the METHODS LSr MODERN WARFARE 297 bomb filled with explosives of frightful rending power, and of the submarine naval shark, designed to attack the mighty battleships from under water. THE BALLOON IN WAE Of recent years the balloon has been developed into the dirigible, the flying machine that can be steered and directed. Made effec- tive by Count Zeppelin and others, its possibilities as an aid in war were quickly perceived. Then came the notable invention of the Wright Brothers, and after 1904 the aeroplane quickly ex- panded into an effective aerial instrument, the probable service- ableness of which in war was evident to all. Here we are tempted to stop and quote the remarkable prediction from Tennyson's "Locksley Hall," the truth of which is now being so strikingly verified: "For I dipt into the future, far as human eye could see, Saw the vision of the world and aU the wonder that would be; Saw the heavens fill with commerce, argosies of magic sails, Pilots of the purple twilight, dropping down with costly bales; Heard the heavens fill with shouting, and there rained a ghastly dew From the nations* airy navies grappling in the central blue; Far along the world-wide whisper of the south-wind rushing warm. With the standards of the peoples plunging through the thxmder storm; Till the war drum throbbed no longer, and the battle flags were furled In the parliament of man, the federation of the world." GUNNING FOR AIRSHIPS The airship does not float safely in the central blue, aside from attacks by flying foes. Guns pointing upward have been devised to attack the daring aviator from the ground and flying machines can thus be swiftly brought down, like war eagles shot in the sky. Several types of guns for this purpose are in use, som"^ to be employed on warships or fortifications, others, mounted on auto- mobile trucks, for use in the field. The Ehrhardt gun, a German weapon, which is designed to be mounted on an auto-truck, weighs nearly 1700 pounds. The car 298 METHODS IN MODEHN WARFARE carries 140 rounds of ammunition and the whole equipment in service condition weighs more than six tons. The gun has an extreme range at 45 degrees elevation of 12,029 yards, or more than six miles. The sights are telescopic, a moving object can be followed with ease, and the gun is capable of being fired very rapidly. The British are provided with the Vickers gun, which is mainly intended for naval use, but the military arm is also provided with anti- balloon guns, which have great range and can throw a three-pound shell at any high angle. Some of these guns use incendiary shells, intended to ignite the gas in dirigibles. There is another type that explodes shrapnel. In addition to these, rifle fire is apt to be effec- tive, in case of airships coming within its range. Jules Vedrines, a well-known French aviator, tells this story of his experience while doing scout duty for the French army: "Those German gunners surely have tried their best to get me," he wrote. "Each night when I come back to headquarters my machine looks more and more like a sieve because of the numerous bullet holes in the wings. "I have been keeping tab on the number of new bullet holes in my machine each day, m.arking each with red chalk, so that I won't include any of the old ones in the next day's count. My best record so far for one day is thirty-seven holes. That shows how close the enemy has come to hitting me. My duties as scout require me to cover various distances each day. The best record so far in one day is 600 miles." THE SUBMAKINE^^ The submarine is another type of war apparatus, one the utilitj- of which promises to be very great. It is of recent origin. At the time of the Spanish-American War there were only five sub- marines in all the navies of the world, and of this number three were in the French navy, one in Italy and one in Portugal. The United States was building its first one, and had not decided what type to select. At the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War Great Britain METHODS IN MODERN WARFARE 299 had nine of the American (Holland) type of submarines and was building twenty more, while France had accumulated thirty-six of various types and of various grades of reported efficiency, while Germany had none. In 1914 there were nearly four hundred vessels of this type in the world's navies, France standing first with 173. It was believed that the moral effect of the submarine would be almost as important as its physical effect in dealing with an enemy's warship, and this idea has been justified. Some persons maintained that fights of submarines with each other might take place, each, like the Kilkenny cats, devouring the other. But the fact is that when submerged the submarine is as blind as the tradi- tional bat. Its crew cannot see any object under water, and is compelled to resort to the use of the periscope, which emerges unostentatiously above the water, in order to see its own course. It is known that the periscope is the eye of the submarine, and naturally attention has been paid to the best way of destroying this vital part of such boats. Recently, grappling irons have been devised for use from dirigibles, which are expected to drag out the periscope as the dirigible flies above it. Careful plans for torpedoing submarines also have been made, but their effectiveness likewise remains to be demonstrated. Submarine builders have naturally held the view that the submerged boat could not be seen. But it has been discovered that from a certain height an observer may trace the course of a sub- merged submarine with as great accuracy as if it were running on the surface. It is found that the submerged boat can readily be seen from the dirigible and the aeroplane. On the other hand an anti- balloon gun has been devised which can be raised from the submarine when it comes to the surface, and used against the hostile airship. UNDEE-WATER WAEFAEE The submarine is supposed to have its most important field of, ^operation against a fleet of battleships and cruisers besieging 300 METHODS IN MODERN WARFARE a seaport city. These great war craft, covered above the water- line with thick steel armor, are vulnerable below, and a torpedo discharged from a torpedo boat or an explosive bomb attached to the lower hull by a submarine may send the largest and mightiest ship to the bottom, stung to death from below. With this idea in view torpedo boats, destroyers — designed to attack torpedo boats — and submarines have been multiplied in mod- ern navies. We have just begun to appreciate the effectiveness of this type of vessels. Their possibilities are enormous and their latent power renders the bombardment from sea of town or fort a far more perilous operation than of old. Fired at by the great guns of the fort capable of effective work at eight or ten miles distance, exposed to explosive bombs dropped from soaring airships, made a target for the deadly weapon of the torpedo boat, and in constant risk of being stung by the submarine wasp, these great war ships, built at a cost of ten or more millions and peopled by hundreds of mariners, are in constant danger of being sent to the bottom with all on board — ^a contingency likely to shake the nerves of the steadiest Jack Tar or admiral on board. A typical submarine has a length of about 150 feet and diameter of 15 feet, with a speed of eleven knots on the surface and five knots when submerged. Some of the more recent have a radius of naviga- tion of 4,500 miles without need of a new supply of stores and fuel. On the surface they are propelled by gasoline engines, but when submerged they use electric motors driven by storage batteries. If the weather should grow too rough they can sink below the waves. THE NEW TYPE OF BATTLESHIP While the peril of the big ship has thus been increased, the size and fighting capacity of those ships have steadily grown — and at the same time their cost, which is becoming almost prohibitive. Taking the British navy, the leader in this field, the size of battle- ships was yearly augmented until in 1907 the famous Dread- naught appeared, looked upon at the time as the last word in naval METHODS IN MODERN WARFARE 301 architecture. This great ship was of 17,900 tons displacement and 23,000 horse-power, its armor belt eleven inches thick, its major armament composed of ten twelve-inch guns. There are now twenty British battleships of larger size, some much larger. - On shore a similar increase may be seen in the size and effec- tiveness of armies and the strength of fortifications. In all the larger nations of Europe except Great Britain the whole able-bodied male population are now obliged to spend several years in the army, and to be ready at a moment's notice to drop all the avocations of peace and march to the front, ready to risk their lives in their country's service or at the command of the autocrat under whom they live. MOBILIZATION MobiHzation is a word with strenuous significance. When it is put into effect every able-bodied man must report without delay for service. His name is on the army Hsts; if he fails to report he is branded as a deserter. In Germany, the order to mobilize is issued by the Emperor and is immediately sent out by all mihtary and civil authorities, at home or abroad. Every person knows at once what he is required to do. Skeleton regiments are filled out and additional regiments formed. Simultaneously there is a levy of horses. The order reaches into every household; into the factories, ^he shipyards, the hotels, the farms, river boats, everywhere. Almost instantly the male individuals within the prescribed ages must at once report to the barracks to come under mihtary discipline. Infantry, cavalry and artillery units double and triple at once. This is the first step in mobihzation. The second is the trans- portation and concentration of forces. The railways are seized, the telegraph and telephone systems. Mail, mihtary, aerial and railway services are assigned. The commissary lines are laid and transportation provided for. With marvelous efficiency the full fighting strength, in front and rear, is made ready and co-ordinated. 302 METHODS IN AiODERN WARFARE^ The psychological effect of mobiHzation is tremendous. In every household home- ties are broken. The fields are stripped of men. Industry stops. Artillery rolls through the streets^ bands play. An atmosphere of apprehension settles down on the country. THE WASTE OF WAR And the waste of it all; the criminal, unbelievable waste! Consider the vast loss of products that is due, not only to actual war, but to unceasing and universal preparation for war. It has been stated on the highest autiiority that during the last decade forty per cent of the total outlay of European states has been absorbed by the armies and navies which, when war arises, seek in every way to destroy as much as they can of the remainder. Com- menting on this state of affairs, Count Sergius Witte, the ablest of Russian statesmen and financiers, said in London not long ago: '^ Sketch a picture in your mind's eye of all that those sums, if properly spent, could effect for the nations who now waste them on heavy guns, rifles, dreadnaughts, fortresses and barracks. If this money were laid out on improving the material lot of the people^ in housing them hygienically, in procuring for them healthier air, medical aid and needful periodical rest, they would live longer and work to better purpose, and enjoy some of the happiness or content- ment which at present is the prerogative of the few. '^ Again, all the best brain work of the most eminent men is focused on efforts to create new lethal weapons, or to make the old ones more deadly. For one of the arts in which cultured nations have made most progress is warfare. The noblest efforts of the greatest thinkers are wasted on inventions to destroy human hfe. "When I call to mind the gold and the work thus dissipated in smoke and sound and compare that picture with this other— villagers with drawn, sallow faces, men and women and dimly conscious children perishing slowly and painfully of hunger — I begin to ask myself whether human culture and the white man who personifiej* it are not wending toward the abyss." METHODS IN MODERN WARFARE 303 In '^War and Waste" Dr. David Starr Jordan quotes the table of Richet to show the cost of a general European war. Per day the French statistician figures the war's cost thus: Feed of men $12,600,000 Feed of horses. 1,000,000 Pay (European rates) 4,250,000 Pay of workmen in arsenals and ports 1,000,000 Transportation (sixty miles, ten days) 2,100,000 Transportation of provisions 4,200,000 Munitions — Infantry, ten cartridges a day 4,200,000 Artillery, ten shots per day 1,200,000 Marine, two shots per day 400,000 Equipment 4,200,000 Ambulances: 500,000 wounded or ill ($1 per day) 500,000 Armatm-e 500,000 Reduction of imports 5,000,000 Help to the poor (20 cents per day to one in ten) 6,800,000 Destruction of towns, etc 2,000,000 Total per day $49,950,000 CHAPTER XX Canada's Part in the World War New Relations Toward the Empire — Military Preparations — The Great Camp at Valcartier — The Canadian Expeditionary Force — ^Political Effect of Canada's Action on Future of the Dominion. THE sailing of the First Canadian Contingent on October 2, 1914, for England, en route to the theater of war, marked a noteworthy epoch in Canadian history. For the first time the Dominion took her place, not as a British colony, but as a component part of the British Empire. This position was estabhshed by the voluntary offer of expeditionary troops to be raised, equippedj and paid by Canada for the defense of the British Empire. For many years a movement had been on foot to bring about this attitude on the part of the Dominion by His Majesty's govern- ment. No such action was taken by the Dominion in the South African War, though a Canadian regiment was raised for the guarding of Halifax so that the regiment of British soldiers doing garrison duty there might be released for service at the front, and all other troops who left Canada went simply as volunteers to join the British army, though raised by the Dominion government. When the situation in South Africa reached a critical stage and there were fears of German interference on behalf of the Boers it became clear that the British government strongly desired a helping hand from Canada for political reasons. It seemed a good time to show a solid front and a united Empire. Later, on October 3d, there came a request for 500 men from the British Colonial Secretary. No immediate action was taken on this, but on October 13th, the government passed an Order-in-Council for the raising of (30i) CANADA'S PART IN THE WORLD WAR 305 1,000 volunteers and providing for their equipment and transporta- tion. But these men were really British volunteers, not Canadian troops, as once at the front they became British soldiers under British pay. This contingent was known as a "Special Service BattaHon of the Royal Canadian Regiment of Infantry," and did not belong in any sense to the organized troops of the Dominion, either regular or mihtia, although they approached naore nearly to that status than in any previous case of assistance given by the Dominion to the Empire. In the Indian Mutiny in 1857 a regiment was raised in Canada by the British government known as the "100th Prince of Wales Royal Canadian Regiment" and in the Empire's other wars, such as the Crimean and the Soudanese, there were always Canadian volunteers in the British forces. MILITARY PREPARATIONS The declaration of war by Great Britain on Germany made on the night of August 4, 1914, foxmd the people of the Dominion not wholly unprepared for the situation. For some time ways of helping the mother country had been the chief topic both in government circles and among the people at large. This is best instanced by the following telegram sent by His Royal Highness, the Governor-General, to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Rt. Hon. Lewis Harcourt. "Ottawa, August 1, 1914. "In view of the impending danger of war involving the Empire my advisers are anxiously considering the most effective means of rendering every possible aid, and will welcome any suggestions and advice which Imperial naval and mihtary authorities may deem it expedient to offer. They are confident that a considerable force would be available for service abroad, as under section sixty- nine of Canadian Mihtia Act the active mihtia can only be placed on active service beyond Canada for the defense thereof. It has been suggested that regiments might enUst as Imperial troops for 20 806 CANADA'S PART IN THE WORLD WAR a stated period, Canadian Government undertaking to pay all necessary financial provisions for their equipment, pay and main- tenance. This proposal has not yet been maturely considered here and my advisers would be glad to have views of Imperial Govern- ment thereon. '^ Arthur." This ofifer from Canada preceded similar offers from Australia, India, South Africa and Egypt. The response to this came in the following cable from His Majesty. 'XoNDON, August 4, 1914. ''Please communicate to your ministers following message from His Majesty the King and publish: " 'I desire to express to my people of the Overseas Dominions with what appreciation and pride I have received the messages from their respective governments during the last few days. These spontaneous assurances of their fullest support recalled to me the generous self-sacrificing help given by them in the past to the Mother country. I shall be strengthened in the discharge of the great responsibilities which rest upon me by the confident beUef that in this time of trial my Empire will stand united, calm, resolute, and trusting in God. " 'George R. L' "Harcourt." Mr. Harcourt also cabled advising that although there was not immediately need for an expeditionary force it would be advisa- ble to take all legislative and other steps necessary to the providing of such a force in case it should be required later. The declaration of the war by Great Britain was officially recognized in Canada on August 5th, in a message from the Governor- General, beginning: ''Whereas a state of war now exists between this country and Germany." On the following day came a call to the militia for active CANADA'S PART IN THE WORLD WAR 307 service and Canada had gone on record as having accepted her responsibilities as an integral part of the Empire. She was send- ing troops to help England not as volunteers who were to become British soldiers, but as Canadian soldiers, enlisted, clothed, armed, equipped and paid by Canadian dollars. Shortly after this came another cablegram from Mr. Harcourt gratefully accepting the offer of the expeditionary force and request- ing that it be sent forward as quickly as possible. This cablegram was supplemented by another suggesting one army division as a suitable composition for this expeditionary force. The terms of enlistment were to be as follows : "(a) For a term of one year unless war lasts longer than one year, in which case they will be retained until war is over. If employed with hospitals, depots of mounted units, and as clerks, et cetera, they may be retained after termination of hostiUties until services can be dispensed with, but such retention shall in no case exceed six months. " (6) To be attached to any arm of service should it be required of them." An army division of war strength consists of about 22,500 men composing all branches of the service. While the call to arms found Canada prepared morally and financially, it found the country sadly unprepared from the stand- point of equipment. It was necessary to buy or make rifles, uni- forms, guns and equipment of every description to increase the limited supply on hand to the necessary point. The quantity and variety of supplies required by an army division seems mountainous to the civilian. They ran the entire gamut from shoe laces to motor trucks, and these had to be purchased at the high prices caused by sudden demand wherever it was possible to obtain them in quantities with the greatest speed. In this great work of mobilization Canada's fine railway organi- zations played a great and necessary part. With their aid and that of many prominent men in Canadian affairs the question of the 308 CANADA'S PART IN THE WORLD WAR gathering together of materials at selected points went ahead rapidly. The matter of enlistments held equally important sway. An order in comicil authorized an army of 22,218 officers and men and the recruiting officers wasted no time in setting about their work. All over the Dominion men had been drilling ever since the danger of war became acute. The organized mihtia was hard at work. Volunteers were being rapidly gathered and after a thorough medical examination were put in charge of a drill sergeant. There was no difficulty in getting men and the recruiting officers from the first were overwhelmed with applications. Canada was going to the aid of the mother country, not unwillingly, not with hesitancy, not with parsimony, but with a great rush of enthusiasm to save the Empire, Om- Empire! THE GKEAT CAMP AT VALCARTIER The problem of concentrating this huge body of men soon became a real one. A great mobilization camp was needed. A place not too far from the Atlantic, with ample railroad facilities, large and roomy enough for the manoeuvering of large bodies of men as well as their housing in tents, must be found. A further qualifica- tion was that this great camp should be located in a position of strategic importance and one which could be defended should the necessity arise. Such a place was found at Valcartier, a small village some six- teen miles from the City of Quebec on the fine of the Canadian Northern Railway. When the war was declared the government did not own Valcar- tier and few people had ever heard of it. Soon, however, the name began to grow more familiar with the newspapers and in a day or two the place became government property. For the purpose it proved ideal. Great expanse of level country provided an ideal manoeuvering ground. The site of the camp itself was high enough for good CANADA'S PART IN THE WORLD WAR 309 drainage and the Jacques Cartier River provided an abundance of good water. But with the acquisition of the ground the work had Just begun. It was necessary to erect tents for the housing of 30,000 men. A commissary for their subsistence must be provided. Stores and storehouses had to be rushed to the spot and there was a huge amount of work of a more or less permanent character in the shape of water works with many miles of piping, shower baths, drinking troughs, an electric light plant and the like. The engineers were called upon immediately to lay out the camp and its many auxiliary features. A rifle range, the largest in the world, was immediately planned and put in operation for the training of the soldiers, for few men unacquainted with miUtary life are able to handle modem high-powered miUtary rifles with any degree of success, although the average man, under capable instructors, rapidly becomes proficient. ArtiUery ranges in the Laurentian Hills were established for the training of the field artillery. Here the big sixty-pounders, which throw a shell for nearly five miles, first woke the echoes. A great bridge-building record was made by the men of the Royal Canadian Engineers under the direction of Major W. Bethune Lindsay of Winnipeg. The Jacques Cartier River separates the main camp from the artillery practice grounds at the base of Mounts Ileene and Irene. Across this 350 feet of waterway the Royal Canadian Engineers built within four hours a barrel-pier pontoon bridge capable of carrying heavy batteries. The Major and his three hundred men worked with that well-ordered efficiency which characterizes the efforts of the British bred. The race for the record started with the Canadian Northern Railway. The materials — barrels, planking, etc. — ^were freighted on to the ground with remark- able dispatch. The casks were made watertight, the timber was made ready, the twenty-foot bank cut down to provide an easy grade for traffic, and the actual test was on. There was never a hitch. One party of men lashed the barrels to the heavy planks, and, as soon as that operation was complete. 310 CANADA'S PART IN THE WORLD WAR another party lifted the pier and carried it down the bank. Another squad of men conveyed it on to the water, where it was taken in charge by still another party and floated out to the front line. The pier was drawn quickly into position, and as many men as could work with freedom soon had the flooring spiked down. The actual bridging commenced at eight o'clock; the span was complete at ten minutes after twelve. The extra ten minutes were accounted for by the fact that on one or two occasions passing bodies of other troops necessitated a temporary cessation of carrying operations. Col. Burstall, Director of Artillery at the Camp, visited the work during the morning and expressed his astonishment at the progress effected. Ordinarily it is a good day's work to throw a bridge of this class across a three-hundred-foot stream. Col. G. F. Maunsell, Director General of Engineering Service in Canada, who is attached to headquarters at Ottawa, also paid close attention to the task and was vastly pleased with the result. Col. Morrison, Ottawa, of the Artillery Service, hurried a gun across the bridge when com- pleted, establishing its efficiency at once. Without doubt the brother officers of Major Lindsay, in all branches of the service, were extremely gratified at the efficiency and despatch of the men making up the Royal Canadian Engineers at the big camp. Of course, the railway problem of moving the thousand or more troop trains which were rushing from all parts of Canada to Val- cartier was a huge one. In this they had to cope with the great quantity of supplies and equipment v/hich was daily forwarded. At Valcartier it was necessary for the Canadian Northern to form a loop for the rapid handling of these trains so that a constant stream of trains was kept continually movuig in both directions without interruption. Great hardships and inconveniences resulted in many cases from the lack of proper equipment. It was colder down in Quebec than in many other parts of the Dominion and a great many men were without sufficient blankets to keep them warm. Uniforms were scarce and army shoes fit for the work of drills and manceuvers CANADA'S PART IN THE WORLD WAR 311 even scarcer. Gradually, however, these deficiencies were supplied, recruits began to show amazing progress in the art of soldiering and Uttle by little the great camp lost its motley appearance and became an efficient military organization in which rigid discipline and high efficiency prevailed. In six weeks Valcartier's 30,000 were ready, ready for England and the final polish which was to fit them for the test of battle. They could even have been sent to the front. It seemed that this was not yet necessary. THE CANADIAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCE But it was decided that the time had come for this great body of troops to leave. The original plan of sending a division of 22,500 men was supplemented by the dispatch of the remaining 7,500 as a reserve to prevent the delay in getting them to the front should the necessity arise suddenly. Members of the government spoke of a possible second or third contingent, as experience had taught them that it would be as easy to raise 100,000 men as it had been to raise 30,000. At a given time the evacuation of Valcartier began. Thirty-two transports lay in the St. Lawrence prepared to take the division to England, and soon the first contingent began to move toward the sea. The British fleet had cleared the ocean of all but a few scattered German cruisers, and these were amply guarded against by the warships which acted as escorts. And so, on the second day of October Canada's first great pledge of loyalty left the shores of the Dominion to go to the defense of the Empire. On October 15th the transports reached Plymouth, England, and were received with greatest enthusiasm. An English newspaper, The Western Morning News, spoke of the arrival the next morning in the following terms: ''The arrival of the fleet of transports with the first contingent of Canadian forces on board was an event of good augury for the future of the war. These splendid men have come, some of them nearly 6,000 miles, to testify to the unity of the Empire and take their share of the burden which rests upon Britons the world over 312 CANADA'S PART IN THE WORLD WAR of being the stoutest champions of justice and Hberty. Even if their numbers were smaller we should hail their arrival as a symbol of the solidarity of the British race, but they come a large number in themselves, yet only the earnest of many more to come if they are needed to help in defeating the imposition of German tyranny and militancy on the world. The cheers they raised for the old country as they steamed into the harbor yesterday, and the splendid vigor and spirit they displayed, showed they have both the will and the power to give a good account of themselves at the front and prove worthy comrades of the dauntless band of heroes who, under Sir John French, have won the unstinted admiration of our French and Russian and Belgian allies and, indeed, of the whole world." Then followed long weeks of hard training on Sahsbury Plains. At last they were considered fit for the front and the contingent was transported to France. Of their conduct there, under the baptism of fire, the following letter from General French at Head- quarters of the British Army, dated March 3d, to His Royal High- ness the Duke of Connaught, is an ample testimonial. "The Canadian troops having arrived at the front, I am anxious to tell yoiu* Royal Highness that they have made the best impression on all of us. ''I made a careful inspection of the division a week after they came to the country, and I was very much struck by the excellent physique which was apparent throughout the ranks. The soldierly bearing and the steadiness with which the men stood in the ranks (on a bleak cold snowy day) was most remarkable. "After two or three weeks preliminary education in .the trenches, attached by unit to the Third Corps, they have now taken their own line on the right of that corps — as a complete division — and I have the utmost confidence in their capability to do valuable and efficient service. "The Princess Patricia's Regiment arrived with the 27th Division a month earfier and since then they have performed splendid service in the trenches. THE CHARGE OF THE 9th BRITISH LANCERS ON THE GERMAN GUNS One of the most notable exploits of this famous cavalry regiment was their charge on a German battery, which had given much trouble, and their cutting down all the gunners and putting the guns put of action. Copyright, J91J,, Sun Printing and Publishing Ass'n. A PISTOL DUEL IN THE AIR A_ German Taube monoplane having located the British forces and made a sketch of their position, was suddenly attacked from above by a British Bristol biplane and a French Blcriot monoplane. In this way many pilots were shot in the air and their machines brought to the ground, CANADA'S PART IN THE WORLD WAR 313 "When I inspected them (although in pouring rain), it seemed to me I had never seen a more magnificent looking battahon — Guards or otherwise. "Two or three days ago they captured a German trench with great dash and energy and excellent results. "I am writing these few lines because I know how deeply we are all indebted to the mitiring and devoted efforts your Royal Highness has personally made to ensure the despatch in the most efficient condition of this valuable contingent." The first contingent had evacuated Valcartier only a short time when the second contingent began to move toward the great mobihzation camp, for a similar process of training to that followed in the first case. When the second contingent sailed away from Canada to take its place with the aUies on the battlefields of Europe, it was ac- companied by a battery of the most complete and efficient armored motor car rapid-fire machine guns ever devised. Indeed, they are, so far as is known, the first motor car machine guns in the ranks of the alHes in any way comparing inkpoint of up-to-dateness and efficiency with those now being employed by the German army. For up till recently Germany was the only power which had given any attention to armored motor car machine guns. The Germans had been experimenting for several years upon this latest develop- ment in field weapons, and when the present war broke out they had a type of armored motor car rapid-fire gun that has enabled them to do a kind of work that would not be done by any other sort of artillery. Great Britain, France and Belgium began hurriedly experimenting, and hastily put together a number of machine guns mounted on armored motor cars. These were but tentative weapons, however, quickly designed to meet an exigency for which the aUies had not, like the Germans, already prepared. It has remained for Canada to evolve a type of armored motor car battery that is said to be the most perfect and effective that has ever been constructed. This ultra-modern battery of forty guns was a part of Canada's 314 CANADA'S PART IN THE WORLD WAR contribution to the Empire at war. Fifteen of the guns were made possible by the patriotic generosity of Mr. J. C. Eaton, Toronto's well-known millionaire department store owner, and were designated as the Eaton Battery. They were completed right in Toronto, where both the experimenting and designing were carried on, and the cars and guns put together, under the super- vision of Mr. W. K. McNaught, C.M.G., who undertook the task of directing the work for the government. The corps of officers and men who man the battery had a special course of trainiQg under Capt. W. J. Morrison at Exhibition Camp. It is only necessary to recall to mind certain pictures that have appeared recently of motor car machine guns in action to realize with what deadly effectiveness these weapons may be employed iQ present-day warfare. They combine all the terrific killing power of the rapid-fire machine gun with the swift mobility and tirelessness of the gasoline-driven motor car. Protected behind almost impreg- nable steel arnior plate, the driver may dash ahead of the advancing lines and enable the gunner, almost completely protected, to mow down the ranks of the enemy with a sweeping stream of rifle bullets, played along a line of men much as one would play a stream of water from a fire hose. The car may be in motion all this time, or may stop only for an instant, so that the enemy has no time to train its artil- lery upon it. It may dash into what would be for infantry or cavalry or ordinary gmmers the jaws of death, distribute its deadly sting, and then dash out again unscathed. Thus it may be of incal- culable service in the field. Or it may be used in a town where whole masses of defenders may be driven back, and the streets completely cleared by the rapid sweep of its bullets. The armored motor car guns which were constructed in Toronto are built on a motor truck chassis. The wheels are made of pressed steel, and have heavy tires of solid rubber. All the rest of the car is effectively covered with Harveyized steel plates, which were severely tested. This armorplate was rolled in Canada by Canadian workmen, and was made from iron ore mined in Nova Scotia. CANADA'S PART IN THE WORLD WAR 315 The distinctive fighting feature of the car is the revolving turret of this armor-plate in which the offensive apparatus is situated. This turret rises above the four-foot armored body at about the center of the car. In it is the new model Maxim rapid-fire gun, mounted very strongly on an apparatus of steel and phosphor bronze, the invention of Canadian engineers. This gun mount really carries the revolving turret which surrounds it, and which revolves so easily on ball bearings that a mere touch of the hand will move it. It can make a complete revolution, so that the gun has a clear sweep. It can be locked by means of a lever operated by the gunner. The gunner sits on a seat fastened to the frame which supports the turret. The runnmg machinery of the car which comes below the floor, is, of course, protected by a steel skirt, which extends around the car. The machine gun is aimed through a loop- hole in the steel turret. It can fu-e from 300 toi 600 rifle bullets a minute, and has an effective range of a mile and a half. The bullets are held in a belt which runs through the gun automatically. The armor-plate on the rear of the car is loop-holed so that rifles can be used. Each of the machine guns has two extra barrels, the reason for this being that with the bullets passing through the barrel so rapidly it naturally becomes very hot, and so must be changed frequently. Another feature of the car is that it is protected overhead as well as around the sides and front, and rendered immune from shrap- nel fire, missiles from aeroplanes, and dropping bullets, by the same kind of armor-plate that is used on the sides. Thus the drivers and all the fighting men are completely protected by armor-plate. Each car, in addition to its fighting ecjuipment, carries picks, shovels, wire rope, repair tools and provisions. Attached to the battery are two workshop cars, with turning lathes and repair machines diiven by motor spare parts, etc. These stay behind the firing line. Each car carries a complement of five men, including the two men who drive and the gunner who operates the machine gun. The 316 CANADA'S PART IN THE WORLD WAR extra two ride in the rear and may use rifles through the loop-holes. But there is no real specialization, for each man must be competent not only as a soldier but as a chauffeur, machinist and gunner. If there is only one man left in the car, he must be able to operate the machine gun, rmi the car, and make repairs if necessary. And he must be a man who can keep his head, observe intelhgently, and plan for himself and his regiment. Those in charge of the recruiting for the Eaton Battery expressed themselves as well pleased with the type of men secured. Many had seen service before; there were several expert telegraphers, several expert signalers, and one an ex-lieu- tenant in the British navy. POLITICAL EFFECT OF CANADA'S ACTION ON FUTURE OF DOMINION. As had been outUned in the early portion of this chapter, the World War produced a result in the Dominion long sought by the British government. From the position of a British Colony independ- ent in all but name and free to send or withhold military aid, Canada has voluntarily advanced step by step in the direction of stronger unification of the British Empire. In each of the wars fought by Great Britain the part to be taken by Canadian soldiers has received more and more formal recognition from the Dominion government, advancing from a mere permission to volunteer, through various stages to the actual enlistment, equipment and dispatch of a purely Canadian Contingent under Canadian officers and Canadian pay to the support of the British Empire. Though each step had been in this direction few thought that Canada would ever take such action. It has been admitted that if Canada herself was attacked Canadians would, of course, defend themselves to the last. It was even admitted that aid might be sent in case of an attack on the British Isles, as a part of the Empire, but that it lay within the bounds of possibihty that Canada would go so far as to raise an army to take part in a campaign in Europe seemed far beyond the range of imagination. CANADA'S PART IN THE WORLD WAR *349 Notwithstanding this, however, the Dominion ha»s made the move without hesitation and in so doing has established a precedent which is apt to prove of huge importance in the future history of the Dominion. Great Britain's enemies must consider not merely a war on Great Britain but a war on the British Empire, for Canada as well as AustraUa, India, South Africa and Egypt, haviog once sent aid could not again refuse it and make their position tenable. The Empire now presents a soHd front to the world and her strength is vastly increased by the loyalty and devotion of the Overseas Pom in- ions. This military unity must also produce results in other directions tending toward a closer union between the Dominion and the Mother country. We venture to predict that the future will witness a strengthening of the bonds of loyalty, of commercial and educational ties without the least abatement of the complete autonomy enjoyed by the great Dominion. * The illustrations in this book are not paged. Therefore by adding these 32 pages to the 317 pages of text makes a total of 349 pages. Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process. Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide Treatment Date: UAV Tnijo PreservationTechnologies A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVATION 111 Thomson Park Drive Cranberry Township, PA 16066 (724) 779-2111