K29 
 
 iz-^v 
 
 .^^ v^ 
 
 ADDRESS OF GO YER:N^0R KELLOGG 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 ON THE CONDITION OF AFFAIRS IN LOUISIANA, 
 
 WITH OFFICIAL FACTS AND FIGUEES. 
 
V 
 
 V 
 
 ADDEESS OF GOYEEKOE KELLOGG 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF THE ITNITED STATES 
 
 ON THE CONDITION OF AFFAIRS IN LOUISIANA, 
 
 WITH OEPICIAL FACTS AND FIGIJEES. 
 
 State op Louisiana 
 Executive Department 
 New Orleans, September 30, 1874, 
 
 ^A, i 
 
 74.5 
 
 To the People of the United States; 
 
 Events that have recently transpired in 
 this State have turned the attention of the 
 whole nation upon Louisiana affairs, and 
 have caused a resuscitation of the false 
 statements and perversions of facts which 
 for two years have been circulated far and 
 wide, and which appear to have been ac- 
 cepted as true by a considerable portion of 
 the press and the people. I have waited 
 until public feeling, excited by the startling 
 occurrences that have taken place here, 
 should have had time to calm down, so that 
 a temperate statement of actual facts might 
 be dispassionately received. 
 
 Close observers of Southern politics 
 have long been aware of a determination 
 to overthrow Republican rule in Louisiana — 
 strongly Republican as this State is known 
 to be — and from the vantage point thus 
 gained to carry the movement into Missis- 
 sippi and other Southern States in which 
 the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments 
 to the constitution of the United States are 
 still respected, and to some extent en- 
 forced. Jn 1868 organized violence was re- 
 sorted to for this purpose, and was only de- 
 feated by the prompt action of Congress. 
 Fraud was employed in 1872, but also 
 failed to achieve the desired result. In 1873 
 the unification expedient was tried. The col- 
 ored people were promised mixed schools, 
 employment on street cars and in foundries 
 and workshops, equal rights in all bar- 
 rooms and soda shops, and, in short, more 
 than the strongest advocate of civil rights 
 had ever asked for them, on the implied 
 condition that* they would put .the Demo- 
 crate in office. This movement failed, and 
 now, in 1874, all the principles of unification 
 have been reversed, and under the organ- 
 
 *See Exhibit A. 
 
 ization of a white man's party* an appeal haa 
 once more been made to arms. 
 
 The events of the fourteenth of Septem- 
 ber last are too well known to need recital. 
 There was no honest motive, no substantial 
 cause to justify that misguided and disas- 
 trous movement. The sole purpose of the 
 leaders of the insurrection was to obtain 
 possession of the offices of the State; and 
 while they were so engaged, to the mani- 
 fest injury of the commerce of the city and 
 the credit of the State, the great bulk of 
 my supporters, who form the producing 
 element of the country, were quietly en- 
 gaged in picking cotton, cultivating sugar 
 and harvesting the rice crop of the State. 
 
 The reasons assigned for the criminal 
 disturbance of the peace of the city and State 
 on the fourteenth of September last were: 
 First, that this State is not Republican, and 
 that the present State administration was 
 not elected. Second, that the present State 
 administration had been corrupt and op- 
 pressive. 
 
 Reversing for the sake of greater clear- 
 ness the order of these charges, I proceed to 
 show that neither is true. 
 
 No candid reader wUl fail to have ob- 
 served that the charge of corruption and 
 oppression, like all the accusations that 
 have been made against the State adminis- 
 tration, is couched in general terms, 
 and no specific act is brought for- 
 ward, much less sustained by proof. I 
 propose to confront these general charges 
 of wrong-doing by a specific state- 
 ment, taken from official records, of the 
 financial condition of this State when the 
 present government came into power, and 
 of its financial position now; and also to 
 show where the responsibility of the heavy 
 State debt, which, is most unjustly charged 
 upon my administration, properly rests. 
 
 *See Exhibit B. 
 
Address of Governor Kellogg on Louisiana Affairs. 
 
 When the present State government came 
 into office there were outstandmg, from pre- 
 vious administrations, Auditor's checks on 
 the treasury, known as State warrants, 
 which the Treasurer had been unable to 
 pay for lack of funds, to the amount, in 
 round numbers, of $2,300,000 (Auditor's re- 
 port of 1872, page thirty six). There were 
 outstanding bonds issued before and since 
 the war to the amount of $21,800,000, Since 
 I have been in office I have signed 576 
 bonds of $1000 each and 125 second mort- 
 gage bonds of the same denomination, the 
 latter issued upon a section ot ten miles of 
 completed railroad. In both cases the is- 
 suance of these bonds was authorized by 
 acts of the Legislature, passed previous to 
 my coming into office, and was rendered 
 obligatory upon me by a decision of the 
 Supreme Court as to the first issue, and by 
 the written opinions of the law officers 
 of the State as to the latter. No act 
 of the Legislature has been passed 
 during my occupancy of the executive 
 chair to authorize the issue of a single bond 
 to increase the indebtedness of the State. 
 The outstanding $2,300,000 of floating in- 
 debtedness left by previous admin'stratione 
 has been reduced under my administration 
 to less than $1,400,000. This reduction has 
 been accomplished by no increase of taxa- 
 tion, but by an energetic collection of delin- 
 quent taxes and an honest application of 
 the taxes so collected to the liquidation 
 of the past due indebtedness of the 
 State. To effect this result the law 
 officers of the State were compelled 
 to appeal to the courts to set aside 
 an iniquitous law passed mainly by Demo- 
 cratic influence under the previous admin- 
 istration which virtually transferred all the 
 receipts from back taxes to a brokers' ring. 
 The State has thus been enabled to pay un- 
 der our financial management more than 
 $900,000 ot the old floating debt of the State 
 with the old assets. And the delinquent 
 taxes now due and unpaid are sufficient, if 
 collected and applied under the policy we 
 have inaugurated, to pay ofl' the balance of 
 the old floating indebtedness. 
 
 Since the first of January, 1874, to Sep- 
 tember 1, our current receipts from licenses 
 and taxes have amounted to within $67,000 
 of our current expenses during the sanxe 
 time; and this in despite of a disastrous 
 overflow which has necessarily retarded 
 the collection of taxes. 
 
 I recommended to the Legislature, dur- 
 ing ita last aeesion, the adoption of the 
 
 policy of restricting the revenues of each 
 year to the expenditure of the same year, 
 and of declaring null and void all appropria- 
 tions made in excess of revenue. These 
 recommendations were adopted, and a con- 
 stitutional amendment was proposed to be 
 submitted to the people to carry them into 
 effect. 
 
 The appropriation bill passed last winter 
 contained many items which were believed 
 to be unnecessary and improvident. The 
 payment of these items has been enjoined 
 by the courts on the application of the At- 
 torney General, and the appropriations of 
 the last Legislature — in themselves much 
 less than the appropriations of previous 
 years — have been reduced within the 
 amount of the estimated receipts. The 
 large amount of $2,300,000 of outstanding 
 warrants remaining unpaid when the pres- 
 ent government took charge of the State 
 consisted of warrants issued year by year 
 over and above the current revenues of 
 such year. Our administration, it is be- 
 lieved, will show no excess ot appropriation 
 over revenue.* 
 
 I submit a statement of the appropria- 
 tions made by the dift'erent administrations 
 which have controlled affairs in Louisiana 
 during the last nine years: 
 
 The Democratic Legislature of of 1865, 
 1866 and 1867, composed exclusively 
 of white men, Mr. McEnery and others 
 of my present opponents being influ- 
 ential members, made appropriations of 
 $17,129,554; while the total taxes collected 
 daring the same period were $3,379,000; 
 leaviag an excess of appropriations over 
 revenue of $13,750,554. 
 
 Governor Warmoth's administration 
 made appropriations for current State 
 expenses, exclusive of school, levee and 
 interest funds, as Ibllows: 
 For 1868 andl869 *Hf!?'2IjA 
 
 ^ormY:::::::::::::::.::::: 3,722,969 
 
 For 18-2 1,819,856 
 
 Total $10,378,745 
 
 Governor Kellogg's administration has 
 made appropriations for current State 
 expenses, exclusive of levee, school and 
 interest funds, as follows: 
 
 For 1873 *l'?^o?55 
 
 For 1874 i,n2.m 
 
 Total $2,726,:.79 
 
 As will be seen, the saving the first year 
 of my administration over the last year of 
 my predecessor, was $157,213. In the 
 second year, a still further saving was 
 
 *Soe Exhibit C. 
 
Address of Governor Kellogg on Louisiana Affairs. 
 
 effected of $547,732. At the same rate, 
 during: the next two years, my administra- 
 tion -will cost $5,452,758, while the adminis- 
 tration of my predecessor, for the same 
 time, cost $10,378,745, and the Democratic 
 administration of 1865, 1866 and 1867 cost 
 $17,129,554. 
 
 A statement made by the Auditor, of this 
 date, now before me, shows: 
 Bonded debt of the State January 1, 18G9 $9,833,562 
 Increaee of bouded and floating debt 
 during Governor Warmoth's admin- 
 letration, a portion of whieh was 
 incurred by the Democratic Legis- 
 lature of 1865-7 14,250,685 
 
 Total debt when Governor Kellogg came 
 
 into office $24,084,247 
 
 Increase during Governor Kellogg's ad- 
 ministration by Issue of bonds au- 
 thorized by !aw8 passed previously... $701,000 
 
 Keduction of debt during Governor Kel- 
 logg's administration by redemption of 
 past due bonds, funding operations 
 and I'etiring of outstanding floating 
 obligations 1,626,023 
 
 Showing a net decrease of debt under the 
 
 Kellogg administration $925,023 
 
 I respectfully commend the foregoing 
 statement, which is, of course, easily veri- 
 fied, to the consideration of those Northern 
 journals which have denounced my admin- 
 istration as corrupt and oppressive, and 
 which yet protess to believe in fair play. 
 
 A committee of eminent citizens appointed 
 by me in 1873, irrespective of party, to ex- 
 amine and report upon the status of the 
 public debt of the State, and our means of 
 payment, recommended as the most equi- 
 table adjustment which the resources of the 
 State would permit, the funding of the 
 State debt at the rate of fifty cents on the 
 dollar. Subsequently the Chamber of Com- 
 merce of the city of New Orleans, in sub- 
 stance, indorsed this recommendation of 
 the committee of citizens. Believing that 
 the justice and strength of the proposal to 
 scale the indebtedness ot the State 
 lay in the fact of the State oftering to its 
 creditors the very utmost amount it 
 was able to pay, and believing as I 
 did that by an economical admin- 
 istration of its revenues the State 
 could afford to pay to the holders of its 
 bonds sixty cents on the dollar, instead 
 of fifty cents, as proposed, I recommended 
 to the Legislature the passage of an act au- 
 thorizing the funding of all the legal and 
 valid outstanding indebtedness of the State 
 at this rate, the bonds so issued in exchange 
 to be guaranteed by constitutional amend- 
 ment, and the appropriation of interest on 
 them to bej made by the same^means per- 
 petual. 
 I also recommended a constitutional 
 
 amendment, which was passed by the Leg- 
 islature, limiting the State debt, when 
 funded, to $15,000,000, and the rate of taxa- 
 tion to twelve and a half mills, exclusive 
 of the school tax (two mills). All these 
 amendments are to be voted upon at the 
 election in November. My recommenda- 
 tions were adopted; and the funding bill 
 became a law with the then almost universal 
 assent of the property holding people ot the 
 State. 
 
 Parish taxation is by law limited to the 
 same rate as State taxation. The taxes 
 assessed for the present year, under the 
 operation of the laws passed by the Repub- 
 lican Legislature, amount to fourteen and a 
 half mills State (including schools), and by 
 consequence in no case more than fourteen 
 and a half mills parish. During the last 
 two years of the late regime State taxes 
 were never less than twenty one and a half 
 mills, and parish taxes in some instances 
 were carried as high as fifty mills. 
 
 The debt of the city of New Orleans 
 amounts to $23,000,000, or about the same 
 as the debt of the entire State. This in- 
 debtedness has been almost exclusively in- 
 curred under Democratic management. 
 The Legislature, upon my recommendation, 
 adopted a constitutional amendment limit- 
 ing the debt ot the city, and prohibiting 
 any city government from incurring fur- 
 ther indebtedness. 
 
 In co-operation with the Chamber of 
 Commerce I submitted also to the Legisla- 
 ture, by special messages, a number of bills 
 which would have reduced the annual ex- 
 penses of the city nearly $1,000,000. All 
 these bills passed one house of the General 
 Assembly and some of them became law; 
 but several of the most important measures, 
 notably a bill reducing the extortionate 
 fees of the criminal sheriff of the city, which 
 amount to seventy or eighty thousand dol- 
 lars a year, failed through the influences 
 brought to bear by Democratic oQioe hold- 
 ers to defeat these measures of retrench- 
 ment. The bills we succeeded in passing, 
 however, have enabled the city council to 
 effect a reduction in city taxation of five 
 mills. 
 
 In carrying into effect these and other salu- 
 tary measures, including the passage of a bill 
 punishing bribery which was one of our 
 first acts, the Republican party had no aid 
 or countenance from those who now com- 
 plain so loudly of the burdens under which 
 the State is suffering. With the assistance 
 which my opponents could have rendered 
 
Address of Governor Kellogg on Louisiana Affairs. 
 
 me, had they taken tlieir seats in the 
 Legislature, I might have been able to carry 
 out not only all the measures of retrench- 
 ment ■which I recommended, but others of 
 equal importance, including a much needed 
 reduction of the expenses of assessing and 
 collecting the State taxes which I urged 
 upon the Legislature, in my last annual 
 message, and strenuously but unsucoessfuliy 
 exerted myself to carry into effect. 
 
 Whea we came into office we found slum- 
 bering on the statute books, ready at any 
 time to be called into activity, acts passed 
 under the previous administration and by 
 the Democratic Legislature of 1866, creat- 
 ing a number of grievous monopolies and 
 involving the State in contingent liabilities 
 to the extent of over $8,000,000. With one 
 sweeping measure the Legislature wiped 
 out all these monopolies and contingent 
 liabilities. This one act, which I urged with 
 all my power, has, perhaps, brought down 
 upon me more hostility from disappointed 
 monopolists and contingent beneficiaries 
 among the moneyed interests of the oppo- 
 sition than almost any other act of my offi- 
 cial career. 
 
 To recapitulate the financial results 
 achieved under my administration: We 
 have, in two years, paid off over $900,000 
 of old floating indebtedness, with the old 
 assets of the State. We have reduced the 
 debt, by the funding bill, from twenty-five 
 millions to fifteen millions, not to be in- 
 creased until after the year 1924. We 
 have reduced the State taxes from twen- 
 ty-one and a half mills to fourteen and 
 a half mills, not to be increased until 
 after the same year. We have provided 
 that parish taxation shall not exceed 
 State taxation so that the greatest amount 
 of taxation any one parish can be called 
 upon to pay in any one year is twenty-nine 
 mills. We have enabled the city of New Or- 
 leans to reduce city taxation five mills. We 
 have largely reduced State expenditures 
 and confined them strictly within the limits 
 of our revenues, and we have repealed over 
 $8,000,000 of contingent liabilities. All this 
 has been effected by us without aid from 
 those who arrogantly claim to represent all 
 the viitue and intelligence of the State, and 
 while contending against violence within 
 the State borders and organized vilification 
 abroad, and while the very existence of the 
 government was being threatened. This is 
 the financial record of the administration 
 which our opponents assort has been so 
 corrupt and so oppressive as to drive the 
 
 State into bankruptcy and the people into 
 riots. 
 
 The spirit which animates my opponents 
 and the sincerity of their professions of a 
 sole desire to advance the interests of the 
 State irrespective of personal aims, is aptly 
 shown by their course with regard to the 
 financial reforms I have enumerated. At 
 their convention at Baton Rouge they re- 
 commended the people not only to vote 
 against the constitutional amendment in- 
 dorsing the funding bill, but also against 
 the amendments limiting the State and city 
 debts, reducing taxation, restricting the 
 expenses of each year to the revenues of that 
 year, and against a perfectly innocent 
 though necessary little amendment chang- 
 ing the day fixed by the constitution for 
 holding the State elections to the day fixed 
 by Congress for the election of presidential 
 electors, so as to avoid the expense of a 
 two days' election. The reason assigned 
 for this coui'se was that they did not desire 
 to recognize the legality of the Legislature 
 which had passed these measures; but when 
 a question of office became subsequently 
 involved, no such conscientious scruples 
 prevailed. The same convention which ad- 
 : vised the people to reject the constitutional 
 1 amendments so as not to recognize the 
 Legislature which passed them nominated 
 I a candidate for a congressional district 
 j which only exists by virtue of an act passed 
 I by this same Legislature, at the same time 
 as the constitutional amendments. 
 
 The records of the State show that every 
 job put through the Legislature during the 
 administration of my predecessor was voted 
 for by the educated Democrats as well as 
 by the ignorant colored men. Some of the 
 most oppressive monopolies now on the 
 statute books were lobbied through in the 
 interests of prominent members of the op- 
 position. Nearly one-fifth of the existing 
 bonded debt of the State was created in two 
 years by the Democratic Legislature of 1866; 
 a large portion of the present oppressive 
 city debt has been created under Democratic 
 administrati(m. Divided upon all other 
 questions, split up into five or six different 
 tactions, each with a distinctive title, the 
 Democracy of Louisiana are united on two 
 points — a desire to get control of all the 
 offices of the State, and a wish to exclude 
 the colored people from the rights conferred 
 upon them by the constitution of the coun- 
 try. Upon these two points they are a 
 terrible unit. 
 
 The second charge brought against me 
 
Address of Governor Kellogg on Louisiana Affairs. 
 
 by my opponents is that I was not elected 
 to the position 1 hold. Mr. Marr's commit- 
 tee, in their recent address attempt to for- 
 tify that assertion by extracts from the cen- 
 sus of 1870, showing a small excess of white 
 over colored males over the age of twenty- 
 one. The whole force of the argument is 
 destroyed at once by the fact, which 
 Mr. Marr designedly or accidentally 
 fails to mention, that the same cen- 
 sus shows that there are nearly 15,000 
 alien males over the age of twenty-one in 
 this State, who are of course disqualified 
 from voting.*- Deduct these 15,000 aliens 
 from the total of white citizens claimed for 
 the Democracy, deduct also the 5000 or 
 10,000 known white Republicans and add 
 that number to the colored male adults — all 
 made citizens by the war — and the census 
 argument establishes a larger excess of Re- 
 publican over Democratic voters in this 
 State than even the Republican party claim. 
 
 There are two other points that may be 
 mentioned in this connection. First, that 
 there are a large number of colored m en in 
 this State so nearly white as to pass for 
 ■white, and who were doubtless so classed 
 by the census enumerators; and, secondly, 
 that there has been for years past, and still 
 continues, a steady immigration of col- 
 ored people to the fertile, alluvial lands 
 of this State from other Southern 
 States. The assertion that the Republican 
 party was divided at the last election may 
 be passed by with the single comment, that 
 it is not true. Governor Warmoth and 
 Messrs. JtloMillen and company may have 
 carried over their own votes to the Fusion 
 camp, and probably did so, but they took 
 nothing else; and for every vote they car- 
 ried, at least a corresponding niimber of 
 honest Democrats refrained from voting the 
 Fusion ticket, disgusted with the unholy 
 alliance on which it was based. Governor 
 Warmoth was wanted by the Fusionists, 
 not because it was believed he could 
 bring over to them any appreciable 
 number of Republicans, but because it 
 was believed he could so use the then 
 existing registration and election laws as to 
 prevent the Republicaas carrying the State, 
 or, failing in that, could so disguise and 
 change the result through the maaipulation 
 of the returns as to make it appear that 
 the Fusion candidates were elected. 
 
 Mr. McEnery and myself were the only 
 candidates for the Governorship. We borh 
 stumped the State; I especially went into 
 
 *See Exhibit D. 
 
 nearly every parish, making the first thor- 
 ough Republican canvass ever marte in 
 Louisiana. It was well known throughout 
 the State that I represented the Republican 
 party and the national administration, and 
 that all my antecedents had been Republic- 
 an. In my canvass I advocated Republican 
 principles, pure and simple, defending the 
 reconstruction acts of Congress, the four- 
 teenth and fifteenth amendments and their 
 legitimate results. Oa the other hand Mr. 
 McEnery was well known as the inflexible 
 oi>ponent of the colored man. It was well 
 known that as a member of the Legislature 
 of 1865, 1866 and 1867 he had supported the 
 vagrant laws so obnoxious to the colored 
 people; that he had opposed the fourteenth 
 amendment and had supported the several 
 acts passed by that Legislature discrimi- 
 nating against the colored people. In short, 
 that his official record had shown him capa- 
 ble of oppressing the colored man when- 
 ever opportunity offered, and of reducing 
 him again to virtual slavery. Is it likely 
 that the colored people voted for Mr. Mc- 
 Enery. When I was nominated for 
 Governor the conservative papers in 
 many instances spoke approvingly of my 
 nomination, and warmly commended the 
 course I had pursued in the Senate in ad- 
 vancing the material interests of the State. 
 The New Orleans Picayune editorially said 
 that "the nomination of Senator Kellogg 
 was a source of gratification to all good 
 citizens;" and, though the whole strength 
 of the opposition was thrown into the fight 
 against me, their own returns show that I 
 ran far ahead of my ticket. 
 
 The question as to whether Mr. McEnery 
 or myself was elected Governor of this 
 State is one that I have several times pro- 
 posed to submit to arbitration. When the 
 suit brought in the United States Cirouit 
 Court was still pending, I offered through 
 my counsel, Mr. William H. Hunt, a South- 
 ern man and one of the foremost lawyers at 
 the bar of this State, that the returns 
 should be submitted to five prominent and 
 disinterested citizens, two to be chosen by 
 each side and the fifth by the four, and I 
 proposed to abide by the result of their 
 decision; but this proposition was declined. 
 I am prepared to show before any compe- 
 tent tribunal that a portion of the returns 
 upon which Mr.McEnery bases his claims are 
 forgeries manufactured in this city. I am 
 able now to produce the judicial officer be- 
 fore whom a portion of the blank tally lists 
 and returns were sworn — to be subsequently 
 
6 
 
 Address of Qvvernor Kellogg on Louisiana Affairs. 
 
 filled up here in this city, and palmed ofT 
 upon the public as the genuine returns of 
 an election held in strong Republican par- 
 ishes far distant from this city. Even Sena- 
 tor Carpenter, in his speech in the Senate 
 on the fourth of March, said, "I do not 
 think MoEnery was in fact elected, though 
 the returns show that he was." I hold my 
 self now ready to impeach the returns 
 relied upon by the Fusion boards as altered, 
 defaced and in some instances forged out- 
 right. I charge moreover, that the returns 
 from Iberville, St. James, Terrebonne, St. 
 Martin and other Republican parishes were 
 thrown out by the Fusion returning boards 
 for no just reasoB, but because they gave 
 myself and the Republican ticket a heavy 
 majority; and I assert that by the genuine 
 returns, counting the votes actually cast I 
 was elected by several thousand majority, 
 and upon this issue I am ready to stand or 
 fall. 
 
 The State constitution provides that in 
 November next there shall be an election 
 for Congressmen, a State Legislature, and 
 various State and parish officers. The 
 present election law is substantially the 
 law passed during the last administration, 
 in the interests of the conservative citizens 
 of the State, but which Governor Warmoth, 
 at the request of the Fusionists, refrained 
 from signing until after the election, 
 in order that he might use in their be- 
 half the much greater powers conferred 
 upon him by the old law, whose repeal 
 they had, previously to their alliance with 
 liim 80 urgently demanded. Under the old 
 law — the law under which the Fusionists 
 conducted the last election — the ballot 
 boxes were removed from the polling places 
 to the offices of the supervisors of election 
 and were counted wherever and whenever 
 the supervisors pleased, without any ade- 
 quate supervision. Under the new law the 
 ballots must be counted openly at the 
 polls, immediately after the election, in 
 the presence of disinterested witnesses. 
 Under the old law the Governor appointed 
 the supervisors, and the supervisors ap- 
 pointed the commissioners of election, who 
 might be, and were, in fact, at the last 
 election all of one political pHrty. Un- 
 der the new law the police juries ajipoint 
 the commissioners of election in all the 
 country parishes, and the commissioners 
 must be chosen one from each political 
 party. Under the old law the returning 
 board consisted ol the Governor, Lieutenant 
 Governor, the Secretary of State and two 
 
 other designated persons; they had abso- 
 lute control over the returns, and could 
 alter, suppress or reject them at will. Un- 
 der the new law no State officer is a mem- 
 ber of the returning board. The board con- 
 sists of five persons elected by the Senate, 
 one at least of the opposing political party. 
 The returns are required to be made out in 
 triplicate, one copy to be forwarded to the 
 returning board. 
 
 The existence of many fraudulent regis- 
 tration papers, especially in the city of 
 New Orleans, rendered necessary the pass- 
 age of a law providing for an entirely new 
 registration, 'if the election in November 
 were to be free, as we desired it to be, from 
 the irregularities which had characterized 
 previous elections. Accordingly a bill was 
 passed by the Legislature on the last day 
 of the session, and some time^subsequently 
 was sent to me for approval. After exam- 
 ining the bill and finding it in the main a 
 fair and just measure, marred by some de- 
 fects, but still a vasti improvement on the 
 old law, which must remain in force unless 
 I approved this bill, I announced my in- 
 tention to sign and promulgate it as soon 
 as the time came for entering upon regis- 
 tration. I have done so, and registration 
 has been actively and satisfactorily pro- 
 gressing for the past thirty days, 
 except when interrupted for a brief period 
 by the'insurrection of September 14. De- 
 siring that there should be no possibility of 
 doubt as to the fairness of the registration, 
 I voluntarily offered, before the registration 
 opened, to appoint one clerk to be named 
 by the opposition in every registration office 
 throughout the State. At the last election 
 we were denied all representation both in 
 the registration offices and at the polls. I 
 have more recently proposed, through the 
 Republican State Central Committee, to 
 agree to the appointment of an advisory 
 board, to be composed' of two Republicans 
 and two Democrats and an umpire to be 
 chosen by the four, with which board I de- 
 clared my willingness to advise and consult 
 in all matters relating to the appointment 
 of registration officers and the management 
 of registration throughout the State. 
 
 There is no just and proper safeguard that 
 can be suggested to me which I am not 
 willing to throw around the conduct of the 
 coming election. The Republican party is 
 ready to be judged by the verdict of that 
 election, provided it can be held without 
 intimidation or violence. If our opponents 
 can show at a peaceable election that they 
 
Address of Governor Kellogg on Louisiana Affairs. 
 
 have a majority of the qualified voters of 
 the State, we shall unoomplainingly abide 
 the result. It, on the other hand, the Re- 
 publican party sbonld triumphantly vindi- 
 cate its claims to the government, we shall 
 have a right to expect the acquiesence of 
 our opponents, and the active support of all 
 law abiding citizens throughout the coun- 
 try. In the event of our success 
 the nation can certainly leave the interests 
 of this great State in the hands of those who 
 in so short a time and against such adverse 
 circumstances have done so much to reduce 
 the burdens of the people and advance the 
 material welfare of the community, with 
 greater safety than would attend the sur- 
 render of the lives and liberties of more 
 than 80,000 peaceful, industrious Republican 
 citizens to a party which has never attempt- 
 ed anything for the redemption of the State, 
 which, during its brief resumption of power 
 immediately after the war, showed itself 
 utterly incapable of honest government, and 
 which ha s three times within the last six 
 years attempted to override the known will 
 of the maiority, twice bj violence and once 
 by fraud. I ask those Republicans of the 
 North who have lent a willing ear to the 
 indiscriminate denunciations of Northern 
 men who hold office in the South, and of 
 the Republicans of the Southern States, to 
 reflect that these denunciations proceed 
 from those who hate Republican principles 
 everywhere, and who can see no virtue in 
 any man who is not identified with them 
 in sentiment or in interest, or in both. 
 
 If I consulted only my personal feelings I 
 would rather be relieved of the position I 
 now hold than continue to retain it in the 
 face of the difiiculties and calumnies which 
 beset me at every step. But there are 
 higher questions involved than mere per- 
 sonal feelings. My resignation would 
 simply transfer the executive duties to the 
 next in rank, and would make no change in 
 the status of the State. Either the Repub- 
 lican party in Louisiana is in the right or it 
 is in the wrong. If we are right I owe it to the 
 national Republican party and to the gen- 
 eral government to maintain my position. 
 If we are in the wrong, and the people at 
 the coming election should so declare, the 
 constitution and the laws of the State pro- 
 vide a sufficient remedy. We confidently 
 await that verdict, and meantime ask from 
 the people generally, on this plain showing 
 of the good we have done and the evil <?e 
 have refrained from doing, a more just judg- 
 ment and a ;more generous sympathy than 
 
 have yet been given to the Republican 
 State government of Louisiana. 
 
 WILLIAM P. KELLOGG. 
 
 EXHIBIT A. 
 
 Un{flcation in 1873. 
 
 The following declaration of principles 
 was adopted by "we the people of Louisi. 
 ana," in mass meeting assembled at Expo, 
 sit ion Hall, in the city of New Orleans, 
 July 15, 1873, and several thousand gentle- 
 men of high standing in the community 
 published in the city papers a statement of 
 their unqualified adhesion to the views thus 
 set forth: 
 
 Whereas, Louisiana is now threatened 
 with death in every vital organ of her 
 moral, material and political being; and 
 
 Whereas, Her dire extremity is but the 
 fruit of unnatural division among her natu- 
 ral guardians — the children of her soil and 
 of her adoption; and 
 
 Whereas, We have an abiding faith that 
 there is love enough for Louisiana among 
 her sons to unite in a manful and unselfish 
 struggle for her redemption; be it therefore 
 
 Resolved, That henceforward we dedicate 
 ourselves to the unification of our people. 
 
 Second — That by "our people" we mean 
 men of whatever race, color or religion, 
 who are citizens of Louisiana, and who are 
 willing to work for her prosperity. 
 
 Third — That we shall advocate by speech 
 and pen and deed the equal and impartial 
 exercise by every citizen of Louisiana of 
 every civil and political right guaranteed 
 by the constitution and laws of the United 
 States, and by the laws of honor, brother- 
 hood and fair dealing. 
 
 Fourth — That we shall maintain and ad. 
 vocate the right of every citizen of Louisi- 
 ana, and of every citizen of the United 
 States, to frequent at will the places of pub- 
 lic resort, and to travel at will on all ve- 
 hicles of public conveyance on terms of 
 perfect equality with any and every other 
 citizen, and wo pledge ourselves, so far as 
 our influence, counsel and example may go, 
 to make this right a live and practical right, 
 and that there may be no misunderstand- 
 ing of our views on this point — 
 
 1. We shall recommend to the proprietors 
 of all places of licensed public resort in the 
 State of Louisiana, the opening of said 
 places to the patronage of both races inhab- 
 iting our State. 
 
 2. That we shall further recommend that 
 all railroads, steamboats, steamshipa and 
 
Address of Governor Kellogg on Louisiana Affairs. 
 
 other public conveyances pursue the same 
 policy. 
 
 3. We shall further recommend that our 
 bankw, insurance offices and other public 
 corporations recognize and concede to our 
 colored lellow-citizens, where they are 
 stockholders in such institutions, the right 
 of being represented in the direction 
 thereof. 
 
 4. We shall further recommend that here, 
 after no distinction shall exist among citi- 
 zens of Louisiana in any of our public 
 schools or State institutions of education 
 or in any other public institution supported 
 by the State, city or parishes. 
 
 5. We shall also recommend that the pro- 
 prietors of all foundries, factories and other 
 industrial establishments, in employing me- 
 chanics or workmen, make no distinction 
 between the two races. 
 
 6. We shall encourage, by every means 
 in our power, our colored citizens in the 
 rural districts to become the proprietors of 
 the soil, thus enhancing the value of lands 
 and adding to the productiveness of the 
 State, while it will create a political con- 
 servatism, which is the oft'spring of pro- 
 prietorship; and we furthermore recom 
 mend to all landed proprietors in our Slate 
 the policy of considering the question of 
 breaking up the same into small farms, in 
 order that the colored citizens and white 
 emigrants may become practical farmers 
 and cultivators of the soil. 
 
 Fifth — That we pledge our honor and 
 good faith to exercise our moral influence, 
 both through personal advice and personal 
 example, to bring about the rapid removal 
 of the prejudices heretofore existing against 
 the colored citizens of Louisiana, in order 
 that they may hereafter enjoy all the rights 
 belonging to citizens of the United States. 
 
 Resolved, That we earnestly a.ppeal to the 
 press of this State to join- and co-operate 
 with us in erecting this monument to 
 unity, concord and justice, and like our- 
 selveh forever to bury beneath it all party 
 preju«lices. 
 
 Itesolved, That wo deprecate and thor- 
 oughly condemn all acts of violence, from 
 whatever source, and appeal to our people 
 of both races to abiile by the law in all 
 their tlifl'erenccs as the surest way to pre- 
 serve to all the blessings of life, liberty 
 and property. 
 
 Resolved, That we pledge ourselves to 
 the cultivation of a broad sentiment of 
 nationality, which shall embrace the whole 
 country, and uphold the Hag of the Union. 
 
 Resolved, That as an earnest of our holy 
 purpose, we hereby offer upon the altar of 
 the common good, all party ties and all 
 prejudice of education which may tend to 
 hinder the political unity of our people. 
 
 Resolved, That in view of the numerical 
 equality between the white and colored 
 elements of our population, we shall advo- 
 cate an equal distribution of the offices of 
 trust and emolument in our State, demand- 
 ing as the only conditions of our suffrage 
 honesty, diligency and ability; and we 
 advocate this not because of the offices 
 themselves, but simply as another earnest 
 and proof on our part that the union we 
 desire is an equal union and not an illusive 
 conjunction brought about for the sole 
 benefit of one or the other of the parties to 
 the union, 
 
 G. T. BEAUREGARD, 
 Chairman. 
 
 EXHIBIT, B. 
 
 Platform of the Democratic Party of 
 LiouiHiana in 1S74. 
 
 The following platform was adopted at 
 the Democratic convention held at Baton 
 Rouge, August 26, 1874: 
 
 We, the white people of Louisiana, em- 
 bracing the Democratic party, the Con- 
 servative party, the White Man's party, the 
 Liberal party, the Reform party and all 
 others opposed to the Kellogg usurpation, 
 do solemnly resolve and declare that the 
 government now existing in Louisiana origi- 
 nated in and has been maintained by force 
 and fraud in opposition to the will of a 
 large majority of the voters of the State, in 
 opposition to the principles of the constitu- 
 tion of the United States and in violation 
 of every principle of justice and-liberty. 
 
 That the dominant faction of the Radical 
 party in this State has, by false and fraud- 
 ulent representations, inflamed the passions 
 and prejudices of the negroes, as a race, 
 against the whites, and has thereby made 
 it necessary for the white people to unite 
 and act together in self-defense, and for the 
 preservation of tvhite civilisation. 
 
 That the rights of all men, under the 
 constitution and laws of the land, must be 
 respected and preserved inviolate, irre- 
 spective of race, color, or previous condi- 
 tion; but we deny that Congress can consti- 
 tutionally enact laws to force the two races 
 ijito social union or equality. 
 
 That the white people of Louisiana have 
 no desire to depri%'e the colored people of 
 any rights to which they are entitled, but 
 
Address of Governor Kellogg on Louisiana Affairs. 
 
 we are convinced that reform is impera- 
 tively demanded, and can be eti'ected only 
 by electing to office while men of known ca- 
 paeity and integrity; and we believe that 
 large numbers of colored citizens will vote 
 with us, to secure a government which 
 must be beneficial alike to both races. 
 
 That we disclaim earnestly any intention 
 of carrying, or attempting to carry, the ap- 
 proaching election by violence, and that 
 charges to this effect eminating from our 
 Radical enemies are without foundation, and 
 are falsely made for the purpose ot obtain- 
 ing the aid of the military lorces of the 
 United States in order to overawe the peo- 
 ple, perpetuate the existing usurpation, and 
 subvert the true principles of the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 That W. P. Kellogg is a mere usurper, 
 and we denounce him as such; that his gov. 
 ernment is arbitrary, unjust and oppressive, 
 and that it can maintain itself only through 
 federal interference; that the election and 
 registration laws under which this election 
 is being conducted were intended to perpet- 
 uate the usurpation by depriving the peo- 
 ple, and egptcially our naturalized citizens, 
 of an opportunity to register and vote; but 
 we announce distinctly that it is the deter- 
 mination of the people to have a fair and 
 tree election, and to see that the result is 
 not changed by fraud or violence. 
 
 That we extend to all of our race, in 
 every clime, the nsht hand of fellowship, 
 and a cordial invitation to come and settle 
 among us and unite their destinies with 
 ours. That while we are in favor of meet- 
 ing psnctually the payment of the legiti- 
 mate debt of Louisiana, we are immovably 
 opposed to the recognition of the dishonest 
 aud fraudulent obligations issued in the 
 name of the State, and we pledge ourselves 
 to make a searching investigation in the 
 matter. 
 
 We advise our people to vote against the 
 amendments to the constitution proposed 
 by the usurping Legislature, and pledge 
 ourselves, on the restoration of the govern- 
 ment to honest hands, to i)rovide for the 
 payment of all honest indebtedness of the 
 State. 
 
 EXHILJIT C. 
 
 Receipts and Expenditures. 
 
 The following comparative statement 
 shows the receipts of taxes levied for the 
 support of the State government, and the 
 expenditures for that purpose for the years 
 
 1899, 1870, 1871, 187:2, 187.-3 and 1874. to Sep- 
 tf-mber 9, together with the excess of ex- 
 penditures over receipts: 
 Tear. Rerpiptb. KxpencliturPe. Excpss. 
 
 1869 $1,758,379 78 !p2,5n8,9S2 08 $750,602.-50 
 
 1870 1481,218 86 2:169 5,13 59 888,3117.'; 
 
 1871 1,996 576 99 3,493,739 47 1,497,162 48 
 
 1872 985,8.54 80 2,101895 29 1,11H,040 49 
 
 1873 1,508914 94 1,690 795 89 181880 95 
 
 1B74 536,727 86 663,727 86 97,000 0(» 
 
 Statk ok LoinsiANA, ^ 
 
 Auditor's Ollicn, > 
 
 New Orleaua, October 2, 1874. ) 
 
 The above statement is compiled from 
 
 the records of this ofBce, and is true and 
 
 correct to the best of my knowledge and 
 
 belief. 
 
 CHARLES CLINTON, Auditor. 
 
 EXHIBIT D. 
 
 f Communicated. 1 
 Tlie Figures Testify. 
 
 Editor Republican: 
 
 Having read with considerable interest 
 and care the address of Messrs. Marr and 
 others, published in the Bulletin of the 
 twenty-fourth instant, my attention was 
 particularly attracted to two points, a re- 
 view of which may not be out of place at 
 this time. 
 
 The first is the formidable array of figures 
 from the ninth census, which at first glance 
 would appear sufficiently convincing had 
 the whole case been stated, but lawyer like, 
 these gentlemen select from the whole intri- 
 cate set of tables only what answers their 
 purpose, and their published figures are cor- 
 rect only so far as they go. 
 
 Let us carefully examine the tables aa 
 given, and the conclusions derived from 
 them by Mr. Marr and his committee. I 
 quote from their address: 
 
 "1. The census of 1870 was taken In the 
 months of July and August, when, as is 
 well known thousands of the white people 
 were absent from the State, in the pursuit 
 of pleasure or business. 
 
 "The colored people had neither the 
 means nor the inclination to travel, and, 
 while this census may be taken as a fair 
 exposition of the colored population, it is 
 not a correct statement of the white popu- 
 lation. 
 
 "This census shows that there were in 
 
 Louisiana in July and August, 1870: 
 
 White males 183 031 
 
 Co oied males 178,784 
 
 Excess of white males 4.247 
 
 White males above the age of lwent.y-one. . . 87,066 
 Colored males above the age of twenty-one. 86,913 
 
 Excess ot white males over twenty-one 
 years i.-,3 
 
10 
 
 Address of Governor Kellogg on Louisiana Affairs. 
 
 "By an arbitrary rule the compilers of the 
 census classed as above twenty-om^ all per- 
 sons whose p.gps were unknown. We know 
 that most white persons above the age of 
 puberty would be able to state their ages; 
 so that very few white persons would be 
 classed imi)roperly, while many negroes 
 can give no accurate information on that 
 subject. Very few white people under 
 twenty-one would be classed as of that age, 
 while many negroes under twenty-one 
 would be classed over twenty-one from 
 their mere inability to state their ages. 
 
 "This census was taken under the aus 
 pices of the Republican party, and there is 
 no pretense that it did any injustice to the 
 colored population, or diminished the nu- 
 merical strength of that race, its friends 
 and adherents. 
 
 It shows a total colored population 364.210 
 
 It shows a total white population 362,065 
 
 Excess of colored population 2,145 
 
 White males 1 83 ,(«! 
 
 White females 179,034 
 
 Excess of white males 3,997 
 
 Colored females 185,426 
 
 Colored males 178,764 
 
 Excess of colored females 6,G42 
 
 "This disparity in the males and females 
 of the two races, respectively, shows that if 
 the ratio of one to five is a correct basis 
 upon which to estimate the voting capacity 
 of the white race, with its excess of 3997 
 males, a different and lower ratio would be 
 necessary to ascertain the voting capacity 
 of the colored race, with its excess of 6612 
 females. 
 
 "2. It is well known that many Repub- 
 licans, white and colored, under the leader- 
 ship of Warmoth, Sheridan, Cam|>bi^ll, 
 McMillen and Armstead, the colored candi- 
 date for Secretary of State, voted the Fusion 
 or McEnery ticket, and there is no reasona- 
 ble doubt ot the election of that ticket, 
 fairly and by a largo majority." 
 
 Now, admitting for the sake of argument 
 that all the statements arc correct, and the 
 deductions logical (except the last nara- 
 grapb, which has been so often and so thor- 
 oughly disproved that its further discussion 
 would be merely a waste of time and paper), 
 Mr. Marr's committee present prima facie 
 a very good case, but the careful omission, 
 wheiher intentional or not I do not pro])08e 
 even to conjecture, of the fact that of the 
 white males over twenty one years old, up- 
 wards of fifteen thousand are aliens, not 
 citizens, and therefore not <iualifiod to regis- 
 ter or entitled to vote, destroys the whole 
 fabric, and they must begin again at the 
 
 very foundation, if they desire to establish 
 any fact by their exhibit of fi ^ares. 
 
 Let us turn to this very census of 1870, 
 upon which they so fondly rel.v. On page 
 619, in the three la^t columns we find that 
 out of the total population of Louisiana in 
 1870 there were 
 
 White males twenty-one years and Howards. 87.066 
 Colored males twenty -one years and upwards 86 913 
 
 A total of 173,979 
 
 But the total of male citizens is given at 
 1.59.001 a difference of very n- arly 15,000 to 
 be deducted from the voting strength of 
 the whites, as by the results of the 
 war all colored males above the 
 age of twenty-one years became 
 citizens. Thus, deducting from the total 
 white males over twenty-one years 87.066, 
 this number of aliens or non-citizpns 14 378, 
 we obtain the asrgrejrate of the white voting 
 population 72,088, against an aggregate col- 
 ored voting population of 86,913, which 
 shows a clear majority in favor of the 
 colored voters of 14.825, to which must be 
 added the 4000 or 5000 whites who habitu- 
 ally vote the Republican ticket, to say 
 nothing of the considerable number of 
 colored men of such light complexion that 
 few persons would at the first glance ques- 
 tion their color and many of whom are 
 kr.own to have been classed as white by the 
 censua marshals in 1870. 
 
 Most of this alien or non-voting popula- 
 tion is resident in New Orleans, as is shown 
 by the fact that out of 22,426 foreign born 
 males over twenty-one in this city, the 
 largest number ever reeistered as voters 
 was 13, -586, in the fall of 1868 when our 
 Democratic courts did a land ofhce busi- 
 ness in the naturalization line to the tune 
 of 5488 in that one year, exclusive of the 
 first ward, in which the records were de- 
 s»^roved during the riots. If further con- 
 firmation of the non-citizenship of hun- 
 dreds of foreign iiorn male residents of New 
 Orleans be needed, the numerous instances 
 that constantly recurred in our courts when 
 talesmen were summoned for jury duty prior 
 to the passage of the new enactments on that 
 sulvject can be produced in evidence, as see 
 the flies of the Piea//unc and other Dem^ 
 ocratic papers. Time and again have num- 
 bers of our "oldest and best" been excused 
 from .serving on .juries, civil and criminal, 
 upon their own plea of non-cifizen.ship, not- 
 withstanding acknowledged residences of 
 from ten to thirty years. 
 
 A volume could be written upon this sub- 
 ject, but the further we go into it, the worse 
 
Address ef Governor Kellogg on LonWiana Affairs. 
 
 11 
 
 otf do our Democratic friends apppav, and 
 I think we have seen enougb of statistics to 
 convice all reasonable persons, even Mr. 
 Marr and his committee. 
 
 The second item in the address, to which 
 1 would refer, is the labored tlennnciation 
 ot the registration and election iawa, and 
 their administration by Republican officials. 
 The provisions oi the law prohibiting judi- 
 cial interference in matters of registration 
 are identical with the law of 1870, under 
 which Mr. Marr's friends conducted the 
 registration of ]87"2, in wbicb they man- 
 aged to accumulate .55,000 voters in this 
 city, without questioning the legality or 
 propriety of this obnoxious feature iu the 
 
 law. The election law is that passt^d in the 
 session of l87->, but i)ocketed by Warmoth 
 until be tbougiit by its signature and pro 
 mulgation to evade the mandates of the 
 United States courts, and s^erve tlie inter- 
 ests of the very party of which Mr. Marr 
 and his committee were leaders. Would 
 not this complaint and appt'al come witli 
 better grace from these gentlemen noii- if 
 they could appeal to the record of Louis- 
 isiana politics and show that tiiey opposed 
 as ardently then these very laws which they 
 denounce as infamous, or had risen in arms 
 to prevent their siiiodlli working in 1872? 
 STATISTICS. 
 
jjIBRfiRY OF CONGRESS 
 
 014 544 226 6 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 014 544 226 6